Mobilities in India: The Experience of Suburban Rail Commuting (The Urban Book Series) 3030783499, 9783030783495

Table of contents :
Preface
Acknowledgments
Contents
About the Authors
Abbreviations
List of Figures
List of Tables
1 Introduction
1.1 Introduction
1.2 The Idea of Mobility
1.3 Commuting as Mobility
1.4 Determinants of Commuting
1.5 Transport: A Significant Component of Commuting
1.6 Commuting as Experience
1.7 The Book
1.8 The Study Area
1.9 Research Process
1.10 Database
1.11 Sampling Procedures
1.12 Research Methods
1.13 Interviews
1.14 Focused Group Discussions (FGDs)
1.15 Observation Methods
1.16 Conclusion
References
2 Suburban Railways, Commuting, and Metropolitan Expansion
2.1 Introduction
2.2 Indian Railways—16th April, 1853 … The Beginning
2.3 Development of Railways in Eastern India
2.4 Introduction of Suburban Railways
2.5 Suburban Railways and Metropolitan Growth
2.6 Kolkata Metropolitan Area
2.7 Growth Trajectories of KMA
2.8 Development of Suburban Railways
2.9 Diurnal Variation in the Frequency of Trains: Significance of Commuting
2.10 Post-independence Growth
2.11 Conclusion
References
3 Blurring Rural–Urban Boundaries Through Commuting
3.1 Introduction
3.2 Dichotomy Versus Interaction
3.3 Role of Commuting in Rural–Urban Interaction
3.4 Small Cities, Commuting, and Rural–Urban Interaction
3.5 Commuting, Development of Small Towns and Rural–Urban Linkages: Evidences from Case Study
3.6 Selection of Pandua as Case Study
3.7 Pandua: Trajectories of Growth
3.8 Commuting and Transformation of Rural into Urban
3.9 As Regional Centre Enhancing Rural–Urban Interaction
3.10 Conclusion
References
4 Spatial Patterns of Suburban Train Commuting
4.1 Introduction
4.2 Commuters’ Outflows
4.3 Availability of Suburban Trains
4.4 Intertrain Time Difference
4.5 Interstation Distance
4.6 Average Annual Growth Rate of Commuters
4.7 Cultural Gap of Commuters
4.8 Conclusion
References
5 Commute Experiencescapes
5.1 Introduction
5.2 Three Spheres of Everyday Life: Home, Work, and Commuting
5.3 Mobile Sense of Place
5.4 Mobile Experiencescapes
5.5 Changes in Day-To-Day Experiences
5.6 Memorable Experiences
5.7 Solidarity of Commuters to Non-commuters
5.8 Howrah–Bardhaman Main Suburban Railway: The Perceived Specificities
5.9 Commuters and Hawkers: A Symbiotic Relationship
5.10 Conclusion
References
6 The Perceived Space
6.1 Introduction
6.2 Productive Commute Hours
6.3 A Moving Community
6.4 Social Network Through Commuting
6.5 Commuters’ Perceptions Towards Railway Service
6.5.1 Announcement System
6.5.2 Signal System
6.5.3 Cleanliness of the Stations and of the Compartments
6.5.4 Railway Ticket Windows
6.5.5 Over-Bridge and Subways
6.5.6 Platform Toilets
6.5.7 Overall Maintenance and Service Monitoring System
6.6 Problems Faced by Commuters
6.7 Policy Proposals by the Commuters
6.8 Conclusion
References
7 Commuting and Gender
7.1 Introduction
7.2 Does Masculinity Matter in Commuting?
7.3 Do Women Commute Shorter Distances Than Men Do?
7.4 Do Women Commute More for Part-Time, Low Paid Jobs?
7.5 Women’s Reliance on Public Transport and Walking
7.6 Women and Trip Chaining
7.7 Safe and Reliable Commuting
7.8 Conclusion
References
8 Conclusion
8.1 Introduction
8.2 Major Outcomes
8.2.1 Spatial Fluidity in Time Capsule
8.2.2 Rethinking Binary Model of Public and Private Space
8.2.3 Explaining Experiencescape
8.2.4 Exploring Commute Time as Productive Time
8.2.5 Role of Commuting in Peripheral Urbanization of KMA
8.2.6 Commuting in Changing Identity of Rural/ Urban Spaces
8.2.7 Women in Long-Distance Commuting
References
Appendix A Minimum Amenities for a Suburban Station
Appendix B Distribution of Cities in KMA
Appendix C Distribution of Area and Population in KMA
Appendix D District-Wise Distribution of Cities in KMA
Appendix E Suburban Trains of Howrah–Bardhaman Main Line in Different Parts of the Day
Appendix F Changing Status of Cities in and Around KMA Formed in the Post-independence Period
Appendix G Utilities of Commute Time
Appendix H Proposed Timetable
Appendix I Percentage of Women Commuters in Different Identities
Index

Citation preview

The Urban Book Series

Bhaswati Mondal Gopa Samanta

Mobilities in India The Experience of Suburban Rail Commuting

The Urban Book Series Editorial Board Margarita Angelidou, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Thessaloniki, Greece Fatemeh Farnaz Arefian, The Bartlett Development Planning Unit, UCL, Silk Cities, London, UK Michael Batty, Centre for Advanced Spatial Analysis, UCL, London, UK Simin Davoudi, Planning & Landscape Department GURU, Newcastle University, Newcastle, UK Geoffrey DeVerteuil, School of Planning and Geography, Cardiff University, Cardiff, UK Paul Jones, School of Architecture, Design and Planning, University of Sydney, Sydney, NSW, Australia Andrew Kirby, New College, Arizona State University, Phoenix, AZ, USA Karl Kropf, Department of Planning, Headington Campus, Oxford Brookes University, Oxford, UK Karen Lucas, Institute for Transport Studies, University of Leeds, Leeds, UK Marco Maretto, DICATeA, Department of Civil and Environmental Engineering, University of Parma, Parma, Italy Ali Modarres, Tacoma Urban Studies, University of Washington Tacoma, Tacoma, WA, USA Fabian Neuhaus, Faculty of Environmental Design, University of Calgary, Calgary, AB, Canada Steffen Nijhuis, Architecture and the Built Environment, Delft University of Technology, Delft, The Netherlands Vitor Manuel Aráujo de Oliveira , Porto University, Porto, Portugal Christopher Silver, College of Design, University of Florida, Gainesville, FL, USA Giuseppe Strappa, Facoltà di Architettura, Sapienza University of Rome, Rome, Roma, Italy Igor Vojnovic, Department of Geography, Michigan State University, East Lansing, MI, USA Jeremy W. R. Whitehand, Earth & Environmental Sciences, University of Birmingham, Birmingham, UK Claudia Yamu, Department of Spatial Planning and Environment, University of Groningen, Groningen, Groningen, The Netherlands

The Urban Book Series is a resource for urban studies and geography research worldwide. It provides a unique and innovative resource for the latest developments in the field, nurturing a comprehensive and encompassing publication venue for urban studies, urban geography, planning and regional development. The series publishes peer-reviewed volumes related to urbanization, sustainability, urban environments, sustainable urbanism, governance, globalization, urban and sustainable development, spatial and area studies, urban management, transport systems, urban infrastructure, urban dynamics, green cities and urban landscapes. It also invites research which documents urbanization processes and urban dynamics on a national, regional and local level, welcoming case studies, as well as comparative and applied research. The series will appeal to urbanists, geographers, planners, engineers, architects, policy makers, and to all of those interested in a wide-ranging overview of contemporary urban studies and innovations in the field. It accepts monographs, edited volumes and textbooks. Indexed by Scopus.

More information about this series at http://www.palgrave.com/gp/series/14773

Bhaswati Mondal · Gopa Samanta

Mobilities in India The Experience of Suburban Rail Commuting

Bhaswati Mondal Department of Geography Rampurhat College Birbhum, West Bengal, India

Gopa Samanta Department of Geography The University of Burdwan Bardhaman, West Bengal, India

ISSN 2365-757X ISSN 2365-7588 (electronic) The Urban Book Series ISBN 978-3-030-78349-5 ISBN 978-3-030-78350-1 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-78350-1 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. This Springer imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Switzerland AG The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland

The book is dedicated to our beloved parents.

Preface

This book is the outcome of research conducted over a period of five years on suburban train commuting in Eastern India. It attempts to present the perceptions of commuters towards commuting. The book also analyses the role of suburban train commuting in the metropolitan expansion of Kolkata and the transformation of rural space within the catchment of Kolkata metropolis. The ground research is based on post-positivist philosophy and uses a trans-disciplinary research design, blending quantitative and ethnographic research methods. The area selected for the empirical survey is the Howrah–Bardhaman Main Suburban Railway Line (108 km), the first suburban railway line in Eastern India. This suburban line connects the metropolitan city of Kolkata with Bardhaman, headquarter of the rice bowl district of Purba Bardhaman, and passes through the urban agglomeration of Hooghly district. Workers residing in the adjacent three districts of Purba Bardhaman, Hooghly, and Howrah, and commuting for work throughout the year, participated in this research. Besides commuters, non-commuting passengers, hawkers, auto drivers, rickshaw pullers,1 and the households of one census town that developed under the influence of commuting were surveyed. Primary data were collected using separate questionnaires for each group. Focus group discussions and observed data have also been used to analyse the findings . The book has been organized into different chapters focusing on separate issues in each chapter. There are eight chapters in this book. Chapter 1 introduces the book. It explains the concept of mobility and commuting as a form of mobility. It identifies the research gap from where the idea of this book has come. Then, it defines the central research question, which is followed by five subsidiary research questions. Each of these subsidiary research questions is followed by a number of objectives. In this chapter, the philosophy of this research has been explained, along with the rationality of its application. The chapter also outlines the study area and justifications for selecting the study area. The database used in this research, methods of data collection, and methods of data analysis have been explained. This chapter also covers a review of past studies carried out by different researchers. The analysis of 1

Rickshaw is a three wheeled passenger cart. These are generally pulled by human beings or are cycled. vii

viii

Preface

literature is done under different themes. The main thematic categories of literature include ideas of mobility, commuting as mobility, factors determining commute patterns, transport as significant component of commuting, commute experiences, etc. Chapter 2 presents the development of the suburban railway in India, with special reference to Eastern India. It then explains the relation between development of suburban railways, commuting, and metropolitan expansion of Kolkata city. The growth of 12 cities within Kolkata Metropolitan Area (KMA) in the postIndependence period has been analysed in relation to growth of suburban railways. These cities grew at a more rapid rate than the inner city belt, which has been analysed through the lens of the development of suburban railways and the growth of commuting. Chapter 3 explains the role of commuting in the reorganization of space. It presents the role of commuting in the transformation of a rural settlement into an urban one in the periphery of a metropolis. These new urban settlements have developed due to the facilities of commuting which play a wider role in enhancing rural–urban interaction in different forms, especially in terms of work opportunities. Chapter 4 explains the influence of a differential pattern of commuting on spatial organization of an area. It shows that there is no significant difference in commuting patterns at district level. Due to the differential nature of commuting, there are two distinguished divisions within the Howrah–Bardhaman suburban main line. The Bandel–Howrah section, on one hand, belongs to the KMA. It is characterized by greater volume of commuters, frequent train services, shorter interstation distance, and commuters with modern urban culture, etc. The Bardhaman–Bandel section, on the other hand, has lower volume of commuters, less frequent trains, longer interstation distance, and commuters are basically of rural cultural background. This chapter also carries significant outcomes for transport and regional development policy initiatives. It will help transport planners to identify the stations, which have fewer trains to serve a large volume of out-commuters, and accordingly will help them to adopt measures that are more efficient. Chapter 5 focuses on the commuters’ perceived experiences. There is a dearth of literature analysing commuters’ experiences. Using ethnographic methods, the chapter explores commuters’ positive and negative experiences as well as day-today general experiences and memorable events. Traditionally, commute time has been represented as a void in which nothing happens. However, research participants explain that the commute time is not a waste of time; rather it may be a useful time. This perceived knowledge also challenges the traditional idea that commuters dislike commuting. The commuter–hawker symbiotic relationship has been explored, with narratives taken from both the groups. This chapter makes enormous contributions in disproving the myth that ‘commuting is a dead time’ and in establishing the fact that commuting is also a part of productive time. Chapter 6 explains the nature of productive commute hours with the help of detailed narratives we received from our research participants. Commuting has generally been perceived to carry zero productivity. However, our research shows how productive this time is to the commuters themselves. Many past literature have

Preface

ix

explained it as a process of stress generation, which is defied by the majority of our research participants. This chapter has uncovered the positive utilities of commute hours. The chapter interprets the commuters’ perceptions towards different railway services such as the announcement system, overall cleanliness, toilet services, use of over-bridge, service received at ticket-counters, etc. The chapter ends with certain specific policy proposals to improve the commuting experience. Chapter 7 reveals the gendered patterns of commuting. Prior studies perceived commuting to be highly masculine. An attempt has been made in this chapter to explore the reality. Although traditionally it is thought that women commute shorter distance than men do, this chapter shows that they commute longer distances in comparison to men. It also challenges other common concepts such as women commute for low-paid, part-time jobs, etc. In spite of the increasing trend of commuting among women, they still do not use private transit modes as often as men do. Finally, Chap. 8 summarizes the key research findings as discussed under different chapters. This chapter discusses the key findings of the book under different theoretical themes such as spatial fluidity in time capsule; rethinking binary models of public and private spaces; commuting in a blurring division between rural and urban; experiencescape; commute time as productive time; and commuting as a gendered process. The suburban stations located on the Howrah–Bardhaman Main Railway Line have been shown in Fig. 1.2 in the introductory chapter. All the stations mentioned in this book refer to this figure only. Birbhum, India Bardhaman, India

Bhaswati Mondal Gopa Samanta

Acknowledgments

The book has been possible because of the unforgettable assistance and support, in various forms, from different individuals and institutions. It is a great pleasure indeed to express our deep sense of gratitude to those who have extended their help, kind support, and encouragement during the course of the empirical research from which the book is written. We are obliged to all the research participants without whose kind cooperation, heartfelt assistance, devotion of time and honesty to answer the questions they were asked, this task would remain incomplete. We take this opportunity to express our deep feelings of gratitude to them all. This book would not have been possible without their openness and the time they shared with us. We are indebted to many officials in different government departments for helping us to access the data. We wish to extend our gratitude to Mr. R. Badrinarayan, Divisional Railway Manager, Eastern Railway; Mr. S. K. Kundu, OSG, Eastern Railway; Mr. Ravi Mahapatra, Chief Public Relation Officer, Eastern Railway; Mr. G. C. Pradhan, Sr. Divisional Commercial Manager, Howrah Division; Mr. Kazi Moniruljjaman (Biltu da), Clerk, Pandua Gram Panchayat; Dr. Ramen Kumar Sar, Department of Bengali, The University of Burdwan; Dr. Kanchan Kamilya, Librarian, The University of Burdwan; and Mr. Ashok Patra, Librarian, Institute of Development Studies, Kolkata, for their kind assistance. This book would not have emerged in this form without their generosity. We are delighted to express our acknowledgement to the organizers of different workshops, seminars, and conferences that we attended and presented our findings from this research. We are also thankful to all the resource persons, chairpersons, and the participants of those seminars, conferences, and workshops. Their valuable suggestions have enriched us and have helped us in the progress of our research. We are also indebted to the Department of Geography, The University of Burdwan, for giving us space and opportunity to work together for this book. We are sincerely thankful to all the anonymous reviewers of our writing in different forms for their critical comments and valuable suggestions, which encouraged us to rework on the draft versions. Special thanks go to Prof. Sukla Bhaduri, Former Professor at the Department of Geography, University of Calcutta and Dr. Valérie Clerc, IRD, Paris, for their insightful comments which helped us to xi

xii

Acknowledgments

make our core arguments stronger. We acknowledge the financial support of the University Grants Commission, New Delhi, which sponsored the empirical research in the form of research fellowships. This book would never been possible without the continuous mental support and inspiration from our family members and friends and beloved ones. We are indebted to the anonymous reviewers of the book manuscript. Their comments have helped us enormously to make our arguments stronger and to make the book better readable. Whatever flaws are still there in the book, we take sole responsibility for those. Bhaswati Mondal Gopa Samanta

Contents

1 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.1 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.2 The Idea of Mobility . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.3 Commuting as Mobility . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.4 Determinants of Commuting . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.5 Transport: A Significant Component of Commuting . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.6 Commuting as Experience . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.7 The Book . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.8 The Study Area . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.9 Research Process . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.10 Database . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.11 Sampling Procedures . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.12 Research Methods . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.13 Interviews . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.14 Focused Group Discussions (FGDs) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.15 Observation Methods . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.16 Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

1 1 4 7 9 11 14 16 18 22 23 24 24 25 26 26 26 27

2 Suburban Railways, Commuting, and Metropolitan Expansion . . . . . 2.1 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.2 Indian Railways—16th April, 1853 … The Beginning . . . . . . . . . . 2.3 Development of Railways in Eastern India . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.4 Introduction of Suburban Railways . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.5 Suburban Railways and Metropolitan Growth . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.6 Kolkata Metropolitan Area . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.7 Growth Trajectories of KMA . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.8 Development of Suburban Railways . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.9 Diurnal Variation in the Frequency of Trains: Significance of Commuting . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

35 36 37 38 39 41 42 44 45 48

xiii

xiv

Contents

2.10 Post-independence Growth . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.11 Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

49 52 53

3 Blurring Rural–Urban Boundaries Through Commuting . . . . . . . . . . 3.1 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.2 Dichotomy Versus Interaction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.3 Role of Commuting in Rural–Urban Interaction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.4 Small Cities, Commuting, and Rural–Urban Interaction . . . . . . . . . 3.5 Commuting, Development of Small Towns and Rural–Urban Linkages: Evidences from Case Study . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.6 Selection of Pandua as Case Study . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.7 Pandua: Trajectories of Growth . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.8 Commuting and Transformation of Rural into Urban . . . . . . . . . . . 3.9 As Regional Centre Enhancing Rural–Urban Interaction . . . . . . . . 3.10 Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

57 57 58 60 61

4 Spatial Patterns of Suburban Train Commuting . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.1 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.2 Commuters’ Outflows . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.3 Availability of Suburban Trains . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.4 Intertrain Time Difference . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.5 Interstation Distance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.6 Average Annual Growth Rate of Commuters . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.7 Cultural Gap of Commuters . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.8 Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

73 73 74 76 76 77 77 79 81 82

63 65 66 67 67 68 69

5 Commute Experiencescapes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 85 5.1 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 85 5.2 Three Spheres of Everyday Life: Home, Work, and Commuting . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 86 5.3 Mobile Sense of Place . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 90 5.4 Mobile Experiencescapes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91 5.5 Changes in Day-To-Day Experiences . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 93 5.6 Memorable Experiences . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 96 5.7 Solidarity of Commuters to Non-commuters . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 97 5.8 Howrah–Bardhaman Main Suburban Railway: The Perceived Specificities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 97 5.9 Commuters and Hawkers: A Symbiotic Relationship . . . . . . . . . . . 99 5.10 Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 102 References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 103

Contents

xv

6 The Perceived Space . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.1 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.2 Productive Commute Hours . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.3 A Moving Community . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.4 Social Network Through Commuting . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.5 Commuters’ Perceptions Towards Railway Service . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.5.1 Announcement System . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.5.2 Signal System . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.5.3 Cleanliness of the Stations and of the Compartments . . . . . 6.5.4 Railway Ticket Windows . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.5.5 Over-Bridge and Subways . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.5.6 Platform Toilets . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.5.7 Overall Maintenance and Service Monitoring System . . . . 6.6 Problems Faced by Commuters . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.7 Policy Proposals by the Commuters . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.8 Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

105 105 106 112 117 118 119 119 120 121 121 122 123 124 126 128 128

7 Commuting and Gender . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.1 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.2 Does Masculinity Matter in Commuting? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.3 Do Women Commute Shorter Distances Than Men Do? . . . . . . . . 7.4 Do Women Commute More for Part-Time, Low Paid Jobs? . . . . . . 7.5 Women’s Reliance on Public Transport and Walking . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.6 Women and Trip Chaining . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.7 Safe and Reliable Commuting . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.8 Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

131 131 133 134 137 138 140 141 145 145

8 Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.1 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.2 Major Outcomes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.2.1 Spatial Fluidity in Time Capsule . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.2.2 Rethinking Binary Model of Public and Private Space . . . . 8.2.3 Explaining Experiencescape . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.2.4 Exploring Commute Time as Productive Time . . . . . . . . . . 8.2.5 Role of Commuting in Peripheral Urbanization of KMA . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.2.6 Commuting in Changing Identity of Rural/ Urban Spaces . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.2.7 Women in Long-Distance Commuting . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

149 149 150 150 151 151 151 152 152 152 153

Appendix A: Minimum Amenities for a Suburban Station . . . . . . . . . . . . . 155 Appendix B: Distribution of Cities in KMA . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 157

xvi

Contents

Appendix C: Distribution of Area and Population in KMA . . . . . . . . . . . . 159 Appendix D: District-Wise Distribution of Cities in KMA . . . . . . . . . . . . . 161 Appendix E: Suburban Trains of Howrah–Bardhaman Main Line in Different Parts of the Day . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 163 Appendix F: Changing Status of Cities in and Around KMA Formed in the Post-independence Period . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 165 Appendix G: Utilities of Commute Time . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 167 Appendix H: Proposed Timetable . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 169 Appendix I: Percentage of Women Commuters in Different Identities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 171 Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 173

About the Authors

Bhaswati Mondal is presently working as an assistant professor in the Department of Geography, Rampurhat College, located in the district of Birbhum in West Bengal, India. After obtaining her Master’s degree, she completed her Ph.D. from the Department of Geography, The University of Burdwan. Her core areas of research include mobility, rural development, and urban environment. She has presented her research findings on mobility studies in a number of national and international seminars held across the country. She won the Young Geographer 2017 award at the International Seminar and 48th Regional Science Conference held in Tripura University. She has published articles in peer-reviewed journals and as part of edited books. She thinks herself to be a learner of geography. Gopa Samanta is a professor in the Department in Geography, The University of Burdwan. Her core areas of research and teaching interest are urban, gender, and mobility studies. With grants from different national and international institutions such as the UGC, ICSSR, Ford Foundation, Australia India Institute, INR-France, and IRD-France, she has completed a number of research projects with interdisciplinary methodologies and collaborative research teams. As a geographer, she has a passion for undertaking in-depth and field-based empirical research. She is the joint author of two books: 1. Dancing with the River: People and Life on the Chars of South Asia, published from Yale University Press and 2. Negotiating Terrain in Local Governance: Freedom, Functioning and Barriers of Women Councillors in India, published from Springer. She acts as peer reviewer of academically acclaimed journals such as Community Development Journal, Development in Practice, ACME: An International E-Journal for Critical Geographies, Local Environment, Economic and Political Weekly, etc. She was on the editorial board of the Journal of Mobility Studies called Transfers. She has acted as Visiting Fellow of Australian National University and Paris Diderot University and as Gender Chair of Paris Sorbonne University.

xvii

Abbreviations

A.C. ADB ATVM BNDL BWN CT(s) D.C. Dn DRM EMU ER FGD GOI GRP HWH ICDS INR IR KMA KMDA NSSO RPF R-R R-U SER ST(s) UK ULBs U-R USA U-U

Alternating current Asian Development Bank Automatic ticket vending machines Bandel Bardhaman Census town(s) Direct current Down Divisional Railway Manager Electric multiple unit Eastern Railway Focused group discussion The Government of India Government Railway Police Howrah Integrated Child Development Scheme Indian rupees Indian Railways Kolkata Metropolitan Area Kolkata Metropolitan Development Authority National Sample Survey Organization Railway Protection Force Rural-to-rural Rural-to-urban South Eastern Railways Statutory town(s) United Kingdom Urban Local Bodies Urban-to-rural United States of America Urban-to-urban xix

List of Figures

Fig. 1.1 Fig. 1.2 Fig. 2.1 Fig. 2.2 Fig. 2.3 Fig. 2.4 Fig. 3.1 Fig. 4.1 Fig. 4.2 Fig. 5.1 Fig. 5.2 Fig. 7.1

Kolkata suburban railway network . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Stations situated on the Howrah–Bardhaman main railway line . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Proportion of suburban and non-suburban railway Traffic in India, 1960–61 to 2011–12 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Kolkata metropolitan area: a its location within six districts of south Bengal, and b the constituting bodies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Peripheral growth of cities in the post-independence period . . . . . Suburbanization as a result of improved transport . . . . . . . . . . . . . Census towns developed along the Howrah–Bardhaman Main Railway Line, 2011 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Daily average originating traffic of Howrah–Bardhaman main line, 2005–06 to 2014–15 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Average annual growth of daily originating traffic in between 2005–06 and 2014–15 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Relation between home, work, and commuting . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Commuters’ utilization of body energy in different fields of activities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Proportion of men/women commuters at different distances . . . . .

19 20 41 43 49 52 65 75 78 87 89 136

xxi

List of Tables

Table 1.1 Table 2.1 Table 2.2 Table 2.3 Table 2.4 Table 2.5 Table 4.1 Table 7.1 Table 7.2

Departure of suburban local trains from Howrah station in different rail-routes on weekdays . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Zone-wise suburban railways in India . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Number of rakes and EMU service per day in different zones of India . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Growth of passengers in Kolkata suburban railway . . . . . . . . . . . Weekday peak hour trains to and from Howrah . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Percentage share of train commuters commuting over 20 km . . . Regional division of Howrah–Bardhaman suburban railway line . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Gender differences in using different types of transport modes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Difference between existing research findings and our observations from the field . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

22 40 41 46 47 52 81 139 144

xxiii

Chapter 1

Introduction

Over the past decade, a new approach to the study of mobilities has been emerging across the social sciences, involving research on the combined movements of people, objects, and information in all of their complex relational dynamics. It emphasizes the relation of such mobilities to associated immobilities or moorings, including their ethical dimension; and it encompasses both the embodied practice of movement and the representations, ideologies, and meanings attached to both movement and stillness. —Sheller (2011, p. 1)

1.1 Introduction Although the twenty-first century is called the era of ‘new mobilities’ (Sheller and Urry 2006), the notion of mobility is not new. It has been studied in different forms in various disciplines. We can recognize it in sociology, especially in Georg Simmel and the Chicago school of thought. In geography, the Saurian concept of origin and dispersal, spatial interaction theory, concept of plastic space, females’ daily mobility, transport geography, time geography and migration theory all relate to mobility studies (Cresswell 2010). The same could be said of anthropology and of economics. However, as ‘the world is arguably moving differently and in more dynamic, complex and trackable ways than ever before’ (Sheller 2011, p. 1), the research on mobility needs to be redefined and up to date for the new mobilities paradigm. Therefore, Cresswell (2010, p. 4) raised the question, ‘What is “new” about the new mobilities paradigm?’ Traditionally, mobility research has focused on large-scale movements which involve a permanent or semi-permanent shifting of residence and occur generally over long distance. Migration, nomadism, transhumance, and so on have been thoroughly researched. There are enough models and theories on migration (Karemera 2010; Lee 1966; Lewis 1952; Malinowski 1922; Poot et al. 2016; Radu 2008; Ramos 2016; Ravenstein 1885; Todaro 1969; Zelinsky 1971). Demographers have shown interest

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 B. Mondal and G. Samanta, Mobilities in India, The Urban Book Series, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-78350-1_1

1

2

1 Introduction

in enumerating these kinds of mobilities because these add or subtract population to or from a particular area, respectively. Accordingly, policy-makers propose policies for both the areas of origin and areas of destination (Betz and Simpson 2013; Haas 2007; International Organization for Migration 2008; World Economic Forum 2017). But the local, daily, repetitive, and short-term movements that do not necessitate housing relocation, have been under-valued in comparison to the large-scale mobilities. Adey et al. (2014) have also expressed same opinion. ‘Whilst the mobilities bound up with residential transformations and transnational migration received much attention, many other hugely significant mobilities were often neglected’ (Adey et al. 2014, pp. 2–3). There are large numbers of village people who survive on urban jobs (Basu and Kashyap 1992; Dutta 2002; Mondal 2015; Narain et al. 2014; Samanta 2001). But still the development policy perspectives are found to be much compartmentalized in nature. Rural development policies aim at improving the rural economy, that is, agriculture and allied sectors, without considering its connections with cities that take place through regular flow of goods, people, and services (Tacoli 1998). The same is true for urban areas. It has already been stated that local, short-form mobilities including commuting are much less documented and researched than the long-term mobilities. Although there has been a sparkling interest in researching commuting in the developing countries in the last twenty years (Butcher 2011; Mahbub 1997; Mondal 2015; Mondal and Samanta 2017; Punpuing 1993; Tanzarn 2008; Uteng and Lucas 2019; Yao and Wang 2014 and so on), still most of the existing literature on commuting belongs to the developed countries. The developed nations have shown interest in collecting information on commuters for planning purposes. They have enumerated commuters’ demographic profile, distance covered, mode of transport use, etc. by both government and different non-government organizations (Badland and Duncan 2009; Cantwell et al. 2009; Carr 2008; Cass and Faulconbridge 2015; Killer and Axhausen 2010; Klis and Mulder 2008; Laurier and Lorimer 2012; Moss et al. 2014; Murakami and Young 1997; Nash 1975; Shen 2000; Sultana and Weber 2007; White 1988 and so on). However, there is lack of data on commuters in the developing countries including India. It is only in 2011 that the Census of India has published a small dataset on commuters. The paucity of data creates a serious limit to the researchers. According to Skeldon (1984), ‘If only the longer distance flows are considered as migration, the population of South Asia appears relatively immobile but the whole situation changes if the local movers are included’ (quoted in Mahbub 1997, p. 32). However, a record of these ‘statistically invisible mobile population’ (Kundu 2009, p. 48) has wider significance in different development perspectives of the country. In traditional mobility studies, most of the mobility researchers have emphasized on places, rather than the mobility itself (Banerjee-Guha 2011; Chen et al. 2010; Congdon and Lloyd 2012; Dasgupta and Laishley 1975; Davanzo 1976; Evans 1940; Horner 2004; Killer and Axhausen 2010; Li and An 2009; Rao 1974). In these studies, the purpose of the journey was the first priority of research. Mobility was a secondary focus and sometimes was almost overlooked. As Crowe (1938, p. 14) has explained, ‘The study of things moving will at least take us a step along the right road, for, as compared with static distribution, movement implies three essentials—origin,

1.1 Introduction

3

destination, and an effective will to move’. These effective wills were explained in the form of push–pull factors. However, the experiences while being mobile have rarely been attained. Commuters’ positive experiences during commuting time, which often act as an effective will to commute, need to be explored. Thus, experiences become the most valuable resource gained from commuting, surpassing all other effects of commuting which can be measured in statistical terms. The earlier studies on mobility considered human movement as a given—an empty space that needed to be expunged or limited. In migration theory, movement occurred because one place pushed people out and another place pulled people in (Davanzo 1976; Gill 2011; Zenou 2011). Therefore, despite being about movement, these were really about places. Similarly, transport studies have too often thought of time in transit as ‘dead time’ in which nothing happens—a problem that can be solved technically (Hamilton and Roell 1982; Stutzer and Frey 2007). New mobility insights have begun to take the actual facts during movement seriously (Abyankar et al. 2012; Bissel 2009; Blunt 2007; Cresswell 2010, p. 18; Humbracht 2012; Jensen 2009; Roy and Hannam 2013; Shaw and Hesse 2010). This book focuses more on the process of and facts happening during commuting. Thus, experiences and activities become more important here, where we try to see how commuting is not perceived by commuters as dead time. Cass and Faulconbridge (2015, p. 1) have explained the importance of experience in studying mobility in the following paragraph: We now recognise that mobility is far from purely functional. Rather, the experiential qualities and meanings generated through mobile performances embed mobility into a meaningful and satisfying life. This broader sense of mobility being affectively as well as effectively important and satisfying to travellers is crucial for understanding why people travel as they do.

Gender is another field of inquiry, which is very pertinent in mobility studies in general and in commuting in particular. There are two familiar fields of gendered mobility research. These are international migration and commuting. It is well documented in a number of empirical studies that there is a skewed pattern of mobility along the gender line (Adeel 2016; Banerjee and Raju 2009; Goswami et al. 2014; Hanson and Johnston 1985; Preston and McLafferty 1993; Uteng 2011; Uteng and Cresswell 2008; White 1977 and so on). All these literature show that there is less representation of women in commuting than men. These studies also document that women commute for short-distance and short-time trips and for low-paid, part-time jobs. However, this traditional picture is gradually changing. Women’s relative proportion in commuting is increasing, which increases the urge to understand the gender dimension in commuting. Thus, in this post-modern age, it is of great importance to know the reality. Here, by reality, we do not buy the objective reality as preferred by positivist philosophy. The reality we tried to explore is subjective reality as perceived by commuters themselves. The book tries to answer the question ‘What is “new” about the new mobilities paradigm?’ as raised by Creswell (2010, p. 4) and in doing so, the book transcends the boundaries of different disciplines and develops a trans-disciplinary focus into

4

1 Introduction

mobility research. The book develops its ideas based on new methods of questioning and data collection using different mobile technologies in contrast to those used in migration research. Grounded on an empirical research (Mondal, 2018), it challenges many sedentary ideas and presents new insights in mobility research. Thus, in the words of Hannam et al. (2006, p. 5), it may be stated as Our approach to mobilities problematizes both ‘sedentarist’ approaches in the social science that treat place, stability and dwelling as a natural steady-state, and ‘deterritorialized’ approaches that posit a new ‘grand narrative’ of mobility, fluidity or liquidity as a pervasive condition of postmodernity or globalization. It is part of a broader theoretical project aimed at going beyond the imagery of ‘terrains’ as spatially fixed geographical containers for social processes.

1.2 The Idea of Mobility The small word ‘mobility’ bears much wider connotations. It conveys versatile meanings (Mondal and Samanta 2015). Mobility does not only refer to physical relocation but it also refers to imaginative mobility and virtual mobility (Hannam et al. 2006). Mobility again does not only mean that people move, but it also represents the movement of other living organisms, objects, capital, ideas, information, viruses, diseases, businesses, services, etc. In the words of Kakihara and SØrensen (2001, p. 33), ‘being mobile is not just a matter of people travelling but, far more importantly, related to the interaction they perform—the way in which they interact with each other in their social lives.’ Shaw and Hesse (2010, p. 306) have defined mobility as follows: Mobilities is about far more than just carrying people and / or commodities from A to B. Indeed, mobility is seen not just as a means of providing access to workplaces and amenities, but more broadly as a constitutive framework for modern society, providing opportunities and constraints – freedom and limitation, justice and inequality and so on – over time and across space.

Mobility entails spatial and temporal movements, deterritorialization, reterritorialization, and scapes. It causes ‘time-space compression or distantiation’ (Salazar and Smart 2012, p. ii). The studies on mobility show that cities are not fixed containers but are dynamic places, often described as ‘kinetic cities’ (Adey et al. 2014, p. 2). With the advancement of science and especially of Information and Communication Technology (ICT), virtual mobility is gaining more popularity than absolute spatial mobility. Advanced technology is now connecting people through ‘weak ties’, transforming ‘local’ into ‘global’. It is also creating ‘intelligent environment’ (Hannam et al. 2006, p. 2). Information sharing has become instant. Society is now connected by a network where physical distance dies (Salazar and Smart 2012) and a kind of ‘liquid identities’ develops (Gössling and Stavrinidi 2016). In other words, technology has replaced the slow mobility forms by smoothly run, fast mobility systems (Law 2001). ‘Personalized networking entails a person-to-person connectivity, most visible with machines that enable immediate, mobile connectivity

1.2 The Idea of Mobility

5

(Hannam et al. 2006, p. 4). Consequently, these new forms of mobility are rearranging both domestic and public spaces. In spite of the increase in different forms of non-spatial relocation, we cannot ignore people’s spatial movement. It has been significant in history and is still gaining importance with the development of advanced transport systems. The United Nations (1970) defined population mobility as ‘[t]he general term “population mobility or movement” includes all kinds of spatial relocation from routine daily commuting to permanent migration that occur over various distances, and in which the duration of moves varies from a few hours to many years’ (quoted in Mahbub 1997, p. 14). While some experts think that population mobility can be mapped, theories can be built, and laws can be fitted (Cresswell 2010), many others describe it as a ‘complex, multivariate phenomenon and generalizations based on a single variable are likely to fail’ (Mahbub 1997, p. 207). Transhumance, nomadism, migration, circular migration, commuting are different forms of people’s spatial mobility. On the basis of intention to move, these movements may again be voluntary, obligatory, and forced. A tourist moves voluntarily, whereas a refugee moves forcefully. A forced migrant is one who is displaced from one’s own territory. It is the result of eviction. They carry the memory of their land of origin and described as refugee in other’s country (Bose 2006). There is question of sovereignty and hospitality in relation to refugees. On the other hand, a tourist fulfils the desire to move. Travel fills up the vacuum of mind. Migration in search of work to cities may be taken as an example of obligatory mobility. It compels citizens to move to cities. These migratory people sell their labour in cities for sustaining their families in villages. Besides these horizontal forms of mobility, there are vertical forms of mobility as well. Economic (financial), social (status), and cultural (cosmopolitan) mobility are examples of vertical mobility. They have a ‘climbing’ characteristic (Salazar and Smart 2012, p. ii). Deshpande and Palshikar (2008) have studied intergenerational occupational mobility in relation to caste in the Indian city of Pune. Caputo (2001), using National Sample data of USA, has examined the levels of economic mobility among youths along the race and gender lines. Winn (2000) has studied the mythical upward mobility of working women in USA. Földesi (2004) has described the downward social mobility of Hungarian people due to poverty and food insecurity. Mobility is also associated with cosmopolitanism and transnationalism (Blunt 2007). The present form of heterogenous global culture is a result of increased mobility. In fact, ‘globalization is but the latest in a long line of hooks on which to hang speculative debates about modernity’ (Favell 2001). Nicholson (2007) studied the effects of drama causing upward societal mobility. Dalakoglou and Harvey (2012) have explained the ethnographic perspectives of road. Roads are often seen as arms of development, a kind of vertical upliftment of society. Some scholars, especially feminists, have found mobility as a symbol of power. As Hannam et al. (2006, p. 3) have expressed, ‘Mobilities also are caught up in power geometries of everyday life.’ Mobility also stands for freedom. Right to travel is a skewed phenomenon (Hannam et al. 2006, p. 3). It is true that gender shapes mobility. Similarly, ‘mobility also shapes gender’ (Kusters 2019, p. 843). Elliot (2016, p. 77) has elaborated this by writing ‘mobility contains transformational power in its own

6

1 Introduction

right, able to affect gender relations.’ In the words of Bærenholdt (2013, p. 29), ‘The powers of mobility point towards a transition, where powerful mobilities become governing principles.’ This power geometry produces inequalities where some are ‘kinetic elite’ (Adey et al. 2014, p. 14) while others are marginalized. Ability to move, sometimes known as ‘motility’ is not at universal equilibrium. Although mobility is increasing day by day, there are still many people who are excluded from this mainstream (Salazar and Smart 2012). Scaborough (2001) has shared the experiences of mobility-disabled consumers in marketplaces or in their workplaces. Kusters (2019) have detailed the problems faced by physically disabled women in Mumbai suburban trains. Although these transport systems are well equipped with intersectionality, still it burdens the mobility of people, especially women with visual and hearing inability. In spite of having separate handicapped coach in local trains and special signage on platforms, the visually impaired passengers cannot read these. The duff and dumb passengers cannot communicate with others and feel helpless in crowded train. In the words of Jankowski (2018, p. 602), ‘Motility describes the biographical characteristics of a given actor that allow it to be mobile.’ However, this definition cannot be universally accepted especially when human beings are not only biological organisms, rather social organisms powered with technological smartness. Still there are many socioeconomic constrains that create differences in motility. For example, homemakers’ mobility is much lower compared to the working women. Again, there are differences between actual mobility and potential mobility (Kellerman 2012). Accessibility to resources turns potential mobility into actual mobility. Accessibility is defined as ‘the number of opportunities, also called activity sites, available within a certain distance or travel time’ (Hanson 1995, p. 4). The lack of accessibility, also called inaccessibility, is a major hindrance to actual mobility. Accessibility here does not only represent transportation resources such as roads, railways, boats, tramways, etc., but it also includes different mobile technologies, for example, a smartphone or accessibility to Internet. There are differences between individual potential mobility and societal potential mobility (Kellerman 2012). A person may change his/her all potential mobilities into actual mobility. However, for a society as a whole, there are many hardships to attain it. The digital divide shows the position of global south far below of the global north. Along with the different forms and contexts of mobility, the meanings of mobility are again mobile. Once, mobility was described as ‘dysfunctional, inauthentic and rootless’, and recently as ‘liberating, anti-foundational and transgressive’ (Cresswell 2010, p. 7). This kind of mobile subjectivity also shapes the meaning of mobility itself. Besides it, once mobility was interpreted in terms ‘speed, light and power’ and now as ‘structure of feeling’ (Adey et al. 2014, p. 7). Thus, the technocentric approach has changed into an ethnographic approach. The rootedness, disciplinary sedentary nature has been changed into infusion. In this way, meanings of mobility have changed. When we refer to mobility, it implies the presence of something as ‘immobility’. Without the discussion of immobility, the concept of mobility remains incomplete. In fact, these two are intimately attached and complementary to each other. Railway

1.2 The Idea of Mobility

7

stations, roads, bus stands, airports, docks, bridges, gates, terminals, and borders are immobile but they regulate, control, and manage mobility. The places are immobile, but the objects and bodies are always mobile. And even being immobile, the airport or a railway station or a dock-yard controls mobility (Adey 2006). Thus, ‘some mobilities are dependent on the immobilities of others’ (Cresswell 2001, p. 22). With increasing mobilities, the identity of the places are transformed. Thus, while some airports are having international status, others are domestic airports. Mobility has its effects on non-movers also. It may be through cultural exchange, remittances, resource allocation, labour supply, etc. (Kolb 2013). Rural-to-urban migrants’ families are benefitted by remittance flows even living in remote rural areas (Barbora et al. 2008). Besides, mobility of one increases the degree of relative immobility of others (Hannam et al. 2006). As mobility is a way living, sometimes it becomes a question of death also (Adey et al. 2021). With the origin and spread of different viruses and diseases, people’s mobility has to be forcefully stopped. Recently, the world has experienced a pandemic where all human capabilities failed. Almost the entire world went for lockdown and physical distancing to combat this horrible situation of COVID-19. At this once which was described as opportunity, came to be popular as risk and threatening. One of the remarkable effects of this pandemic is reduced physical movement with increased virtual mobility. The phrases such as ‘work from home’ or ‘digital society’ have taken place in the study of mobility also. Considering all these, it may be said that mobility entails much more than mere movement; it is infused with meaning. People can be mobile without moving and can move without being mobile (Salazar and Smart 2012). However, in spite of the differences in meaning, concept, or form, it is almost universal that mobility produces ‘flux, flow and flexibility…as well as the many prefixes of ‘trans-” (Lofgren 2008, p. 331). In a nutshell, mobility ‘means different things, to different people, in different social circumstances’ (Adey 2006, p. 83 quoted in Salazar and Smart 2012, p. ii).

1.3 Commuting as Mobility Mobility is a crucial practice of human being. From times immemorial, when human beings would live in forests, in caves, they had to be mobile in search of food and water. Even till date, the most common reason for mobility is livelihood. This has remained the fundamental factor in the mobility history of human beings. As Wilkinson and Butt (2013, p. 77) have stated, ‘The need to access employment is the obvious factor’ for being mobile. Mobility helps to raise human capability. It bears the power to shape society. As Zelinsky (1971, p. 222) has stated, ‘The progress of a community toward advanced developmental status can be gauged by its control over energy, things, and knowledge, as exercised both individually and collectively, and also by the attainment of personal mobility, that is, a widening range of options for locating and patterning one’s life’. Almost all the disciplines of social science have shown interest in describing and analysing mobility patterns.

8

1 Introduction

Geography is not an exception to this. Since long, it has placed its focus on largescale mobilities such as transhumance, nomadism, and migration, which necessitate shifting of residence (Dasgupta and Laishley 1975; Davanzo 1976; Evans 1940; Goswami et al. 2014; Manning 2013; Ravenstein 1885; Roy 1979; Singh 1980; Skeldon 1970). However, recently, it has also started to highlight the daily commute trips of workers, which were almost overlooked in the mainstream research of Geography (Cresswell and Merriman 2011; Eliasson et al. 2003; Killer and Axhausen 2010; Shaw and Hesse 2010; Wilkinson and Butt 2013). Although these types of movements were earlier ignored, their growing significance is of much concern today to many governments. With the improvement of accessibility and connectivity, ruralto-urban commuting is becoming an important substitute to rural-to-urban migration in most parts of the world (Mahbub 1997; Deshingkar and Anderson 2004; Klis and Mulder 2008). Commuting is a significant form of spatial mobility. In contemporary literature, commuting has been explained in a number of ways. Edensor (2011, p. 194) has unfolded the nature of commuting as, ‘The specificities of commuting can contrast with other mobile practices that are inflected with different cultural resonances, produce different rhythms and temporalities, and cover different spaces.’ The process of commuting necessarily entails daily reversible movement, but on the bases of time and distance it involves, there are diverse views among scholars. Actually, scholars have dealt with these two parameters according to their study area and research design (Mahbub 1997). Whatever the definition may be, it is a daily oscillation between the place of residence and the place of work. It bears a pendular character in mobility pattern. Unlike migration, it is repetitive in nature. The decision to commute or not to commute ‘is determined by an equilibrium state of housing and labour market, in which individual’s wellbeing or utility is equalized over all combinations of alternatives in these two markets’ (Stutzer and Frey 2007, p. 1). It allows workers to meet the families after the day’s work (Ommeren et al. 1997). Commuting helps workers to integrate the internal home-sphere to the external workspace. It ‘plays a causal role in the process of adjusting between residence and workplace’ (Punpuing 1993, p. 527). Another significance of commuting lies in the number of people moving daily across the administrative boundaries they live in. People commute for work to destinations beyond their residential places. There are millions of rural people in each and every developing country who survive through work in the cities. To meet their purpose, they daily cross the rural–urban boundaries (Chandrasekhar 2011). Thus, the functional population of a city may differ greatly from its actual population. With the influx of thousands of workers from the suburbs and rural areas (also known as floating population), the aggregate population of a city exceeds its actual size in day-time, and at night it again falls to the official finite size (Fleure 1944). This is also true for some of the large villages and rural service centres, where commuters from small villages surrounding them inflow (Mondal 2015). However, all developmental policies and programmes in India are in situ in nature. These are planned and implemented assuming its population to be sedentary. There is no official database on the people, who are on the move. Developed countries

1.3 Commuting as Mobility

9

like USA, England, Canada, Australia, and Switzerland, on the other hand, have shown their interest in incorporating commuting data in their national census almost since the 1960s. They have enumerated commuters’ data from different perspectives such as their age, sex, purpose of journey, directions of commuting, distance they cover, duration of move, transport they depend on, etc. These data are of significant importance in regional development policies, transport planning, environmental management, health issues, and so on (AASHTO 2013; Ihrke and Faber 2012; Littlefield and Nash 2001; Piggott 2007; Sultana and Weber 2007; Tolbert and Sizer 1996). These data would help the rural policy-makers to propose rural development programmes. Rural people may find urban jobs even while living in rural areas (Deshingkar 2010; Renkow and Hoover 2000). With this, over-urbanization and its associated problems may get reduced. To analyse the significance of commute data in rural development, Moss et al. (2014), p. 121 stated, ‘Mobility is undoubtedly a crucial aspect of accessing and retaining employment for working rural dwellers. From a rural development policy perspective, measures designed to enhance the mobility of rural dwellers are therefore a priority.’ These data will be helpful in identifying a broad regional economic integrity. It will also be valuable for urban transport planners to run the transport system effectively at peak hours.

1.4 Determinants of Commuting The decision to commute is governed by a number of factors. These may be demographic (age, gender, family size), sociocultural (level of education, level of urbanization, cultural background, technological knowhow, etc.), economic (nature of job, purchasing power, etc.), infrastructural (distance of commuting, accessibility and connectivity), and geographic (topography, seasons, etc.). Age is a significant parameter of commuting. It is almost universal that most of the commuters belong to the working age group, that is, 25–60 years age (Champion et al. 2009; Partridge et al. 2010; Eriksson 2011; Chandrasekhar 2011). However, within this working age group, there are many variations across countries. In England, Canada, and in the USA, younger working people commute more. On the contrary, in Bangladesh, the median age of commuters is 39 years that is much higher than that of the migrants, which is 25 years. This is because older people stay at home. They look after their families and on-farm activities, and therefore, they prefer commuting rather than migrating (Mahbub 1997, p. 117). Men are generally found to commute longer than women (Mahbub 1997). Married women commute much shorter distances than single women do. Since married women have extra household responsibilities, they try to spend less time in commuting. Among women commuters, the probability of long-distance commuting of a single woman with a dependent child is lower by 20% than other women (Champion et al. 2009). Mahbub (1997) found that level of education is inversely related to rural–rural commuting and positively related to rural–urban commuting.

10

1 Introduction

Job characteristic is another important determinant. In developed countries, people with high-salaried jobs commute long distances, as they do not get jobs locally as per their qualifications. They compromise with the distance, but not with their job status. For commuting long distances, commuters in most of the developed countries own cars (Champion et al. 2009). In India, 49% of the urban-to-rural commuters are regular-salaried people, and 40% of the rural-to-urban commuters are regularsalaried people. This is because in developing countries like India, urbanization still predominates over counterurbanization. People prefer to live in urban centres because of better infrastructure and facilities available there. Since the mainstay of rural economy is still agriculture, which is again highly pressurized with overpopulation and low per capita income (Bhattacharya 1998), rural people commute to urban areas even for low skill elementary jobs. In India, about 33% of rural–urban commuters are engaged in elementary jobs (Chandrasekhar 2011). Rural–urban commuting increases with increasing level of education (Mahbub 1997). Location of the rural settlement is also an important factor in case of commuting. Those who live in rural areas surrounding the big cities commute longer than those from interior villages (Champion et al. 2009). As urbanization increases, connectivity to the city also increases and the chance for more commuting becomes higher. In India, Chandrasekhar (2011) observed that the states adjoining the National Capital Region (NCR), such as Punjab, Haryana, Rajasthan, and Uttar Pradesh, have sizeable number of rural–urban commuters. They account for 35% of the total workers commuting from rural to urban areas in India. There is a relation between nature and comfort level of transport for commuting and the nature of commuters as noted by Nash (1975). According to this study in Tulsa Metropolitan Transit Authority (America), with the introduction of new and more comfortable buses, the nature of commuters changed. Earlier, the old design and cheap buses were used mainly by elderly people, school children, unemployed persons, domestic servants and black women commuters. With the introduction of new buses in 1972, businesspersons and homemakers started to come on board (Nash 1975). Commuting by public or private transport depends on the financial status of commuters. Commuters start using private transport as soon as their purchasing power to own personal vehicles increases. Seasons also play an important role in morphing commuting rates and the nature of vehicles used. The monsoonal Asian countries are characterized by alternate warmhumid summer and cool-dry winter. Primary economic activities such as agriculture and fishing rhythmically change with the seasons in this belt. It has been found that in Bangladesh (Mahbub 1997), commuting of milkmen is reduced twice a year—in the rainy season and in winter. In the rainy season, supply of fodder decreases, which reduces milk supply, and in winter, labouring in potato harvesting becomes more profitable than milk supply. During summer, the Kolkata metro trains, which are generally air-conditioned, are fully packed just to escape the hot-humid weather of the surface (Bhattacharjee et al. 2012). In Norway, there are maximum numbers of cyclist commuters during fall, and they are at a minimum during winter (Borrestad et al. 2011).

1.5 Transport: A Significant Component of Commuting

11

1.5 Transport: A Significant Component of Commuting Mobility for independent living is one’s own right (Ling and Mitchell 2009), and one of the key components of mobility is transport. In fact, transport is the lifeline of modern civilization. Therefore, it is certain that without good provision of transport, commuting is not possible. Commuters’ lives are very deeply affected by the mode and quality of transport they avail (Ross 2021). Selection of mode of transport depends on a combination of a number of factors, such as geographical factors (topographic features, climate, weather, absolute distance), economic factors (economic condition, cost-distance, nature of work), cultural factors (choice, taste, tradition, technological knowhow, social status, advancement of civilization) and governance factors (laws, regulations). In developing countries, at one time, hand-pulled carts, bicycles, cyclerickshaws and Intermediate Public Transport (IPT) dominated the streets (Pain 2004). In rural areas of Bangladesh, walking (47%), followed by rickshaw (21%) and launch (20%) constitute the major forms of commuting (Mahbub 1997). However, with the advanced degree of urbanization and the increase in city sizes, demand for automated vehicles increases. As a consequence, both cycling and walking reduce considerably. These reduced to about 1/2 of all trips in medium cities and 1/3rd in large cities in India between 1986 and 2005 (Roy Chowdhury and Roy Chowdhury 2011). Sometimes, the financial prosperity of commuters influences selection of commuting transport. For example, in Hanoi city of Vietnam, there are two settlements—the old settlement and new settlement. The old settlement is inhabited by low income people and the new part by relatively better-off people. People of the old area cover short distances simply by walking and for longer distances they depend on bicycles, but people of the new areas use motorbikes for both short- and long-distance movement (Hoai and Ann 2010). Another important aspect of commuting which has become one of the major concerns for academicians, regional planners, administrators, environmentalists, and technicians is the ownership of vehicles. With the growing number of commuters, demand for private transport (especially of cars in the developed world) is galloping day by day. From the 1970s onwards, decentralization and counterurbanization started in England, followed by many other developed countries of the world. People living in cities started to shift to rural areas but their work places remained in urban areas, which increased the number of commuters. To commute daily from rural to urban areas, they started to depend upon cars (Champion et al. 2009; Partridge et al. 2010). In Sweden, the ‘number of registered cars has increased from 1.2 million in 1960 to 4.2 million in 2005 and number of kilometres driven by cars increased from 56.57 billion in 1999 to 61.87 billion in 2005’ (Eriksson 2011, p. 6). Even not only for journey-to-work trips, the use of car has increased for social trips also. Adey et al. (2014, p. 12) have expressed, ‘A fact of social mobility, the car has been rooted in all sorts of social and cultural life, from the drive-in cinema, food and road-side advertising to the growth of post-war consumerism and suburban living.’

