In Mau Mau from Within Karari Njama, a school-teacher who took part in the rebellion, tells his story, to which an anthr
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English Pages 0 [516] Year 1970
FROM WITHIN An Analysis of Kenya’s Peasant Revolt v
by Donald
&
L.
Karari
Barnett
Njama //?
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
mm
Karari
Njama photographed
at
Nyeri on June
6,
1955, on
day after his capture. Photo: Kenya Information Services.
DONALD
L.
BARNETT
AND
KARARI NJAMA
Mau Mau
from Within
AUTOBIOGRAPHY AND ANALYSIS OF KENYA’S PEASANT REVOLT
©
MODERN READER PAPERBACKS NEW YORK AND LONDON
This book is
dedicated to
who have
those
given their
the lengthy for
all
and
Kenyans lives in
just struggle
Land and Freedom
Copyright ©1966 by Donald L. Barnett All Rights Reserved
Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 65-24519
Standard Book Number: SBN-85345-135-4 First
Modem
Reader Paperback Edition 1970
Monthly Review Press 62 West
14th Street,
47 Red Lion
MANUFACTURED
IN
New
Street,
York, N.Y. 10011
London
WC1R 4PF
THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
10 9 8 7
6 5 4
3
CONTENTS PREFACE
Page
9
FOREWORD
1
Part
I:
Background
to
Revolt
1
AN INTRODUCTION
23
2
KARARI’S HILL
73
3
A squatter’s CHILD
8l
4
THE MIRACLE OF READING
88
5
TO SEEK MY FORTUNE
106
6
THE OATH OF UNITY
I 1
7
THRESHOLD OF REVOLT
1
25
8
NO ROOM
1
35
IN
THE MIDDLE
Part II
:
The
4
Fight in the Forest
nyandarua: the early months
149
10
KIGUMO CAMP
157
I I
KARIAINI HEADQUARTERS
1
69
12
THE PROPHETS OF 25TH JUNE
1
98
13
THE BREAK-UP OF KARIAINI H.Q.
21
14
THE MWATHE MEETING
225
15
TOURING THE FOREST CAMPS
269
16
UNITY AND DIVISION
301
17
THE KENYA PARLIAMENT
329
18
THE TIDE
375
19
PRIME MINISTER DEDAN KIMATHI
426
20
CLEAVAGE AND DISINTEGRATION
455
9
IS
TURNING
I
GLOSSARY
493
SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY
5O5
INDEX
5°9
Digitized by the Internet Archive in
2016
https://archive.org/details/maumaufromwithinOOdona
PREFACE All of us who
have affixed our names to the remarks that follow have in varying degrees been held responsible for the revolt popularized under the name of Mau Mau. British propaganda and not only British has been remarkably successful in equating the revolt of a large section of the people of Kenya with barbarism and savagery, so much so that even many Africans in Kenya are today reluctant to discuss this vitally important episode in our history with candour. This is all the more fantastic when one realizes that Kenya is today independent largely because of this revolt and the struggle of the men
—
—
and women who participated in it. During the last few years a spate aspect of African
life
Kenya has not been
on almost every has been poured out upon the world. of books
neglected in this flood. Naturally, the sub-
has engrossed writers most has been Mau Mau. But virtually none of these authors has attempted a serious analysis ject that
movement, of its causes, character, organization and achievements. There is an obsessive preoccupation in these works with the sinister and the awesome. The very name ‘Mau Mau’ is an illustration of how successful propaganda can damn an entire movement to which thousands sacrificed everything, including their lives, by attaching to it an appellation that conjures up all the cliches about the ‘dark continent’ which still crowd the European mind.
of this
Dr
Barnett’s study
is,
to our knowledge, the
first
attempt to
break out of this depressing mould and present this heroic episode in our history with skill, seriousness and sincerity.
Many who
participated in the
Kenya Land and Freedom Army
have disappeared from the political scene today. Their behaviour tends to be deliberately self-effacing and diffident. A good deal of this sense of guilt arises out of the years of ‘brain washing’ in
the ‘rehabilitation’
camps
where they were detained. Humiliation, concentrated, continuous and consistent, was a principal element in the ‘rehabilitation’ process. What is regrettable and even horrifying is that some African politicians and young ‘intellectuals’ should think that this is as of the colonial regime
9
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
10 it
should be. Frequently, their past and the movement they
created
is
condemned by people
of stature in the politics of the
country today. Late in 1952 and early 1953, the entire leadership of the Kenya African Union, the only African political party in the country,
was
arrested
and the party proscribed. The
arrests
were
not confined to the higher ranks only, but also included the
The
government and the European settlers hoped in this way to destroy the African nationalist movement completely. The men and women who went into the forests either to fight or to seek refuge from the terror spread throughout the countryside by Government forces were leaderless in the sense that all national and local leaders were behind bars, not to emerge until recently. They had to fend for themselves and create new cadres. As Dr Barnett shows they were almost all humble men and women who felt passionately about the cause they struggled for. They were the true heroes of the years middle
levels.
colonial
of forest fighting.
Kenya owes a
great debt of gratitude to them.
Anyone
familiar
with the political scene here in 1952 cannot fail to see the close and direct link between the political changes of recent times and the shock of the
Kenya Land and Freedom Army
revolt to the
government and the European setders. Indeed, it would not be an exaggeration to say that the political consequences of their sacrifice have been felt throughout East Africa. A remarkable feature of the personnel of the Land and Freedom Army was the absence in the forest of educated men, educated, that is, in die formal sense beyond primary school level. It is clearly not enough to say that educated men in those days were few and far between and that most of them tended to be pro-government because they usually occupied government posts. The reasons go beyond that to the wide gulf that has arisen in many parts of Africa between the intellectuals and the masses. The symbols of the revolt, as Dr Barnett points out, were traditional symbols. The educated young man of today either does British
not understand these symbols at
all
taught to look down of life from which he has or
upon them. They represent a way become increasingly isolated. Essentially,
is
this
phenomenon
is
yet
another vicious heritage from colonialism. This is not said as a plea for a return to the old ways. Far from it. But we do have
PREFACE
I I
a society in which intellectuals are part of an organic whole and not merely ‘black Europeans’. Not only politics and to strive for
economics but also minds have to be decolonized. Our plea to break the conspiracy of silence about the Land and Freedom Army struggle includes also a plea for a more serious study of the history of Kenya since the Second World
War and more
particularly since 1952.
Dr
thanks of African nationalists for being the seriously studied this problem. as
it
is
in
itself,
We
Barnett deserves the first
hope that
person to have
his book, valuable
will also help to pierce that veil of reticence
which surrounds the Land and Freedom
Army and go some
way at least to secure to those who fought Nyandarua their due recognition as national
in the forests of the
heroes. B.
M. KAGGIA
FRED KUBAI J.
MURUMBI
ACHIENG ONEKO
.
FOREWORD I
t
was
first
March 1962 when I met Karari (son/of) Njania for the time. He had been recommended very highly by two of my
informants and one of the
Mohamed Mathu, and accompanied me
latter,
our meeting through the mails
arranged to Nyeri
was located seventeen miles off the main north-south highway and about 1 1 o miles north of Nairobi, Kenya’s capital city. It was situated atop a high ridge at an altitude of almost 7,000 feet. Across the pitted dirt road from the small, mud-and-wattle circular hut in which Karari, his wife, Nyaguthii, and their four children lived, I was confronted by a truly spectacular view. The green slopes of this and the opposite ridge, dotted here and there with small terraced gardens, descended sharply to the narrow Gura River Valley
District.
Karari’s village
over a thousand feet below. Here, slender strips of cultivated
land lined both sides of the clear, trout-laden
way through
Gura which
twisted
The
gardens, measuring an acre or less on the average, extended from the river’s edge to a point fifty or seventy-five yards back where the steep rise of the slope its
the valley.
made cultivation difficult and usually unprofitable. The Gura, often swollen and dangerous during the was now flowing with a gentle, quiet rumble well rocky banks.
A
long rains, within
its
mile or so to the northwest the river emerged
from the shadows of the vast Aberdare Range where it began as a trickle in the ii,ooo-foot moorland swamps, grew as it merged with other streams and tumbled down through the bamboo and ‘black’ forest belts and then spilled out into the valley. Miles away, in the Fort Hall District, the Gura joined the Sagana and eventually, as with most eastward-flowing rivers, emptied into the huge Tana River which deposited so much of Kenya’s rich highland soil and untapped energy into the Indian Ocean some 350 miles from Karari’s village. As I was taking in this panoramic scene, Karari returned home from the sub-location primary school where he was teaching. A stocky, sturdily built man in his mid-3o’s, wearing khaki shorts and an open-collared sports shirt, Karari appeared at first sight much taller than his actual height of five-foot nine. His 13
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
14
and manner as we shook hands and exchanged greetings was open and pleasant, lacking for the most part the uneasy restraint and suspicion I had frequently encountered in previous first meetings with Kikuyu. After Mathu’s introduction, we entered the dimly lit, smoke-filled hut to drink the tea which Nyaguthii had prepared. The wide-ranging discussion we engaged in the rest of that day and the next convinced me that Karari was an honest and very sincere human being and, moreover, one whose knowledge of Kenya’s Mau Mau revolution was, from personal experience, very considerable. He spoke unguardedly, though in general terms, of the name ‘Mau Mau’, of his role in the Movement and the two years he’d spent in the Aberdares as a guerrilla leader. Fortunately, the initial impression I formed of Karari was confirmed and reinforced over the course of the next six months. As we talked, I explained that I had already been in Kenya for nine months doing research of an anthropological nature on Mau Mau. Believing most of the writings on this subject to be one-sided interpretations from the point of view and perspective of the European settler and British Government, I had spent much of my time talking to Africans and collecting fifehistories from Kikuyu who, in varying mode and degree, had participated in the revolt. I indicated that I had already gathered seven such life-histories and tried to make clear that my interest in the revolution was two-fold first, I wanted to smile
:
data for the writing of my Ph.D. thesis in anand, second, I wanted to provide a medium
collect sufficient
thropology;*
through which African participants in the revolt could make
and interpretations known to the outside world. My intention, with regard to the latter aim, was to make this a joint enterprise in which all contributors would share in both the work and responsibility and, if there were any, the their
experiences
rewards.
Before
we
parted,
and indicating
the history of the revolution ever since his
camps
had wanted to record release from the deten-
that he
December 1958, Karari agreed
come
to Nairobi
the following month, during the school recess, where
we would
tion
*
The
in
dissertation
July 1963 under the
which resulted from title,
Mau Mau:
integration of Aberdare Guerrilla Force r.
to
this research was copyrighted in the Structural Integration and Dis-
FOREWORD tape his life-history.
The two weeks
15
how-
set aside for this task,
proved entirely inadequate. Karari, somewhat inhibited by the tape recorder, preferred to write his story in longhand. While offering the advantage of greater control, this process was obviously much slower and confronted both of us with certain problems. After much thought and discussion, it was decided that Karari would resign his teaching post and come to work for ever,
me it
as a research assistant while writing his autobiography.
turned out,
both of
this
was a very
fruitful
and rewarding decision
As for
us.
In mid-April, Karari
moved
in with
wife Carol and our four children
me and my
—and
months, living and working together,
family
—my
during the next
we each acquired a
six
con-
knowledge of the other’s strengths, habits and frailties. The understanding and friendship which grew out of this working relationship, set as it was against the background of two widely separated cultures, was for me one of the major rewards of my eighteen months of field work in Kenya. Again, without the degree of mutual trust and understanding we achieved, it is unlikely that the present work would ever have come to fruition. It might be mentioned here that while this book contains only the single, rather lengthy account of Karari Njama, another manuscript is in preparation which will embrace the shorter life-
siderable
histories of five other informants. Needless to say, the collective
contributions to the present
whom
work
of the several persons with
worked was great indeed. Without the materials contained in the life-histories of Priscilla Gathoni, Naomi Wanjiku Kenete, Bedan Miriti Kairo, Ngugi Solomon Kabiro, Kahinga Wachanga, John Mwangi, Karigo Muchai, Mohamed Mathu and, of course, Karari Njama, I would have been unable to I
grasp the overall nature of the revolution or prepare bution to this book.
my
contri-
Given the nature of my investigation the multiple-autobiography approach, though not without its own peculiar problems, proved invaluable. The available pertinent literature, though on the whole voluminous, dwindled and became less reliable as I approached in both space and time the conduct and organization of the guerrilla war in Nairobi, the Kikuyu reserv es and the forests of Mount Kenya and the Aberdares. My use of and reliance upon published materials, therefore, was
—
—
:,
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
i6
removed from the revolution proper. Thus, my discussion of traditional Kikuyu society in Chapter One is based almost entirely on works such as Jomo Kenyatta’s Facing Amount Kenya, H. E. Lambert’s Kikuyu Social and Political Institutions, L. S. B. Leakey’s Mau Mau and the Kikuyu, and J. Middleton’s The Kikuyu and greatest in those areas of research furthest
Kamba
of
Kenya*
my
and economic processes set in motion in Kenya by colonization and European settlement rests to a considerable extent on the data contained in a wide ranging body of literature. Of particular value in this sphere were the works of S. and K. Aaronovitch, Crisis in Kenya, Again,
M.
interpretation of the political
Kenya Colony, S. Development of Agriculture and the Land System 79/8-/939, E. Huxley and M. Perham, Race and R. Dilley, British Policy
in
S.
in
Heyer,
Kenya
Politics in
Kenya, K. Ingram, History of East Africa, J. Kenyatta, Kenya The Land of Conflict, N. Leys, Kenya, M. Ross, Kenya from Within, and various Kenya and British Government publications.
With regard
underground movement and the general character of the revolution, the literature thins and becomes considerably less reliable. Though I have seriously studied works such as L. S. B. Leakey’s Defeating Mau Mau F. D. Corfield’s Historical Survey of the Origins and Growth of Mau Mau, and P. Evan’s Law and Disorder: Scenes of Life in Kenya, my analysis rests to a very large extent on the data I was able to gather from Kikuyu and other informants between June of 1961 and December of 1962. In the area of my primary concern, the structure and organization of guerrilla forces, reliance upon published material was reduced practically to nil. While the local newspapers, Government documents and books were useful in checking and confirming key dates and events, available literature dealing with the revolution proper was, on the whole, meagre and of poor quality. Written by men who had served with the Government security forces, or based upon the writings of the latter, works to the
,
such as
W.
* In
Baldwin’s
Mau Mau
Manhunt, Ian Henderson’s
the Bibliography presented at the end of the book, those works which I found particularly useful in preparing my own analysis are marked
by an
asterisk.
FOREWORD The Hunt
Kimathi
17
Gangs and Countergangs, and F. Majdalany’s State of Emergency are the African equivalent of most American “Cowboy and Indian” sagas. Quite naturally, these works reflected the partiality of their writers and revealed little if any effort at objective understanding. Unfortunately, even those whose training and knowledge should have for
,
F. Kitson’s
,
dictated otherwise, such as L. S. B. Leakey, in Defeating
Mau
Mau
tended to present a one-sided and distorted view of reality that of the noble white man who, fervently engaged in bringing civilization, Christianity, education and the “good life” to Kenya’s backward natives, was suddenly forced to defend self and property, law and order, peace and morality, against the treacherous attack of atavistic savages gone mad with a ,
—
This literature undeniably reflected the mood and perspective of most Kenya Europeans. That it failed to reflect the outlook of the vast majority of Kenya Africans, or render an adequate and balanced account of the revolution in question, is blood-lust.
equally undeniable.
Faced, then, with the task of obtaining most of
my
primary
data from Africans with first-hand knowledge, and having to confront
white
the
generalized
man which
of colonial rule, I
fear,
distrust
and suspicion of the
Kikuyu had acquired during had to rely quite heavily on the
the
sixty years life-history
approach. Here, working with a relatively small number of persons over fairly extended periods of time, rapport and confidence
had a chance to develop. From a became an individual with specific and motives. In the last analysis, the life-history material was due largely and willingness to accept me as an assess lives
my
interests in the revolution
generalized ‘European’
human success to
my
qualities, I
had
interests
in gathering
informants’ ability
and accurately
individual
and
I
in their
own
personal
and problems.
The multiple-autobiography approach
extremely useful, built-in corroborative device. of events
and
situations
contained
itself
had been participated
A
in
an
number by two or more large
my
informants and, though each account might reveal a given incident from a slightly different perspective, each acted of
as a check
upon
the authenticity of the others.
to abstract a considerable
amount
I
was thus able
of mutually confirmed data
8
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
1
and the shared valuations thereof. Where conflicts in the data occurred, I was usually able to resolve the issues through further discussions or interviews with other informants.
One
which greatly
factor
facilitated
the
success
of
this
approach was the essentially small-scale nature of Kikuyu society. Given the relatively high degree of mobility found among
Kikuyu of the Central Province, Rift Valley and Nairobi, news and information normally spread with unbelievable rapidity. Largely by word of mouth, news could often be transmitted great distances in the space of a few hours through the informal networks of dispersed kin and neighbourhood relations. During the revolution, the paths of countless the million or so
thousands crossed one another under a variety of circumstances in the city, reserve, forests and detention camps. Virtually every Kikuyu acquired, either indirectly or through personal observation, a considerable and frequently detailed knowledge of a
Under such circumstances, an error, omission, fabrication or untruth on the part of an informant could not long remain undiscovered by the persistent
large
number
researcher.
of persons
One
of
my
and
events.
informants, for example, failed to disclose
a Government informer during his internment at a certain detention camp. This fact, however, was soon made known to me by another informant and then confirmed that he
had served
as
by two others who had likewise spent time in this camp. Two additional factors which enhanced the value and utility of the multiple-autobiography approach might also be mentioned. Several persons who have consented to read the lifehistories I gathered have marvelled, often to the point of disbelief,
at the incredible ability of
detail events
my
informants to recall in
which transpired ten or more years
who
has spent time in the
in the past.
To
comes as no surprise. In the absence of a writing system the Kikuyu, as with other African peoples, were traditionally dependent upon oral history, often reinforced in song, proverb and verse, in their efforts to preserve and transmit to future generations important happenings and events. The transference of this knowledge was an extremely important aspect of the upbringing and the Africanist
field this feat
socialization of children. Historic events of significance, along
with a wide variety of other information which could not be stored in books for future reference, simply had to be remem-
FOREWORD bered or stored in the all
human mind
if it
ig were not to be
lost for
time.
The Kikuyu, rule
therefore, even after several decades of British
and exposure
to
powers of recollection
book learning, has normally developed or remembrance which might be con-
sidered exceptional in societies long
endowed with a
written
should hasten to add that even in the African context, Karari Njama’s recall of detail is something of an exception and,
script. I
though approached, was not equalled or excelled by any of
my
other informants.
Related to the above
is
some by him
the fact that events considered of
importance to an individual will usually be reiterated time and time again in his dealings with other people. Upon meeting friends, relatives or neighbours Kikuyu customarily bring one another up to date on all significant happenings in their lives since they last met. This practice, which you are
bound
would obviously act the remembrance of detail.
to notice in Karari’s account,
reinforce through repetition
to
Regarding the credibility of the data contained in Karari’s life-history, a few words are in order. As for all major events and their sequence, Karari’s account is corroborated not only by the accounts of my other informants, at all points where they intersect, but by newspaper accounts, Government documents and interview material. Obviously, it has not been possible to substantiate more than a few of the minor events and details of Karari’s story. I can only point out that in areas where my data converge on questions of detail, the descriptions rendered by Karari have proven accurate. While I found the internal consistency of such a detailed account as Karari Njama’s very convincing, I feel the reader will be able to reach his own conclusion in this regard.
Needless to say, ultimate responsibility for the accuracy of Karari Njama’s account lies with Mr. Njama himself, just as I must accept full responsibility for whatever inadequacies or
might be found in the remainder of this book. I have endeavoured to present Karari Njama’s life-history, up to the time of his capture on June 5, 1955, in such a manner as to preserve its full documentary value. It is reproduced here in its errors
entirety exactly as originally written with the following exceptions.
Where
it
was
felt
absolutely necessary to preserve intended
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
20
meanings or to make clear an ambiguous statement,
I
have
by the use of brackets. Minor alterations in spelling and punctuation have not been noted. My aim has been to make as few changes as possible and grammatical errors, where they were not felt to impair communication, were left as written. Finally, the breakdown of the lif e-history into chapters, and the titles of the latter, are my doing rather than Karari’s. It is sincerely hoped that the combination of objective, if not detached, analysis and commentary together with the personal
made
insertions noted
account of a fully involved partisan will provide the reader with both an increased understanding of the background, emergence and nature of Kenya’s Mau Mau Revolution and, through a vicarious participation, some deeper insights into the hopes,
and expectations of a people whose actions and outlook on life have been shaped in large measure by the double-edged sword of tradition and colonial rule.
fears,
frustrations
August 1964
DONALD
L.
BARNETT
PART
Background
I
to
Revolt
CHAPTER
I
AN INTRODUCTION The
occurred in
we
be concerned in this book the Kenya Colony and Protectorate between the
revolution with which
shall
and 1957. With Uganda, Tanganyika and Zanzibar, Kenya comprised a portion of what was known as British East Africa. In the twilight of the colonial period, on 12 December
years 1952
1963, this colony achieved of British rule.
While
it
is
its
independence after sixty-odd years
beyond the scope
of the present
work
do intend touch upon the major conditions and processes which
to deal comprehensively with this historic period, I
here to
underlay the revolt
in question.
To
ground against which ‘Mau Mau’
provide, so to speak, a back-
may
be more closely and,
it
hoped, objectively understood. Let us consider, in broad stroke, the context within which ‘Mau Mau’ arose. Kenya covers an area of about 245,060 square
is
bounded on the east by the Indian Ocean, on the north-east and north by the Sudan, Somalia and Ethiopia, on the west by Uganda and on the south by Tanganyika. Of this miles
and
territory,
is
approximately three-fifths
is
poorly watered semi-desert
occupied by pastoral peoples such as the Somali, Turkana, Samburu, Boran, Masai and Kalenjin tribes. Roughly, these semi-
Northern Frontier Province, in the south toward the Tanganyika border and in the east between the highlands and the coastal strip. The remainder of the country, in the central and western regions, includes the Great Rift Valley with its Lakes Naivasha, Nakuru and Rudolph, the mountain plateau to the east ranging from 3,000 to 9,000 feet above sea level and including the twin peaked Aberdare Range and snow-capped Mount Kenya, and the Kenya portion desert areas are located in the vast former
of the
The
Lake Victoria Basin
to the west.
peoples occupying these latter regions comprise the bulk
and its six major ‘tribes’ the Luo and Baluhya in the west, the Kikuyu and closely related Embu and Mem in the east, the Kamba south and east of the Kikuyu, the of Kenya’s population
:
23
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
24
‘Europeans’ in the central Rift Valley region and the ‘Asians’ in
Nairobi and the other towns. This region being relatively wellwatered, most of
its
with the keeping of
rural peoples practise agriculture
cattle,
combined
sheep and goats.
According to the East African Census of
1948 the total African population of Kenya numbered better than five and a quarter million with the Kikuyu tribes comprising 30 per cent, the Luo 14 per cent, Baluhya 13 per cent and Kamba 12 per cent. In addition there were almost 30,000 Europeans and an Asian population (Indian, Arab and Goan) of over 120,000. Apart from the 9,000 European settlers of the ‘White Highlands’, the bulk of the non- African population lived in the administrative and commercial capital of Nairobi some 300 miles inland from the coast and surrounded on three sides by
—
the
Kikuyu
district of
Kiambu,
the ancient port city of
Mom-
basa, or in one or another of the smaller towns of the Rift
Valley Province.
Very
generally, the three ‘racial’ aggregates occupied distinc-
Kenya’s caste-class spectrum. The European community, though comprising less than 1 per cent of the total tive positions within
population, constituted a kind of ‘high caste’, reminiscent of
long defunct
European
aristocracies,
privileged position in both the political
colony. Internally segmented into a
and occupied a highly and economic life of the
number
of business, farm-
and recreational groups, often with conflicting interests, the European community nevertheless constituted Kenya’s most unified and integrated population segment. Cross-linked through a wide variety of associations whose memberships overlapped, and fully conscious of their common interests vis-a-vis both African and Asian groups, Europeans tended to react as a single body in the face of any ing, civil servant, mission, professional
external
threat
to
their
continued existence
as
a privileged
minority.
Though
ultimate policy and decision-making powers regarding the colony rested with the British Parliament, acting through
Minister of State for the Colonies, Colonial Office and resident Governor, the European minority in Kenya exercised a its
virtual
monopoly
of
power
in the local
governing
institutions.
1948 the Kenya Legislative Council was comprised of one Arab, five Indian and eleven European elected members,
Thus
in
AN INTRODUCTION
25
along with one Arab and four African members appointed by the Governor plus sixteen official members, also European.
Within the European community, the well-organized minority of settler farmers and planters constituted a solid block. Acting through organizations such as the Convention of Associations and Kenya National Farmers Union they in large measure determined and articulated the over-all aims and policies of the white population. Despite the early and repeated formal British Government pronouncements regarding the ‘paramountcy of African interests’ where these clashed with those of the immigrant communities, the settlers had been successful in acquiring exclusive rights to the vast ‘White Highlands’ and in perpetuating discriminatory policies in the fields of education, wages, housing, cash crop cultivation, marketing and public services.
The
color-bar and subtle apartheid policies, in
ing aspects,
all their
degrad-
bore a great and not accidental resemblance to
South African practice.