12

1 Introduction

In USA, it has been found that 81% of commuters use private vehicles and most of them drive alone (US Department of Transport 2003). In the developing world, two wheelers have increased dramatically. In India, during 1986–2005, while the total number of buses quadrupled, motorcycles increased 16 times, and cars sevenfold (Roy Chowdhury and Roy Chowdhury 2011) due to increased levels of commuting between house and work place. Commuters prefer private vehicles for a variety of reasons. Some prefer these for high speed without any stoppage, escape from regular payment of fare, higher flexibility, more safety, comfort and regular maintenance of personal space, etc., which are known as instrumental reasons (Carr 2008; Eriksson 2011). There are many other reasons of avoiding public transport, which are case specific. For instance, in Kolkata, many Metro Rail users are disappointed by its inadequate maintenance, frequent fallouts, unavailability of ticket punching machines, defunct escalators and elevators, and increasing crowds, and therefore, they want to avoid this public transport system (Bhattacharjee et al. 2012). Invasion of personal space has also been noted as an important deterrent in using public transport (Lofgren 2008). To some commuters, a private vehicle is a symbol of status, pleasure, and adventure. After repeated use, many get emotionally bonded to their vehicles, especially in case of cars. In the last decade of the twentieth century, cars became popular not only for speed but also since they represent the owner’s increasing affluence and ability to own and operate private vehicles (Carr 2008). The rapid increase in use of private transport has left its footprint upon the environment, both physical and social. It is a major cause of air and noise pollution, traffic jams, delays on roads, and frequent road accidents. In the major metropolitan cities of India, vehicular exhaust accounts for 70% of all the carbon monoxide (CO), 50% of all hydrocarbons, 30–40% of all oxides and 30% of all suspended particulate matter (Sharma 2006). Even the principal source of CO in air is vehicular emission. In Delhi, during peak traffic hours, as much as 692 kg of CO is emitted into the atmosphere (Sharma 2006). Carbon monoxide is very harmful for people, especially those stuck for long hours on congested highways. Drivers are the most affected persons. Traffic noise often exceeds 70 db. Constant exposure to these annoying sounds in hours-long traffic jams may interfere with conversation and work during the commute. It may even produce temporary hearing inability. Commuting for prolonged hours through such situations may result in loss of concentration, short-term memory loss, anxiety, fear, nervousness, high diastolic blood pressure, loss of appetite, interruption in sleep, and so on (Hodges 1977). Growing traffic and inadequacy of roads coupled with limited traffic control measures have resulted in traffic hazards. ‘Mobility crisis begins to build up in a city when a large share of daily trips is made by personal vehicles that occupy more road space but carry fewer people, pollute more, and edge out walking, cycling, buses and intermediate public transport’ (Chakrabartty and Gupta 2015, p.100). The rate of commuting is always very high in and around metropolitan cities such as Kolkata or Mumbai. A meagre 6% land is allotted to roads in Kolkata (whereas

1.5 Transport: A Significant Component of Commuting

13

it is 11% in Mumbai and 21% in Delhi). The inadequacy of allotted land juxtaposed with the huge population has increased traffic congestion and accidents (Bhattacharjee et al. 2012). Same concern has been expressed by Badami and Koppikar (2004) in their study based on Mumbai city. Commuters often have to spend 2–3 h on the road per trip (Roy Chowdhury and Roy Chowdhury, 2011). The number of registered annual road accidents in India has increased from 581 in 1989 to 1601 in 2003. Most victims of traffic fatalities are motor bikes followed by buses and trucks (Jasrotia 2011). Philosophers have expressed deep concern about overcrowded streets and their resultant misfortunes. They warned that technology should be mastered by civil society; otherwise, it will master the civilization (Sloterdijk and Gestaltung 1992). Along with the introduction of green technology and eco-friendly transport system, experts also suggest limited use of private transport and wide use of public transport. To reduce the use of private transport, many strategies have been taken. These include restrictive measures, also called push factors such as higher toll tax1 and parking fees, and incentives or pull factors such as lower toll tax on buses. Cars have been restricted, and parking has been prohibited in certain zones of the cities. In many cities, car traffic is limited between 10.00–16.00 h on weekdays (Eriksson 2011). Such restrictive policies have not been successful in all developed countries. Implementation of increased road pricing system in Trondheim and Stockholm could not change car users’ behaviour in Sweden. Such measures could not get success even in the USA (Carr 2008). Therefore, incentives or pull factors become important to turn the attention of private transport users towards public transport. Commuters demand frequent service, facility of feeder roads, feeder transport, better transport network, speedy transport system, seat availability, behaviour of staff, service reliability, information on arrival/departure/destination, design of vehicle (cosiness, cleanliness, safety), and free Poker Tickets in public transport (Eriksson 2011). In USA, higher flexibility, lower cost and less time are the most important factors that people demand for public transport. Here, time received the lowest relevance when choosing between possible options (Carr 2008). Maximum number of respondents who demanded flexibility were women. They required it because they had to reach or pick up their children from school after work. In India, employee behaviour is the most important determinant of customer satisfaction (Waris et al. 2010). With the aim to reduce pressure of private cars from roads, the bus rapid transit system (BRT) was introduced in Delhi in 2008. BRT system is a significant solution to pollution and congestion nightmare. After its introduction, there has been a growing tendency of commuters to use bus services (CSE 2008). In 1995, electric commuter train (KTM Komuter) was introduced in Malaysia to attract commuters from surrounding rural areas to Kuala Lumpur. This was a very successful initiative to attract the commuters to use public transport (Waris et al. 2010).

1A

kind of road pricing system typically held for the road maintenance and construction.

14

1 Introduction

1.6 Commuting as Experience ‘Experience’ as it has been defined by Tuan (1979, p. 388) is ‘the totality by which we come to know the world’. According to O’Dell (2005, p. 15), ‘Experiences are highly personal, subjectively perceived, intangible, ever fleeting and continuously on-going’. Experience is a cultural resource that increases with increasing exposure and with time. ‘Commuting is not only the covering of the distance daily in between place of dwelling and place of work, but also it is an experience to the commuters…’ (Mondal and Samanta 2015, p. 16). These experiences are highly valuable in perceiving a place. In fact, ‘Experience constructs place at different scales’ (Tuan 1975, p. 153). Primarily, researchers paid attention to the purpose of commuting without considering the experiences that commuters gain while they commute. However, in the twenty-first century, researchers have started to focus on the subjective views of the commuters towards commuting. These experiences are highly variable, changing from space to space and from time to time. The day-to-day experience varies with time, sometimes even over a day. Peak hour picture changes in non-peak hours (Evans and Wener 2007). Besides, on the first day of commute, what seems to be a very exciting range of new sights such as a new bridge, bypass, tunnel, temple, vast green field, canal, urban sprawl or government bungalow, gradually appear to be alike with the passage of time (Lofgren 2008). With changing modes of transport, experiences also change. ‘Materialities of movement shape people’s experiences. Material infrastructures of transport help to shape emotional mindscapes of travel’ (Lofgren 2008, p. 332). Such materialities include type of transit, structure and function of vehicles, conditions of roads or railway, and so on (Roy and Hannam, 2013). A close link can be identified between ‘motion and emotion’ as well as between ‘modes of motion’ and ‘moods of feeling’ (Lofgren 2008, p. 333). There are diverse notions and associated explanations towards commuters’ experiences. The literature on commute experiences can broadly be divided into two categories: positive experiences and negative experiences. Commuting has been thought to be a dead time, a time when nothing happens. Many researchers have found commuting to be a stressful journey (Hamilton and Röell 1982; Hamilton 1989; Gray and Lucas 2001; Ushiwaka et al. 2004; Gottholmseder et al. 2009; Li and Duda 2010, and so on). They have explained the negative effects of commuting from different perspectives. For example, Gray and Lucas (2001) have focused on the physiological and psychological effects of commuting. They have stated that commuters suffer from travel impedance which causes frustration, hypertension, chest pain, etc. This kind of impedance is more common among those commuters who themselves drive to work. The findings of Stutzer and Frey (2007) are almost parallel to Gray and Lucas (2001). They have emphasized on the mental stress caused by commuting. According to them, the strain may give birth to ‘raised blood pressure, musculoskeletal disorders, lowered frustration tolerance and increased anxiety and hostility, being in a bad mood when arriving at work in the morning and coming home in the evening, absenteeism and turnover

1.6 Commuting as Experience

15

at work as well as adverse effects on cognitive performance’ (Stutzer and Frey 2007, p. 2–3). Ushiwaka et al. (2004), on the other hand, have shown commuting to bear a negative impact on the workspace. According to them, it causes delays on road and decreases the safety margin at their workspaces. To reach the workplace in time, many commuters leave home much earlier and thus a long time of the day is lost for commuting. Hamilton and Röell (1982) have established commuting to be a wasteful journey considering the costs incurred during commuting. Li and Duda (2010) also find commuting of workers as wastage of time and money. This group of researchers have also shown commuting as one of the causes of bad relations within the family. They have mentioned the non-pecuniary costs of commuting. Different environmental stressors such as noise pollution, air pollution, thermal exhaustion, and crowds may cause negative physical as well as emotional effects (Saksena et al. 2006; Badland and Duncan 2009). This makes the journey unpleasant. All these unpleasant experiences adversely affect the family relations (Stutzer and Frey 2007). They have also found that commuting is more stressful under certain factors of control such as traffic congestion, cancellation of transport or if the passenger is under time pressure. Hirsch and Thompson (2011) have mentioned the discomfort arising from crowded public vehicles. However, the negative idea about commuting being a lost time that produces physical stress and mental strain is gradually passing away. Recent studies have started to highlight the positive utilities of commute time (White 1988; Redmond and Mokhtarian 2001; Cresswell 2006; Jain and Lyons 2008), which was previously thought to be ‘dysfunctional, as inauthentic and rootless and, more recently as liberating, anti-foundational and transgressive’ (Cresswell 2010, p. 7). Different researchers have explained the positive effects of commuting from different perspectives. As Ohmori and Harata (2008, p. 547) say, ‘Generally, travel is considered a demand derived from the desire to engage in activities at destinations and travel time is also considered a wasteful time. However, if people can engage in activities while travelling, travel time is not just a wasteful time but could be a productive time’. Thus, they show that commuting time can also be utilized for performing a number of personal works. Jain and Lyons (2008, p. 83) have mentioned the positive impact of experiences gained through commuting. They stated, ‘… the individual traveller gains something from the experience of travelling and from being in a mobile space away from other fixed location activities (or people)—something that would not otherwise have occurred. This suggests that the burden of travel time can translate into becoming a gift for the individual traveller’. Jensen (2009, p. 152) has mentioned the positive utilities of mobile culture. According to him, ‘Urban travel is not just about getting from point A to point B. It is about producing and reproducing the city and the self in a complex relationship involving mobility cultures and different types of mobility knowledge’. Thus, commuting makes people cultured and knowledgeable. He has further stated that commuting helps to develop a unique personal image. ‘[T]he mobility practices are part of the daily identity construction of the mobile urbanites as well as there are

16

1 Introduction

aesthetic experiences emotive attachments to be made’ (Jensen 2009, p. 152). Nash (1975) has described that a community relation develops among the commuters. He termed this relation as a ‘community on wheels’. This kind of relation is stronger among the old commuters than the new ones. They take care of each other.

1.7 The Book Conventional mobility studies paid attention to large-scale mobilities (Singh 1980), but the short-term, daily and repetitive movements have largely been ignored. Unlike migration which has been researched vividly (see Barbora et al. 2008; Bhagat and Mohanty 2009), commuting is a relatively new field of mobility research which needs careful attention. In India, although 70% of non-agricultural and non-household industry workers commute to work, the least research interest is shown towards commuting. Both academicians and policy-makers have overlooked the significance of commuting for a long time. Of late, rural-to-urban commuting has become popular among workers in India. Salazar and Smart (2012) had also similar experience. According to them (Salazar and Smart 2012, p. 5), ‘The most irreversible forms of mobility (long-term migration, residential mobility) are increasingly supplanted by more reversible forms (daily mobility, trips, migratory circulation).’ This may be for a number of reasons. The unwelcoming in-migration policies of cities (Kundu 2009; The Council for Social Development 2014) coupled with high residential land values and the development of transportation infrastructure are found to be the triggering factors of this increasing trend of commuting. The anaemic growth of the large cities in the last decade is a good indicator of decreasing choice of migration and increasing options of commuting. The concentration of commuters is greater around the metro cities. Whatever may be the causes of commuting, the outcomes of this practice have a number of implications. The most direct influence is on the destination area. Cities do not get over-populated. The regional economic bonding gets stronger. It helps to reduce the local unemployment and causes economic diversification (Chandrasekhar 2011). Those landless poor, who had no option other than simply slipping into jobs of agricultural labour, can find better options for themselves. This economic diversification blurs the rigid boundary between rural and urban areas. Along with working outside, commuters can maintain their families and can look after their village-based properties. The sharp increase in number of census towns in the intercensal period of 2001–2011 is partially linked to the facilities of commuting. Villages with better access to transport facilities develop quickly and attain the status of towns. The main idea of this book revolves around a central research question: Does commuting perform any role in the organization and reorganization of spaces and spatialities, and which perceptions do commuters carry towards these spaces? To address the central research question, five objectives have been set. These are: (a) exploring the relation between Development of Kolkata suburban railway network, commuting and metropolitan expansion; (b) analyzing the pattern of commuting over

1.7 The Book

17

space and time; (c) understanding how commuting plays a significant role in blurring the boundaries between rural and urban culture; (d) exploring commuters’ perceived commute space; (e) understanding the gendered pattern of commuting. These five objectives focus on three key themes: organization, reorganization and perception of space. In this book, space has been studied in different forms— physical, material space and cognitive space. The book thus addresses the role of commuting in the organization and reorganization of physical spaces and its spatialities and also tries to capture the commuters’ perceptions towards these spaces. Organization has been studied on two parallel levels: organization through history and organization over geographical space. Historical organization emphasizes on time while geographical organization on physical space. Thus, while the first one studies events chronologically, the second one addresses the issue spatially. To address the historical organization, the history of Kolkata suburban railway network and its relation with suburban commuting and urbanization has been put under focus. The book explains how the growth of Kolkata Metropolitan Area is linked to the expansion of the suburban railway line facilitating commuting of people living in rural and small towns of KMA. Roy (2005) has stated that the decentralization policy of the state government was important in creating a number of new townships that attracted rural people to work and to reside there. The process of partition of the country, leading to the presence of a large number of refugees in the border-lying districts of West Bengal has also played a big role in the metropolitan expansion of Kolkata. During the long period of stability of the Left Front Government in West Bengal, most of the industries were locked out and core cities declined, while the agricultural growth facilitated the growth of small towns in the surrounding areas of the KMA (Shaw 2012). Moreover, the electrification of suburban railways and facilities of commuting pulled many rural dwellers to stay in the peripheral small towns with the option of availing of higher paying livelihoods in core cities. The book thus addresses how commuting has played a significant role in suburban expansion of KMA. Reorganization refers to the resettling of existing objects. It is related to the idea of reterritorialization. In this book, an attempt was made to show the changing spatial identity of rural places caused by commuting. The facilities of commuting to large cities change the economic character of an area, which is positive for urbanization. Thus, it inspects the role of commuting in making this reformation and analyses the process of this reformation. Perception is related to the cognitive space. This book explores the commuters’ perceptions towards the commute space. The book presents that ‘The fabric of space is open-ended rather than enclosing’ (Thrift 2004, p. 592). Based on in-depth empirical research, this book challenges the very idea of commuting as a stressful journey. It shows that commuting is a pleasurable journey to most of the commuters irrespective of their age and sex. There may be many problems on the way such as crowding, nonavailability of seats in peak hours, etc. However, the pleasure and benefits gained from commuting surpass all the problems. Thus, this book addresses the spatial fluidity developed in the compartments of suburban trains and narrates the mobile experiencescape of commuters. In doing so, it also challenges the traditional idea of

18

1 Introduction

geographical space as fixed and coordinated. Rather, it shows that ‘Space is never still, it can never just be—because mobilities compose material processes and becomings’ (Adey 2006, p. 90). As Seamon and Sowers (2008, p. 44) has remarked, ‘…space is heterogenous and infused with many different lived dimensions is largely taken for granted in geographical studies.’ The book also addresses the question of gender in commuting. Gendered pattern of mobility is a well-researched issue (Banerjee and Raju 2009; McDowell 2004; Rivera 2007; Turner and Niemeier 1997; Uteng 2011; Uteng and Cresswell 2008). We have tried to accommodate the contribution of gender geographers and feminist philosophers in understanding gendered patterns of commuting. The earlier studies on this issue have found a significant gender gap in commute patterns, which is reflected through women’s shorter commute distance, their dependence on public modes of transport, etc. The book also challenges the old-fashioned idea that commuting is a masculine activity. It shows that in spite of having a number of domestic responsibilities within the private sphere, women commute for longer distances in comparison to men.

1.8 The Study Area The problem of identifying the study area gets intensified when aspects like mobility are researched. To define the field for mobility studies, Humbracht (2012, p. 10) has questioned that it is usual for social scientists to go to the field, but ‘when studying mobility, where is the field? How do you define the field? And what research strategies should be used to study the field?’ While the focus of research is on the space which is mobile in character, it is more difficult to delineate the study area. Adey et al. (2014, p. 10) have thrown light on this problem, stating, ‘Mobilities, we might say, are often routed in networks because they follow and are facilitated by infrastructures that carry or mediate mobile subjects and things’. Thus to reach the commuters, it was necessary to select a definite commute route. The Howrah–Bardhaman main suburban railway line was selected for the ground research of this study. ‘Suburban rail is defined as a rail service between a central business district and its suburbs, a conurbation or other locations that draw large numbers of people on a daily basis. In other words, suburban train services are the vital link which connects suburban centres to the urban conglomerates’ (Ministry of Railways 2014, p. 1). The trains providing such services are known as suburban local trains or commuter trains, or simply locals. The local trains, which carry mostly commuters, are generally wider and have quick acceleration and deceleration. These trains have either twelve or fifteen coaches (Ministry of Railways 2014). In India, there are eleven suburban railway networks, each of which has developed around the metro cities. The Kolkata suburban railway network is the largest suburban railway network in India in terms of route length and is the second largest within the country followed by Mumbai suburban railway network in terms of passenger volume. The Kolkata suburban railway network is spread over nine districts of South

1.8 The Study Area

19

Fig. 1.1 Kolkata suburban railway network

Bengal including Kolkata district itself, with a track length of 1184 km. The other districts lie adjacent to Kolkata. These are Howrah, Hooghly, Purba Bardhaman, N. 24-Parganas, S. 24-Parganas, Nadia, and Purba Medinipur. Three divisions of two zonal railways serve it. These are the Howrah and Sealdah divisions of Eastern Railway, and Kharagpur division of South Eastern Railway (Fig. 1.1). Kolkata is the headquarters of these two zonal railways. This suburban railway network has 364 stations of which 28 are junction stations. The Howrah–Bardhaman Main Railway Line belongs to the Kolkata suburban railway network. It is the oldest railway line in Eastern India and second oldest in India. On August 15 in 1854, the first passenger train ran from Howrah to Hooghly. At present, Howrah station is the largest railway station in Asia. The Howrah–Bardhaman Main Line comes under the administration of Howrah division of Eastern Railways. With a track length of 108 km, this rail-route connects the three districts of South Bengal—Howrah, Hooghly and Purba Bardhaman. Thus, it links the state’s rice bowl Purba Bardhaman2 and the conurbation of Hooghly with the state capital of Kolkata. Howrah and Bardhaman are the two terminal stations. Howrah station is the gateway to Kolkata city. Most of the commuters of the Howrah–Bardhaman Main Railway Line belong to these three immediately adjacent districts. Therefore, commuters who belong to 2 Purba

Bardhaman district is the largest producer of rice in West Bengal. Three different types of rice are produced in a year. It also produces large quantity of Gobindobhog rice, one kind of aromatic rice which has achieved the Geographical Indication (G.I.) tag in West Bengal.

20

1 Introduction

Fig. 1.2 Stations situated on the Howrah–Bardhaman main railway line

these three districts and commute for their work almost throughout the year were considered for the empirical research. There are 34 stations on this railway line (Fig. 1.2). Among them, six are junction stations. These are Howrah, Bally, Seoraphuli, Bandel, Saktigarh, and Bardhaman. This railway line stretches along the levee of the Hooghly River up to Mogra station, from where it takes a north-west turn and reaches Bardhaman, the seat of the Raj Empire through Pandua, the oldest historical site of Hooghly district, and Memari, a service centre from very old days (Paterson 1910; Mitra 1948). More than five lakh (0.5 million)3 passengers travel daily on this railway line. Among the 34 stations, 21 belong to Hooghly district, nine belong to the district of Purba Bardhaman and the remaining four belong to Howrah district. The district-level differences in the characteristics of the Main Railway line are tabulated in Fig. 1.2. Among the three districts, Hooghly district holds the most significant position in commuter transportation through the Howrah–Bardhaman Main Railway Line. In spite of the presence of other railway lines in this district, such as Howrah–Bardhaman via Chord, Howrah–Katwa Line, Howrah–Tarakeswar Line, Howrah-Bardhaman Main Line has the most significant contribution in transporting commuters. Every day nearly three and a half lakh (0.35 million) passengers from Hooghly district travel by this railway line. The significance of the Main Line gets intensified due to the presence of the Hooghly conurbation belt. Everyday 182 local trains ply through 3 One

lakh = One hundred thousand.

1.8 The Study Area

21

different stations on this railway line. This railway line is classified as a ‘B’ class line where trains can run up to 130 km per hour. It serves millions of people in their daily transportation. The construction of this railway in the Indian subcontinent was started in the colonial period, pioneered by the East India Company. It was Mr George Clark, the Chief Engineer of Bombay Government, who first planned for a railway during his visit to Bhandup in Bombay (now Mumbai) in 1843. The first train in the Indian subcontinent ran from Bori Bunder (now Chhatrapati Shivaji Terminus, Mumbai) to Thane on April 16 in 1853, crossing a distance of 21 miles (34 km). Following this mega-event, the Overland Telegraph and Courier reported, ‘[The Railway] is a triumph, to which, in comparison, all our victories in the East seem tame and commonplace’ (Mallick and Ganapathy 2013). Sir Rowland McDonald Stephenson, the Director in General of the East India Company dreamt of connecting Calcutta (now Kolkata), the then capital of colonial India, with Delhi via Mirzapur through railways. Within one year after the inauguration of the railways in Bombay, the first train in Eastern India ran from Howrah to Hooghly on August 15 in 1854 at 8:30 h, crossing a distance of 37 km. It had three intermediate stops at Bally, Seoraphuli, and Chandannagar. Later it was extended up to Pandua and in the next year, Bardhaman was connected. Four eminent Bengali personalities, namely Prince Dwarakanath Tagore, Ram Gopal Ghosh, Motilal Sen, and Ram Kamal Sen helped in the extension of this railway. This railway line has historical importance. Inaugurated about 150 years ago, it still plays an important role in the transportation of people and goods. It facilitated the process of industrialization and growth of settlements along the railway line. Later on, many new stations were constructed to cope with the increasing passenger demand. A number of towns grew along the railway line. With time, its significance has increased. Thus, the importance of this rail route, started in nineteenth century, cannot be overlooked at present as well. In the post-Independence period, railways were electrified. Mumbai’s railways were the first to be electrified within the country. Following the historical legacy and ever-increasing demand of passengers, the Howrah–Bardhaman Main Line section was the first to be electrified in Eastern India. On December 14 (some say on December 12) 1957, the first Electric Multiple Unit (EMU) started to run. It was inaugurated by Jawaharlal Nehru, the first Prime Minister of India. Howrah station was decorated with garlands. The then Railway Minister Babu Jagjivan Ram and Dr. Bidhan Chandra Roy, the Chief Minister of West Bengal, were also present at the inaugural ceremony. The train stopped at Seoraphuli. The decision to electrify this section was taken to facilitate the large number of commuters who travelled daily by this railway for their livelihoods. Since then, the Howrah–Bardhaman section is coded as the ‘suburban section’ and the next section stretching from Bardhaman westwards is coded as ‘non-suburban section’. In the suburban section, EMU trains, also known as suburban local trains are run, carrying millions of commuters within this functional belt. Later on, other railways were also electrified and suburban trains were initiated. The process is still ongoing, on the basis of commuters’ travel demands.

22 Table 1.1 Departure of suburban local trains from Howrah station in different rail-routes on weekdays

1 Introduction Rail-routes Howrah–Bardhaman Main Line Howrah–Katwa

No. of trains 94

Percentage Figure 40.87

9

3.91

32

13.91

Howrah–Tarakeswar

31

13.48

South Eastern Railway

64

27.83

230

100.00

Howrah–Bardhaman chord line

Total

Source Timetables of different stations, 2017

The number of trains running along any rail-route helps to estimate the passenger volume. On one hand, if the existing number of trains is not sufficient to carry the passengers, new trains need to be introduced. On the other hand, if the number of passengers is less, then a few trains are withdrawn. Howrah station is the largest station in Asia. It controls two zonal railways—Howrah division of the Eastern Railways, and South Eastern Railways. Of the total 230 local trains (2011–12) leaving Howrah station on average weekdays, 94 trains, or about 41% of the trains run for different stations of the Howrah–Bardhaman Main Line (Table 1.1). The remaining 136 trains run on different routes like Howrah–Bardhaman via Chord, Howrah–Tarakeswar, Howrah–Katwa, and in the South Eastern section which comprises Howrah–Panskura, Howrah–Mecheda, Howrah–Midnapore, Howrah–Balichak, Howrah–Kharagpur, Howrah–Uluberia, Howrah–Haldia, etc. In fact, during an informal interview with the Booking Supervisor General of Howrah station in 2014, it was noted that about 70% of the total passengers arriving at Howrah station use the Howrah–Bardhaman Main Line. Thus, realizing the significance of the Howrah–Bardhaman Main Line as a commuter railway, this section was considered for the empirical research. There is no record in India on the areas of origin of commuters. From the pilot survey, it was found that most of the commuters originate from the immediate and adjacent three districts of Howrah, Hooghly and Purba Bardhaman through which this railway runs, and therefore commuters from those three districts were interviewed for the ground research.

1.9 Research Process Post-positivist philosophy states that the subjective is also a valid form of knowledge. Although traditionally, it is stated that the basic objective of research is to solve a problem, post-positivist philosophy thinks that research is also carried out to identify the problem and not always for solving it. Following Ryan (2006, p. 19), it may be stated as, ‘Good research is something that opens up the nature of problems

1.9 Research Process

23

and sticks with hard questions.’ For this book, we have heavily depended on the postpositivist approach as it allowed us to explain the phenomena from research participants’ views and opinions. Commuters’ perceptions have been captured through qualitative methods to analyse their subjective experiences on commuting as a process.

1.10 Database The book is primarily based on empirical research through collecting, compiling, and analyzing two broad categories of data: secondary data and primary data. Secondary data are collected from different official sources, while the primary data is collected from the field research in the form of both numbers and texts. Secondary data were collected from various official sources to understand the broader patterns of suburban train commuting. The City Development Plan (KMDA 2006) and Mobility Reports of 2008 published by Kolkata Metropolitan Development Authority were used to understand the development of KMA and its transportation systems. Population Data at state, district, Community Development Block, town and village levels from 1941 to 2011 were collected from the Census of India to understand the dynamics of development of a number of cities, economy and infrastructural facilities of the study area. To understand the nature of traffic and infrastructure, data were collected from Divisional Railway Manager’s Office of Howrah and Sealdah divisions, South Eastern Railway, and also from Indian Railways. To know the frequency of trains at different stations, Eastern Railway 2011–12 published by Indian Railway was followed. This book is mostly based on primary data collected from empirical research. Unlike the developed world, there are very limited data on commuters in India. The National Sample Survey Organization (NSSO) publishes some data on commuters in its employment/unemployment surveys. But these data are regional and are macro in character. To gain an idea of commuters of a district or of a particular transport route, these data are insufficient. Similarly, the Registrar General of India published a dataset on commuters for the first time in the 2011 census. However, these data are too small and limited to fulfil the research objectives, as they cover only a few aspects. Therefore, we have mostly depended on primary data. The primary data were collected by using different methods, such as questionnaire surveys, formal and informal interviews, and non-participant observations. To understand the relation between suburban train commuting and metropolitan expansion of Kolkata, we had to interview many officials from the office of Kolkata Metropolitan Development Authority (KMDA). This information helped us in understanding the dynamics of the process of suburban train commuting. To collect information about this rail route, as well as about the different stations situated on it, a number of railway officers and station masters were interviewed. The passengers who commute for work through the Howrah–Bardhaman Main Line throughout the year were our main research participants. Besides commuters, hawkers, non-commuting

24

1 Introduction

passengers and auto/rickshaw pullers at the railway stations were also interviewed to gain a very holistic idea about the patterns and processes of commuting.

1.11 Sampling Procedures The Divisional Railway Manager (DRM) of Howrah division publishes data on originating daily average passengers of each station. The ten years’ (2005–06 to 2014–15) average data present that nearly 64% of the passengers on the Howrah– Bardhaman Main Line belong to Hooghly district. About 25% of them originate from Purba Bardhaman district and the remaining 11% from Howrah district. In view of this record, stratified sampling was followed to choose the commuters of each district. Since this study employs only those commuters who commute for their main work and originate from these three districts, their numbers were kept parallel to this record. However, as the residences of those commuters are unknown and they spread over a wide geographical area, it was a difficult task to reach them. Therefore, snowball sampling method was applied to select the participants. The survey began with some known commuters. Subsequently, these respondents became the key informants. They introduced us to other commuters who qualify to be included in this research. At the second stage, these commuters introduced us to a new set of other commuters. In this way, the process of choosing research participants continued through snowball sampling, and starting from a small sample size we could reach out to 350 commuters who participated in our research.

1.12 Research Methods In this empirical research, primary data were collected using three methods: interview, focused group discussion and observation method. This research applies transdisciplinary research methods to analyse the data. Far back in the twentieth century, Fleure (1944, p. 515) mentioned the necessity of trans-disciplinary research design: ‘The study of the growth and content of a branch of knowledge is only very imperfectly done if we limit ourselves to consideration of writings within that subject’. After him, a number of scholars have raised the importance of trans-disciplinary research design in Geography (see Hadorn et al. 2008; Sharma 2012). The new mobilities paradigm also demands for trans-disciplinary research methods. Hannam et al. (2006, p. 10) stated, ‘How do we frame questions and what methods are appropriate to social research in a context in which durable “entities” of many kinds are shifting, morphing and mobile?’ This book uses the mixed method, that is, the application of both quantitative and qualitative methods. Mixed method is a popular method in social science research. Thus, both quantitative and qualitative methods have been used to analyse the data.

1.12 Research Methods

25

Quantitative methods include application of statistical methods. For the most part, descriptive statistics have been employed. To make the facts and figures visually representative, a number of cartograms and maps have been produced. Using qualitative research methods, this book explains many facts and phenomena. There are two important types of qualitative methods: ethnographies or narratives, and analysis of photos and recordings. The study uses narrative analysis as one of the fundamental methods of ethnographic research. The narratives have been analysed in two ways: using structural methods proposed by Labov and Waletsky (1967), and dialogical approach proposed by Riessman (1993). In the structural methods, the essence of the narrative is extracted and it is explained throughout the text. The focus of the narrator is more important in this case. Thus, it is more ontological in nature. On the other hand, in the dialogical approach, the context of the interview is of equal importance along with the narrative itself. Thus, the place where the interview took place and the context, that is, in which situation the interviewee narrated it, need to be mentioned in the dialogical approach. Photos and recordings are very important sources of information.

1.13 Interviews To fulfil the research objectives, both formal and informal interviews were conducted. A pretested, semi-structured interview schedule was prepared. As semi-structured survey schedules contain both open-ended and close-ended questions, these do not restrict the options within a few preconceived ideas. Open-ended questions were asked to discover commuters’ opinions in detail. Interlinking questions, be these open-ended or close-ended, were asked to identify the continuation of a phenomenon. For example, for the question: Do the trains arrive on time? The options given were: (i) late, (ii) in time, and (iii) almost in time. The consequent question asked was: If late, do you get late at your workplace? There were binary options of yes or no. Then a contingent question with three options was given: If yes, is it regularly/ frequently/rarely? All the interviews were transcribed in Bengali; and later, were translated into English. To assess commuters’ satisfaction towards railway services, the Likert scale was used. The answers were computed as ordinal data. In this study, a five-point scale has been used because from the pilot survey, it was found that most respondents answer within this range. A seven-point scale was used where there were major variations in the answer, and a three-point scale was used where the answers were quite fixed in nature. Five-point scale is most commonly used in social studies, with numbers from 1 to 5, in which 1 represents extremely poor and 5 represents most perfect. Besides the commuters, separate schedules were prepared for rickshawpullers, auto drivers and hawkers who interact with these commuters daily at stations and in trains. Commuters’ attitudes have also been assessed from their viewpoints.

26

1 Introduction

Commuters were interviewed either at their homes or at their workplaces. As commuters spend hurried hours in the morning and try to spend time with their families in the evenings, weekdays were avoided. Generally, the interviews were carried out over the weekends when they had more free time to share. The conversations were recorded using voice recorders. As mentioned, besides the commuters, hawkers, non-commuting passengers, auto drivers and rickshaw-pullers were also interviewed with the help of semi-structured questionnaires. Formal interviews were conducted with railway officers and the officers from the Kolkata Metropolitan Development Authority.

1.14 Focused Group Discussions (FGDs) A few FGDs were held with commuters. These took place in the train when they were commuting together, as well as at their workplaces and homes. On one weekend, one of the research participants invited his commuter friends to his house. Then a focused group discussion was held there. Many a times, some specific issues of the questionnaire were raised among the commuters in trains. These were recorded and later were interpreted. In winter, when there were annual sports in the schools and during summer recess, when there was no formal class, commuter school teachers were interviewed as they were free for discussion during that time.

1.15 Observation Methods Since this research applies ethnographic methods, observation is used as a valid means of data collection. Commuters were observed during mobile and immobile stages. Mobile stages refer to the time when they are in the train and or in other forms of transit. Immobile stages mean when commuters are on the railway platforms. The observation method took place in uncontrolled situations, that is, in the natural setting.

1.16 Conclusion In a nutshell, this chapter introduces the whole book. It outlines the background of this research-based book, methodologies applied to perform the research and the uniqueness of this book. Thus, this introductory chapter answers a few basic questions about the book itself, such as what objectives does it want to meet and why does it want to do so? It also interprets how these objectives are fulfilled. This chapter also analyses where this research has been carried out and why this area was selected. Finally, it answers what significant role it serves in the academic domain and in society. Thus, this introductory chapter fulfils the fundamental queries of the readers.

References

27

References Abyankar A, Narayanmorthy A, Ramachandran V, Mhapankar M (2012) A survey on Mumbai suburban local train travellers. Rev Integr Business Econ Res 1(I):291–302 Adeel M (2016) Gender inequality in mobility and mode choice in Pakistan. Transportation. Available at http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/66726/. Accessed 24 Jan 2018 Adey P (2006) If mobility is everything then it is nothing: towards a relational politics of (im)mobilities. Mobilities 1:75–94 Adey P, Bissell D, Hannam K, Merriman P, Sheller M (2014) The Routledge handbook of mobilities. Taylor and Francis Group, Routledge . ISBN: 978-0-415-66771-5 (hbk) and 978-1-315-85757-2 (ebk) Adey P, Hannam K, Sheller M, Tyfield D (2021) Pandemic (Im)mobilities. Mobilities 16(1):1–19. https://doi.org/10.1080/17450101.2021.1872871 American Association of State Highway and Transportation Officials (AASTHO) (2013) Commuting in America 2013—The National report on commuting patterns and trends. AASHTO Census Transportation Planning Products Program, May Badami S, Koppikar S (2004) Commuting in Mumbai, 2008: room for optimism. Econ Pol Wkly 39(14/15):1458–1460 Badland HM, Duncan MJ (2009) Perceptions of air-pollution during the work-related commute by adults in Queensland, Australia. Atmos Environ 43:5791–5795 Bærenholdt JO (2013) Governmobility: the powers of mobility. Mobilities 8(1):20–34. https://doi. org/10.1080/17450101.2012.747754 Banerjee, A. & Raju, S. (2009). Gendered mobility: women migrants and work in urban India. Econ Polit Weekly XLIV(28):115–123 Banerjee-Guha S (2011) Status of rural migrant workers in Chinese cities. Econ Polit Weekly XLVI (26 & 27):33–37 Barbora S, Thieme S, Siegmann KA, Menon V, Gurung G (2008) Migration matters in South Asia: commonalities and critiques. Econ Polit Weekly 43(24):57–65 Basu DN, Kashyap SP (1992) Rural non-agricultural employment in India: role of development process and rural-urban employment linkages. Econ Polit Weekly, December 19–26, A-178-1– 189 Betz W, Simpson NB (2013) The effects of international migration on the well-being of native populations in Europe. IZA Discussion Paper Series No. 7368 Bhagat RB, Mohanty S (2009) Emerging pattern of urbanization and the contribution of migration in urban growth in India. Asian Popul Stud 5(1):5–20. https://doi.org/10.1080/174417309027 90024 Bhattacharjee S, Mukherjee C, Bhaduri S (2012) Kolkata metro railway: performance analysis after 25 years of operation. Transactions 34(2):225–246 Bhattacharya P (1998) The informal sector and rural-to-urban migration: some Indian evidence. Econ Polit Weekly 1255–1262 Bissell D (2009) Conceptualising differently-mobile passengers: geographies of everyday encumbrance in the railway station. Soc Cult Geogr 10(2):173–195. https://doi.org/10.1080/146493608 02652137 Blunt A (2007) Cultural geographies of migration: mobility, transnationality and diaspora. Progr Human Geogr.https://doi.org/10.1177/0309132507078945 Borrestad LAB, Anderson LB, Bere E (2011) Seasonal and socio-demographic determinants of school commuting. Prev Med 52:133–135 Bose PS (2006) Dilemmas of diaspora: partition, refugees, and the politics of ‘home.’ Refuge 23(1):58–68 Butcher M (2011) Cultures of commuting: the mobile negotiation of space and subjectivity on Delhi’s metro. Mobilities 6(2):237–254. https://doi.org/10.1080/17450101.2011.552902 Cantwell M, Caulfield B, O’Mahony M (2009) Examining the factors that impact public transport commuting satisfaction. J Public Transp 12(2):1–21. https://doi.org/10.5038/2375-0901.12.2.1

28

1 Introduction

Caputo RK (2001) Economic mobility in a youth cohort, 1979–1997. J Poverty 5(3):39–63. https:// doi.org/10.1300/J134v05n03_03 Carr K (2008) Qualitative research to assess interest in public transportation for work. J Public Transp 11(1) Cass N, Faulconbridge J (2015) Satisfying everyday mobility. Mobilities. https://doi.org/10.1080/ 17450101.2015.1096083 Chakrabartty A, Gupta S (2015) Estimation of congestion cost in the city of Kolkata—a case study. Curr Urban Stud 3:95–104. https://doi.org/10.4236/cus.2015.32009 Champion T, Coombes M, Brown DL (2009) Migration and longer-distance commuting in rural England. Reg Stud 43(10):1245–1259 Chandrasekhar S (2011) Workers commuting between the rural and urban: estimates from NSSO data. Econ Polit Weekly 46(46):22–25 Chen X, Zhan FB, Wu G (2010) A spatial and temporal analysis of commute pattern changes in central Texas. Ann GIS 16(4):255–267. https://doi.org/10.1080/19475683.2010.539984 Congdon P, Lloyd CD (2012) A spatial random-effects model for interzone flows: commuting in Northern Ireland. J Appl Stat 39(1):199–213. https://doi.org/10.1080/02664763.2011.580336 Cresswell T (2001) The production of mobilities. New Formations 43:3–25 Cresswell T (2006) On the move: mobility in the modern western world. Routledge, New York Cresswell T (2010) Towards a politics of mobility. Environ Plan D Soc Space 28:17–31 Cresswell T, Merriman P (2011) Geographies of mobilities: practices, spaces, subjects. Ashgate Publishing Limited, Farnham Crowe PR (1938) On progress in geography. Scott Geogr Mag 54(1):1–18 CSE (2008) Delhi Greens and India Youth climate network. Centre for Science and Environment. Retrieved from http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Delhi_Bus_Rapid_Transit_System. Accessed 8 Apr 2013 Dalakoglou D, Harvey P (2012) Roads and anthropology: ethnographic perspectives on space, time and (im)mobility. Mobilities 7(4):459–465. https://doi.org/10.1080/17450101.2012.718426 Dasgupta B, Laishley R (1975) Migration from villages. Econ Polit Weekly 1652–1662 Davanzo J (1976) Why families move: a model of the geographic mobility of married couples. The Rand Corporation, US Deshingkar P (2010) Migration, remote rural areas and chronic poverty in India. Working Paper 323, Overseas Development Institute. www.chronicpoverty.org/uploads/...files/WP163%20Desh ingkar.pdf. Accessed 3 Dec 2014 Deshingkar P, Anderson E (2004) People on the move: new policy challenges for increasingly mobile populations. Nat Res Persp 92. Overseas Development Institute Deshpande R, Palshikar S (2008) Occupational mobility: how much does caste matter? Econ Polit Weekly 61–70 Dutta S (2002) Urbanisation and development of rural small enterprises: studying the linkage with focus on West Bengal. Econ Polit Weekly 37(30):3181–3189 Eastern Railway (2011–12). Transport Guide Edensor T (2011) Commuter: mobility, rhythm and commuting. In: Cresswell Merriman (ed) Geographies of mobilities: practices, spaces, subjects. Ashgate, London, pp 189–203 Elliason K, Lindgren U, Westerlund O (2003) Geographical labour mobility: migration or commuting? Reg Stud 37(8):827–837. https://doi.org/10.1080/0034340032000128749 Elliot A (2016) Gender. In: Salazar NB, Jayaram K (eds) Keywords of mobility: critical engagements, pp 73–92. Berghahn Books, New York Eriksson L (2011) Car users’ switching to public transport for the work commute. In: Doctoral dissertation submitted in the Department of Psychology, Karlstand University, Sweden. kau.divaportal.org/smash/get/diva2417456/FULLLTEXT01. Accessed 8 Apr 2012 Evans EE (1940) Transhumance in Europe. Geography 25(4):172–180 Evans GW, Wener RE (2007) Crowding and personal space invasion on the train: please don’t make me sit in the middle. J Environ Psychol 27, Elsevier, 90–94

References

29

Favell A (2001) Migration, mobility and globaloney: metaphors and rhetoric in the sociology of globalization. Global Netw 1(4):389–398 Fleure HJ (1944) Geographical thought in the changing world. Geograph Rev 34(4):515–528 Földesi GS (2004) Social status and mobility of Hungarian elite athletes. Int J Hist Sport 21(5):710– 726 Gill N, Caletrío J, Mason V (2011) Introduction: mobilities and forced migration. Mobilities 6(3):301–316. https://doi.org/10.1080/17450101.2011.590032 Gössling S, Stavrinidi I (2016) Social networking, mobilities, and the rise of liquid identities. Mobilities 11(5):723–743. https://doi.org/10.1080/17450101.2015.1034453 Goswami B, Kumar NA, George KK (2014) Patterns of commuting for work: a case study of Kochi city. Centre for Socio-Economic & Environmental Studies, Kerala Gottholmseder G, Nowotny K, Pruckner GJ, Theurl E (2009) Stress perception and commuting. Health Econ 18(5):559–576 Gray AD, Lucas JL (2001) Commuters’ subjective perceptions of travel impedance and their stress levels. Psi Chi Undergraduate Res 6(2):79–83 Haas HD (2007) The impact of international migration on social and economic development in Moroccan sending regions: a review of the empirical literature. International Migration School, University of Oxford, Working Paper 3 Hadorn GH, Hoffmann-Riem H, Biber-Klemm S, Grossenbacher-Mansuy W, Joye D, Pohl C, Wiesmann U, Zemp E (2008) Handbook of transdisciplinary research. Springer, The Netherlands Hamilton BW (1989) Wasteful commuting again. J Polit Econ 97(6):1497–1504 Hamilton BW, Röell A (1982) Wasteful commuting. J Polit Econ 90(5):1035–1053 Hannam K, Sheller M, Urry J (2006) Mobilities, immobilities and moorings. Mobilities 1(1):1–22 Hanson S (1995) Getting there: Urban transportation in context. In: Hanson S (ed) The Geography of Urban Transportation. Guilford, New York, pp 3–25 Hanson S, Johnston I (1985) Gender differences in work trip length: explanations and implications. Urban Geogr 6(3):193–219 Hirsch L, Thompson K (2011) I can sit but I’d rather stand: commuter’s experience of crowdedness and fellow passenger behaviour in carriages on Australian metropolitan trains. In: Australian transport research forum, 2011 proceedings, pp 28–30 September, Adelaide, Australia Hoai AT, Ann S (2010) Gender and class in urban transport: the cases of Xian and Hanoi. Environ Urban 22(1):139–155 Hodges L (1977) Environmental pollution, 2nd edn. Holt, Rinehart and Winston, USA Horner MW (2004) Spatial dimensions of urban commuting: a review of major issues and their implications for future geographic research. Prof Geogr 56(2):160–173. https://doi.org/10.1111/ j.0033-0124.2004.05602002.x Humbracht M (2012) Mobility and bounding the travelling imagination—a cultural analysis of visiting friends and relatives tourism. Unpublished PhD thesis, Department of Arts and Cultural Sciences, Lund University Ihrke DK, Faber CS (2012) Geographical mobility: 2005 to 2010. United States Census Bureau, 20–567 International Organization for Migration (2008) Migration, development and environment. Switzerland: No. 35 Jain J, Lyons G (2008) The gift of travel time. J Transp Geogr 16(2):81–89 Jankowski KZ (2018) The middling mobile: finding place in the liquid city. Mobilities 13(4):601– 614. https://doi.org/10.1080/17450101.2017.1403772 Jasrotia R (2011) Traffic problems in Jammu City. Transactions 33(1):77–86 Jensen OB (2009) Flows of meaning, cultures of movements—urban mobility as meaningful everyday life practice. Mobilities 4(1):139–158. https://doi.org/10.1080/17450100802658002 Kakihara M, SØrensen C (2001) Expanding the ‘mobility’ concept. SIGGROUP Bulletin 22(3):33— 37 Karemera D, Oguledo IV, Davis B (2010) A gravity model analysis of international migration to North America. Appl Econ 32(13):1745–1755

30

1 Introduction

Kellerman A (2012) Potential mobilities. Mobilities 7(1):171–183 Killer V, Axhausen KW (2010) Mapping overlapping commuting-to-work areas. J Maps 6(1):147– 159. https://doi.org/10.4113/jom.2010.1072 Kolb A (2013) The migration and globalization of Schuhplattler dance: a sociological analysis. Cult Sociol 7(39):39–55. https://doi.org/10.1177/1749975512453658 Kolkata Metropolitan Development Authority (2006) City development plan for Kolkata Metropolitan Area, February Kolkata Metropolitan Development Authority (2008) Comprehensive mobility plan back to basics, August. Available at http://www.kmdaonline.org/pdf/CMP-KMA.pdf. Accessed 1 July 2015 Kundu A (2009) Exclusionary urbanisation in Asia: a macro overview. Econ Polit Weekly XLIV(48):48–58 Kusters A (2019) Boarding Mumbai trains: the mutual shaping of intersectionality and mobility. Mobilities 14(6):841–858. https://doi.org/10.1080/17450101.2019.1622850 Labov W, Waletsky J (1967) Narrative analysis: oral versions of personal experience. In: Helms J (ed) Essays in the verbal and visual arts. University of Washington, Seattle Laurier E, Lorimer H (2012) Other ways: landscapes of commuting. Landsc Res 37(2):207–224. https://doi.org/10.1080/01426397.2011.652944 Law J (2001) Situating technoscience: an inquiry into spatialities. Environ Plan D Soc Space 19:609– 621 Lee ES (1966) A theory of migration. Demography 3:47–57 Lewis WA (1952) The principles of economic planning: a study prepared for the fabian society. Allen & Uniwin, London Li B, An X (2009) Migration and small towns in China. In: IIED, working paper series on rural-urban interactions and livelihood strategies, WP-16 Li B, Duda M (2010) Employers as landlords for rural-urban migrants in Chinese Cities. Environ Urban 22(1):131–133 Ling SS, Mitchell CGB (2009) Accessible transportation and mobility; Transportation in the new millennium. A1E09, Committee on Accessible Transportation and Mobility Littlefield M, Nash A (2008) Commuting patterns as at the 2001 census and their relationship with modes of transport and types of occupation, Office for National Statistics, UK. Available at: http:// www.neighbourhood.statistics.gov.uk/. Accessed 09 Sept 2014 Löfgren O (2008) Motion and emotion: learning to be a railway traveller. Mobilities 3(3):331–351 Mahbub AQM (1997) Mobility behaviour of working people in Bangladesh–rural-rural and ruralurban circulation. University of Dhaka, Urban Studies Programme, Bangladesh Malinowski B (1922) Argonauts of the Western Pacific: an account of native enterprise and adventure in the Archipelagoes of Melanesian New Guinea. Routledge and Kegan Paul, London Mallick A, Ganapathy P (2013) Boribunder to Thana: 1853 revisited. https://redscarabtraveland media.wordpress.com/2013/04/14/boribunder-to-thana-1853-revisited/. Accessed 7 Sept 2014 Manning P (2013) Migration in world history. Routledge, New York McDowell L (2004) Work, workfare, work/life balance and an ethic of care. Progress Human Geogr 28(2):145–163 Ministry of Railways (2014) Suburban train services of Indian Railways, with particular emphasis on security of women passengers. Standing Committee on Railways, 23rd Report presented to the Lok Sabha on 6th February. http://164.100.47.134/lsscommittee/Railways/15_Railways_23. pdf. Accessed 16 June 2015 Mitra SK (1948) Hooghly Jelar Itihas O Banga Samaj. Dey’s Publishing, Kolkata Mondal B (2015) Commuting patterns of workers in a village of Barddhaman District, West Bengal. Space Cult India 3(1):48–66. https://doi.org/10.20896/saci.v3i1.140 Mondal B (2018) Mobility patterns of commuters: a study of three districts along the HowrahBarddhaman suburban rail corridor, India. Unpublished PhD thesis, The University of Burdwan Mondal B, Samanta G (2015) Commuting in geography of mobilities. Deccan Geogr 53(1):11–22 Mondal B, Samanta G (2017) Commuting and metropolitan development of Kolkata. Hill Geogr XXXIII 2:61–79

References

31

Moss JE, Jack CG, Wallace MT (2014) Employment location and associated commuting patterns for individuals in disadvantaged rural areas in Northern Ireland. Reg Stud 38(2):121–136 Murakami E, Young J (1997) Daily travel by persons with low income, paper for NPTS symposium, Betheda, MD, October 29–31. Available nhts.ornl.gov/1995/Doc/lowinc.pdf. Accessed 05 Nov 2014 Narain V, Banerjee P, Anand P (2014) The shadow of urbanization: the Peri-urban interface of five Indian cities in transition. In: East-west center working papers, environmental change, vulnerability and governance, No. 68 Nash J (1975) Bus riding: community on wheels. J Contemp Ethnogr 4(1):99–124 Nicholson H (2007) Metaphors of mobility, research in drama education. J Appl Theatre Perform 12(2):129–131. https://doi.org/10.1080/13569780701320924 O’Dell T (2005) Experienceescapes: blurring borders and testing connections. In: O’Dell T, Billing P (eds) Experiencescapes: tourism, culture, and society. Copenhagen Business School Press, Denmark, pp 11–32 Ohmori N, Harata N (2008) How different are activities while commuting by train? A case in Tokyo. Royal Dutch Geogr Soc KNAG 99(5):547–561 Ommeren V, Rietveld P, Nijkamp P (1997) Commuting in search of jobs and residences. J Urban Econ 42:402–421 Pain AK (2004) Travel demand estimation of selected small/medium-sized cities of West Bengal. In: Unpublished PhD thesis in economics, The University of Burdwan Partridge MD, Ali MdK, Olfert MR (2010) Rural-to-urban commuting: three degrees of integration. Growth Chang 41(2):303–335 Paterson JCK (1910) Bengal District Gazetteer, Burdwan District. Logos Press, New Delhi Piggott G (2007) Commuting in London. Data Management and Analysis Group, Greater London Authority Poot J, Alimi O, Cameron MP, Mare DC (2016) The gravity model of migration: the successful comeback of an ageing superstar in regional science. IZA Discussion Paper Series No. 10329, Germany Preston V, McLafferty S (1993) Gender differences in commuting at suburban and central locations. Canadian J Region Sci XVI 2:237–259 Punpuing S (1993) Correlates of commuting patterns: a case-study of Bangkok Thailand. Urban Stud 30(3):527–545 Radu D (2008) Social interactions in economic models of migration: a review and appraisal. J Ethn Migr Stud 34(4):531–548. https://doi.org/10.1080/13691830801961571 Ramos R (2016) Gravity models: a tool for migration analysis. IZA World of Labour Rao MSA (1974) The migrant to city. Yojana 18(20):7–13 Ravenstein EG (1885) The laws of migration. J Stat Soc Lond 48(2):167–235 Redmond LS, Mokhtarian PL (2001) The positive utility of the commute: modelling ideal commute time and relative desired commute amount. Transportation 28(2):179–205 Renkow M, Hoover D (2000) Commuting, migration and rural-urban population dynamics. J Reg Sci 40(2):261–287 Riessman C (1993) Narrative analysis. Sage, Thousand Oaks Rivera RLK (2007) Culture, gender, transport: contentious planning issues. Transport and Communications Bulletin for Asia and the Pacific, No. 76 Ross H (2021) Safety for future transport and mobility. Springer-Nature, Switzerland Roy BK (1979) International migration in India’s manpower resources. Nat Geogr J India 24(1):8–21 Roy AUK (2005) Development of new townships: a catalyst in the growth of rural fringes of Kolkata metropolitan area. In: Paper for the annual conference of HUDCO chair Roy S, Hannam K (2013) Embodying the mobilities of the Darjeeling Himalayan railway. Mobilities 8(4):580–594. https://doi.org/10.1080/17450101.2012.745695 Roy Chowdhury B, Roy Chowdhury A (2011) Transport as an urban hazard: a case study India. Indian J Landscape Syst Ecol Stud 34(1):383–400