Aware
of the limited nature of their powers vis-a-vis the British
European community and particularly the settler minority aspired to a form of self government which would both free them from British rule and interference and Parliament,
entrench
the
their
powers
in
a
Kenya
constitution
continued European political dominance. line of political action lay in
guaranteeing
The models
for this
Southern Rhodesia and the Union
of South Africa. #
The Asian segment and
of Kenya’s population occupied a middle
many ways
ambivalent position in the hierarchy of color, class and caste. Denied the right to own or lease land in the European Settled Areas and lacking the Native Land Unit of the African, the Asian was of necessity a town dweller. Outnumbering the Europeans four to one, the Asians on the whole constituted an urban middle class of traders, merchants, white collar in
workers, professionals and skilled laborers. It should be added,
however, that while the Europeans were concentrated at the top of the economic pyramid and the Africans at the bottom, the Asians tended to be more staggered from top to bottom.
With the predominantly lower
class
and
illiterate
Arabs con-
centrated at the coast, the vast majority, or almost 100,000 of
Kenya’s socially defined ‘Asians’ were of Indian origin and
26
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
segmented primarily along MusLim-Hindu
lines into
a number
and caste groupings. Among Hindus the caste system was strong and marriage across caste lines extremely rare. The primary division amongst non-Muslims was between the Gujarati segment, predominant in the commercial field, and the Punjabis, both Sikh and non-Sikh, who comprised a significant proportion of the Indian professionals and skilled workers. The dominant force among the Muslims, divided internally into a number of sects, was the Ismaili community, a Khoja sect following the Aga Khan. In addition, there were the Catholic Goans, largely white collar workers, and a scattering of Scindis, of religious sect
Bengalis, Parsis, Madrassis,
Bombay
Maharastrians,
etc.
Unlike the European community, where racial identification provided a strong integratory force, the Asians of Kenya identified themselves less as Indians than as members of particular religious sects and castes. Unity, to the degree that it was achieved across these religious cleavages, was the result primarily of the lengthy struggle, which reached its height in the early 1920’s, waged by the Indians for equality of citizenship with the dominant Europeans. Despite the political and commercial rivalry between ‘brown’ and white, however, the interests of both
were in many ways closely bound up in the existing system. Indian merchants and traders, as well as white collar workers, feared the emergence of a black middle class and felt threatened, perhaps as much as the European community, by the increasing tempo of African nationalist demands. In their attacks on European supremacy and the felt resentment at being treated as second class citizens, Asians tended to share a common body of interests with the Africans on the bottom rung of the socioeconomic ladder. Their fear of African predominance, however, tended to foster the conviction that their interests might be better served if the status quo in black-white relations was left undisturbed. Hence the ambivalence in the position of the Asian community. Kenya’s African population, numbering an estimated 5,561,000 in 1952, was clearly at the bottom of the colony’s socioeconomic hierarchy. The vast majority were peasants living in the overcrowded and steadily deteriorating Native Land Units ‘reserved’ for them and engaged largely in subsistence patterns of agricul-
AN INTRODUCTION
27
Another large segment of the African ‘lower class’ was comprised of unskilled and largely migrant laborers employed primarily on the European farms and plantations of the Highlands or in the urban centers of Nairobi and Mombasa. About a fourth of the entire African adult male population was engaged in some form of wage employment. Of this number, just under 50 per cent were engaged in agriculture, 20 per cent in Government service, 1 1 per cent in manufacturing and 1 1 per cent in domestic employment. The great mass of African labor was unskilled and the wage level, in both absolute and relative terms, was extremely low. In 1948, for example, a total of 385,000 African workers earned the equivalent of 28 million dollars— an average of $73 per worker per year, which included estimated food and housing allowances. Asian workers numbering 23,500 earned 17.4 million dollars an average of $741 per worker per year. And European wage earners numbering 1 1 ,500 garnered a total wage of 20 million dollars an average of $1,739 per worker per year. These statistics, of course, reveal in only the most abstract way ture.
—
—
among African workers in the Though conditions have changed
the degree of destitution extant years
prior
slightly,
to
the
revolt.
and not always
African slum locations such as present a
much more
walk through one of the Kariokor or Pumwani, would
for the better, a
accurate picture of African poverty. It
would include the thousands of Africans, not figured in the above statistics, .who drift into the city as landless and unemployed peasants in search of work and sleep twelve or sixteen to a room to avoid the cold Nairobi nights. It would include the squalor and degradation which fail to seep through the lifeless tables of figures.
In addition to the peasant and worker, there was also a small but growing number of African petty traders and hawkers and
an emergent white
collar class of low-salaried clerks, insurance
Competition in both of these areas between Africans and their entrenched Asian counterparts tended to sharpen the animosity and conflict between the two groups. Not infrequently, Africans expressed more bitterness and resentment toward Asians than toward the dominant Europeans. The latter were on the whole further removed from direct economic competition and interaction with
salesmen, teachers, medical assistants,
etc.
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
28
Africans than were the Asian shop keepers, traders, semi-skilled laborers
and white
collar workers.
was segmented primarily along tribal lines. Rural areas outside the European domain were demarcated and administered by Government largely a5 tribal Internally, the African population
units and, with the perpetuation of traditional tenure systems,
African peasant and pastoral aggregates tended to persist as tribal ly
homogeneous
isolates.
Travel and trade restrictions func-
tioned to further reduce and inhibit inter-tribal rural contact.
With the pastoral economy and highly
tribes
remaining largely outside the cash
resistant to acculturative processes,
was which
it
predominantly the agricultural tribes mentioned earlier entered the urban milieu where the pattern of tribal isolation was, during the post-war period, beginning to give way to broader groupings of an African national character. Thus in Nairobi, while the majority of associations continued to be based
on
tribal, sub-tribe
or clan affiliation
(e.g.,
the
Abaluhya Asso-
Thukus Brotherhood Fund, Kitui Friendly Society, etc.), a growing number of Africans were entering economic, political and other associations where tribal identification was over-ridden by racial, occupational and residential criteria (e.g., the Domestic and Hotel Workers’ Union, Starehe African Social Club, Kenya African Union, Labour Trade Union of East Africa, etc.). Organizers and leaders of the latter associations were by and large drawn from the small but significant segment of educated Africans. Frustrated by the severe limitations imposed upon African upward mobility in the political and economic spheres, these men tended to oppose tribal exclusiveness as an obstacle ciation,
to general African
advancement.
While education thus
facilitated the
breakdown
of vertical or
tended also to foster the emergence of a new horizontal cleavage between the educated and the illiterate. And with education largely in the hands of the missions, this cleavage coincided with that between Christian and pagan. For most Africans with an education beyond primary school level the European community functioned as a reference group possessing various attributes of Western civilization which the educated African both aspired to and, at least in part, judged himself in tribal barriers,
it
,
terms
of.
More
often than not,
European achievement
acknowledged superiority of
in the areas of
formal education, science
AN INTRODUCTION
29
and technology, material wealth and military power were projected into other cultural spheres. Thus,
many
aspects of African
and practice were seen by the educated as or ‘backward’ when compared to their ‘advanced’
traditional belief ‘inferior’
European counterparts.
The
illiterate
peasant and worker, on the other hand, being
closer to traditional customs, religion
and law, was
inclined to
view with some suspicion and disdain the efforts of his educated brethren to become Black Europeans. And this distrust was reinforced by the fact that a good number of educated Africans were salaried officials or employees of the white man’s Govern-
ment and,
headmen and chiefs, often found themselves supporting unpopular Government programs. especially in the case of
This cleavage, while significant, must not be thought of as complete or unambiguous. As we have seen, it was from amongst the educated that an elite of African nationalist leaders emerged to articulate the grievances of the illiterate peasants
The
and
laborers.
normally held these leaders in great respect, sometimes bordering on reverence. Again, the illiterate prized education very highly for their children and often made great sacrifices to put a son or daughter through school. The educated, on the other hand, despite their adoption of many Western ways, retained many and frequently strong ties with kinsmen and neighbors within the peasant community. The color-bar and latter, in turn,
European discriminatory
policies
made
shed their identity as Africans or sever illiterate
it
impossible for them to
all
connections with the
masses.
Looked
at broadly, then, the various rural African aggregates
were formally integrated within Kenya society by a Britishimposed hierarchy of governing institutions and enforcement agencies over which they had no control and little influence. The European minority, on the other hand, through its outright control or influence over these institutions, its
position of
dominance
the Asians of the center.
implement
was able
to sustain
both the African majority and powerful settler group could thus
vis-a-vis
The
policies relating to land, labor, taxation, education,
which, though advantageous with respect to its own calculated interests, often ran counter to those of the subordinate African and Asian groups. To sustain this inequitable and unetc.,
balanced relationship, the dominant European
class
was
fre-
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
30
quently obliged to compensate for its lack of popular support and numbers by the same use or threat of force and coercion required initially for the establishment of white rule at the turn of the century.
While Kenya’s Africans were divided along faced with the
new
tribal lines
and
divisive tendencies indicated above, there
were nonetheless strong counterforces operating African population. Regardless of
tribe, all
to
unify the
Africans were classed
by the dominant whites and subject as a single people to the discriminatory and degrading policies and practices of the European elite. Thus classified and treated as one there was mounting pressure within the black community to submerge or play down tribal and other differences in the face of a common enemy the oppressive and dominant white settler minority. The major conflict and cleavage between black and white, becoming increasingly intense and deep, operated to mitigate internal differences and foster a growing awareness of the need as
‘Natives’
,
—
for African unity.
In the urban milieu of Nairobi, African groupings were emerging which sought to integrate the various tribal segments of the population under institutions of their
own making and
through which they could protest and contest the privileged position of the immigrant minorities. As the urban African population was comprised largely of migrant workers with one foot in the city and the other in their respective rural areas, the multitribal
associations of the city,
and
especially the fast-growing
African nationalist and trade union movements, tended to crosslink the many rural peasant aggregates. Where, in short, Luo, Kikuyu, Kamba, Baluhya, Giriama, etc., were joined as members of
an urban
association,
the rural tribal groups with which
individuals maintained
were thereby indirectly linked to one another. Inter-tribal suspicion and hostility were therefore reduced to the extent that these multitribal groups were these
successful
in
contact
pointing out the vital interests
common
to
all
Africans and in working for the peaceful and friendly resolution of those conflicts which emerged.
This process of African integration outside the existing hierarchy of governing institutions was still in its early stages during the post-war years prior to the revolt. Due to a wide variety of factors, including the
degree and basis of rural discontent, the
AN INTRODUCTION
31
and variations consciousness and internal inte-
extent of involvement in urbanization processes in the general level of political
gration, the various tribal or rural aggregates
were
The
involved in the process of African unification. tribes
and,
differentially
pastoral
remained by and large outside this integratory process amongst the agriculturists, it was unquestionably the
Kikuyu who played the central and leading role, followed some distance by the Luo, Kamba, Baluhya and Teita.
Since the Kikuyu hold center stage in this book, useful
to
consider
some
of
the factors which
it
at
should prove
underlay their
both the African nationalist movement and peasant revolution of Kenya. Let us look first at some of the processes set in motion by the establishment of a settled European agricultural population; then at certain features and patterns revealed in the emergence and development of African associations which sought to articulate and gain a redress of peasant
primary role
in
and lastly at certain features of the traditional which helped shape Kikuyu responses to imposed colonial
grievances; society
institutions.
The advent
1902-7 was to prove a determining factor in the development of Kenya’s peasant economies. As a rule, the largely self-sufficient subsistence economies of Africa’s indigenous agricultural tribes were brought into the exchange economy of the various colonizing powers either through the cultivation and sale of cash crops, such as coffee, cocoa, cotton and peanuts, or through the export of labor in the form of migrant wage and contract workers. It was not a matter of chance, however, which determined the particular line of development a given peasantry would pursue. Labor-exporting peasantries have thus emerged with great regularity in areas of significant European settlement, where the settler demand for land was inextricably linked with his need for cheap African labor to work it and resulted in the alienation of tribal territories, various forms of compulsory labor and taxation, and restrictions on competitive African cultivation of cash crops. Thus in Kenya, as in other territories of east, central and south Africa, African land was appropriated for the exclusive use of of
European settlement
in the years
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
32
That a good deal more land was alienated than could be put to effective use by the settlers is explained in large measure by the latters’ need for African labor. Lord Delamere, a leading settler spokesman, made this clear in his appeal to the Labour Commission of 1912. In order to force Africans into the centers of European enterprise, this renowned settler leader urged that the land reserved for ‘natives’ be cut so as to prevent them from having enough for a selfimmigrant white
colonists.
supporting level of production. How, he pleaded, could Africans be obliged to labor for Europeans if they had enough land to successfully breed livestock
and
cultivate crops for sale. This plea
By 1934 some 6,543,360
did not go unheeded.
acres of land
had
been alienated for occupation by 2,027 setders; an average of 2,534 acres per occupant, of which only 274 acres were actually under cultivation. As late as 1940 there remained over one million acres within the White Highlands which lay unused for either crops or pasture.
By 1952, some 9,000
settlers
held exclu-
square miles of land, including 4,000 square miles of Forest Reserve, while several million Africans sought to sive rights to 16,700
eke out a livelihood within their increasingly congested reserves. Less than 0.7 per cent of the entire Kenya population, a figure which includes all Europeans, held what has been estimated to
be a minimum of 20 per cent of the colony’s best land. Taxation, and its counterpart, low wages, were also employed to stimulate the flow of cheap African labor out of the reserves. Delamere urged quite simply that taxation be used as a means of forcing Africans to work for wages. In 1913, an editorial in the settler newspaper set forward some of the thinking and rational calculations which lay behind Kenya’s tax and wages policies.
We
consider that taxation
is
the only possible
method
of
compelling the native to leave his reserve for the purpose of seeking work. Only in this way can the cost of living be increased for the native
.
.
.
[and] ...
it is
on
this that the
supply of labour
and the price of labour depend. To raise the rate of wages would not increase but would diminish the supply of labour. A rise in the rate of wages would enable the hut and poll tax of a family, sub-tribe or tribe to be earned by fewer external workers 1 .
1
East African Standard 4 February 1913. ,
AN INTRODUCTION When
one adds to the European land, tax and wages
the restrictions placed
upon African
33 policies,
cultivation of certain profit-
and the kipande or labor system which obliged Africans, on pain of imprison-
able cash crops, such as Arabica coffee, registration
ment, to obtain the signatures of their employers when they wished to seek other work or return to the reserves, it is not difficult to understand the emergence in Kenya of land hungry, labor-exporting African peasantries. The Kikuyu figured prominently in this process. Of the several large agricultural tribes in Kenya, it is unquestionably the Kikuyu who were affected most immediately and deeply by European settlement. As Kenya’s largest tribe, occupying the rich highland regions to the east and south of the Aberdare Range, the Kikuyu provided considerable portions of the land
and most of the labor upon which the European farming economy was based. While most of the White Highlands was obtained by the British from the pastoral Masai, large sections of Kikuyuland, particularly in the rich southern district of Kiambu, were alienated for European use. This land having been densely populated, its alienation left a large number of Kikuyu families landless and homeless. In addition, vast stretches of forest land bordering the region were made part of the Forest Reserve and removed from Kikuyu use. Between 1907 and 193b the sporadic nibbling away of small pieces of Kikuyu land particularly in the Mweiga area of North Nyeri and around Nairobi combined with the 1915 Crown Lands Ordinance, which made all Africans ‘tenants at the will of the Crown’, and the refusal of the Kenya Government to issue title deeds to Africans, fostered among the Kikuyu a growing insecurity of tenure and distrust of the white man’s motives and intentions. In addition, a rapidly expanding population, reaching an average density of 283 per square mile by 1934 in the Kikuyu districts of Kiambu, Fort Hall and Nyeri (and rising to well over 500 in some areas such as South Nyeri), led to the increased fragmentation of holdings and spread of soil erosion. Land, previously allowed a period of fallow to regain its fertility, now had to be under continuous cultivation. The result, given no significant change in agricultural practice or technology, was a low and decreasing level of peasant produc-
—
—
MAUMAU FROM WITHIN
34
Under such circumstances, it is not surprising that a steadily rising number of landless and land hungry Kikuyu were forced to leave the reserve and seek employment in the centers of European agriculture and commerce. By 1948 over a quarter of the Kikuyu population, some 273,000 persons out of a total of 1,026,000, were living and working outside the confines of their insufficient reserve. Of these, about four-fifths (2 8,000) were engaged as wage and contract laborers or ‘squatters’ on the European plantations and tivity.
1
mixed farms of the White Highlands, while most of the remainder had entered the urban centers of Nairobi (51,475) and
A
Mombassa
‘squatter’, in return (3,304) as unskilled laborers. for a nominal wage of eight to ten shillings per 30-day ‘work
and the right to pasture a few animals and cultivate a small garden, was usually bound under a three year contract to work 270 days a year for the owner. All unemployed male members of his family aged sixteen or over were equally bound and women and children were obliged to work when called upon. The workers’ freedom of movement was greatly impeded by the fact that written permission from the manager or owner was ticket’
normally required
one wished to leave the area to visit friends or relatives, pay his poll tax or simply spend a night in the town. A significant proportion of these external workers were peasants whose families had previously lost land through alienation to European farmers. In some cases, laborers were employed on land held by Europeans which would, under other circumstances, have been theirs through inheritance. ‘Alienation’, then, is a very appropriate term, for it contains the double meaning or connotation of transference of ownership and losing something which nevertheless remains in existence over-against one. It is if
not only the brute fact of landlessness, land hunger and insecurity of tenure which conditioned Kikuyu involvement in the nationalist
movement and peasant
for a people
who
revolt;
attach such sacred
it is
also the fact that
meaning
to the land the
areas alienated remained within (heir field of experience, unattainable yet in considerable measure unused by its new
owners.
Two
additional processes, set in motion by European settlement, also help to explain the emergence and development of political consciousness
and organization among the Kikuyu and,
AN INTRODUCTION to
a
Kenya’s other agricultural
lesser extent,
largely to restrictions placed
on the
35 tribes.
dearth
of
economic
peasantries such as the
homogeneous
characteristic
stratification
opportunities,
Kikuyu tended
aggregates.
Lacking of
due
cultivation of cash crops, the
retention of traditional systems of land tenure
and the
First,
and
cultivation,
labor-exporting
to develop as relatively
economic
the
cash-cropping
and
social
peasantries,
the
Kikuyu were inadvertently provided with a broad base of common interests and life circumstances. It is here suggested that this ‘levelling’ effect of European settlement, i.e., the creation of a relatively uniform and impoverished peasant mass, when coupled with the intensifying struggle for scarce
and
economically
politically
fertile
dominant
land against the
white
settler
greatly increased the likelihood of unified political action
elite,
among
the Kikuyu.
Secondly, the system of migrant labor set in motion by white
may have impeded
development of certain kinds of cross-linking groups, such as rural credit and marketing co-operatives, threw a large number of peasants into an urban milieu where they often joined men of other districts and tribes in the formation of trade unions, political associations and other urban groups. In Kenya, as elsewhere, such associations tended to cross-link various tribes and local communities, fostering new loyalties to larger groupings and an African national element of consciousness. With regard to the Kikuyu, as the major labor-exporting tribe, these urban associations also settlement,
while
it
the
served to cross-link the numerous previously disparate local com-
new sense who had managed to
munities and wider territorial units and hence foster a of
Kikuyu
identity
and
unity.
For those
acquire a formal education, these associations also provided an
opportunity for the emergence of an political
and
elite
body
of trade union,
religious leaders.
any revolution requires a certain minimum amount of organization, so does a people in revolt require an ideology. Without a set of ideas and ideals, few people are willing to risk their lives in revolutionary action. In Kenya, at any rate, it is unlikely that the revolution would have occurred but for the
Just as
integrative ideology developed over a period of thirty-odd years
by numerous
political,
religious,
educational and trade union
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
36
which articulated and brought in focus various African grievances and set forward certain political, economic and social objectives. It is not surprising that the Kikuyu played associations
a leading role in this process. In 1920 the Kikuyu Association was formed.
Comprised largely of chiefs and headmen, it focused major attention on grievances concerning the alienation of Kikuyu land and Government’s increasingly compulsive labor policies. A second group, known as the Young Kikuyu Association (YKA), emerged in June 1921. Headed by Harry Thuku, a Government telephone
and comprised mainly
low grade clerks, office boys and domestic servants, the YKA protested through mass meetings and petitions against (1) the Crown Lands Ordinance of 1915, (2) continued evictions of Kikuyu sub-clans and alienation of their land for European occupation, (3) the doubling of the Hut and Poll Tax from five to ten rupees, (4) the one-third reduction in African wages imposed in 1921, and (5) the kipande or labor registration system introduced in 1920, according to which all African males aged sixteen or over were fingerprinted and made to carry, on penalty of imprisonment, a combined identification and employment card. During the ensuing months, the YKA gained considerable support and influence in both the city and rural Kikuyu areas. Thuku also addressed an audience of Kavirondo (Baluhya) in North Nyanza and the first signs of multi-tribal solidarity appeared with the formation of the Young Kavirondo Association. In 1922 the East African Association (EE A) whose informal origin may date back as early as 1919 was organized under the leadership of Harry Thuku. Though made up in the main of Kikuyu, the EEA aimed at uniting all Kenya tribes around the more general African grievances. A speech by Thuku to a Kikuyu audience in February 1922, in which he accused the
operator,
of
—
Government
of stealing
for preaching the
word
Kikuyu
—
land, attacked the missionaries
of the devil, expressed his
hope that the
Europeans would leave Kikuyuland, and urged the people to refuse to work for Europeans, was soon followed by an EEA call for all Africans to throw their kipandes away on the lawn of
Government blouse
in Nairobi.
Fearing the anti-European, anti-missionary and embryonic nationalist aims of the EEA, Government arrested Thuku on
AN INTRODUCTION 15
March 1922 and
being ‘dangerous to
him for deportation on charges of peace and good order’. Almost immediately, held
and quite spontaneously, there occurred the
Kenya
37
first
general strike
thousand Africans, largely Kikuyu, gathered in protest outside the Nairobi jail where Thuku was in
history. Several
being held and frightened
demanded
and
tense,
the release of their leader.
perhaps,
by
this
African strength, responded to a shot fired
The
police,
unexpected show of by one of their mem-
on the crowd. When the shooting had stopped, twenty-one Africans lay dead on the street and a much larger number were injured. Shortly thereafter, Thuku and two of his relatives were deported to Kismayu without trial and the EE A was banned. In August 1923 a public meeting was held in Nairobi at which the speakers called for the release of Thuku and a change in the status of Kenya from Colony to British Protectorate. They also protested against Government and missionary interference in traditional marriage practices and demanded that the views and opinions of Africans be heard and seriously considered before Government undertook to modify or eliminate any tribal bers
by opening
fire
customs.
The
following year, 1924, saw the formation of the Kikuyu Central Association (KCA), a group organized and made up
banned EE A. For the next sixteen years the KCA agitated and pressed for reform through mass meetings, petitions and delegations to the British Parliament. They began publication of a vernacular newspaper, Mwiguithania (The Unifier ), in 1928 and helped in the establishment of sister organizations among the Baluhya (Kavirondo Taxpayers’ largely of
members
of the
Welfare Association), Wakamba (Ukamba Members Association) and Wateita (Teita Hills Association). They demanded,
among
other things, (1) title deeds to land held by Africans in the reserves, (2) the return of alienated land, or just compensa-
removal of restrictions on the planting by Africans of commercial crops such as Arabica coffee, (4) the training and employment of Africans as agricultural instructors, (5) compulsory primary education for African children, sufficient secondary and high schools, and opportunities for higher education for Africans overseas, (6) abolition of the kipande system, exemption of women from Hut and Poll Taxes, and removal of other tion, (3)
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
38
measures which restricted freedom of movement or compelled Africans to leave their shambas (gardens) to work for Europeans,
and
(7) elected
representation in the Legislative Council, as well
as in other governing bodies,
and a promise of ultimate African
predominance.
The independent was soon religion.
outlook which emerged in the political arena
to be carried over into the spheres of education
In 1928-30
KCA
and
led the attack against the various
had earlier rejected polygamy and now required their members to renounce female circumcision and the traditional ‘pagan’ songs and dances. With education almost entirely in the hands of the missionaries, the latter had the power to virtually exclude from educational opportunities those girls who underwent the traditional circumcision ceremony deemed necessary by Kikuyu and Masai for full membership of the tribe and marriage or children whose parents adhered to customary beliefs and practices. Membership in a Christian sect, and adherence to its rules, was thus the price Africans had to pay if they wished to acquire a formal educaChristian mission societies which
—
—
tion.
As a result of this conflict, and the growing Kikuyu desire for more and better education, there emerged in 1928-9 two independent school movements The Kikuyu Independent Schools Association (KISA) and the Kikuyu Karing’a (i.e., ‘Pure’) Educational Association. As education was inextricably linked in the minds of the Kikuyu with religion, KISA established the African Independent Pentecostal Church and the KKEA formed an attachment with the African Orthodox Church. Each of these separatist or independent church movements sought to interweave or syncretize Christianity particularly that of the Old Testament with valued and important aspects of traditional belief and practice. Thus, for example, the Old Testament refers to polygamous marriages without condemnation and nowhere forbids female circumcision. Why then, it was argued, should Africans be forced to accept European interpretations and rulings in these matters as laid down arbitrarily by the mission:
—
—
aries.
The independent
church-school movements, standing openly opposed to any interference or intervention by the white mis-
AN INTRODUCTION sionaries,
young
reflected
the growing anti-European feelings of the
political leaders of
KCA, whose
attempts to gain a redress
of African grievances through constitutional
edly
frustrated
39
by an intransigent
settler
means were repeatelite and colonial
administration.
By 1939
the
KCA
had a paid up membership
of 2,000 (which
soon rose to 7,000), a considerably larger number of supporters, and a growing influence in the independent church-school
movements. They established the Teachers Training College at Githuguri, in the Kiarnbu District, which was open to students of all tribes, and in other ways tried to achieve African solidarity and inter-tribal cooperation. In 1938, for example, the KCA made common cause with the Kamba march of 1,500 on Nairobi in protest against forced destocking.
a protest demonstration
among
They
also helped organize
the Teita, precipitated by the
from the Teita Hills, and played an important the Mombasa dock and casual workers’ strike of 1939
latters’ eviction
role in
and in the general agitation of that period for the establishment of an African trades union movement. There is no question that the power and influence of the KCA were on the rise when, in May 1940, it was declared an illegal society, largely on the pretext that it was in contact with the King’s enemies in Ethiopia.
with those of
its
Teita and
Twenty
Kamba
KCA
sister
leaders,
associations,
along
were
and detained or imprisoned. With its offices in Nairobi closed, its newspapers suppressed and most of its prominent leaders removed, the KCA was driven underground, where it remained alive but relatively inactive during the course of the Second World War. In 1944, after the release of the banned KCA leaders and the appointment of Kenya’s first African Legislative Council member, a new, broad-based, congress-type African association was formed. Changing its name from the Kenya African Union (KAU) to the Kenya African Study Group under Government pressure, and then back to KAU in 1946, this body’s expressed aims were arrested
.
.
.
people of Kenya; to prepare the way for the introduction of democracy in Kenya; to defend and pro... to unite the African
mote the
interests of the African
people by organizing, educating
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
40
and leading them
in
the struggle
for better
working condi-
housing, etc.; to fight for equal rights for all Africans; to break down racial barriers to strive for the extension to all African adults the right to vote and be elected to the East African tions,
;
Central Assembly,
Kenya
Legislative Council, Local
Government
and other representative bodies; to publish a political newspaper periodically; to fight for freedom of assembly, press and movement; and to raise and administer the funds necessary to affect these objects.
(KAU
Constitution)
hope of democratic reform, bred by British pronouncements during the war and accession to power of the Labour Party in England, KAU succeeded in building up a conFilled with the
siderable
Through
following during the course of the next six years. its official
Swahili newspaper, Sauti ya Mwafrica (The
African Voice), and numerous vernacular newspapers,
it
pleaded
and case of Kenya Africans on every front, from land and wages to increased political representation, color-bar and the the cause
four freedoms popularly associated with the allied cause during
Membership grew
an estimated 100,000 and crowds of thirty to fifty thousand were not unknown at the public meetings presided over by Jomo Kenyatta and other officials. The independent churches and schools flourished, the latter numbering about 300 by 1952 with an enrollment of nearly 50,000 pupils, and the labor movement was gaining in both strength and membership. The East African Trade Union Congress was formed shortly after the war by Fred Kubai and Makhan Singh and, despite mounting Government pressure, demonstrated its growing power in May 1950 by leading an 18-day general strike in Nairobi. Speaking in the name of Kenya’s six million Africans, leadership was drawn from all major tribal groupings and its branches were rapidly being established throughout the colony. the war.
to
KAU
KAU
Despite
its
nationalist character
and
aspirations, however,
not surprising that the Kikuyu, with their
it
is
more numerous and
experienced leaders and generally higher level of political consciousness, should predominate in both the rank-and-file and
Kenya African Union. This was true union movement wdiere, as with KAU, the
ruling committee of the also of the trade
degree of Kikuyu involvement was at least in part a result of their predominance within the urban milieu of Nairobi. In 1948
AN INTRODUCTION
41
contained 86,000 Africans of which over 55,000 were
this city
Kikuyu.
The banned Kikuyu Central Association (KCA), though retaining its own identity, was of course influential and active within KAU, the trade union movement and the independent church and school movement. In a relatively small-scale society such as Kenya, with its broad peasant base, high illiteracy rate and deepening cleavage between white and black, it comes as no shock to find a numericallv small but dedicated core of educated / or semi-educated African leaders assuming more or less important roles in a fairly wide range of associations. The existence of a dominant European caste and colonial regime, combined with a subordinant African population whose aspirations were growing yet repeatedly frustrated, provided a large
number
of African
groups with a common ‘enemy’ or set of obstacles and, hence, a unifying base of shared interests and aims. There was thus a good deal of overlap in both the leadership and rank-and-file membership of Kenya’s African political, trade union and church-school movements. This cross-linking of various African
was tending to produce a single movement in much the same sense and way as the multitude of American Negro religious, political, civil rights and other groups have emerged in the 1960’s within the United States as the Negro Movement. With KAU being a united front or congress-type nationalist association, comprised of persons and leaders with a fairly wide range of interests and political views, it can safely be assumed that KCA members constituted the more radical element on the spectrum of moderate to militant thought. Becoming more associations
active during the early post-war years, the
KCA
nevertheless
remained a highly select and, of necessity, secret association whose membership was limited to tried and trusted individuals. In mid- 950, however, KCA leaders decided to radically shift their policies of recruitment. They set out to boldly expand KCA membership and to become, in eflect, an underground mass movement. While the specific reasons behind this move remain unclear, it is fairly certain that it was influenced greatly by the dashed hopes for democratic reforms, combined with a growing pessimism regarding the possibility of achieving their political objectives through purely constitutional means and an increasing fear that the settler political machine was gaining 1
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
42
ground in its struggle for an autonomous or ‘independent’ whitedominated Kenya on the pattern of Southern Rhodesia. The overall strategy of KCA was to forge an iron-clad unity among all Kenya Africans, beginning with the more politically conscious Kikuyu, in order to press their political demands as a single integrated body and be prepared to use various forms of pressure, such as the general strike, massive boycotts of European goods and ultimately
force,
if
such a line of action became
necessary.
though their aims regarding land, wages, education, the color-bar and African political predominance were the same as those of KAU, the KCA was prepared to countenance In
brief, then,
revolutionary
means
the
if
KAU’s more moderate
peaceful,
constitutional
efforts
of
leadership failed. This latter possibility,
became a reality over the course of the next two years. Government, spurred on by the settler elite, did its best to stifle the African nationalist movement, suppressing some of the KAU and vernacular newspapers, arresting labor leaders, withholding permission for public meetings, etc., while at the same time rein fact,
maining as intransigent as ever to African demands. In summary, then, the articulation of African grievances was a vital underlying and conditioning factor with regard to the ‘Mau Man Revolution’ we shall be examining. For over thirty years, and through a wide variety of African associations, a nationalist ideology was evolved which, to the Kikuyu peasant and worker, came to be symbolized in the expression and demand for ‘Land and Freedom’. The tendency of this ideology to become more radical was a reflection of the intensifying struggle between a subordinant African majority, increasingly aware of its potential power, and a ruling European minority, ever fearful that its privileged position might be swept away in the rising current of African nationalism. in this struggle should also
Government
repression
—
be clear
:
The
pattern of events
constitutional
demands
militant reaction.
might now be asked, any peculiar features of traditional Kikuyu society which help explain this people’s independent response and, ultimately, revolutionary reaction to colonial rule and white dominance? The answer, I believe, is in
Were
there,
it
the affirmative.
It
centers
around two
closely related aspects of
AN INTRODUCTION Kikuyu
43
which were fundamentally incompatible with the imposed colonial system and conditioned an independent response to it. The first of these, a decentralized and democratic political system, fostered among the Kikuyu a deep-seated suspicion of the highly centralized, authoritarian system imposed by the British and a tendency to reject the legitimacy and resist the dictates of the latter. The second, an age-grade system wherein leadership emerged on the basis of demonstrated personal qualities such as skill, wisdom and ability, underlay the Kikuyu rejection of British-appointed ‘chiefs’ and their tendency to by-pass the latter and organize independent associations under popular leaders when the occasion arose to seek a redress of society
grievances. Let us
now
consider these factors in
somewhat
greater
detail.
Empire during the 1890’s, the Kikuyu peoples fell into four major tribal groupings the Kikuyu, Meru, Chuka and Embu. They occupied the present administrative districts of Kiambu, Fort Hall, Nyeri, Embu and Meru, plus contiguous areas of varying extent later alienated by the British for settler use. The Kikuyu, Prior to their forced incorporation within the British
—
or ‘Kikuyu proper’ as they are frequently termed, were divided
autonomous sub-tribes, each occupying its own distinctive territory. North of the Chania River were the Gaki of Nyeri and Metumi of Murang’a or Fort Hall; south of the Chania were the Karura of Kiambu. A number of smaller sub-tribes of the Meru, Chuka and Embu occupied territories approximating to the current Embu and Meru districts. Though closely related both historically and culturally, in terms of language, religion, world-view and other customary beliefs and into three politically
practices, neither the
‘Kikuyu
tribes’
nor the ‘Kikuyu proper’
were integrated within a unitary or centralized
political struc-
even within the Kikuyu sub-tribes political power was held by a number of fairly small and semi-autonomous ture. In fact,
geopolitical groupings.
Among
the
Kikuyu proper, the
largest localized kinship unit
was the mbari or sub-clan, a land-holding group containing as many as 5,000 persons and comprised of the male descendants of a common ancestor together with their wives and dependent children. The head of the sub-clan, if not the original founder, was chosen from amongst the latter’s brothers, sons or grandsons
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
44 by
all
the adult males of the group. His selection, based on
qualifications such as
wisdom,
tact
and
ability as
a religious
a lengthy process of discussion carried on until unanimity of opinion was achieved. In this same manner, decisions were reached relating to sub-clan land
leader,
was the
result of
githaka ) and other matters, religious and secular, which were the exclusive concern of the entire mbari. Affairs of lesser scope, (
affecting only the
members
of a given
polygamous or extended
family, were handled within these smaller constituent units of the
sub-clan.
The
which an mbari formed the core was the itura or ‘village’ which contained, in addition to sub-clan members, a number of attached dependants and tenants ( ahoi ). These villages were dispersed rather than compact, as the member families of an itura dwelled in homesteads scattered over the entire githaka. Disputes and other matters affecting the whole village group were handled by a village council of elders ( kiama kia itura ), which performed a wide range of judicial, religious and social functions. A number of villages formed a ‘neighborhood’ or ‘fire-linked unit’ ( mwaki ), within which, according to Kikuyu law and custom, members could call upon one another for assistance in such tasks as house building or, if the need arose, for cooking water or hot coals to get a fire started. Each such mwaki which literally means ‘fire’, was administered by a neighborhood council ( kiama kia mwaki) comprised of elders representing the lower level village councils. All affairs affecting more than one village within the neighbourhood were the responsibility of this neighborhood council, which met as the occasion arose and, like territorial
and
political unit of
,
the village councils, chose a ‘spokesman’ to act as their representative in disputes, discussions, negotiations, etc., with other
neighborhoods.
The
rugongo generally comprised of several mwaki and covering an expanse of land lying between two rivers and extending some twenty or thirty miles, was the largest territorial ‘ridge’ or
unit with
members
fixed
,
political
In
all
matters affecting
of the ridge, irrespective of their sub-clan, village or
neighborhood
of senior
the rugongo
was the most important The ‘ridge council’ ( kiama kia rugongo ), elders selected by the councils of the con-
affiliations,
administrative unit.
made up
institutions.
AN INTRODUCTION stituent
neighborhoods,
held
jurisdiction
45 over
all
religious,
and military affairs which affected the entire ridge. A spokesman or muthamaki was chosen from among the council members and, being responsible to the latter, carried out any talks or negotiations which might be necessary with ‘outsiders’
judicial
or foreigners.
beyond the ridge, ad hoc councils of leading elders would be convened whenever matters arose involving members of two or more rugongo. The territorial scope of such a council, determined in each case by the particular issue or dispute being dealt with, was thus variable. The general term applied to such an area, however, was bururi (‘the countryside’), and the council or body of elders convened for bururi affairs was referred to as ‘the big council’ ( kiama kincne ) or the ‘council of the countryside’ ( kiama kia bururi ). Its members would include representatives of all the involved rugongo and, on certain very special occasions, senior or leading While no fixed
political institutions existed
elders representing all of the ridges within the territory of a
particular sub-tribe.
Turning
to the question of leadership within this decentralized
must be noted at the outset that important offices or positions of leadership, whether political, judicial, military or religious, were not, as in many African tribes, inherited or acquired by virtue of a person’s geneological standing traditional structure,
it
in a particular kinship group. Instead,
a person’s
rise to
impor-
tance as a leader was determined by his position within a hier-
archy of age-grades and, equally important, by his ability to demonstrate to his peers those personal qualities and skills believed necessary for the natural leader. To understand this process,
it
is
useful to consider the characteristic
manner
in
which a leader emerged within the Kikuyu age-grade system and ffie political
structure outlined above.
Leadership, viewed as an inherent quality or capacity, began
Kikuyu male. While still a very small child ( gakenge ), a leader of the future would have taken charge of the games and mischief of the children to reveal itself quite early in the life of a
within his homestead
(
rnuchii). His greater knowledge of the
world around him, his popularity and flair for leadership, made him a sort of hero among his age mates. Before long, he would engage the child leaders of other homesecrets of the adult
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
46
he emerged successful in the clash of personalities and wits, would be the acknowledged leader of all the children within the itura. By this time, he would have passed beyond the status of gakenge or child to that of kaana, a young boy still too small to help in the herding of his family’s goats and sheep. Soon, however, he would take up this chore and, as a kahi or young lad, would mix in work and play with others of similar status within the mwaki or neighborhood. At this stage, since mwaki games and dances were organized affairs, leadership assumed a more formal quality. Our future leader had to, in comsteads in the village and,
if
petition with other village leaders, demonstrate his superiority as
a personality, in directing social activities and in maintaining
he did, he would automatically assume his place as the rightful leader of all the young boys of the neighborhood. Other leaders, while retaining positions of leadership within their discipline. If
respective villages,
would defer
to
him
in matters
and
activities of
neighborhood scope. With the approach of circumcision and initiation into adult status, this young boy now referred to along with his peers as would join the boys’ kiama or ngutu (‘club’) of his mwaki. kihi The ngutu which had its own clubhouse, charged an entrance usually of one banana fee and ‘heard’ cases involving misbehaviour among its members, performed the important functions of inculcating an esprit de corps, conditioning habits of obedience, discipline and mutual aid, and providing a framework for the flowering of natural leaders. If he maintained his drive and popularity, this kihi would have become leader of his boys’ club and sat as president or muciriri of the ngutu court ( njama ). When old enough, he would be recognized as the leader of the young men of his mwaki who were ready for circumcision. He would play a prominent part in arranging games and dances and, generally, in organizing the social life of youths within the neighborhood. After circumcision and the completion of the initiation ceremony, which normally covered a span of several months, this youth would have become a member of a named age-set ( riika ), comprised of all the boys initiated that year within the sub-tribe. He would also become a junior warrior ( mumo ) and, if successful, the leader of his age-set within the mwaki and, on payment of a goat, a member of the council of junior warriors ( njama ya aanake a mumo). When his set advanced to the status of senior
— —
—
,
—
)
AN INTRODUCTION
47
making a payment
warriors ( aanake ), each youth
two goats, he leader under the command and passing
would become a section on the orders of the commander of the senior ment,
i.e.,
a unit comprised of
all
of
age-set of his regi-
youths initiated over a thirteen
year period.
he demonstrated a capacity for leadership as a warrior, he would sit on the ‘council of war’ ( n jama ya ita); a body comprised, in addition to regiment leaders, of senior advisors, who were no longer of warrior status, and a war magician or In time,
if
mundo mugo wa
who
and cleanse warriors and to determine the propitious time and place for raids. In addition to its strictly military functions in offense and defense, the war council was responsible for policing the markets, preserving order within the community, carrying out and enforcing the decisions and rulings of the elders’ courts, and mainita ,
utilized his art to bless
taining discipline within the warrior ranks.
and competition for reputation with his peers, a future leader was successful, his prestige and influence would spread beyond the confines of his own mwaki. As the time approached for his riika or age-set to leave the status of active If,
in contact
he might, while retaining leadership of the riika within his mwaki have gained an influence within his ragongo and earned the respect and attention of local elders as a person of sound mind and dispassionate judgment. Upon marriage and birth of his first child, he would begin to ascend the hierarchy of elders’ ranks, each marked by the payment of a goat. At first, as a kamatimo or elder of the lowest grade, he would be invited to attend and listen as the elders’ kiama determined suits; in minor cases, he would sometimes be called warriors,
,
upon
to express his
own
views regarding the evidence and ver-
he passed this ‘test’ he would be given the opportunity to advance in seniority more rapidly than his age-mates and, if inclined toward the law, train as a future muthamaki wa cira dict. If
(leader in law).
He would move
quickly up the several sub-grades
of junior elder.
When
his first child
was ready
for circumcision, he
would enter
the lowest sub-grade of senior elders ( athamaki and, as his reputation for skill
and wisdom
would increasingly be
in the arbitration of cases spread,
called
upon
he
to assist in the settlement of
important disputes over a wider area After achieving the highest
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
48
rank of senior elder ( ukuru ), he would serve as the spokesman and representative ( muthamaki ) of the elders’ council (kiama) within his village
(
and neighborhood
itura )
(
mwaki ); and
if
his pres-
and reputation exceeded that of other athamaki within the ridge, he would act as spokesman and advocate for his rugongo and be called upon to serve on the ‘council of the countryside’ kiama kia bururi) as occasion necessitated. As a muthamaki wa bururi (‘leader of the countryside’), he might develop into a prominent political figure whose strength of personality and broad base of popular support would enable him to exert considerable influence over important legislative and tige
(
military decisions in his rugongo and, perhaps, even within wider political alliances of bururi scope. If,
however, at an earlier stage
had been more specifically toward the military or the law, he may have become a prominent ‘leader in war’ muthamaki wa ita) or ‘leader in law’ muthamaki wa in his career, his bent
(
(
Had
he neither the ability or ambition for such high rank and position, he would perhaps have remained simply a respected
chira).
elder
and member
of the
kiama within
his village.
Positions of leadership within the traditional
Kikuyu
social
system were thus achieved, on the basis of demonstrated skills and wisdom, rather than inherited or determined by one’s status should be added, were they positions which a person could expect to hold for the duration of his life. For at birth. Neither,
within
each
it
Kikuyu
were grouped into named generation-sets ( riika ) which succeeded one another in ‘ruling’ the ‘country’ for a period of from twenty-five to thirty years. Toward the end of such a period, when the elders of the ‘ruling’ generation
sub-tribe,
decided
it
age-sets
was time
to step
down
or retire
from active political life, an itwika or ‘handing over ceremony’ would be planned. When the ‘country’ was at peace and all outstanding debts and disputes had been settled, this ceremony, which formally marked the accession to power of the junior generation-set, was held simultaneously at various designated places within the territory of the sub-tribe.
The
actual process of
handing over, however, since it required the payment of a stipulated number of goats and sheep from the new to the retiring leaders, normally covered a period of two or three years. Political authority, then, was vested in the elders of a given generation-set for a limited and fairly well specified period of
— AN INTRODUCTION time.
The
hypothetical leader whose career
49
we have
followed
above, though his opinions and advice
may have
and been
yield his position
of considerable weight,
would
been
solicited
and the
various insignia of his office to a younger and, perhaps, equally talented
and ambitious
In
we have
brief,
elder of the
new
‘ruling’ generation.
seen that the traditional
Kikuyu
political
was decentralized and inherently democratic, with effective decision-making and enforcement powers resting for the most part in numerous local hierarchies of councils within each sub-tribe. We have noted, with respect to this kiama or council system, that: (i) councils were convened as the occasion demanded and reached decisions on the principle of ‘discussion until unanimity was achieved’; (2) the particular council convened (sub-clan, village, neighborhood, etc.) was determined in each case by the scope and nature of the question or dispute at issue; (3) composition was based on the principle of ‘lower-level representation on higher-level councils’, with the latter owing their authority to the former; (4) the spokesman or muthamaki of a given council, whether that of the village or the ridge which represented the largest fixed administrative unit was responsible to and acted in the name and with the approval of the entire body; and (5) positions of leadership were achieved, structure
—
within a system of age-grades or ranks, rather than ascribed
and were limited
in duration
by the periodic accession to
political
authority of junior generation-sets.
With
the imposition of British colonial rule, this traditional
system was in large measure destroyed, or at least irreparably damaged. Not only were the Kikuyu tribes and sub-tribes
brought within the highly centralized and authoritarian structure of the British Empire, but in this very process the age-grade system upon which their previous autonomy rested was dealt a series of rude and, ultimately, crippling blows. Military defeat at the turn of the century
the absence of a unified
— a piece-meal
command and
affair
made
easier
by
coordinated military
campaign (though ultimately decided in favor of the British by the technological superiority of the Maxim-gun) brought with it an end to the warriors’ councils and age-regiments. The ‘legitimate’ use of force was now a monopoly of the colonial regime, and the non-military as well as the strictly military functions of the Kikuyu age-sets began to wither. The hiatus
—
:
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
50
in the system of age groupings created
by the dissolution
of the
age-regiments hastened the dissipation of the entire system. And the various sub-clan, village and neighborhood units previously
by the age-sets within a sub-tribe became increasingly isolated from one another within the British-imposed
cross-linked
administrative system.
Furthering the confusion and breakdown of the traditional age-based political system was the fact that itwika or ‘handing
were banned; a move necessitated, from the Government’s point of view, by the appointment of life-term, salaried ‘chiefs’, whose offices were made hereditary and who were granted arbitrary, albeit limited, powers which no traditional muthamaki possessed. The latter, as we have seen, though possessing a degree of administrative authority in both secular and religious affairs, had little or no ‘personal’ power. As the spokesman of a ridge council or ad hoc bururi council, a muthamaki was not a ‘chief’ in either the conventional or anthropological sense. He was the chairman and representative of a body which reached decisions through discussion and consensus and
over’ ceremonies
owed its authority to lower-level councils. The Kikuyu, therefore, differed from
other African tribes
were incorporated within the colonial administrative structure where, taking on a highly ambivalent character (in the sense of theoretically reflecting and acting in the interest of both the colonial government and the subordinant population), they tended to act as a focal point and botde-neck of popular grievances. The Kikuyu, on the other hand, found themselves with no traditionally acknowledged or legitimate institutions through which to speak or express their discontents. The appointed ‘chiefs’ were seen from the outset as Government officials, if not agents, with powers over but no traditional responsibilities toward their people. Thus, Kenyatta
whose
traditional chiefly offices
has stated that has been said that the Gikuyu do not respect their chiefs, namely, the ‘appointed ones’. This is perfectly true, and the It
reason
is
not far to seek.
The Gikuyu
who have been appointed
people do not regard those
over their heads as the true repre-
sentatives of the interests of the
community.
better than the chiefs themselves, because
No
one knows
many
of
this
them are
AN INTRODUCTION
51
only able to continue in their position through the fact that
might
is
over right.
The Gikuyu know
perfectly well that these
chiefs are appointed to represent a particular interest, namely,
the interest of the British
Government, and as such they cannot
expect popularity from the people
and It is
exploit.
not
whom
they help to oppress
1
difficult to
understand, therefore, that
when
the
felt
need to express themselves politically arose, there was a structural tendency for the Kikuyu to by-pass ‘approved’ institutions, such as that of the ‘chief’, and seek to form others more in line with the traditional pattern and principles of leadership and organization; others, that is, which could be trusted to unambiguously represent the will and interests of the people. As we have seen, this tendency expressed itself as early as 1920 and continued unabated for the next three decades. It continues to express itself even to this day. The reader, in later sections of the book, will be able to observe a considerable measure of continuity, at least as regards certain major patterns, between the traditional Kikuyu social system and the structure and organization of the underground movement and guerrilla forces which emerged within the colonial context. Continuities, however, are not identities and, as we shall see, these new groupings bore the stamp of modernity as well as tradition. *
Turning to a consideration of the underground movement from 1950 until the outbreak of the revolt in early 1953, we might look first at some of the confusion which has arisen concerning the name ‘Mau Mau’. On 31 May 1950, nineteen Africans (seventeen Kikuyu, one Masai and one Kisii) were accused, at the famous Naivasha Trial, of having administered an illegal oath binding
its
takers to a certain secret
Mau Mau
association.
In August of the same year, this society was officially proscribed and, through its repeated and constant use by Government, press
and
with the 1
‘Mau Mau’ was irrevocably linked underground movement and revolt which followed some
radio, the appellation
Jomo Kenyatta, Facing Mount Kenya
,
p. 196,
Seeker
&
Warburg, 1953.
52
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
.
AN INTRODUCTION three years later. this
While
extremely
it is
term, the information
I
53
difficult to
avoid use of
have been able to gather from
informants and other sources points inescapably to the conclusion that
To ‘Mau either
it is
a misnomer.
begin with, no one seems to know precisely what the term Mau’ means, as it has no accepted literal meaning in
Kikuyu or Swahili. Some suggest
Uma Uma
that
it
‘really’
meant
(Out, Out), referring to the African desire that Euro-
peans leave Kenya, and was arrived at through a traditional children’s game wherein the sounds of common words were transposed as in our own Pig-Latin. A few informants have suggested that one of the defendants at the Naivasha Trial used the expression ‘mumumumu’ when referring to the whispered voices within the darkened oathing
hut and that European journalists present thought he had said ‘Mau Mau’. In a similar vein, Karari Njama has recently written informing me that .
After a long research first
who
African
police
have come
to the conclusion that the
disclosed the secrecy of the society at Naivasha
European officer, ‘I have been given an oath. The European being neither able to pro-
station
MUMA\
I
.
told
a
MUMA
correctly, created his own pronuncianounce nor spell ‘mau mau’. This error has happened more than a hundred tion. times in this country, especially in the names of mountains, rivers and places. The correct name of Mt. Kenya is Kir inyaga. The Akamba people have neither the letter r nor g standing alone in their language and therefore their pronunciation for Kirinyaga is Kiinyaa, out of which the European, being unable to pronounce it, created Kenya. .