32

1 Introduction

Ryan AB (2006) Post-positivist approaches to research. In: Antonesa M, Fallon H, Ryan AB, Ryan A, Walsh T, Borys L (eds) Researching and writing your thesis: a guide for postgraduate students. MACE, National University of Ireland, Ireland, pp 12–28 Saksena S, Luong PV, Quan DD, Nhat PT, Tho DT, Quang TN, Dang PN, Nguyen T, Quynh LN, Duc DH, Flachsbart P (2006) Commuters’ exposure to particulate matter and carbon monoxide in Hanoi, Vietnam: a pilot study. In: East west center working paper, environmental change, vulnerability and governance series, 64 Salazar NB, Smart A (2012) Anthropological takes on (im)mobility. In: Identities: global studies in culture and power, Routledge Samanta G (2001) Rural-urban interaction: a study of Burdwan town and surrounding rural areas. Unpublished PhD yhesis, Department of Geography, The University of Burdwan Scaborough CK (2001) Sharing the experience of mobility-disabled consumers—Building understanding through the use of ethnographic research methods. J Contemp Ethnogr 30(4):430–464. https://doi.org/10.1177/089124101030004004 Seamon D, Sowers J (2008) Place and Placelessness: Edward Relph. In: Hubbard P, Kitchen R, Vallentine G (eds) Key texts in human geography. Sage, London, pp 43–51 Sharma PD (2006) Ecology and environment, 7th edn. Rastogi Publications, Meerut Sharma K (2012) Rejuvenating India’s small towns. Econ Polit Weekly 47(30):63–68 Shaw A (2012) Metropolitan city growth and management in post-liberalized India. Eurasian Geogr Econ 53(1):44–62 Shaw J, Hesse M (2010) Transport, geography and the ‘new’ mobilities. Trans Inst British Geogr NS 35:305–312 Sheller M (2011) Mobility. Sociopedia.isa (an online database published by the International Sociological Association). http://www.sagepub.net/isa/resources/pdf/Mobility.pdf. Accessed 21 Jan 2016 Sheller M, Urry J (2006) The new mobilities paradigm. Environ Plan A 38(2):207–226. https://doi. org/10.1068/a37268 Shen Q (2000) Spatial and social dimensions of commuting. J Am Plann Assoc 66(1):68–82. https:// doi.org/10.1080/01944360008976085 Singh JP (1980) Population mobility in India: studies and prospects. Sociol Bulletin 29(1):33–62 Skeldon R (1970) On migration patterns in India during the 1970s. Popul Dev Rev 12(4):759–779 Skeldon R (1984) Migration in S. Asia: an overview. Population research leads, No.16, Population Division, ESCAP, Bangkok Sloterdijk P, Gestaltung P (1992/2011) Originally published as “Die Gesellschaft der Kentauren: Philosphische Bemerkungen zur Automobilitat”. Frankfurter Allegemeine/ Magazin 634, 24 April 1992, 28–38, translated by Katie Ritson. J Transf 1(1), 14–24 Stutzer A, Frey BS (2007) Commuting and life satisfaction in Germany, Heft 2nd March. Information zur Rumenwicklung. www.bsfrey.ch/articles/456_07.pdf. Accessed 22 Feb 2013 Sultana S, Weber J (2007) Journey-to-work patterns in the age of sprawl: evidence from two midsize southern metropolitan areas. Prof Geogr 59(2):193–208 Tacoli C (1998) Rural-urban interactions: a guide to the literature. Environ Urban 10(1):147–166 Tanzarn N (2008) Gendered mobilities in developing countries: the case of (urban) Uganda. In: Cresswell T, Uteng TP (eds) Gendered mobilities: towards an holistic understanding. Ashgate Publishing Limited, London, pp 159–172. ISBN-978-0-7546-7105-3 The Council for Social Development (2014) Urban development and exclusion of the poor: a report on the council for social development (CSD) seminar, 12–13 February 2013. Social Change 44(1):155–163. https://doi.org/10.1177/0049085713514832 Thrift N (2004) Movement-space: the changing domain of thinking resulting from the development of new kinds of spatial awareness. Econ Soc 33(4):582–604. https://doi.org/10.1080/030851404 2000285305 Todaro MP (1969) A model of labour migration and urban unemployment in less developed countries. Am Econ Rev LIX 1:138–148

References

33

Tolbert CM, Sizer M (1996) U.S. commuting zones and labor market areas—a 1990 update. Economic research service staff paper, rural economy division number 9614. Accessed from https://usa.ipums.org/usa/resources/volii/cmz90.pdf Tuan YF (1975) Place: an experiential perspective. Geogr Rev 65(2):151–165 Tuan YF (1979) Space and place. In: Gale S, Olsson G (eds) Philosophy in geography. D. Reidel Publishing, Dordrecht, pp 387–427 Turner T, Niemeier D (1997) Travel to work and household responsibility: new evidence. Transportation 24(4):397–419 United Nations (1970) Methods of measuring internal migration. Population Studies No. 47. UN, New York US Department of Transportation (2003). Omnibus household survey. Bureau of Transportation Statistics Ushiwaka K, Kikuchi A, Kitamura R (2004) Commuters’ perception of travel time and uncertainty under congestion pricing: exploration of a six-week field experiment data. In: Paper presented at the international conference, experiments in economic science-new approaches to solving real-world problems, pp 922–938 Uteng TP (2011) Gender and mobility in the developing world in the World Bank, World development report: gender equality and development, background paper. Accessed from http://sitere sources.worldbank.org/INTWDR2012/Resources/7778105-1299699968583/7786210-132267 1773271/uteng.pdf Uteng TP, Cresswell T (2008) Gendered mobilities: towards an holistic understanding. Ashgate Publishing Limited. ISBN-978-0-7546-7105-3 Uteng TP, Lucas K (2019) Urban mobilities in the global south. Routledge, London van der Klis M, Mulder CH (2008) Beyond the trailing spouse: the commuter partnership as an alternative family migration. J Hous Built Environ 23:1–19 Waris F, Yacob J, Husin WZW, Mamat WFW (2010) Customers’ perception towards electric commuter train services: application of logistic regression analysis. In: Proceedings of the regional conference on statistical sciences, pp 274–282 White MJ (1977) A model of residential location choice and commuting by men and women workers. J Reg Sci 17(1):41–52 White M (1988) Urban commuting journeys are not “wasteful.” J Polit Econ 96(5):1097–1110 Wilkinson L, Butt A (2013) The prevalence and characteristics of commuting between small towns and regional centres in regional Victoria. Rural Soc 23(1):75–86. https://doi.org/10.5172/rsj.2013. 23.1.75 Winn JE (2000) Moralizing upward mobility: investigating the myth of class mobility in working girl. South Commun J 66(1):40–51. https://doi.org/10.1080/10417940009373185 World Economic Forum (2017) Migration and its impact on cities. Switzerland Yao Y, Wang S (2014) Commuting tools and residential location of suburbanization: evidence from Beijing. Urban Plan Transp Res Open Access J 2(1):274–288, Routledge.https://doi.org/10.1080/ 21650020.2014.920697 Zelinsky W (1971) The hypothesis of the mobility transition. Geogr Rev 61(2):219–249 Zenou Y (2011) Rural-urban migration and unemployment: theory and policy implications. J Reg Sci 51(1):65–82

Chapter 2

Suburban Railways, Commuting, and Metropolitan Expansion

When transportation modes are combined with urban–rural development gap and the housing price, as well as different groups of income levels, we can explain the mechanics of suburbanization by studying the roles of different transportation modes in residents’ relocation. —Yao and Wang (2014, p. 276)

Abstract The role of suburban commuting i.e. commuting from peripheral urban areas to city core, in the growth and development of metropolitan areas has traditionally been overlooked. The same is true for Kolkata Metropolitan Area. Existing bodies of research on suburban expansion of KMA focus on the decentralized planning, increasing land values and consequent shortage of housing, urban pollution, lower liveability, etc., as the major factors behind its suburban expansion. The important role played by suburban railways and the enhanced facilities of commuting have not attracted as much attention despite their immense contributions to the development of this metropolitan region. This chapter investigates the role of suburban train commuting in the metropolitan development of Kolkata. Based on both primary and secondary data, and using indicators such as suburban passenger data, number of suburban local trains and growth of suburban railway infrastructures, this chapter reveals that in the immediate post-Independence period, KMA experienced a more diffused pattern of urban development. The chapter explains how commuting has changed the entire landscape by attracting people from interior rural areas to settle along the suburban rail routes, following which an integrated metropolitan area of Kolkata has developed. Keywords Suburban railway · Commuting · Metropolitan area · Urban growth

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 B. Mondal and G. Samanta, Mobilities in India, The Urban Book Series, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-78350-1_2

35

36

2 Suburban Railways, Commuting, and Metropolitan Expansion

2.1 Introduction1 Commuting performs a fundamental role in connecting home with work (Punpuing 1993, p. 527). It gives workers the opportunity to return home after the day’s work (Ommeren et al. 1997). With the improvement of accessibility and connectivity, commuting has become an important substitute to internal migration in most countries of the world (Mahbub 1997; Deshingkar and Anderson 2004; Klis and Mulder 2008). Rural-to-urban commuting is one of the key components of rural– urban integration (Tacoli 1998). This does not incur additional costs of housing in cities, and workers can balance both their workspace and home-space on a daily basis. It also reduces the population pressure upon the existing urban infrastructure (Chandrasekhar 2011). Population in villages may increase without the growth of local job centres and thus, a broad functional region is developed (Mondal 2015). This ruralto-urban linking causes enormous changes in the population size and occupational structure in peripheries of the metropolises and within the urban core areas also. Post-Independence India witnessed growth in non-farm work and improvement in the transport sector. The trend of commuting has increased with non-farm work opportunities (Krishnamurty 1984; Lanjouw and Lanjouw 2001; Ellis and Harris 2004; Himanshu and Stern 2011; Mondal 2015). Availability of good transport to access non-farm work increases the chances of commuting. By this time, workers were no longer required to stay in the metro cities basically for two reasons. Firstly, the electrification of suburban railways and the development of road transport added a new dimension to mobility. It reduced workers’ time distance. They could easily reach their offices in metro cities in one or two hours’ journey. This facilitated them to come back to their families after a day’s work in the cities. Secondly, in the meantime, the core metro cities were already over-populated. For example, Kolkata (erstwhile Calcutta) had a population density of more than 12,000 per km2 in 1941. The land values in the core city were also very high. Therefore, living in the suburbs was a better option. Due to the facility of commuting, population in the suburbs rapidly increased within a short time. Several new urban centres came up. Thus, the boundary of the metropolitan area expanded with the pace of the commuting workers in this period. This chapter explores the role of suburban train commuting in the postIndependence growth and expansion of Kolkata Metropolitan Area (KMA), the largest metropolitan area in Eastern India. During this period, the pattern of urbanization followed a diffused trend. New migrants were attracted by the less dense fringe areas offering relatively cheaper land than the inner cities, and better commuting facilities. Diffused urbanization policies were also taken up by the government through the formation of a separate administrative authority called Kolkata Metropolitan Development Authority (KMDA). Although other factors like the differential population density and differential land values in city core and peripheries, and the government’s 1 Part

of this chapter has been published in Hill Geographer, Vol. XXXIII, No. 2, 2017, pp. 61–79. For details, see Mondal, B., & Samanta, G. (2017). Commuting and metropolitan development of Kolkata. Hill Geographer, XXXIII (2), 61–79.

2.1 Introduction

37

decentralization policies have been studied in detail (see Chatterjee 1992; Roy 2005; Shaw 2012; Karmakar 2016), commuting has remained an under-researched issue. This chapter seeks to explore the process of decentralized urbanization in relation to suburban train commuting. Although this book focuses on the Howrah–Bardhaman Main Railway Line, the KMA has been considered to understand the role of commuting in urbanization for two reasons. First of all, since this chapter aims to present the historical development of suburban railways, growth of commuting and urbanization, longitudinal data through long time-scale are required. However, chronological data since Independence are available at the level of railway zones such as Eastern Railway, South Eastern Railways, and at divisional basis such as Howrah division, Sealdah division, and so on. There is no such long-term data particularly on the Howrah–Bardhaman Main Line. The dearth of data compels us to increase the spatial scale of the study area. Secondly, to justify the relation between the development of suburban railways, commuting and urbanization, a single railway line is not sufficient. Therefore, the spatial scale needs to be expanded. This is why, KMA has been considered for this particular chapter.

2.2 Indian Railways—16th April, 1853 … The Beginning ‘[The Railway] is a triumph, to which, in comparison, all our victories in the East seem tame and commonplace. The opening of the Great Indian Peninsular Railway will be remembered by the natives of India when the battlefields of Plassey, Assaye, Meanee, and Goojerat have become lndmarks of history’ (The Overland Telegraph and Courier 1853).

The first train in the Indian subcontinent ran from Bombay’s (now, Mumbai) Bori Bunder (presently, Chhatrapati Shivaji Terminus) to Thane for a stretch of 21 miles (nearly 34 km) on 16 April 1853 at 15:35 h. It started its journey with 14 railway carriages and 400 guests and with a 21-gun salute. It was hauled by three locomotives: Sindh, Sultan, and Sahib. This journey took about 1 h and 15 min. The idea of a rail route to connect Bombay and Thane first occurred to Mr. George Clark, the Chief Engineer of Bombay Government during a visit to Bhandup in 1843. A plan for a railway system in India had first been put forward in 1832, but no further steps were taken for more than a decade. In 1844, the Governor General of India, Lord Hardinge, allowed private entrepreneurs to set up railways in India. Two railway companies were created, and the East India Company was asked to assist them. Many investors from the United Kingdom approached, and a rail-system was created within the next few years. The first train became operational on 22 December 1852. It was a goods carriage used for hauling of construction material in Roorkee. A year and a half later, on 16 April, the first passenger train started its journey from Bori Bunder to Thane. Thus, within 28 years of initiation of railway in the United Kingdom, a railway system was also inaugurated in India (Chandra and Agarwal 2007). Since 1853, railways in India expanded rapidly and have become the principal

38

2 Suburban Railways, Commuting, and Metropolitan Expansion

mode of transportation. At present, it is the largest rail network in Asia and second largest in the world. It is the seventh largest commercial employer by number of employees in the world (Indian Railway 2013). The Indian Railways have been a great integrating force for more than 150 years. It binds social, cultural, and economic fabric of Indians from east to west and from north to south of the country. Regarded to be better than road transport in terms of efficiency, safety and environmental impact, railways are the best option during any emergency. Considering all these, Roy and Hannam (2013, pp. 581–582) have stated, ‘In the Indian context, railways have been an extremely significant social system for imperial control, economic development, nation-building and tourism.’

2.3 Development of Railways in Eastern India The East Indian Railway Company, later known as East Indian Railway (EIR), introduced railways in eastern and northern India, while companies such as the Great Indian Peninsular Railway, South Indian Railway, Central India Railway and the North-Western Railway operated in other parts of India. The company was established on 1 June 1845 in London by a deed of settlement with a capital of £4,000,000 largely raised in London. The first board of directors formed in 1845 comprised of thirteen members, with Sir Rowland Macdonald Stephenson as the first Managing Director of the Company. They surveyed Eastern India and planned to build a railway from Calcutta (now, Kolkata), the then commercial capital of India to Delhi via Mirzapur. A contract was signed between the East India Company and the East Indian Railway Company on 17 August 1849, entitling the latter to construct and operate an ‘experimental’ line between Calcutta and Rajmahal, 161 km (100 miles) long, at an estimated cost of £1,000,000, which would later be extended to Delhi via Mirzapur (Rao 1999). Four eminent personalities of the then state of Bengal helped to construct this railway. They are Prince Dwarakanath Tagore, Ram Gopal Ghosh, Motilal Sen, and Ram Kamal Sen (Chakrabarty 2006). This railway construction went on in several phases. On 7 May 1850, the East Indian Railway Company’s Managing Director Macdonald Stephenson, the company’s Chief Engineer George Turnbull, and the engineer Slater made an initial survey from Howrah (across the River Hooghly from Calcutta) to Burdwan (now, Bardhaman) on the route to the Raniganj coalfields. Specifications of work were advertised on July 16, and tenders for six contracts were received on July 31. Bamboo towers of 80 ft. (24 m) tall were then built above the palm trees at Serampore and Balli Khal to set out the line. In the next year, on June 16, a plan for Howrah station was submitted. All permanent rolling stocks were then transported from England via the Cape of Good Hope because the Suez Canal did not then exist. Although immense quantities of sal trees were delivered from Nepal, yet it could not meet the requirement. Then, fir logs were transported from England.

2.3 Development of Railways in Eastern India

39

The first passenger traffic along this route was shown the green flag on 15 August 1854, just 97 years before the day of Indian Independence. Howrah station was then merely a tin-shed, and people had to cross the river Hooghly by ferry2 to reach Howrah station from Calcutta. More than 3000 applications were received to have a first ride experience in the first train. The first train ran to its full capacity. It left Howrah station at 8:30 a.m. and reached Hooghly in 91 min crossing the 23 miles (37 km) distance. It had three first-class, two second-class coaches, three trucks for third-class passengers and a brake van for the guard. All of these were built in India. During the first sixteen weeks, the company was delighted to carry 109,634 passengers—83,118 in third class, 21,005 in second class and 5511 in first class. The gross earnings, including the receipts of a few tons of merchandise, were £6793 (Rao 1999). Train connectivity between Hooghly and Pundooah was inaugurated on 31 August 1854 and between Pundooah and Raniganj via Bardhaman and Khana station on 1 February 1855. The sequential development of the railways in Eastern India went on in several phases. Trains reached Adjai in October 1858, and in the next year, it reached Rajmahal. Bhagalpur station saw the first train in 1861. Within the next year, there was rapid development of the railways. Trains reached from Bhagalpur to Mughalsarai via Jamalpur. In the same year, the railway bridge over the Son River was constructed, and thus, the train reached Benaras. Along with the Son Bridge, a number of bridges had to be developed. Primarily brick-made bridges were planned, but such huge numbers of bricks were not easy to collect. Besides, there were doubts regarding the quality of the bricks. At last, it was decided to make the bridges of iron, and a huge amount of iron was imported from Britain because ironwork was not available in India.

2.4 Introduction of Suburban Railways The Indian Railways is the lifeline of the nation with a route length of 64,600 kms, providing both passenger and freight services. The passenger services of the Indian Railways are available both for suburban and non-suburban segments. Suburban rail, also called commuter rail or regional rail, plays a major role in the public transport system in many of India’s major cities. Suburban rail is defined as a rail service between a central business district and its suburbs, a conurbation or other locations that draw large numbers of people on a daily basis (Ministry of Railways 2014). The trains providing such services may be termed suburban trains. Trains on the Mumbai Suburban Railway, Chennai Suburban Railway and Kolkata Suburban Railway are referred to as ‘local trains’ or ‘locals.’ Suburban trains that handle commuter traffic are mostly electric multiple units (EMUs). They usually have nine or twelve coaches and sometimes, even fifteen to handle rush hour traffic. One unit of an EMU train

2A

ferry is a boat that transports people, goods, or vehicles across rivers or a short stretch of sea.

40 Table 2.1 Zone-wise suburban railways in India

2 Suburban Railways, Commuting, and Metropolitan Expansion Zones

Route length (km)

Passengers/day (lakhs)

Eastern

923

27.84

South-eastern

249

03.67

Southern

167

11.2

South-central

43

1.4

Western

123.78

34.84

Central

310

40

Source Ministry of Railways, GOI (2014), pp. 1–2

consists of one power car3 and two general coaches. Thus, a nine coach EMU is made up of three units, having one power car at each end and one at the middle. The rakes in some of the suburban rails run on direct current (D.C.) and others on alternating current (A.C.). Suburban rail in India operates on lines shared with other passenger trains (like the Howrah–Bardhaman Main Line) and freight trains4 (like the Lucknow–Kanpur Suburban Railway) or a combination of dedicated suburban lines and lines for longdistance trains (like the Mumbai Suburban Railway). The infrastructure in India is owned by Indian Railways and usually operated by one or more of the railway zones of Indian Railways. The suburban sections in the Indian Railways exist in six zones, namely Eastern, South-Eastern, Southern, South-Central, Western, Central and on Metro Railways5 The details of the coverage of suburban railways, both in terms of route length and passengers, are given in Table 2.1. The numbers of passenger are counted on the basis of ticket sales. Until the 1960s, the number of non-suburban passengers was more than number of suburban passengers because till then railways primarily connected the major raw material producing areas with the market. Since the 1970s, the number of suburban passengers started to grow, and within a few years, it surpassed non-suburban passengers. In 2000, it reached nearly 60% of the total traffic (Fig. 2.1). With increasing number of suburban passengers, the railway earnings also increased. Like the railways, the first EMU service was also introduced on the Indian Railways in Mumbai in 1925. Presently, the Mumbai Suburban Railways run 1600 locals under Central Railways and 1300 under Western Railways per day. The number of EMUs running per day and the number of rakes used in different zones have been tabulated in Table 2.2. In India, there are about 483 suburban stations. Depending upon the earnings from traffic volume, stations are classified into seven groups: A1, A2, B, C, D, E, and F. 3 In

railway transportation, power car refers to the particular coach equipped with all machineries that help in supplying electricity. 4 Freight trains are also known as goods’ carriage. The cargoes are used to carry bulk of goods, such as cement, iron ore, potato, and coal. 5 Metro Railway is a kind of electrified urban rapid transit rail system. In India, the first metro service was started in Kolkata.

2.4 Introduction of Suburban Railways

41

Traffic in Percentage

100 80 60 40 20 0 1960-61 1970-71 1980-81 1990-91 2000-01 2010-11 2011-12

Years

Non-suburban

Suburban

Fig. 2.1 Proportion of suburban and non-suburban railway Traffic in India, 1960–61 to 2011–12. Data source Ministry of Railways, GOI (2014), p. 2

Table 2.2 Number of rakes and EMU service per day in different zones of India

Zones

Total rakes in service

EMU service/day

ER

144

1272

SER

32

178

SR

67

686

WR

84

1305

CR

126

1662

SCR

09

121

NR

19

107

481

5331

Total IR

Source Ministry of Railways, GOI (2014), p. 4

All suburban stations are categorized as C. When a station is constructed, certain minimum amenities are to be provided at each category of stations. For a suburban station, the required amenities are specified by the Indian Railways (Appendix A).

2.5 Suburban Railways and Metropolitan Growth During the colonial period, the pattern of urban development was characterized by skewed growth of urban pockets around few metropolitan cities of the country, and Kolkata in Eastern India was not an exception. Since the Independence, population in the peripheral areas of these metropolitan regions started to grow at a much faster rate than in the metro cities. Scholars (see Chatterjee 1992; Roy 2005; Shaw 2012; Dhar

42

2 Suburban Railways, Commuting, and Metropolitan Expansion

2014) have tried to focus on different reasons behind this phenomenon, but one almost unnoticed reason is commuting. After the Second World War, especially during the post-Independence period, the transport sector in the developing countries improved faster. The betterment of the transport sector facilitated the scope of commuting of the workers, as it happened in other parts of the world (Mieszkowski and Mills 1993; Mahbub 1997; Klis and Mulder 2008; Parida and Madheswaran 2010; Chandrasekhar 2011; AASHTO 2013; Green et al. 1999; Levinson 1998; Tiwari 2015). Commuting facilitates workers living in small and medium towns and/or in rural areas and working in the big cities. The smaller centres sometimes attract more people than the metro cities (Lewis and Maund 1976) because of their lower land values compared to the later (Yao and Wang 2014). As a consequence, population in the suburbs and in the peripheries of the metro cities increases rapidly. Thus, commuting ‘has been the catalyst for the spatial rearrangement of society, communities and economic life…Towns within proximity to regional centres appear to gravitate towards regional centres and have formed an economic relationship where the interaction between these towns and regional centres has created functional regions’ (Wilkinson and Butt 2013, pp. 75–76). In their study in Tokyo, Ohmori and Harata (2008) have found that office workers tend to live in the suburbs because of low costs of living.

2.6 Kolkata Metropolitan Area Kolkata Metropolitan Area (KMA) is the largest metropolitan area in Eastern India and third largest in India (14.7 million) followed by the National Capital Region (46 million) and Mumbai Metropolitan Area (20.7 million). It spreads over an area of 1851.41 km2 and covers three Municipal Corporations including Kolkata Municipal Corporation itself, 38 municipalities, 73 census towns, 17 outgrowths, and 445 villages. With a population density of around 8000 per km2 , this is the densest metropolitan area in India. KMA extends over six districts of South Bengal. Four districts, namely Kolkata, Nadia, N. 24-Parganas and S. 24-Parganas, lie on the eastern bank of the Hooghly River while two districts, Howrah and Hooghly, lie on the western bank (Fig. 2.2). Kolkata Municipal Corporation (KMC) covers the whole of Kolkata district. The KMA has three major component areas: (a) conurbation stretching along the Hooghly River, (b) the eastern and south-eastern peripheral cities, and (c) rural areas encircling the cities. If all these cities are taken together, then four clusters of cities can be identified: (a) along the eastern bank of the Hooghly River, (b) along the western bank of the Hooghly River, (c) in the eastern periphery, and d) in the southern periphery (Appendix B). Out of six municipal corporations of West Bengal, three municipal corporations, namely Kolkata, Howrah, and Chandannagar, belong to the conurbation of KMA. Although these three municipal corporations cover only 15% area of KMA, these accommodate nearly 40% of population of the metropolitan area (Appendix C). More than 75% of the total population of this metropolitan area belongs to the eastern

2.6 Kolkata Metropolitan Area

(a)

43

(b)

Fig. 2.2 Kolkata metropolitan area: a its location within six districts of south Bengal, and b the constituting bodies

bank districts. Kolkata and N. 24-Paraganas together contribute more than 65% of the population of KMA. Out of a total 41 cities of KMA, 27 lie in the eastern bank districts (Appendix D). Moreover, the cities on the eastern bank are much larger in size compared to the western bank cities. Kolkata district is completely urbanized. In N. 24-Parganas, there are 25 cities of which 21 lie in KMA. In terms of city size distribution, of the total 41 cities, 37 are class-I cities.6 The rural areas surrounding the municipalities cover more than 40% area of this metropolitan area. These areas are experiencing rapid changes in demography, transport and economy. The development of today’s KMA is the outcome of a historic phenomenon that has grown over nearly 500 years. The principal city of Kolkata was developed much later than some of the cities lying adjacently north of it. The concept of KMA was first introduced by the Calcutta Metropolitan Planning Area (Use and Development of Land Control Act, 1965). The master plans of four super metropolises of India, namely Delhi, Mumbai, Kolkata, and Chennai, were prepared between the mid-60s and late 70s. From the 1960s, the policy-makers started to think over the issue of over-populated urban areas and took up the policy of diffused growth. In 1963, the Central Council of Local Self-Government and state ministers developed some policies for decentralized urbanization. It focused on promotion of notified urban areas and census towns into urban status and also to delimit the bigger cities (Karmakar 2015). Kolkata Metropolitan Development Authority (KMDA) was established in 1970 under a Presidential ordinance. With the enactment of the West Bengal Town and Country (Planning and Development) Act in 1979, KMDA was designated as

6 Census of India classifies urban areas based on population sizes, viz. (a) Class I town/cities: 100,000

and above, (b) Class II town: 50,000–99,999, (c) Class III town: 20,000–49,999, (d) Class IV town: 10,000–19,999, (e) class V town: 5,000–9,999.

44

2 Suburban Railways, Commuting, and Metropolitan Expansion

the statutory planning and development authority for the KMA. It plays a crucial role in the overall development programmes of the area.

2.7 Growth Trajectories of KMA Eastern India is the least urbanized part of the country. Kolkata Urban Agglomeration (KUA) is the largest urban agglomeration (UA), and KMA is the largest metropolitan area in Eastern India. Till 1991, it was the largest metropolitan area in the country. The process of urbanization in KMA started almost 500 years ago, much before the colonialists arrived in India. It started with a trade-based economy along the Ganga River (the lower reach of which is known as the Hooghly). Following Chatterjee (1992), the urbanization history of KMA can be discussed in four phases: i. ii. iii. iv.

Precolonial Phase (Before 1757) Colonial Phase-I (1757–1857) Colonial Phase-II (1857–1947) Post-Independence Period (1947 onwards).

In the precolonial period, that is, before 1757, a number of compact settlements prospered along the Hooghly River as water-borne transport was the main mode of trading that time. Large barges and cargoes could easily reach Kanchrapara on the eastern bank and Tribeni on the western bank without any dredging. This is the most important reason why KMA extends up to Bansberia on the west and Kanchrapara on the eastern bank of the Hooghly River towards the north even today (Chatterjee 1992). A number of trade centres like Tribeni, Bansberia (Bansabati), Satgaon or Saptagram, Bandel, Kashim Bazar, Chandannagar, Bhadreswar, Baidyabati, Bhatpara, Kanchrapara (Kanchanpally), Garifa, and Uluberia started to prosper from this period. Only Baruipur, located away from the Hooghly River, developed as a trading centre of beetle leaves.7 In the first phase of the colonial period, from 1757 to 1857, urban growth was followed by a number of European colonialists who settled their business along the Hooghly River. Hooghly (Portuguese), Chinsurah (Dutch), Chandannagar (French), Serampore (Danish), and Kolkata (British) developed as important colonies. Serampore and Kolkata were the only two cities developed by this time. In the second phase of colonial India, from 1857 to 1947, the British expanded their empire and started industrialization. They constructed railways to connect the jute belts of Hooghly, the coal belts of Raniganj, and tea belts of Assam with the capital city of Kolkata. Majority of the cities of present-day KMA flourished in this period. Post-Independence urbanization followed a decentralized pattern. Suburban railways and resultant commuting, which bear important roles in the evolution and growth of cities in this phase, will be discussed in the subsequent sections. 7 Scientific name—Piper betle; the leaves have significance in ayurvedic treatment. These are widely

used in different social and cultural programmes of Hindu community people.

2.7 Growth Trajectories of KMA

45

Within the present limit of KMA, twelve cities were developed in the postIndependence period. Of these newly formed cities, seven cities were developed in the peripheries of the KMA. Besides, a few other cities were also developed around the KMA during this period. Even being located beyond the administrative limit of the KMDA these cities are directly linked to Kolkata city by regular local train services. These towns owe the contribution of linkage with Kolkata for their growth. The sequential growth and urbanization of these cities in relation to the development of transport and commuting will be discussed in the next sections.

2.8 Development of Suburban Railways Although railways in Eastern India started operating in 1854, much before Independence from the British East India Company, the electrification of railways started only in December 1957 (Mondal and Samanta 2017). This revolutionized the transport history of Bengal. It reduced the time distance to reach Kolkata from 50 km away to just one hour. This first created the concept of suburban railways. Suburban rail, also known as commuter rail or regional rail, plays an important role in the public transport system. Suburban rail is defined as a rail service between a central business district and its suburbs, a conurbation or other locations that draw large numbers of people daily (Ministry of Railways 2014). The trains providing such services may be termed as suburban trains. Trains on the Mumbai Suburban Railway, Chennai Suburban Railway and Kolkata Suburban Railway are referred to as local trains or simply locals. Suburban trains that handle commuter traffic are mostly electric multiple units (EMUs). They usually have nine or twelve coaches and sometimes, even fifteen to handle rush hour traffic. One unit of an EMU train consists of one power car and two general coaches. Thus, a nine coach EMU is made up of three units, having one power car at each end and one in the middle. The rakes in some of the suburban rails run on direct current (D.C.) and others on alternating current (A.C.). Eastern India owns 923 kms of suburban rail route, the longest suburban rail route in India, and carries about 2,800,000 commuters daily, the third largest suburban traffic volume in the country (Ministry of Railways 2014). Kolkata suburban rail network (see Fig. 1.1) is the largest suburban rail network in Eastern India. It is served by the Eastern Railway and the South Eastern Railway. Kolkata Metro Rail is also part of this suburban rail network, and Kolkata is the headquarters of all the three. Howrah and Sealdah are the two major terminals. Howrah station operates both Eastern and South Eastern Railways, while Sealdah station operates only Eastern Railway. There are 348 stations in Kolkata suburban rail network of which nearly 100 are located within the jurisdiction limit of KMDA. The number of stations is increasing each year. There are eleven junction stations in the KMA. These are Howrah, Sealdah, Bally, Seorafully, Bandel, Naihati, Dum Dum, Barasat, Ballygunge, Sonarpur, and Barrackpore.

46

2 Suburban Railways, Commuting, and Metropolitan Expansion

This large suburban rail network of Kolkata is a stimulus for increasing number of suburban passengers since the 1960s. With a majority of the suburban passengers being commuters, suburban passenger data are taken as supplementary data to commuting. Numbers of passengers are counted on the basis of ticket sales. Till the 1960s, the number of non-suburban passengers was more than that of the suburban passengers. This was because till then, railways were expanded mainly with the aim of connecting the major raw material producing areas with the market of Kolkata. However, after the electrification of suburban rail lines, passenger mobility has started to increase, making commuting popular. In 1970, suburban passengers counted for more than half of the total passengers in India (see Fig. 2.1), and it continued to increase until the beginning of the twenty-first century. Mukhopadhyay (2003) has presented the overwhelming significance of the suburban railways in passenger transportation over non-suburban railways. She has shown that within 40 years, suburban passengers have increased by 448% while non-suburban passengers have increased only by 83%. In terms of passenger kilometres, while suburban passengers have increased by 809%, non-suburban passengers have increased by 294%. Kolkata suburban trains carry more than 1,700,000 commuters daily. About 90% of the commuters belong to the Eastern Railway. Their number is increasing each year, and the rate of increase is much faster in Eastern Railway than in South Eastern Railway (Table 2.3). This is because Eastern Railway serves a greater route length (km) than that of South Eastern Railway. One part of Eastern Railway, which is operated by Howrah division, runs along the Hooghly River through the conurbations. It connects cities like Serampore, Seoraphuli, Chandannagore, Bandel, etc. A huge number of people who work in Kolkata reside in these cities. Another part of Eastern Railway that is operated by Sealdah Division runs through the eastern and the south-eastern fringes of the metropolitan area. This connects cities like Bongaon, Basirhat, Barasat, Hasnabad, Lakshmikantapur, Diamond Harbour, Baruipur, etc. Many of these cities have developed along the Bangladesh border-lying districts. Large-scale immigration from Bangladesh led to the development of these cities. The new immigrants depended on Kolkata for their livelihood, thus increasing the number of commuters. Table 2.3 Growth of passengers in Kolkata suburban railway

Years

Average weekday (in thousand hundreds) Eastern railway

South Eastern Railway

Total

2000–2001

14.30

2.00

16.30

2001–2002

14.50

2.00

16.50

2002–2003

14.70

2.01

16.70

2003–2004

14.90

2.01

16.91

2004–2005

15.00

2.01

17.01

2005–2006

15.20

2.01

17.01

Source KMA Report, August (2008), p. 53

2.8 Development of Suburban Railways

47

Table 2.4 Weekday peak hour trains to and from Howrah Years

Morning peak hour trains to Howrah

Evening peak hour trains from Howrah

Local

Express

Passenger

Total

Local

Express

Passenger

Total

2009

28

4

1

33

36

10

1

47

2014

31

4

1

36

37

10

1

48

Source Eastern Railway (Howrah division), Working Time Tables 2009–2014

According to the Chief Public Relation Officer of Eastern Railway, between 1980– 81 and 2010–11, the growth rate of suburban passengers in Howrah division8 was six times more than the non-suburban passengers’ growth rate. Suburban passengers grew 132% in these thirty years, while non-suburban passengers grew only 24%. Howrah–Bardhaman Main Line is the first suburban rail route in Eastern India and second in the country. According to the Booking Supervisor General of Howrah Station, about 70% of the commuters of this station belong to this rail line. There are 34 stations, and each day 92 pairs of EMU local trains run in between different stations. The last ten years’ average weekday passenger data of each station of this line show that within the jurisdiction limit of the KMA, the number of commuters is very high. Beyond it, the number of originating traffic suddenly drops. For the easy transport and direct linkage with Kolkata, population in these areas grew rapidly, depending on the non-farm economy of Kolkata. To serve the huge metropolitan area-based commuters, Eastern Railway has introduced shuttle9 local trains at 15–30 min’ interval which run up to Bandel, the last railway station of KMA on the Howrah–Bardhaman Main Line. In contrast, the Bardhaman-bound local trains are at an average of one hour’s interval. To serve the growing numbers of commuters, Eastern Railway and South Eastern Railway presently run 1272 and 178 EMU local trains daily. Railway authorities consider the time between 8:30 h and 10:30 h as morning peak hours and in between 16:30 h and 19:30 h as evening peak hours because these are the timings of commuting to and from work, respectively. To support the crowd, maximum numbers of trains are allotted during those peak hours. In the morning peak hours, 36 trains leave Howrah station. Among these, 31 are local trains. Between 2009 and 2014, four new suburban local trains have been added for the peak hours but there is no addition in the number of express or passenger trains during that period (Table 2.4). Besides trains, the numbers of rakes are also being increased so that maximum number of passengers can be accommodated in a single train. In Eastern Railway, most of the suburban local trains have either nine coaches or twelve coaches. In peak hours, twelve coach trains usually run. For efficient handling of passengers, automatic ticket vending machines (ATVMs)10 have been installed in a few stations 8 Howrah

Division comprises both Howrah Eastern and South Eastern Sections. running for short distance. 10 ATVMs are touch screen-based ticketing kiosks. Passengers can purchase tickets through cash or using smartcards. The instructions for generating a printed ticket through ATVM are shown on the screen. After confirming the destination and number of passengers, payment is done, and the ticket 9 Trains

48

2 Suburban Railways, Commuting, and Metropolitan Expansion

of KMA, so that they can purchase tickets using their smart cards11 without waiting in long queues before the ticket window. Eastern Railway has also introduced special apps using which passengers can purchase tickets of local trains. As a result of this increasing volume of commuters, the earnings of railways have also increased. After the introduction of suburban railways, the gross earnings from the suburban section increased at a fast rate. At the all-India level, between 1950–51 and 1990–91, it increased by more than 5000% (Mukhopadhyay 2003). In Howrah division from 1980–81 to 2010–11, the suburban passenger earnings have increased by 1453% (Howrah division 2016). Due to the growing significance of commuting, 62% of the total industrial investments in KMA between 1995 and 2010 were for the transport and communication sector (Shaw 2012).

2.9 Diurnal Variation in the Frequency of Trains: Significance of Commuting Within the domain of mobility research, daily short, repetitive forms of mobility such as commuting have long been neglected. The suburban railways play a significant role in transportation of commuters, which can be estimated from the allotment of trains at different hours of the day. The first local train that leaves Howrah station at 1:50 h is the Bardhaman Main Local. Since then, trains start moving on different routes. The last Main Line Local is a Bandel Local, which leaves Howrah station at 21:45 h. Thus, only two hours—from 21:45 to 1:50 h—have no trains running on the Bardhaman–Howrah Main Railway Line. Throughout the day, trains are run in between different stations. If the total working hours, that is, 22 h (from 1:50 to 21:45 h) are divided into segments, it can be seen that the distribution of trains is not equal at all times of the day (Appendix E). Since the time interval is not equal, it is better to explain with the help of frequency density. The frequency density values show that there are two peak hours at the two ends of a day. The first peak hour lies in between 8:30 and 10:25 h, when workers commute to work. Maximum number of trains is allotted during this time. Then, the frequency density of trains decreases, and it again increases in the evening peak hours, from 16:30 to 19:30 h when commuters return home. In fact, the decision to allot more trains in the two peak hours is determined by the railway authority to give importance to commuters. The frequency and timing of trains establish the fact that the suburban railways have been developed to cater to the large number of commuters living in the metropolitan region and working in the metro city of Kolkata. It also establishes the significance of commuting in the entire region and supports the concept of Acharya (2000) that ‘commuter is the king’ in suburban railways. is printed. The ATVMs have been launched by the Indian Railways to reduce the queue in front of the ticket window. 11 A smart card is a physical card that has an embedded integrated chip that acts as a security token. It may be made of durable plastic or metal.

2.10 Post-independence Growth

49

2.10 Post-independence Growth The post-Independence period experienced huge refugee influx from Bangladesh. To reduce the excessive pressure of population from the metro city, a policy of decentralized urbanization was taken up after Independence. Suburban railways were electrified, and many new roads were constructed, thus facilitating commuting. For extending urbanization beyond Kolkata, KMDA was established in 1970. Between 1947 and 1970, that is, before the establishment of KMDA, only two cities came into existence under the KMA—Uttarpara Kotrung and New Barrackpore. Ten more cities were developed after the establishment of the KMDA in 1970. Of the ten cities formed after 1970, six cities, namely Uluberia, Bidhannagar, Madhyamgram, Pujali, Rajarhat–Gopalpur and Gayeshpur, were developed away from the conurbation, two cities, Kalyani and Maheshtala, were developed near the conurbation and the remaining two cities, Bally and Chandannagar MC, were developed within the conurbation (Fig. 2.3). Majority of the cities came into being in N. 24-Parganas district. Madhyamgram developed as a satellite town to the city of Kolkata in the 1990s, while Barasat developed as a railway station. Gayeshpur is linked through suburban railways having two railway stations in its vicinity. Kalyani Railway Station lies at its periphery in the north-west, and Kanchrapara railway station lies in the west. Therefore, the pattern of urbanization around Kolkata metropolis followed a decentralized policy, especially after the formation of the KMDA.

Fig. 2.3 Peripheral growth of cities in the post-independence period

50

2 Suburban Railways, Commuting, and Metropolitan Expansion

The increasing accessibility and scope for commuting to Kolkata facilitated the growth of population in these peripheral cities. The situation can be better explained with the help of the growth trajectories of two cities, Kalyani and Bidhannagar. In Kalyani, between 1961 and 1971, population growth rate was nearly 300%. In the next decade, it experienced declining but still high growth rate of nearly 115%. In 1951, a modern satellite township was planned on an abandoned army base to relieve the population pressure from Kolkata. This was Kalyani. Different government departments were founded, and a separate university was set up to reduce the pressure on Calcutta University. Besides, a number of academic institutions like engineering college, polytechnic college, industrial training institute, agriculture university, and so on were set up. It is served by Sealdah Main Line, State Highway-1, Barrackpore– Kalyani Expressway and Barrackpore Trunk Road (BT Road). By one and half hour’s journey by bus from Kalyani a person can reach Kolkata directly. All these facilities attracted many people to reside in Kalyani. Within a few years, the population grew rapidly. Another example is Bidhananagar, the population of which grew more than 200% between 1981 and 1991. Before that, it was a depressed area covered by shallow water bodies. With the aim of decentralized planning, Salt Lake City or Bidhannagar was developed. It is a planned satellite town. Many government institutions were shifted from Kolkata to Bidhannagar, developed on the eastern fringe of Kolkata. Besides Kalyani and Bidhannagar that were planned to release the pressure on Kolkata, there are a number of cities, which developed spontaneously without any planning within the KMA. A few more cities also grew outside the boundary of the KMA due to the increased linkage with Kolkata by local trains and resultant commuting. Seven such cities are Tarakeswar, Bongaon, Diamond Harbour, Kharagpore, Panskura, Haldia, and Memari. A large number of commuters regularly travel from these cities to different locations within the KMA, utilizing the facility of suburban local trains. Followed by the decentralization in the post-independence period, population in the peripheries of the metropolitan areas grew at a much faster rate than their cores. In KMA, the metro-core, which includes KMC and Howrah MC, is facing declining population growth rate, while its peripheries are experiencing increasing population growth rate, thus increasing the difference between the two over time (Karmakar 2015). This core–periphery divide highlights the significance of the peripheral areas of KMA. In between 1951 and 2011, population density has increased only 1.5 times in KMC. In contrast, all other peripheral cities have experienced relatively much higher increase of population density. In Rajpur–Sonarpur town located in the southern periphery of Kolkata city, population density has increased 31 times within this period. In North Dum Dum and Barasat, located in the eastern periphery, population density has increased more than 20 times and 17 times, respectively, within the same period. Besides, there are many other cities located in the periphery such as Dum Dum, South Dum Dum, Kalyani, Panihati, Khardaha, Baruipur, and Baidyabati, where population density has increased more than 5 times. These newly urbanized areas have emerged as popular residential areas because of their open spaces, relatively low land values, congestion, and pollution-free environment. This changing pattern of urbanization and the

2.10 Post-independence Growth

51

shifts of population from central city to the peripheral locations within and outside KMA have only been possible due to the increased connectivity and the facility of commuting. As a result of the increasing population size and population density, the size-class distribution of the cities has also changed over time (Appendix F). In the 1951 census, there was no class-I city12 among the cities formed after the Independence. In 2011, there were eight class-I cities on the list. Among them, Bidhannagar, Haldia, and Rajarhat–Gopalpur had witnessed rapid growth of population. Both Bidhannagar and Haldia were class-III towns in the 1981 census. Within 10 years, in the 1991 census, these two were recognized as class-I cities, thereby adding at least 50,000 population in each. Of the seven municipalities formed around KMA and considered for this research, four are class-I cities—Bangaon, Kharagpore, Panskura, and Haldia. As the peripheries have become attractive residential sites, the land values have also started to increase. A survey conducted by a real estate company showed that between 2007 and 2010, land value has sharply increased by 150% in the northern fringes of Kolkata such as in Madhyamgram, along Jessore Road and B. T. Road, as well as in the southern fringes such as in Narendrapur–Baruipur area (Sen 2011). Due to the increasing significance of the peripheral areas, KMDA invests planning costs almost equally in the core and periphery areas. Of a total INR 318,179 crores (3,181,790 million) invested in between 1995 and 2010, INR 136,709 crores (43%) was invested for the peripheral region (Shaw 2012). From the detailed analysis of the spatial pattern of commuting routes and urbanization, it has been found that the cities along the eastern part of the Hooghly River are much larger in size compared to those of the western part. Decadal population growth rate is faster in the eastern section. It is also found that most of the suburban stations of KMA have developed along Sealdah Main and Sealdah South lines to serve the eastern section. Majority of the commuters of KMA belong to this section, and their numbers are increasing at a much faster rate than in the western section. Between 2000 and 2010, 278 million, new commuters were added from the eastern bank areas of KMA, whereas on the western bank, it was only 99 million. Rate of increase was 89% on the eastern part and 36% on the western part (Dhar 2014). Rapid immigration, followed by the partition of the country, increased the size of the cities in the India–Bangladesh border-lying districts of the KMA. These landless migrants depended on non-farm jobs of Kolkata and adjoining areas, thus raising the number of commuters. Local trains play a significant role in transportation in the eastern part. More than 90% commuters of Nadia district from this part use trains as their principal mode of transport to commute for more than 50 km. To cover the same distance, over 83% commuters of N. 24-Parganas and about 79% commuters of S. 24-Parganas use trains from the same section (Dhar 2014). In contrast, from the western part, Hooghly district provides a large proportion of train commuters for the same distance (83%). Having the facilities of a number of interurban transits, there are only 64% 12 Census of India classifies urban areas on the basis of population size. Class-I cities are having a population size of one lakh and above.

52 Table 2.5 Percentage share of train commuters commuting over 20 km

2 Suburban Railways, Commuting, and Metropolitan Expansion Places

21–30 km

31–50 km

>50 km

West Bengal

35.81

65.34

71.59

Nadia

36.71

79.76

90.06

N. 24-Parganas

50.61

83.53

83.01

S. 24-Parganas

56.14

81.23

78.90

Kolkata

12.11

19.78

39.93

Howrah

18.45

49.39

63.92

Hooghly

63.59

91.39

83.30

Source Calculated from Census of India, 2011

Fig. 2.4 Suburbanization as a result of improved transport

Increasing need for Improved Transport

Rapid Suburban ization

Electrification of Suburban Railways

Advancement in Mobility History

Increasing Trends of Commuting

No More Requirement for Staying at Urban Areas

commuters of Howrah district who prefer trains covering the same distance oneway (Table 2.5). Thus, it shows that improved transport increases the possibility of commuting, leading to suburbanization. Over time, these suburban people demand for more improved transport, thus making the process cyclical (Fig. 2.4).

2.11 Conclusion This chapter shows that commuting plays an important role in population mobilization, locational integration and in metropolitanization. It performs a catalytic role in population deconcentration from the metro cities by facilitating people living in rural and or suburban areas to be engaged in urban jobs only available in metro or large cities. The consequent urbanization results not only in suburbanization but also in the evolution of small and medium towns (Holmes 1971). As Wilkinson and

2.11 Conclusion

53

Butt (2013, p. 77) have described it: ‘commuting was pulling rural areas and small towns into the metropolitan orbit.’ Iyer (2017) has also noted down similar kinds of localized urbanization in his empirical study in Karnataka. All these newly formed towns and villages connected to the metro city through the regular flow of people, power, goods, capital and information (Tacoli 2003) lead to greater strengthening of the functional region of larger cities, thus diluting the sharp division between rural and urban (Shah 2012). Commuting also acts as a key driving force in regional restructuring through decentralized urban growth. This decentralization hypothesis has gained much popularity among academicians and planners (Lewis 1976; Tacoli 1998; Kundu et al. 2002; CSD 2014) who propose a diffused urbanization policy for balanced regional development. Such planning strategy is useful both for rural and urban development. For the rural area, commuting creates employment opportunities even while living in villages, increases their access to markets and exposure to the urban social and cultural environment (Roy 2005; Purushothaman 2007). For the urban area, it reduces the ever-increasing pressure of population on housing, transport and urban environment (Sharma 2012). To explain the impact of increasing rural–urban connectivity on urban development, Dasgupta (1987, p. 276) noted, ‘Urban development to be effective, has to maintain a certain harmony with development in the rural hinterland’. In commute studies, the role of transport is found to be very significant. This empirical research shows that after the commencement of suburban local trains in Kolkata suburban area, the number of commuters rapidly increased. Facility of commute to work increased the importance of peripheral areas of KMA. Many new cities grew within and around the KMA. Everyday about 1,700,000 commuters enter Kolkata from its metropolitan hinterland. Formation of the peripheral cities has decreased the pressure on Kolkata city, especially in terms of housing. Moreover, these newly born cities have been the focal growth points within their rural hinterland (Samanta 2001; Sen 2015; Paul 2012; Das and Samanta 2015). This article thus concludes that commuting holds the potentiality of aiding future regional development agenda for better, balanced urban development to counter metropolitanization and big city urban agglomeration in India. For this, a well-integrated and performing transport network is the only alternative.