.
Mr Njama meaning
goes on to indicate what he believes
of the
is
a secondary
term ‘Mau Mau’, invented after the name had
already become established. Here, the initials of the name are intended to stand for the Swahili words Mzungu Arudi Uinge-
Mwafrica Apate Uhuru meaning, ‘Let the European return England and the African obtain his freedom ’.
reza,
to
,
Perhaps the most plausible explanation regarding the origin of this term was given by another informant who said :
Mau mau
was not a widely known word among Kikuyu. Its only meaning was ‘greedy eating,’ sometimes used by mothers to
.
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
54
who were eating Kiambaa, in Kiambu
rebuke children
too fast or too much. In
location of
District,
used occasionally
when
shillings
talking about certain elders
was also who, when it
were more interested in the or goats they would receive than in dispensing
called to hear a case
few
however,
my
by the
chief,
These elders often magnified the seriousness of the case they were hearing in order to get from the guilty person a fine of a goat or lamb, which they would then slaughter, roast and eat ... as if they were merely carrying out traditional Kikuyu legal practices. Earning a reputation for being greedy, these elders were sometimes called the Kiama kia Mau Mau or ‘Council of Greedy Eaters’. It is my belief that the man who used the term ‘Mau Mau’ at the Naivasha Trial was referring to the men who administered the oath as bad elders, who wanted only his initiation fee and the feast of a goat
justice.
,
.
Though
no doubt
there are
explanations, suffice
meaning or
it
several other interpretations
to say here that
origin for the term
argues favorably, in
my
.
and
no generally accepted
‘Mau Mau’
exists.
This fact
opinion, for the view that the term
attachment to the underground movement and revolt were fortuitous developments. Another, and perhaps more convincing, reason for consideritself
and, particularly,
its
‘Mau Mau’ a misnomer is the fact that, to the best of my knowledge, members of the Movement never used this term when talking amongst themselves about their Society; nor was ing
it
ever incorporated in any of the oaths, songs, prayers or other
ceremonials which
I
have come across in the course of
my
The point here is that regardless of the origin or meaning of ‘Mau Mau’, and despite the fact that members of the Movement knew very well that Government and the European press were referring to their association when they invoked this research.
was simply never accepted by the Africans involved in the Movement as being anything more than the white man’s term,
it
name
for their association.
There were, however, several other names frequently used by members when referring to the Movement and repeatedly invoked in song, prayer and oath. These were: (i) Uiguano wa Muingi, or simply Muingi, meaning literally ‘The Unity of the Community’ or ‘The Community’, but perhaps better figuratively
AN INTRODUCTION
55
Gikuyu na Mumbi or simply Gikuyu, referring to the traditionally acknowledged founders of the Kikuyu tribe; (3) Muhimu meaning ‘Most Important’ in Swahili and very likely used as a code word; (4) Muigwithania rendered ‘The Movement’;
(2)
,
,
,
‘The Unifier’, but also the name of a vernacular KCA newspaper; (5) Muma, meaning ‘Oath’ and used when referring to the ‘Oath of Unity’, Muma wa Uiguano was also frequently literally
,
used
KCA,
when
referring to the
Movement
as
a whole,
and
(6)
Kikuyu Central Association. In brief, then, while it must be admitted that detailed information is scanty and that considerably more research needs or the
to be carried out in this area, the evidence
now
available seems
view that there never was an independent secret society identifying itself as ‘Mau Mau’. And that the underground movement which most writers refer to as ‘Mau Mau’ was in fact a direct lineal descendant of the banned KCA which, as pointed out earlier, underwent a dramatic shift beginning in 1950 from a highly selective, elite organization to an underground mass movement. Let us now consider some of the salient features of this movement as they developed over the course of the next few years. to support the
With its headquarters established in Nairobi, the KCA sought to expand its membership by forming a complex of local groups or cells in both the city and rural areas of the reserve and Rift Valley. The migrant labor system, in terms of which the vast majority of urban workers were obliged to maintain dualresidence in the city and reserve, lent itself nicely to this process. Organizers, themselves recruited in the city, were sent or simply went as the occasion arose into their rural areas to recruit kinsmen, friends, neighbors and co-workers. This process of recruitment involved two important factors the Oath of Unity ( Muma wa Uiguano) and an implicit territorial criterion of membership. Oaths having been an important sanction in traditional Kikuyu society, it is not surprising that the KCA utilized them, as far back as 1926, to guarantee the allegiance of its members. Now, as an underground movement in 1950, it demanded strict secrecy as well as total commitment and the oath was altered to meet these requirements. With the idea that equally binding oaths would be devised for other tribes, the Kikuyu-Embu-Meru :
M A U M A U FROM WITHIN
56
combined features of the traditional initiation ceremony, modified and adapted to current cirjudicial oaths and curses cumstances and obviously more binding in their promise of with the threat of physical divine sanction upon the illiterate punishment or death to those who refused to take or violated their vows. Following is an informant’s recollection of this oath version
—
—
which, this
I
believe,
is
period,
early
typical of the thousands administered during
allowing,
course,
of
for
local
slight
and
regional variations.
February 1950, I decided to go home and visit my girl friend who was staying in the house of a relative in our village. When I arrived at the hut at about 7 130 p.m. I found that, while she was not there, a number of people from the
One
village
evening
in
had gathered and were
sitting
made me
about talking, laughing
what sort of meeting this was and I joined in the conversation. At around 9 p.m. a man entered the hut and said he was looking for a few strong young men like myself to assist him with some work he was doing in a nearby hut. Three of us volunteered to help and followed the man out into the darkness. The hut was only a few yards away and inside I saw about fifteen people. My father was there assisting some others in slaughtering a lamb. In the course of our conversation I asked one of the men what sort of occasion this was and he replied that they were awaiting the arrival of an important visitor. I knew all the people present and felt no cause for alarm; even though I felt somewhat confused by the situation. In a matter of minutes, I was once again called outside and and
telling tales. Curiosity
stay to find out
.
led with six others to a hut located
and separated from little
my home
beneath the black wattle trees by our kei-apple fence. I felt a
scared at this point because
I
knew
vacated long ago and could see no point house. Again, the people
they were guards
because
my
in
in
hut had been
going into a deserted
who were accompanying
—which
fact they were.
I
us acted as
was
if
also upset
clean clothes were getting wet and soiled by the high wet by the early evening rain.
made As we approached
grass
this third
the door,
I
saw a dim
light
inside
and
heard people whispering. But as we entered, the light went out and there was complete silence. We were all frightened at this
AN INTRODUCTION
57
point and entered with some reluctance on the insistence of the guards. It was pitch dark inside but voices of
many
we were and
people
who
I
could hear the whispered
soon began asking
other questions about ourselves.
I
us, in turn,
remember
who
suffer-
ing a few minutes of terror while being held around the neck
and arms by three or four people. Moments later, however, someone ordered the lights turned on and soon three hurricane lamps illumined the inside of the hut. What struck me first was the sight of an arch made of banana leaves and the fact that three men stood guard armed with simis [the traditional doubleedged Kikuyu swords]. The door of the hut had been firmly bolted and glancing around the room I estimated that there were some forty solemn-faced people inside. (Later I discovered that there were also people outside guarding the approaches to
the hut.)
One
of the
men
in the
room ordered
a queue by the arch, take
off
the seven of us to form
our shoes and remove any coins,
watches or other metal objects we might have It
was
at this point, as
I
in
our possession.
relaxed a bit and saw that most of the
people in the room were familiar to me, that
I
realized that this
ceremony was probably the one I earlier wished to undergo in order to become a member of the KGA. Though the people were stern-faced and would surely have harmed any who resisted, I was unafraid from this time onward. The man who had us remove our shoes and coins then in‘We want you young men to join us in structed us as follows the struggle for freedom and the return of our stolen land. That is why we have brought you here to swear an oath joining you with us in this struggle. Mind you, this is no joking matter. Any who refuse to take this oath will be killed and buried right here :
in this hut.’
At this point, one of the persons about to be initiated said that he had never heard of such an oath and was not willing to take it. Before he had completed his statement, however, he was hit very hard in the face. This convinced him and the rest of us that this was indeed no joking matter. The man pleaded to be allowed to take the oath and have his life spared. 1 had better explain now just how these oaths were arranged and the equipment used in the ceremony. I know these things not only from having taken the oath, but from having attended
;
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
58
dozens of such ceremonies
in
the
months following
my own
initiation. I
mentioned above that
in the
second house
I
entered a goat
was being slaughtered. The meat was roasted to be eaten later and the skin was cut into thin ribbon-like strips which were twisted and joined to form rings. The eyes of the goat were removed together with the thorax and ngata a bone which connects the head and the spinal column and contains seven holes. The eyes were stuck on either side of a 15-inch long piece of banana stalk which was hollowed out lengthwise so that it could be used as a container. Also attached were clusters of seven keiapple thorns (from a particular tree known as Muthuthi or Mugaa ) and sodom apples which were fixed to the three sides with these same thorns. This container was to hold a liquid formed by a mixture of goat’s blood, soil and crushed grains, such as maize, sorghum and beans. The arch, which stood about five feet high, was constructed of long banana stalks dug into the ground and joined at the top by tying or intertwining their leaves. On this frame were put other plants and shrubs, such as sugar cane, maize stalks, etc. The ngata of the goat and the thorax, or large chest-piece of meat, were hung from the top of the arch near the center. Throughout the ceremony, each initiate wore a ring of the twisted goatskin around his neck and held a damp ball of soil against his stomach with his right hand ... a symbol of the person’s willingness to do everything in his power to assist the association in regaining and protecting the land belonging to the Kikuyu people. ,
Standing thus before the arch, I passed through it seven times while the oath administrator uttered and I repeated the following vows
:
am
If I
(1)
work of
the
in
assist
upon
called
this
at
any time of the day or night
association,
I
will
to
respond without
hesitation
And
if I fail
(2) If I I will
And
I
am
do
so,
may
oath
kill
me.
so;
shall
who
this
required to raise subscriptions for this organization,
do not obey, may
if I
(3)
tion
do
to
is
in
this
oath
kill
never decline to help a need of assistance;
me.
member
of this organiza-
— AN INTRODUCTION And
if I
refuse such aid,
(4) I will
to
if I
this
oath
kill
me.
never reveal the existence or secrets of the association
Government or
And
may
59
to
any person who
violate this trust,
may
this
is
oath
not himself a member;
kill
me.
and repeating these vows again on each occasion, I was instructed to take seven sips of liquid from the banana stalk container, seven small bites of the goat’s thorax and performing each act seven times to prick the eyes of the dead goat and insert a piece of reed into the seven holes of the ngata. The administrator then had me take a bite of sugar cane, poured cold water over my feet and made a cross on my forehead with the blood and grain mixture. When this was completed, I was surrounded by a number of spectators who took hold of the skin ring around my neck and started counting. Reaching the num‘May ber seven, they all pulled, breaking the ring and saying you be destroyed like this ring if you violate any of these Following
this,
—
:
vows!’
The
rest of the
people repeated
this curse in unison.
T he oatfiing ceremony was thus completed and into another hut with the others.
was now roasting over the
A
I
lamb, slaughtered
was
led
earlier,
and we sat down to eat and talk till about midnight. Over fifty of us had taken the oath by this time and before departing we were all gathered together in a single
hut to receive our
entered and told us
fire
final
instructions.
we were now members
The
administrator
of the
KCA
and
by an oath of unity which would extend brotherhood to all members of the Kikuyu tribe. The white man, he said, was our enemy and we should have nothing to do with him. The land stolen from our people by the Europeans must be returned; and this could only be achieved through an unbreakable unity of all Kikuyu, who would act as a single man with a single purpose. We were then asked to pay an entrance fee of 2/5OS. and told that an additional 62 /50s. plus a ram were to be paid as soon as we were able. linked
Oath
Unity was an elaborate initiation ceremony, with the initiate becoming at one and the same time a member of the Movement and a full-fledged, and in a sense reborn, member of the tribe. One could not, it was felt, be considered fully and truly of Gikuyu without taking the Unity Oath. The ceremony itself was a modern synthesis incorporating In essence, then, this
of
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
6o
various and often modified features of the traditional initiation
ceremony
(e.g.,
passing under the arch, sipping a distasteful
mixture of symbolic elements and uttering sacred vows) and customary oaths and curses (e.g., the sacred and awesome number seven, the use of the sheep’s chest meat and seven holes of
and the githathi oath, and the curses calling for divine punishment should an initiate violate his vows), together with an element of Christian symbolism (i.e., the cross drawn on the initiate’s forehead) and modern political objectives contained in the vows and instructions calling for a return of the stolen lands and freedom, which were held to be achievable against a hostile white community only through an unbreakable African unity. As a method of recruitment into the proscribed underground movement, the Oath carried with it certain logical and practical the ngata, derived respectively from the ‘oath of the sheep’
necessities, as well as certain limitations or negative ramifications.
was necessary to prevent ‘outsiders’ or nonmembers from gaining any knowledge of the secret society, its aims or its members, prior to their own initiation. This, quite obviously, underlay the deception normally employed in getting non-members to attend an oathing ceremony. Secondly, since the society was proscribed and membership in it carried the threat of a long prison sentence, it was necessary to ensure that would-be initiates brought to an oathing ceremony became, in fact, members of the Movement who felt themselves bound by the vows of secrecy. This accounts, I believe, both for the dual threat of divine or human punishment should an initiate violate his vows and for the inherent practical necessity of killing any In the
first
person
who
place,
it
ultimately refused to take the
Oath
of Unity.
Once
an oathing ceremony, therefore, and possessed of the knowledge which this entailed, the would-be initiate faced, and the society had to present him with, the alternative of
in attendance at
taking the
While
Oath
this
or suffering the
procedure
may
unhappy consequences.
pose no great problem for a highly
underground movement, where potential members can be carefully and intensively scrutinized before they are selective, elite
actually recruited,
involves serious inherent dangers when employed on a mass scale to bring an entire population within a proscribed secret society. Thus, while the vast majority of those recruited through the Oath became active and loyal members of it
— AN INTRODUCTION the
Movement and most
6l
of the remainder held their silence
through fear of retribution, it was unavoidable that a few ‘unwilling’ initiates should violate their vows of secrecy. Such persons, having taken the Oath simply to save their lives, and unhindered by the promise of divine punishment (many were devout Christians who no longer believed in the efficacy of traditional oaths or curses), sought the protection of Government officials or missionaries to whom they disclosed the nature of their experiences, the secrets they had learned and, not infrequently, the names of other persons in the Movement. Again, the mass nature of the
Movement and
the fact that
all
Africans
were to be enjoined as members through an Oath of Unity as contrasted to an elite group which seeks popular support rather than a mass membership made it easier for Government to plant informers within the organization and thus gain further
—
information.
The
results
of
this
leakage are best considered
below.
The
other important aspect of recruitment lay in
territorial base.
The primary
its
units or basic cells of the
implicit
Move-
ment, which might contain anywhere from a dozen to several hundred members, were based, in the rural Districts of Kiambu, Fort Hall, Nyeri,
Embu and Meru, on
dispersed village group. village
As
the traditional itura or
in the past, everyone within such a
recognized his obligation to respond to a neighbor’s
alarm and felt free to call on others for assistance in domestic tasks such as house building or when minor inconveniences like running out of salt, water or firewood arose. In most instances, the smallest
Government administrative
units,
i.e.,
sub-locations,
though in some cases an entire mwaki or neighborhood might be contained within a single sub-location. In any event, residence within this unit of highly interacting and diversely related persons was an implicit criterion of membership in the Reserve cells of the Movement. As the Movement expanded, friends, neighbors and relatives would be recruited through the Oath into their sub-location group or cell. This same principle was applied in Nairobi, where the cells were comprised of individuals with a common place of origin or
correspond to these traditional
Where absolute numbers allowed, as among Kikuyu, an urban cell contained
residence in the Reserve.
was usually the case
‘villages’,
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
62
members from a
single
rural
Meru and Kamba (and perhaps
sub-location.
the
With the Embu,
Norok Masai), the
cells
were
comprised of persons from larger rural administrative units, i.e., locations or divisions. For the most part, these urban groups contained fewer members than their rural counterparts and, due to the migrant nature of labor, many persons shifted irregularly from their rural to their urban sub-location group. In the Settled Areas of the Rift Valley, cells were formed within the squatter villages and on the labor-lines of European plantations and mixed farms. With travel made difficult by the
work schedule, the
restrictive
nature of labor contracts and the
Trespass Ordinance, these groups were forced to recruit members on the basis of proximity or current residence rather than, as in the city,
They
on the
basis of place of origin in the Reserve.
somewhat more heterogeneous in composition than their counterparts in Nairobi and the Reserve. The structure of the underground movement, revealing the influence of traditional patterns, was based largely on the principle of lower-level representation on higher level councils. In contrast to the traditional pattern, however, and obviously a thus tended to be
response to the contemporary colonial situation, this structure
was
centralized, with a hierarchy of interlinked councils inte-
Movement’s primary groups. In the Reserve Districts of Kiambu, Fort Hall, Nyeri, Embu and Meru, councils or committees were formed within the existing Government administrative units, beginning with the sublocation and moving up through the location, division and district. Each of the several sub-location groups within a location was headed by a council, normally consisting of nine officials, which would select two or three of its members to represent it on the location committee; each of several such location councils within a division would, in turn, select two or three of its members to represent it on the division council and, repeating
grating
all
of the
the process, each of the three or four division councils within a district would choose three representatives to serve on the district
committee. In Nairobi, the same principle was applied, except that each of the urban district councils selected three to six members to
on the Central Province Committee (CPC), whose headquarters were located in the city. Some of these CPC memrepresent
it
AN INTRODUCTION bers also held ex-officio
membership
63
in their respective district
by the highly mobile urban African population, were able to serve as liaison officers, linking their rural and urban district committees and representing both on the Central Province Committee. Kiambu District, which surrounds Nairobi on three sides, presents a slight variation to this pattern. Here, there was only one district council, comprised of nine members drawn from both the rural and urban division councils two each from the three Reserve councils and one each from those councils and, aided
—
in Nairobi.
With regard
though the situation is less clear, it seems that local cells in the large and densely populated Nakuru and Laikipia districts were represented on the higher councils in Nairobi by a small number of organizers and liaison officers who divided their time between the city and European Settled Areas. In some areas, such as Thomson’s Falls, Naivasha and Nakuru Town, it is likely that councils above those of the local cells were formed and may have sent representatives to to the Rift Valley,
Nairobi.
Above
the Central Province Committee, or acting as an inner
one is forced by the data to assume the existence of a central governing council (which I shall here refer to as the ‘Central Committee’) which was responsible for shaping council within
over-all policy
it,
and
directing the expansion of the
other tribal areas and regions of Kenya.
It is
Movement
into
not unlikely that
group also formed the militant, though perhaps not dominant, wing of the Kenya African Union leadership. Below, on page 64, is a chart in which I have attempted to graphically set out the major structural pattern of the underground movement as it existed prior to the Government declaration of a State of Emergency in October 1952. this
composition and functions of the various councils, we find that both ‘local’ (i.e., primary group) and intermediate councils normally consisted of nine elected mem-
Looking
at
the
bers, referred to as ‘Elders’, six of
whom
held office as Chairman,
Vice Chairman, Secretary, Assistant Secretary, Treasurer and Assistant Treasurer. While elections, usually in the form of nomination, discussion and general approval of candidates, were held at the local and all intermediate levels, many of the key
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
64
organizers gained positions on the councils in virtue of their prior
membership and
activities in the
Movement, being acknowledged
proven leaders or members of higher councils. Positions on the ‘Central Committee’ were, of course, non-elective and as the Movement expanded from this central core outwards, authority as
was often conferred upon certain persons to organize the Movement in their home areas. There were thus two distinct processes at work in determining membership on the various councils (1) from below, there were :
Chart
1.
Hierarchy of Articulating Institutions (1950*52)
COUNCIL LEVEL
IN
elections, held either
by
RESERVE
cell
IN
NAIROBI
members or councilmen,
to deter-
mine membership in the higher councils, and (2) from above, there was ‘appointment’ or the delegation of authority which,
when acknowledged,
the
persons concerned to hold office within particular councils lower than that from which their authority derived. In practice, both processes were em-
ployed on
entitled
but the highest council level, and in most instances they operated simultaneously, with persons having delegated authority being elected to leadership positions on the lower-level all
councils. It seems
on the whole, however, that the
elective prin-
AN INTRODUCTION ciple
65
predominated on the lower (sub-location and location)
while the principle of delegated authority prevailed in determining key officials at the higher (division, district and levels,
provincial) levels.
Ultimate decision and policy making powers were held by the ‘Central Committee’, which, though essential details in this area are lacking, presumably decided on such matters as the basic
propaganda and action programs and methods of expanding the Movement. Where Government prosecution of prominent leaders was concerned, this committee also, it seems, arranged and paid for the legal defense. Local cell councils had the authority, as well as the responsibility, to collect fees and dues from cell members, plan and hold oathing ceremonies, organize pressure against non-members to join the Movement (usually in the form of total ostracism) and plan and carry out action against Government informers. They also passed information and money to and received instructions from higher councils, kept local records, sought to spread and increase understanding of the Movement’s aims and, as with all other councils, sat as a court of law whenever the occasion features of the oath, dues
and
fees,
necessitated.
Intermediate councils, from the location to the primarily as links in the chain of
district,
served
command and communication.
In addition, however, they did a good deal of organizational work at the division or district level, such as planning and holding mass oathing ceremonies (particularly in Nairobi), arranging for
attendance,
(KAU)
transportation
political rallies, etc.
and entertainment
They
also sat as courts
at
public
when
the
occasion arose, promoted the Movement’s aims through propa-
ganda and helped implement the Nairobi general strike
European
beer, cigarettes
certain action
(May and
buses.
new members and
cells
centered around the
participation in oathing cere-
monies. It was incumbent upon every
many
as
1950) and the later boycotts on
Individual roles within the local
recruitment of
programs such
member
to bring into
and acquaintances as he could and this was usually accomplished by inviting such persons to a feast or party which turned out to be an oathing ceremony. Deception in this regard, as we have seen, was a practical necessity, since divulging the time and place of an oathing ceremony the group as
friends, relatives
:
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
66 to a
non-member was both dangerous
to the other
members and
a punishable violation of the oath. In the ceremony itself, various roles were assumed or assigned ranging from oath administrator (sometimes sent from Nairobi) and assistant to guard, messenger,
and general audience participant. At this stage, the primary role of each cell was to achieve a ioo per cent membership within the sub-location, squatter village, labor-line or urban sector from which it was entitled to recruit. Though action tasks such as those mentioned above were carried out by the cells on the instruction of higher councils, it must be borne in mind that over-all strategy during this period was centered on unifying the entire African population within the Movement and being prepared for passive or violent resiscook, paraphernalia procurer
tance
when
the opportunity arose.
Government pressure continued to mount after the Naivasha Trial and the proscription of ‘Mau Mau’ in August 1950. Through informers and less direct leakages of information, Government gained an increasing knowledge of the Movement and was able to make numerous arrests and raids on oathing ceremonies. By September 1952 there were over 400 persons in prison for having taken or administered ‘Mau Mau’ oaths and several hundred others were awaiting trial. By this time, however, the Movement had grown considerably. Most of my informants, as well as other sources, estimate that somewhere between 75 per cent and 90 per cent of the Kikuyu population had taken the Oath of Unity and the Movement was beginning to spread, particularly in Nairobi, to other tribes such as the
Kamba, Masai,
Kipsigis and, to a lesser degree, the
Luo and
Baluhya.
These simultaneous processes of mounting external or Government pressure and rapid expansion of the Movement had several related ramifications which might be summarized as follows (1) increasing membership resulted in greater leakages of information through informers and, combined with a growing external threat, led to greater security precautions, a more binding and militant oath and more severe sanctions against ‘traitors’
and non-members; (2) British Government intransigence to KAU’s political demands plus mounting settler pressure for ‘independence’ and sterner action against both KAU and the
AN INTRODUCTION underground movement led
more threat
positive action;
and
67
to increased internal pressure for
increasing membership, the external
(3)
internal pressure for greater militancy
made com-
munication and effective control by the ‘Central Committee’ more difficult and led to a considerable de facto devolution of decision making power to lower level councils and individual leader-organizers; (4) the felt need for Kikuyu unity, combined with the above factors, led to an increase in the use of tribal as opposed to African-national symbols and tended to inhibit full
by other tribes a5 well as by a significant proportion of semi-educated and educated Kikuyu who either remained passive or lined up on the Government side. participation
Closely related to the above mentioned developments are two
events which
1953-6 revolution in Kenya. The first, with benefit of hindsight, might generally be termed ‘premature acts of violence’ and included a number of
sets of
I
believe precipitated the
such as the firing of Government
isolated events
loyalists’
homes
and the assassination of Senior Chief Waruhiu of Kiambu in October of this same year. Though it is quite likely that most of these incidents were initiated by local leaders, they were not altogether unrelated to the introduction around mid- 1952 of a second oath which was to be administered to young men of ‘warrior’ age (16-30) who would then constitute militant wings attached to and under the direction of the various ‘elders’ councils. Below are the seven vows in the Nyeri District early in 1952
characteristic of this oath
:
0
(1)
I
speak the truth and swear before Ngai (God) and before
everyone present here
And by Which That
To I
this is
shed
And
if
called the
called
if
shall
Batuni Oath of Muingi (the Movement)
upon
my blood
movement
of killing,
to fight for
for
our land,
it,
obey and never surrender. I fail to do so :
May this oath kill me May this thenge kill me May this seven kill me May this meat kill me
:
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
68 (2)
I
speak the truth and swear before Ngai and before every-
one present here
And
before the children of Gikuyu and
That That
never betray our country
I shall
never betray a
shall
I
Mumbi
member
of
Muingi
to
our
enemies
Whether they be European, Asian or African. And that if I do this
May (3)
I
this
oath
kill
me,
etc.
speak the truth and swear before Ngai and before every-
one present here
That
To
I
if
am
called
upon
at night or during a storm
destroy the house or store of a European or other
enemy
do so without fear and never surrender. And if I fail to do this May this oath kill me, etc. I
shall
:
(4)
I
speak the truth and swear before Ngai and before every-
one present here
That
am
upon to fight Or to kill the enemy, I shall go Even if that enemy be my father or mother, if I
called
my
brother or
sister.