References AASHTO/American Association of State Highway and Transportation Officials (2013) Commuting in America 2013—the national report on commuting patterns and trends. AASHTO Census Transportation Planning Products Program; Acharya RC (2000) Indian railways—where the commuter is the king. Japan Railway Transp Rev 25, 34–45 Chakrabarty D (2006) The colonial context of the Bengal renaissance: a note on early railway thinking in Bengal. In: Srinivasan R, Tiwari M, Silas S (ed) Our Indian railway themes in India’s railway history. Foundation Books Private Limited, New Delhi, pp 2–22. ISBN: 81-7596-330-1

54

2 Suburban Railways, Commuting, and Metropolitan Expansion

Chandra S, Agarwal MM (2007) Railway engineering. Oxford University Press, New Delhi. ISBN13: 978-0-19-568779-8 Chandrasekhar S (2011) Workers commuting between the rural and urban: estimates from NSSO Data. Econ Polit Weekly 46(46):22–25 Chatterjee M (1992) Evolution and growth of municipal towns in Calcutta metropolitan area. Centre for Urban Economic Studies, Discussion Paper No. 4, August, University of Calcutta CSD/The Council for Social Development (2014) Urban development and exclusion of the poor: a report on the council for social development. Seminar, 12–13 February 2013. Social Change 44(1):155–163. https://doi.org/10.1177/0049085713514832 Das N, Samanta R (2015) Spatial distribution of markets of Purba Medinipur, West Bengal. Int J Appl Res 1(6):285–289 Dasgupta B (1987) Urbanisation and rural change in West Bengal. Econ Polit Weekly 22(7):276–287 Deshingkar P, Anderson E (2004) People on the move: new policy challenges for increasingly mobile populations. Nat Res Perspect 92, Overseas Development Institute Dhar SB (2014) Influence of the river Ganga on the urban process in Kolkata metropolitan area. IOSR J Human Social Sci 19(9), VI:60–67 Eastern Railway (Howrah Division), Working Time Tables 2009–2014 Ellis F, Harris N (2004) Development patterns, mobility and livelihood diversification. Keynote paper for DFID sustainable development retreat, July13, University of Surrey, Guildford Green AE, Hogarth T, Shackleton RE (1999) Longer distance commuting as a substitute for migration in Britain: a review of trends, issues and implications. Int J Popul Geogr 5:49–67 Himanshu, Stern N (2011) India and an Indian village: 50 years of economic development in Palanpur. Working paper 43, April, London School of Economics, Asia Research Centre Holmes JH (1971) Commuting as a prelude to suburbanization. Ann Assoc Am Geogr 61(4):774– 790 Indian Railway (2013) Indian railway: an overview Iyer S (2017) Circular migration and localized urbanization in rural India. Environ Urban ASIA 8(1):105–119. National Institute of Urban Affairs. https://doi.org/10.1177/0975425316683866 Karmakar J (2015) Retrospect of post-colonial metropolitan planning in India: critical appraisal. J Geogr Region Plan 8(6):166–173. https://doi.org/10.5897/JGRP2015.0494 Karmakar J (2016) Transformation of housing policy, house shortage and spatial growth of housing in the Kolkata metropolitan area—a critical appraisal. Indian J Spatial Sci 7(1):36–41 Kolkata Metropolitan Area or KMA (2008). Comprehensive mobility plan—back to basics. http:// www.kmdaonline.org/pdf/CMP-KMA.pdf. Accessed 1 July 2015 Krishnamurty J (1984) Changes in the Indian workforce. Econ Polit Weekly 19(50):2121–2128 Kundu A, Pradhan BK, Subramanian A (2002) Dichotomy or continuum—analysis of impact of urban centres on their periphery. Econ Polit Wkly 14:5039–5046 Lanjouw JO, Lanjouw P (2001) The rural non-farm sector: issues and evidence from developing countries. Agric Econ 26:1–23 Levinson DM (1998) Accessibility and the journey to work. J Transp Geogr 6(1):11–21 Lewis GJ, Maund DJ (1976) The urbanization of the countryside: a framework for analysis. Geografiska Annaler Ser B Human Geogr 58(1):17–27 Mahbub AQM (1997) Mobility behaviour of working people in Bangladesh-rural-rural and ruralurban circulation. University of Dhaka, Urban Studies Programme, Bangladesh Mieszkowski P, Mills ES (1993) The causes of metropolitan suburbanization. J Econ Perspect 7(3):135–147 Ministry of Railways (2014) Suburban train services of Indian Railways, with particular emphasis on security of women passengers. Standing Committee on Railways, 23rd report presented to the Lok Sabha on 6th February. http://164.100.47.134/lsscommittee/Railways/15_Railways_23.pdf. Accessed 16 June 2015 Mondal B (2015) Commuting patterns of workers in a village of Barddhaman District, West Bengal. Space Cult India 3(1):48–66. https://doi.org/10.20896/saci.v3i1.140

References

55

Mondal B, Samanta G (2017) Commuting and metropolitan development of Kolkata. Hill Geogr XXXIII 2:61–79 Mukhopadhyay T (2003) Railway transport network in India. In Vaidya BC (ed) Geography of transport development in India. Concept Publishing Company, New Delhi. ISBN-81-7022-957-X Ohmori N, Harata N (2008) How different are activities while commuting by train? A case in Tokyo. Royal Dutch Geogr Soc KNAG 99(5):547–561 Ommeren V, Rietveld P, Nijkamp P (1997) Commuting in search of jobs and residences. J Urban Econ 42:402–421 Parida JK, Madheswaran S (2010) Spatial heterogeneity and population mobility in India. In: Working paper 234, The Institute for social and Economic Change, Bangalore Paul S (2012) Monitoring urban growth pattern and its impact on neighbouring villages: a case study on Rajarhat region, West Bengal. Int J Current Res 4(4):221–226 Punpuing S (1993) Correlates of commuting patterns: a case-study of Bangkok Thailand. Urban Stud 30(3):527–545 Purushothaman R (2007) Is urban growth good for rural India? United Nations expert group meeting on population distribution, urbanization, internal migration and development. United Nations Secretariat, October 30, New York Rao MA (1999) Indian Railways. National Book Trust, New Delhi Roy ArUK (2005) Development of new townships: a catalyst in the growth of rural fringes of Kolkata metropolitan area. In: Paper for the annual conference of HUDCO chair Roy S, Hannam K (2013) Embodying the mobilities of the Darjeeling Himalayan Railway. Mobilities 8(4):580–594. https://doi.org/10.1080/17450101.2012.745695 Samanta G (2001) Rural-urban interaction: a study of Burdwan town and surrounding rural areas. Unpublished thesis, Department of Geography, The University of Burdwan Sen S (2011) Effect of urban sprawl on human habitation in urban fringe and peri-urban areas in Kolkata metropolitan area. Inst Town Plan India J 8–4:58–66 Sen P (2015) Changing urban traits—a study on Sonarpur urban fringe, S. 24-Paraganas. Inst Lands Ecol Ekistics 38(1):40–47 Shah AM (2012) The village in the city, the city in the village. Econ Polit Weekly 47(52):17–19 Sharma K (2012) Rejuvenating India’s small towns. Econ Polit Weekly 47(30):63–68 Shaw A (2012) Metropolitan city growth and management in post-liberalized India. Eurasian Geogr Econ 53(1):44–62 Tacoli C (1998) Rural-urban interactions: a guide to the literature. Environ Urban 10(1):147–166 Tacoli C (2003) The links between urban and rural development. Environ Urban 15(1):3–12 The Overland Telegraph and Courier (1853) https://www.irfca.org/faq/faq-hist.html. Accessed 22 Dec 2016 Tiwari R (2015) Smart mobility for India: needs, opportunities and challenges. LMA Convent J 11(1):21–24 van der Klis M, Mulder CH (2008) Beyond the trailing spouse: the commuter partnership as an alternative family migration. J Hous Built Environ 23:1–19 Wilkinson L, Butt A (2013) The prevalence and characteristics of commuting between small towns and regional centres in regional Victoria. Rural Soc 23(1):75–86. https://doi.org/10.5172/rsj.2013. 23.1.75 Yao Y, Wang S (2014) Commuting tools and residential location of suburbanization: evidence from Beijing. Urban Plan Transp Res Open Access J 2(1):274–288, Routledge. https://doi.org/10.1080/ 21650020.2014.920697

Chapter 3

Blurring Rural–Urban Boundaries Through Commuting

All movement is a form of interaction. The term movement denotes the action of changing position. That is to say, it involves the progression of an object, idea, or energy from a point, either permanently or temporarily, or perhaps not. In this manner, two or more points will interact; some phenomenon either tangible or intangible is transported from at least one point to at least one other point. It is this interaction that makes social and physical reality as we know it possible; without it, ‘existence’ would be stagnation on a crystallized orb. —Coffey (1981, p. 152)

Abstract Rural–urban interaction is a much focused issue in studying rural/urban development. Different scholars have studied this relation in different ways. There are a number of theories and models proposed in support of this interaction. Of different forms of linkage, commuting is a significant component. Commuting across rural and urban areas increases the interaction between the two areas not only through the daily flows of people but also through flows of goods, capital, ideas, information, culture, etc. It helps to blur the rigid boundary between villages and cities. In this chapter, this sort of interaction is explained with the help of empirical data. It shows the transformation of villages into small towns through commuting. Finally, it selects Pandua, a census town, to explain the nature of this interaction. Keywords Rural · Urban · Small cities · Census towns · Interaction · Commuting

3.1 Introduction The concept of rural–urban interaction is a widely appreciated philosophy in the fields of rural and urban development since a long time. There are different means of rural– urban interaction. Generally, it is maintained through flows of people, goods, finance, etc. Commuting is an important ingredient in these flows of people. Commuting is a significant form of spatial mobility that allows workers to link their workplaces with their residences daily (Ommeren et al. 1997). It ‘plays a causal role in the process of adjusting between residence and workplace’ (Punpuing 1993, p. 527). Thus, participation in workforce does not divert commuters from household duties. With the © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 B. Mondal and G. Samanta, Mobilities in India, The Urban Book Series, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-78350-1_3

57

58

3 Blurring Rural–Urban Boundaries Through Commuting

improvement of accessibility and connectivity, commuting has become an important substitute to migration in most parts of the world (Mahbub 1997; Deshingkar and Anderson 2004; Klis and Mulder 2008). Rural-to-urban commuting is one of the key components of rural–urban integration. This does not impose additional costs of housing in urban areas and workers can balance both their workspace and home-space on a daily basis. It reduces the population pressure on the existing urban infrastructure (Renkow and Hoover 2000). Population of rural areas may grow without the growth of local job centres, and thus, a broad functional region is developed (Mondal 2015). This rural-to-urban linking has brought enormous changes in the population size and occupational structure in rural areas surrounding the metropolises. Commuting plays a catalytic role in this rural–urban connection. Commuting across the rural–urban boundary provides scope for income diversification, and the so-called economic and cultural boundary between rural and urban is gradually blurred. As commuters live in rural areas and work in urban areas, they are open to both rural and urban culture, and they do not belong to one particular category. ‘Rural–urban interdependence through commuting may also be conceptualized as a network of interdependency rather than a unidirectional influence’ (Partridge et al. 2010, p. 305). It causes diversification of economy. In other words, the facilities of commuting enable people to attend work across rural/urban boundaries. This, in turn, helps to change the identity of rural areas. This chapter explains the role of commuting in increased rural–urban interaction. It presents how the process of commuting helps in the transformation of a rural settlement into an urban area through analysing the development of a small town called Pandua, which is a station on the Howrah–Bardhaman Suburban Railway Line. Newly emerged small cities play significant roles in rural–urban interaction as they act as intermediaries between rural areas and the big cities. This sort of interaction is reflected through the nature of market, changing culture of residents, and so on.

3.2 Dichotomy Versus Interaction There are two major settlement groups—one is rural and another is urban. However, the criteria of defining a settlement as urban or rural vary from one country to another. In the Indian census, any settlement having a minimum population of 5000, a threshold population density of 400 per km2 , 75% of male population working in non-farm sector, and the settlement having a statutory governing body in the form of municipality, municipal corporation, nagar panchayat or cantonment board is known as urban. All the settlements beyond these criteria are called rural. Thus, population size and residents’ economy define a settlement as urban or rural. In traditional literature, villages used to be represented as homes of the agrarian community, static, enclosed and as places ‘good-for-nothing’ (Chattaraj 2010, p. 35), while urban areas were described as dynamic, exposed and as places of better opportunities.

3.2 Dichotomy Versus Interaction

59

Accordingly, development planners propose development models separately meant for ‘rural’ and ‘urban’ areas. Rural development policies cover rural poverty eradication measures through agricultural growth strategies, livestock farming, agricultural wage improvement, and so on, without considering its connections with urban areas. Similarly, urban development policies focus on slum improvement, sewage, water supply, and urban transport. All these ‘in-situ’ proposals (Batra 2009) overlook the interdependencies between rural and urban that are maintained through regular flows of people, goods, capital, information, and ideas (Baker and Pederson 1992; Tacoli 1998b; Lynch 2005; Denis and Zérah 2014). Villages and cities are linked through a number of forward and backward linkages (Tacoli 2015; Bah et al. 2003). There are many rural households, which sustain on incomes earned in urban areas. Similarly, many urban industries and service centres rely upon the labour and raw materials from rural areas. Chandrasekhar (2011) has found that in India, about eight million rural non-farm workers commute to urban areas while about four million workers commute from urban-to-rural areas for working in different non-agricultural activities. This sectoral linkage through commuting is of great significance in rural–urban interaction theory. Since the last quarter of the twentieth century, scholars have started to focus on rural–urban interactions instead of using the compartmentalized model. In this context, Lichter and Brown (2011, p. 565) have stated that ‘Drawing sharp rural– urban distinctions seems increasingly obsolete or even problematic’. According to Caffyn and Dahlström (2005, p. 284), ‘… compartmentalization is not always the best approach to either urban or rural issues’. Cecilia Tacoli (1998a, p. 4) stated that ‘The division between ”urban” and “rural” policies is based on the assumption that the physical distinction between the two areas is self-explanatory and uncontroversial. However, there are three major problems with this view’. She has also narrated the problems of this distinction (Tacoli 1998a, p. 3): Most development theory and practice is implicitly based on the dichotomy between rural and urban areas, populations and activities. This is reflected in the division of policies along spatial and sectoral lines, with urban planners usually concentrating on urban nodes and giving scant attention to agricultural or rural-led development, while rural development planners tend to ignore urban centres and define rural areas consisting only of villages and their agricultural land. This, however, does not reflect the reality of households’ livelihoods, which often include both rural and urban elements….In both rural and urban areas, a significant proportion of households relies on income diversification and on the combination of agricultural and non-agricultural income sources.

There are a number of developmental theories regarding rural and urban areas. Starting from Perroux’s growth pole model in 1955, a number of models and theories have come up. These models can be divided into two groups: (a) urban-centric development model, and (b) rural–urban joint policies. Perroux’s growth pole model, Hirschman’s trickle–down and polarization policies, and Myrdal’s spread effects belong to the first group. Since the 1970s with the development of service sectorbased economy and improvement in road transport, the focus of rural–urban relations has started to change. A number of theories in support of interaction have come up.

60

3 Blurring Rural–Urban Boundaries Through Commuting

In many of these studies, the traditional view towards rural and urban has been overturned. For example, Michael Lipton proposed that urban areas play a parasitic role in rural development. He stated that cities grow by drawing resources from villages and later on, turn those villages into their dumping sites (Lipton 1977). In 1981, Stohor and Taylor proposed their bottom-up approach which emphasized on development starting from rural areas. Stohor and Taylor’s proposal was opposite to Perroux’s growth pole model. In his growth pole model, Francois Perroux gave importance to node-based development that will spill over in the surrounding rural areas. Later on, Rondinelli developed his secondary city growth model and Cecilia Tacoli proposed her linkage model, both of which have given importance to the linkages between rural and urban areas. Thus ‘… the once simple and distinct division between rural and urban no longer applies’ (Lewis and Maund 1976). One of the important components of this rural–urban interaction is the flow of people and in particular, commuting. In fact, based on spatial and temporal scales of movement, commuting is a short form of mobility that takes place over a day (Mondal and Samanta 2015). Commuting across the rural–urban boundary is a significant phenomenon in integrating the two different kinds of spaces.

3.3 Role of Commuting in Rural–Urban Interaction Cecilia Tacoli is among the leading scholars who have made tremendous theoretical contributions in rural–urban connections. She has criticized the so-called rural–urban divide. According to Tacoli (1998b, p. 3), ‘The notion of a “divide” has become a misleading metaphor, one that oversimplifies and even distorts the realities’. Tacoli (1998b, p. 3) also thinks that ‘… the rigid division between “rural” and “urban” on the part of sectoral strategies actually makes life more difficult for low-income people’. Rural and urban areas are interdependent on each other and this sort of interdependence is maintained through two types of linkages—spatial linkages and sectoral linkages (Tacoli 1998b). Spatial linkages are maintained by regular flows of people, power, goods, capital, information and innovation. Transportation and communication systems play an important role in maintaining these linkages. Sectoral linkages generally refer to occupational diversification. It includes rural activities taking place in urban areas, such as urban agriculture, and urban activities taking place in rural areas in the form of rural non-farm works (Tacoli 1998b). Flows of people are important ingredients in spatial linkages. It may occur in the form of migration, circular migration and commuting. Access to affordable transport expands the opportunities for employment or for engaging in income generation activities through commuting (Tacoli 2003, p. 8). A number of empirical studies (e.g. Basu and Kashyap 1992; Denis and Zérah 2014; Chulu 2015; Harriss-White 2016) have found that spatial and sectoral linkages strengthen rural–urban connections and bring development to both of these areas. Caffyn and Dahlström (2005, p. 294) from their empirical study in Great Britain state that ‘[T]he urban–rural approach offers exciting and innovative opportunities to sustainable regional development aimed at

3.3 Role of Commuting in Rural–Urban Interaction

61

benefitting both urban and rural areas.’ In their study in India, Reddy et al. (2014) have found that 65% of the rural net domestic product (NDP) in 2010 came from the rural non-farm sector. Following Cecilia Tacoli’s views, the role of commuting in integrating rural and urban spaces can be identified. Although commuting is one kind of spatial linkage, it also causes sectoral linkages. Commuting creates opportunities for people living in villages to work in cities. It is especially true for the landless poor who have no option other than working as agricultural labourers in and around villages. Connection to urban centres gives them the scope to work in urban informal sectors (Harris et al. 2008), without needing to bear the high expenditure of living in cities. This policy is also known as ‘pro-poor and inclusive dynamic’ development goal (Denis and Zérah 2014, p. 15). In this context, Tacoli (2015, p. 1) opined: This is positive in that it allows smallholder families to invest in agricultural production, and be less dependent on the insecurity inherent in farming. In many cases income diversification involves migration to urban centres; but in the most positive cases, income diversification goes hand in hand with the diversification of the local economic base, where processing of agricultural produce retains added value and provides non-farm jobs.

Thus, the finance earned in cities is also circulated in the villages, making the two places interdependent each on the other. Greater connectivity to cities infiltrates urban influence in rural lifestyle (Gans 1962; Lewis and Maund 1976). In contrast, urban commuters to rural areas also get exposure to the rural way of life. It brings ruralism in the urban lifestyle (Kraus 2006). Thus, it brings reciprocal changes in both rural and urban areas. Roads are often seen as ways of penetration of modernization into the countryside (Chattaraj 2010). ‘The exposure to these communities, superficial as it might be, may generate reflection upon one’s community in contrast to these others’ (Toolin 2011). Afsar (1999, p. 236) in his study in Bangladesh has found that ‘… as a result of the major changes occurring in the mobility of people, goods, services, capital and ideas, there is considerable blurring of the distinction between urban and rural’.

3.4 Small Cities, Commuting, and Rural–Urban Interaction In studying development and rural–urban interaction, Rondinelli (1983) proposed a more articulated, well-thought planning theory, which was later widely acclaimed by fellow scholars. He emphasized on the development of secondary cities and their respective influence on making the urbanization process more diffused. Rondinelli (1983) used the term ‘secondary cities’ to define small cities. According to him, these small cities play a better role in providing services to their rural hinterland. Small cities offer much better rural–urban connections than large cities. He focused, in particular, on linkages between rural areas and small cities, and between small cities

62

3 Blurring Rural–Urban Boundaries Through Commuting

and large cities (Rondinelli 1983). Later on Rondinelli’s ideas were appreciated in a number of empirical studies. Tacoli (2003, p. 10) stated that ‘[T]he fact that most secondary schools, higher education institutions, hospitals and government offices are located in urban areas does not represent an “urban bias” if most of these are in smaller urban centres and serve both rural and urban population’. Dikshit (1997) has described large cities as areas of problems and small towns as areas of prospects. Wandschneider (2004) from his empirical research in India has explored the role of small towns. He has found small towns to be outlets of village production, intermediary market centres, distribution centres of goods, nearest service centres, etc. Samanta (2001) in her research has explored the role of small cities of West Bengal in their regional rural hinterland. Sharma (2012, p. 67) has mentioned the prospects of small towns by stating ‘[T]here is untapped potential in small towns’. Denis and Zérah (2014) have found small cities to be places of new earning opportunities. ‘It is in and around these localities that they can find opportunities to quit agriculture and chronic underemployment for other economic sectors, mainly casual, self-employment and temporary jobs in informal economy’ (Denis and Zérah 2014, p. 17). Shaw (2013) has identified the declining trends of poverty and increasing trend of purchasing power in small cities. Thus, all these studies concur that the rural– urban fabric is stronger in case of small cities than large cities. Besides, there are substantial potentialities of rural development from small cities’ growth, while large cities play a problematic role. Therefore, rural–urban interaction gets more integrated through commuting. In a number of empirical studies, commuting is found to play an important role in the growth of small towns. In their study in France, Aguilera and Mignot (2004) have uncovered the interrelations between commuting and polycentric urban growth. In her Ph.D. research, Rani (2012) studied the strong rural–urban connections around small towns of Hisar District in Haryana and how commuting plays an important role in this integration. Yao and Wang (2014) have studied the suburbanization process of Beijing in relation to commuting. Suburbanization makes rural–urban interaction more intensive. Aldrich et al. (1997) have mentioned how commuting facilities have increased the importance of small towns. Cervero and Day (2008) from their empirical research in Shanghai have shown that the facilities of transport and commuting have caused residential relocations near the stations. Mondal (2017) has found that almost all the small towns of South Bengal have developed along the major transport routes. Facility of commuting is one of the most important reasons for this growth. Thus, these discussions show that small towns strengthen rural–urban integrity and are helpful for rural/urban development. A second set of research again shows that commuting facilitates the growth of small towns, and there is a positive relation between number of commuters and growth of small towns. Combining these two sets of research, it can be inferred that besides the direct role of commuting in linking rural and urban places spatially and sectorally, commuting indirectly combines the two areas through creation of a number of small towns.

3.5 Commuting, Development of Small Towns …

63

3.5 Commuting, Development of Small Towns and Rural–Urban Linkages: Evidences from Case Study According to the 2011 census, India’s urban population has grown at a much faster rate than expected (Bhagat 2011). The pattern of this urbanization shows a slight shift from the centralized model of urbanization. Instead, there is a spread effect in urbanization, which is also termed as ‘diffused urbanization’. The word ‘diffusion’ is derived from the Latin word diffundere, which means spread out from an area of dense concentration to an area of less dense concentration (Wikipedia 2016). The population of Kolkata city has reduced by 1.9%, while the urban population of its suburbs, extending over the districts of Howrah, Hooghly, North 24-Parganas, South 24-Parganas and Nadia, has registered an increase of 13–18% over the past decade (Datta 2011). One of the most striking features of India’s urbanization is the growth of a number of small towns in the 2011 census. Since Independence, the share of small town population in the country’s total urban population started declining, and large cities’ share gradually increased. This phenomenon continued until 2001. It was only in 2011 that this trend experienced a U-turn with increasing share of small town population. To define small towns, different scholars have proposed different criteria (see Samanta, 2001; Raman et al. 2015). However, in recent years, small towns have been defined as urban areas having population below one lakh (Shaw 2013). Thus class-I cities are excluded from the domain of small towns. Small towns include not only the statutory towns (STs) but the census towns (CTs) as well. Census towns fulfil all the criteria of ‘urban’ as has been defined by the Census Authority of India, but these are administered by the rural panchayats. The 2011 census also noted the growth of a number of census-defined urban centres called census towns (Denis et al. 2012; Samanta 2012; Chakraborty et al. 2015; Guin and Das 2015; Karmakar 2015; Mukhopadhyay et al. 2016). Census towns are areas declared as urban by the Census of India, but not declared as statutory urban by the concerned state government1 These settlements represent a character that has been defined by Samanta (2014) as ‘in between rural and urban’. In 2011, West Bengal recorded the highest number of census towns among all Indian states at 782, followed by Kerala with 461. In West Bengal, 530 new census towns were added to the existing ones over the period of one decade (Karmakar 2015). Small towns play important roles in regional economies. These are often the sites of regular markets for agricultural produce. They maintain a close contact with the rural hinterland (Samanta 2001; Tacoli 2015). They provide services to

1 The federalism of India balances on the relation between state governments and central government

of the Union of India. The Registrar General of India defines the character of the settlements as urban or rural. However, the administrative transformation of a rural settlement into urban is manifested by the concerned state governments. Thus, any settlement defined as urban in census reports but still not declared as urban by the state government are referred to as census towns.

64

3 Blurring Rural–Urban Boundaries Through Commuting

the surrounding rural areas. These focal points have a genuine symbiotic relationship with the countryside (Dikshit 1997, p. 38). Rondinelli in 1983 (as quoted in Singh and Krishan 1997, p. 116) remarked: ...if government in developing countries wish to achieve widespread development, in both social and spatial terms, they must develop a geographically dispersed pattern of development.

This, he argues, can be achieved through creation of ‘a recommended articulated and integrated system of cities’ which provides potential access to markets for people living in any part of the country or region. In fact, Benninger (1997, p. 56) suggests that the rising problems in large cities of developing countries in the twentieth century, ...[l]ed the development experts and planners to look for alternatives which could reduce the load of the vast numbers of unskilled and semi-skilled migrating population to the cities. Decentralization of urban development became the agreed alternative and small and medium towns were thus identified as the settlements where these migrating populations could be diverted.

It is easier to govern small towns than large cities (Sharma 2012). Many urban researchers and development planners have proposed decentralized models of urbanization for the sustenance of large cities as well as paving the way for rural development. At this, both cities and villages can develop depending upon each other. ‘Urban development, like rural development would be better served through the coordination of rural and urban joint interests through a regional approach that accounts for their interdependencies’ (Partridge et al. 2010, p. 332). Small towns give this opportunity by maintaining a connection with large cities on one hand and with the villages on the other hand (Véron 2010). These promote better rural–urban interactions and also offer a strategy for balanced regional growth. Similar notion has been presented by Chattaraj (2010) in her empirical research in parts of South Bengal, India. Among the three districts under study, there are 134 census towns in Howrah District, 64 in Hooghly District, and 78 in Bardhaman District. There are five small towns, of which three have emerged in the eastern part of Bardhaman District. These are Guskara, Memari and Dainhat. Tarakeswar and Konnagar are the only two small towns developed in Hooghly District. Except in the western part of Bardhaman District, which is a belt of heavy industries, and in parts of Howrah District, all the census towns have developed along the major transport routes. Therefore, transport and mobility seem to play important roles in the evolution of these small towns. The developmental pattern of small towns in Bardhaman, Hooghly and Howrah districts shows that all the small towns have come up along the major transport routes. Along the Howrah–Bardhaman Main Line itself, 43 small towns have developed within a seven kilometre radius from the railway. Of these, two are statutory towns. The rest 41 are all census towns (Fig. 3.1). Except Konnagar which is the only statutory town that developed before Independence, all the 42 small towns have grown in the twenty-first century. Among the 41 census towns, 31 were found to have developed within the Kolkata Metropolitan Area (KMA), while 5 census towns developed in the immediate influence zone of Bardhaman City. Thus, the influential factor of Kolkata City is found

3.5 Commuting, Development of Small Towns …

65

Fig. 3.1 Census towns developed along the Howrah–Bardhaman Main Railway Line, 2011

to be stronger. Only five census towns have developed in the intermediate zone between the KMA and Bardhaman City. These are Pandua, Namajgram, Puroshattampur, Batika, and Alipur. Among these five, three census towns have developed centring on the stations. These are Pandua, Batika, and Alipur. From the empirical study, it was seen that among the three, Pandua plays the most significant role in the regional economy.

3.6 Selection of Pandua as Case Study On the Howrah–Bardhaman Main Railway Line, five census towns have developed centred on the suburban railway stations. These five towns are Gangpur, Alipur, Batika, Pandua, and Alikhoja. All these five census towns have developed centred on Gangpur, Debipur, Boinchi, Pandua, and Mogra railway stations respectively. Among these five census towns, three have developed in between KMA and Bardhaman City’s immediate influence zone. These three are Alipur, Batika, and Pandua (Fig. 3.1). Three criteria were chosen to select one census town out of the three. These three criteria are population size, percentage of main non-farm workers among total main workers, and daily average originating traffic at the respective station. The first two criteria are directly related to the process of urbanization and the third

66

3 Blurring Rural–Urban Boundaries Through Commuting

criterion reflects the commuter outflows. Among the three census towns, Pandua is characterized by the largest population size (30,700), highest main non-farm workers among total main workers (90.57%) and largest volume of daily originating traffic (74,401). On these bases, Pandua has been selected for carrying out the empirical survey.

3.7 Pandua: Trajectories of Growth Pandua is a historic place, which experienced the rule and ruin of many dynasties. It is assumed that Pandua flourished in the Pal Empires (ninth century) and Sen (almost eleventh century) dynasty. It was ruled by King Pandu (Banerji 1972). It prospered on the banks of the Damodar, the remnant of which is still known as Kana Nadi.2 Later on, Muslim rulers conquered Pandua, converted the temples into mosques and into tower of victory (Mitra 1948). Even today, a significant number of Muslim population of the district live in Pandua. The Muslim community makes up about 36% of the total population of Pandua. Many of them do chikon embroidery3 on sarees. This art originally developed in Lucknow and is very popular in Muslim culture (O’Malley 1910). In 1972, A. K. Banerji wrote that a haat 4 was held on every Wednesday and Sunday, and about 2400 people attended it. The chief commodities were paddy, rice, potato, vegetables, and cattle. This haat is still held even today, and vegetables, potato, fish, ginger, onion, and garlic are the principal commodities now. Pandua had a population size of more than 12,000 in 1961 which increased by 52% and reached 17, 263 in 1971. This exponential increase of population took place because of the partition of the country in 1947, and later because of the Bangladesh Liberation War in 1971. Huge number of refugees came to India during this time. The Government of India arranged refugee camps for the rehabilitation of these in-migrant people in Pandua. Although Pandua’s population has been increasing in each census year, its growth rate has been declining over time. In 1981 and again in 2001, its growth rate fell considerably. In 1991, Pandua attained the status of a non-municipal area. In 2001, it has been designated as a census town. Since 2001, it is a class-III town.5

2 Nadi

is the Bengali word-meaning river. is a traditional style of embroidery that originated in Lucknow. 4 Periodic market. 5 On the basis of population size, Indian urban areas are classified into five categories. Class-III towns refer to urban areas having population size in between 20,000 and 49,999. These are also referred to as medium size towns. 3 Chikon

3.8 Commuting and Transformation of Rural into Urban

67

3.8 Commuting and Transformation of Rural into Urban This section explores how the facilities of commuting have helped in the transformation of Pandua from a rural settlement into an urban area. There are a considerable number of people in Pandua, who have migrated from Bangladesh. The neighbourhood of Nirodgarh is completely comprised of people coming from Bangladesh. As they were landless migrants, they depended on a number of activities usually concentrated in urban areas. During the interview, they informed that they would primarily purchase paddy from local cultivators. Then they would produce rice from these paddies and would sell the rice in the wholesale market at Seoraphuli, a city located 40 km downstream. Later on, they have diversified into other occupations, basically remunerative and qualified jobs. Thus, both the population size, population density and the percentage of main non-farm workers have increased in this area compared to surrounding areas. All the three factors are principal criteria of the process of urbanization. During the empirical survey of individual neighbourhoods, many of the residents stated that a number of families have shifted from nearby villages to Pandua to take advantage of commuting. Previously, they would commute from those villages. However, due to a number of problems encountered on the way, such as late return due to pressure at workplace, sudden cancellation of auto service, difficulties of commuting in rainy season, and so on, they later decided to shift to Pandua from where they can commute without any tension.

3.9 As Regional Centre Enhancing Rural–Urban Interaction Pandua serves as a regional centre enhancing rural–urban interaction. This sort of interaction is maintained through the regular flows of people, goods, capital, technology, etc. These are described as follows. There is direct connectivity between the surrounding villages and Pandua through frequent auto service. The villages such as Mondolai, Jamgram, Bhotgram, Kulti, Panchgara, Tinna, and Paikpara are directly connected to Pandua through autorickshaws. A large number of people daily come to Pandua either to take trains from Pandua station or to meet their needs at Pandua. Pandua railway station is the gateway for many people of surrounding villages of Pandua to commute to Kolkata. They depend either on private vehicles—generally bicycles or motorbikes—or public transport such as bus, trekker and autos, which connect many villages with Pandua. Commuters keep their personal vehicles in the two-wheeler stand near the station. Therefore, Pandua is the break point of their commuting trips. Pandua is a market for local villagers and village artisans. The different locally produced items such as baskets, indigenous fishing instruments made of bamboo, mats, fishing rods and fishing nets are sold here. Besides, there are wholesale

68

3 Blurring Rural–Urban Boundaries Through Commuting

and retail shops selling different kinds of seeds. Thus, although Pandua is urban in nature, the market of Pandua is quite distinguished from other urban markets. The main commodities are meant for rural areas. This causes an amalgamation of rural and urban economy where urban non-farm economy is based on demands of farm economy. Denis and Zérah (2014) have explained the role of small cities in rural–urban interaction through their empirical research in Indian context. Pandua serves as a rural service centre to its surrounding villages. It is the blockheadquarter of Pandua block. There is a government higher secondary school where students from surrounding villages attend after qualifying secondary examinations. Besides, there are a number of English-medium schools, head Post Office, rural hospital, subcentre, public library, a number of banks and ATMs, private nursing homes and diagnostic centres in Pandua. All these help in the regional development and people from surrounding villages depend on these services. In this way, it causes rural–urban interaction. A number of businesspersons have invested in real estate development such as to construct apartment buildings. The apartment culture is popular in this small town compared to other small towns. The land values of Pandua are much higher compared to other cities of the district. In Pandua, the price of per square metre land values nearly INR 10,500. It is even higher than the land values of Chinsurah, the district headquarters, where per square metre land costs around INR 5000. Therefore, it is more profitable to purchase a flat than purchasing land for residential purposes. Affluent villagers from surrounding villages purchase these flats for better connectivity with the Kolkata Metropolitan Area. In spite of being a small town, there is a shopping mallBazaar Kolkata, and a number of lodges, restaurants, and boutiques in Pandua. The shopping mall culture has developed from large cities. The rural culture is also sustained by the dwellers of the town who were earlier living in the surrounding villages, while the urban culture is carried by the huge number of commuters living in this town who commute to different cities of the Kolkata Metropolitan Area on a regular basis. Thus, it amalgamates rural culture with urban culture.

3.10 Conclusion Rural–urban interaction is a process of both rural and urban development. Commuting is a major process of this rural–urban interaction. It causes diversification of the economy. Rural people get the opportunity to work in urban areas. Samanta (2001, pp. 132–33), in this context stated, ‘Diversification of the economy, which is an essential component of rural development, takes place with the increasing interaction with urban areas’. The small towns offer much better rural–urban connectivity than the large cities. These serve as the rural service centres. These are foci of rural development from where urban culture infiltrates towards rural areas. This book presents that Pandua, a small town on the Howrah–Bardhaman Main Railway Line, has grown partially due to the influence of facility of commuting.

3.10 Conclusion

69

Presently, Pandua is a census town, which fulfils all the criteria to be urban but is still governed by the gram panchayat. These kinds of small cities offer better rural–urban interactions. These interactions are reflected through the nature of market, growing flat culture among residents, facilities of accessing a number of services, etc. The market offers both traditional items and a modern shopping mall. Thus, this chapter shows how small cities develop through the process of commuting via suburban railways and enhance the rural–urban interaction.

References Afsar R (1999) Rural urban dichotomy and convergence: emerging realities in Bangladesh. Environ Urban 11(1):235–246 Aguilera A, Mignot D (2004) Urban sprawl, polycentrism and commuting: a comparison of seven French urban areas. Urban Publ Econ Rev 1:93–114 Aldrich L, Beale C, Kassel K (1997) Commuting and the economic functions of small towns and places. Rural Develop Perspect 12(3):26–31 Bah M, Cissé S, Diyamett B, Diallo G, Lerise F, Okali D, Okpara E, Olawoye J, Tacoli C (2003) Changing rural–urban linkages in Mali, Nigeria and Tanzania. Environ Urban 15(1):13–24 Baker J, Pederson PO (1992) The rural–urban interface in Africa: expansion and adaptation. The Scandinavian Institute of African Studies, Banerji AK (1972) West Bengal District Gazetteers—Hooghly. Government of West Bengal Basu DN, Kashyap SP (1992) Rural non-agricultural employment in India: role of development process and rural-urban employment linkages. Econ Polit Weekly, December 19–26, A-178–189 Batra L (2009) A review of urbanisation and urban policy in post-independent India. In: Working paper series, Centre for the Study of Law and Governance, Jawaharlal Nehru University, CSLG/WP/12 Benninger A (1997) Small and medium towns and their role in spatial diffusion of development. In: Diddee J (ed) Indian medium towns: an appraisal of their role as growth centres. Rawat Publications, New Delhi, pp 55–67. ISBN 81-7033-366–1 Bhagat RB (2011) Emerging pattern of urbanisation in India. Econ Pol Wkly 46(34):10–12 Caffyn A, Dahlström M (2005) Urban–rural interdependencies: joining up policy in practice. Reg Stud 39(3):283–296 Census of India (2011) Primary census abstracts. Government of India Cervero R, Day J (2008) Residential relocation and commuting behaviour in Shanghai, China: the case for transit oriented development. Working paper, UC Berkeley Centre for Future Urban Transport Chakraborty S, Chatterjee S, Das K, Roy U (2015) Changing pattern of urbanization in West Bengal: an analysis of 2011 census data. Asian J Res Social Sci Human 5(5):169–181 Chandrasekhar S (2011) Workers commuting between the rural and urban: estimates from NSSO data. Econ Pol Wkly 46(46):22–25 Chattaraj D (2010) Roadscapes: everyday life along the rural–urban continuum in 21st century India. PhD dissertation, Yale University Chulu J (2015) Rural and urban development: realities that influence diverse perspectives about the rural-urban divide and continuum in developing countries. In: Working paper no. 8 of 2015, School of Post-Graduate Studies, Copperstone University, Zambia Coffey WJ (1981) Geography—towards a general spatial systems approach. Mathuen & Co. Ltd. ISBN 0-416-30970-4

70

3 Blurring Rural–Urban Boundaries Through Commuting

Datta R (2011) Kolkata sees dip in population, suburbs register an increase. Livemint, e-paper, April 5. www.livemint.com/.../Kolkata-sees-dip-in-population-suburbs-register-an-increase.ht. Accessed on 10 Sept 2016 Denis E, Zérah MH (2014) Rural–urban linkages: India case study. In: Working paper series no. 124, working group: development with territorial cohesion. Territorial Cohesion for Development Program, Rimisp, Santiago, Chile Denis E, Mukhopadhyay P, Zérah MH (2012) Subaltern urbanisation in India. Econ Pol Wkly 47(30):52–62 Deshingkar P, Anderson E (2004) People on the move: new policy challenges for increasingly mobile populations. Natural Res Perspect, vol 92, Overseas Development Institute Dikshit KR (1997) The large and medium towns in India: the Former as problem areas and the latter as growth centres of future. In: Diddee J (ed) Indian medium towns: an appraisal of their role as growth centres. Rawat Publications, New Delhi, pp 27–47 Gans HJ (1962) Urbanism and suburbanism as ways of life. In: Rose AM (ed) Human behaviour and social processes: an interactionist approach. Houghton Mifflin, Boston, pp 157–164 Guin D, Das DN (2015) New census towns in West Bengal: “Census Activism” or sectoral diversification? Econ Pol Wkly 50(14):68–72 Harris S, Alasia A, Bollman RD (2008) Rural commuting, statistics Canada perspectives. Catalogue No. 75-001-X, November, 13–21. www.statcan.gc.ca/pub/. Accessed on 14 July 2014 Harriss-White B (2016) Exploring urban change in South Asia: Middle India and urban-rural development. Springer India, New Delhi. ISBN–978-81-322-2430-3, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-81322-2431-0 Karmakar J (2015) Emergence of census towns and its socio-economic condition: case of West Bengal. Pratidhwani Echo 3(4):22–34 Kraus S (2006) A call for new ruralism. http://ced.berkeley.edu/downloads/pubs/frameworks/2006spring-pdf/ruralism.pdf. Accessed on 3 Dec 2016 Lewis GJ, Maund DJ (1976) The urbanization of the countryside: a framework for analysis. Geografiska Annaler Ser B Human Geogr 58(1):17–27 Lichter DT, Brown DL (2011) Rural America in an urban society: changing spatial and social boundaries. Ann Rev Sociol 37:565–592. https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev-soc-081309-150208 Lipton M (1977) Why poor people stay poor: urban bias in world development. Harvard University Lynch K (2005) Rural–urban interaction in the developing world. Routledge, London and New York. ISBN 0-415-25870-7 (hbk), 0-415-25871-5 (pbk) Mahbub AQM (1997) Mobility behaviour of working people in Bangladesh: rural–rural and rural– urban circulation. Urban Studies Programme, University of Dhaka, Dhaka Ministry of Railways (2014) Suburban train services of Indian railways, with particular emphasis on security of women passengers. Standing Committee on Railways, 23rd Report presented to the Lok Sabha on 6 February. http://164.100.47.134/lsscommittee/Railways/15_Railways_23. pdf. Accessed on 16 June 2015 Mitra SK (1948) Hugli Jelar Itihas o Banga Samaj. Dey’s Publishing, Kolkata Mondal B (2015) Commuting patterns of workers in a village of Barddhaman district, West Bengal. Space Cult India 3(1):48–66. https://doi.org/10.20896/saci.v3i1.140 Mondal B (2017) Commuting and enhanced rural–urban interaction: a study from South Bengal. Asian J Res Social Sci Human 7(4):201–215 Mondal B, Samanta G (2015) Commuting in geography of mobilities. Deccan Geogr 53(1):11–22 Mukhopadhyay P, Zérah MH, Samanta G, Maria A (2016) Understanding India’s urban frontier— what is behind the emergence of census towns? In: Policy research working paper 7923, World Bank Group O’Malley LSS (1910) Bengal District Gazetteer, Hooghly District. Logos Press, New Delhi Ommeren V, Rietveld P, Nijkamp P (1997) Commuting in search of jobs and residences. J Urban Econ 42:402–421 Partridge MD, Ali MdK, Olfert MR (2010) Rural-to-urban commuting: three degrees of integration. Growth Chang 41(2):303–335

References

71

Punpuing S (1993) Correlates of commuting patterns: a case-study of Bangkok Thailand. Urban Stud 30(3):527–545 Raman B, Prasad-Aleyamma M, Bercegol R, Denis DE, Zérah MH (2015) Selected reading on small town dynamics in India. USR 3330 “Savoirs et Mondes Indiens” Working papers series no. 7; SUBURBIN Working papers series no. 2. 114 pages. Rani S (2012) Urban–rural relations in an agriculturally developed state (a case study of Hisar District, Haryana). Unpublished PhD thesis, Department of Geography, Panjab University, Chandigarh Reddy DN, Reddy AA, Nagaraj N, Bantilan C (2014) Rural Non-farm employment and rural transformation in India. In: Working paper series no. 57, international crops research institute for the semi-arid tropics, Telengana Renkow M, Hoover D (2000) Commuting, migration and rural-urban population dynamics. J Reg Sci 40(2):261–287 Rondinelli DA (1983) Secondary cities in developing countries: policies for diffusing urbanization. Sage Publications, London Samanta G (2001) Rural–urban interaction: a study of Burdwan town and surrounding rural areas. Unpublished thesis, Department of Geography, The University of Burdwan Samanta G (2014) The politics of classification and the complexity of governance in census towns. Econ Pol Wkly 49(22):55–62 Samanta G (2012) In between rural and urban: Challenges for governance of non-recognized urban territories. In: Jana N et al (eds) West Bengal: geo-spatial issues. The University of Burdwan, Burdwan, pp 44–57 Sharma K (2012) Rejuvenating India’s small towns. Econ Pol Wkly 47(30):63–68 Shaw A (2013) Emerging perspectives on small cities and towns. In Sharma RN, Sandhu RS (eds) Small cities and towns in global era—emerging changes and perspectives. Rawat Publications, Jaipur, pp 36–53. ISBN-978-81-316-0575-2 Singh N, Krishan G (1997) Medium towns and the development process in India. In: Diddee J (ed) Indian medium towns: An appraisal of their role as growth centres. Rawat Publications, New Delhi, pp. 114–129. ISBN 81-7033-366-1 Stöhr WB, Taylor RF (1981) Development from above or below? The dialectics of regional planning in developing countries. Wiley, Checkester Tacoli C (1998) Rural–urban interactions: a guide to the literature. Environ Urban 10(1):147–166 Tacoli C (1998a) Bridging the divide: rural–urban interactions and livelihood strategies. International Institute for Environment and Development, Sustainable Agriculture and Rural Livelihood Programmes Tacoli C (2003) The links between urban and rural development. Environ Urban 15(1):3–12 Tacoli C (2015) The crucial role of rural–urban linkages. The Sahel and West Africa Week, EXPO 2015, October 26–30 Toolin J (2011) Here to there and in between: commuting through perception. In: Paper presented in ISEA conference. https://www.academia.edu/4215494/Here_to_There_and_in_Between_C ommuting_through_Perception. Accessed on 4 Dec 2016 van der Klis M, Mulder CH (2008) Beyond the Trailing Spouse: the commuter partnership as an alternative family migration. J Hous Built Environ 23:1–19 Véron R (2010) Small cities, neoliberal governance and sustainable development in the global south: a conceptual framework and research agenda. Sustainability 2:2833–2848. https://doi.org/ 10.3390/su2092833 Wandschneider T (2004) Small rural towns and local economic development: evidence from two poor states in India. In: International conference on local development, June 16–18, Washington Wikipedia (2016) Diffusion. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Diffusion. Accessed on 4 Dec 2016 Yao Y, Wang S (2014) Commuting tools and residential location of suburbanization: evidence from Beijing. Urban Plan Transp Res Open Access J 2(1):274–288, Routledge. https://doi.org/10.1080/ 21650020.2014.920697

Chapter 4

Spatial Patterns of Suburban Train Commuting

Human geography is that part of social theory concerned to explain the spatial patterns and processes that enable and constrain the structures and actions of everyday life. —Dear and Flusty (2002), p. 2

Abstract This chapter explains the role of commuter flows on the regional division of the Howrah–Bardhaman suburban railway line. The regional differences within the suburban corridor have been analysed using parameters such as commuters’ outflow, availability of suburban train, intertrain time difference, interstation distance, and commuters’ cultural gap. This chapter presents the composite result of all these factors leading to the regional division within this railway corridor. It produces two distinct zones: the first one being the Howrah–Bandel section, which lies within the Kolkata Metropolitan Area (KMA) and the second one being the Bandel–Bardhaman section lying outside of KMA but falling within the territory of the Kolkata Metropolitan Region (KMR). These two sections have substantial differences in their railway landscape as well as in their general character. Keywords Spatiality · Regional division · Commuter outflow · Metropolitan area · Cultural gap · Distance and time difference

4.1 Introduction Geography as a branch of knowledge is familiar with the identification and explanation of spatial patterns of objects (Harvey 1969). In the physical world, this pattern may be identified in three forms—point pattern, line pattern, and area pattern. The regular journey to work gives rise to a spatial pattern, which can be visually represented. The differences in the volume of commuters’ outflow from different locations give rise to a regional pattern. In other words, commuting pattern can be an important criterion of regionalization, which is a basic unit of geography. As Lonsdale (1966, p. 115) has stated, ‘Commuting or journey-to-work patterns could form the basis for delimiting networks of overlapping regions across the whole expanse of a territory’.

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 B. Mondal and G. Samanta, Mobilities in India, The Urban Book Series, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-78350-1_4

73

74

4 Spatial Patterns of Suburban Train Commuting

Geography is also popularly known as regional science. The principal objective of geographers has been to analyse space in the name of regions or areal differentiation. As Hartshorne (1939, p. 433) has stated, ‘In regional geography, however, we strike a limited section vertically through all the surfaces in order to comprehend the totality of their characteristics in a single area’. This process of regionalization may be implemented using a number of tools and techniques. The same may be done for mobility studies as well. A suburban railway line connects many cities and villages with the metro city. There are spatial diversities in terms of nature of the settlement, people’s economies, administrative hierarchy, etc., within the hinterland of the suburban railway network. Beyond these differences, the nature of commuter flows gives rise to a pattern. This pattern can be visually represented and can be geographically explained. As Lonsdale (1966, p. 115) stated, ‘Commuting or journey-to-work patterns could form the basis for delimiting networks of overlapping regions across the whole expanse of a territory’. Thus, areal differentiation can be made within a suburban rail corridor itself based on commuter flows. The present chapter attempts to identify the regional variation within the suburban railway line on these commute flows. These two sections are named as the Howrah–Bandel and Bardhaman–Bandel sections under the single track of Howrah–Bardhaman Main Suburban Line.

4.2 Commuters’ Outflows The process of commuting outside from a place is referred to as commuters’ outflow. The daily originating traffic data recorded at each railway station is a good measure to understand the commute outflow rates. The number of commuters is found to be much higher in the Bandel–Howrah section than it is in the Bardhaman–Bandel section (Fig. 4.1). The Bandel–Howrah section generates more than 400,000 (0.4 million) passengers every day. Each of the stations produces at least 10,000 passengers daily. The larger stations like Chandernagore, Bhadreswar, Konnagar, and Serampore generate even more commuters. The station Serampore itself caters to around 40,000 passengers every day. The largest volume of outgoing commuters in this section is recorded at Howrah station—nearly 70,000. Thus, the daily average originating traffic in this section exceeds 25,000. Contrary to this, there is remarkably low commute outflow in the Bardhaman– Bandel section. It generates a little higher than 100,000 (0.1 million) passengers every day. Bardhaman station is the largest station in this section from where around 40,000 commuters travel to different stations of the Main Line every day. Besides Bardhaman, there are two other stations—Memari and Pandua—which record around 10,000 commuters each day. Rest of the stations have much lower number of commuters. Thus, the average originating commuters in the Bandel–Bardhaman section is much lower, at around 6000 only. This difference in number of commuters’ outflow is attributed to the fact of urban development. All the stations in the Bandel–Howrah section are under the jurisdiction

4.2 Commuters’ Outflows

75

Fig. 4.1 Daily average originating traffic of Howrah–Bardhaman main line, 2005–06 to 2014–15. Data source DRM Office, Howrah Division

of the Kolkata Metropolitan Area, which is a continuous urban belt. Serampore city, located in this section, was developed prior to the development of Kolkata. In fact, other cities like Hooghly–Chinsurah, Chandernagore, Bhadreswar, and Konnagar flourished in the precolonial period as compact, prosperous settlements with trading as the principal economy before Kolkata. Although it is stated that this is a continuous built-up area starting from Kolkata metropolis, the original development of this urban stretch started from Serampore and then extended towards both sides. At one time, Serampore was the centre of an affluent economy, which later shifted downstream with decreasing navigability of the Hooghly River (Chatterjee 1992). There is a close linkage between the cities of this region and the metro city of Kolkata. Inhabitants of these cities depend on the metro city for their livelihood. The entire region extending from Bardhaman to Bandel is basically a rural belt with a few urban pockets in the midst of it. This region possesses fertile soil and has potentiality of prosperous agriculture. Paddy and potato are the two most important agricultural products of this region. The cropping intensity is also high. Most of the people are engaged in this agricultural, village-based economy. The only two urban centres of Memari and Pandua also play the role of rural service centres. Following this sedentary economy, people’s mobility is much lower in this section.

76

4 Spatial Patterns of Suburban Train Commuting

4.3 Availability of Suburban Trains The frequency of suburban trains connecting the city centre with its suburbs depends on the passenger pressure and passenger demand. There are 49 Bardhaman–Howrah local trains that run in between Bardhaman and Howrah stations daily. Besides the Bardhaman–Howrah local trains, there are 10 Memari–Howrah locals which run in between Memari and Howrah stations, and three Pandua–Howrah local trains running in between Pandua and Howrah stations daily, which cater to the significant volume of commuters’ outflow from Memari and Pandua stations. Eastern Railways runs a number of shuttle trains in the Bandel–Howrah section to serve the huge volume of traffic. There are 71 Bandel locals, which run in between Bandel and Howrah stations serving all the intermediate stations. Shuttle trains also run from Seoraphuli and Serampore railway stations. The Belur Math locals, which connect the Ramkrishna Mission in Belur with Howrah, serve the Liluah station. Thus, the flow of local trains along the Howrah–Bardhaman Main Line gradually widens up towards Howrah. The two stations Liluah and Howrah are served by 182 Main Line locals, whereas Bandel station and Bardhaman station are served by 133 and 49 trains, respectively. These statistics present that there is significant difference in the number of suburban trains in the two sections. There is a positive relation between daily average originating traffic and available local trains in the Bardhaman–Howrah Main Line. The correlation coefficient value (+0.66) represents that the relation is positive between the traffic volume and the number of trains. It explains 44% of the relation. All the stations from Bandel to Liluah lie in an advantageous position, and there are more numbers of trains in comparison to the expected numbers. Bardhaman station needs to be served by more number of trains since there is a significant gap between the expected number of trains and the actual number of trains. A simple comparison can explain the situation better. Both Bardhaman and Serampore have the same records in terms of daily originating passengers. But while Serampore is served by 171 trains, Bardhaman is only served by 49 local trains. Thus, the number of trains in the Bardhaman–Bandel section is insufficient to cater to the demand of the large number of originating commuters. A thorough analysis of different stations on this suburban route shows that an increase in the number of trains is required for the entire stretch, but that increase should be greater in the Bandel–Bardhaman section than in the Bandel–Howrah section. This will take care of the anomalies between these two sections of this suburban route and will facilitate commuters of both the sections.

4.4 Intertrain Time Difference The difference of time between two consecutive trains at a particular station is a significant component of an efficient transport system. A long difference of time between two consecutive trains makes the transport system unattractive to the commuters.

4.4 Intertrain Time Difference

77

They have to wait for the next train for a long time and often get late to reach their workplaces (Cantwell et al. 2009; The Statesman 2016; The Anandabazar Patrika 2015, 2018). On the other hand, if there is shorter difference of time, the commuters do not need to wait so long, and it makes the process of mobility smooth, effective, and hassle-free. The commuters’ volume in the Bandel–Howrah section is much higher than the Bardhaman–Bandel section. As a result, the allotted number of trains is also much higher in the Bandel–Howrah section. Therefore, the difference of time between two consecutive trains in the Bandel–Howrah section is much shorter than it is in the Bardhaman–Bandel section. The longest reported difference in time between two consecutive trains is found at Bardhaman station. It is around one hour and ten minutes on average. Since there are very few Memari–Howrah locals, the time interval at Memari station decreases to one hour and five minutes. At Pandua station, it becomes 45 min. From Bandel station, this interval falls sharply to 15 min. At Serampore station, this interval of time drops to just five minutes.

4.5 Interstation Distance Mobility is a phenomenon which is regulated by a number of immobile objects. The number of railway stations existing in an area is a good indicator of the level of people’s mobility, which is again an indicator of development. It increases the accessibility and mobility choices of the people (Levinson 1998). In the Bandel– Howrah section, as the demand for accessible transport to Kolkata city was high from the very beginning, a number of suburban stations were constructed. In this section, there are four suburban stations for every 10 km stretch. In the Bardhaman– Bandel section, this number comes down to three stations. Thus, while in the Bandel– Howrah section two railway stations are situated at about three kilometres apart, in the Bardhaman–Bandel section, this distance increases to four kilometres.

4.6 Average Annual Growth Rate of Commuters Average annual growth rate of commuters at a particular station reflects its gradual increase in demand as an entry point to urban jobs. There is a difference in the average annual growth rate of commuters between the Howrah–Bandel and Bandel–Bardhaman sections. The average annual growth of commuters’ outflow in the Howrah– Bandel section is 3% per annum, while in the Bandel–Bardhaman section, it is 7% per annum. The stations nearer to the metro city experience slower growth of commuters compared to the distant stations (Fig. 4.2). The Bardhaman–Bandel section runs through the prosperous agricultural tracts. Most of the people are engaged in farm-based economic activities. However, in recent

78

4 Spatial Patterns of Suburban Train Commuting

Fig. 4.2 Average annual growth of daily originating traffic in between 2005–06 and 2014–15. Source DRM Office, Howrah Division

years, the flow of farm workers to non-farm economy has caused greater diversification. In West Bengal, the high man–land ratio makes the per capita earning low. The increased operational costs of agriculture have made it unprofitable, especially for small and marginal farmers (Sarkar 2006; Khasnabis 2008). In turn, low returns from agriculture have made it unpopular (Samanta and Pal 2018). Therefore, a consistent flow from agriculture to non-agriculture economy has been taking place over the last two decades (Chakraborty and Roy 2016). This shift in employment is mostly reported from the farm sector towards the unorganized manufacturing and service sector (Mehrotra et al. 2014). Commuting gives the village people opportunities to work in urban informal jobs. Although these jobs are not always remunerative, by doing this work they can escape the vicious cycle of poverty and local unemployment (Deshingkar 2010; Mondal 2015). As Deshingkar and Anderson (2004, p. 3) have outlined, ‘Commuting offers the dual advantage of higher earnings in non-farm work while keeping one foot in the farm economy.’ They have noted rationale for their comment. ‘..Employment in the urban unorganized sector is insecure and many prefer to keep rural options open; agricultural labour and marginal farming remain important safety nets for the poor and vulnerable’ (Deshingkar and Anderson 2004, p. 3).The rural educated people also commute to cities for work. The trend of out-commuting of rural people can be

4.6 Average Annual Growth Rate of Commuters

79

better explained with the help of commuters’ growth at respective stations in relation to the initiation of a pro-poor cheap season ticket.1 Indian Railways introduced the izzat monthly, a kind of season ticket in 2009– 10 to facilitate the commuters whose monthly incomes were below INR 2000.2 It would cost INR 25 per month3 inclusive of all surcharges. Using an izzat monthly, a commuter would be able to commute 100 km every day in one direction. With the introduction of izzat monthly, the number of commuters increased sharply. The geographical distribution of these increase number of commuters was uneven between Howrah–Bandel and Bandel–Bardhaman sections of this railway line. The Bandel–Bardhaman section, which is basically a rural belt, had a sharp growth of 16% in 2009–10 and the next year it had almost 30% growth of commuters. However, the effect of izzat monthly was not much fruitful in the Bandel–Howrah section that is completely a continuous urban belt. In this section, commuters’ growth was 4% and 7% in 2009–10 and 2010–11 respectively. There is a consistent flow of commuters throughout the years irrespective of izzat monthly. When izzat monthly was withdrawn in 2013–14, it left an impact on the commuter numbers at almost all stations. The most severe impact was found on the commuters’ volume in railway stations lying between Bandel and Bardhaman. In that year, the number of commuters in this section fell at a rate of 5% and in the next year, at a rate of 9%. Some of the stations experienced huge growth in commuter numbers in 2010–11 and a radical fall in 2014–15. These were Simlagarh (55%, −18% respectively), Talandu (36%–15% respectively), Debipur (42%–15% respectively), Bainchi (38%–15% respectively), and Rasulpur (33%–8% respectively). In these villages, the number of farm-based workers decreased and number of non-farm workers increased in between 2001 and 2011. The stations between Howrah and Bandel, on the contrary, recorded a fall in commuter numbers at less than 1% in both the years. It is thus clear that the diversification of farm economy into non-farm economy is directly linked to commuting statistics. Any policy in the form of relaxation of fare has profound impact on it.

4.7 Cultural Gap of Commuters Culture is the embodied practice, which is historically transmitted and geographically transformed. The word ‘culture’ is derived from the Latin word ‘cult’ or ‘cultus’ meaning cultivating or tilling. That means it develops with practising. According to Hofstede (2001, p. 5), ‘Culture is the collective programming of the 1 Indian

Railway offers the commuters to travel in a concession fare that is much cheaper than the ordinary tickets. These are known as season tickets. Season tickets are available in the form of monthly, quarterly, half-annually and annually. Sometimes, the Railway Ministry has announced special season tickets for poor people or for students. 2 2000 Indian Rupees equals to around 23.33 Euro (as on July 16, 2020). 3 25 Indian Rupees equals to 0.29 Euro (as on July 16, 2020).

80

4 Spatial Patterns of Suburban Train Commuting

mind which distinguishes the members of one group or category of people from another’. In a nutshell, the way we live is known as culture. Thus, the food we take, the clothes we wear, the way we talk, the way we think and express our thoughts are all included within the broad spectrum of culture. These components of culture can broadly be divided into two major groups—material and non-material cultural components. Although the Howrah–Bardhaman Main Railway Line is one railway line stretching over 108 km, there are cultural differences among the commuters of its two sections. Using observation method, commuters’ cultural variances have been outlined. These cultural variances that cover both material and non-material components are language, clothing, ornaments, accessories, commuters’ perception of time. These have been observed minutely and have been explained with the help of text. The commuters of Bandel–Howrah section, on one hand, are generally characterized by a polished, articulated, and modern urban-based culture. They often use mixed languages in conversations. Mixed language refers to the use of a number of languages besides the vernacular language while talking. Generally, they use Bengali, English, and Hindi. Commuters of the Bardhaman–Bandel section, on the other hand, generally talk in Bengali among themselves. As stated earlier, the Bandel–Howrah section is completely an urban agglomeration. There are many public and private English-medium schools in these cities. English is the first language in most of these schools. Even students coming from typical Bengali families often choose Hindi as their second language to enable them to compete at different national-level examinations. Therefore, within a few years, they develop fluency in speaking English and Hindi. A large number of commuters of this section are from this background. On the other hand, the Bardhaman–Bandel section is mostly a rural zone. Except for a few schools in Bardhaman city, at Memari and at Pandua, the education system spread over the entire region is mostly run in Bengali medium and this is why they mostly speak in Bengali language. Since women prefer to pursue fashion more than men (Chea 2011; Koca and Koc 2016), only women commuters have been observed to identify the differential sense of fashion between these two sections. It is very usual to find the women commuters of this section wearing clothing of different trends and styles with matching jewellery. They also use more cosmetics and carry accessories such as purse, bag, and sunglasses following the latest fashion trends. However, in the Bardhaman–Bandel section, women commuters wear traditional dresses, much lesser jewellery, and least cosmetics compared to the other section. This is because within the urbanized belt of the Howrah–Bandel section, people’s purchasing capacity is high. There are different kinds of jewellery shops, starting from junk jewellery, ethnic styles to pearl, silver and gold jewellery. There are also many fashionable stores of readymade garments and ladies tailoring houses in this zone, which can stitch highly fashionable clothes. However, the rural belt of Bardhaman–Bandel section offers fewer such options. There also exists a differential sense of time between these two zones. For example, when commuters of the Howrah–Bandel section were asked when they return home, they replied that it was around eight o’clock in the evening. Upon being asked the

4.7 Cultural Gap of Commuters

81

Table 4.1 Regional division of Howrah–Bardhaman suburban railway line Bases of differences

Howrah–Bandel

Bandel–Bardhaman

Daily avg. originating traffic, 2005–06 to 2014–15

25,506

5913

Number of local trains/ day

Howrah (182), Bandel (133)

Bardhaman (49)

Intertrain time difference (average)

9 min

60 min

Number of stations in every 10 km

4

3

Average annual growth of commuters (in percentage per annum)

3

7

Cultural aspects of commuters

Urban-based culture

Rural-based culture

same question, commuters of the Bardhaman–Bandel section replied that it was around eight o’clock at night. This perception of time differs geographically. In one place, 8 p.m. is represented as night, and in another place as evening. This difference is rooted in the different cultures of the rural and urban hinterland of this railway line. Villagers generally wake up early in the morning, and they go to bed early as well. Accordingly, they sense the time differently from urban commuters who generally wake up late and go to bed late at night. Another reason is that after seven o’clock in the evening, the stations and bus stands in the Bardhaman–Bandel section start to be sparsely populated. Thus, commuters feel it to be night. Combining all the factors, we can clearly identify two sections with completely different mobility characteristics within the Howrah–Bardhaman Main Railway Line: the Howrah–Bandel section and the Bandel–Bardhaman section (Table 4.1).

4.8 Conclusion This chapter explains the process of regional variation within one suburban rail corridor on the basis of mobility characteristics. Without the discussion of immobility, the concept of mobility remains incomplete (Adey 2006). The places, stations and railway tracks are immobile but the objects, trains and commuters are always mobile. In fact, these two are intimately attached and complementary to each other. The identity of places can change with greater mobility characteristics. Within the 108 km length of the Howrah–Bardhaman Main Line, two sections with different characteristics can be identified. Because of its closeness to Kolkata, the Bandel– Howrah section is significantly different from the Bardhaman–Bandel section in terms of high volume of commuters. To serve this huge number of commuters, trains are run frequently. The interstation distance is also lower in this section compared to the Bardhaman–Bandel section. As the Bandel–Howrah section belongs to a continuous urban area, commuters are found to embody a modern, urban-based culture. However, due to changing nature of rural economy, the volume of rural-to-urban commuting is increasing in the Bandel–Bardhaman section.

82

4 Spatial Patterns of Suburban Train Commuting

This chapter carries significant outcomes for transport and regional development policy initiatives. It can help the transport planners to identify the stations that have fewer trains to serve a large volume of outgoing commuters, and accordingly may help them to adopt fruitful measures. It can also help the urban planners to promote policies for allocating resources and to design urban plans accordingly. This kind of research bears significance in rural development programmes also, as it helps to understand the shifting nature of rural economies. Suburban local trains connect the rural economies with urban economies. Commuting creates employment opportunities for people even living in distant villages. Transport policies play an important role in rural development. This is evident from the dynamic nature of the commuters’ numbers in the rural belt in relation to fare relaxation in the form of izzat monthly. A suitable transport policy must be part of the regional development policies. Such development programmes are much needed in developing countries like India where development policies are still found to be localized and of sedentary nature. Commuting data can help to reframe these regional development policies.

References Adey P (2006) If mobility is everything then it is nothing: towards a relational politics of (im)mobilities. Mobilities 1:75–94 Cantwell M, Caulfield B, O’Mahony M (2009) Examining the factors that impact public transport commuting satisfaction. J Public Transp 12(2):1–21. https://doi.org/10.5038/2375-0901.12.2.1 Chakraborty S, Roy U (2016) The dynamics of rural non-farm economy in West Bengal during 1991–2001: a statistical analysis. Geogr Rev India 78(3):229–244 Chatterjee M (1992) Evolution and growth of municipal towns in Calcutta metropolitan area. Centre for Urban Economic Studies, Discussion Paper No. 4, August, University of Calcutta Chea P (2011) Gender differences in the fashion consumption and store characteristics in Swedish clothing stores. In: Master thesis in business administration, Högskolan I Boras, MF06 Dear MJ, Flusty S (2002) The spaces of post modernity—readings in human geography. Blackwell Publishers, Malden, USA Deshingkar P, Anderson E (2004) People on the move: new policy challenges for increasingly mobile populations. Natural Resource Perspectives, Vol 92, Overseas Development Institute Deshingkar P (2010) Migration, remote rural areas and chronic poverty in India. Working Paper 323, Overseas Development Institute. www.chronicpoverty.org/uploads/...files/WP163%20Desh ingkar.pdf. Accessed on 3 Dec 2014 Hartshorne R (1939) The nature of Geography. Lancaster, Association of American Geographers Harvey D (1969) Explanation in Geography. Edward Arnold, London Hofstede G (2001) Culture’s consequences: comparing values, behaviors, institutions, and organizations across nations, 2nd edn. Sage, London Khasnabis R (2008) The economy of West Bengal. Econ Pol Wkly 43(52):103–115 Koca E, Koc F (2016) A study of clothing purchasing behavior by gender with respect to fashion and brand awareness. Eur Sci J 12(7):234–248. https://doi.org/10.19044/esj.2016.v12n7p234 Levinson DM (1998) Accessibility and the journey to work. J Transp Geogr 6(1):11–21 Lonsdale RE (1966) Two North Carolina commute patterns. Econ Geogr 42(2):114–138 Mehrotra S, Parida J, Sinha S, Gandhi A (2014) Explaining employment trends in the Indian economy: 1993–94 to 2011–12. Econ Pol Wkly 49(32):49–57 Mondal B (2015) Commuting patterns of workers in a village of Bardhaman District, West Bengal. Space Cult India 3(1):48–66. https://doi.org/10.20896/saci.v3i1.140

References

83

Samanta G, Pal B (2018) Mumbai er krishak bikshabh ki Paschim Bange sambhab. The Anandabazar Patrika, April 5 Sarkar A (2006) The political economy of West Bengal: a puzzle and a hypothesis. Econ Pol Wkly 49(28):341–348 The Anandabazar Patrika (2015). Pher train oborodh Haripal a. July 7 The Anandabazar Patrika (2018). Chole mote ekti train, katwai kshubdho yatrira. August 13 The Statesman (2016) The small and insignificant railway station of Noli on the outskirts of Delhi sees a mad scramble during the morning rush hour as commuters wait for the single train that wends its way there. September 10

Chapter 5

Commute Experiencescapes

Mobile, embodied practices are central to how we experience the world, from practices of writing and sensing, to walking and driving. Our mobilities create spaces and stories – spatial stories. —Cresswell and Merriman (2011, p. 5)

Abstract Commuting does not only mean a to-and-fro movement between home and work daily, but it also includes all the experiences, which are achieved during this journey. The value of these experiences may not be measured statistically but these are valuable resources to the commuters themselves. This chapter, using ethnographic methods, has explained the production of an experiencescape. It also unveils the symbiotic relation of commuters with hawkers and commuters’ social solidarity to the non-commuters. Keywords Experiencescape · Social solidarity · Symbiotic relation · Multitasking · Fragmentation

5.1 Introduction Experience is the totality by which we come to know the world. We know the world through sensation (feeling), perception, and conception. Geographers are more familiar with places as the location-setting of their studies. However, a place is not always a geometric area identified by coordinates. It is not always fixed or static. In fact, ‘In the emerging mobilities paradigm, places themselves can be seen as becoming or travelling, slowly or quickly, through greater or shorter distances and within networks of both human and non-human agents. Places are about relationships, about the placing of peoples, materials, images and the systems of difference that they perform’ (Hannam et al. 2006, p. 13). A place has some qualities that can be sensed. The sense of a place is known as space. According to Gieryn (2000, p. 465), ‘Space is what place becomes when the unique gathering of things, meanings, and values are sucked out. Put positively, place is space filled up by people, practices, objects, and representations’. In fact, space is a mosaic of events. There are several subjectivities in sensing a place. ‘The © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 B. Mondal and G. Samanta, Mobilities in India, The Urban Book Series, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-78350-1_5

85

86

5 Commute Experiencescapes

geographer’s understanding of space is abstract, though less so than that of a mathematician’ (Tuan 1979, p. 388). While geometric space is the reality, individual and cultural spaces are distortions. In other words, geometric space is the objective space and cultural space is the subjectivity of this objective space (Tuan 1979). These subjective sensations of a place create mental maps, also known as cognitive space. The mental map of a place varies from individual to individual, depending on the observers’ personal attitudes, their moods, demands, desire and also on time. What someone thinks to be normal, others may think to be abnormal. Commuting is an important part of commuters’ daily lives. They spend a considerable amount of time on the way. Every day, hundreds of people commute together. Their physical co-presence, emotions, desires, feelings and interactions shape the mobile spaces. Certeau (1984, p. 117) in his book The Practice of Everyday Life has explained the concept of mobile space by saying, ‘… space is a practised place. Thus, the street geometrically defined by urban planning is transformed into a space by walkers’. Suburban train commuters produce a spatial design that can be mapped using geo-informatics. Simultaneously, they produce a space that can be explored using ethnographic research design. As Mondal and Samanta (2015, p. 16) have contended, ‘Commuting is not only the covering of the distance daily in between place of dwelling and place of work, but also it is an experience to the commuters which can be explored through ethnographic research’. Thus, the study of commuting in geography does not always seem to have locational attributes. It is fluid in nature. There are several sociologies within it. In this chapter, it is the motto of the researcher to analyse how commuting ‘plays a key role in defining subjective interpretations of space’ (Humbracht 2012, p. 16). The chapter tries to present the cognitive spaces as perceived by commuters. To execute that, it uses trans-disciplinary research methods, blending research methods of geography, sociology, anthropology and ethnography as geographers like Shaw and Hesse (2010, p. 306) have outlined ‘While the rise of mobility as an indicator of current developments is closely aligned with phenomena in which geographers take a keen interest, the increasing popularity of mobilities within the social sciences is multi-disciplinary’.

5.2 Three Spheres of Everyday Life: Home, Work, and Commuting In every day’s livelihood, commuters have three important spheres of activities— home, work, and commuting. Home is a space of love, affection, and admiration. It is the space of security, certainty, and solidarity. There are happiness and sadness; regular flows of work and nostalgia at the same time. Home is the space where a baby is nourished with a mother’s whole-hearted affection. It is the space where she/he starts to walk, learns to take food, and these are the spaces for primary education of a child. At home, a child is taught morality, which builds up his/ her personality. This

5.2 Three Spheres of Everyday Life: Home, Work, and Commuting

87

primary place makes one ready for the outer world. From a social outlook, it is the smallest form of society. Douglas (1991, pp. 288–289) has explained the concept of home in more artistic ways. In his words: We start very positivistically by thinking of home as a kind of space. Home is “here”, or it is “not here”. The question is not “How?” nor “Who?” nor “When?” but “Where is your home?” It is always a localizable idea. Home is located in a space, but it is not necessarily a fixed space. It does not need bricks and mortar, it can be a wagon, a caravan, a boat or a tent. It need not be a large space, but space there must be, for home starts by bringing some space under control. Having shelter is not having a home, nor is having a house, nor is home the same as the household.

Stark (1948, p. 55, quoted in Tuan 1979, p. 418) has defined home as ‘a place where every day is multiplied by days before it’. Thus home, in his concept, is identified by the regularity of actions. Sometimes, the repetition of these regular activities may sound inexorable and absurd but there are rhythms in these actions, and without these rhythmic actions, life seems to be absurd. ‘The Home makes its time rhythms in response to outside pressures; it is in real time’ (Douglas 1991, p. 294). On the contrary, the workplace is the space of duties, loyalties, and formalities. Unlike home, it is a more formal space. It is regulated by work-hours. These are the spaces of production and distribution. This space provides financial support to the home. In this space, one displays his or her ability. It is an important part of the daily lives and for some, the most significant part of life. It builds the identity of a person. Home and workplace are regarded as two separate worlds. In academic discourses, most of the studies on home belong to sociology, anthropology and cultural discourses, while the place of work has been the focal theme in economics. The relation between these two spaces—work, a space of production, and home, a space of reproduction—has been considered from different angles such as the decision to work, gendered dimension of work, and influence of home on distance to work (Hanson and Pratt 1988). However, the day-to-day interaction between these spaces has not been studied in detail. Commuting maintains a straight line reciprocal relation between home and place of work (Fig. 5.1). It takes place twice a day in the form of a journey to work and back home. Although home, commuting and work are often treated to be three separate spaces, commuting is found to have blending edges. It connects one space with the other. It makes commuters mentally prepared for the next sphere. In the morning commute hours, commuters utilize this time for different activities that make them mentally prepared for the workplace. In the afternoon, forgetting the hectic hours of the workplace, commuters try to be mentally ready for home. How commuting performs this dual action can be conceptualized with the help of narratives on uses of commute hours, and from participant observation data. Mr. Dey (52 years) is a school teacher. Home

Commuting

Fig. 5.1 Relation between home, work, and commuting

Work

88

5 Commute Experiencescapes

He lives in Bardhaman. During the schedule survey, when he was asked ‘How do you spend the commute hours?’ he said: In the morning, we generally read the newspaper and discuss different issues among ourselves. In the afternoon, we play cards. This time is full of pleasure. It refreshes us from the boredom of work.

This shows that in the morning peak hours, they utilize their time in reading the newspaper. By doing this, they are informed about the surrounding world, about the running situation of the state and of the nation. This makes them knowledgeable. It makes them empowered and it helps them to take the right decision at the right time. This knowledge helps them to teach better in the school. They cite different examples from the real world. In this way, the workplace peeps into commute hours. In the afternoon, they enjoy the time taken to commute. This is the time for their recreation. Commuters, during this time, are mostly found to be engaged in chatting. They also take light food such as snacks or jhal-muri1 or masala mixtures.2 Many commuters are also found to take a little nap. This helps them to forget the banality of the workplace. They can thus reach home with a fresh mind. This helps to maintain household duties and good relations with their families (Mondal and Samanta 2018). Mrs. Adhikary is a government employee. She lives in a village about 10 km away from Memari station. She has two children at home. She said that after returning home, she has to carry out a number of household duties. Her sons wait for her throughout the day. They feel her absence at home. After returning home, she has to feed them. She has to teach her elder son. Then she cooks the meal for the night. She continued, ‘I never want to waste time for myself at home. I take the tiffin in train so that I do not invest time for my eating at home’. Considering all these factors, Thrift’s (2006, p. 139) statement can be recalled: ‘…all kinds of hybrids are being continually recast by processes of circulation within and between particular spaces’. Although commuting, home, and work are three different spaces, when an individual passes through these spaces over a day, the influences of these spaces are reflected on each other’s spatial signatures. All commuters balance between these three spheres carefully. If there is any imbalance in any of the three, the other two also get affected. During the field survey in the form of non-participant observation, one day, one commuter was talking to her fellow commuters at the platform of Boinchi station. She had missed her scheduled train and was waiting for the next one. She was late because her house cleaner had been absent on that day without prior notice, and she had to do all the household chores by herself. She was anxious to reach her office in time.

1

Jhal-muri is a kind of light tiffin. It is prepared from puffed rice mixed with smaller pieces of cucumber, tomato, fried pulses, ground nuts, coconut, coriander leaves, boiled potato-pieces, mustard oil, mango fragrance and salt. It is a popular evening dish in Bengali culture. 2 One tasty food made of smaller pieces of raw vegetables, such as cucumber, tomato, coriander leaves, peas, coconut etc. with added salt, mustard oil and different Indian masala.

5.2 Three Spheres of Everyday Life: Home, Work, and Commuting

14%

1% 8%

89

Home Workplace

3%

Commuting 14%

Home + Workplace 60%

All time full energy Commuting + Workplace

Fig. 5.2 Commuters’ utilization of body energy in different fields of activities. Source Field Survey, 2014–2016

Similarly, on another day, the train stopped at Gangpur station before the destination station Bardhaman. A lorry3 had been stuck at the railway crossing. Therefore, the rail-gate was open and motorized transits were moving crossing the railway line. The train was stopped for nearly twenty minutes. Passengers felt very annoyed. Many started to call their workplaces to inform about their late arrival. Students were sitting helplessly. Finally, when the train reached Bardhaman station, a few commuters ran towards the Station Manager to collect a written slip, which they could produce to avoid being marked as taking a casual leave in the workplace. One such commuter was also very anxious. During informal conversation, when she was asked, ‘If it happens at the time of returning, what do you do?’ she replied, ‘Then I inform my family. At this, my child’s study is hampered because in the evening I teach him at home. I also feel tired but I do not feel so anxious. At my workplace, there are rules and regulations. I have to attend the office in time.’ Thus, it shows that among the three spheres of life, if any disharmony appears, it affects the total system. Even in that case, home is more manageable than the workplace. In this context, Thrift’s (2006, p. 142) quote can be recalled, that ‘Life is a meshwork of successive foldings, not a network, in which the environment cannot be bounded and life is forged in the transformative process of moving around’. During the schedule survey, when commuters were asked ‘In which of these three fields, is your energy executed at maxima?’ more than 60% of the commuters said that it is the place of work where they utilize their maximum energy (Fig. 5.2). Nearly 28% of the commuters opined that their maximum energy is employed at home, while about 14% of the commuters said that their maximum energy is exhausted on the commute to-and-from work. Those who said that most of their energy is lost to the commute, are either long-distance commuters, or have to change commute modes 3

Truck; Generally, these are four-wheelered but may be even ten-wheelered depending on the load to be carried; usually used as goods’ carriage.

90

5 Commute Experiencescapes

several times. However, about 14% of the commuters mentioned that although they use their energy in the three fields, they are always full of energy. There are both men and women in this group.

5.3 Mobile Sense of Place A ‘…place is regarded as a knot tied from the strands of the movements of its many inhabitants, rather than as a hub in a static network of connectors’ (Thrift 2006, p. 142). Every place has its unique identity that makes it separate from other places. This unique sense of place is called space. When this space is characterized by mobility, the sensations become different from immobile spaces. It is to be remembered that mobile space does not always imply that it moves from one place to another. It may even have a fixed location determined by fixed coordinates. But that must be characterized by some sort of mobility. The presence of mobile bodies makes it mobile. Bissell (2009) has shown railway stations as mobile space marked by differently moving objects. He thinks that railway stations present more heterogeneity than airports. This kind of space has some fluidity in nature. It can be produced, moulded, and reshaped. ‘The shape of this space is that of a river: not the surveyor’s river which is simply a gap on the map, a frozen interval, but the river as serpentine motion, as an evolving pattern of vortices, expanding and collapsing’ (Carter 1992, p. 92). The sense of these places differs with time, and there is a temporal dimension in these sensations. What seems to be exciting on the first day of commuting gradually turns to be a common sight after a few days. On the first day of the commute, a sort of nervousness appears. Löfgren (2008, p. 333) has termed this nervousness as ‘travel fever’. According to him, nervousness is originally a French word. It was first used in Sweden in the 1850s to mean a state of ‘light or temporary anxiety, an unbalanced restlessness or problematic overstimulation’ (Löfgren 2008, p. 338). Unlike commuting by bus, train commuters need to learn a number of tactics, such as—from where to purchase the ticket; how to stand in the separate queue for men and women, and for reserved and non-reserved categories; how to step into the train within a peak hour’s crowd; where to stand in the compartment and where not to stand; how to alight from the train especially when there is a gap between the footstair and the platform, etc. They also have to know-how to protect their bag from snatchers. All these embodied perceptions and experiences create a sense of places. Tuan (1979, p. 390) has rightly stated, ‘Visual perception, touch, movement, thought combine to give us our characteristic sense of space’. Mrs. Begum, 30 years old, stays at Bardhaman City. She used to teach in a school in Khanakul near Arambag where she used to commute by bus. To avoid the pathetic bus journey, she has taken a mutual transfer to a school near Debipur. As she had never commuted before by train, she felt nervous for the first few days. In her own words:

5.3 Mobile Sense of Place

91

I used to reach the station much earlier than the scheduled time so that I never missed the train. I was very careful to listen to the announcement. Even after boarding on the train, I would ask other passengers to be confirmed about the route of the train. I used to try not to have even a little nap to avoid missing my destination station. I was also afraid of snatchers. I would not keep my bag on the bunker.4 After few days, everything got normalized. I started to reach the station in time. I was introduced to other commuters and I started to keep my bag in the bunker.

The anxiety experienced by the famous Bengali poet Rabindranath Tagore before his first train travel (Tagore 1959) is perceived by beginners even today. The only difference is the subject of anxiety. Tagore, during his childhood days, was anxious about stepping into the train rightly, while today’s commuters are anxious about boarding the right train. Thus, it shows that time plays a crucial role in the structuring of mobile sensation. Commuters’ experiences gradually change with time. What seems to be difficult on the first day gradually becomes a regular practice after a few days of commuting. These experiences change hourly as well as seasonally. Rather, repetition of this rhythmic practices gives birth to a sense of mobile place. As Edensor (2011, p. 191) has explained, ‘Places are thus not typified by any single rhythm or temporality but are locations at which multiple temporalities collide, synchronise, and interweave.’ The regular flows of commuters, the queue in front of the ticket window, the railway timetable, announcement of the arrival of the train, the conversations among the passengers, the chaos in train, sound of music, hawkers selling products—all these give birth to a kind of space. This space is unique in character and hold temporalities. It is infused with mobile practices. It is a kind of ‘event-space’ (Adey 2006, p. 76). As Urry (2000, p. 64) has explained, ‘place and culture are bound together in a smooth movement through space.’

5.4 Mobile Experiencescapes Tuan (1979, p. 388) has defined experience as ‘the totality by which we come to know the world’. According to O’Dell (2005, p. 15), ‘Experiences are highly personal, subjectively perceived, intangible, ever fleeting and continuously ongoing’. The dayto-day experience varies with time, sometimes even over a day. The peak hour picture changes in non-peak hours (Evans and Wener 2007, p. 90). Rainy day experiences are different from those of sunny days. A normal day experience changes on a day of bandh5 or strike. These day-to-day experiences form the experiencescapes. O’Dell (2005, p. 15) has explained the term ‘experiencescapes’:

4

An elevated tray used to keep the bags and baggages in running bus and train. These are generally placed above the passengers’ seats. 5 Bandh is a form of general strike called forth by any political party. It does not allow people to attend work.

92

5 Commute Experiencescapes Viewed as landscaped spaces, we refer to these spaces as ‘experiencescapes’ in order to underline the degree to which the surroundings we constantly encounter in the course of everyday lives can take the form of physical, as well as imagined, landscapes of experience.

Thus, while the landscape is the totality of the earth’s surface features, the experiencescape is the assemblage of all kinds of sensations in perceiving this world. While the former is the visible, tangible, absolute physical form, the latter is invisible, intangible and relative in nature. However, just as there are ups and downs in a landscape, experiences may also be positive and negative. Dear and Flusty (2002, p. 2) have stated, ‘Any narrative about landscape is necessarily an account of the reciprocal relationship between relatively long-term structural forces and short-term routine practices of individual human agents.’ Similarly, commute experiences may be of two types: normal daily experiences that usually take place on a regular basis, and extreme events, which are very memorable to commuters. Commuters have shared a number of incidents that they generally experience daily. One such experience is the long queue before the ticket window during the first week of every month. To avoid this queue, many commuters purchase the season ticket in advance, much before the date of expiry. In this system, no day is lost. It is a policy of the Indian Railways to facilitate commuters. Mrs. Chowdhury, a commuter of this railway line said that she generally purchases a half-yearly ticket. Its permonth cost is much less than that of the monthly ticket. By doing this, she has to stand in queue only twice a year. Another commuter who was accompanying Mrs. Chowdhury said that she purchases a monthly ticket in the evening when there is no crowd before the ticket window. Generally, the queue is longer on Mondays than other days. This is because on Monday many circular migrants return to their places of work after spending the weekend holidays at home. In suburban trains, around 60% of the commuters have experienced that a number of passengers sit in front of the door. Even if there are free seats they do not sit there. Because of this, other passengers face problems when they board or alight from the train. This is more commonly experienced by commuters of ladies compartments.6 They report that vendors, be they men or women, carrying vegetables and fishes in large baskets board the ladies compartment in the morning trains. During the interview the vendors, who travel in the train to transport their commodities, were asked about the reasons for choosing ladies compartment to travel in rather than vendors’ compartment. In reply, they said that they use the ladies compartments because these are comparatively less crowded in the morning. They find these thinly crowded ladies compartments to be easier to load and unload their goods. When they were asked, ‘Why do not you travel in vendors’ compartment?’ they simply said that to travel in vendor compartments, they require a vendor monthly pass, which costs much more than commuter monthly tickets. Therefore, travelling in the vendor compartment would make their trips costlier. Railway stations are shelters for a number of homeless people including beggars, destitute, and orphan children. They generally survive on begging. It is a common 6

Ladies compartments are reserved only for women commuters. Men are not allowed to enter into these compartments. There are two ladies compartments in a 12-coach suburban local train.

5.4 Mobile Experiencescapes

93

sight to find them begging in running trains and at stations. In fact, unlike other public spaces like bus stands, ports, airports, and streets, they are more common in railway stations. Almost in every station, a number of homeless people can be found. While talking to these people, they said that they prefer the large stations because they find these to be more secure compared to the smaller stations. Moreover, there they can earn a little higher than the smaller stations. Another common experience is spitting of beetle leaves and of gutkha.7 All the stations from Bardhaman to Howrah are marked by these red spots on the railings of the over-bridge, the walls and wash basins. Every year the Railway authorities have to expend a lot in painting the walls and railings to hide the spit-marks of beetle leaves and of gutkha.

5.5 Changes in Day-To-Day Experiences Assuming that those commuters who have been commuting via the Howrah–Bardhaman Main Railway Line for a certain period of time may notice several changes in their daily experiences, one question was fitted in the questionnaire: ‘Would you please tell me the changes in your day-to-day experiences of train commuting within this period of commuting?’ Commuters who have been commuting by the suburban trains in this railway line for at least five years were asked this question. Almost all took a few minutes to think over the issue and then answered in several points. Their responses have been categorized into two groups: positive changes and negative changes. The most highlighted positive change that commuters perceive is the punctuality of trains. Around 70% of the commuters think that trains are more regular now than ever before. Many new trains have been added to the earlier ones. Some commuters mentioned especially the Memari Locals, Pandua Locals, Howrah–Bardhaman Super (Main) and the Ladies Special local trains. Provision of two ladies compartments at two ends of a rake has been very helpful for women commuters. In addition, the new rakes are longer. Almost all rakes have twelve coaches instead of the earlier model of nine coach trains. This has facilitated the commuters to find seats. During the interview, around 65% of the commuters reported that they get free seats, which were unavailable earlier. Besides, the changes brought about in the internal structure of the compartments have made the journey more comfortable. New coaches are more airy and have spaces that are more open. Passengers can sit comfortably. The windows are covered with wire mesh. This protects the passengers from thieves as well as from stones thrown from the outside. All commuters agree on one point that the number of passengers has increased exponentially in recent years. However, the types of passengers vary with the types of trains. 7

Gutkha is a preparation of crushed areca nut, tobacco, catechu, paraffin wax, slaked lime and sweet or savoury flavourings. After mixing with saliva, it turns into a deep red colour. Gutkha is responsible for oral cancer.

94

5 Commute Experiencescapes

In local trains, although the working commuters’ proportion is highest, a large number of students also commute. However, in the chair-car coaches of express trains8 running in peak commute hours, such as the Sealdah–Rampurhat Maa Tara Express that runs via Bandel, the Howrah–Suri Hool Express, Howrah–Maldah Intercity Express9 or the Howrah–Azimganj Kaviguru Express trains, the number of working commuters is more than the number of student commuters. These numbers have been increasing over the years. In fact, nearly 47% of the commuters think that earlier, the majority of the commuters were service holders. In recent years, the numbers of informal workers and wage labourers have increased at a higher rate. This may be due to the differences of fare-structure between bus and train. These differences are mentioned below. First of all, as distance increases, both bus and train fares increase. However, the rate of increase declines in case of trains. Secondly, in recent years, the bus fare has increased at a much higher rate than the train fare. For example, it costs nearly INR 80 to cover the distance from Bardhaman to Kolkata by bus, while it costs only INR 25 to cover the same distance by train. Thirdly, besides this low fare, Indian Railways gives the opportunity of relaxation of fare for commuters by providing the facility of season tickets. A monthly ticket from Bardhaman to Howrah costs INR 440 only. It ensures the journey for 30 days and thus reduces the per-trip cost to INR 6.33 to cover a distance of 107 km at an average speed of 60 km/hr. The costs get gradually lowered if someone purchases a quarterly, a half-yearly or annual ticket. Acharya (2000, p. 35) who has served in the Indian Railways for a long time has written in this context, ‘Suburban fare hikes are very unpopular and politically sensitive’. Therefore, commuters of low income category are able to afford local trains, thanks to the cheap fares. Women’s mobility has also increased. Nearly 35% of the women commuters think themselves more secure than earlier. Besides these positive changes, commuters also mentioned the improved political stability in West Bengal. About 24% of the commuters believe that they have escaped from sudden strikes, bandh, chakka jam,10 etc., in recent years. Earlier, they had to face several sudden strikes for hours. Presently, trains are cancelled with prior notice. Sometimes alternate measures are also taken to facilitate the commuters. Around 72% of the commuters think that smoking in passenger coaches has reduced substantially. Over 90% of the women commuters said that they do not find any smoker in the ladies compartment in recent years. Passengers can protest against smokers fearlessly. Smokers ride in the vendors’ coaches. Provision of pay and use toilets have also benefitted many commuters. About 64% of the commuters expressed their satisfaction about the new clean platforms and coaches. A number of sweepers have been recruited to clean the platforms. These platforms now have sheds, which 8

Express trains are high speed trains running for longer distance with fewer stops. Unlike the suburban locals, there are differences in coaches of an express train. The ticket-fare also varies depending on coach-type. Chair-car coaches usually offer the passengers to sit on three-seated row. 9 Intercity Express trains run between major cities of a state. 10 All sorts of transport which depend on wheels are forcefully stopped.

5.5 Changes in Day-To-Day Experiences

95

protect commuters from rain and heat. About 5% of the respondents said that earlier the train used to get stopped for a long time at the signal before Howrah station. Currently, this problem has been reduced by improving the signalling system. While narrating the positive changes in their daily experiences, commuters also mentioned the negative changes. Around 18% of the commuters opined that although the railway’s service quality has improved and new trains have been introduced, these are not sufficient for the increasing number of passengers. Therefore, they often do not get seats. Passengers sometimes quarrel among themselves for seats. They also brought forth the changing attitude of the new generation of boys and girls. These young people do not offer their seats to elderly people, sick people, or to mothers carrying babies. Sometimes, they behave rudely. They also use abusive language while sitting before the senior citizens. Moreover, petty crimes such as snatching, pickpocketing and theft have increased many-fold compared to earlier. Commuters mentioned the names of a few stations, which they do not think are secure. These are Gangpur, Palsit, Rasulpur, Nimo, Bagila, Debipur, Boinchigram, Simlagarh, Talandu, Adisptagram, and Liluah. In these stations, passenger pressure is less. Smugglers, drunkards, drug-addicted people, and prostitutes take advantage of these lonely stations and roam fearlessly. Women commuters originating at Bardhaman station said that previously, there was a separate season ticket window at Bardhaman station. Presently, that counter has been closed. Because of this, they have to stand in queue with other noncommuting passengers for purchasing the season tickets. Stone throwing at running trains is a new culture among many young boys. This is very dangerous for the passengers sitting inside the train near the windows. It may cause serious injury to the passengers. One commuter was very sad to see the platforms being fully shaded. He says that earlier, there were gardens on each platform, maintained by railway gardeners. Different beautiful seasonal flowers would blossom, providing a lovely sight for the travellers. Besides, there were many large trees. In every morning and evening, the environment was alive with the charming sounds of birds. However, the trees have been cut and the gardens have been converted into concrete platform with a tin shade above. Moreover, the tin shade gets heated up in summer. Thus, he cannot adjust to the new environment of shaded platforms that many others think to be a positive change. This notion of connectedness to nature is known as ‘biophilia’, a term popularized by Edward O. Wilson in his book Biophilia in 1984. It describes an innate affinity with the nature that human beings bear in their daily lives (Newman 2014). This connectedness to nature has cognitive, affective and behavioural components (Mayer and Frantz 2004). Transformation in the physical space of a city caused by rapid urbanization affects the biophilic sensation of inhabitants and travellers. They miss the natural green environment of the city. As Timothy Beatley at an event at the University of the District of Columbia said, ‘We need density but we also need connections to nature’. Therefore, the single commuter’s thought is of significant importance at present.

96

5 Commute Experiencescapes

5.6 Memorable Experiences Every day is a new day for the commuters. Every day commuters meet new people and gain new experiences. With time, some experiences fade away. However, some experiences are never washed away from their memory. This may be any happy incident, pathetic situation, horrible moment, puzzling event, pure humour, or any occurrence, which taught them important life lessons. Commuters’ experiencescapes thus consist of their day-to-day general experiences as well as these memorable events, which are rare. Almost all commuters narrated one or two such memorable experiences from their commuting lives. However, only a few of these incidents, which have an impact on commuters’ lives, are presented in this section. Mrs. Bhattacharyya, a commuter of the Chandannagar–Bardhaman route, narrated one such incident that she experienced when she was going to the office. She, with the help of her co-commuters, rescued a baby boy from being trafficked and safely handed him to the Railway Protection Force (RPF).11 Commuting is an important part of the day, which makes people informed about their surroundings. It increases commuters’ exposure and experience and helps the commuters become aware of the good and evils in our society. Mrs. Bhattacharyya and her friends were able to suspect the guilty women because they were experienced commuters—their everyday experiences guided them. They did not hesitate to dedicate their valuable time for an unknown boy. Mr. Banerjee, another commuter, narrated another incident that he had experienced in the train while going to office. It was April or May. I was going to office. We had a group of commuters. One would commute from Pandua. He was about 50–52 years old. He was sitting beside me. We were talking among ourselves. However, the gentleman of Pandua was not talking for few minutes. When the train reached Bardhaman station, I nudged him and told, “Let’s go”. Then he fell on the seat. We found him dead. We called the G. R. P12 immediately. The doctor informed that he had a cardiac failure.

Mr. Banerjee had a very shocking experience with a touch of pathos, when he experienced the sad demise of his co-commuter. He has remembered that day ever since then. Since that day, he prefers to commute in a group. He thinks that this creates community feelings. Mrs. Majumdar, another commuter, witnessed an accident from which she took a life lesson. One day, a passenger was standing near the door and was peeping out of the running train frequently. After a few minutes, he suddenly collided with the electric post situated besides the railway track and fell out of the train. In India, many fatalities take place because of the victims’ lack of awareness. Many lives are lost due to their simple foolishness. Sometimes, it creates trauma among other passengers. Mrs. Majumdar also had such an experience. Since then she warns everybody against such acts. In this way, the experiencescape is formed 11

Railway Protection Force (R.P.F.) is a security force established by the Railway Protection Force Act, 1957; enacted by the Indian Parliament for ‘the better protection and security of railway property and passenger area’. 12 Government Railway Police.

5.6 Memorable Experiences

97

and reformed daily by the experiences gathered on the way. These experiences are also part of life. These experiences educate people, through which commuters learn a lot about life and work.

5.7 Solidarity of Commuters to Non-commuters Commuters not only help each other in crises but also help the non-commuters. In fact, many non-commuters have reported that on the way they seek help mostly from the commuters. Very often, the non-commuters are not easily accustomed to the station environment. They often need help to ask the direction of subway13 or to use the escalator or to know the location of railway tea-stall, etc. Besides these smaller ways of help, commuters also show their social solidarity to the non-commuters. Mrs. Bhattacharyya, a commuter of this railway line teaches in an engineering college. Once she had to take the bold decision to help in delivery of a pregnant woman who was also travelling in the same compartment. She also saved a young girl from being trafficked. Her suspicion about the trafficker is an example of an experienced commuter’s instincts. With her experienced eyes, she was able to differentiate between normal and abnormal behaviour. Her suspicions proved to be true when the man in question poured a drug into a woman’s tea. Mrs. Sarkar, an employee of ICDS (Integrated Child Development Scheme) office, with some of her commuter friends, also rescued a distressed woman and took her to the GRP office so that she could reach home safely. Mr. Sarkar is a government employee. He narrated an accident where they rescued the survivor and arranged everything for her treatment. He, accompanied by his commuter friends, changed the life journey of a boy, who tried to snatch his wallet in the running train. Suffering from extreme poverty, the boy chose the path of stealing. However, not only was he corrected, but he was able to find a purpose in life. This saved his family. In this way, these narratives represent that commuters help non-commuting passengers in a number of ways. As they are experienced, they extend their helping hands when their fellow non-commuting passengers either fall in danger or find problems on the way.

5.8 Howrah–Bardhaman Main Suburban Railway: The Perceived Specificities The Howrah–Bardhaman Main Railway Line is the first suburban rail route in Eastern India and the most important suburban railway line of the Howrah division. It has a route length of about 108 kms. It belongs to the Kolkata suburban railway network, 13

Subways are generally long, narrow underground paths used to move from one platform to another or to exit from the railway stations.

98

5 Commute Experiencescapes

having around 950 kms of rail-tracks. The other suburban railway lines of this railway network such as Howrah–Bardhaman via Chord Railway Line, Tarakeswar Line, Katwa Line, Panskura Line, Kharagpur Line, Shantipur Line, Bongaon Line, Canning Line, Baruipur Line, etc., also hold a lot of significance in transportation of commuters. Some commuters of this line, who have also commuted by other suburban railways earlier, have perceived some specific features of the Main Line from their day-to-day experiences that distinguish it from other suburban railways. Among the respondents, nearly 20% of the commuters would commute by different suburban railways other than the Main Line at some time in their working life. All these qualitative specificities are based on commuters’ daily experiences. Based on their perceptions, seven major specificities were identified. These have made this railway line distinct from other suburban railways as well as from other non-suburban railway lines, which the commuters had used. One commuter of the Howrah–Bardhaman Main Railway Line, who would earlier commute by the Katwa Line, said that heaps of straw are carried in the general compartments of Katwa local trains. Passengers cannot stand properly and get very disturbed with this traditional practice. Another commuter who would commute to Asansol at one time reported that large packets of coal are carried in Asansol passenger trains. Passengers cannot get enough space to stand in crowded trains. However, during their commuting life on the Main Line, they have not experienced such incidents. However, they did mention that vegetables and fishes are carried in the ladies compartments in the early morning. Mr. Bhuina earlier would commute by the Bongaon Line. He said that the passengers of the Main Line are more decent and behave politely, whereas passengers of the Bongaon Line behave rudely. Mr. Som would commute by Black Diamond Express at one time. He has faced bitter experiences in that train. Commuters occupy the seats forcefully for their friends with cards, matchboxes, handkerchiefs, etc. These commuters do not allow ordinary non-commuting passengers to sit on the free seats. They even drive away the seated ordinary non-commuting passengers to get the seats for themselves. Thus, there is a kind of space negotiation. To cope with this situation, Mr. Som carried an old newspaper for the first few days. He would unfold it before the door and would sit on it. After a few days, when he was introduced to other commuters, he got the opportunity to sit on the seats. This shows that ‘Power relations are inscribed into technologies of mobility, the social organization that directs mobility, and the experience of mobility itself’ (Butcher 2011, p. 241). One or two commuters, who would commute by Medinipur or Panskura local trains, also have similar experiences. For the easy mobility of commuters, Eastern Railway has introduced a Bardhaman–Howrah Super Train that runs via Chord in the morning. It does not stop anywhere between these two stations. This train has facilitated the commuters who commute from Bardhaman to Howrah by reducing their journey time. During the conversation with non-commuting passengers, many of them reported that commuters in the general compartments of this Bardhaman–Howrah Super Train do not allow them to sit. This is similar to the instances shared by Ghosh (1989), who has narrated how commuters occupy seats in Sealdah–Ranaghat local trains.

5.8 Howrah–Bardhaman Main Suburban …

99

They use the compartments just like a chartered bus by reserving seats from earlier (The Anandabazar Patrika 2018). Mr. Sinha is an officer in a Block Development Office in Bardhaman District. Previously, he was posted near Kharagpur. He found that most trains run late on that line. Even the station master did not announce the late arrival of train. One day, he was waiting at the platform for a long time; the time passed but there was no announcement. He went to the station master and came to know that the train was late by two hours that day. Presently, this Kharagpur line is known for late trains (The Anandabazar Patrika 2017). According to him, ‘Howrah–Bardhaman Main Line is the fairest line’. Many commuters from Bardhaman town, who come back from Kolkata late in the evening, generally try to board the Main Line trains because there are more passengers in these trains. It makes the journey safe and secure compared to the Chord line local trains where there are fewer passengers in the evening. Pickpocketers and snatchers often take advantage of this thin crowd. Many commuters said that the trains of Sealdah North, South and Main Line are always overcrowded. People cannot stand straight as they often have to bend their bodies to adjust with the tremendous pressure coming from the crowd. They have to stand continuously in that posture for hours. They often lose their belongings in the train. The journey by those suburban trains is very pathetic and uncomfortable. Compared to those situations, the Howrah–Bardhaman Main Line is much more comfortable.

5.9 Commuters and Hawkers: A Symbiotic Relationship Railway hawkers are an integral part of Indian Railways. They roam from one compartment to another with their products; display these to the passengers; and sell them. Their economy depends on this mobile space. Passengers too benefit a lot by these mobile salespersons, as they get access to a mobile market readily available before them. However, there are differences between hawkers on express trains and passenger trains, and on local trains. Firstly, as the express and passenger trains stop at a few limited stations, the number of hawkers is less. The local trains, on the other hand, are marked by frequent stoppages. Hawkers can easily board the train and can change coaches quickly. Secondly, in local trains, passengers board and get down from the train frequently. Thus, the passengers are always changing. It diversifies the demand from individual passengers as well. Both the commuters and hawkers travel daily and come face-to-face with each other. This regular contact increases their interactions and creates a common world among them. As Tuan (1979, p. 418) has said, ‘[t]he feel of place gets under our skin in the course of day-to-day contact’. Thus besides the commuters themselves, the relation between commuter and hawker is a significant part of this research. There are many studies on railway hawkers. Most of those studies highlight the hawkers’ demand, their management, etc. However, representation of hawkers in view of the commuters has not yet been studied in India. This research explores the

100

5 Commute Experiencescapes

perceived commute space, so several questions were framed to gauge the commuters’ perceptions towards hawkers and vice-versa. Besides the simple economics of demand and supply, both commuters and hawkers were asked to define their relation; how they feel each other’s presence, etc. Their responses reveal a symbiotic relation developed on wheels. On the Howrah–Bardhaman Main Line, many hawkers vend their products in trains. There are hawkers’ associations at a few of the stations. However, not all hawkers are regulated and controlled by hawkers’ associations. Some conduct their business independently. Generally, hawkers run their business in the morning and evening peak hours—the two busiest times of commute hours. Although at these two times the trains are most crowded, hawkers prefer these times for maximum sales potential. Almost all the hawkers said that commuters are their major customers. The range of products is endless. There are different types of chocolates, amla,14 cookies, snacks, bread loaves, three types of tea, coffee, biscuits, roasted chiwda,15 varieties of papad,16 mixed masalas, different seasonal fruits, fruit juice, ice cream, curd, ajwain,17 mineral water, safetypins, nail-cutters, gas lighters, naphthalene balls, multi-pin charger, ear-buds, sanitizer, toys, dolls, beautiful wall-papers, hair clips, bangles and women’s other stationery goods, make-up boxes, cotton balls, handkerchief, gloves, mask, caps, umbrella, saree, blouse pieces, ready-made salwar kameez18 and salwar pieces, kurtis,19 woollen garments, different types of bags starting from wallets to large-sized luggage bags, medicines for arthritis and easy digestion, books, newspapers and popular magazines, and so on. It is a kind of moving bazaar in local train. As Ghosh (1989) has described, a one hour journey easily passes while observing these dynamic scenes. Their presence is more noticeable in the ladies compartment compared to the general compartment. It may be because women prefer shopping to their male counterparts. During the participant observation, it has been observed that hawkers also follow some common principles, such as in a compartment two hawkers do not sell the same product. In addition, those who vend in the train do not sell on the platform. When commuters were asked about their relation with hawkers, more than half of the commuters said that they hold a friendly relation. Nearly one-third (31%) of them carry ‘as usual’ relation. This means they meet them, purchase hawkers’ products sometimes, and sometimes just chat with them. But the relation is neither friendly nor bad. Those who said the relation is friendly cited a number of inferences in support of their opinion. It is not that all of them purchase goods from hawkers, but they are benefitted from the hawkers by different means.

14

Gooseberries, an edible fruit rich in Vitamin-C. Light, dry flakes of flattened rice. 16 A light, flat and fried foodstuff, made of different grains, pulses, vegetables, etc. 17 Ajwain, also known as thymol seeds, is used for easy digestion. 18 Salwar kameez is a long tunic worn with a pair of trousers. The upper part is known as kameez and the trouser is known as salwar. 19 Kurti is a female outfit for the upper part of the body. 15

5.9 Commuters and Hawkers: A Symbiotic Relationship

101

Around 40% of the commuters, most of whom are women commuters, mentioned that the presence of hawkers in evening trains gives them a feeling of being secure. In crowded trains, hawkers help the passengers to board the train. If any train is cancelled, they inform the commuters in advance. As commuters are well known to them, they often sell their goods to the commuters at a relatively lower price. Sometimes they even give their products and take money the next day. Some hawkers maintain a monthly record book to keep track of the sales. They know the commuters’ names, their destinations and record the day-to-day purchase price. At the end of the month, they collect the money. Mr. Das is an old contractor. He lives in a village seven kilometres away from Memari station. He commutes to Howrah. According to him, ‘We wait for a special chaiwala,20 for his hot and fresh milky tea. The morning is incomplete without his tea’. Similarly, Mr. Bhattacharjee, a commuter of Howrah–Simlagarh route, and his commuter friends pass the return journey while eating and enjoying food. They have saved the hawkers’ mobile numbers and order food over the phone. In his own words: During return journey, we pass the time by eating. When we are in Howrah, we order the hawkers of Serampore to supply 20 boiled eggs. Accordingly, when the train reaches Serampore, the hawker supplies 20 boiled eggs through the window very quickly. We also keep the money ready and pay him through the window. Then, we order the hawker of Bandel to supply 20 plates of ghughni21 and at the same time hawkers of Magra to supply 20 cups red-tea. In this way, we enjoy the whole journey.

Commuters also facilitate the hawkers in many ways. For example, some help them to fill up their children’s admission forms, or to reach a good doctor. In this way, an intimacy develops among them. Dr. Basak is a pathologist. She commutes from Howrah to Bardhaman. According to her, We have good relation with three hawkers. One among them is Mousumidi. She sells earrings. She is a kind-hearted woman. I like her very much. She also offers discount in price. There is another woman who sells sarees and ornaments of exclusive design. There was another hawker. We would purchase fruits from him. He was suffering from liver cancer. We helped him financially for his treatment.