And
if I
May (5)
I
refuse
this
:
oath
kill
me,
etc.
speak the truth and swear before Ngai and before every-
one present here
That
Muingi come by day or by night And ask me to hide them I shall do so and I shall help them. And if I fail to do this if
the people of
:
May (6)
I
this
oath
kill
me,
etc.
speak the truth and swear before Ngai and before everyone present here
That That
I
shall
I shall
never seduce the
woman
of another
never take up with prostitutes
man
AN INTRODUCTION That
Nor
shall
And
if I fail
May I
steal
anything belonging to a
member
Muingi
of
(7)
never
shall
I
69
ever hate or speak badly of another member.
I
do
to
oath
this
these things
kill
me,
:
etc.
speak the truth and swear before Ngai and before every-
one present here And by this Batuni Oath of Muingi
That
shall
I
never
sell
my
money
country for
or any other
thing
That
shall abide until
I
this
death by
all
the vows
I
have made
day
That I shall never disclose our secrets to the enemy Nor shall I disclose them to anyone not a member of Muingi And if I break any of the vows I have today consciously
made I
And
this society decides to
me
give
if I fail
May May May May This
any punishment that
will agree to
to
do these things
this
me thenge kill me seven kill me
this
meat
this this
‘Warrior
oath
:
kill
kill
me.
Oath’,
later
known
as
the
‘
or
Batuni'
‘Platoon’ Oath, though just beginning to spread at the time
the State of
Emergency was declared and intended almost
cer-
tainly as the initial step in long-range military preparations,
moved certain Movement to unanticipated.
of the
more
restive or militant elements in the
actions the consequences of It
is
which were
largely
not that these isolated acts of violence
were very numerous. Under ‘normal’ circumstances they would probably not have attracted undue attention. But now, with Government on the alert and the settler politicians clamoring the for action, they set off a chain of severe counter measures second and major precipitant which found the Movement without (1) a master plan for revolution or cadres trained in the art of modem guerrilla warfare, (2) an adequate supply of arms, ammunition and other weaponry or arrangements for their con-
—
—
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
70
tinued supply from outside the colony and
support of tribes other than the Kikuyu,
had not
yet entered the
Movement
the necessary
(3)
Embu and Meru, which
in significant
numbers. In
short, these scattered acts of violence helped precipitate, within
the existing context, a ‘revolutionary situation’ for which the
Movement was almost totally unprepared. The second set of precipitating events was inaugurated formally on 20 October 1952 when the Kenya Government, with the consent of the Colonial Secretary, declared a State of
Emer-
gency. Within a few days, almost 200 prominent African leaders were arrested and either held for trial or detained under emer-
KAU
officials, gency regulations. These men included leading heads of the independent school and church movements, trade union leaders, journalists, businessmen, etc., as well as the educated leadership of the underground movement. In terms of
Government move virtually wiped out both the Central Province and ‘Central’ Committees the structure of the
Movement,
this
and, in so doing, the key institutions linking the various rural
and urban
district councils.
Decision making powers thus neces-
devolved to intermediate councils, comprised largely of semi-educated or uneducated leaders, which were no longer sarily
by a central committee. The Movement thus decapitated and in a state of internal confusion, its members responded almost passively to the Government repressive measures of the next few weeks. Three battalions of King’s African Rifles (KAR’s) were brought in along with the st Battalion of Lancashire Fusiliers to reinforce the normal garrison of three KAR battalions, the Kenya Regiment and police force. Police reservists and tribal police, the latter comprised largely of Turkana and Somalis, were sent into the Central Province where curfews were imposed along with collective fines and punishment and a special levy on the Kikuyu structurally linked
1
peasants to defray the cost of extra police. ‘Native’ registration and pass laws were introduced along with legislation to require the registration of
all
societies or associations, to
widen police
powers enabling arrest without warrant and to shut down newspapers and lock up presses. Most of the Kikuyu independent schools were closed down, Kikuyu ‘squatters’ in the Rift Valley numbering almost 100,000 were evicted and sent back to the crowded Reserve along with unemployed workers from Nairobi,
AN INTRODUCTION
71
and peasant labor was requisitioned for the building of guard and police posts. A significant sector of the European settler community tended to interpret the emergency declaration and legislation as promulgating a sort of ‘open season’ on Kikuyu, Embu and Meru tribesmen. Forced confessions, beatings, robbery of stock, food and clothing, brutalities of various sorts and outright killings were frequent enough occurrences to arouse a fear in the hearts of most Kikuyu that the intent of the white man was to eliminate the whole Kikuyu tribe. Combined with the general confusion, the partial disintegration of the Movement and the will of some to fight back, this fear inaugurated a slow but steady drift of
Embu and Meru
Kikuyu,
the forests of
peasants, particularly the youth, into
Mount Kenya and
the Aberdares.
Having briefly considered the context, underlying conditions and precipitants of revolt, it is legitimate at this point to ask one further question
begin
?
:
Just
when
Mau
Revolution’
must be noted
at the outset
did the
In answering this question,
it
‘Mau
always difficult and more often than not arbitrary to select a specific date or event which marks the beginning of any particular revolution. Nevertheless, it is a selection which most
that
it
is
writers, historians
and
social scientists find necessary,
if
only from
the point of view of literary, descriptive or analytic convenience.
In the case of Kenya, ally
I
believe
it
to be both useful
accurate to consider the beginning of the
lution’ as falling in that period, early in 1953,
sand Kikuyu, areas of
Embu and Meru
Mount Kenya and
themselves into fighting
and
historic-
‘Mau Mau Revowhen several thou-
peasants withdrew to the forested
and began organizing groups with the avowed purpose of the Aberdares
achieving their politico-economic aims through the use of force. Prior to this period, few
would question that there
existed
an
underground movement capable of organized violence, individual acts of arson and political assassination (directed against African opponents of the Movement) and Government repressive measures predicated on the assumption that a revolt of the Kikuyu masses had already begun. What I am inclined to doubt, however, is that such factors add up to, or even necessarily eventuate in, revolution. Certainly in the Republic of South Africa today, where an underground movement, acts of
MAU KAU FROM WITHIN
72 violence
and Government repression undoubtedly
exist,
there
does not, as of this writing, exist a revolution. What is lacking now in South Africa, and what was equally lacking in Kenya
an open confrontation whereby ‘revolutionary’ groups, bent on radically altering black-white relations and the political and other institutions through which such relations are sustained, break with the imposed colonial structure and pit prior to 1953,
is
force against force.
Contrary, then, to those writings and
official
pronouncements
which have viewed the emergency declaration as a response to an already initiated revolution, I am obliged by the data to take the position that it was the major precipitant of, rather than a reaction to, Kenya’s ‘Mau Mau Revolution’.
CHAPTER
II
KARARI’S HILL Karar
i
son/of
Njama begins
his story at
a
KAU rally in Nyeri
Showgrounds in July 1952. This event was chosen because marked a turning point in Karari’s political awareness and, fact, his
matters,
it
in
From a person relatively disinterested in political he emerged from this meeting fully aware that a new
very
life.
and very strong political consciousness was sweeping the land, and with a desire to become part of this new African force. For the grievances and just demands expressed by the KAU leaders he found proof in his own experience. Hadn’t land
named Karari’s Hill after his own grandbeen taken from him by the Europeans; and hadn’t his
rightfully his, even father,
own education been tailed, his w a g e s made
man and
cut short, his
freedom
severely cur-
miserably low and his pride and dignity
Kikuyu trampled and degraded by the color-bar, by the selfish discriminatory policies and practices of the white man and the Government he controlled? But the awareness was of more than this, for Karari had as
a
as a
suffered the injustices of colonial rule throughout the better part
He now
became aware of perhaps for the first time, the tremendous power latent in the African masses, if only they could unite and act as one. He also noted the great similarity in ends of KAU and the Movement called ‘Mau Mau’, and the fact that most of the audience supported both. of his
life.
glimpsed,
many
thousands of others, wanting to be part of this new-found oneness, Karari decided to join both and the underground movement. He, to, would become of Gikuyu. Like so
KAU
was 26 July 1952 and I sat in the Nyeri Showgrounds packed in with a crowd of over 30,000 people. The Kenya African Union was holding a rally and it was presided over by Jomo Kenyatta. He talked first of land. In the Kikuyu country, nearly half of the It
73
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
74
people are landless and have an earnest desire to acquire land so that they can have something to live on. Kenyatta pointed out that there
the wild
was a
land lying idly in the country and only
lot of
game enjoy
that, while Africans are starving of hunger.
The White Highland, he went
on, together with the forest reserves
which were under the Government Africans unjustly. This forced
me
were taken from the turn my eyes toward the
control, to
Aberdare Forest. I could clearly see Karari’s Hill, almost in the middle of the Aberdare Forest. The hill that bears my grandfather’s name and whom I am named after. Surely that is my land by inheritance and only the wild game which grandfather used to trap enjoy that very fertile land. This reminds me of my youth life in a Boer’s farm in the White Highland, but I felt that I must attend to what
The white
Jomo Kenyatta would
say next.
Africans had not agreed that this land was to be used by
men
Mbiyu is still in the United Kingdom,’ he ‘where we sent him for land hunger. We expect a Royal alone. ‘Peter
went on, Commission quickly to enquire into the land problem.’ He asked the crowd to show by hands that they wanted more land. Each person raised both his hands. And when he asked those who did not want land to show their hands, nobody raised. Chief Nderi,
when he
took the platform, assisted Kenyatta’s
argument by saying that Aberdare was given boundaries which removed land from the Nyeri people. He too said that Africans had right to this unused land. This, spoken by a Government official, proved to all present that Africans had a truly just grievance on the land question. The other point that Jomo Kenyatta stressed during the meeting was African freedom. He raised the KAU flag to symbolize African Government. He said Kenya must be freed from colonial exploitation. Africans must be given freedom of speech, freedom of movement, freedom of worship and freedom of press. Explaining this to the people, he said that with the exception of freedom of worship, the other freedoms are severely limited with respect to
the Africans.
Freedom
of
movement
:
many
Africans have been
prosecuted for trespass on European land or for entering a town outside his
own
district.
the D.G. at Nanyuki, in
I
personally faced a resident magistrate,
December 1949 charged under
on a European farm. Without a
fine,
he sentenced
me
trespass to three
karari’
hill
s
months imprisonment. He refused
to
my
75
paying money for the
sentence.
was struck by and green, which description of the
and when we
middle of black hour passed without any
[the flag’s] red colour in the
its
I
blood.
signified
KAU flag.
Most
An
of the time
shall officially hoist that
Kenya African freedom.
I
was pondering how
National flag to signify the
words in 1947 at a KAU rally on the same ground. ‘The freedom tree can only grow when you pour blood on it, but not water. I shall firmly hold the lion’s jaws so that it will not bite you. Will you bear its claws?” He was replied with a great applause of admittance. When Kenyatta returned on the platform for the third time, after a few other speakers, he explained the flag. He said, ‘Black is
to
show
that this
I
recalled Kenyatta’s
for black people.
is
Red
is
to
show
that the
same colour as the blood of a European, and green is to show that when we were given this country by God it was green, fertile and good but now you see the green is below the red and is suppressed.’ (Tremendous applause!) I tried to figure out his real meaning. What was meant by green being ‘suppressed’ and below the red? Special Branch agents were at the meeting recording all the speeches so Kenyatta couldn’t speak his mind directly. What he said must mean that our fertile lands (green) could only be regained by the blood (red) of the African The black was separated from the green by (black). That was it blood of an African
is
the
!
red; the African could only get to his land through blood.
and an arrow,’ he went on. ‘This means that we should remember our forefathers who used these weapons to guard this land for us. The “U” is placed over the shield and indicates that the shield will guard the Union ‘You also see on the
against
all evils
flag
a
shield, a spear
.’ .
.
This flashed to
me
a few
opening of the meeting
new
songs that were sung before the
:
Gikuyu and Mumbi, what do you think? You were robbed of your land, you didn’t Chorus
:
Kenyatta
leads,
Koinange
sell it
at the rear
and Mbiyu on the
flank
Each a good shepherd of the masses We have been demanding the return And will never give up
of African lands
MAUMAUFROM WITHIN
76
Dedan Mugo,
was deported because of his remembered Dedan Mugo to
friend of the Blacks,
struggle for the Africans ...
(I
Mau Mau
having been convicted for administering a
Kiambu The
in April I950-)
other song
My
oath in
people,
I
remembered
we have
said
to think
:
whether or not
this
land of ours
Left to us long ago by Iregi, will ever be returned
Chorus
God And
:
blessed this land of ours, said
we Kikuyu
we should never abandon
it
My people,
Waiyaki died leaving us this curse ‘Never sell or give up this land of ours,' and See how freely we have given it up
:
!
Those of you who have been arrested and detained or imprisoned In your struggle for freedom, don’t despair Give up your tears and sorrows, for God will help you !
The Europeans are but guests and they will leave this land of ours Where then will you, the traitors, go when the Kikuyu rise up ? ‘Yes, this
is
a
call for the return
‘and what about freedom
Jomo
and defence
of land,’
I
thought,
.’ .
.
appealled to unity, saying
if
we
united completely to-
morrow, our independence would come tomorrow. The four freedoms spoken of by Kenyatta could be practiced under the colonial rule. But for sure he did not mean this when he raised the KAU flag. He meant African self-government, which is often termed as freedom by the Africans. Most of the people are still illiterate or with very little education and cannot figure out by themselves the sort
of self-government
we
all
want. All the old people always
had prior to the coming of and they go on teaching the young ones that the the European past would become our future freedom, while many ignorant young think of freedom as the old lives they
—
people interpret the freedom as casting
down
all
the present laws
with a replacement of liberty to do what he personally wishes. trouble
is
that the leaders
to construe to the is
longing I also
up
to this present
moment have
The
failed
minds of the public the self-government Kenya
for.
noted that the meeting did not want to
listen to
anything
KARARI’S HILL
77
Mau Mau. When
Ebrahim, the African Assistant District Officer, asked Jomo Kenyatta in the meeting what he was going to do to stop Mau Mau, he was forced to sit down by discouraging barracking [jeering]. The same thing happened to chief Nderi when
about
he referred to ‘night activities’. When Kenyatta returned to the platform, he talked about the African
education,
saying that
it
was
to the
people
at a very
low
and maintaining that the Government should develop it in a way they were not doing. He also said that European children were getting eight times more money than the African children from the Government agencies. The Africans did not realize how much money the European community pays in tax and felt that their own money paid in Poll Taxes went to educate European children, while at the same time, Government is hindering African educalevel
tion with
its
Beecher Report.
As a teacher, I understood what was meant by Beecher’s Ten Year Plan and also understood the parents’ thoughts. The plan would result in most students having to leave the school after Standard 4, and gave no chance for further education except for a very small percentage. The elementary schools were so many compared to the top primaries that the vast majority of students would be forced to leave school after only four years of education. This,
it
was felt, was very detrimental to African children. Beecher’s Ten Year Plan suggested that out of every 100 who entered school, 75% would have to leave after four years of education. Of those that continued, 75% would have to quit after two more years of education. This meant that less than 10% of all children who entered school each year would get a chance to sit for the Kenya African Preliminary Examination, the lowest exam for which Government issues a certificate. The Beecher Report was thus very detrimental to African education. Most Africans thought that the intention of the plan was to get these African children to go to work on the settlers’ coffee or pyrethrum plantations after four or so years of
amount of bitterness toward Rev. make it worse, the man was a mis-
schooling. This created a certain
Beecher and
his
plan and to
sionary whose ideas were already rejected by the Kisa [Kikuyu
Independent Schools Association] due
to
their earlier difficulties
with the missions. Beecher, being the leader of the East African churches, was schools
under
felt to
his
be once again trying to bring the independent
control.
Government supported the Beecher
M A U MAU FROM WITHIN
78
Report and passed legislation in 1951 to the effect that it would be experimented with over a ten year period. This demonstrated particularly those Kikuyu attached to Kisa or to the African
—
KKES
—
[Kikuyu Karing’a Education Society] that the whole aim of the Government and the missionaries was to bring the independent schools once again under the control of the missionaries. At the same time, the plan would prevent the spread of education
and guarantee an ever growing amount
of
cheap labour for the
settlers.
The
fourth point that
wages. He
Jomo Kenyatta
talked of was the African
Europeans were using the Africans as cheap labourers, as tools who were not really to be considered human beings. Treatment was bad on the European farms and they were given extremely low wages, poor houses, no education and couldn’t even clothe themselves. When he talked of the skilled labourers, he said that the Africans who did exactly the same job as a Eurosaid that
pean or an Asian would get less than a fifth of their wage. He demanded that colour-bar be abolished, since it existed everywhere in public services and operated to oppress the African. This being very true, there could be no argument or hesitation from the crowd in
accepting
it.
baking into account the
five points
covered by
Jomo Kenyatta,
wages and colour-bar, all of them discriminated the African on a racial basis and rested on nothng but the white man’s selfishness. People felt that the white community was extremely selfish, completely disregarding the African, and hindering the Africans. They didn’t want the African to rise in standard all they wanted was to retain a cheap source of labour. Though the speakers at the meeting were supposed to denounce the evil secret society which was spreading rapidly through Kikuyuland and had earned for itself the unheard-of name, Mau Mau, the latter organization was given considerable publicity because most of the organizers of the meeting were Mau Mau leaders and most of the crowd, Mau Mau members. They were given the opportunity to circulate Mau Mau propaganda songs when both coming and leaving the meeting. As I was pushing my bicycle uphill toward Muthuaini School where I was teaching, I enjoyed many Mau Mau songs which were sung by the crowd as they left the meeting. Here are a few verses from different songs i.e.,
land, freedom, education,
;
:
K ARARI
’
HILL
S
79
you are asked What? And you What? Whether you are of Gikuyu? I will raise both my hands and say If
:
am
‘I
of Gikuyu’
The white community
are foreigners
This land they must quit
And where will you go, their sympathizers When all the Kikuyu will gather? Chorus
:
This land of ours Kikuyu
God blessed it for us And he said we will never
The House
We
of
Mumbi, we
are very
want our children
Now when [Another]
it
many
are in every place
The time is flying and never Our cry is for education
We
leave
there
is
retreats
to learn
time
song was Marari
—a
warriors
song instigating the
singers to fight.
Gikuyu and Mumbi was referring to a new society and not to the Kikuyu tribe which we community or Uiguano wa Gikuyu na all belonged. Muingi Mumbi Kikuyu and Mumbi Unity, were other terms that repre-
From
the songs, one could learn that #
,
,
sented the ful,
name
of the
thata cia bururi
,
new
society, while terms like thaka, beauti-
the country’s barren persons,
or informer, were used to refer to either opposers or
t
hut hi, weevil
non-members
of the society.
had learnt from the newspapers that Mau Mau was a society that had taken an oath that they will expel the white community from this country and acquire the African freedom. I remembered that whenever Mau Mau was mentioned in the meeting the mob made a lot of noise that nothing more could be heard of the speaker. I very much admired KAU’s aims. This was the first rally I’d been since 1947 and up to this point in my life I hadn’t I
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
8o
been active or even terribly interested in Kenya politics. Now, however, a political awareness and excitement was sweeping the land which no one could ignore.
KAU
but was unable to
Mau Mau, these
new
possibly
make
as I could see
I
made up my mind
out a clear cut between
KAU
members very much
to join
KAU
and
interested in
songs which indirectly referred to another society which
Mau Mau but nevertheless I had learnt from that Mau Mau members had taken oath that they
would be
the newspapers
must expel the white community out of Kenya and acquire African freedom. They were both good and welcomed by the Kikuyu. I would definitely join them. Raising my eyes to the western horizon
I
could see Karari’s Hill,
middle of the Aberdare Forest,
my
grandfather’s land, in the
under Forest Reserve and controlled by the Government. I thought of my past life. It seemed to fall into three phases. The first found me as a young boy living on a Boer’s farm on the White Highlands. The second phase involving my schooling and periods of teaching. The third was the period in which I attempted to venture the world as a businessman. still
CHAPTER
III
SQUATTER’S CHILD
A Like
thousands of other Kikuyu children, Karari was born of squatter parents on a European farm in the White Highlands. His family had lost the better part of its land in 1910, when it
was alienated and included within the Forest Reserve. Driven by the same shortage of land which moved so many others, Karari’s father migrated to the Rift Valley to become a squatter-laborer for a Boer settler. In contrast to what it would be like in later years, the squatter’s life during this early period was not intolerable. For the European, land was plentiful and labor in short supply,
despite
the
various
labor-getting
being
techniques
Government. The squatter could at least cultivate as much of the settler’s unused land as he could manage and pasture his own herds of sheep, goats and catde. Notwithstanding the tragic loss of his mother and three sisters and the absence of any opportunity for formal education, Karari views his childhood on the Boer farm as a relatively ‘good
employed by the
time’.
By
the
settler
mid-i93o’s,
however, the factors discussed in
had established the Kikuyu as a labor-exporting peasantry and the steady flow of cheap African labor into the White Highlands was beginning to catch up with the seemingly insatiable settler demand. This, plus the partial mechanization Chapter
of
settler
I
agriculture
to
new
nevertheless,
remained
labor-
and the fact that more land crops and pasture by the Europeans, yielded
intensive), the influx of
was being put
(which,
settlers
steadily deteriorating conditions for the African squatter.
The
introduced in 1936, limiting the squatter to one acre per wife, fifteen sheep or goats and no cattle, marked the turning point in this process. For Karari, it marked also the
restrictive regulations
first
flickering of bitterness
toward the white
man and
his first
man’s laws. The dialogue which Karari recalls so vividly between himself and his grandfather, after he and his family had returned to the Reserve, reveals in dramatic form the fundamental grievance significant insight into the injustice of the white
81
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
82
Kikuyu people toward the ruling European minority. The white man had been received in Kikuyuland as a guest and was well treated. He soon turned on his hosts, however, and conquered them with his superior weapons. With his power, and the fact that might was over right, the European helped himself to the best Kikuyu land and reduced the Kikuyu people to a degrading form of political servitude. Lord Lugard’s and
attitude of the
diaries provide convincing affirmation of the basic truth con-
tained in this
was
Kikuyu
attitude.
1
bom
on 18 September 1926 in the Laikipia District of the Rift Valley Province of Kenya. It was on the farm of a Boer settler located about 12 miles east of the town of Thomson’s Falls. I was the first born of Njama Karari and Wanjiru Wamioro. My father and grandfather belonged to the Amboi clan which was famous for its bravery, and my mother belonged to the Anjiru clan which was well known for its practice and knowledge of witchcraft. When still very young, I realized that my father worked as a cook for M. P. Daniel, the owner of the farm. He was a big fat man so huge that he could be thought of as abnormal. I have never seen in my life any other person as fat as Mr. Daniel and I
—
his wife.
My
father
had a
large herd of livestock at this time, consisting
head of sheep and goats plus a number of cattle which were taken care of along with the European’s large herd. In addition, he had a large flock of Rhode Island Reds from which we obtained a good many eggs. When I was about six years old, I was given the job of looking after my father’s 600 sheep and goats. I would lead them down to the forest river to drink and occasionally had to fight off large herds of wolves. There were many wild animals which prayed on our herds, such as wolves and leopards, and it was my task to keep them away. Out of this herd, a sheep or goat would die almost daily and we always had plenty of meat to eat. My mother used to boil a lot of eggs from our poultry and I would take as many as two dozen of these with me to eat during the day while of 600
Lugard, Lord (Ed. by M. Perham), Diaries of Lord Lugard, Vol. Pp. 313, passim. Northwestern University Press, 1959. 1
/.
a
squatter’s child
83
Sometimes, when playing with the other boys, I used these eggs like rocks, throwing them at my playmates. When I returned home from the pasture in the evening, I played herding the animals.
with the Boer’s
dam
many
children.
We
swimming
often went
in the
or into the forest to shoot birds with our slingshots or simply
played and fought in the
fields.
was always someone
The European had
12 children
Other African squatter children spent time with me during the day while grazing or mornso there
ing and evening times
farm’s dairy,
to play with.
when they came
skimmed milk at the which was near our hut and [for] which my father was for
responsible.
As
my
himself
father had such large herds, which he could not look after
—being
thought
it
in
the big house with cooking
and cleaning
wise to marry a second wife in 1932.
By
this
— he
time
my
mother had given birth to three more children, all of them girls. Not long after my father became a polygamist, my mother and the three sisters suddenly fell ill and died. I don’t know for sure what caused their death, but according to what people said, they were victims of witchcraft which means they died of quick-acting
—
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
84
poison which the witchdoctors used to
make
sure that their curses
worked.
was a sad time in my life. A great ceremonial service was held and we who remained were cleansed so as to protect us from the evil curse which killed my mother and the three sisters. My father’s second wife took me as her own son and an official adopIt
tion
ceremony was
The owner
held. Thereafter,
I
lived in
my
father’s hut.
farm planted wheat and kept large herds of cattle. He at first used ploughs drawn by bullocks to cultivate his fields; later, when these originally poor Boers began to make a good profit from their crops, they replaced their bullocks with tractors and bought harvester machines. My father started with Mr. Daniel as a farm labourer, driving a team of bullocks over the fields behind his plough. His employer worked in the fields at the same time and did the same job. There was not much difference between them as farmers. Only later, when African labour began to be replaced with machines, and European farmers like Mr. Daniel became rich men, that people like my father began to of the
suffer.
Government passed a law to the effect that no African was to own cattle in the White Highlands in 1936. My father had to herd his cattle into Nyeri Reserve and sell them at a low price. Shortly after he returned, he was faced with another Government order forbidding African labourers to keep more than 30 sheep or goats. This figure was reduced to 15 almost immediately. Land, too, was reduced. Previously a man could cultivate as much land as he and his family could manage with their labour now each labourer was ;
allowed only one acre per wife.
My
father,
angered by these
restrictive regulations,
decided to
take his large herd of sheep and goats into the Nyeri District. In
June 1937 we packed
many
donkeys.
carried by an
all
our belongings and loaded them onto our
Wambui, my
ass.
My
little
step-sister
aged two, was also
step-mother carried Warau,
my
other step-
months. With the help of another relative, we drove the large herd of sheep goats and some donkeys covering over 70 sister
aged
six
miles in three days.
Our
Getuiga Sub-location,
in
Kagumo-ini village of Mahiga Location and in the Othaya
destination
was
at
Division.
For the
rest of the
year
my
father was kept busy selling his live-
squatter’s child
a stock.
He
charged
40s.,
makumi mana,
for
85
each
billy
goat and,
was given the nickname Wamana which means ‘of forty’ in Kikuyu. My father, a medium person in size, stood only five six high. His grey eyes on brown face bordered by long beard made him to look like a Sikh rather than a Kikuyu. He always smoked a pipe which he filled with native tobacco. He spoke very rarely to people and was clever in managbecause
he
never
varied
his
price,
,
ing his business. I
was almost
1
years old
1
when we
left
Laikipia.
My
life
there
had been pleasant and I had many friends. I ate well, worked with the animals and played and my step-mother treated me as her own child. Life was good though there was no opportunity for education. I had been born and raised in the Rift Valley and didn’t like the idea of leaving. My resentment turned to the European farmer whose regulations about livestock and land cultivation caused my father to move.
Our new home was
situated on
my
grandfather’s land,
less
than
hundred yards from the fringe of the Aberdare Forest. My grandmother had died long ago when my father was still a young boy. My grandfather, who was at this time over 90 (he died in 1943 when his hut caught on fire while he slept), had three sons and four daughters of which my father was the third born and second son. He was a very brave man and had a big spear, much longer and wider than the normal Kikuyu spear, which he called kiembo. My grandfather, because he always kept this huge spear with him, was nicknamed Kiembo. He was a big hunter and owned big land in the forests where he used to hunt. One day I was sitting down on our homestead lawn with my grandfather warming ourselves by the heat of the sun when my grandfather pointed to a small hill in the middle of the forest just above the juncture of the Gura ‘My grandson, River and the Charangatha River and asked me do you see that hill?’ ‘Yes, grandfather,’ I replied. ‘That is where the European. I used to hunt before the arrival of the Chomba That hill is still called Karari’s Hill. If you went there, you could see my cooking pots in my cave. I have many beehives on that hill which would yield a lot of honey. But you see, none of my sons is interested in hunting or honey collecting. I am now old and canMy beloved beehives will rot there. I wish I not go there. Oh were younger.’ three
:
—
!
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
86
‘Why don't you tell my father to go and build on your hill so that we could collect honey nearer home?’ ‘Oh no, my grandson.
Do you
gum
on a line at the edge of the forest?’ he asked me, pointing to some Eucalyptus trees. ‘Yes grandfather.’ ‘Those trees were planted by your great uncle, my elder son, on his third year after his circumcision. They mark the boundary between the Native Reserve and the Forest Reserve which is under Government control. All the land west of those trees was alienated by Government in 1910. By that time we had a lot of millet growing where you see those blue gum trees growing inside the forest. Today we are forbidden to collect firewood from that forest which was ours; we are not allowed to cut even strings for tying together wood when building a hut. Do you see that small hut under the tree?’ ‘Yes, grandfather.’ ‘That is the Forest Guards’ hut. It is built on my step-brother’s land, Gateru. The boundary went through his land leaving him with only a small portion. Today if the Forest Guards catch a person with any forest property, he would be accused and be fined or imprisoned. We buy or work for firewood and all building materials from our former lands which the European has not planted or taken care of. see those big blue
‘My grandson, power. There are
there
is
trees
nothing as bad on
many Kikuyu
this
earth as lack of
sayings which prove this
:
“Mundu
arundagwo uriri-ini wa muka (meaning, “A weak person would be knocked down on his wife’s bed”) and “Itari hinya kanyuaga munju ” (“A weak animal would always drink muddy water after the strong ones have quenched their thirst”). Haaa!’ he murmured and cracked his tongue in his ‘Hee mouth. He went on shaking his head to show his disagreement. ‘I am annoyed with the Chomha (Europeans) for selling to me my own forest yield!’ He meant what he said; I saw him shedding tears. I became terribly excited and had an ill-feeling against the white man. We both paused for two minutes or so. ‘The first European to come on this ridge,’ he continued, ‘found your great uncle and your father grazing in the Kigumo Forest before he met any other person here. He held green grass high over his utari hinya
!
head showing sign of peace so that he would not be killed. They brought him home. When my villagers heard of a white man whom they had never seen before, very many came to my home to see him. Some warriors wanted to kill him. I preserved his life. He lived with us for ten days.
He
ate
raw maize, sweet
potatoes, arrow
squatter’s child
a and drank our him brought magic
gruel.
roots
fires.
people at great distances
man’s arrow and spear I
20
He
left in
They
times
peace. Those their
fired
—three
87
who came
magic and
killed
after
our
times the distance covered by a
the
distance
by a man’s
covered
.’ .
.
stood and pulled out his kiembo, threw
know how
far a
man
could throw a spear.
I
eagerly wanting to
it
managed
to
throw the
My
spear 25 feet only. grandfather told me that a warrior could throw a spear five or six times the distance I had thrown.
‘There was a great fight on the next ridge that
is
in
North Tetu
where Gakere son/of Nyingi, a great warrior, fought the white man. He was shot dead together with many of his warriors and those who escaped were chased into Nyandarua (the Aberdares). I regretted that the white man whom I saved his life went and called his brothers who came with magic fires that conquered our people. Oh He was a spy. We found that we couldn’t fight against the white man who was killing us with his magic fires and so he started ruling us and took away most of the best fertile lands. Have you forgotten the big lands you were seeeing at Laikipia full of wheat and thousands of herds of cattle and sheep and all owned by Europeans?’ ‘Oh, no grandfather, that was a beautiful place to live. I used to eat meat every day, had plenty of milk that was enough to bathe in if I wanted, ate bread and butter, played with the European’s children-friends of mine and I have never got any of those !
!
things here since ‘Yes,
my
I
came about a month
grandson,
populated and there grazing and that
caused
many
is
life is is
very
ago.’
difficult here.
The
land
is
densely
neither sufficient land for cultivation nor
why you
don’t have milk.
people to leave
this
The same
place and
seek
reason has
employment
Area where you were living. See the boundaries of the land I now own?’ Pointing to a muiri tree, he showed me his land, 12 acres after survey, that was to be shared equally among his three sons. He told me that he had a share of another land about two miles east which was referred to as clan land and has never been shared to individuals. My father bought four additional acres. At this point a group of elders came and interrupted our talk. in the Settled
CHAPTER
IV
THE MIRACLE OF READING Karari’s
formal education began at the age of twelve; a late start, but not exceptionally so among African children of those days. The sense of urgency and dedication which he brought to the task of schooling was, and still is, characteristic of African
The white man’s power,
youth.
superior technical
weapons but skills.
To
its
was
felt,
lay not only in his
also in his ‘knowledge’
—
his
books and
a young Kikuyu in Karari’s position, that
book-power seemed necessary poverty with
it
if
he were to escape a
life
of rural
attendant misery and degradation.
In the face of increasing land hunger, education thus offered
thousands of Kikuyu youth their best, if not only, alternative to joining the swelling ranks of the landless migrant worker. It also held out a promise to the successful of better paying, higher
and an opportunity to fulfill family obligations and acquire at least some of the desired material goods of the dominant European minority. Only a handful could make it, however,
status jobs
with only three small high schools serving the needs of over five million Africans. Karari was among the fortunate in this regard,
though financial finally forced
him
difficulties
following the death of his father
to leave Alliance
High School
after
completing
only two years.
These two years were nevertheless very significant in shaping Karari’s outlook, for it was at the high school that he began seriously to question some of the white man’s ideas and teachings which he had earlier accepted uncritically. His experiences at school, and especially within the Kikuyu student associations, made him aware of the glaring contradiction between the Europeans’ preaching and practice of Christianity, and of the distorted version of Kenya History presented in his classes, where no mention was made of land alienation. The message of his grandfather was rekindled, as was the wisdom of an old Kikuyu ‘Between a settler and a missionary, there is no difsaying :
ference.’
88
THE MIRACLE OF READING
89
But Karari was now caught on the horns of a dilemma which, at one time or another, confronted most educated or semieducated Africans within this white-controlled social system. He had reached a position between two cultural worlds, one to which he could not return and another which he was not allowed to enter; and toward neither of these ‘worlds’ could he ever again be totally and unquestioningly committed. Though possessed of a new-found Kikuyu national pride and identity, he had already learned and changed too much even to contemplate a return to the old rural life and traditional beliefs. Again, though he now saw through the white man’s deceptive teachings and religious hypocrisy, gaining an awareness of the links between Government, missionary and settler, he had learned to appreciate the advantages of European technology, which promised a higher standard of living for both himself and his people. Symptomatic of this cultural ambivalence are Karari’s wavering religious views and his mixed attitudes toward the KISA school where he was employed as a teacher after leaving the high school.
When my
had no work to do and it was decided that I should start school. I was 12 years old and started at Munyange School not far from our home. This school was managed by the Kikuyu Independent Schools Association. During my first year at school I did very well. I covered two years work in one year. The teachers liked me and offered me a job as their cook. In this way, instead of paying school fees, I worked as a cook’s boy. This also gave me an opportunity to read all the father
had
sold all his animals,
I
teachers’ books.
Before
I
learnt
how
to read
and
write,
I
thought that reading
was a great miracle in which a person could repeat exactly the words said by another at a distant place, recording his words on a white sheet of paper. I very much admired reading. One day, on my wav from school, I collected a piece of printed paper on the road and ate it so that I may have that knowledge of reading within me. I earnestly prayed God to give me the knowledge of reading.
In the evenings
I
never went out to play with other boys.
I
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
90 light of fire.
My
We
my
Kikuyu primer by the had a hurricane lamp but had no paraffin oil.
always remained at
home
industriousness urged
reading
my
first
father to supply
me
with paraffin
oil regularly.
In
my
third year,
liked
me.
When
was made a monitor by the teachers. I attended classes in the morning and taught the lower classes in the afternoon. At this time many adults were in school as students and I was often afraid of disciplining or punishing these people much older than myself. I treated them well, however, and they to
them.
I
I
the senior boys spoke English,
I
carefully listened
could not understand well what they were saying but
I
wanted to participate in their talks so I often mixed my English with Dutch words which I had learnt from the Boer’s children while playing. They often laughed at me and called me Kaburu, the Dutchman. This forced me to learn English. In a short time I was challenging every student in the whole school in English, proving that I could speak good English not mixed with Dutch words.
During the third term in 1940, the school Headmaster came to Standard 2, which was my class, and asked Kiige Mbai and me to stand up. He told the class that we were clever boys and that both of us would go to Kagere School early next day where we would sit for a competitive examination with the Standard 3. He said that if we passed, we would sit for the Common Entrance Examination by the end of the year. He asked us to take our books and go into Standard 3 to do a mathematics test which he prepared. When he announced the results in the afternoon, I was second in the class of 35 pupils, some of whom were two or three years in the same class and which I have never been in. That night I was very happy for my success. I remembered the printed paper I had eaten. I considered that to be foolish, but I prayed God to help me to pass my exam. That night I revised my mathamatics tables and formulas. The next morning I made a long run covering seven miles to Kagere School. The test was composed of arithmatic only both speed test and problems. The results were
—
—
out in the afternoon. Only eight boys out of 35
Munyange
pupils
was one of the eight. The Kikuyu Independent Schools Association Supervisor, Mr. Hudson Mwangi, who had set the test said that he wanted all those who passed his test to meet him at Mung’oria School in Aguthi Location some 15 miles away from passed.
I
THE MIRACLE OF READING
91
home where he would prepare all KISA students in Nyeri District for a month before they sit for the Common Entrance Examination. On our arrival at Mung’oria School, we were distributed to different homes where we were to eat and sleep after school hours. One of the things that struck me was that the villagers, though Kikuyu, had a peculiar dialect and made a great many grammar Kikuyu. These people grew yams, cassavas and bananas, which do not grow in our cold region. Nevertheless, after a month study I sat for the Common Entrance Examination. A month passed while I anxiously awaited for the results. At last the results were out; three boys had passed from our school. Though mistakes
in
had done very well in both arithmatic and Swahili, I had failed in the General Knowledge paper. Then the whole year 1941 I studied for the Common Entrance Examination, which I passed in the first division and was admitted to the Government African School, Kagumo, in the Nyeri District, together with Isaac King’ori. Only both of us passed the exam from a class of 45 in Munyange School. This was the only Government school in the whole of Central Province. The other schools were either run by the missionaries or one of the two Kikuyu independent schools I
associations.
On my
new
was first directed to the principal’s office for registration and paying of school fees. I paid 45s. per year. The school rule was 5s. increment every year to the newcomers. The Principal told me that my school number was 695 and that I was to go to Standard 4A. Every door had its name written on. I was then led by one of the old boys to the school’s store. I was issued with two pairs of khaki uniform, two pairs of underwear, two blankets, a plate, a spoon and a metal cup. I was led to one of the dozen dormitories of which only nine were used arrival at this
school,
I
at that time for sleeping,
each holding 30 boys. Entering the dorbed metal framework with three pieces of
—
was shown my timber to sleep on and no mattress. In some rude manners of beating, piercing and abusive words, I was asked to put my blankets and clothes on my bed, take my utensils and follow a group of old boys. They took me to one of the two school kitchens which I dropped my utensils in the washing place. They showed me one of the two dining halls where I would be taking my meals amongst mitory
I
135 boys. I
was glad
to
meet four old friends who had passed from
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
92
Munyange
They
School.
me round
took
me
the school showing
the bathrooms, latrines, workshop, dispensary, teachers’ quarters,
some Native cattle, some practical work on
school playground and school farm pens where pigs,
donkeys and poultry were kept for
agricultural lessons.
we had to run in order to avoid punishment for being late. Soon we were all standing by the wooden tables in the dining hall. One senior boy The dinner
whom sat
I
bell rang.
learnt that he
down on
One
of the old boys said that
was a prefect
said prayers for food.
eating one of
He
all
forms, each took a spoon and the nearest plate which
had maize and beans and some potatoes rules.
We
my
friends told
pointed out to a
me
list
fried together.
that the school
As we were
had very many
of rules that governed the dining
There [were] duties rosters in every dormitory and in every classroom and games were compulsory. Every room had a list of its rules. Obedience, manners, punctuality, activities and cleanliness were very much observed to the standard the Government wanted the school discipline to be. The punishments for the infringement of the rules ranged from manual work through beatings by the teachers or major punishments some canes on the buttocks under the Principal’s supervision or the highest punishment of being expelled from the school. After eating we left the utensils on the tables for cooks to wash. Four pupils were selected every day hall.
—
according to the dormitory rosters to help the cooks to peel pota-
and bananas and to wash the utensils. It was now twilight and the dormitory lamps were set alight. One lamp was sufficient to illuminate the whole dormitory with the help of white- washed walls reflection; a kind of lamp I had toes
—
never seen before, pressure lamp. Groups of old boys held gossips. I could hear some give account of their holidays but their whole
enjoyment laid on disturbing and causing pain to the newcomers, while a few of them wanted to train the newcomers in the required school discipline. It was a bad night for me as a newcomer but I was glad the bell was rung at nine ... It indicated lights off, everybody in his blankets and no more talking. Soon the teachers on duty came round checking whether all the pupils were in bed. I had no box [spring]. I made my clothes to be my pillow on the three pieces of timber, folded
my
blankets together so that
on and covered myself by both. As rules and its beautiful stone buildings,
I
I
slept
was pondering the school
I fell asleep.
—a THE MIRACLE OF READING
93
was awakened at six in the morning by a bell. The daily routine had commenced. This bell meant fold the blankets, bathe and dress. Everyone was required at the playground for Physical Training at 7. At 7:15 the kitchen bell rang for breakfast mug of thin porridge made of maize flour. At 7 145 the school bell rang. All the 270 pupils went into the big assembly hall for their morning prayers. The staff and the Principal sat in front of us on the raised platform. The Principal welcomed the newcomers, read a few school rules and warned us that the school aimed very high at obedience, good manners, punctuality, activities and cleanliness. He said that he preferred to expel pupils from school rather than giving punishment. He then asked us to be aware of every school rule and with that we dispersed into classes. My class was Std. 4A. I was issued with exercise note-books for every subject, a pen holder and two pencils, and a number of text books most of which were written in Swahili. Now, though all the pupils are Kikuyu, Swahili would become the school language, both in class and outside. Now my three years curriculum has started of which I expect to have a certificate at the completion. In my second year at school, 1943, the whole country was attacked by famine. The rations were reduced and sorghum and cassava flour, which I had never eaten before, were brought in nasty, sticky food. The situation became worse that the whole school had to go round in the garden collecting wild edible vegetables of the nettle family and togotia. Each pupil had to take to the cook a bowl of these vegetables before he could eat his meal. For two days we ate only these vegetables mixed with bananas from the school farm. Some pupils who couldn’t bear this hunger ran away from the school. By the end of the year, my father caught a disease which caused his stomach to swell up and fill with a clear liquid. During my holidays I took him to Nyeri General Hospital. The doctor removed from his stomach three basins full of clear liquid. Due to lack of accommodation in the hospital, my father was ordered to go home and report at the hospital once a week. Nobody in my I
—
location
owned a
the hospital.
On
23
vehicle that could carry
He had
March
to rely
on the
my
father 18 miles to
local untrained doctors.
1944, at lunch time, I received the most shocking
news that my father had died the day before. I couldn’t quickly went to the teacher on duty and asked him to give
eat,
me
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
94
permission to go home.
refused.
and the other three were
father
thing, plus I
He
my
love for
my
As
little
father, created a necessity of
home without
ignored the school rules and went
home
arrived
Wamwere
in
was the only son of my girls who couldn’t do any I
the evening
and found that
my
Karari, had already buried
I
going.
permission.
my
father.
my
I
great uncle,
couldn’t help
There was my step-mother and her three daughters; they would now depend on me for their living. No one told me where my father kept his money my great uncle and step-mother each accusing the other of being trusted to the money and I knew very well that he had a lot of money. Forty shillings was all the money that could be seen from his wallet. I asked for my father’s will. I was told that since he had only one son there was no question of sharing his property. All he said was that [I was] to continue with [my] education. This being spoken by a deceased person had become a curse upon me. I had to continue. How? With only 40s.? I recorded all the debts my step-mother could remember of which were only a few sheep and goats. Now, being full of sorrow, anger and being helpless, I returned to school, arriving just a few minutes before the supper bell was rung. The prefect on duty went to report of my arrival at school after being absent for one and a half days. The teacher called me to his house and after interrogating me, he told me that he would myself from shedding tears.
I
had become an orphan
—
take
me
worried
—
to the Principal next morning.
about
child.
the
Principal’s
I
spent a sleepless night,
punishment.
I
now
had only seven
months left to sit for my last exam after completing three years. What would happen of my future if I were to be expelled from the school without a certificate?
through the night but
I
could
The problem remained unsolved see many chances of my being
employed in the British Colonial Forces that were fighting in the Second World War. This being the only alternative, I had to wait until the last minute.
The
next day
I
presented
my
case to the Principal.
He
believed
had sufficient reasons for going home but he maintained that I had disobeyed the teacher on duty. So he asked the teacher to show me some manual work to do. He took me to the farm yard. Pointing to a compost pit 60' x 4' x 2', which had a 3-foot heap above the ground level all full of remains of maize stalks, that
I
napier grass
stalks,
cattle
dung mixed with other
rubbish,
he
THE MIRACLE OF READING ordered
me
to
empty
all
that into the next pit of the
95
same measure-
bottom of the next pit. He told me that I could not attend the class before I completed my work. Three and a half days I worked on that dirty, stinking pit, with various types of maggots climbing on my feet and swarms of flies
ment
so that the top goes to the
disturbing
my
eyes.
When
returned to the class after completing
I
my
punishment I just sat for the term examination. This time I didn’t do well. I was number 17 in the class of 32. When we closed the school again in August for the second-term holiday, I thought it was time for me to undergo the circumcision ceremony by which members of my tribe would recognize me as a full grown man. Being a Christian, I asked some church elders to come and manage my feast on behalf of my deceased father. The 40s. my father left were enough for we had plenty of food in stores and again all the village women as a rule would bring ready food to be served to visitors. Some Christian children used to go to hospitals for circumcision. As this was not witnessed by many people, it created doubts whether they were really circumcised. I thought of removing such doubts and decided to be circumcised in the public’s presence.
On
17
August 1944 at 6 a.m.
Gura River and bathed in that Hundreds of people, men, women and to the
I
went down
cold, almost freezing, water.
watched me being circumcised. As all other boys and girls had been circumcised a week before we closed the school, I was the only one remaining. With many cheers for my bravery, I returned home escorted by men and dancing women. Women danced wildly until midday. For a month I
I
was
children,
to be fed with the best food available so that
could become strong.
The
last billy
goat which
my
father
left
and which was fattened in my step-mother’s hut was killed for me. The whole month was eat and play with other circumcised youths. I was very fat and strong when I returned to school. The third term seemed that we had completed the school’s syllabus and that we were engaged in general revision and frequent tests. At last the examination started on 21 November, and lasted for the whole week. For another week before leaving the school we were engaged in manual work cleaning the school compound. For three years I had been taught how to read and write in both English and Swahili, do some calculation in arithmetic, little geography, Nature Study and Hygiene, plenty of agriculture, both theory and practical, History and Civics, Carpentry and some
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
96
backgrounds on religions. By Christianity faith and dogmas and by criticising our forefathers’ ways and attitudes of praying God, and by the manners we were taught of civilized people, we were very much humiliated. In History we had been taught all the good the
man had
white
brought us
— the
stopping
of
tribal
wars,
and their property, good clothings, education and religion, easy ways of communication and travel by road, railway and air and the oceans, hygiene and better medication and, finally, better jobs that would make it easy to raise the standard of living above the uneducated Africans. We were taught to honour the Union Jack, our King (the King of England and Great Britain) and our local administrators, mostly Europeans. In teaching Kenya History, the question of land was cunningly omitted. It would only be referred to as the country’s backbone of economy as Kenya was an agricultural country and the white settlers as being the only people with the required knowledge of farming that kept the country’s economy alive. I then left the school thinking of the white men as good people with whom to live, from whom a better world would be created for the Africans and having no knowledge of the relationship among the missionaries, Government servants and the white settlers. I spent Christmas time at Thomson’s Falls with my uncle, King’ori Karari, on a Boer’s farm J. B. Odendaal, who had been his employer since the day I was born. He promised me that he would help me to meet half of the school fee if I passed but beyond that would only be a mere trial. Knowing that I hadn’t well laid guaranteeing
security
to
individuals
—
plans of obtaining
my
school fee,
I
went home.
I
wrote a
letter to
the Chairman, African District Council of Nyeri (then called the Local Native Council) asking his council to pay for my fee if I passed. I took the letter to my chief who stamped it for his
approval and gave
my
principal a copy.
Soon the results were out. I had passed the examination and was admitted to the Alliance High School, Kikuyu. I had to pay 60s. per year, plus a 10s. deposit which would pay for any school equipment in case I lost it, while my Local Native Council had agreed to pay the balance of 140s. per year for me. I had no cash with me. It was too late for me to send a letter to my uncle, Simeon King’ori, who had promised me some money. The other uncle,
Wamwere,
a poor and helpless person. I approached Munyange School elders on the last Sunday before the opening of the school. is
THE MIRACLE OF READING I
asked them to help
me
to get the 60s. fee plus
my
97
fare
and pocket
money. The School Committee had collected funds from the people for such purposes and two persons in the Alliance High School had their fee paid by that fund. I was instructed by the Secretary of the Committee, Jason Karimi, in the presence of the Committee that that Committee could only lend me money on the undertaking that
would employ me I
refund their
will
I
money
as a teacher until
disliked the idea for
I
I
after school or that they
paid the whole debt.
thought that
all
the persons
who had
contributed to that fund would maintain a belief that they paid
my
would serve them for a good turn. I thought it wise to go and borrow money from a single person and so told the Committee that I could do without their money. I angrily left the Committee members, thinking that it was only helping sons of members and because my father was not for
a
school fee in the hope that
member I
of
again they cared
it
walked straight
I
little
of helping me.
home
Njigori Village to the
to
of
Kanyi
Kanumbi, a great friend of my father. I had given this man a nanny goat to herd for me. That nanny goat was my New Year’s gift for
1938 for being a good herdsboy which also indicated the
termination of
man was two
my
days before
goat had produced
The
herdsboyship.
many
my
last
circumcision
time
had
I
when
I
visited the
found that
my
and that they were numbering 12 in all. I had taken five of them with me which I gave my uncle King’ori Wamioro so that he would bless me and issue permission others
my circumcision. On my arrival at Njigori, I met Kanyi grazing his herd near his home. I told him all my difficulties. I had only three days before for
the opening of the school I
could
was
sell
some
all right,
of
though
my I
and
I
had no money.