If any commuter is absent on any day, the hawkers also seek information about his/her wellbeing. In the general compartment, many commuters play cards. Some hawkers are also expert in playing cards. They enjoy the game and want to know the result. Sometimes, they advise the players to choose the winning card. In crises, they support the commuters. They warn the passengers if there is a snatcher amidst the crowd. If they are not carrying good quality product, they do not sell those to the commuters. Mrs. Saha, a commuter on this route, generally purchases everyday fruits in the train. On any day, if the fruit is not of good quality, the hawkers forbid 20

Cha is the Bengali word of tea. Chaiwala is the person who sells and serves tea. In suburban local trains, they roam from one compartment to another to sell tea to passengers. 21 Ghughni is a delicious and protein-rich dish usually taken at the time of breakfast or tiffin. It is a kind of pea-soup added with table salt, black pepper, lemon-juice, coriander leaves and different Indian masalas. Many hawkers earn their daily livelihood by selling it in train.

102

5 Commute Experiencescapes

her to purchase it. With their regular contact, a heartfelt relationship develops. Mrs. Ghosh narrated such an incident from her own life: I buy banana and cucumber from a woman. She is over 50 years old. After my delivery, I took leave for few months. Therefore, she could not find me for a long time. Then after joining the work, on the first day I went to purchase cucumber from her. She said, ‘Tell me about the good news’. I said, ‘A baby boy’. Then she said, ‘Where are the packets of sweets?’ On that day, she did not take any money against her sale. I requested her many a time but she refused to take. It was a sort of expression of joy. The next day, my husband and I took some sweets for her. They may be of lower economic class but they are examples of good human beings who get pleasure from our pleasure.

Those who said their relations with hawkers are bad pointed out a number of reasons. Many of them mentioned that the hawkers’ number has increased abruptly and they create problems in crowded trains. The papadwalas22 carry large bags. They move in such a way that passengers’ bags and spectacles fall down on the floor of the train. The shoe-polishers push through with their wooden shoe-polishing boxes. The tea-sellers often touch their warm kettle to passengers’ bodies so that they move aside and hawkers can pass more easily. Some think that as these hawkers are familiar to stand near the gate, passengers, especially old people and mothers, face problems while boarding and getting down from the train. Few hawkers have been reported to misbehave with passengers. Some young hawkers carry smart phones and play songs loudly. This loud noise disturbs the passengers. Sometimes, they talk in abusive language among themselves. At this, passengers get disturbed.

5.10 Conclusion Geographers are very familiar with landscape studies. While landscape is visible, tangible and mappable, there are other ‘–scapes’ which are not always visible, tangible or measurable. However, as part of post-positivist philosophy, one cannot place them beyond the boundary of geography. Commuting does not only mean a to-and-fro movement between home and work daily, but it also includes all the experiences which are achieved during this journey. It is not a vacant space but a space filled with sensations and feelings. All these day-to-day experiences produce an experiencescape. The value of these experiences may not be measured statistically but these are valuable resources to the commuters themselves. These experiences give them lifelong lessons. After all, learning is not always limited to the four-walled classrooms; the environment surrounding is a real teacher. It teaches people morality, the code of conduct, and makes us experienced. This chapter has analysed the production of these experiencescapes in the mobile compartments of the suburban locals of India. It is one of the core chapters of this book, as the traditionally overlooked aspects have been explained using qualitative methods within the frame of geography. 22

A papad is a thin, crisp, round flatbread snacks. It may be made of flour of rice, wheat, lentils, poppy-seeds, garlic, potato etc. Those who sell papad are called papadwalas.

References

103

References Acharya RC (2000) Indian Railways-where the commuter is the king. Jpn Rail Transp Rev 25:34–45 Adey P (2006) If mobility is everything then it is nothing: towards a relational politics of (im)mobilities. Mobilities 1(1):75–94. https://doi.org/10.1080/17450100500489080 Bissell D (2009) Conceptualising differently-mobile passengers: Geographies of everyday encumbrance in the railway station. Soc Cult Geogr 10(2):173–195. https://doi.org/10.1080/146493608 02652137 Butcher M (2011) Cultures of commuting: the mobile negotiation of space and subjectivity. Mobilities 6(2):237–254. https://doi.org/10.1080/17450101.2011.552902 Carter P (1992) The sound in between: voice, space, performance. New South Wales University Press, Kensington Certeau MD (1984) The practice of everyday life. University of California Press, Berkeley Cresswell T, Merriman P (2011) Geographies of mobilities: practices, spaces, subjects. Ashgate Publishing Limited, Farnham Dear MJ, Flusty S (2002) The spaces of post modernity–Readings in human geography. Blackwell Publishers, Malden, USA Douglas M (1991) The idea of a home: a kind of space. Soc Res 58(1):287–307 Edensor T (2011). Commuter: mobility, rhythm and commuting. In Cresswell, Merriman (eds) Geographies of mobilities: practices, spaces, subjects. Ashgate, London, pp 189—203 Evans GW, Wener RE (2007) Crowding and personal space invasion on the train: please don’t make me sit in the middle. J Environ Psychol 27:90–94. Elsevier Ghosh A (1989) West Bengal landscapes: a moraine on a commuter train. Econ Pol Wkly 24(8):391– 393 Gieryn TF (2000) A place for space in sociology. Ann Rev Sociol 26:463–496 Hannam K, Sheller M, Urry J (2006) Mobilities, immobilities and moorings. Mobilities 1(1):1–22 Hanson S, Pratt G (1988) Reconceptualizing the links between home and work in urban geography. Econ Geogr 64(4):299–321 Humbracht M (2012) Mobility and bounding the travelling imagination—a cultural analysis of visiting friends and relatives tourism. Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis, Department of Arts and Cultural Sciences, Lund University Löfgren O (2008) Motion and emotion: learning to be a railway traveller. Mobilities 3(3):331–351 Mayer FS, Frantz CM (2004) The connectedness to nature scale: a measure of individuals’ feeling in community with nature. J Environ Psychol 24:503–515 Mondal B, Samanta G (2015) Commuting in geography of mobilities. Deccan Geogr 53(1):11–22 Mondal B, Samanta G (2018) Nitya Diner Chalaman Obhignatar Deshe. The Anandabazar Patrika, Aug 12 Newman P (2014) Biophilic urbanism: a case study on Singapore. Aust Planner 51(1):47–65. https:// doi.org/10.1080/07293682.2013.790832 O’Dell T (2005) Experiencescapes: blurring borders and testing connections. In: O’Dell T, Billing P (eds) Experiencescapes: tourism, culture, and society. Copenhagen Business School Press, Denmark, pp 11–32 Shaw J, Hesse M (2010) Transport, geography and the ‘new’ mobilities. Trans Inst Br Geogr NS 35:305–312 Stark F (1948) Perseus in the wind. John Murray, London Tagore RN (1959) Jeevan Smriti. Visva Bharati, Kolkata The Anandabazar Patrika (2017) Train Cholche Deritei, Yatri Durbhog, Nov 30 The Anandabazar Patrika (2018) Seat Bookinger Chena Chhabi Pher Trainer Kamrai, Aug 11 Thrift N (2006) Space. Theory Cult Soc 23(2–3):139–155. https://doi.org/10.1177/026327640606 3780 Tuan YF (1979) Space and place. In: Gale S, Olsson G (eds) Philosophy in geography. D. Reidel Publishing, Dordrecht, pp 387–427 Urry J (2000) Sociology beyond societies: mobilities for the twenty-first century. Routledge, London and New York

Chapter 6

The Perceived Space

The unique construction of space in the railway carriage promotes the possibility of storytelling. It is a space both solitary and collective; it contains an audience comprised of suddenly intimate strangers. The train carriage also seems suspended from the world around it, allowing for reflection upon that outside world. Finally, the motion of the train itself takes on a distinctive phenomenological character that inspires imagination and memory. —Aguiar (2011, p. 117–118)

Abstract This is one of the core chapters of this book. This chapter analyses the concept of space from a very different perspective. Geographers are usually habituated to study space in its locational fixity. However, there may be a space, which cannot be identified with locational attributes. This kind of space does not have a fixed physical location, and thus, it is not possible to capture this space with the help of latitude and longitude. Local trains provide such a space. This space is mobile in character. This chapter addresses this fluid space, which is completely perceived. It explores the commuters’ perceptions towards the commute space. Based on an in-depth empirical research, this book challenges the very idea about commuting as a stressful journey. It shows that commuting is a pleasurable journey to most of the commuters irrespective of their age and sex. There may be many problems on the way such as crowding and non-availability of seats. However, the pleasure and benefits gained from commuting surpass all the problems. Thus, this chapter adds a new dimension in the literature. Keywords Fluid space · Perceived space · Productive time · Social network · Moving community

6.1 Introduction There are numerous subjectivities towards commuting. Scholars have judged commuting from different perspectives. On one hand, commuting has traditionally been viewed as a waste of time. This group of scholars think that commuting gives zero output. Moreover, it consumes time and creates physical stress and mental strain © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 B. Mondal and G. Samanta, Mobilities in India, The Urban Book Series, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-78350-1_6

105

106

6 The Perceived Space

(Hamilton and Röell 1982; Stutzer and Frey 2007; Gottholmseder et al. 2009). They also think that the daily exposure on roads increases the chances of respiratory troubles (Badland and Duncan 2009). Delays on road decrease the safety margin in workplaces (Ushiwaka et al. 2004). It induces problems of hypertension, diabetes, obesity, urinary infection, etc. (Millet et al. 2013). Thus, all these scholars have highlighted the negativities of commuting. As Ohmori and Harata (2008, p. 547) say: Generally, travel is considered a demand derived from the desire to engage in activities at destinations and travel time is also considered a wasteful time. However, if people can engage in activities while travelling, travel time is not just a wasteful time but could be a productive time.

On the other hand, the second group of researchers has highlighted the positive aspects of commuting. For example, Cresswell (2001, p. 7) has found commuting to be ‘liberating, anti-foundational and transgressive’. Much earlier, in 1975, Nash documented the community relationship between commuters and bus drivers. It was a healthy relation for both of them. Edensor (2011) has stated that commuting helps to gain knowledge. Jensen (2009) has remarked that it is a process of daily identity construction. Besides, White (1988), Redmond and Mokhtarian (2001), Cresswell (2006), and Jain and Lyons (2008) have studied the different positive outcomes of commuting. From this dualistic background, this research sets ground for exploring commuters’ own perceptions towards commuting. It tries to find out the real opinion that commuters hold about commuting. This empirical research seeks answers to questions such as: ‘Do you like commuting? If yes, why? And if no, then why?’, ‘How do you spend the commute hours?’, ‘Is there any positive utilities of commute time?’ or ‘Does commuting bear any effect on non-commute hours?’ Almost all questions were open-ended, and commuters narrated their opinions from their personal judgements.

6.2 Productive Commute Hours To get a better understanding of the nature of activities during commute time, the authors used both participant and non-participant observation methods. Commuters are found to perform different activities, while they commute by train. Most of them chat among themselves, some read newspapers, some read books, some listen to music using earphones, some talk over the phone, and some simply gaze at the outside environment through the windows. However, it is not that they are doing the same thing all the time. ‘Fragmentation’ (Lenz and Nobis 2007) of activities is more common than a single activity throughout. One activity is interrupted by another activity. For example, on a single journey, sometimes they receive calls over cell phone; they browse the Internet; and then, they chat with their co-commuters. The combination of activities is not the same for all days. It differs from day to day, depending on the commuters’ mood, workload, seating arrangement within the

6.2 Productive Commute Hours

107

compartment as well as on the physical environment, association of co-commuters, etc. During a participant observation in the ladies compartment of the Howrah–Bardhaman Main Line on May 19 in 2017, a young commuter was found to perform three sequential activities. On her way to office, she first purchased a sliced cucumber from a hawker and ate it. Then, she combed her long hair and rolled it up with the help of hairband and hair-clips. Then, she started to use eyeliners and lipsticks. Thus, she used the time to eat and to make herself presentable for the office. Commuters are often found to be ‘multitasking’ (Kenyon and Lyons 2007). Multitasking refers to ‘simultaneous realisation of two or more activities during a given time period’ (Ohmori and Harata 2008, p. 547). Our participant observations data show that while they are reading books, they are also taking light tiffin that they have purchased from hawkers or have carried from home. Another person reads some documents on their smart phone and listens to music using earphones simultaneously. Thus, they spend the time by doing multiple activities simultaneously. Commuters think that commute time is a precious time in their lives. Many commuters utilize this time in doing many activities such as in reading magazines and making garlands. Apart from their home and workplace-based duties, they also schedule these activities to be done in the train. Besides their engagement in the train, commuters have identified a number of positive utilities of commuting. These perceived utilities of commuting are much more important in commuters’ lives than the work they perform during this time. All these utilities are summarized below. Nearly 85% of the respondents said that commuting provides the scope to meet many people (Appendix G). It gives the opportunity to feel that they are part of the society and to know the society they belong to. As Mrs. Manna, a school teacher aged 40 years, says, ‘I come across people of different categories. It is an experience which cannot be purchased in market at any cost’. Socialization does not only take place through social network sites. It also does not happen through frequent longdistance tours and travels. Trains are public spaces. In our society, there are people of different income groups, from different social backgrounds and with various cultural characteristics, who travel together in the compartment of a train. If we do not know them, we will remain detached from our own society. There is a proverb that walking a mile gives better knowledge than reading ten books. There are several sociologies and geographies that one cannot know simply by reading books. As Jain and Lyons (2008, p. 83) have stated: …the individual traveller gains something from the experience of travelling and from being in a mobile space away from other fixed location activities (or people) – something that would not otherwise have occurred. This suggests that the burden of travel time can translate into becoming a gift for the individual traveller.

Commuting by local train offers the scope to get to know people of different cultures, from diverse socio-economic backgrounds, across regions. These are the places where the medical attendant and the doctor, Hindu and Muslim, teacher and student sit side by side. Biswas (2017) has narrated how the human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) syndrome-affected patient and her doctor would commute together in a

108

6 The Perceived Space

local train. The doctor would commute to attend work in the hospital, and the patient would go to visit the doctor in the same hospital. But the doctor never disclosed the identity of the patient to other commuters. Similar notions can be found in the writings of Thomas Cook (quoted in Urry 2000, p. 57): ‘Railway travelling is travelling for the Million; the humble may travel, the rich may travel … To travel by train is to enjoy republican liberty and monarchical security’. Chattaraj (2010) had also similar experience in Indian public transport. ‘I argue that the incidental public sphere formed in trains and buses in India is a site of collective gathering, where civil and political society interacts most closely, as bodies from various castes, classes, and genders are thrown together’ (Chattaraj 2010, p. 96). Thus, a wholly different life revolves in these spaces. These are spaces of interaction. Sometimes this interaction does not take the verbal form. Audibility and visualization make the unknown world known. Commuting provides the facility to know the unknown, to see the unseen. Even if someone is not directly involved in a conversation, s(he) may learn many unknown facts which in turn enrich their knowledge. It makes them up-to-date. Mr. Bhattacharjee is a technician in an electronic media house in Kolkata. He said: If you want to know public opinion about any decision of the Government or about any running project, you need not go for taking interviews. You just travel in a local train and raise the issue. You will receive a lot of public opinions from different layers of society— irrespective of religion, caste, gender, educational level and income group. Besides, if you travel in a morning peak hour local train, you need not read the newspaper. You can easily know all the news published on that day from public conversations.

Ghosh (1989, p. 391) also had similar experiences after spending an hour in a commuter train. He wrote, ‘An hour spent on the commuter train to and from Calcutta is an education. Apart from the travelling salesmen and the wandering minstrels, there are the ‘regulars’ who have made the hour-long train journey an interesting interlude in their daily routine.’ A similar concern has been expressed by Jensen (2009, p. 152), who says, ‘Urban travel is not just about getting from point A to point B. It is about producing and re-producing the city and the self in a complex relationship involving mobility cultures and different types of mobility knowledge.’ Thus, commuting makes people cultured and knowledgeable. Commuting is a practice, which also makes people confident. It increases their exposure to the outer world. It makes people aware of their surroundings. It enables them to take decisions on their own (Mondal and Samanta 2018). Dr. Basak is a physician. She lives in Kolkata. She said that before she started commuting to Bardhaman from Kolkata, she would feel nervous to go out for a long trip. Her father always had to accompany her. Presently, she is confident enough to travel anywhere. It has made her self-reliant. Mrs. Bibi lives in a village. She works as a contractual employee in a block development office. She narrated the utilities of commuting: This commuting has given me the freedom to come out, to meet many people and to gain many experiences. I can see the roads, the people who regularly go out for work. Now, I realize the outer world. I can understand that many women commute every day for their work. It encourages me to commute to work. This provides extra energy to my life. Besides, I can purchase vegetables, groceries, garments, shoes, medicines, utensils, my son’s books,

6.2 Productive Commute Hours

109

pencil, pen, cosmetics, ornaments, etc., which are necessary for running a household from the town market.

Mrs. Bibi thus focuses on the emancipatory role of commuting. It enables women to come out of the four walls of the house. It gives them the scope to know the outer world. It fulfils their desires and reduces their dependence on the male members of the family. There is also an emotional field of commuting that only commuters can perceive. Thus, commuting is ‘connected to civilisation, progress and freedom’ (Cresswell 2006, p. 37). Mrs. Biswas, a school teacher, thinks that the ‘workplace should be located at certain distance from the living space. Otherwise, the privacy is not saved’. She thinks that commuting gives her this opportunity to maintain privacy. Again, Mrs. Sinha Dutta uncovers another dimension of commuting. According to her, I like to talk, to laugh and to chat. The time when I am in train, I enjoy it thoroughly. Besides, if my school were nearby my home, would I wear such fashionable dresses? As I have to come across this distance, I get the opportunity to wear fashionable dresses and matching jewellery.

Although there is chaos in train, commuters are quite habituated to work while commuting. As Mrs. Roy says, ‘Once I can board on the train, there is no tension. There is no traffic jam. The journey is very smooth. We can do many personal works also within the train’. Many commuters are teachers, who are found to utilize this time to scrutinize internal examination sheets. They also prepare questions for forthcoming examinations. Some read textbooks, novels, some read journals, popular magazines, newspapers, etc. Some commuters even stitch clothes and knit woollen garments. Those who carry flowers to Mallick Ghat 1 flower market utilize this time in preparing garlands in the train. It ‘enables the journey to be re-considered as an important time-space that affords opportunities such as relaxing, leisure reading, working, making phone calls, etc., which may benefit both the traveller and others within the network’ (Jain and Lyons 2008, p. 83). Commuting is a time of recreation for around 92% of commuters (Appendix G). They do not get separate time for recreation. Many of them play cards. Some think that playing cards energizes the brain. Many commuters listen to music using their iPods or earphones. Some watch their preferred mega-serials2 and movies on smart phones. Most of them, be it men or women, are often found to be busy in browsing data over their smart phones. Many are found to be busy on social networking sites. They do not invest their valuable working hours for these sites. Presently, use of information and communication technologies (ICTs) is a popular choice for many commuters, especially among young people. There is a group of commuters in the 1

Ghat refers to the series of steps leading down to a water body, particularly to a river. Along the River Ganges, there are a number of ghats. Mallick Ghat has been developed on the left bank of the River Hooghly near the Howrah Bridge in West Bengal. A market of flower has developed near it. It is the largest wholesale flower market in Asia. 2 Mega serials are some popular television programmes, which are shown every day at a specific time. Generally, many social thoughts are presented in these shows. These mega-serials are also broadcasted through some apps so that viewer can enjoy these at any time.

110

6 The Perceived Space

first coach of 37,821 the Howrah–Bardhaman up-local, who enjoy their time singing in chorus. They also bring small musical instruments in their bags. One of them plays the flute, another plays kartal,3 and another plays drums. One sings songs, and others of the group join with him. Thus, along with these group members, the non-commuting passengers also enjoy the commute time. When the train reaches its destination, they wrap up everything and go to work. Some people finish their shopping from the vendors in the train. They purchase their daily necessary fruits from the hawkers on the train. Occasionally, they also purchase sarees,4 household utensils, and other necessary items from the train. As Jain and Lyons (2008, p. 83) state: …recreating the office and getting on with some work would be impossible on an overcrowded underground train, so the traveller might actively use it as time to listen to music on a Walkman. However, this scenario suggests knowledge or experience about how to respond and deal with the travel system and use the time effectively.

Some commuters enjoy the vast green agricultural fields and rural landscapes along the railway line. These soothing sights make people mentally fresh and energetic. ‘Experiences of beauty and sublimity sought through the sense of sight, were valued for their spiritual significance’ (Adler 1989, p. 22). Some commuters enjoy the inner world of the train. Although it is repetitive, there is rhythm and newness to the experience. The same has been stated by Roy and Hannam (2013). In their studies in Darjeeling Himalayan Railway (DHR), they express ‘The visual experience of railway mobility potentially offers a mobile travel glance which is essentially a visual ‘cinematic’ experience of moving landscape images for the traveller who is corporeally, largely an immobile ‘armchair’ spectator’ (Roy and Hannam 2013 p. 580). About the journey in toy trains5 they have written ‘The unique track of the DHR which criss-crosses the hill cart road at a relatively slow speed foregrounds an alternative notion of the railway’ (Roy and Hannam 2013 p. 587). Nearly 17% of the commuters think that since they rise early in the morning on commute days, it keeps them healthy. They have to go through a daily routine. They need to take food on time. It keeps them physically fit. On the way, as they meet many people, they do not feel bored and remain mentally fresh. Some of the commuters have to cycle or to walk to reach the station from home. They think that walking or cycling in the morning keeps them physically fit. Nearly 23% of the commuters, especially the married working women, utilize this time for taking rest. They generally have work pressure both at home and at work 3

Kartal is an ancient musical instrument of India used in devotional or folk songs. It derives its name from two words ‘kara’ meaning palms and ‘tal’ meaning clapping. It consists of two metal rounded pieces. 4 Saree is a long piece of cloth, usually 5–8 m long and about 1.5 m wide. Women wear it in different styles. 5 The Darjeeling Himalayan Railway is a 2 ft (610 mm) gauge railway that runs between New Jalpaiguri and Darjeeling in the state of West Bengal. It operates toy train service. Toy trains are usually hauled by a diesel engine and two or three chair-car coaches. The DHR follows the National Highway-55, popularly known as Hill Cart Road. The DHR has much popularity in Indian popular culture.

6.2 Productive Commute Hours

111

places, which makes them tired. Moreover, India is a tropical country with extended summer. The warm-humid season continues for about nine months, and the rest three months are cold. During the summer season, high temperatures associated with rising humidity lead to over-sweating which makes people feel tired quickly. Once they board the train, they feel dizzy with relief. It feels better if they get a seat either under the fan or besides the window. Mr. Pan, a milkman who rises very early in the morning to collect milk from a number of neighbouring villages and carries it to Howrah, mentioned that during commute hours, he just sleeps the entire time. Similarly, Mr. Santra, who resides in Hooghly and commutes to Howrah to work in a retail shop there, said, ‘I take rest during commute hours’. Many married women commuters who perform a number of domestic duties at home before starting the journey such as cleaning the house, washing clothes, cooking, and looking after old parents-in-law and children try to utilize the commute time for taking rest before they again start working at their workplaces. As has been stated by the research participants, the slow swaying of the coaches is helpful for sleeping. Due to their daily experiences, they also get accustomed to the timing of their own journey. Some commuters are observed to be in sound sleep, but they wake up just before the destination station arrives. Their body clock warns them to wake up. In their study in Tokyo, Ohmori and Harata (2008) have found that 67% of the commuters spend their time sleeping. Although they also do other activities, but sleeping is the most preferred option. About 2% of the commuters use this time for purposes that they are passionate about, besides their main profession. Mrs. Biswas is such a commuter. She teaches in a higher secondary school. Besides teaching, she has passion for designing fashionable clothes. She runs a boutique at her home. Her commuter friends often purchase her products. She also takes many orders from them and supplies products accordingly. In her words, ‘They like my products. They often order for themselves and also for their relatives. This way, my business has expanded’. Commuting thus provides the scope to fulfil the desires and passions of commuters. Mrs. Bhattacharyya teaches in an engineering college. Besides her profession, she has a passion for writing Bengali short stories and novels. She is also the assistant editor of a popular monthly Bengali magazine. She said that she gets encouragement for writing from commuting. Her co-commuters often become the characters of her novel. Ohmori and Harata (2008, p. 548) have noted, ‘The activity conducted at “fixed locations in physical space” within a space–time prism formulated by individual space–time constraints is considered, whereas potential activities while travelling are not explicitly taken into account in the theory’. In this research, we found that the commute time which has traditionally been ignored immensely benefits the commuters. Commuters may engage in different activities, which create a knowledge support system of the actual world. These are the spaces that guide one’s mood, behaviour, and work ability not only while in motion, but also while at work and at home. These spaces are sense-bound and have profound influence on day-to-day lives.

112

6 The Perceived Space

6.3 A Moving Community As commuting is treated as a means for accessing the destination, planners have always focused on quickening the speed of mode of travel to reduce the travel time. Transport economics has also always given importance to the destination work, considering commute time as wastage (Hamilton and Röell 1982). This section views and explains commuting from an alternative perspective. It explores the values gained from this daily practice. Commuting provides an opportunity to meet many people and thus helps to build social networks. Commute time is not always a burden, rather it is often perceived as a gift by the commuters. It is not that all commuters spend their time working. Very often, they create a circle among themselves and chat together. They do not think that chatting is a waste of time; rather they see it as a productive time. Many of them think that they have enough time for working but no time for recreation such as casually chatting. They do not get enough time to chat even with their own family members. Absence of this kind of sharing makes life more stressful. Commute time is a gift to them in the sense that it creates an open environment for sharing, conversation, and chatting. This again helps to solve many personal problems, even some problems that cannot be shared with their family members and colleagues. As Adeel (2016, p. 2) has stated, ‘…mobility not merely refers to the mobile individual, but also to the connection among people, places, and services where each individual is embedded into the larger systems of household, family, community, and society’. Mr. Bag, aged 43 years, is a typist in Bardhaman court. He lost his wife one year ago. Presently, he has two children and old parents. According to him, Commuting keeps me physically fit and mentally fresh. On the way, I meet many friends most of whom are older to me. They behave with me as their younger brother. I can talk to them. The time passes in fun. We share our problems among us and try to solve each other’s problems. Both at my home and at the office, there are many duties to perform. I have to look after my parents and my sons. The time on the way is for me. That’s why, I do not like holidays.

Similarly, Mrs. Chowdhury (54 years) is a government employee. She had been recruited in place of her husband after his sudden death. Previously, they would stay in the staff quarters. However, after her husband’s sad demise, she left the quarters and has chosen to commute to work. According to her, I am a single woman. I stay alone in a rented house at Memari. There are other tenants but I have no relatives nearby. During commuting, I meet many daily passengers in the ladies compartment. Most of them board on the train at Memari station. Some of them come from other places. Almost all are younger to me. They respect me very much. I have problem of arthritis. I can neither walk long stretch nor stand for a long time. Very often they offer their seats to me. If I cannot meet them on any day, my commuter friends take updates over phone. If there is any occasion in their house, they invite me. In this way, it has been like a family. If I prepare any special dish, I carry it for my commuting friends to share it with them. I could easily getthe staff quarter near my workplace. However, I do not want to miss this opportunity to meet people and to be in their close network.

6.3 A Moving Community

113

Thus, from both the narrations of Mr. Bag and Mrs. Chowdhury, the role of commuting in socialization and in community development is framed out. Mr. Bag is the only earner in his family. Four persons depend on him not only for his financial support but also for their own physical sustenance. He is always busy at home. Both home and office are areas of commitment to him. Literally, he has no time for himself. Besides, he cannot share his own problems with anyone in his family. Commuting is the only space where he can find friends. He has built a network with them. He can share his opinions and his problems with them. This is the only time, which gives him fun and enjoyment. It releases him from the world of responsibilities for some time. Thus, the time of commuting is much significant to him. In contrast, Mrs. Chowdhury is a single woman. She chose commuting to avoid the loneliness of living in the quarters. On her way, she meets many friends, few of whom are much close to her. From her statement, it is clear that although she has no relatives nearby, her commuter friends have become like her relatives. They take care of her, help her during crisis. This kind of socialization has helped her to have a lively life. As Jensen (2009, p. 152) says, ‘[T]he mobility practices are part of the daily identity construction of the mobile urbanites as well as there are aesthetic experiences emotive attachments to be made’. Thus, commute journeys are not always ‘wasteful’ (Hamilton and Röell 1982). The simple economics of commute time and distance cannot explain the positive utilities of commuting. Many commuters find life and enjoyment in commuting. The time that is thought to be wasted is the time for which many commuters wait eagerly. Ms. Das (46 years), an officer of the Integrated Child Development Services (ICDS),6 feels the absence of commuter friends on holidays. According to her, I commute 26 km – from Bardhaman to Memari. During this thirty minutes’ journey, I am in touch with many friends in the ladies compartment. They are very friendly, helpful and knowledgeable. At my home, there are two persons – my elder brother and me. On holidays, I miss my commuter friends.

This suggests that chatting while commuting is not always a means of ‘killing time’ (Zerubavel 1981, p. 58), rather this is a precious time in the commuters’ daily lives for which they eagerly wait. Edensor (2011) has mentioned about commuters’ social network in public passenger services. This does not happen only with those who have nobody in the family to share with, but also with those who have family members to share with. It provides them with the energy to work. It also helps life to balance between home and job. Mr. Chandra (40 years) commutes from Chuchura to Bardhaman. According to him, Return journey emancipates me from the pressurized world of work. I get relaxed for some time. We have a group. There are people from different departments of my office and also from different offices. Forgetting our own professional identity, we enjoy as we wish. We discuss many internal issues of our office and many external issues also. The discussions 6

ICDS is a government-run programme that provides food, pre-school education, primary health care, immunization, health check-up, etc., to children below six years of age and also to their mothers. The objective of these services is not only to combat under-nutrition but also to remove gender inequality.

114

6 The Perceived Space

help us to find answers to many critical problems. Work-space and home-space are two different spaces. There are demands from both the spaces. Commuting brings refreshment for me.

There are two important points of note in Mr. Chandra’s views. Firstly, he says that within a group of commuters, there are people from different departments of the same office and also from different offices. These discussions help to solve many problems. Interdepartmental connection is encouraged as a major step for better performance and smooth running of the system, but in reality, except some formal connections, a serious communication gap is experienced (Mazoomdaar 2016; The Hindustan Times 2017). If on the way, informal talks and discussions among employees of different departments can help to solve these problems this is a great contribution of commuting. Secondly, commuting emancipates him from ‘the pressurized world of work’ and prepares him for home. A similar notion can be found in Jain and Lyons (2008, p. 86) when they write, ‘The commute into work was described as time to think and prepare for the activities ahead, while for the return journey it was about unwinding and shedding the stresses of the day to ensure that negative moods were not taken home and a clean break between each day is made’. Commuting is the only time of refreshment for many workers. Mr. Dutta is an employee who is close to retirement. According to him, We find the extracts of day-to-day living within commuting. It provides extra energy in our working life. There are people of different ages in the train. We chat together. Sometimes we play cards also. We always feel bad when the train reaches the destination station.

Similarly, Mrs. Ghosh (40 years) who lives with her husband in Chandannagar and commutes to Kolkata for work said: We have no separate club for women. The ladies compartment is like a club on wheels to us. We observe Rabindra Jayanti,7 Nazrul Jayanti8 programmes in the train. On those special days, we carry photos of those great philosophers, garlands, incense sticks,9 sandesh,10 etc. We decorate the compartment. Then somebody sings, some recites and at last when we reach the destination, we wrap up everything again. It is a place of refreshment. After working throughout the day, we get refreshed there.

Mrs. Ghosh’s remarks echo the gendered pattern of recreation that is prevalent in society irrespective of developed and developing countries. Traditionally, women have less exposure to outdoor recreation than men (Khan 2011; Avery 2015). The ladies compartments of the local trains provide the commuters with a space for themselves. They can spend some time for refreshment. They also perform cultural programmes like Rabindra Jayanti, Nazrul Jayanti, etc., in the train. On those days, they decorate the compartment and have a lot of fun. In this way, they satisfy their 7

Birthday of the Great Poet Rabindranath Tagore. Birthday celebration of the Great Poet Kazi Nazrul Islam. 9 Incense stick is an aromatic material, which releases sweet fragrant smoke when burnt. This is used to refresh local environment during worship or any ceremony. 10 A soft sweet made of milk and sugar. 8

6.3 A Moving Community

115

desires that they cannot do in other places. All these processes of space-making in the compartments of local trains raise the dichotomy between places versus non-places ‘where people coexist or cohabit without living together’ (Augé 1995, p. 110). From his empirical study of the Metropolitan Tulsa Transit Authority, Nash (1975) has shown how the world of bus riders had grown through a mentality of membership. The relation between old bus drivers and regular passengers is stronger than new bus drivers and irregular passengers. The commuters’ group is an extra advantage to many commuters’ lives. From the group members, they are benefitted in a number of ways. The discussions help them to gain knowledge. Mr. Das (25 years) commutes from Hooghly to Bally. He thinks that commuting is helpful for solving many problems if life. In his words: Commuting is source of joy to me. I meet many people. They are of different ages and of different occupations. Commuting helps to form a bond amongst us. Primarily a group is formed. We talk amongst us, share seats. Gradually it becomes like a family. It increases my exposure. I come to know many unknown facts easily. I can share my views. If I face any problem even outside the train be it at my home or in other offices, I call them. It has also happened that my commuter friend himself could not solve it but he introduced me to one of his relatives who helped me to solve the problem. It increases our bonding.

Sometimes this kind of chatting and socialization benefits commuters in other fields of work as well. For example, Mr. Gupta (32 years) teaches in a government engineering college. He thinks that this kind of socialization is very important in everyone’s life. According to him, Commuting is full of pleasures, especially in train. I generally travel with my students. Inside the institution, they respect me. But in train, we spend the time like friends. Commuting gives me the opportunity to develop an attachment with them. At this, I may come in touch with their strategies, their attitudes and their problems. Sometimes I try to solve their problems. In this way, besides teacher-student relationship, an emotional attachment is also developed. I can understand their psychology. This again helps me to teach them. Our senior teachers maintain a distance from them but I try to behave like a friend. Our students also like me for this. Besides them, I also talk with other passengers. This social relation is very necessary. Otherwise, we will only be technocrats – always sitting before computer and working. This socialization helps us to think for others.

Thus, commute time may be a gift to the commuters, making them more social and friendly. It provides the opportunity to get to know people from different layers of society. This experience may be utilized in other fields of work, which may benefit both the commuters and their co-commuters. According to Jain and Lyons (2008, p. 83): Positive benefits gained from travel time use by the individual may also contribute a positive effect on co-present encounters at destinations (e.g., work, home, social event, conference, business meeting, etc.). Thus, we see travel time as not just as a gift of time to network relationships, but suggest that the ‘positive utility’ of travel time has another layer of gifting to the traveller and significant others.

Mrs. Chowdhury and Mr. Das have compared the commuters’ circle to a joint family. Just as the members of a joint family are interdependent, the members of the commuter groups are also interdependent. They take care of each other. They

116

6 The Perceived Space

celebrate their birthdays and marriage anniversaries. In financial crises, they lend money to each other. For medical treatment, they help to collect information of good doctors, good nursing homes, etc. Ghosal (2015) has beautifully presented this relation among commuters. He has described how commuters celebrate different occasions in the train by sharing sweets. During the interviews, many commuters narrated how they benefit from belonging to a group. For having commuter friends, we get seat. Even if the train is crowded, we can make alternate seating arrangements among ourselves. If anybody among us carries large luggage, others of the group help to lift it on the bunker. (Ms. Roy) Commuter friends help a lot in crisis. One day, I was suffering from pain of kidney. I fell senseless. Then my commuter friends helped me to reach home. (Mr. Mondal) While I was pregnant, I did not appeal for leave. I still would commute by train. It was possible only because of my commuter friends’ circle. At the time of boarding on and alighting from the train, it gets very crowded. Then, my commuter friends would escort me. One would stand in front of me and another behind me. In this way, they would protect me from the jostling. They did it not for one day but for months together. If they would not help me that way, I could not commute. I would have to make alternative expensive arrangements such as hiring car. (Mrs. Ghosh)

Mrs. Ghosh has had an experience of sympathetic co-commuters in the train. On the way, she has come in touch with some co-commuters who love her, care for her, and save her from danger. Mobility is gendered all over the world. Women’s mobility is more restricted than that of men (Hjorthol 2001; Uteng 2012). Most of the time, their lives are stuck within the domestic sphere. This trend increases when the issue of motherhood and child care appears (Turner and Niemeier 1997; Murray 2008). In her case, Mrs. Ghosh’s daily mobility would have been restricted if her co-commuters had not assisted her. Among her commuter friends, most are married and mothers. Thus, the help of some mothers has supported the continuation of the safe journey of a would-be mother. Thus, those who had started to commute alone are no longer alone today. As Tuan (1979, p. 390) has written, ‘The self is a persisting object which is able to relate to other selves and objects; it can move towards them and carry out its intentions among them’. There are other sorts of help also. Commuters explain it as follows: Two years back one day my monthly ticket was expired. I stood in the queue before the ticket window for purchasing a monthly but in that morning peak hour, the queue was long. I was behind many passengers. In the meantime, it was announced that the train is arriving at the platform. I got stressed. I thought that I would be late to reach my workplace if I could not board on this train. I rang up one of my commuter friends. He assured me to go to the platform without ticket. They prepared a safe-circle so that travelling ticket examiner cannot suspect me. On that day, without their help, I could not have reached my workspace in time. (Mr. Maji)

Mr. Maji’s friends protected him from being charged with a fine. Similarly, Mrs. Begumn faced monetary problem one day. She narrates how she managed that day with the help of commuter friends. One day I forgot to carry my purse with me. I had no money with me. Then commuter friends extended their helping hands towards me. (Mrs. Begumn)

6.3 A Moving Community

117

I think, commuting together is always helpful for commuters themselves. At this, they remain safe from pick-pockets and bag snatchers. (Mr. Das) Commuter friends help in a number of ways. In crowded trains, if we do not find free seats, they often carry our office-bags on their laps. If somebody tries to misbehave with us, they protest against that. (Ms. Bhattacharya)

Mr. Santra is a businessman of Chandannagar. He goes to the wholesale market in Kolkata at least thrice a week. He travels in the vendor compartment. On the way, he has come to know the other vendors. They help him to unload the goods when he gets down from the train. Besides these, many commuters are found to be interdependent in many instances. We exchange different information, news portals, magazines, etc., with each other. If one buys the Karmakshetra, another buys the Karmasangsthan.11 Again if one purchases the Anandamela,12 another purchases the Adwitiya13 and after finishing, we exchange these with one another. Sometimes we lend books from somebody else and return when it is read. (Mrs. Dubey)

6.4 Social Network Through Commuting The familiarity that begins with a simple introduction in a train is not limited within the train itself. Very often, commuters become friends. Sometimes this friendship extends up to the family. In the words of Jain and Lyons (2008, p. 85), ‘Transition time is a gift to the traveller that directly feeds into relationships with other members of the social network’. Commuters have also explained how commute time may be much more extra than a gift. As Mrs. Roy Mondal narrates: If there is any festival like marriage or marriage anniversary or our children’s birthday celebration, we invite each other. Besides, we arrange picnic each year. Our family members also join it. Sometimes we go together for tours with our families.

Thus, the extended network brings people of different societies in an arena. They are introduced with each other’s cultural practices. It causes acculturation. The same has been presented by Koefoed et al. (2017). They have described public transport systems ‘not only as a moving device but also as a social arena’ (Koefoed et al. 2017, p. 726). The time commuters spend in public transport produces heterogeneity. There is physical, emotional, and verbal attachments among the commuters. Commuter friends not only help each other but their family members also benefit from this social relation. For example, Mr. Dhara (34 years) said that he received many valuable suggestions from his commuter friends when he was searching for a good school to admit his son. He knew almost nothing about the schools, but his commuter friends had enough experiences with those schools. He came to know about the teaching–learning systems, fee structure, administrative procedures, and 11

The Karmakshetra and the Karmasangsthan are weekly published job portals. The Anandamela is a Bengali periodical basically for children. 13 The Adwitiya is a Bengali popular magazine mostly for youngsters. 12

118

6 The Perceived Space

pull-car systems of the schools. All these information helped him to take the right decision about the admission of his son. Mr. Barman had a similar experience. His wife once fell ill seriously. Doctors suggested an immediate operation for which she needed blood. At that time, one of his commuter friends donated blood and saved his wife’s life. Chattaraj (2010) has narrated how commuters who were introduced in the bus later became life partners and got married. In her book Ladies Compartment, Biswas (2017) has narrated the world of commuters—how they interact with each other, how their relation bears impact on their families, etc. If they face any trouble during the journey, others extend their helping hands. Ms Ghosh, a research participant was coming back from her office one day. On the way, excessive rain along with storm started suddenly. Trains were delayed abnormally, and she felt insecure going back to her home in the middle of the night. Then, one of her co-commuters took her to her house, which was nearby. Mr. Sinha (40 years) narrated an incident that he experienced while commuting. This shows that a simple introduction in the train is not limited there. It can extend to a lifelong friendship. Here is an excerpt of his narrative: Once I used to commute from Memari to Howrah. At that time, we had a large group of commuters. From Bandel station, Dulal Biswas, Satyajit Ghosh, Samar Biswas used to go by the same train. They were famous football players in reputed clubs of Kolkata. However, within the compartment, forgetting their own professional identities, they behaved with us just like friends. We used to share their different experiences, discuss different issues and would make jokes among ourselves. Currently, I have been transferred and am commuting by another railway line. Now, another friends’ circle has been developed. We play cards. But I have not forgotten my earlier friends. One evening I was waiting for train at Bandel station. Suddenly, I could hear that someone is calling by my name. Following the voice, I found that it was Satyajit Ghosh. I was astonished at this. I could not believe that such a famous footballer would remember such an ordinary person like me, who would once commute with him.

6.5 Commuters’ Perceptions Towards Railway Service The success of any organization, public or private, largely depends on its policy of customer satisfaction. As Rajeswari and Kumari (2014, p. 58) have stated, ‘Customer satisfaction and retention is one of the key determinants to measure the quality of products or services’. Indian Railways is the single largest government-run enterprise in the world. In 2011–12, it carried 8224 million passengers, and the total passengerkilometres14 in that year were 1,046,522 million. Therefore, passenger satisfaction is one of the most important aspects of passenger retention and growth. Suburban railways provide the facility of travelling at the cheapest rate among all other transport systems in India. 14

When one passenger travels one kilometer, it is taken as one passenger-kilometer. Thus, passenger kilometers are obtained by multiplying the number of trips with the average trip length (km).

6.5 Commuters’ Perceptions Towards Railway Service

119

Commuters of the Howrah–Bardhaman Main Railway Line were asked about their perceptions towards seven different railway services, which they receive at the stations from where they avail train for working. These services are announcement system, signal system, cleanliness of the stations and of the coaches, availability of service at the ticket counters, over-bridges and subways, conditions of the toilets on the platforms, and overall maintenance and service monitoring system of the station. Research participants shared their opinions, which were measured using a five-point likert scale with options worst, worse, good, better and best.

6.5.1 Announcement System It is customary in Indian Railways to announce the arrival of trains a few minutes before. The platform number where the train arrives and the departure time are generally announced. This process makes the passengers alert. More than 80% of the respondents originating at different stations of this suburban railway line expressed their satisfaction about the announcement system. Among them more than 40% of the passengers marked the announcement system to be best. However, nearly 20% of respondents are unsatisfied with the announcement system. This group of commuters originates at Bally, Rishra, Baidyabati, Mankundu, Bandel, Adisaptagram, Boinchigram, Debipur, Bagila, and Nimo station. Commuters of Bally Junction station are quite irritated with the late announcement system. They have reported that the announcement is made when the train has already arrived on the platform or is departing the platform. As this is a junction station where the Howrah–Bardhaman Main and Chord Railway Lines meet, there are frequent trains with one or two minutes’ interval. Because of the late announcement, passengers often have to rush crossing the railway lines and often face fatalities. Similarly, commuters of Bandel, Baidyabati, and of Mankundu station complained against the late announcement process. At Debipur, Bagila, and at Nimo station, there are only manual announcement systems. Passengers often cannot understand the voice as it is not clearly articulated. Many a times, the announcement system does not work due to human error. At Boinchigram station, announcement is done from Boinchi station, the next station. These inadequacies compel the commuters to mark the respective announcement systems as bad.

6.5.2 Signal System The signalling system is an indispensable tool in railways. An active signal makes the trains run on time. It controls the speed of train and safety of passengers. Contrary to this, an inefficient signalling system delays the trains. To drop the commuters at their workplaces on time, a functioning signal system is required. Therefore, the research participants were asked about the functioning of the signal systems of the respective

120

6 The Perceived Space

stations they originate from. Almost all the respondents expressed their satisfaction with the signal system. More than half of the respondents think the signal system is best. Only a few expressed their dissatisfaction, and they belong to Bandel station.

6.5.3 Cleanliness of the Stations and of the Compartments There is a proverb that ‘cleanliness is next to Godliness’. To be clean is essential to keep good health. Cleanliness makes people mentally fresh and energetic. Commuting is not only the act of crossing a certain distance, but it is an important part of the commuters’ daily lives. Every day they spend some time at the platforms and in the compartments of the local trains. Therefore, it is essential to keep those places clean so that commuters can travel with a pleasant mindset and can maintain hygiene. Nearly 80% of the research participants are satisfied with the cleanliness. Most of them said that both the stations and the compartments are much cleaner than before. These are being cleaned frequently. The railway authorities have deputed a number of contractual sweepers who are always cleaning the platforms. However, sometimes these do become dirty. Commuters have also explained the reasons for this dirtiness. For example, Mrs. Roy who commutes from Bardhaman to Memari told, ‘As there is no convenient system of punishment, some passengers make these compartments dirty deliberately. They spit on the walls and on the platforms. The official buildings at Bardhaman station are spotted by chewed beetle leaves and of gutkha’. Similarly, another commuter said that passengers in running trains throw the skins of bananas, oranges, groundnuts and of boiled eggs outside through the windows. Sometimes they leave these beneath the seats in the compartments. However, if some dustbins would be placed in every coach, the environment would be cleaner. Sometimes, the level of cleanliness varies with space and time. Commuters have observed that when a train, which arrives as an up-train,15 is again employed as a down-train without cleaning or vice-versa, it seems to be dirty. Similarly, the recently employed new coaches are cleaner than the old coaches. Mr. Saha, a commuter on the Rasulpur–Howrah route, has observed that the basins at Howrah station are very dirty. There is floating spit on the staged water. One vendor said that he faces a lot of trouble in carrying garments in vendor compartments where milkmen carry country cheese16 and fishermen carry fishes. The female commuters who return by the Bardhaman–Sealdah local train that runs via Bandel have found the coaches to

15

The Reduced Level above the Mean Sea Level gradually increases towards Bardhaman and decreases towards Howrah. Therefore, any train moving from Howrah towards Bardhaman is called up-train as it goes up the land. On the other hand, trains departing Bardhaman and moving towards Howrah are called down-trains as these move down. 16 Country-cheese is produced from milk. It is enriched in lacto-protein, and thus a good healthy choice for old and sick people. This is a raw-material for sweets also.

6.5 Commuters’ Perceptions Towards Railway Service

121

be dirtier than the Howrah locals. However, the recent Swachh Rail-Swachh Bharat Programme17 has advanced the cleanliness process of the railways.

6.5.4 Railway Ticket Windows Railway ticket windows provide the facility to collect the permission for travelling in trains and for using the platform in the form of tickets. It is the general norm of the Indian Railways to have four ticket windows in a suburban railway station (Ministry of Railways 2014). Commuters generally purchase season tickets in the form of monthly, quarterly, half-annual or annual tickets. There is relaxation of fare on season tickets. By using this facility, they do not require to stand in queue every day. Most of the commuters are satisfied with the service they get from ticket counters at their respective originating stations. Some commuters raised complaints against a few specific stations. Most of the complaints regarding ticket counters were raised from Chandannagar station. Commuters stated that there is insufficient number of ticket counters at Chandannagar station. As a result, almost every day there is a long queue before the counter. Besides these, they also narrated that the counters are not opened in time. They demand for two more ticket counters in this station. Commuters of Bardhaman station also raised a number of complaints. They have to suffer standing in long queues. There is no separate monthly ticket window at this station. Many a times, the windows remain closed even during working hours. Commuters also raised complaints against ticket counters of Memari station. The number of counters is insufficient to handle the increasing volume of passengers. Moreover, as there is insufficient space, passengers have to stand beneath the open sky without any shade, patiently suffering from the scorching sunlight and rain. Commuters of Chuchura station demanded for another extra window at the other end of the station so that passengers do not need to cross the rail lines to collect tickets.

6.5.5 Over-Bridge and Subways Over-bridges and subways are required to reach one platform from another, lying on either side of a railway line. These help to avoid crossing the railway line and thus secure passengers’ mobility. At every station of the Howrah–Bardhaman Main Railway Line, there is at least one over-bridge. Bardhaman station is served by three over-bridges. The number of over-bridges at other larger stations such as at Bandel, Chandannagar, Seoraphuli, and Serampore is generally just one or sometimes two. 17

Swachh Rail-Swachh Bharat Programme was implemented in India in 2014. The sole objective was to sanitize the all railway stations and also to improve the quality of the railway sanitary systems.

122

6 The Perceived Space

Although these stations have almost equal or more originating traffic than Bardhaman station, the number of over-bridges is lesser because these stations are also served by subways, an additional means of routing foot traffic. As the reduced level of land surface gradually declines towards Howrah, the railway lines stretch at much higher elevation than the surface. The cities of Chandannagar, Bhadreswar, etc., are located at much lower elevation than the railways. Therefore, subways become a good and feasible means of transport. The research participants were asked about their satisfaction towards these overbridges and subways. Although most of the commuters of this railway line are satisfied with the over-bridges and subways they have at their respective originating stations, some commuters are very dissatisfied with them. More than 10% of the research participants indicated these to be of very bad quality. They also explained the reasons in support of their statements. Commuters of Howrah, Liluah, Bandel, and Chuchura stations reported that the subways of these stations remain waterlogged in rainy season or even after a heavy downpour in other seasons. Commuters find it difficult to walk through the subways during this time. One commuter of Bandel station said that the water level in subways rises up to one metre in the rainy season. Some commuters complained about the dirty and dark subways of Howrah station. Every day, around 1,700,000 commuters arrive at Howrah station from different districts. They have to use the subways to go out of the station. However, there is insufficient light, and the whole space is littered with garbage. Hawkers have occupied some space. The stairs are broken and slippery. Therefore, it seems to be an insecure space to the respondents. Commuters of Bardhaman station demand for either a subway or over-bridge with a ramp. Commuters who commute to Bardhaman also propose for these measures at this station. One such commuter, Mr. Das, narrated the reasons. In his words: Over-bridge is an extra pain to the old passengers. It is physically troublesome to those who are sick and or pregnant. A number of patients from the district as well as outside of the district come to Bardhaman to visit doctors. They face many problems in using these over-bridges. Sometimes passengers even miss the train due to crowding on the over-bridge.

It has been found that when two trains arrive at the station at the same time on either side of a platform, the situation becomes terrible.

6.5.6 Platform Toilets Toilets are much needed in a public space like a railway station. Indian Railways gives the facility to have at least four urinals and two latrines in a suburban station. Two urinals of these four must be located on the platforms. When the commuters of this railway line were asked about the condition of the platform-based toilets in their respective originating stations, majority of them marked these to be of the worst quality. Most of the commuters said that the toilets are so dirty and highly infectious that these are not in a state to be used. Only about 20% of the commuters were satisfied with the condition of the toilets.

6.5 Commuters’ Perceptions Towards Railway Service

123

According to the respondents, the toilets of larger stations are of a little better quality than the smaller stations because in larger stations, these are regularly cleaned. The women commuters of Chandannagar station complained against the location of the ladies’ toilet which is situated just beside the gents’ toilet. Because of this, the women commuters try to avoid this platform-based toilet. Although at Chandannagar station, there is another toilet attached with the waiting room, many commuters have observed it to be locked. In the words of Mrs. Ghosh, a commuter originating at this station, ‘One day I needed to go to the toilet. It was locked. I even could not know who keeps the key.’ Commuters have also complained against the toilets on platform number one at Howrah station. Although users pay for using this toilet, the service is not sufficient. These are often flooded with urine, because the outlets are not cleaned well. There is also no mug to spray water. At Bardhaman station, there are toilets only on one platform out of six. Passengers have to cross the platforms using the over-bridge to access the toilet. Sometimes some passengers, especially those who depend on connecting trains, miss the target train to access the toilet.

6.5.7 Overall Maintenance and Service Monitoring System For the successful accomplishment of any organization, a good administration and regulatory system is required. Indian Railways is the largest self-regulatory governmental entrepreneur in India. It is maintained by a separate ministry. It is the only organization, which had its own unique budget separated from the union budget of the country.18 In the suburban railways, commuters are the principal section of the passengers. The railway authority always focuses on the easy transportation of commuters through a smooth operation system. Therefore, it is pertinent to know commuters’ opinions on the maintenance and service monitoring system of this organization. This empirical research shows that around 90% of the commuters are satisfied with this regulatory system. Among them, more than 35% perceive this system to be working in the best manner. To report complaints against the railway and problems of passengers, the railway authorities have arranged a method of lodging complaints at every station. Mr. Saha, a commuter of this railway line, was the Secretary of the Daily Passengers’ Association of Howrah–Bardhaman Main Railway Line for a long time. He lives at Memari. He has experienced that the railway authority takes instant steps against any complaint lodged at the station. He narrated one such incident: I used to commute to Howrah by the Bardhaman–Howrah local. Usually like other days, on that day it was announced that the train is leaving Palsit station to make aware of the awaiting passengers. Therefore, we expected that after 10-12 minutes, it will arrive at Memari station. After 10 minutes, it was found that a goods’ carriage is crossing the station. Passengers were 18

The 92-year old custom of presenting the Railway budget and general budget separately was eliminated by Central Government on 21 September 2016.