I
goats for the purpose.
asked him whether
He
told
would expect a very low price
me
that
it
for being in
had then nine animals left. They all looked healthy and beautiful, resembling their mother with very many small black and white spots with its grey neck with dark brown spots. While we were arranging and selecting which animals to take to the market the next dav, Nathaniel Kihara Thatu arrived. He decided to buy one of the nanny goats which did not resemble its mother. He cashed me 16s. I took that to be the average price. I had to such a hurry.
I
take five animals to the market.
I
asked Kanyi to choose for him-
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
98
one nanny goat as
self
happily accepted.
On my
I
gift
then started
arrival at
friend of mine,
his
home,
Emmanuel
I
for herding
my journey
met two
my
home.
letters.
One was from
a great
Ndiritu Theuri, by that time serving as
a driver and signal and wireless operator in East African
Commandos his letter,
Army
that were fighting against the Japanese in India. In learnt that he
I
He
goats well.
had sent
me
100s. to help myself.
other letter was from the District Commissioner’s calling
The
me
to
from his office. When I read this I was very glad. I believed that God had sent me help at the right time. Very early next morning, instead of taking my animals to the market, I walked to Nyeri. At 10 a.m. I arrived at the District Commissioners’ office. His clerk told me that the D.C. was away and was not expected to return that day. Furthermore, according to his schedule he would pay such money on Mondays only. It was now Monday and if I waited till next Monday I would be a week late and probably my place would be filled by another person. Hungry, tired and disappointed, I slackly walked home. I walked
collect the 100s.
a long distance, passed
them
as
money
my
many
brain pondered
receipt
I
had
to
different objects without recognizing
what
to do.
I
decided to take the
the Principal of Alliance
High School,
Kikuyu, and ask him to claim the money from the D.C., Nyeri. I arrived home late in the evening and I had to say goodbye to a few friends of mine that night before I left. Next morning, I packed my clothes in a wooden box which I’d
made
were
to
Kagumo and gave it to two girl take me half-way carrying the box at
returned and
friends of to Nyeri.
mine who
The
girls
At 5 130 a.m. on Thursday morning I caught the Royal Mail Bus which carried seven miles to Nyeri Station. I paid one shilling bus fare and pocketed the balance of my 25s. At the railway station I showed the station master my concession form. He told me that I had to pay half fare, third class, which was 4 /40s. He issued me with a ticket. Soon, the big train with
I
slept at Nyeri.
many
coaches [arrived].
The
school had booked a coach. to our coach. I entered with five
showed me other pupils. I found Meru students who had spent the night in the coach. One of them was a girl. It seemed amazing to me, for I had never travelled by train before. The old boys told me that I had 125 miles to be carried by the train and a miles walk to the school. Our journey would pass through Nairobi, the capital of
The
station master
THE MIRACLE OF READING Kenya where
many
there are big shops,
people.
I
sat
many
99
stone buildings and very
near a window to enable
me
to observe the
country as the train moved.
At 7 a.m. the train puffed and the big steam engine commenced moving and the many hundred iron wheels started rolling along the railway
lines,
stopping at every station.
More
students entered our
coach. At 3 130 p.m. the train stopped at Nairobi Station.
many
I
saw
Our coach had to be changed. We would be carried by the big Mombasa-Kampala train pulled by Mengo, the biggest Kenya steam engine. Here we were joined by pupils from the Coast Province and the Ukamba District and two
trains,
half-castes. English or Swahili
Kikuyu station.
After a
language has become essential
understand one another. At 5 130 p.m. the train arrived
for us to
The Principal, Mr E. He carried many of our boxes in miles walk, we at last arrived at
Kikuyu.
my
people and buildings.
Station.
I
gave the Principal
my
met
us at the
his small car several times.
the Alliance
High School,
receipt so that he could claim
from the D.C., Nyeri. The buildings and the treatments are fee
The
school
whom
of
C. Francis
is
much
three were
smaller than girls,
from
just like those of
Kagumo.
Kagumo, holding only all
150 pupils, tribes of Kenya; taking in only
50 students every year. The second year 50 pupils sat for the Junior Secondary Examination while the fourth year 25 pupils sat
Cambridge Certificate. The school was run by the alliance of the Kenya Government with the Protestant Church missionwhich excluded the KISA and the KKES. Phis was the aries only high school in Kenya which Government had affiliated. The other two high schools were C.M.S. Maseno in Nyanza Province and Catholic Holy Ghost Mission, Mangu in Central Province, which admitted a maximum of 25 students per year who were for the
—
all
supposed to be Catholics. In
fact, for
one
to be
admitted
in
one
must have been very clever for the reason that over 4,000 pupils competed for admittance where only less
of those high schools he
than 200 could be admitted.
The
teachers were five Europeans, two Africans and an African
Carpentry instructor. T he studies were now much advanced. In Geometry were theorems to be proved together with the practical
had learned before; Algebra had become a new subject; Physics and Chemistry were taught in the big laboratory; Music and Arts were new subjects to me.
work
I
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
100
on the second eleven in football. Every morning and evening the teacher on duty would lead prayers in the chapel which everyone must attend including the staff. Christianity was strongly emphasized, baptism I
was engaged
in
athletics
school, playing
at
and confirmation classes were taught. Different priests from various sects were invited to preach on Sundays and give sacraments. I taught Sunday school around Alliance High School. The Christian moral taught us to be polite and peaceful citizens and completely ignored the question of discrimination by teaching that all people are equal in the eyes of God no matter what colour, race or creed. It also forbade selfishness by Christ’s quotation, ‘Thou shall love thy neighbour as thyself. This being the greatest
according to Christ’s teaching, then
Government and the Christianity.
The
it
was obvious
commandment that the Kenya
did not agree with the teachings of
settlers
school was built on alienated land,
and just pyrethrum
were some settlers’ farms raising coffee, and dairy cattle which earned a lot of cash to them. They acquired these farms by evicting the owners, some of whom had been turned to be working tools of the farm. One could not help from admiring those Guernsey cattle, those beautiful productive farms, the good
bordering
it
houses, the easy settlers
— the
and high standard
mothers of
of
life
owned by
This resembles
discrimination.
all
the selfish
my
grandfather’s story— the settlers are no longer true friends. In the school, there was a Kikuyu boy’s association, Gikuyu Gitungati gerenwa Thingira-ini (Kikuyu Servants or
N
the
,
—
GGNT
Rear Guards— Receive Rewards
at the Elder’s Hut). This
was
not a registered association; the masters didn’t know about it. It was both political and educational in aims. It was organized by the senior boys, who taught us the need for further and enlargement of education to our people, taught history how the English people acquiied their supremacy, how they came to our
country,
alienated our lands, and tianity religion.
how
how
they
hypocritical they are in their Chris-
We
could only be equal with them if we learned up to their standards and learned how to master the various jobs they were doing in the country. Inspired by this association, students from r
Othaya and North
Tetu. Divisions of Nyeri, together with a few from South Tetu Division, formed another association: Kihumo kia Uiguano na Ngwatamro ya Agikuyu, The Beginning of Unity and Co-operation of the
Agikuyu
(the initials,
KUNA = True).
I
was the Vice Secre-
THE MIRACLE OF READING tary of the association.
Our aim was
101
to deplore the differences of
prayed and worshipped the same God and the same Christ and yet the differences among them were Christian sects. After
all,
they
many and so great that from his home in order to
so
all
a child had to leave a school half a mile
attend another school 7 or 8 miles in which his parents have been Christened.
away
During the holidays, our KUNA association held five meetings in which we stressed to the parents and pupils our aims, criticised what they were doing, warned them that the Kenya Government were issuing certificates to anyone who passed the competitive examinations irrespective of his religion. We told them that religion had nothing to do with the exams, hence the exam should be considered first and religion second. We appealed to them to save children such unnecessary long journeys and bear in mind that being of a different sect didn’t make one become a different Kikuyu as some thought. We compared these sects with the nine Kikuyu clans, which unitedly fought against any enemy that attacked any of the clans. We preached to them that ignorance was our chief enemy, and that education was our best weapon. If we united as the name of our association forecast, it would be a true success, and if we opposed we would remain divided and defeated. We reminded them of the colonial policy ‘Divide and Rule.’
—
In addition to believed
in
this,
my
faith
religion
the existence of a mighty
Commandments.
I
started wavering.
God and obeyed
his
I
ten
took Jesus Christ to be one of the world’s great
teachers or doctors or prophets. the Bible for Jesus to
The Holy
in
become
I
did not find sufficient proof in
the begotten Son of God.
Bible consisted of
Middle East
history, autobiographies,
and prophesies which are referred to as the word of God. The Israelite history which covers almost the entire Bible is full of wars and conquering of tribes and nations who worshipped other Gods. These wars were supposedly led by Mighty God to smash other nations. This was contrary to God’s peace and mercy, I thought. The Old Testament which covers the greater part of the Holy Bible
is
mostly Israelite or Jewish religion which
in
all respects
Kikuyu religion before the arrival of the European. This only makes a Kikuyu believe that our religion was the right one. I had a strong thought that the Kikuyu were one of the agrees with the
twelve Israel tribes.
The
Christian sects had
become
so
many
in the
world and their
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
102 and
differences
conflicts so great that
hatred of each other had
become a common feature amongst them.
was impossible for me to believe that they were branches of the same tree, yet Jesus was the symbol in them all. Whenever these sects added new rules to their churches, though they may be good for the people, yet they each claimed that they were God’s rules. This made me to think that there was much pretence with a motive behind it. The Christians had completely failed to practice what they preached or believed but more commonly acted contrary. With these points, on the one hand, the Christianity teachings had maintained the country’s peace, moral and a little bit of citizenship and, though I kept wavering with the tide, I could not completely abandon the church, as there were some important points of which I could not get a substitute for them. Yet I remained critical to It
—
the church dogmas.
Our preaching
KUNA]
was effective and I was becoming more interested in politics. At about this time Sir Humphrey Gilbert issued a report in Nyeri stating that the district was densely populated and that the livestock were overstocking. He suggested that all young persons be settled in Yatta Plains, in Ukambani, where Government had been working out some irrigation schemes. We were very much disappointed by his suggestions, knowing that North Nyeri had recently adjoined to the settled area [of Nanyuki], and probably that might be another attempt to evict Kikuyu from Nyeri. All the Nyeri students met to discuss that report. We confirmed
moved Nyeri
[in
be true but rejected the idea of being
his findings to
any other part of Kenya other than the part adjoining the former North Nyeri, which was occupied by white
into
—
settlers.
We
Secretary,
then drafted a
memorandum, with
Kenya Government,
copies to the Chief
the D.C. Nyeri, the Local Native
Council Secretary Nyeri, and a copy to Mr E. W. Mathu, the only African member of the Kenya Legislative Council. I with another person were elected to take Mr Mathu’s copy to his home. We took the
letter,
had a
talk
with him
ten-roomed stone house and we never heard of the eviction plans any more. The Principal wrote the D.C. several times asking him to send my fee of which he never received any reply. I learned from my step-mothers
D.C. on
my
letter
that
she had
in his
received
the
money from
the
then asked her to send me the money, which arrived just two hours before the closing of the first term. With this behalf.
I
THE MIRACLE OF READING money
worries at
studies. I
home and
was then demoted
at school,
to
Form
I
IO3
could not do well in
my
iB.
At the completion of my two years, I passed the Junior Secondary Examination in Mathematics, Arithmetic, English Composition, Swahili, Physics and Chemistry, Biology, Agriculture, History and Geography and Carpentry. Finance difficulty had become so great that employment was the only ringing sound in my mind. I felt bad for leaving the school, but had no other alternative. I thought I could do well as a teacher or an agriculture instructor. I could then help my people to learn better ways of living and farming. Soon after I left the school, and while I was awaiting a response from the Teacher Training School or the Soil Conservation Training School, I was offered a teaching job by the Chairman of the Gachatha Kikuyu Independent School Association. I refused this offer at first, knowing that I would have to sacrifice my chance for further
training.
The
school
committee, however, told
history of the independent schools
me
the
movement and explained how
they had separated themselves from the mission schools because the
had rejected the female circumcision and polygamy, two very important features of the traditional Kikuyu culture. To marry many wives was a sign of a man’s wealth and no girl could be married until she was circumcised. The leaders of the KISA considered the missionaries as the destroyers of the Kikuyu traditional and customary laws and since the missions were managed by Europeans, the Kikuyu had the feeling that the white man wanted to destroy their culture, replacing it by his own. The fact that my parents belonged to the Kikuyu Independent Schools Association and that I myself was educated in these schools, led the committee to feel that I should accept their offer. They latter
thought that children educated educating those to follow.
They
be ruled and led by the white
me
to lead
my
in
their schools should
also told
me how
man and how
people up to the standard
better I
assist
in
they hated to it
would be
had attained
for
in the
Government schools so that they might be in a position to lead themselves. Having heard all their arguments, I decided to accept their offer to teach at the KISA school and thus lost my opportunity for further training at the agricultural school.
Earning
140s.
per month,
I
then became the Headmaster of the
Gachatha Secondary School. At the opening of the first term in in the school. I 1947, I became the classmaster of the first Form 1
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
IO4 met many
difficulties in
available to
my new
occupation. There were no books
teachers for studies,
the.
no
and no scheme blackboards and
syllabuses
There were only classrooms, students, boxes of chalk. I had to go to the Government African School, Kagumo, and borrow syllabuses and copy them so as to be able to
of work.
teach.
Gachatha accepted boarding students and the newly built dormitories and dining hall were built of mud and wattle. Pupils had to draw water for cooking from a stream some distance from the school. I asked the committee to buy instruction books and a small water pump. The committee was very slow in doing these things for it had no funds. It had to collect money from its members who were mainly parents of the students, who paid 99s. a year for fees and additional money for uniforms and equipment for each student. The parents were not rich and could hardly be expected to pay more. Nevertheless, the lack of funds brought about a situation in which the school failed to attain high standards in building and education. Good teachers couldn’t be gotten because the schools couldn’t afford to pay high salaries. As it was, teachers had often to go without salary for a number of months, until a collection was made and they could be paid.
When
occurred with me,
this
I
didn’t
understand the
really
great financial difficulties which confronted the schools.
I
thought
comply with my requests for books and other supplies and that this was hindering the progress of the school. As the Chairman had made many failingpromises, I therethe
Chairman
willfully failed to
fore decided to resign teaching. Before
I
left
the teaching,
I
had
a strong feeling that the Kikuyu Independent Schools Association had a heavy burden that oppressed them in the management of their schools Poll
Tax
.
.
.
chiefly the financial difficulties. All
its
members paid
Government and received no aid at all from the money, while all the missionary schools received
to the
share of their
grants from the Ministry of Education. This was a question to be raised by the leaders of the KISA schools. I also considered their sectarian reasons, polygamy and the girls circumcision, as being
unnecessary.
thought that
wouldn’t be long before the country’s economy forced everyone to marry only one wife with no resistance to that and also education and civilization would bring the girls’ I
it
circumcision to an end in the future. cision
added nothing
to
I
believed that
them other than prejudice
girls’
circum-
of pride.
I
also
THE MIRACLE OF READING
IO5
held a strong feeling that any circumcision, ear piercing, removal
making
any brand marks on any part of the body, though all these be traditional or customary laws, were totally against nature and perhaps they might have originated on ignorance grounds as they all aimed at making a person more of incisors, or the
of
beautiful or perfect.
My
me
When
them goodbye and told them my reasons for resignation, they cried tears and ran away from the school for three days and some never returned to the school. But as I was fully convinced that the Chairman was the hindrance of the school’s progress and that I couldn’t by any means work with him, they could not win me. pupils loved
very much.
I
bid
CHAPTER
V
TO SEEK MY FORTUNE During
world of business, culminating in a rapid retreat to teaching, Karari found himself conhis brief sojourn into the
fronted by the same barriers and vicissitudes which so effectively
avenue to success for the poor but aspiring African. As a building contractor, he encountered the brute fact that in contractual relations between whites and blacks it was the former
blocked
this
who normally
the terms
and were
a position to enforce compliance. African parties to such agreements, whether in the field of employer-employee relations, crop or stock sales to European-controlled marketing boards or other areas, had little effective bargaining power and even less chance of sustaining a charge of breach of contract against a white man or firm. set
in
Though
contact and a certain degree of cooperation did exist across the lines of cleavage between white and black, it was the
European, from his position of dominance, who established the particular forms and terms of this cooperation. As one African leader aptly put it, it was a type of cooperation bearing close resemblance to that of a horse and its rider. In his fling at the poultry and stock trade, Karari again met the fate of most undercapitalized African petty traders and hawkers. License
fees, intense
competition from established Asian dealers, Government restrictions, high transportation costs, the ups and downs of the consumer market, ill-fated ventures into illegal trade,
repeatedly crushed the hopes and ambitions of all but the most fortunate and persistent African aspirants to lower petit bourgeoise status. Karari’s failure story was repeated with little variation time and time again by every
with
whom
etc.,
I
informant worked. For most, however, lacking Karari’s edu-
meant a return to the crowded labor markets urban slum or White Highlands. cation,
it
106
of the
TO SEEK MY FORTUNE I
left
school in August 1948
and ventured
interested in personal wealth.
Wedd
for building a
I
107
into the world, this time
held a contract with
farm house and several others
Mr
G. L. P.
for clearing
bush areas in the farms. After a time, a friend of mine, Karuu Gitegenye, an employee for 10 years by a Boer farmer,
Odendaal,
who was
also the
employer of
my
Mr
uncle, invited
have given
B.
me
to
made with his employer. The contract read Karuu a contract to repair Leshau dam until it
a contract he had ‘I
J.
:
and overflowing.’ Signed J. B. Odendaal. The contract was not clear. It did not mention any payment. I met the Boer at the dam. He told me that we should measure the volume of the soil used for blocking the waterflow, and that we should dig an even level of 2 feet deep to make it easier for calcu‘Five lation. I asked him how much he would pay us. He replied shillings per 100 cubic feet, and I have told Karuu the same.’ ‘Why didn’t you put that in the contract?' I asked the Boer. ‘Is orright, I been with Karuu many years and he can witness durt me always given him money widout written kondract. Is durt true, Karuu?’ the Boer asked. ‘Ye surr,’ replied Karuu. With that the Boer, pretending to be angry, walked home. My partner Karuu convinced me that the Boer was a trusted wheelperson. We then got working tools from the Boer’s store barrows, mattocks and shovels. We hired workers and completed the project in a month. We measured the volume of the soil we had dug and calculated the amount due to us; some 3,360s. When the Boer came to see our work, he said it was very good. He measured the volume and calculated it at 25 cents per 100 cubic feet, which came to 168s. He then deducted 3s. for hiring his implements. He told us that he would only pay us 165s.; all we had done was repair his old dam. I was extremely angered by this and went with my partner to the Thomson’s Falls Labour Office and I accused the Boer before the Labour officer, who promised to go with me to see the dam. He went during my absence, and I met him again in his office. He asked me to produce a written contract and when Karuu gave him the vague written piece of paper, he replied after reading that the money we were claiming was not in the contract. I explained him how the Boer had made a verbal promise in the presence of some of our workers. After all, he told me that there was nothing he or anyone else could do for us. He explained the
stops leaking
:
:
—
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
108
me
law and told
written contracts. of the dangers of
be very careful in the future to get good
to
He
told
me
the following story so as to
warn me
my business.
Kikuyu for digging a well. In the contract it stated that the man would pay the Kikuyu 5s. for every foot he dug until water was reached. Well, the man had dug 100 feet but had not yet struck water. He wanted to stop, thinking there was no water, but the Boer insisted that he keep on digging until he got water. The Kikuyu started digging again until it became so hot in the hole that they had to stop, and still no water; and also no money for the work he had done. He advised us to take the 165s. and added that he did not object to our wasting more time and money in the case, but he was certain Another Boer,
seems,
it
had given a contract
we could not win. Knowing that white man was
to a
that
the only judge in our case,
I lost
hope and accepted the 165s. I requested the labour officer to speak to my workmen who were sitting outside his office awaiting for his judgement. He convinced them that we have all been deceived and while speaking on my favour he asked them not to claim more money than the Boer had paid us. Though the Boer was all the time standing trembling in the officer
he didn’t
talk, for the
labour
advocated for him.
The Boer handed over
me
office,
the 165s. to the labour officer
the same. After a short discussion with
my
who gave
employees who,
though they had worked for 30 days, realized how
had been cheated and agreed that we should share the money equally amongst 35 persons and they therefore didn’t demand full payment of their wages. In the end it cost me and my partner 450s. which we had spent on food for our workers over the month’s period plus time and energy we had put into the labour. The next day the Boer saw me in his farm; he pretended to be very angry because I had accused him to the labour officer and ordered that
if
me
I
broken English to get out of his farm, saying again on his land he would shoot me. I was very
in his
me
he saw
angry, but there was nothing
I
could do. This particular Boer had
education than myself and spoke very little English. When I left, as he was instructing his workers to report to him if they saw me on the farm, he referred to me as Mzungu wa Njama, meaning less
Njama
me
the European.
as a very
He
really felt that this
poor European
[a
abused
me by
figuring
Black European]— 3. poor educated
TO SEEK MY FORTUNE person.
He
also told his
men
that
anyone helping
IO9
me would
be
immediately discharged. This incident created in settlers as
a whole.
I
me
an
ill-feeling
towards the European
looked at the work Africans were doing on
wages and how the settlers exploited our energies. My uncle had been employed by this Boer for 23 years and his wage was only 22s. a month. It was impossible for me not these farms for very
little
to hate them.
Our
partnership with
Karuu ended and
I
was hired by
OF
Pejeta Ltd. (one of the Lord Delamere’s estates in Nanyuki) for building farm houses.
earned 3 /50s. a day. After three months, two Indians (Sikhs), a carpenter and builder employed for 22s. and 25s. a day, were discharged and I took over their jobs earning only
5s.
I
a day, housed and rationed.
In August 1949, I left for Meru with the money I had saved to try my fortune in sheep, goat and cattle trade which had been
recommended to me by a Meru friend of mine who would become my partner. I used to buy herds of cattle, sheep and goats from Isiolo and two other markets on the boundary of Meru and highly
the Northern Frontier from Somali
take this stock in
and Boran herdsmen. the Tigania Division where I sold them
I
would
in either
whole herd or at retail. I also rented a small butchery in Kianjae market where I slaughtered all the animals that were unable to walk or were not bought alive. Trade was abundant in the area. Kahure Macharia, a young man of my location who had gone to
same objective, was a poulterer. We rented another with him where I would store eggs and chickens while he
Meru with plot
the
took the others for sale to Nairobi.
months our business flourished very well and we were very happy. The great change started. It so happened that people at this time had very little money to spend. 1949 had been a very bad year due to a severe drought and no crops had been harvested. My trade faltered with too few people around with money enough to buy my animals, many of which became weak and died. When I slaughtered them in the butchery, I still couldn’t For the
sell
first
three
the meat. Finally,
poultry was
still
my
business collapsed completely
—but
the
doing well. Kahure told me that we could make we bought miraa-leaves of a certain tree that is
more money if planted and cultivated
— and
Boran are fond of
in
Meru and which
take
it
to Nairobi;
Sudanese, Somali and
we
could
sell
it
at over
I
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
10
sounded like profitable trade, but no one could trade with miraa without a license. We therefore put miraa inside a box and covered the top three layers with eggs. Our times the buying price.
six
secret
It
was known by some Meru who did not
like to see
Kikuyu
They informed the police. Since the latter trade had become very profitable, we invested most of our money in it. Kahure was ambushed on his way to Nairobi. He was caught and business flourish.
imprisoned for confiscated
months. All our chickens, eggs and miraa were
six
—worth
i,8oos.
was also afraid that those Meru people would trap me into some trouble as they had my partner. I left for Nanyuki without money. My business had so failed as if it had been cursed. On my arrival at Nanyuki, I went to see a friend employed in a European farm adjoining the town. The European saw me opening his gate and ordered his wild dog to attack me. I fought the dog but he tore my long trousers. The furious European came to aid his dog; he gave me a blow and the fight started. While we were wrestling, his dog and his workmen helped him. Instantly, I was taken to the police station and charged that I was trying to steal his timber. The next day I appeared before the D.C. being I
proved that the European was lying. I was remanded for eight days. When I appeared in the court again, my charge had been changed to trespass. To this I was sentenced the resident magistrate.
I
months hard labour. I appealed for a fine substitution, seeing friends who wanted to pay fine for me. My request was rejected and I fulfilled the white man’s will. I arrived home by the beginning of March 1950 without money after one and a half years of my attempts to acquire wealth in the world which had resulted in a complete failure. I vowed to myself to three
not to leave could do After
in
my
my
our
district for the
own
little
next five years and see what
I
garden.
father’s death, the
man who had
sold
him four
acres
refunded our money and took his garden. The orange, lemon and loquat trees I had planted while a school boy at Kagumo
were then very productful. Attracted by my former work, I made many tree nurseries. Within six months I was able to sell different kinds of fruit trees, timber
and hedge
trees
from
my
nurseries in
thousands and had planted over a thousand timber trees, mainly cypress, along the boundary of our land. I had started keeping
TO SEEK MY FORTUNE poultry. capital
My
I
brain was then to work on land as a farmer.
and the land
work on was too
to
I
I I
had no
small.