124

6 The Perceived Space

very disappointed to find this. At peak hours, when everybody is waiting for the local train, a goods’ carriage is being passed. I calculated that the local train will not come within five minutes until the goods’ carriage reaches Bagila station, the next after Memari station. I decided to lodge a complaint. I went to the Station Manager’s Office, took a complaint book and lodged the complaint. In the complaint book, there is separate space for complainer’s communication address. After two days, the rail authority replied through a letter stating that after leaving the Palsit station, the driver found fire on one brake. He informed the guard about this. They stopped the train in between Palsit and Rasulpur. At that time, a goods’ carriage was coming behind the local train. They gave up space for the goods’ carriage. Then they slowly brought the local train to Rasulpur where it was repaired and again it started to roll on. In the reply, they mentioned perfectly the number of signal-posts where the whole incident happened. At last, they wrote, ‘Safety is our principal motto. Security lies after then. We cannot invite accident for punctuality.’

Followed by this incident, he has lodged complaints many a times, and each time, he has received a decent and pleasing reply. However, few commuters raised some questions against this maintenance system. They have noticed that the trains stop for a long time before the entrance to the Howrah station because of the lack of sufficient number of platforms during the rush hours. This creates delays for the commuters. Similarly, trains are stopped before Saktigarh west and Rasulpur east gate for a longer time to pass the road transits. They have also found that except for the larger stations such as Bardhaman, Bandel, and Howrah, there is no travelling ticket examiner in any other station. Passengers who dirty the platforms are not punished.

6.6 Problems Faced by Commuters (i)

The number of commuters who travel standing in train is calculated on the basis of both primary and secondary data. Data published by Eastern Railway, 2011–12, and the official data from Howrah division of Eastern Railway were used to calculate the number of rakes employed each day in this railway line and the total number of originating traffic in this suburban railway. The seat capacity of each coach, including power car and passenger cars, was calculated through primary survey. In Howrah–Bardhaman Main Line, 182 EMU trains ply through daily. There are four units in a 12-compartments EMU local. Each unit is comprised of two passenger cars and one power car. Thus, in a 12coach EMU local, there are eight passenger cars and four power cars. The seat capacity of passenger cars is more than the power car since the engines occupy a considerable space in the power car. Indian Railways has arranged for 98 seats in a passenger car and for 68 seats in a power car in an EMU local. However, passengers manage space among themselves. Four passengers sit over three passengers’ space. In this way, actually 130 passengers sit in a passenger coach, while 80 persons sit in a power coach. Thus, calculating the seat capacity, 1360 passengers can sit in an EMU local

6.6 Problems Faced by Commuters

125

train. As 182 trains ply through this line daily, a total of 247,520 passengers can sit during travel. However, the data published by Howrah division (2009–10) show that the total originating traffic of all stations of Howrah–Bardhaman Main Line is about 542,617. Assuming that 70% of them are commuters, the number of commuters reaches 379,832. Since the data show only one direction, meaning thereby originating traffic, the back to home journey of commuters should be considered. Therefore, considering the both-way journey, the total number of required seats reaches 759,664. Therefore, only 247,520 passengers can sit while 512,144 commuters are compelled to travel by standing. (ii)

(iii)

(iv) (v)

(vi) (vii)

19

The Bardhaman–Howrah Super via Main departs Bardhaman station at 6:35 h and stops only at Bandel for few seconds. This is not announced at Bardhaman station. Even the word ‘super’ is not announced. It is written nowhere. The railway timetable19 at Bardhaman Junction station and the digital boards at the over-bridge do not display this. Many passengers unknowingly board this train. They do not know that it would not stop at all stations. These people often get terrified when the train does not stop at Gangpur station, i.e. the next to the Bardhaman station. A number of accidents have also taken place when these passengers try to get down from the running train out of the fear that the train ticket checker may charge a large amount of penalty at Bandel station. For example, a passenger has a ticket up to Bagila, a station at middle of Bardhaman and Bandel station. However, the train will not stop anywhere before Bandel. Then, the passenger will be charged a penalty for not having a ticket up from Bagila to Bandel. There are many rules and regulations for passengers. However, in most cases, those are not implemented. For example, it is stated that if somebody spits on the platform, railway authority can charge a penalty up to INR 500. In reality, people even urinate on the platform, and there is nobody to punish them. Similarly, during the pandemic, it is advised to wear a mask without which travellers will be charged a penalty. However, in reality, many of the passengers are travelling without wearing mask. At Howrah station, trains are often stopped at the pointer for a long time. It makes commuters late to reach workplace. Local train, passenger train, mail, express and goods’ carriages—all pass through the same line. If there would be a separate line for goods’ carriages, it would be very helpful for all. Commuters complained that the drinking water tanks are not cleaned regularly. Often they face dirty, algal water. The eastern rail-gate of Rasulpur station often becomes defunct. It disturbs the road transport system. There should be a flyover.20

Railway timetable is a detailed list of the trains at particular stations. It displays the train number, name (if any), arrival time, departure time, route, etc. Indian Railway presents its time in 24 h format. 20 Flyover is an overpass that crosses a railway line or a road.

126

(viii)

(ix)

(x)

6 The Perceived Space

Vendors often do not get seats in vendors’ coaches. To avoid this problem, they often board on the general compartments. There should be ample seats for vendors. At Bardhaman station, there are toilets only on platform no. 1 and 2/3. Passengers have to cross the platforms using over-bridge to access toilet. Sometimes some passengers, especially those who depend on connecting trains, leave their scheduled train for using toilet in other platform. The commuters of the Bandel–Bardhaman section have raised several complaints against the train services of this section. They have reported that if they miss a train, they have to wait at least one hour for the next train. They also demand for restructuring the existing schedule of trains leaving Howrah and Bardhaman station.

6.7 Policy Proposals by the Commuters To make the commute trips smooth and meaningful, it is essential to provide efficient transport systems. In the words of Mukhopadhyay (2012: 3–4), ‘…an efficient transportation infrastructure is a major factor in increasing production capability, enabling employment, creating marketing opportunities, facilitating economic growth, developing backward areas and improving socio-economic conditions…’ Commuters proposed two suggestions to accommodate the ever-increasing passengers. (a)

(b)

21

In Bandel–Howrah section, there are trains at 15 min interval, but in Bardhaman–Bandel section, the average interval between two trains is about one hour. Therefore, it is suggested to introduce a few Bardhaman–Bandel local trains. Besides this, a number of Bardhaman–Howrah (via Main) galloping trains21 can be introduced. These trains will serve each station up to Bandel. After Bandel, these will stop only at Howrah junction. At this, the time taken by a train will be reduced. According to the commuters, the timetable of Howrah–Bardhaman Main Line is very asymmetrical in the sense that sometimes the gap between two trains is much longer and sometimes there are frequent trains. For example, from Bardhaman station, a train leaves at 8:22 h. The next train is at 8:46 h, and the next one at 10:02 h. Majority of the passengers of these trains are commuters. Many commuters from Bardhaman stated that they have to commute by the 8:46 h train. Because of this, they arrive at their workplaces one hour before the scheduled starting of job. If they commute by the 10:02 train, they will not be able to reach their workplaces in time. Thus, they demand either for one more train between these two or the restructuring of the train timetable. Following the existing disproportion between number of commuters and number of trains employed to carry them in the Bardhaman–Bandel section, and

Galloping locals do not stop at each station even on a suburban rail route. This policy is used to reduce the time and also to manage traffic at peak commute hours.

6.7 Policy Proposals by the Commuters

127

also considering commuters’ demands, the timetable of Bardhaman station was scrutinized. In consultation with the commuters, we propose a new timetable with some restructuring of the existing schedule and introduction of few more trains. It also allocates the departure times of the proposed timetable (Appendix H). Similarly, it is necessary to have one Bardhaman local from Howrah station. There is a gap of two hours between 12:30 h and 14:20 h in the Up-line of Howrah–Bardhaman (Main) route. Besides the allotment of trains and restructuring of train schedule, commuters have also given a number of suggestions on improving the services—both general and station specific. For example, they have suggested keeping one dustbin in each compartment, demand for punishing smokers, provision of toilets attached with the ladies compartment and at least one general compartment, a ramp for Bardhaman station, improved sewage system in the subways of Howrah and Bandel station, electronic announcement system in all stations, etc. These detailed policy proposals are discussed below: (a)

(b) (c) (d) (e) (f) (g)

(h) (i) (j)

22

Commuters suggest keeping one dustbin in each compartment of the EMU local train so that passengers can throw all the non-degradable products like plastic wrappers and mineral water bottles into it. Those who will make the platforms dirty must be punished. There is insufficient number of ticket counters at Chandannagar Station. Two more ticket counters are required at this station. There should be separate ticket counters for physically disabled and senior citizen people who cannot stand in the queue for a long time. There should a number of outlets on the floor of the subways of Howrah station so that the water can seep easily after the rain without stagnating there. The subways of Bandel station should be renovated to avoid waterlogged condition during rainy season. During announcements, if the ‘number of platform’ is pronounced sharply, it would facilitate the passengers, especially in stations where announcement is done manually. Commuters demand for a ramp at Bardhaman station to facilitate the old, sick, and pregnant passengers. On Monday, an extra ticket counter is needed at Memari Station. Many weekly migrant people return to their workplaces on Monday. At the time of Jagadhatri Puja,22 more suburban trains should run to facilitate the passengers.

Devi Jagadhatri is a Goddess of Hindu religion. She is thought to hold and to look after the world. Although the worship of Devi Jagadhatri was first started in Krishnagar, Nadia district, currently it is a widely celebrated in Chandannagar. Station Chandannagar is situated on the Howrah–Bardhaman Main Railway Line. During this festival, many people across the state and beyond the state gather in the city. The trains are fully packed that time.

128

6 The Perceived Space

6.8 Conclusion This chapter analysed the concept of space from a very different perspective. Geographers are usually habituated to study space in its locational fixity. But there may be a space which cannot be identified with locational attributes. This kind of space does not have a fixed physical location, and thus, it is not possible to capture this space with the help of latitude and longitude. Local trains provide such a space. This space is mobile in character. Even the actors and their actions are constantly changing in a local train. Structure, networks, and flows together that make it fluid in nature characterize the space. This fluidity is rhythmic in nature. This space is different from home and workplace but connects the two spaces in commuters’ day-to-day lives. This research addresses this spatial fluidity in a time capsule. This chapter also shows how the commuters sense this regular practice. By doing this, the research demolishes the traditional idea of ‘dead’ commute time. This study establishes that commute time may also be an important time in the commuters’ lives. They find friends on the way. Sometimes, this sort of friendship extends beyond the commute time. They visit each other’s homes over the weekend, arrange picnics and go on outings together. They wait eagerly the next day for the time. Not only the commuters, a friendly relationship is also found between commuters and hawkers, both of whom regularly travel together in the local trains. Thus, a mobile community is developed, which is different from the traditional concept of community. The community members meet in a mobile public space. As Lyotard (1984, p. 15) has explained, ‘…each exists in a fabric of relations that is now more complex and mobile than ever before’.

References Adeel M (2016). Gender inequality in mobility and mode choice in Pakistan. Transportation. http:// eprints.lse.ac.uk/66726/. Accessed 24 Jan 2018 Adler J (1989) Origins of sightseeing. Ann Tour Res 16:7–29 Aguiar M (2011) Tracking modernity: India’s Railway and the culture of mobility. University of Minnesota Press, London Augé M (1995) Non-places. London-Verso Avery ME (2015) The gendering of outdoor recreation: Women’s experiences on their path to leadership. Unpublished Thesis, Graduate Council of Texas State University Badland HM, Duncan MJ (2009) Perceptions of air-pollution during the work-related commute by adults in Queensland, Australia. Atmos Environ 43:5791–5795 Biswas A (2017) Ladies compartment. Gangchil, Kolkata Chattaraj D (2010) Roadscapes: everyday life along the rural–urban continuum in 21st century India. PhD Dissertation, Yale University Cresswell T (2001) The Production of mobilities. New Formations 43:3–25 Cresswell T (2006) On the move: mobility in the modern western world. Routledge, New York Edensor T (2011) Commuter: mobility, rhythm and commuting. In Cresswell, Merriman (eds) Geographies of mobilities: practices, spaces, subjects. Ashgate, London

References

129

Ghosh A (1989) West Bengal landscapes: a moraine on a commuter train. Econ Polit Weekly 24(8):391–393 Ghosal B (2015) Daily passenger. The Anandabazar Patrika Gottholmseder G, Nowotny K, Pruckner GJ, Theurl E (2009) Stress perception and commuting. Health Econ 18(5):559–576 Hamilton BW, Röell A (1982) Wasteful commuting. J Polit Econ 90(5):1035–1053 Hjorthol R (2001) Gendered aspects of time related to everyday journeys. Acta Socilogica 44(1):37– 49 Jain J, Lyons G (2008) The gift of travel time. J Transp Geogr 16(2):81–89 Jensen OB (2009) Flows of meaning, cultures of movements–Urban mobility as meaningful everyday life practice. Mobilities 4(1):139–158. https://doi.org/10.1080/17450100802658002 Kenyon S, Lyons G (2007) Introducing multitasking to the study of travel and ICT: examining its extent and accessing its potential importance. Transp Res A 41:161–175 Khan S (2011) Gendered leisure: are women more constrained in travel for leisure. Tourismos Int Multidisc J Tour 6(1):105–121 Koefoed L, Christensen MD, Simonsen K (2017) Mobile encounters: bus 5A as a cross-cultural meeting place. Mobilities 12(5):726–739. https://doi.org/10.1080/17450101.2016.1181487 Lenz B, Nobis C (2007) The changing allocation of activities in space and time by the use of ICT–‘Fragmentation’ as a new concept and empirical results. Transp Res A 41:190–204 Lyotard JF (1984) The postmodern condition. Manchester University Press, London Mazoomdaar J (2016) In fact: strategic spending, not crawling trains, can prevent elephant deaths on tracks. The Indian Express Millet C, Agrawal S, Sullivan R, Vaz M, Kurpad A, Bharathi AV, Prabhakaran D, Reddy KS, Kinra S, Smith GD, Ebrahim S (2013). Associations between active travel to work and overweight, hypertension, and diabetes in India: a cross-sectional study. PLOS Med 10(6). https://doi.org/10. 1371/journal.pmed.1001459 Ministry of Railways (2014) Suburban train services of Indian Railways, with particular emphasis on security of women passengers. Standing Committee on Railways, 23rd Report presented to the Lok Sabha on 6th February. http://164.100.47.134/lsscommittee/Railways/15_Railways_23. pdf. Accessed on 16 June 2015 Mondal B, Samanta G (2018) Nitya Diner Chalaman Obhignatar Deshe. The Anandabazar Patrika Mukhopadhyay A (2012) Modern mobility. Centre for Urban Economic Studies, Department of Economics, University of Calcutta Murray L (2008) Motherhood, risk and everyday mobilities. In: Uteng TP, Cresswell T (eds) Gendered mobilities. Ashgate, London, pp 47–63 Nash J (1975) Bus riding: community on wheels. J Contemp Ethnogr 4(1):99–124 Ohmori N, Harata N (2008) How different are activities while commuting by train? a case in Tokyo. R Dutch Geograph Soc KNAG 99(5):547–561 Rajeswari V, Kumari KS (2014) Satisfaction and service quality in Indian Railways: a study on passenger perspective. IOSR J Econ Fin 4(1):58–66 Redmond LS, Mokhtarian PL (2001) The positive utility of the commute: modelling ideal commute time and relative desired commute amount. Transportation 28(2):179–205 Roy S, Hannam K (2013) Embodying the mobilities of the Darjeeling Himalayan Railway. Mobilities 8(4):580–594. https://doi.org/10.1080/17450101.2012.745695 Stutzer A, Frey BS (2007) Commuting and life satisfaction in Germany, Heft 2nd March. Information zur Rumenwicklung. www.bsfrey.ch/articles/456_07.pdf. Accessed on 22 Feb 2013 The Hindustan Times (2017) Flood situation in Bengal a man-made phenomenon: Mamata Banerjee Tuan YF (1979) Space and place. In: Gale S, Olsson G (eds) Philosophy in geography. D. Reidel Publishing, Dordrecht, pp 387–427 Turner T, Niemeier D (1997) Travel to work and household responsibility: new evidence. Transportation 24(4):397–419 Urry J (2000) Sociology beyond societies: mobilities for the twenty-first century. Routledge, New York

130

6 The Perceived Space

Ushiwaka K, Kikuchi A, Kitamura R (2004) Commuters’ perception of travel time and uncertainty under congestion pricing: exploration of a six-week field experiment data. In: Experiments in economic science-new approaches to solving real-world problems, pp 922–938 Uteng TP (2012) Gender and mobility in the developing world. In the World development report: gender equality and development. Background Paper, World Bank. http://siteresources.worldb ank.org/INTWDR2012/Resources/7778105-1299699968583/7786210-1322671773271/uteng. pdf. Accessed on 28 Dec 2016 at 11:30 a.m. White M (1988) Urban commuting journeys are not “wasteful.” J Polit Econ 96(5):1097–1110 Zerubavel E (1981) Hidden rhythms: schedules and calendars in social life. University of California Press, London. ISBN – 0-520-05609-4

Chapter 7

Commuting and Gender

With relation to gendered movement, it is the individual action which has been studied in detail but much is left to be studied in the realm of potential action and freedom of action. —Uteng (2011, p. 7)

Abstract In past research, commuting has been found to be highly gendered. These studies have presented commuting to be highly masculine. An attempt has been made in this chapter to explore the real picture. Followed by a thorough empirical research, the present chapter contradicts common beliefs regarding the masculinity of commute. Although traditionally it is thought that women commute shorter distance than men do, this chapter shows that they commute longer distances in comparison with men. It also challenges other common concepts such as women commuting for low-paid, part-time jobs, etc. This book shows that present day working women try to balance both their household duties and economic activities. To do so, commuting is a better option for them rather than migrating near the workplace. It allows them to return to the family after the day’s work. In economically oppressed families, women are not always secondary earners. They commute long distances for the survival of their families. In spite of the increasing trend of commuting among women, they still do not frequently use private transit modes to reach the railway station from home as men do. They still depend either on walking or on public transit. Keywords Gender · Women commuters · Masculinity · Commute distance · Trip chaining · Ladies compartment · Safety · Sanitation

7.1 Introduction There is diversity everywhere, starting from the biological diversity of organisms to the cultural diversity among human groups. One of the basic biological forms of diversity is found in the form of sexual differences. Men and women are the products of this diversity. When society determines the spaces of men and women separately, it becomes evident in the form of gender. Thus, gender is defined as the social roles for men and women, also identified as masculinity and femininity. © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 B. Mondal and G. Samanta, Mobilities in India, The Urban Book Series, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-78350-1_7

131

132

7 Commuting and Gender

While sex is decided by inborn characteristics, gender represents the societal roles and expectations implanted on them. In other words, gender represents the personal, societal, and cultural perceptions of sex. As Uteng and Cresswell (2008, p. 1) state, ‘The concept of gender does not operate in a “binary” form. It is never given but constructed through performative reiteration’. Raju (2011, p. 14) defines gender as ‘a socially, superficially imposed construct as to what boys and girls, men, and women should do or should not do’. Thus, gender is the societal outlook towards sex. It determines the practice, behaviour, duties, work participation, and power relations between the sexes. As Raju and Lahiri-Dutt (2011, p. 1) explain: The term ‘sex’ denotes biological differences between males and females, and ‘gender’ conveys what individuals conceive of their roles as males and females, largely sanctioned and ascribed by societal strictures.

In gender studies, home and workplaces have got the maximum priority (see Hanson and Pratt 1995; McDowell 2004; Miller 2005; Hewison and Kalleberg 2012; Lahiri-Dutt 2012; Maiti 2012; Raju 2013, etc.). The field of mobility in relation to gender has been less focused on, as compared to the above two. Different gender studies have called for studying gendered mobilities in geography, for instance, Kronlid (2008, p. 17) stated, ‘Gender and mobility research is a growing interdisciplinary field’. Cattan (2008, p. 86) says that mobility is ‘a hybrid concept that is gender-related’. Cresswell and Uteng (2008, p. 2) have theoretically explained the reasons for studying gendered mobility. According to them, By mobility we mean not only geographical movement but also the potential for undertaking movements (motility) as it is lived and experienced—movement and motility plus meaning plus power. Understanding mobility thus means understanding observable physical movement, the meanings that such movements are encoded with, the experience of practising these movements and the potential for undertaking these movements. Each of these aspects of mobility—movement, meaning, practice and potential—has histories and geographies of gendered difference. Each of these in some way constructed in a gendered way and each, in turn, contributes to the production, reproduction and contestation of gender itself.

Cattan (2008) has stated that within the fields of mobility, there are two major fields of gendered mobility research. One is international migration and the other is home-to-work commuting. In the words of Uteng and Cresswell (2008, p. 3), ‘Feminist geographers and others have long insisted that analysis of daily travel patterns between home and work cannot be gender blind’. And, as mentioned by Raju and Lahiri-Dutt (2011, p. 32), ‘However, when gender relation is the dominant construct and it is geographically addressed, the issue is no longer about the differences alone. It is about subordination and domination and its spatial manifestation’. Traditionally, men enjoy more societal power and facilities compared to women. Women are deprived of their own opportunities. This asymmetrical power relation between men and women has been represented in commute studies also. With this background, this research addressed the gendered pattern of mobility from the ground level empirical data. This chapter enquires into the gendered dimension of commuting. The findings are represented in six sections, and the chapter ends with a summary and conclusion.

7.2 Does Masculinity Matter in Commuting?

133

7.2 Does Masculinity Matter in Commuting? To explain the role of commuting, Noack (2010, p. 79) writes, ‘Being mobile is essential for taking part in social and economic life today. Most people work in a place other than their location of residence; we make trips to go shop for groceries, to visit friends, to keep medical appointments, and for many other errands. In short, travelling structures our daily lives’. In fact, mobility and gender are two interrelated fields of study. Hjorthol (2001, p. 193) states, ‘Travel is associated with freedom, and to travel where and whenever there is a need or wish is seen to be a basic right in a democratic society. The ability to travel is a precondition for participating in different arenas in society’. Mobility is often treated to be a ‘multifaceted phenomenon’ which ‘bears significant impact on the overarching aim of women empowerment’ (Uteng 2011, p. 1). Kronlid (2008, p. 15) has noted that ‘Being socially and spatially mobile is generally seen as one central aspect of women’s wellbeing’. He has explained the role of mobility as one criterion to increase capability. Raju (2011) has documented that in Tamil Nadu, women’s mobility was measured to rate their empowerment along with other indices such as literacy, functionality, and awareness. Thus along with other criteria of development such as the right to speak, right to education, right to information, right to cast vote, etc., the right to commute is an important parameter to judge women’s state of wellbeing. In the literature, women are often represented to be less mobile than men are. These studies have shown that the decision to commute is influenced by the men members of the household. Women do not have full liberty to commute. For example, Adeel (2016) has shown that Pakistani women are less mobile than men due to the presence of a number of traditional cultural restrictions. In that country, women’s mobility is often considered to be a ‘potentially risky activity’ (Adeel 2016, p. 3) where they may face unwanted interactions with men. Therefore, women need to take permission from their families to go out of their homes. They also travel under veil and are usually escorted by their male partners. Tanzarn (2008) in his study in Uganda has found that many women do not have full liberty to go out of the home. Their journey is constrained by their husbands at home and by their boss in the office. In China, foot-binding was practised to obstruct women’s mobility. Foot-binding is a malpractice that was used to oppress women’s mobility, to restrict their progress, and to make them dependent on male members of the family (Chan 1970). In this empirical research, all the women commuters (100%) responded that they have full freedom in commuting. Their family members are much supportive about their commuting and even co-operate with their commute in many ways. They said that not for a single day had they faced any restriction from their families. Rather, on the days of bandh or strike called forth by any political party, their family members supported and helped them to reach their workplaces. Although in countries like Pakistan, commuting of women is found to be a daily risk, in the area under study, husbands support wives’ commuting trips. In fact, they prefer it to migration. This is clear from the following narrative of Mrs Bibi who is a

134

7 Commuting and Gender

contractual staff in a government administrative house. She has been doing this job for five years. Her husband drives a car in the same office. She said: My husband arranged the work for me. He is doing his work for more than ten years. I can do this job because it can be performed by commuting. If the place of work would be far and I needed to stay there, I would not get permission to migrate to attend the job from my in-laws’ family.

They thus think commuting to be a better option because it allows them to return home after the day’s work. They can then perform their home-based daily duties like preparing roti-sabji,1 caring child, and old parents-in-law. Contrary to this, the migrant women live in a distant place away from their husband and other members of their in-laws’ families. Therefore, whenever a women needs to migrate for her job, the members of the in-laws’ house raise a number of questions regarding the household duties of that woman. Around 53% of the commuting women got the inspiration to commute from the head of the household either directly or indirectly. They may be their fathers, mothers, husbands, or anybody else. In both high- and low-income families, commuting is an increasingly popular option. It enables women to go out of the home and utilize their capabilities in their respective field of work. At the same time, it allows them to come back home and do the household duties. With these findings, this research raises questions about the existing knowledge and provides new evidence on the issue of gendered mobility.

7.3 Do Women Commute Shorter Distances Than Men Do? A number of researchers (White 1977; Madden 1981; Fagnani 1983; Hanson and Johnston 1985; Hanson and Pratt 1988; Gordon et al. 1989; Preston and McLafferty 1993; Hjorthol 2001; Næss 2008; Goswami et al. 2014; Moss et al. 2014, and so on) have established that women commute shorter distances compared to men. They prefer to engage in jobs, which are not located too far from their houses. In their studies, household responsibility is found to be the foremost reason for this specific attitude of women. In order to devote more time to child rearing and other household activities, they do not want to waste much time for journey to work. However, individual researchers each have their own explanations in support of their notions. They have analysed the situations in which this tendency increases. For example, White (1977, 1986) has noted that women—both married and single—tend to commute shorter distances than working men. This tendency, according to him, increases in case of married women when both husband and wife earn a wage. Gordon et al. (1989), on the other hand, report that all women tend to commute shorter distances, and this is more common among married women and

1 Bread

and vegetables-curry.

7.3 Do Women Commute Shorter Distances Than Men Do?

135

especially, among mothers who have to take care of their children. Hanson and Johnston (1985) stated the role of status of job and income besides the home-making activities. Turner and Niemeier (1997) mentioned women’s household responsibility to be the single most important factor for their short commute trips. Preston and McLafferty (1993) found increased gender differences in commuting among suburban dwellers in comparison with central city residents in their empirical study in Toronto. Hjorthol (2001) states the access to cars and the location to be important factors for this skewed distribution. Thus, all these studies focus on the gendered pattern of commuting, where women always tend to commute short distances, and in specific situations, this gendered gap increases. With these background studies, an effort has been made in this research to explore the differences between the lengths of men’s and women’s commute trips. Individual respondents were asked about their place of origin, destination, and the detours in detail. Total distance was calculated using the detour map. Later, data were segregated along gender lines. The results are quite alarming. The mean distance commuted by women is found to be longer than men are. On an average, while women commute 61 km one way, men commute 56 km. This finding is quite opposite to the observations of the earlier studies. It not only challenges the traditional doctrine that women commute shorter distances than men do, but also calls for a serious rethinking of the issue in the light of enlightened women in this patriarchal society. The concentration of women in very long-distance commuting (commuting > 250 km one-way) is the principal reason for this result. In a number of studies, it is stated that women are gradually missing out on long-distance journeys. Not all these studies count the poor women working in petty itinerant trading of small goods. However, this research presents that even in commuting 250 km one way, the proportion of women commuters is almost three times higher than that of men commuters (Fig. 7.1). If we exclude this group, the gendered pattern of commuting, where men commute longer distances than women, is again established. This group of women who commute long distance are all flower vendors. They commute to different areas to collect akanda flowers (Calotropis gigantean) and to sell garlands in Howrah. If the trains are thought to be melting pots where people of different occupations with different incomes commute together, then considering the overall journey, this new insight is much significant in mobility. In this way, the study focuses on the changing gendered patterns of commuting. It questions the existing database that states that women always choose to work near their home and highlights the changing role of women in workforce participation. It also contradicts the notion that ‘Women are generally less mobile and have a smaller spatial range’ (Adeel 2016, p. 2). Instead, women are no longer willing to confine themselves near their homes. This research makes a significant contribution to articulating this differential pattern of women’s commuting through an intersectional lens. The most important determinant of women’s commute trip length, as has been proposed by the earlier researchers, does not hold up in this research. Among the women commuters, 73% are married, 39% women’s spouses also commute, and 51% have children (Appendix I). As they are married and have children, they have

136

7 Commuting and Gender

35 % of M/W Comuters

30 25 20

%_Men Commuters %_Women Commuters

15 10 5 0

Distance in km Fig. 7.1 Proportion of men/women commuters at different distances. Source Field survey, 2014– 2016

additional responsibilities at home compared to single women. They clean house, wash clothes, cook, feed their children, teach them, prepare their tiffin and get them ready for the school-bus and then they commute to work. In spite of doing all these things, they are committed to their duties at the workplace. They leave their homes at correct time so that they can get the scheduled train and can reach their workplaces in time. Sometimes they have to commute 75–80 km one way to reach their place of work, but they never compromise with the prospective employment. To them, employment is not only a means of livelihood, but it is also an honour that they have achieved. Thus, it is found that besides home, work has been given a parallel important space in women’s lives. The mere idea that women only prefer to work near their homes is open to introspection with time. Among the women commuters, 73% are married and 13% are either widowed, separated or divorced (Appendix I). Their responsibility towards their families is much higher than the unmarried women have. Therefore, one may ask how these women can allocate long hours for working outside when there are many responsibilities at home. Around 70% of these women belong to joint families where they live with their parents-in-law and sometimes with other extended family members (Appendix I). The presence of their parents-in-law is an additional support for their children. The time that the mothers spend outside home, the children stay with their grandfathers and grandmothers. Thus the joint family system, which is very traditional in India, has been a strong support for women’s mobility and for their work participation. Unlike in Western developed countries where married women and especially mothers search for local jobs to maintain their household responsibilities and to take care of their children (White 1977; Gordon 1994; Turner and Niemeier 1997), in India these category of women can easily go for long-distance employment, leaving

7.3 Do Women Commute Shorter Distances Than Men Do?

137

their children secure with their grandparents. In this context, one commuter who is a schoolteacher and whose husband has migrated to a distant location for his work said, ‘Without the affection of grandparents, children cannot be brought up’. Sometimes they hire attendants to take care of their children when their parents-in-law are either old or in poor health. In nuclear families, parents generally hire lady attendants to look after their children. In this study, none of the research participants were observed to keep children in any private institutions as has been popular in Western cities.

7.4 Do Women Commute More for Part-Time, Low Paid Jobs? Society has moved a long way from the traditional notion of men as breadwinners and women as homemakers. Women have come out of the home in different arenas of economic life. Presently in India, women contribute about one-third of the total number of workers (Census of India 2011). Still they are thought to be secondary wage earners who show ‘a more casual attitude towards job seeking than that of the primary wage earner’ (Kain 1962 quoted in White 1977, p. 41). Researchers studying commuting have found women to commute for part-time jobs and state that they earn much less than the men commuters (White 1977; Hanson and Johnston 1985; Hanson and Pratt 1988; Hjorthol 2001; Næss 2008, and so on). Therefore, a query was set up to find out the nature of work women commute for. It also tries to find out the income generated from it in comparison with men. All the interviewed women commuters of the Howrah–Bardhaman Main Line commute for their work. Among them, around 80% women are engaged with fulltime salaried jobs. Their proportion is higher than that of men. Among men, around 65% commute for full-time salaried jobs. Thus, the traditional belief that women commute primarily for part-time jobs no longer holds true. In fact, part-time jobs are more localized in nature. People do not invest much time and energy on the way for part-time jobs. Rather, the number of self-employed commuters is higher than part-time and contractual workers. There is strong presence of masculinity in commuting for self-employment. Generally, they have shops or trading house in another city besides the place of usual residence. Every day they travel to the city for their works. The percentage share of self-employed men commuters is almost double of the women commuters. Among the research participants, the minimum monthly income of both men and women is found to be same, INR 3000. However, women’s maximum income is higher than that of men, and thus their range of income is found to be higher than male commuting workers. The median value of men’s income is lower than that of the women. The large gap between the third quartile (INR 35,000) and the maximum income means that the majority of the commuters lie in this group. Therefore, the traditional belief that women commute for low-paid jobs is not valid in the area under study.

138

7 Commuting and Gender

7.5 Women’s Reliance on Public Transport and Walking Transport is an integral part of commuting. Available and accessible transport increases the potentiality of commuting. Starkey et al. (2002, p. iv), in this context write, ‘Mobility requires a combination of appropriate transport infrastructure, improved transport services, and affordable means of transport, both motorized and non-motorized’. In this study area, the principal mode of commuting for all the research participants is the train, which is a public transport. However, to reach the railway station from home, they have to cross a certain distance. To cover this distance, the commuters depend on another mode of transport. Some of them use private modes of transport like bicycle or motorbike, and some commuters depend on public transits like rickshaw, auto, toto,2 jeep, trekker, and bus. Some of them walk to reach the station. There are variations in using intermediary transport modes. Based on grounded research, the book shows that a majority of the women commuters rely on public modes of transport and walking, while men commuters use their personal modes of transport to cover this distance. Thus, a gender-based difference is visible in using transport. This finding echoes with the previous researchers such as Noack (2010), Asian Development Bank (2013), Uteng (2011), White (1977), Tanzarn (2008), Tiwari (2014), Anand and Tiwari (2007), Sánchez and González (2016) who also found women to depend more on public transport in their respective fields of study. Transport and gender is a well-researched issue. A number of studies arising from both developed and developing countries focus on this issue. Almost all the literature shows the gendered pattern of transport use. Women generally commute either using public means of transport or by walking. Tanzarn (2008) found it to be a result of unbalanced power equation between men and women. He found that even when both of them can drive the car, the husband has full control over the family car while the wife travels riding public transport. Many researchers, such as Preston and McLafferty (1993), Srinivasan (2008), Anand and Tiwari (2007), and so on, have mentioned the absence of personal vehicle, especially among low-income households. It means that they cannot purchase private transport like car because of their lower income. Therefore, it is necessary to inquire into the actual reasons for women’s greater reliance on public modes of transport compared to men in this particular field of study. Men use two types of private modes of transport, either bicycle or motorbike, to reach the station from home. Table 7.1 shows that cycling is more common among men. While 42% of men reach the station by cycling, only 7% of women cycle to the station. This gendered pattern of cycling is neither related to power relations within the household, nor linked to purchasing power. Rather it is because of the orthodox societal attitude towards women that prevailed for a long time in our society, the physical health of women, and their clothing style. 2 Toto

is a battery-operated eco-friendly paratransit with zero emission, also known as e-rickshaw or green autorickshaw. It provides seating arrangement for 4 to 8 passengers.

7.5 Women’s Reliance on Public Transport and Walking

139

Table 7.1 Gender differences in using different types of transport modes

Private

Public

Modes of Transport Walking Nothing Cycle Motor Bike Cycle van/Motor van Rickshaw Auto/Toto/ Trekker/Jeep Bus Motor Bike Rider

%_Men %_Women 15.25 6.28 41.70 11.66

22.05 4.72 7.09 11.81

10.76

0

0.90

10.24

8.07

33.07

5.38 0

7.87 3.15

Traditionally, women have been thought to be the weaker section of society. They were kept away from doing many tasks, which needed expertise and technical knowledge. The decision to drive or to ride is still gendered. Men have been traditionally thought to be drivers and women as riders. Although society has moved far from that traditionalism and women are moving ahead in different fields of life, still these notions prevail in a number of fields in daily life. Secondly, during menstruation, women solely try to avoid cycling. Thirdly, as most of the women wear sarees, they feel uncomfortable cycling while wearing this clothing. About 43% of women commuters covered under the survey are over 40 years old. Because of the gendered division of transport, a large section of these aged women has not learnt the art of cycling or driving a motorbike in their young ages. Even when they have the purchasing power to buy a cycle or motorbike, they depend on informal public transit such as auto, toto, rickshaw, trekker, jeep to reach the station, while some go on foot. Some others reach the station riding along on their husbands’ motorbikes. In her empirical study in an interior village of Bardhaman District, Mondal (2015) found that due to the absence of informal public transits, women’s mobility was restricted. The women could not utilize their potential skills in the market. To enhance women’s mobility, a number of projects have been undertaken in India. One of the most notable among these is the decision taken by Mr. Nitish Kumar, the Chief Minister of Bihar, to distribute bicycles to schoolgirls under the scheme of Mukhyamantri Valika Cycle Yojana. It has been quite popular in Bihar. The Bihar Government announced that if any graduate woman can drive a scooty,3 she may get a job in the Panchayat. To empower women, a bicycling campaign for women in Chennai, India, used a focal song giving importance to learning cycling. This is mentioned as below (Rao 2002 quoted in ADB 2013, p. 3): 3 One

kind of scooter usually run by women; having a platform for the rider’s feet.

140

7 Commuting and Gender

Learn to ride the cycle sister, Set in motion the wheel of life sister. See the little boy riding high, You too can learn and ride by, Cars, ships and planes, are now piloted by women, Those days are gone, when the drivers were only men. So learn to ride the cycle quickly, And begin a new story.

The situation is now changing from rider to driver. The number of motorbikers is increasing among high income public sector women workers. They use their motorbikes to reach the station. In fact, on an average, their percentage figure is higher than men’s percentage share. The percentage share varies over space and depends on the sociocultural factors of that particular space.

7.6 Women and Trip Chaining In a number of studies, researchers have found women to make several short trips in a day. Sometimes, they perform a number of different activities on the way to work, such as to drop or pick-up children to/from school, shopping for groceries, going to laundries, meeting relatives, and so on (Nash 1975; Rivera 2007; Næss 2008; Uteng 2011; Asian Development Bank 2013, etc.). The Asian Development Bank (2013) has termed these types of complex trips as ‘trip chaining’. However, in this research, women are not found to report these types of trips. Trip chaining is more common among part-time working women whose workplaces are located near the home. However, since most of the women commuters go for long distance (average commute distance being 61 km one-way) and they give equal importance to their work as to their home, they have limited time for doing all these tasks in a single trip. They generally follow a fixed schedule and their lives are structured within that systematic schedule. The time they wake up, get ready for going out and coming in, and prepare for the next day is fixed for all the weekdays. If there is any mistake or unwanted change in this schedule, it affects their whole day. As the respondents are railway commuters, they have to abide by the train timetable. Therefore, to reach the platform on time, commuters spend very busy hours in the morning. School vans and carpools are now very popular for picking up and dropping the children. In most cases, these vehicles pick up and drop the children from their respective houses. Sometimes, both husband and wife share the duty. Many a times, they get assistance of other members of the household like parents-in-law or lady attendants. On their way home, they have to be alert if there is a connecting train or bus. For example, Mrs Adhikary, a commuter said, ‘As soon as the train reaches the platform, I get down and start running to get the bus. If I miss the bus, I have to wait another 35 min for the next bus’. Those who come back home by their own vehicle or on foot have more options to meet their social needs on the way. Others always try to reach the bus, trekker or auto so that they can save some time for the household work. All the commuters, both men and women, said that

7.6 Women and Trip Chaining

141

they take care of other tasks such as visiting relatives’ house, paying electric bills, going to laundry, beauty-parlour, over the weekend. Women are generally found to be fond of shopping. They invest their income more for household necessities like different washing products, medicines, confectionaries, masala, children’s necessary items, and personal grooming, while men tend to spend on housing and for durable goods like television, mobile, motorbike, headphone, I-pod, and so on. This is because women have to maintain the house and they understand the demands of day-to-day necessary goods. Fortunately, suburban local trains offer a good space for shopping. The empirical results show that of the commuters who purchase goods from railway vendors regularly, 80% are women. They generally purchase seasonal fruits. This is why the number of hawkers in an hour is higher in the ladies compartment than in general compartments. Moreover, at every station, a market has been formed in the name of ‘station bazaar’. Transportation of both perishable and non-perishable goods through local trains has facilitated the development of these markets. Generally, the survival of these markets depends entirely on the commuters. Commuters often shop during their return journey if time permits. For example, Mr. Roy works in the health department in Bardhaman City. He always carries a separate bag with him. In the afternoon, he reaches the station around 5 o’clock (17:00 h) and his train is scheduled to arrive at 17:25 h. Within this time, he buys vegetables and fishes from the Bardhaman station market. Similarly, Mr. Dutta, on his morning commute journey, deposits his bag and the list of items to be purchased in a shop. In the evening, when he returns home, he pays the bill and takes the goods home. Thus, this study shows that commuters do not go for parallel trips while commuting for work. They shop from the markets on the way. They try to minimize extra journeys to other places so that they can save some time for the household. This is more common among married women and working mothers who have a number of domestic responsibilities at home.

7.7 Safe and Reliable Commuting Right to commuting also entails the right to have safe and reliable commuting. Women’s safety is the most important determinant in their mobility (Mahadevia et al. 2016). Even when women are the targets of domestic sexual harassment, they have to be concern about their safety when they go outside. Since women are more dependent on public transport than private transport, they are more likely to face unwanted situations. Moreover, the burning incidents of the Delhi gang-rape in a running public bus in 2012 and allegedly forced gang-rape by dacoits in Katwa local in the same year raises the question of women’s safety while they commute. Since this book covers suburban railway commuters, the issue of safety cannot be kept outside the domain of these issues. Presently, suburban trains on the Howrah–Bardhaman Main Line section have twelve coaches. Realizing the requirement of safe journey of women, Indian Railways

142

7 Commuting and Gender

has reserved two coaches for women. These are known as ladies compartments, where only women can board. These two are the second compartments from each end of the train. Thus, women commuters can use the platforms from both the ends. During the survey, it was found that 74% of the working women commuters regularly board the ladies compartments. They prefer to stay within women’s group. When asked, ‘Don’t you ever board on the general compartment4 ?’, about 60% of the commuters answered ‘yes’. They also narrated the situations when they use the general compartments. These are given below: Situation I: If she is too late to rush to the ladies compartment. Situation II: If the ladies compartment is over-crowded. Situation III: In some trains, such as in Bardhaman–Sealdah local that runs via Bandel Junction station, the size of the ladies compartments is generally smaller than general compartments. Women often cannot find vacant seats. Therefore, many women avoid ladies compartments of this local train. Situation IV: If there is a friend in the general compartments. Situation V: After 8 o’clock in the evening, when there are fewer women in ladies compartments, commuters shift to the general compartment.

However, 32% of the women responded that they never board the general compartments on their way to work. To explain the reason, they said that they never wanted to miss their friends’ group in the ladies compartment. From participant observation, it has been found that there is a time line for using the ladies compartment. The Bardhaman bound Main Local that leaves Howrah station at 18:35 h, is very crowded. Generally, commuters who work in Kolkata return by this train. Until Chandannagar, half of the women travel standing in ladies compartment. After Bandel, the crowd becomes thinner. When the train reaches Memari station, most of the commuters get down from the train and the remaining few often shift to the general compartments because of the feelings of insecurity in the near-empty ladies compartment. Women commuters perceive hawkers as safe guards for them. Nearly 80% of the women said that they feel secure to see the hawkers in the nearly empty trains in the evening. They often talk to the hawkers to overcome their anxiety and fear. The women flower vendors who go out at midnight or dawn to collect flowers, said that they have not experienced any disturbance on any day. However, snatching is very common both in day and at night. Passengers have to be cautious of snatchers. During the participant observation, it was found that women solely try to avoid the crowded general compartments because of men’s sexually intended touches, jostling and nudges, uncouth body language, and falling on women while sleeping in the train. It is a common sight that young girls keep their backpacks on their chest while boarding or alighting from the train. They do it not only to keep their bags safe from snatchers but also to make themselves safe from jostlers. Indian Railways has introduced ‘Women Help Desk’ in large stations like Howrah, Bardhaman, and Bandel. There are special helpline numbers to report unsavoury situations during the journey—passenger helpline number is 138 while railway security 4 Besides the ladies compartment, there is another compartment reserved for vendors

only. The rest of the compartments are meant for both men and women, also known as general compartments.

7.7 Safe and Reliable Commuting

143

helpline number is 182. These are also printed on the suburban local train tickets. Besides these, two Matribhumi local trains, that is, trains only for women passengers, ply between Howrah and Bandel stations. On safety issues, both men and women have almost similar opinions. Women’s safety measures also include safe and hygienic sanitation system. Many times, women face sexual harassment when they go to toilet in lonely fields. Therefore, women’s sanitation system should be safe and secured. It should also be hygienic in the sense that more women suffer from urinary tract infection in comparison with men. Indian Railways, the largest government entrepreneur, categorizes the stations into seven types: A1/A2/B/C/D/E/F depending on passenger volumes. All the suburban stations come under category C, which ensures having urinals and latrines on each platform. However, except a few, in most of the stations the condition of the toilets is pathetic. During the interviews, the research participants were asked to rate their opinions about the conditions of the toilets. There were five options: worst, bad, neither good nor bad, good, best. Nearly 17% of the women commuters said that they have never used the toilets at the station. However, among the rest, 83% women expressed their opinions. The results have been tabulated. It shows that nearly 60% of the working women indicated these to be worst and unusable. About 14% women marked these to be bad. About three per cent women were not sure to say these are good, but considering the free service Indian Railways gives to the passengers, they did not call them bad. The middle-most group, ‘neither good nor bad’, was created for them. About 16% of women considered these toilets best. All these 16% belong to illiterate, low-income marginal groups. During field visits, it has been found that most of them have no toilet in their home. They depend on open defecation facilities. Some have built up temporary urinals with polythene paper and bamboo. They perceive the toilets of the stations to be the best they know. To sort out the reasons why commuters identify the toilets as worst, a subsequent question was asked. Almost all respondents said that these were so dirty and infectious that these cannot be used. The specific problems as cited by them are many: (a) toilets are very unclean; (b) very often there is no water inside toilets; (c) absence of door or the lock of the door is broken so that women cannot shut the door and this raises the question of privacy; (d) sometimes, the tap has been stolen thus leaving the pipes sealed and the toilets waterless; (e) even if there is a tap and water, there is no container like bucket or mug to use the water; (f) the absence of dustbin within ladies toilets to dispose of sanitary napkins; (g) cleaning is not done regularly; (h) acute foul smell which increases towards the afternoon where it is cleaned only in the morning; i. many commuters often find the toilets to be locked when they need to use it. Women commuters have to struggle with these terrible situations. They face acute problems, especially during the menstruation cycle. Scarcity of water, dirty floor, and absence of dustbin combined together makes the situation completely unusable and unhygienic. In some smaller stations, there is no ladies toilet at all. To avoid using dirty toilets women drink less water before and during the journey, thus increasing the risk of other health hazards. However, commuters said that the sulabh souchalayas,

144

7 Commuting and Gender

i.e. pay and use toilets run by private companies, are in much better state than the railway platform-based toilets. All the women commuters (100%) have demanded for toilets in ladies’ compartment of the EMU local trains. To cover the distance from Bardhaman to Howrah, a local train takes between 2:30 and 3 h. The aged women suffer most because with age, women’s urine holding capacity decreases. They also raised the issue of water in toilets, because they think that it is better not to have a toilet rather than having a dirty toilet creating foul smell in the compartments. There is considerable research on gendered patterns of commuting. Most of these studies present that there is high masculinity in commuting. However, the present research shows that society has moved far ahead from this overarching masculinity. Women commute longer distances than their male counterparts. The traditional belief that women commute for part-time jobs also does not hold true. Most of the women, both married and single, commute for full-time jobs that require dedication in the workplace. They maintain their workplace and their home peacefully. Even the lowincome women commute longer and spend a long time on the way. However, most of the women commuters depend on informal public transport to reach the originating station from home. Women’s dependency on public transport has been reported in a lot of literature. This study goes in line with those early studies. In this way, this research accepts as well as denies a number of literature-based hypotheses, which are given in Table 7.2. Table 7.2 Difference between existing research findings and our observations from the field Literature-based observation

Actual observation

Women commuters’ mobility is restricted by the men of the family

Women commuters have full liberty in commuting. Men not only encourage but also help in many ways to commute

On average, women commute shorter distances than men do

On average, women commute longer distances than men do

Long-distance commuting is dominated by educated and high-salaried men workers

Long-distance commuting is dominated by illiterate or low-educated, self-employed women

Women commute for low-paid, part-time jobs Women tend to commute for high-salaried, full-time jobs Women commuters depend more on public transport while men on private transport

Women commuters depend more on public transport while men on private transport

Women make several short trips for social purposes while commuting

Women do not want to waste extra time for social purposes while commuting. They do these tasks on holidays

Women face lack of safe and reliable commuting

Although women think their commute tips to be safe but it is very situational

7.8 Conclusion

145

7.8 Conclusion There is a lot of literature on gendered patterns of commuting. Most of these studies present that there is high masculinity in commuting. However, the present empirical research-based book shows that society has moved far ahead from this overarching masculinity. Women commute longer distances than their male counterparts. The traditional belief that women commute for part-time jobs also does not hold true. Most of the women, both married and single, commute for full-time jobs that require dedication in the workplace. They balance their workplace and their home quite well. Even the low-income women commute longer and spend a long time on the way. However, most of the women commuters depend on informal public transport to reach the originating station from home.

References Adeel M (2016) Gender inequality in mobility and mode choice in Pakistan. Transportation. http:// eprints.lse.ac.uk/66726/. Accessed 24 Jan 2018 Anand A, Tiwari G (2007) A gendered perspective of the shelter-transport-livelihood link: the case of poor women in Delhi. Transp Rev Transnational Transdisc J 26(1):63–80 Asian Development Bank (2013) Gender tool kit: transport–maximizing the benefits of improved mobility for all. ADB, Philippines. ISBN – 978-92–9254-146-0 (PDF) Cattan N (2008) Gendering mobility: insights into the construction of spatial concepts. In: Uteng TP, Cresswell T (eds) Gendered mobilities: towards an holistic understanding. Ashgate Publishing Limited, London, pp 83–98 Census of India (2011) Office of the registrar general and census commissioner. Ministry of Home Affairs, Government of India Chan LMV (1970) Foot binding in Chinese women and its psycho-social implications. Can Psychiatr Assoc J 15(2):229–232 Fagnani J (1983) Women’s commuting patterns in the Paris region. Tijdschrift Voor Econ En Soc Geografie 74(1):12–24 Gordon T (1994) Single women and familism—challenges from the margin. Eur J Women’s Stud 1(2):165–182. https://doi.org/10.1177/135050689400100203 Gordon P, Kumar A, Richardson HW (1989) Gender differences in metropolitan travel behaviour. Reg Stud 23(6):499–510 Goswami B, Kumar NA, George KK (2014) Patterns of commuting for work: a case study of Kochi city. RULSG Occasional Paper No 2015: 5, Centre for Socio-Economic & Environmental Studies, Kerala Hanson S, Johnston I (1985) Gender differences in work trip length: explanations and implications. Urban Geogr 6(3):193–219 Hanson S, Pratt G (1988) Reconceptualizing the links between home and work in urban geography. Econ Geogr 64(4):299–321 Hanson S, Pratt G (1995) Gender, work and space. Routledge, London Hewison K, Kalleberg AL (2012) Precarious work and flexibilization in south and South East Asia. Am Behav Sci 57(4):395–402 Hjorthol R (2001) Gendered aspects of time related to everyday journeys. Acta Socilogica 44(1):37– 49. Sage Kain JF (1962) The journey-to-work as a determinant of residential location. Reg Sci Assoc 9:137– 160

146

7 Commuting and Gender

Kronlid D (2008) Mobility as capability. In: Uteng TP, Cresswell T (eds) Gendered mobilities. Ashgate, Hampshire, pp 16–34 Lahiri-Dutt K (2012) Women-headed households in farming in India and in Nepal, a base line survey report. ANU, Canberra Madden JF (1981) Why women work closer to home. Urban Stud 18:181–194 Mahadevia D, Mishra A, Hazarika A, Joseph Y, Borah T (2016) Safe mobility for women: Ccase of Guwahati. Centre for Urban Equity, CEPT University, Working Paper 28, Jan Maiti D (2012) Precarious work in India: trends and emerging issues. Am Behav Sci 57(4):507–530 McDowell L (2004) Work, workfare, work/life balance and an ethic of care. Progr Hum Geogr 28(2):145–163 Miller T (2005) Making sense of motherhood. Cambridge University Press, UK Mondal B (2015) Commuting patterns of workers in a village of Barddhaman district, West Bengal. Space Cult India 3(1):48–66. https://doi.org/10.20896/saci.v3i1.14. Moss JE, Jack CG, Wallace MT (2014) Employment location and associated commuting patterns for individuals in disadvantaged rural areas in Northern Ireland. Reg Stud 38(2):121–136 Næss P (2008) Gender differences in the influence of urban structure on daily travel. In: Uteng TP, Cresswell T (eds) Gendered mobilities: towards an holistic understanding. Ashgate Publishing Limited, London, pp 173–192 Nash J (1975) Bus riding: community on wheels. J Contemp Ethnogr 4(1):99–124 Noack E (2010) Are rural women mobility deprived? A case study from Scotland. Sociol Rural 51(1):79–97 Preston V, McLafferty S (1993) Gender differences in commuting at suburban and central locations. Can J Reg Sci 16(2):237–259 Raju S (2011) Engendering the androcentric discipline of geography and claiming a place: revisiting the (un)familiar. In: Raju S, Lahiri-Dutt K (eds) Doing gender, doing geography–emerging research in India. Routledge, New Delhi, pp 14–46 Raju S (2013) The material and the symbolic–Intersectionalities of home-based work in India. Econ Polit Weekly, XLVVIII 1:60–68 Raju S, Lahiri-Dutt K (2011) Doing gender, doing geography–Emerging research in India. Routledge,New Delhi. ISBN- 978-0-415-59802-6. Rivera RLK (2007) Culture, gender, transport: contentious planning issues. Transp Commun Bull Asia Pac 76:1–20 Rao N (2002) Cycling into the future: the Pudukkottai experience: Tamil Nadu, India. In: Fernando P, Porter G (eds) Balancing the load: women, gender and transport. Zed Books, London, pp 151–168 Sánchez MIO, González EM (2016) Gender differences in commuting behavior: women’s greater sensitivity. Transp Res Procedia 18:66–72 Srinivasan S (2008) A spatial exploration of the accessibility of low-income women: Chengdu, China and Chennai, India. In Uteng TP, Cresswell T (eds) Gendered mobilities: towards an holistic understanding. Ashgate Publishing Limited, London, pp 144–59. ISBN – 978-0-7546-7105-3 Starkey P, Ellis S, Hine J, Ternell A .(2002) Improving rural mobility Ooptions for motorized and nonmotorized transport in rural areas. Technical Paper No. 525. World Bank, Washington D.C. Tanzarn N (2008) Gendered mobilities in developing countries: the case of (urban) Uganda. In Uteng TP, Cresswell T (eds) Gendered mobilities: towards an holistic understanding. Ashgate Publishing Limited, London, pp 159–172. ISBN 978–0-7546-7105-3 Tiwari G (2014).Planning and designing transport systems to ensure safe travel for women. Discussion Paper No. 2014–04, International Transport Forum, OECD. www.internationaltransportfo rum.org/jtrc/.../DP201404.pdf. Accessed 7 May 2015 Turner T, Niemeier D (1997) travel to work and household responsibility: new evidence. Transportation, 24(4), 397–419. Springer, Netherlands Uteng, T.P. & Cresswell, T. (2008). Gendered mobilities: Towards an holistic understanding. London: Ashgate Publishing Limited. ISBN – 978-0-7546-7105-3.

References

147

Uteng TP (2011).Gender and mobility in the developing world. In the World Bank, World development report: gender equality and development, background paper. http://siteresources. worldbank.org/INTWDR2012/Resources/7778105-1299699968583/7786210-1322671773271/ uteng.pdf. Accessed on 15 Sept 2013 White MJ (1977) A model of residential location choice and commuting by men and women workers. J Reg Sci 17(1):41–52 White MJ (1986) Sex differences in urban commuting patterns. Am Econ Rev 76(2):368–372

Chapter 8

Conclusion

Within the ‘new mobilities paradigm’, the social was being reconfigured as mobile, with many aspects of social life, civil society, and political participation increasingly understood as being performed through mobilities. Mobilities sustained families, relationships, access and delivery to services, leisure, work and politics, bringing about material and discursive transformations to both urban and rural landscapes. Furthermore, ‘new mobilities’ perspectives sought to bring far more attention to both the empirical facts of mobility, and to precisely what was happening within the journey, through the movement from one place to another. —Adey et al. (2014, p. 2)

Abstract The concluding chapter summarizes all the major contributions of the book in the literary arena. It explains the fluid space that develops in the compartments of the moving trains, commuters’ experiencescape, productive commute hours, role of commuting on suburbanization and regional divisions and the gendered patterns of commuting. Keywords Spatial fluidity · Experiencescape · Productive time · Time capsule · Public space

8.1 Introduction This book has analysed commuting as a significant form of mobility in the light of organization, reorganization and perception of space.The book started with the central research question of analysing the role of commuting in organization and reorganization of space and also to explore the experiencescape of commuters. Organization of space has been studied in two ways—through temporal scale and through spatial scale. To refer to the temporal organization of space, Kolkata Metropolitan Area (KMA) was taken into consideration. Spatial reorganization of space has been analysed in the light of changing rural/ urban identity. The perception of commute space is one of the major thrust areas of this book. It concentrates on the time in

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 B. Mondal and G. Samanta, Mobilities in India, The Urban Book Series, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-78350-1_8

149

150

8 Conclusion

motion while commuters are in between home and workplace. Besides this, it also addresses the gendered patterns of commuting. The book has focused on commuting, one of the relatively overlooked aspects in mobility research. The past mobility researchers paid greater attention to large-scale mobility that incorporates residential shifting. Daily short-term, repetitive movement such as commuting, which does not require residential relocation, has been ignored by scholars as well as by planners, especially in developing countries. This book has successfully explained different aspects related to suburban train commuting, especially the experiences of the commuters. This book explains commuting as a unique subject of research under the broad discipline of geography, especially under geography of mobilities which is still controlled by transport and migration as the key issues to be addressed. The book analyses that commuting is not only a means to attend work, and it is not boring in nature. The experiences of commuting as explored from the commuters through qualitative research methods helped us to understand how we wrongly perceive commuting as a negative process. The experiences of commuters tell us that commuting is not a dead time; rather it gives immense pleasure to the people who experience this in their everyday lives. The book thus brings in new perspectives in the mobility studies especially in developing countries like India where public transport is popularly used for commuting during morning and afternoon hours.

8.2 Major Outcomes 8.2.1 Spatial Fluidity in Time Capsule Geographers have usually explained space in its locational fixity. This kind of space is visible and can be mapped using GIS. Beyond this traditional notion of space, this research presents space that is not fixed or localized. Commuting in local trains is such a space. This space has no fixed location and is dynamic in character. It has no fixed dimension, and it is always changing. The entities and the events are also mobile. Still there is a space. This is a fluid space. This space is unique and distinguished from the conventional idea of space. It cannot be mapped but can be sensed. The present research addresses this spatial fluidity, which is also referred to as ‘placeless’ space (Tsatsou 2009). It develops within a certain time when commuters are in between home and workplace. It dissolves when a commuter train reaches its last destination. This is also referred to as plastic space (Thrift 2004).

8.2 Major Outcomes

151

8.2.2 Rethinking Binary Model of Public and Private Space In the traditional sense, there is a clear-cut boundary between public and private spaces. Roads, markets, and stations are generally thought to be public spaces. Depending on ownership, vehicles are also divided into two groups—public and private. The local trains offer public space. However, the present study shows that commuters often form a ‘personal bubble’ (Hirsch and Thompson 2011) to continue their personal work even within a public space. Many of them finish their unfinished pending work either of home or of work while commuting. The flower-vendors make garlands; teachers scrutinize answer-sheets; some read books, journals or magazines; some listen to music using earphones1 ; and a number of commuters make important calls on mobile phones. Thus, although it is a public space, it is not so public really. Individuals may form private ‘niches’ within this public space. In this way, this research challenges the traditional binary model of public and private space.

8.2.3 Explaining Experiencescape Geography has been the veteran domain in explaining different facets of landscapes. This research has significance in explaining the commuters’ experiencescape. Commuting is not only a means to attend work, but also a significant part of the day for commuters. During this time, they gain many experiences. In this mobile space, experiences are also ‘ever fleeting’ (O’Dell 2005, p. 15). The day-to-day general experiences are quite alike. However, some experiences often become discrete, distinguished from others and memorable. Both the general experiences and these memorable experiences form the experiencescape. Thus, while landscape is visible and measurable, experiencescape is invisible, intangible, fluid and only perceptible. In existing literature on commuting, the time in motion has been overlooked. The present research has focused on this neglected space of research by bringing forth the commuters’ subjective experiences and explaining these in the framework of present research objectives.

8.2.4 Exploring Commute Time as Productive Time This research questions the traditional idea of commute time as a dead time; a time when nothing happens. It is in line with the emerging group of researchers who have found commute time to be utilized for positive purposes. This research presents that nearly 86 per cent of the commuters think commute time is pleasurable. They find 1 Earphones

are used to listen to an audio from any electronic device, such as laptop or mobile privately. It has two ear-buds and may or may not have wire. Thus, the sound does not disturb the next be-seated passenger.

152

8 Conclusion

friends in the compartments of local train. It is the time for recreation to many of them. Commuters often form groups and chat together. They never think of chatting as wastage of time, rather they view it as a precious time, which is otherwise unavailable in their busy life. On holidays, they miss their commuter friends. Social interaction is also an important issue in human life that enhances their productive capacity.

8.2.5 Role of Commuting in Peripheral Urbanization of KMA The sequential pattern of urbanization of KMA has been analysed in prior research in relation to a number of aspects. However, the role of suburban commuting was almost unnoticed in those studies. This research explains the impact of suburban train commuting in the process of suburbanization. A number of cities, which have developed in the post-Independence period within the KMA, cater to many new migrants from surrounding districts. Suburban railways connect these cities to the inner belt of Kolkata and Howrah.

8.2.6 Commuting in Changing Identity of Rural/ Urban Spaces The rural–urban interaction or rural–urban continuum theory has gained popularity since a long time. This sort of interaction has been expressed through regular flows of people, material, power, capital, etc. The present research focuses on commuting between rural and urban areas, and how this process transforms the identity of rural and urban areas through the development of new smaller towns. Although growth of small towns or the process of suburbanization in connection to commute facilities has been studied by a number of researchers (Aguilera and Mignot 2004; Holmes 1971; Yao and Wang 2014, and so on), this research adds many new insights to the existing knowledge base. It shows the changing economic space of the villages brought forth by the facilities of commuting.

8.2.7 Women in Long-Distance Commuting The past studies presented that women generally commute for short distances and for low-paid, part-time jobs. Contrary to this, this research shows that present-day women make up a significant proportion of commuters. Many married women commute for long distance and for high-paid, full-time jobs, which require commitments at workplaces. The research shows that women, even if they are engaged in high-paid

8.2 Major Outcomes

153

services, still have to take care of the household duties. To manage that well, either they hire attendants or depend on other members of the family for the accomplishment of those duties.

References Adey P, Bissell D, Hannam K, Merriman P, Sheller M (2014) The Routledge handbook of mobilities. Routledge, Taylor and Francis Group, London. ISBN: 978-0-415-66771-5 (hbk) and 978-1-31585757-2 (ebk) Aguilera A, Mignot D (2004) Urban sprawl, polycentrism and commuting: a comparison of seven French urban areas. Urban Pub Econ Rev 1:93–114 Hirsch L, Thompson K (2011) I can sit but I’d rather stand: Commuter’s experience of crowdedness and fellow passenger behaviour in carriages on Australian metropolitan trains. In: Australian Transport Research Forum, 2011 Proceedings, 28–30 Sept, Adelaide, Australia Holmes JH (1971) Commuting as a Prelude to Suburbanization. Ann Assoc Am Geogr 61(4):774– 790 O’Dell T (2005) Experiencescapes: Blurring borders and testing connections. In: O’Dell T, Billing P (eds) Experiencescapes: tourism, culture, and society. Copenhagen Business School Press, Denmark, pp 11–32 Thrift N (2004) Movement-space: the changing domain of thinking resulting from the development of new kinds of spatial awareness. Econ Soc 33(4):582–604 Tsatsou P (2009) Reconceptualising ‘Time’ and ‘Space’ in the era of electronic media and communications. PLATFORM J Media Commun 1:11–32 Yao Y, Wang S (2014). Commuting tools and residential location of suburbanization: evidence from Beijing. Urban Plan Transp Res Open Access J 2(1):274–288. Routledge. https://doi.org/ 10.1080/21650020.2014.920697

Appendix A

Minimum Amenities for a Suburban Station

Sl. No.

Amenities

Norms

1

Booking facility (no. of counters)

4

2

Drinking water (no. of taps)

6 taps on each platform

3

Seating arrangement (no. of seats/platforms)

10

4

Platform shelter (on each platform)

200 sq. m

5

Urinals

4

6

Latrines

2

7

Foot over-bridge

1

8

Water cooler

2 on each platform

9

Platforms

High level

10

Lighting arrangement & fans

As per Board’s letter no. 2004/Elec (G)/109/1 dated 18.05.2007

11

Timetable display

As per instant instructions

12

Clock

To be decided by zonal railways

13

Public address system/ computer-based announcement

As per instant instructions

14

Parking-cum-circulatory area, with lights

15

Electronic train indicator board

16

Public phone booth

Source Ministry of Railways, GOI (2014, pp. 10–11)

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 B. Mondal and G. Samanta, Mobilities in India, The Urban Book Series, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-78350-1

155

Appendix B

Distribution of Cities in KMA

Location

Cities

Along the western bank of the Hooghly River

Howrah Municipal Corporation, Chandannagar Municipal Corporation, Bansberia, Hooghly–Chinsurah, Bhadreswar, Chapdani, Baidyabati, Serampore, Rishra, Konnagar, Uttarpara, Bally, Uluberia

Along the eastern bank of the Hooghly River

Kolkata Municipal Corporation, Kalyani, Gayeshpur, Kanchrapara, Halishahar, Naihati, Bhatpara, Garulia, North Barrackpore, Barrackpore, Titagarh, Khardaha, Panihati, Kamarhati, Baranagar, Maheshtala, Budge Budge

On the eastern periphery

Barasat, Madhyamgram, New Barrackpore, North Dum Dum, Dum Dum, Rajarhat, Gopalpur, South Dum Dum, Bidhannagar (Salt Lake City)

On the southern periphery

Sonarpur–Rajpur, Baruipur, Pujali

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 B. Mondal and G. Samanta, Mobilities in India, The Urban Book Series, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-78350-1

157

Appendix C

Distribution of Area and Population in KMA

Categories

Area (%)

Population (%)

Municipal Corporations

14.7

39.0

Municipalities

33.2

45.1

Census towns

10.8

7.2

Out-growths

1.0

–

Rural area

40.3

8.7

Total

100

100

Source Developed from City Development Plan, KMA (2006)

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 B. Mondal and G. Samanta, Mobilities in India, The Urban Book Series, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-78350-1

159

Appendix D

District-Wise Distribution of Cities in KMA

Eastern bank districts

Western bank districts

District

Cities

Nadia

Kalyani, Gayeshpur

North 24—Parganas

Kanchrapara, Halishahar, Naihati, Bhatpara, Garulia, North Barrackpore, Barrackpore, Titagarh, Khardaha, Panihati, Kamarhati, Baranagar, Barasat, Madhyamgram, New Barrackpore, North Dum Dum, Dum Dum, Rajahat, Gopalpur, South Dum Dum, Bidhannagar (Salt Lake City)

Kolkata

Kolkata MC

South 24—Parganas

Maheshtala, Budge Budge, Piyali, Sonarpur–Rajpur, Baruipur

Howrah

Hoara MC, Bally, Uluberia

Hooghly

Chandannagar MC, Bansberia, Hooghly–Chinsurah, Bhadreswar, Chapdani, Baidyabati, Serampore, Rishra, Konnagar, Uttarpara

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 B. Mondal and G. Samanta, Mobilities in India, The Urban Book Series, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-78350-1

161

Appendix E

Suburban Trains of Howrah–Bardhaman Main Line in Different Parts of the Day

Railway time

Divisions of the Time interval day (mins.)

No. of local trains

Frequency density

01:45–5:59

Midnight to dawn

254

6

0.02

6:00–8:29

Early morning

149

20

0.13

8:30–10:25

Morning peak hours

115

33

0.29

10:30–14:59

Day

274

45

0.16

15:00–16:29

Afternoon

89

12

0.13

16:30–19:30

Evening peak hours

180

44

0.24

19:31–21:00

Late evening

89

8

0.09

21:01–00:00

Night

179

14

0.08

Source Calculated from Eastern Railway, 2011–12

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 B. Mondal and G. Samanta, Mobilities in India, The Urban Book Series, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-78350-1

163

Appendix F

Changing Status of Cities in and Around KMA Formed in the Post-independence Period

Sl. No.

ULBs

Size-class distribution of ULBs 1951

1961

1971

1981

1991

2001

2011

1

Bongaon

III

III

II

II

II

I

I

2

Kharagpore

II

II

II

I

I

I

I

3

Uttarpara Kotrung IV

III

II

II

I

I

I

4

New Barrackpore

III

III

III

II

II

II

5

Tarakeswar

–

V

IV

IV

III

III

III

6

Uluberia

IV

IV

III

III

7

Diamond Harbour V

IV

IV

III

8

Haldia

–

–

V

9

Bally

II

I

I

10

Bidhannagar

–

–

11

Madhyamgram

–

IV

12

Maheshtala

–

13

Pujali

–

–

–

–

14

Raj arhat—Gopalpu

–

–

–

15

Gayeshpur

–

IV

16

Kalyani

–

–

17

Memari

V

18

Panskura

–

I

I

III

III

III

III

I

I

I

I

I

I

I

–

III

I

I

I

III

III

II

I

I

I

I

IV

III

III

–

–

I

I

IV

III

II

II

II

IV

III

II

II

I

V

IV

IV

III

III

III

–

–

–

–

I

I

Class I town/ cities: 100,000 and above; Class II town: 50,000–99,999; Class III town: 20,000– 49,999; Class IV town: 10,000–19,999; Class V town: 5000–9999 Data source Census of India 1951, 1961, 1971, 1981, 1991, 2001, and 2011

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 B. Mondal and G. Samanta, Mobilities in India, The Urban Book Series, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-78350-1

165

Appendix G

Utilities of Commute Time

Utilities

% of commuters

How

Doing some work

80

A time for reading newspaper, books, journals, magazines, etc

12

Scrutinizing answer sheets, preparing teaching notes

7

Making garlands

1

Displaying products

A process of knowledge gaining

2

Stitching/ Craft design

85

Commuting provides the scope to meet many people It makes people social It is a space of public discussion

Helps to grow confidence

45

Increases exposure and awareness

Emancipatory

30

What someone thinks to be burden, can be turned into a gift

Keeps privacy

3

‘Living space should be located at certain distance from the workplace. Otherwise, the privacy is not saved.’ (Ms Biswas)

Passion/ hobby/ side-profession

2

Encourages to write novels; to continue boutique

A time for recreation

92

Chatting, playing cards, singing songs, listening to music, etc

A time only for ‘me’

11

‘Both home and work are places of responsibilities where we work for others.’ (continued)

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 B. Mondal and G. Samanta, Mobilities in India, The Urban Book Series, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-78350-1

167

168

Appendix G: Utilities of Commute Time

(continued) Utilities

% of commuters

How

Fashion

One Commuter

A scope to wear new dresses and matching jewellery

Opportunities of Shopping

13

Everyday necessities from hawkers

Scenic beauty along the railway

7

Rural landscape and green agricultural fields

A time for rest

23

By maintaining body clock

Physical fitness and mental freshness

17

Routine livelihood, an exposure, cycling/ walking in the morning to reach station

Source Empirical Survey, 2014–2017

Appendix H

Proposed Timetable

Stations (up/down)

Existing departure schedule

Proposed departure schedule

Bardhaman–Howrah (Down)

8:46

8:46

10:02

9:30

11:22

10:15 11:15

12:24

12: 24

13:40

13:40

14:40 Sealdah via Bandel

14:40 Sealdah via Bandel

15:15

15:00

16:30

15:30 16:30

17: 25

17: 25

18:00

18:00

18:40

18:30

19:52

19:00 19:30 20:00

Howrah–Bardhaman (Up)

12:30

12:30

14:20

13:30 14:20

Source Field Survey, 2014–2016 and again verified in February 2018

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 B. Mondal and G. Samanta, Mobilities in India, The Urban Book Series, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-78350-1

169

Appendix I

Percentage of Women Commuters in Different Identities

Attributes

Figures in percentage

A. Marital status of women Unmarried

15.75

Married

73.23

Widow

7.87

Divorced

0.79

Separated

2.36

B. Mothering Women having child

51.18

C. Family types (excluding of those who are unmarried) Joint Family

69.16

Nucleus

28.97

Single

1.87

D. Both husband and wife commuters Per cent

39.37

Source Field Survey, 2014–2016

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 B. Mondal and G. Samanta, Mobilities in India, The Urban Book Series, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-78350-1

171

Index

A Ability to move, 6 Abstract space, 86 Abusive language, 95, 102 Accessibility, 6, 8, 9, 36, 50, 58, 77 Acculturation, 117 Actual mobility, 6 Added values, 61 Administrative boundaries, 8 Adwitiya, The, 117 Affordability, 60, 138 Aggregate population, 8 Agrarian community, 58 Agricultural lands, 59 Air-pollution, 15 Akanda flower (Calotropis gigantean), 135 Alighting, 116 Alternating Current (A.C.), 40, 45 Anaemic growth, 16 Anandamela, The, 117 Announcement system, 119, 127 Anthropology, 1, 86, 87 Apartment culture, 68 Areal differentiation, 74 Area pattern, 73 Armchair spectator, 110 Army-base, 50 Arrival, 13, 89, 91, 99, 119, 125 Arthritis, 100, 112 Asian Development Bank (ADB), 138–140 As usual relation, 100 Auto-drivers, 25, 26 Automated Teller Machine (ATM), 68

Automatic Ticket Vending Machines (ATVMs), 47, 48 Auto-rickshaw, 24, 67, 138 Average Annual Growth (AAG) of commuters, 77, 78, 81 B Backward linkages, 59 Balli Khal, 38 Bally Junction, 119 Bamboo towers, 38 Bandel-Bardhaman section, 73, 74, 76, 77, 79, 81, 126 Bandh, 91, 94, 133 Bangles, 100 Bardhaman-Sealdah local train, 120 Bardhaman station, 74, 76, 77, 89, 95, 96, 120–123, 125–127, 141 Bardhaman station bazar market, 141 Barrackpore-Kalyani Expressway, 50 Barrackpore Trunk (BT) Road, 50, 51 Baskets, 67, 92 Bazaar Kolkata, 68 ‘B’ class line, 21 Beauty-parlour, 141 Beetle leaves, 44, 93, 120 Bengali, 21, 25, 66, 80, 88, 91, 101, 111, 117 Bhagalpur station, 39 Bi-cycle, 11, 67, 138, 139 Bicycling campaign, 139 Binary, 132, 151 Binary options, 25 Biological difference, 132 Biophilia, 95

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2021 B. Mondal and G. Samanta, Mobilities in India, The Urban Book Series, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-78350-1

173

174 Bitter experience, 98 Black Diamond Express, 98 Block Development Officer (B.D.O.), 99, 108 Blood donation, 118 Blouse piece, 100 Blurring rural-urban boundaries, 8, 58, 60 Board of directors, 38 Body language, 142 Boiled eggs, 101, 120 Booking Supervisor General, 22 Border-lying districts, 17, 46, 51 Bori-Bunder, 21, 37 Bottom-up approach, 60 Boutique, 111 Brake-van, 39 Breadwinners, 137 Break-point, 67 Bridges, 7 British, 44, 45 Budget, 123 Bunker, 91, 116 Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) system, 13 Bus riders, 115 Bus-stand, 81

C Cancer, 93, 101 Canning line, 98 Cantonment, 58 Cape of Good Hope, 38 Capital, 4, 19, 21, 38, 44, 53, 57, 59–61, 67, 152 Cartograms, 25 Casual leave, 89 Catalyst, 42 Cecilia Tacoli, 59–61 Census of India, 2, 23, 43, 51, 52, 63, 137, 165 Census Towns (C.T.s), 16, 42, 43, 57, 63–66, 69, 159 Central Business District (CBD), 18, 39, 45 Central government, 63, 123 Central Indian Railway, 38 Chair-car, 94, 110 Chaiwala, 101 Chakka jam, 94 Chartered bus, 99 Chatting, 88, 112, 113, 115, 152, 167 Chennai Suburban railway, 39, 45 Chhatrapati Shivaji Terminus, 21, 37 Chicago school of thought, 1

Index Chief Minister, The, 21, 139 Chief Public Relation Officer (CPRO), 47 Chikon embroidery, 66 Child rearing, 134 Chronological, 37 Cinematic, 110 Circular migration, 5, 60 Class-I cities, 51 Class-II towns, 43, 165 Class-III towns, 43, 51, 66, 165 Cleanliness, 13, 119–121 Close-ended questions, 25 Club, 114, 118 Club on wheels, 114 Coaches, 18, 39, 40, 45, 47, 93, 94, 99, 110, 111, 119, 120, 126, 141, 142 Co-commuters, 96, 106, 107, 111, 115, 116, 118 Code of conduct, 102 Cognitive, 15, 17, 86, 95 Colonial India, 21, 44 Colonial period, 21, 41, 44 Commercial capital, 38 Commercial employer, 38 Community Development Blocks (C.D.B.), 23 Community on wheels, 16 Commute experiences, 14, 92 Commuter friends, 26, 97, 101, 111–113, 115–118, 152 Commuter trains, 13, 18, 108, 150 Commute time, 15, 106, 107, 110–113, 115, 117, 128, 151, 167 Commuting, 2, 3, 5, 7–12, 14–18, 23, 24, 26, 35–37, 42, 44–53, 57–63, 67–69, 73, 74, 78, 79, 82, 85–88, 90, 91, 93, 96, 98, 102, 105–109, 111–115, 117, 118, 120, 131–135, 137, 138, 141, 144, 145, 149–152, 167 Compartmentalised model, 59 Compartmentalization, 59 Complaint book, 124 Confectionaries, 141 Connecting trains, 123, 126, 140 Connectivity, 4, 8–10, 36, 39, 51, 53, 58, 61, 67, 68 Consumerism, 11 Continuous urban belt, 75, 79 Conurbation, 18–20, 39, 42, 45, 46, 49 Coordinates, 85, 90 Core cities, 17, 36 Core-periphery divide, 50 Cosmetics, 80, 109

Index Cosmopolitanism, 5 Counter-urbanisation, 10, 11 Country cheese, 120 Countryside, 61, 64 COVID-19, 7 Cropping intensity, 75 Crystallized orb, 57 Cultural programmes, 44, 114 Cultural resonances, 8 Cultural resource, 14 Culture, 5, 15, 57, 58, 66, 68, 69, 79–81, 88, 91, 95, 107, 108, 110 Customers’ satisfaction, 13, 118 Cycling, 110

D Daily identity, 15, 106, 113 Daily mobility, 1, 16, 116 Daily oscillation, 8 Daily Passengers’ Association, 123 Daily practice, 112 Daily wage labourers, 94 Danish, 44 Darjeeling Himalayan Railway (DHR), 110 Day-to-day experience, 14, 91, 93, 98, 102 Day-to-day lives, 111, 128 Dead time, 3, 14, 150, 151 Decadal growth rate, 51 Decentralisation policy, 17, 37 Delay, 12, 15, 106, 119, 124 Delhi gang-rape 2012, 141 Demography, 43 Departure, 13, 22, 119, 125, 127, 169 Design of vehicles, 13 Destination station, 89, 91, 111, 114 Determinants of commuting, 9 Deterritorialization, 4 Developed countries, 2, 8, 10, 11, 13, 136 Developing countries, 2, 8, 10, 11, 42, 64, 82, 114, 138, 150 Diagnostic centres, 68 Dialogical approach, 25 Diffused urbanisation, 36, 53, 63 Digital society, 7 Direct Current (D.C.), 40, 45 Discounts, 101 Distantiation, 4 Distant villages, 82 Diurnal variation, 48 Divisional Railway Manager’s Office (DRMO), 23 Dizzy, 111

175 Domestic duties, 111 Domestic space, 5 Downstream, 67, 75 Down-train, 120 Downward social mobility, 5 Drivers, 12, 106, 115, 124, 139, 140 Dualistic background, 106 Dutch, 44 E Earphone, 151 Earrings, 101 Eastern bank of the Hooghly River, 42, 44, 157 Eastern India, 19, 21, 36, 38, 39, 41, 42, 44, 45, 47, 97 Eastern Railway, 19, 22, 23, 37, 45–48, 76, 98, 124, 163 East India Company, 21, 37, 38, 45 East Indian Railway (EIR), 38 Eco-friendly transport, 13 Economic diversification, 16 Edward O. Wilson, 95 Efficiency, 38 Electric Multiple Units (EMUs), 21, 39–41, 45, 47, 124, 127, 144 Electrification of suburban railways, 17, 36, 52 Elementary job, 10 Emancipate, 113 Emotion, 14, 86 Empirical research, 4, 17, 20, 22–24, 53, 62, 64, 68, 105, 106, 123, 131, 133, 145 Employee, 13, 38, 88, 97, 112, 114 English-medium schools, 68, 80 Ethnic styles, 80 Ethnographic, 5, 6, 25, 26, 85, 86 European colonialists, 44 Evening peak-hours, 47, 48, 100, 163 Event-space, 91 Ever fleeting, 14, 91, 151 Everyday life, 5, 73, 86 Eviction, 5 Expensive, 116 Experiencescape, 17, 85, 91, 92, 96, 102, 149, 151 Exposure, 12, 14, 53, 61, 96, 106, 108, 114, 115, 167, 168 Express trains, 94, 99 F Family, 112

176 Fashion, 80, 168 Feeder roads, 13 Fees structure, 117 Femininity, 131 Ferry, 39 First-class compartment, 39 First language, 80 Fishermen, 120 Fishing net, 67 Fishing rod, 67 Five-point scale, 25 Flexibility, 7, 12, 13 Floating population, 8 Fluid space, 105, 149, 150 Flyover, 125 Focal points of growth, 64 Focal song, 139 Focussed Group Discussion (FGD), 26 Football player, 118 Foot-binding, 133 Footprint, 12 Forced migrant, 5 Formal interviews, 26 Formal space, 87 Forward linkages, 59 Fragmentation, 106 Freedom, 4, 5, 108, 109, 131, 133 Freight trains, 40 Frequency, 23, 48, 76 Frequency density, 48, 163 Friends’ circle, 118 Friendship, 118 Fringe areas, 36 Fun, 112–114 Functional population, 8 Functional region, 36, 42, 53, 58

G Galloping trains, 126 Ganga River, The, 44 Garlands, 21, 107, 109, 114, 135, 151, 167 Garlic, 66, 102 Gas lighter, 100 Gateway, 19, 67 Gender, 3, 5, 6, 9, 18, 108, 113, 131–133, 135, 138, 139 Gender-blind, 132 Gendered mobilities, 3, 132, 134 General compartments, 98, 100, 101, 126, 127, 141, 142 Geographical Information System (GIS), 150

Index Geometric space, 86 Ghughni, 101 Gift, 112 Global, 4–6 Globalization, 4 Good-for-nothing, 58 Goods’ carriage, 37, 40, 89, 123–125 Governmental entrepreneur, 123 Government Railway Police (GRP), 97 Great Indian Peninsular Railway, 37, 38 Green flag, 39 Green-technology, 13 Grooming, 141 Gross earnings, 39, 48 Grounded research, 138 Growth pole model, 59, 60 Gun-salute, 37 Gutkha, 93, 120

H Haat, 66 Half-annual tickets, 94, 121 Hawker, 23, 25, 26, 85, 91, 99–102, 107, 110, 122, 128, 141, 142, 168 Hawkers’ association, 100 Head Post Office, 68 Headquarter, 19, 45, 68 Health hazards, 143 Hearing inability, 6, 12 Heterogeneity, 90, 117 Higher secondary school, 68, 111 Hindi, 80 Hinterland, 53, 74, 81 Holidays, 92, 112, 113, 144, 152 Holistic, 24 Homemakers, 6, 10, 137 Home-space, 58, 114 Hooghly-Chinsurah, 44, 75, 157, 161 Hooghly River, The, 20, 42, 44, 46, 51, 75 Hool Express, 94 Household responsibility, 134, 135 Howrah-Bandel section, 73, 77, 80, 81 Howrah-Bardhaman Chord Railway Line, 98, 119 Howrah-Bardhaman Main Suburban Railway Line, 18 Howrah-Bardhaman Super via Main, 125 Howrah division, 19, 22, 24, 37, 46–48, 78, 97, 124, 125 Howrah-Memari local trains, 76, 77, 93 Howrah Municipal Corporation, 157 Howrah-Pandua local trains, 76

Index Howrah station, 19, 21, 22, 38, 39, 45, 47, 48, 74, 76, 95, 120, 122–125, 127, 142 Human geography, 73 Human Immunodeficiency Virus (HIV), 107 Humidity, 111 Hurry hours, 26 Hybrid, 88, 132 Hypothesis, 53

I Imaginative mobility, 4 Immigration, 46, 51 Immobile objects, 77 Immobile stages, 26 Immobility, 1, 6, 7, 81 Incense sticks, 114 Independence, The, 41, 51 India, 2, 8, 10–13, 16, 18, 19, 21–23, 36– 46, 48, 51, 53, 59, 61–64, 66, 82, 96, 99, 102, 108, 110, 111, 118, 121, 123, 136, 137, 139 Indian Rupee (INR), 51, 68, 79, 94, 125, 137 Indian sub-continent, 21, 37 Indigenous tools, 67 Industrialisation, 21, 44 Informal conversation, 89 Informal interview, 22, 23, 25 Informal public transit, 139 Informal workers, 94 Information and Communication Technologies (ICT), 4, 109 In-migrants, 66 Inner belt, 152 Inner cities, 36 Innovation, 60 In-situ policies, 8, 59 Intangible, 14, 57, 91, 92, 151 Integrated Child Development Scheme (ICDS), 97, 113 Intelligent environment, 4 Intercity Express, 94 Interdepartmental connection, 114 Intergenerational occupational mobility, 5 Intermediary market centres, 62 International migration, 3, 132 Intersectionality, 6 Inter-station distance, 73, 77, 81 Inter-train time difference, 73, 76, 81 Inter-urban transit, 51 Interview, 23–26, 67, 92, 93, 108, 116, 143 Invisible, 2, 92, 151 IPods, 109

177 Izzat monthly, 79, 82

J Jeep, 138, 139 Jessore Road, 51 Job status, 10 Joint family, 115, 136, 171 Jostling, 116, 142 Journey-to-work, 11, 73, 74, 87, 134 Junction station, 19, 20, 45, 125, 142 Junk jewellery, 80 Jurisdiction limit, 45, 47 Jute-belts, 44

K Kalyani, 49, 50, 157, 161 Kana Nadi, 66 Karmakshetra, The, 117 Karmasangsthan, The, 117 Kaviguru Express, 94 Kettle, 102 Kinetic city, 4 Kinetic elite, 6 Kolkata Metropolitan Area (KMA), 17, 23, 35–37, 42–51, 53, 64, 65, 68, 73, 75, 149, 152, 157, 159, 161, 165 Kolkata Metropolitan Development Authority (KMDA), 23, 26, 36, 43, 45, 49, 51 Kolkata Municipal Corporation (KMC), 42, 50, 157 Kolkata suburban railway network, 16–19, 39, 45, 46, 97 Kurtis, 100

L Labour market, 8 Ladies’ compartment, 92–94, 98, 100, 107, 112–114, 118, 127, 141, 142, 144 Ladies special local trains, 93 Ladies toilet, 143 Lady attendants, 137, 140 Lakh, 20, 40, 51, 63 Landless poor, 16, 61 Land values, 16, 35, 36, 42, 50, 51, 68 Large scale mobilities, 16, 150 Laundry, 140, 141 Layers of society, 108, 115 Left Front Government, 17 Leisure reading, 109 Liberating, 6, 15, 106

178 Liberation War, The, 66 Lifeline, 11, 39 Likert scale, 25, 119 Line pattern, 73 Liquid identities, 4 Livelihood, 7, 17, 21, 46, 59, 75, 86, 101, 136, 168 Lively living, 113 Livestock farming, 59 Local, 2, 4, 16, 18, 39, 40, 43, 45, 48, 61, 67, 76, 78, 93, 94, 102, 110, 114, 121, 123, 124, 126, 127, 136, 141, 142 Local job centres, 36, 58 Local train, 6, 18, 20–22, 35, 39, 45, 47, 48, 50, 51, 53, 76, 82, 92, 94, 98– 101, 105, 107, 108, 114, 115, 120, 124–128, 141–144, 150–152, 163 Locational fixity, 105, 128, 150 Lockdown, 7 Loneliness, 113 Long-distance commuting, 9, 135, 144, 152 Longitudinal approach, 37 Lord Hardinge, 37 Lorry, 89 Lost time, 15 Low-paid jobs, 137 Luggage bags, 100

M Maa Tara Express, 94 Magazine, 100, 107, 109, 111, 117, 151, 167 Maid servant, 10 Maintenance, 123 Mallick Ghat, 109 Man-land ratio, 78 Manual announcement system, 119 Marriage anniversary, 117 Masala mixtures, 88 Masculinity, 131, 133, 137, 144, 145 Mask, 125 Mat, 67 Matchbox, 98 Materialities, 14 Matribhumi local trains, 143 Medical attendant, 107 Medium towns, 42, 52, 64 Mega-serial, 109 Memorable experiences, 96, 151 Menstruation, 139, 143 Mental map, 86 Mental strain, 15, 105 Merchandise, 39

Index Metro cities, 16, 18, 36, 41, 42, 48, 49, 52, 53, 74, 75, 77 Metropolitan cities, 12, 41 Metropolitan expansion, 16, 17, 23 Metropolitanisation, 52, 53 Metropolitan region, 35, 41, 48, 73 Metropolitan Tulsa Transit Authority, 115 Metro railways, 40 Michael Lipton, 60 Migration, 1–5, 8, 16, 36, 58, 60, 61, 133, 150 Milkman, 111 Mineral water, 127 Ministry of Railways, 18, 39–41, 45, 121, 155 Mixed masala, 100 Mixed methods, 24 Mobile culture, 15 Mobile practices, 8 Mobile sense, 90 Mobile space, 15, 86, 90, 99, 107, 151 Mobile stages, 26 Mobile subjectivities, 6 Mobile technologies, 4, 6 Mobile urbanites, 15, 113 Mobility, 1–9, 11, 12, 15, 16, 18, 23, 36, 46, 48, 60, 61, 64, 74, 75, 77, 81, 85, 86, 90, 94, 98, 108, 110, 112, 113, 116, 121, 132, 133, 135, 136, 138, 139, 141, 144, 149, 150 Mobility marginalized, 6 Mobility patterns, 7, 8 Models, 1, 57, 59, 60, 63, 64, 93, 151 Modernization, 61 Monarchical security, 108 Moods of feeling, 14 Morality, 102 Morning peak hour, 47, 88, 108, 116, 163 Mosaic, 85 Motility, 6, 132 Motion, 14, 90, 111, 140, 150, 151 Motor bike, 13 Movement, 1–5, 7, 8, 11, 14, 60, 85, 90, 91, 102, 132 Moving community, 112 Mr George Clark, 21, 37 Mukhyamantri Valika Cycle Yojana, 139 Multi-disciplinary, 86 Multi-faceted phenomenon, 133 Multitasking, 107 Mumbai Suburban Railway, 18, 39, 40, 45 Municipal Corporations (M.C.), 42, 58, 159 Municipality, 42, 43, 51, 58, 159

Index Mutual transfer, 90 N Nagar panchayat, 58 Nail cutter, 100 Nap, 88 Narratives, 4, 25, 87, 92, 97, 118, 133 Navigability, 75 Nazrul Jayanti, 114 Negative experiences, 14 Negativities of commuting, 106 Neglected space, 151 Neighbourhood, 67 Neither good nor bad, 143 New dimension, 105 New mobilities, 1, 3, 24, 149 Node, 59, 60 Noise pollution, 12, 15 Nomadism, 1 Non-commute hours, 106 Non-commuting passengers, 24, 26, 97, 98, 110 Non-farm work, 36, 78 Non-municipal area, 66 Non-participant observation, 23, 88, 106 Non-peak hours, 14, 91 Non-pecuniary costs, 15 Non-places, 115 Non-reserved, 90 Non-suburban passengers, 40, 46, 47 Non-suburban section, 21 North-Western Railway, 38 Novel, 109, 111, 167 Nudges, 142 Nursing homes, 68, 116 O Obesity, 106 Objectives, 3, 16, 17, 22, 23, 25, 26, 74, 86, 121, 151 Obligatory, 5 Observation method, 24, 26, 80 Occupational structure, 36, 58 Ontological, 25 Open-ended questions, 25 Open spaces, 50 Operational costs, 78 Ordinal data, 25 Organization, 2, 16, 17, 23, 118, 123, 149 Originating traffic, 47, 65, 66, 74–76, 78, 81, 122, 124, 125 Outdoor recreation, 114

179 Out-going commuters, 74, 82 Out-Growths (OG), 159 Over-bridge, 93, 119, 121–123, 125, 126, 155 Over-sweating, 111

P Panchayat, 63, 69, 139 Pandemic, 7, 125 Panskura Line, 98 Papad, 100, 102 Papadwalas, 102 Paradigm, 1, 3, 24, 85, 149 Parasitic role, 60 Parking fees, 13 Participant observation, 87, 107 Partition, 17, 51, 66 Part-time jobs, 3, 137, 144, 145, 152 Passenger-kilometre, 46, 118 Passenger pressure, 76, 95 Passenger train, 19, 37, 40, 47, 98, 99, 125 Passenger volume, 18, 22, 143 Passion, 111, 167 Pathologist, 101 Patriarchal society, 135 Pattern, 3, 16–18, 23, 24, 35, 36, 41, 44, 49, 50, 63, 64, 73, 74, 90, 114, 132, 135, 138, 144, 145, 149, 150, 152 Pay and use toilets, 94, 144 Peak hours, 9, 47, 48, 90, 124 Pea-soup, 101 Penalty, 125 Pendular movement, 8 Perceived space, 17, 86 Perceptible space, 151 Perception, 16, 17, 23, 85, 90, 98, 100, 105, 106, 118, 119, 132, 149 Perception of time, 80, 81 Peripheral, 17, 35, 41, 42, 49–51, 53, 152 Personal bubble, 151 Personalized network, 4 Personal judgements, 106 Physical distance, 4 Physically disabled, 6 Physical stress, 15, 105 Physiological, 14 Pick-pocketing, 95 Picnic, 117, 128 Pilot survey, 22, 25 Place, 2–4, 7, 8, 11, 12, 14, 17, 25, 26, 52, 58, 60–62, 66, 68, 74, 78, 81, 85–87, 89–92, 96, 99, 102, 107, 111, 112,

180 114, 115, 120, 125, 133–137, 141, 149, 167 Placeless space, 150 Plastic space, 1, 150 Platforms, 127 Platform-toilets, 119, 122, 123, 144 Pleasant experiences, 120 Pleasurable journey, 17, 105 Point pattern, 73 Polarization policies, 59 Policy, 126 Polycentric urban growth, 62 Polythene paper, 143 Population density, 36, 42, 50, 51, 58, 67 Population size, 36, 43, 51, 58, 65–67 Portuguese, 44 Positive experiences, 3, 14 Positive utilities of commuting, 107, 113 Positive utility, 15, 106, 115 Post-Independence period, 21, 35, 42, 45, 49, 50, 152, 165 Post-positivist philosophy, 22, 102 Potential mobility, 6 Poverty, 5, 59, 62, 97 Power-car, 40, 45, 124 Power geometry, 6 Power-relation, 98, 132, 138 Practised place, 86 Precious time, 107, 113, 152 Pre-colonial period, 44, 75 Primary data, 23, 24 Primary place, 87 Privacy, 109, 143, 167 Private niche, 151 Private transport, 10–13, 138, 141, 144 Problems, 124 Production, 61, 62, 85, 87, 102, 126, 132 Productive capacity, 152 Productive time, 15, 106, 112, 151 Productivity, viii Professional identity, 113, 118 Pro-poor, 61, 79 Prosperous settlement, 75 Proverb, 107, 120 Psychological, 14 Public library, 68 Public space, 5, 93, 107, 122, 128, 151 Public transport, 11–13, 39, 45, 67, 108, 117, 138, 141, 144, 145, 150 Pull-car, 118 Pull factors, 3, 13 Punctuality, 93, 124 Punishment, 120

Index Purchasing power, 9, 10, 62, 138, 139 Push factors, 13 Q Qualitative, 23–25, 98, 102, 150 Quantitative, 24 Quantitative methods, 25 Quarterly ticket, 79, 94, 121 Questionnaire, 23, 26, 93 Queue, 48, 90–92, 95, 116, 121, 127 R Rabindra Jayanti, 114 Rail-gate, 125 Railway corridor, 73 Railway crossing, 89 Railway gardeners, 95 Railway landscape, 73 Railway network, 18, 19, 74, 98 Railway platform, 26, 144 Railway Police Force (RPF), 96 Railway Service Monitoring System, 119, 123 Railway station, 7, 19, 24, 47, 49, 65, 67, 74, 76, 77, 79, 90, 92, 93, 97, 121, 122, 131, 138 Railway time-table, 91, 125 Rainy season, 10, 67, 122, 127 Raj Empire, 20 Rakes, 40, 41, 45, 47, 93, 124 Readymade garments, 80 Real-estate Company, 51 Reciprocal changes, 61 Recordings, 25 Recreation, 88, 152 Reduced Level, 120 Refreshment, 114 Refugee camps, 66 Refugee influx, 49 Refugees, 5, 17, 66 Regional development, 9, 53, 60, 68, 82 Regional division, 73, 81, 149 Regional economy, 63, 65 Regional geography, 74 Regionalization, 73, 74 Regional planners, 11 Rehabilitation, 66 Reliability, 13 Relocation, 2, 4, 5, 35, 62, 150 Remittance flows, 7 Reorganization, 16, 17, 149 Repetitive movement, 16, 150

Index Republican liberty, 108 Research participants, 23, 24, 26, 111, 118– 120, 122, 137, 138, 143 Residential flat, 68 Residential shifting, 150 Residential transformations, 2 Resource allocation, 7 Respiratory troubles, 106 Restrictive measures, 13 Reterritorialization, 4 Return journey, 101, 113, 114, 141 Rice bowl, 19 Rickshaw-pullers, 24–26 Rigid boundary, 16, 57 Road pricing system, 13 Roasted chiwda, 100 Rondinelli, D.A., 60–62, 64 Roti-sabji, 134 Route-length (km), 18, 39, 40, 46, 97 Rural, 2, 7–11, 13, 16, 17, 35, 42, 43, 52, 53, 57–64, 67, 68, 75, 78–82, 110, 149, 152, 159, 168 Rural culture, 68 Rural development, 82 Rural economy, 2, 10, 81 Rural hinterland, 53, 61–63 Rural hospitals, 68 Ruralism, 61 Rural non-farm works, 59, 60 Rural service centre, 8, 68, 75 Rural-to-urban commuting, 8, 16, 36, 58, 81 Rural-urban dichotomy, 59 Rural/urban divide, 60 Rural-urban integration, 36, 58 Rural-urban interaction, 57–62, 64, 67–69, 152 Rural-urban linkage, 63 S Safe circle, 116 Safety, 12, 13, 38, 78, 100, 119, 124, 141, 143 Safety margin, 15, 106 Salt Lake City, 50, 157, 161 Salwar kameez, 100 Sandesh, 114 Sanitary napkin, 143 Sanitation, 143 Sanitizer, 100 Satellite town, 49, 50 Scapes, 4, 102 Schedules, 25, 88, 89, 107, 126, 127, 140, 169

181 Scooty, 139 Sealdah division, 19, 23, 37, 46 Sealdah Main Line, 50 Sealdah North Line, 99 Sealdah South Line, 51 Seasonal fruits, 100, 141 Seasons, 9, 10, 111, 122 Season ticket, 79, 94, 121 Seat availability, 13 Secondary cities, 60, 61 Secondary data, 23, 35, 124 Secondary examination, 68 Secondary wage earners, 137 Second class, 39 Second language, 80 Sectoral linkage, 59–61 Security, 48, 86, 96, 124, 142 Sedentary economy, 75 Self-reliant, 108 Semi-skilled, 64 Senior citizen, 127 Sensation, 85 Sensations, 90 Sequential activities, 107 Service holders, 94 Sewage, 127 Sex, 9, 17, 105, 132 Sexual harassment, 141, 143 Shelter, 87, 92 Shoe-polishers, 102 Shopping malls, 68, 69 Short commute trips, 135 Short-distance commuting, 3, 135, 152 Shuttle local trains, 47, 76 Signalling system, 95, 119 Single journey, 106 Single woman, 9, 112, 113 Sir Rowland Macdonald Stephenson, 38 Size-class distribution, 51 Skewed distribution, 135 Slum improvement, 59 Small towns, 17, 53, 57, 58, 62–64, 68, 152 Smart card, 48 Smart phones, 102, 107, 109 Smoking, 94 Snacks, 88, 100, 102 Snatchers, 90, 91, 99, 101, 117, 142 Snowball sampling, 24 Social backgrounds, 107 Social interaction, 152 Socialization, 107, 113, 115 Social network, 117 Social networking sites, 109

182 Social solidarity, 85, 97 Social trips, 11 Society, 87 Son River, The, 39 South Eastern Railway, 19, 22, 23, 37, 45–47 South Indian Railway, 38 Space, 3, 4, 8, 12, 14, 16–18, 36, 58, 60, 61, 74, 85–88, 90–93, 95, 98, 100, 102, 105, 108, 109, 111, 113, 114, 120– 122, 124, 128, 131, 136, 140, 141, 149–152, 167 Space-making, 115 Space negotiation, 98 Spatial fluidity, 17, 128, 150 Spatialities, 16, 17 Spatial linkages, 60, 61 Spatial mobility, 4, 5, 8, 57 Spatial pattern, 51, 73 Spatial scale, 37, 149 Spatial signatures, 88 Spectacles, 102 Spill over, 60 Spit-marks, 93 Subjective reality, 3 Staff quarter, 112 State government, 17, 63 Stationery goods, 100 Station Manager, 89, 124 Station master, 23, 99 Statutory towns, 63, 64 Stimulus, 46 Stratified sampling, 24 Stressful journey, 14, 17, 105 Strike, 74, 91, 94, 133 Structural methods, 25 Structure of feeling, 6 Subjective experiences, 23, 151 Subjective sensations, 86 Subjectivity, 85, 86, 105 Substitution, 8, 36, 58 Suburbanisation, 35, 52, 62, 149, 152 Suburban passengers, 35, 40, 46–48 Suburban railway, 17–19, 35, 37, 39–41, 44– 46, 48, 49, 58, 65, 69, 73, 74, 81, 97, 98, 118, 119, 121, 123, 124, 141, 152 Suburban section, 21, 40, 48 Suburban trains, 6, 17, 18, 21, 23, 35–37, 39, 45, 46, 73, 76, 86, 92, 93, 99, 127, 141, 150, 152, 163 Suburbs, 8, 18, 36, 39, 42, 45, 63, 76 Subway, 97, 119, 121, 122, 127 Suez Canal, 38 Sulabh shouchalayas, 143

Index Summer, 10, 26, 95, 111 Support system, 111 Swachh Rail Mission, 121 Symbiotic relation, 64, 85, 99, 100 Symbol of status, 12

T Tangible, 57, 92, 102 Tea-belts, 44 Teaching-learning system, 117 Tea-stall, 97 Technocentric approach, 6 Temporalities, 8, 91 Temporal mobility, 4, 91 Temporal scale, 60, 149 Temporary jobs, 62 Temporary toilets, 143 Tenants, 112 Terminal stations, 19 Territory, 5, 73, 74 The Anandabazar Patrika, 99 Theories, 1, 3, 5, 57, 59, 61, 73, 111, 152 The Pal Empire, 66 Threshold population, 58 Ticket-window, 48, 91, 92, 116, 121 Time distance, 36, 45 Tin-shade, 95 Toll tax, 13 Toto, 138, 139 Tourist, 5 Traditional dress, 80 Traffic, 12, 13, 23, 39–41, 45, 76, 122, 126 Traffic congestion, 13, 15 Traffic volume, 40, 45, 76 Train, 6, 18, 21–23, 25, 26, 37, 39, 45, 47, 48, 51, 52, 67, 76, 77, 81, 82, 88– 96, 98–102, 105–112, 114–127, 135, 136, 138, 140–142, 149, 155 Tramways, 6 Trans_, 7 Trans-disciplinary, 3, 24, 86 Transformational power, 5 Transgressive, 6, 15, 106 Transhumance, 1 Transit, 3, 10, 14, 26, 40, 89, 124, 131, 138 Transition time, 117 Translation, 15, 25, 107 Transnationalism, 5 Transport, 1–3, 5, 6, 9–16, 18, 23, 36, 38, 39, 42, 43, 45, 47, 48, 51–53, 59, 60, 62, 64, 76, 77, 82, 92, 94, 112, 118, 122, 125, 126, 138, 139, 150

Index Transport mode, 138, 139 Transport quality, 11 Trauma, 96 Travel demands, 21 Travel fever, 90 Travelling ticket examiner, 124 Trekker, 67, 138–140 Trend styles, 80 Trickle-down approach, 59 Trip chaining, 140 Tropical country, 111 Two-wheeler stand, 67

U Underemployment, 62 Unidirectional influence, 58 Union budget, 123 Unskilled, 64 Unwanted situations, 141 Up-train, 120 Urban, 2, 7, 9–11, 14, 16, 18, 35, 36, 40, 41, 43, 44, 51–53, 57–64, 66–69, 74, 75, 77, 78, 80–82, 86, 152 Urban agglomeration, 44, 53, 80 Urban agriculture, 60 Urban bias, 62 Urban-centric development models, 59 Urban culture, 17, 58, 68 Urbanisation, 9–11, 17, 36, 37, 43–45, 49– 53, 61, 63–65, 67, 95, 152 Urban landscape, 149 Urban lifestyle, 61 Urban pollution, 35 Urban-to-rural commuting, 9, 10, 59 Urban travel, 15, 108 Urinary infection, 106 Uttarpara Kotrung, 49

183 U-turn, 63

V Valuable time, 96 Vehicular emission, 12 Vendors, 92, 94, 110, 117, 126, 135, 141, 142, 151 Vendors’ compartment, 92 Vernacular, 80 Vertical mobility, 5 Vicious cycle of poverty, 78 Village artisans, 67 Village-based property, 16 Virtual mobility, 4, 7 Virus, 7 Voluntary, 5

W Waiting room, 123 Walking, 11, 12, 85, 107, 110, 131, 138, 168 Wastage of time, 15, 152 Wasteful journey, 15 Water-borne transport, 44 Weak-ties, 4 Weekdays, 13, 22, 26, 47, 140 Weekends, 26, 92, 128, 141 Western bank of the Hooghly River, 42, 157 Women Help Desk, 142 Work from home, 7 Working hours, 48, 109, 121 Work opportunities, viii Workspace, 8, 15, 116

Z Zero output, 105