The new
year 1951 broke with good news. Muthua-ini Secondary School (KISA), some 12 miles north, wanted a teacher. Its committee had sent an elder to
come and
ask
me
would the Head-
whether
I
opened the school as master earning 200s. a month. This school had classes ranging from Std. to Form 2. The latter had five pupils only. Knowing that the class couldn’t pay for its teacher, I closed it down. The accept the job. January 15th
I
1
lower to
classes, Std.
1
to 4, paid fees to the
the Beecher Report
Government according
and received a grant from the
Education Board, which paid the
District
salaries of the teachers at this
and the pupils equipments. Though the higher classes were ‘unaided’, I had forwarded the names of all the teachers in the payment vouchers, thus enabling me to draw 140s. extra from what I was paid by the school committee. Students had to pay 33s. per term [three terms per year] and received no equipment or clothing. A dormitory was built for students who came a long distance from their home to school. This cost 60s. extra per term and included food. There were over 500 students in the school. The former headmaster had taken all the troubles to get syllabuses printed for the school and a few books for teachers were available. The school was better managed than Gachatha. Johana Kunyiha, former President of the KISA in Central Province and Rift Valley, had level
agreed to cooperate with the Government during the previous year’s split [in
KISA’s managing committee] and was then leading
only ten schools
Maina, the
in
District
the
district
while Willy
Chairman, was leading
schools [which retained close
ties to
the
Jimmy Wambugu
all
the other
KISA
KISA-run Teachers Train-
ing College, Githunguri].
Though a scheme
work was devised, no Government approved examination could be given to students in the higher classes. Having recognized my great problem, I approached the District Education Officer, Mr Collier, who took my requests to the Provincial Education Officer,
Mr
of
Brumerly, and the
latter visited
my
school and,
recommended that my students be allowed to sit for the Government Kenya African Preliminary Examination [KAPE] at the end of 1952. I had to build a workshop and make after
we
sure that
talked,
my
students had a knowledge of handcrafts which was
I
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
12
managed to do after subscriptions were raised. I gave instruction to woodwork and prepared them Form 2 for the examination by the end of the year 95 2 f° r part of the examination. This
I
1
was another condition given to me by the education officer. The school was forced to buy more land and I spent my own money in keeping poultry and pigs for the
students. Practical Agriculture
school’s practical work.
In June and July
my
school was engaged in inter-school sports
competitions. This was followed by district
My
petitions.
school
was very
Two
and provinces com-
successful indeed that
my
it
defeated
went to Uganda for interterritorial races. During the sports time, I was engaged in recording the winners. The rumours that my school was to become the most of the
first
among
schools.
the
following year of the year
I
of
pupils
KISA schools to be admitted to sit for KAPE the made me and my school to be known. By the end received many applications for admittance in the
school the following year.
was
at this time, during the holidays in
December, that I got married to Junius Nyaguthii, a girl teacher in a nearby school. The following year, 1952, I had to concentrate my work on the class that was to sit for the examination, but the Beecher Report which was then in practice had become a menace in education. The President, Johana Kunyiha, the School Committee and myself wanted to cooperate with the Government. In fact, we were not at all worried if the Government took control over the school’s finance, but we were very much worried about the limits placed on the number of pupils per class and the number of secondary It
the country.
We
want to oppose the Beecher Report but we wanted it to be amended. I approached the District Education Officer, Mr Collier the only sociable European I had ever met and we discussed the Beecher Report. He very much sympathized with the Africans and agreed that the Beecher Report should be amended but, as a Government servant, he had no power schools
in
—
—
of opposing
didn’t
He
could only refer to it as the claims of the Africans. We then arranged that we would hold a committee meeting which we should invite him and other prominent elders in it.
which we should
bad points of the Report and call for a parents general meeting and also invite him in which we would claim the
education
discuss the
amendment officer,
Mr
of the Beecher Report. After all this, the
Collier,
promised the general meeting that he
TO SEEK MY FORTUNE was going to
see the District
Commissioner
—who
113 had power
—on
our behalf so that the Beecher’s rationing system of education could be amended. In the course of his attempts to
make changes
for the betterment of the African children’s education,
Mr
my
beloved
annoyed the Kenya Government and was, without notice, repatriated with his wife to the U.K. It was also time for my life planning. I had to pay the dowry to my wife’s parents, which I hadn’t completed by the time I took Nyaguthii, plan and build a better house and at the same time save money that would enable me to acquire a good farm on which to live with my expected family. With all these problems in my mind pulling me this way and that way, I attended the KAU rally at the showgrounds on 26 July 1952. friend
Collier
CHAPTER
VI
THE OATH OF UNITY was
It felt
not until early September 1952 that Karari, having the first sting of ostracism and isolation, finally got his chance
Movement.
to join the
It
had, over the preceding two years,
grown to include a vast majority of his fellow villagers and Kikuyu; it had also, particularly since the introduction of the Warriors’ Oath, became increasingly bold and militant. Karari’s oath, in contrast to earlier versions of the Unity Oath, reflected this increasing militancy.
The vows
themselves,
now more com-
prehensive, included references to the boycott of
European beer and the hiding
and cigarettes, the possibility of a general strike of arms and ammunition. Again, in his instructions initiates,
the oath administrator
made
it
to the
quite clear that
if
new
reason
and peaceful means failed to bring them land and freedom, they would not hesitate to revolt’. The oathing ceremony which Karari attended also revealed another development. The growing need for unity and total commitment to the Movement, in the face of mounting external pressures, increasing anti-white, anti-mission feelings and the internal frailties brought about in part by the very rapid expansion of the Movement, exerted a steady pressure toward the increased use and invocation of traditional Kikuyu symbols and magico-religious practices. This fact has led many, seeking the .
.
easy satisfaction of facile classification, to regard the as
simply
a
backward-looking,
‘nativistic’,
Movement
Kikuyu
cult
or
which sought only a return to the old life. In actuality, as will become clear in later chapters, the secular and the religious, the tribal and the African national, the old and the new, were becoming increasingly interwoven in the complex ideological fabric of the Kikuyu peasant masses. Karari’s own reflections and recollections lay bare some of the tensions and, religious sect
perhaps, contradictions inherent in this developing composite ideology.
1
14
THE OATH OF UNITY The Gikuyu and Mumbi underground
I
1
5
was becoming both popular and powerful all over the country. A song book published under the name of Stanley Mathenge Mirugi consisting of songs advertising, praising leaders and threatening opposers of the society was then on sale. The boycott on drinking European beer and smoking European manufactured cigarettes had become effective
KAU
since the
rally at Nyeri.
society
The vernacular
papers, especially
Mumenyereri, increased the publicity of Gikuyu and Mumbi. The unity and honesty in Nairobi had marvelled everybody. Articles such as newspapers could sell themselves in Nairobi streets and no thugs dared take that money. The reports of missing people and oath intimidation increased in the newspapers these people were definitely the opposers of the secret society of Gikuyu and Mumbi and could only have been assassinated, or probably might have met their death by their refusal to take the oath. With this
—
on the one hand and Gikuyu and Mumbi’s aims on the other,
i.e.,
achieve African freedom, recover the stolen lands and the expelling
man, [the aims] were welcomed by 99 per cent of the Africans. With this in mind, I discussed the matter with my fellow teachers and agreed that none would refuse to take the oath if of the white
called.
was only three weeks after the KAU rally at the Nyeri Showgrounds that we had a school vacation for the second term. I went to spend my holiday in Mahiga where my wife and other relatives were living. It was time for me to erect a five roomed house. I had collected all the required building material and only the It
levelling of the building site stopped
wanted
to
me from
complete before the end of
my
building the house
holidays. It
person at least two months to level the ground. friends to
liquor
come and help me
[i.e.,
beer]
in
I
order to entertain
my
would take a
decided to
to level the ground.
I
I
call
brewed a
my
lot of
friends after leveling
the ground.
When
was very much shocked by the attendance. A few persons came to report that they were not available, many never turned up and the few who came never completed the work. I had learnt from some persons during the day the work-day arrived,
I
had the same kind of work on the same day and that his work might have been attended by most of the people who did not turn up to my request. When I was told the name of that another villager
— I 1
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
6
the person,
popular to
I
could not agree.
my villagers
I
I
was ten times
than the man.
In the evening, while circle,
believed that
I
we were
noted something queer.
around, each person drank very
A
all
drinking beer sitting in a
‘horn of love’ was passed
little,
spit into the
all
horn and on
though he were blessing something and then passed it to the next person. When all had drunk of the horn, it was given to Gicuki Wacira, who stood holding the horn in his right hand and started saying prayers. He poured the remaining
his chest
and shoulders
as
on the door frames and then went to finish his prayers outside facing Mount Kenya. In his prayers, he appealed for love, unity and the increment of the Gikuyu and Mumbi membership and power to defeat the enemy. With this we of the liquor in the
fire,
dispersed. I
anxiously wanted to see the other person’s work.
much
I
was very the day
Over 200 people had been working all leveled the ground, built the hut and the women had completed their work of mudding and thatching the hut. This only proved to me that one of the rules of Gikuyu and Mumbi was Do not help any non-members. And that the few who had to come to help me were the only ones who thought I was a member or were nonmembers, if these happened to be. I felt very lonely and worried about what that society might say of me. As we entered the hut surprised.
—
where a few persons were I
still
drinking the remains of the liquor,
noticed another queer form of greetings
—three
strong hand-
which the persons held each others thumbs. It was then obvious to me that nearly all my villagers had taken the Gikuyu and Mumbi oath. I did not like to stay with them; I quickly went home and slept. The following day was a Sunday in the first week of September. After Sunday service I met Mr Samuel Ndiritu Njagi, a clerk in the Ministry of Works, a true friend and a schoolmate at Kagumo who had recently married my relative. He kindly invited me to his home. When we arrived, I learnt that he had brewed beer in his mother’s hut. We spent the whole of the afternoon drinking and talking on ones job and the country’s politics. A few persons came shakes, on the second of
and shared the drink with us. In the evening we left toward home. On the way, Ndiritu told me that he had been invited to a feast by
my
Charles Ngatia Gathitu, a pitsawyer and license holder on timber trades, situated about 400 yards east of my home. neighbor,
THE OATH OF UNITY We
passed
many
people on the
way and
I 1
7
arrived at the house at
There were some people standing outside, including Charles, the owner of the feast. He led us into one of his big huts. Inside, were many people sitting and a hurricane lamp was burning. We were told to wait there while some preparations went on in the other hut. Groups of men and women continued to come until there was very little room for anyone to sit. A few persons would be called by names and moved in the next hut. When I was called to go to the next hut, I was very pleased, but arriving outside in a clear moonshine, I could see hundreds of people standing some armed with pan gas, simis (swords) and clubs. They formed a path on both sides leading to the door of the next hut. I became certain that the day had arrived for me to take the oath, and I had twilight.
to face
As
it
I
manly,
led
my
I
thought.
group marching
cordoned path, they waved
in the
and swords over our heads and I heard one of them asking whether there was an informer to be ‘eaten’. With a reply that we were all good people from another person, we entered the
their pangas
next hut.
By
who
the light of a hurricane lamp,
I
could see the furious guards
armed with pangas and simis. Right in front of us stood an arch of banana and maize stalks and sugar cane stems tied by a forest creeping and climbing plant. We were harassed to take out our coats, money, watches, shoes and any other European metal we had in our possession. Then the oath administrator, Githinji Mwarari who had painted his fat face with white chalk put a band of raw goat’s skin on the right hand wrist of each one stood
—
—
of the seven persons
who were
feet.
mouth
sur-
as a blessing at the
goats’ small intestines
same time throwing a mixture of the
finger millet with other cereals on us. right
were then
on our shoulders Another person then sprayed us with some beer from his
rounded [bound together] by
and
We
to be initiated.
hand middle
Then
Githinji pricked our
finger with a needle until
brought the chest of a
billy
goat and
its
heart
it
still
bled.
He
then
attached to the
them with our blood. He then took a Kikuyu gourd containing blood and with it made a cross on our foreheads and on all important joints saying, ‘May this blood mark the faithful and brave members of the Gikuyu and Mumbi Unity; may this same blood warn you that if you betray our secrets or lungs and smeared
I
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
18
violate the oath, our at the joints
members
marked by
come and
will
cut you into pieces
this blood’.
We
were then asked to lick each others blood from our middle ‘If I reveal this secret fingers and vowed after the administrator of Gikuyu and Mumbi to a person not a member, may this blood kill me. If I violate any of the rules of the oath may this blood :
kill
me.
We
If I
lie,
may
this
blood
were then ordered
making a
that position,
me.’
kill
each others right hand and
to hold
line,
passed through the arch seven times.
Each time the oath administrator cut breaking
intestine,
into pieces,
it
repeated a curse on us
Muma
‘ :
(‘Slash
who lies !’). We were then made to
the oath
off a piece of the goat’s small
while
all
Ugotuika
Tathu !
maV
uroria muria
in
!
the rest in
the hut
uguo ungiaria maheni!
may you
be cut
like this
Let
!
he
kill
stand facing Mt. Kenya, encircled by
and given two dampened soil balls and ordered to hold hand soil ball against our navels. We then swore ‘I,
intestines,
the
left
:
(Karari Njama),
God and
swear before
present here that.
.
.
before
the people
all
.
—which of Gikuyu and Mumbi and which demands land and freedom —
to
any person who
it,
I
(1)
may
never reveal
shall
this
the chest
oath
is
not a
kill
meat
this secret of the
member
KG A
of our society. If
me! ([Repeated
after each
oath
I
vow
ever reveal
is
while] biting
of a billy goat held together with the heart
and
lungs.) (2)
I
always help any
shall
difficulty or
member
of our society
who
is
in
need of help.
am
ever called, during the day or night, to do any work for this society, I shall obey.
do
(3)
If I
(4)
I
(5)
If 1 ani
shall
on no account ever disobey the leaders of
this society.
ever given firearms or ammunition to hide,
I
shall
so. (6)
called
I
shall
upon
(7)
I
(8)
I
always give
to
do
money
or goods to this society whenever
so.
never
land to a European or an Asian. shall not permit intermarriage between Africans and the
shall
sell
white community.
never go with a prostitute. (10) I shall never cause a girl to become pregnant and leave her unmarried. (9)
I
will
THE OATH OF UNITY
”9
(i i)
I
(12)
I
shall
(13)
I
shall
marry and then seek a divorce. never allow any daughter to remain uncircumcised. never drink European manufactured beer or cigar-
I
shall
never spy on or otherwise
I
shall
never help the missionaries
will never
ettes.
(14)
sell
my
people to Govern-
ment. (15)
to ruin
our traditional and cultural customs.
(16)
I will
(17)
I
our
in their Christian faith
never accept the Beecher Report.
shall
never steal any property belonging to a
member
of
society.
obey any
whenever notified. (19) I will never retreat or abandon any of our mentioned demands but will daily increase more and stronger demands until
we
shall
I
(18)
strike call,
achieve our goals.
(20)
I shall
soon as
I I
(21)
am
pay 62 /50s. and a ram
as assessed
by
this society as
able.
shall
always follow the leadership of
Jomo Kenyatta and
Mbiyu Koinange.’
We
repeated the oath while pricking the eye of a goat with a
kei-apple thorn seven times and then ended the vows by pricking
seven times some seven
sodom
apples.
mixed with some good smelling
oil
To end
Mumbi
make a cross on members of Gikuyu and
was used
our foreheads indicating our reception as
the ceremony, blood to
warning us: ‘Forward ever and backward never!’ We were then allowed to take our belongings, put on our coats and shoes and were welcomed to stay. We paid 2 /50s. each for registration. During the course of our initiation, one person refused to take the oath and was mercilessly beaten. Two guards were [while]
crying [out] seeking permission from their chief leader to
man. The man quickly changed After we had
learnt that death his
mind and took
kill
the
had approached him and he
the oath.
been sworn, the house was very crowded that contained about 80 people; nearly all of whom were initiated on that night. About the same number of old members were working all
outside as guards.
A
Githinji Mwarari,
and
that they
had been
speech was
made by
his assistant
sent
the oath administrator,
Kariuki King’ori,
from the Head Office
in
people an oath that could create a real unity Africans which would
make
it
who
told us
Nairobi to give
among
all
the
easier for the African to gain his
— I
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
20
He told us that the society was called Gikuyu and Mumbi or KCA. He remarked that the struggle for the alienated land started as long ago as 1920 by Harry Thuku and the Kikuyu who attempted to fight for the land which caused many deaths in Nairobi and the deportation of Harry Thuku to Kismayu. He said land and freedom.
that the
KCA
was the
society that
return of our alienated land.
He
told
had been struggling for the us that we had been initiated
so as to strengthen the African struggle for the alienated land
chief African
demand. He went on
:
‘We have
—the
learnt that the
our claims. They do not want to leave the bread and butter which they obtain from these lands at the exploitation of our blood on the so-called white paradise. Some of you here might have been fined or imprisoned under the trespass ordinance on stepping on a settler’s farm while you
Kenya
settlers are the chief obstacles to
under
employment or
you had gone there seeking employment only. We cannot tolerate this any longer. We are going to shout to the Kenya Government, which we know that it is controlled by the settlers, until we are heard or else their eardrums would burst. We are going to pursue our demands through reasons and if this fails we would not hesitate to revolt. We have already sent Mr Mbiyu Koinange to England to represent our case to the British Government. ‘You have heard that some of our members have been prosecuted visited
your
relatives
Mau Mau
his
oath. This
else
same oath you have taken today. You are now members of that “Mau Mau”. But don’t speak as being members of “Mau Mau”. If you reveal this secret the Government will imprison you and we will kill you for the breach of the oath you have taken today. Our members are all over the place, even in the Government offices. In three days time you will all learn that more than 3/4 of this sub-location have taken the oath.’ When he sat down, his assistant administrator, Kariuki King’ori, stood and taught us greetings— the old Kikuyu greetings rarely used due to changes brought about by the European civilization such as the shaking of hands and the terminology. ‘If any person wants to refer to the society he would not say “Mau Mau” as you have already been warned, but he would refer to the society as Muhimu (a Swahili word meaning “Most Important”), Muingi (meaning “The Community” in Kikuyu) or Gikuyu na Mumbi: We were warned not to talk anything about the movement in the presence of a non-member. Speaking in a group of persons, one for taking
is
the
THE OATH OF UNITY would say that he has been indicate that there
is
bitten
by a
a person [present]
flea,
who
I
2
I
or louse, or bug to
has not taken the oath.
was about four o’clock in the morning, the cocks were crowing, the moon and the stars were brightly shining. The footpaths were wet and muddy as it had rained sometime before midnight. I quickly and quietly went home and called my wife to open the door for me. Without talking to her I went straight to my bed. Covering myself with blankets, I repeated what I swore several times. As a Christian I had undergone a contrary faith for the oath I had taken was mainly based on Kikuyu religion, belief and superstition. But the aims and objects presented by the society were so real and so essential to life that when compared with Christianity faith, of which its preachers many times failed to practice what they preach, the latter becomes strongly out-weighed. At sunrise I remembered that the next week would be my 26th birthday and that I had been born again in a new society with a new faith. I spent the whole day in bed, partly asleep, as I had not slept the night before, and partly reciting and reasoning my vows. Reflecting on the crowd at the KAU rally held one and a half months ago at Nyeri Showgrounds supporting national demands under the national leader Jomo Kenyatta assisted by Peter Mbiyu Koinange, the cleverest Africans in Kenya whose leadership was advertised in Mathenge’s song book where Jesus Christ’s name has been substituted for by Jomo Kenyatta’s and whereas the Government had taken no action against them proved to me that our true and just grievances were led by powerful and honoured men. I believed that it was an all Kenya African national movement and not a tribal one. With the understanding that African labour is the whole backbone of Kenya’s economy, I believed that if all Kenya Africans went on a labour strike we would paralyse the country’s economy and the white community who holds the most of it would suffer most and recognize our demands. Furthermore, our national leader, Jomo Kenyatta, had lived in England for 17 years and must have during his stay convinced the British It
—
—
Government
Though
of our claims.
the oath clung on
Kikuyu
and superstitions, yet the unity and obedience achieved by it was so great that it could be our only weapon to fight against the white community. Among the vows I had taken, one was to force me to accept girls’ circumcision which I had rejected as early as 1947. There traditions
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
122
was no reason given for any of the vows but I thought that this vow [simply] meant to maintain the Kikuyu tradition. This tradition might be a hindrance to civilization, [but] there are thousands of educated Kikuyus who do not sympathize with girls’ circumcision and who would be helped by the missionary associates to oppose it. I did not have a girl then to be circumcised; this vow might affect me personally some 20 years to come, and then it will be settled by those who are affected today. The other vow that affected me was the Beecher Report. I have already convinced the Education Officer that
ment. There are criticisms
all
it
requires
amend-
over the country and in the Legis-
must be amended, I thought, and our children would get a better education and the parents would have less to subscribe. The Government is prepared to meet teachers wages and equip the pupils at a very low cost. The parents would be happy for the relief of the heavy finance burden, with the exception of a few leaders who live on these subscriptions. Again, this vow does not affect [only] me as an individual. It affects everyone who had a child in the schools all over Kenya. The vow rejects the Beecher Report and not the education. If it is accepted by the parents then they would not send their children to schools and I would have no one to teach. But at this stage, it seems that Kikuyu people have realized the value of education, will make the lative
Council of the Report.
It
—
children continue to learn while their parents struggle for either the amendment or abolition of the Beecher Report. learnt later that with the girl’s circumcision
vow,
was meant to maintain Kikuyu tradition, some of which I thought were silly. I had earlier mentioned that I was against any alteration of the I
?
human
it
body, such as ear-piercing, scarification or the removal of
Most
Kikuyus who were repatriated [during the months following the Government’s declaration of a State of Emergency on 20 October 1952] from the Rift Valley had unhealed wounds of ear-piercing and scarification and continued to teach others to do a thing which they had abandoned for many years. In fact, a flow of going back to magic, witchcraft, seers, prophets, ceremonies and sacrifices and the old superstition had started. This happened due to (1) the failure of our leaders to explain what sort of freedom or government we were going to make. Most of our people are illiterate and have never travelled beyond their tribal boundaries making them ignorants and cannot therefore imagine the teeth.
of the
THE OATH OF UNITY
123
any other government other than the one our forefathers had before the coming of the European; (2) the Christianity failures; (3) the fact that Kikuyu are theists who very much honour and obey their God as they are directed by his prophets, seers, magicians and witchcraft doctors made the Mau Mau organizers make all the rules in the name of God who would supervise every individual as they all honoured him. This might be the cause of Mau Mau religion and superstition, on which the obedience and faith is built. I must remind the reader here that, right from the beginning, the Man Mau had been reported as ‘intimidating oaths to its people' this also happened to all its rules and policies. There were no arguments, reasonings or opposing in the movement as these could lead to betraying the movement [they] were always settled by death. It then followed that whatever had been passed by the councils as rules or suggestions, whether right or wrong, had to be of
—
—
carried on.
The
following day as
was going to Nyeri, I discovered 71s. in my pocket. Someone must have put the money in my pocket while we were taking the oath, knowingly or unknowingly. I thought that I would keep the money until I get the owner and then return it. Arriving at Nyeri, I took one shilling out of the money and bought I
a Social Service League lottery receipt, thinking that the
my
money
became true. I won 2nd prize, 726/48S. I came to learn later than Kituku Kamaitha had unknowingly put his money in my coat when we were harassed to take the oath and
might have been
so
I
refunded
it
luck. It
to him.
As we had been requested to induce our friends to take the oath, I cunningly asked David Wahome to accompany me to a feast some two miles away from home where I knew that an oath ceremony was held. This was very near Stanley Mathenge’s home. Mathenge presided at this oath ceremony and gave a speech just the same as the one I had heard a week ago. This oath had been attended by over 200 people.
Mathenge
referred to the
movement
as
‘Our Government’ or ‘The
African Government’. He explained to us that in the Central Province all our Administrative Officers had been elected and that thev were doing their work well.
know them. He ‘headmen’
and
told
us that
‘chiefs’
He added
we were
who had been
to
that
we
should soon
obey and respect the
elected
by the African
MAUMAU FROM WITHIN
124
Government. I learned later that the Colonial Government had been copied out and that the elected persons were only waiting for the day of taking over the Government. Councils started from the Sub-Location,
Location,
Division,
District,
to
Central
Province
and, perhaps, to the Central Government. These councils consisted of nine elected persons
who had powers
over
all
plans, rules
and
judgements.
My
school
School where
and I went back to Muthua-ini was teaching; some 12 miles from home. Being
holidays ended I
mostly busy in school working hard for
my
pupils to pass the
Government Kenya African Preliminary Examination be held in 2 months time, I did very little to help Mau the two months.
that
was
Mau
within
to
CHAPTER
VII
THRESHOLD OF REVOLT As noted
Government’s declaration of a State of Emergency on 20 October 1952, the large-scale arrests of prominent African nationalist leaders and the subsequent series of repressive measures meted out against tribesmen combined to precipitate the very revolt they were ostensibly designed to crush. The implicit Government assumption that the underground and nationalist movements would collapse with the removal of their key leaders and a massive display of British military might proved somewhat faulty. While the Movement was stunned into temporary passivity and partially disintegrated by this two-pronged Government assault, it was still a long way from beaten. Leadership passed into the hands of the now unlinked district and lower-level councils of Nairobi and the rural areas and a number of militant, though semi-educated or illiterate, local leaders began moving into the forests which would become their future bases of operation. Others followed during the next few months, urged on by fear, hunger, a desire for revenge, a sense of duty or adventure, a will to strike back or a combination of these factors. The Nairobi organization, hard-hit by the arrest of Central Province and ‘Central Committee’ members and the repatriation of unemployed Kikuyu workers, started rebuilding a new Central Province Committee was formed and links began to be fashioned between urban groups and those emerging within the forests of Mount Kenya and the earlier,
KEM
—
Aberdares.
Recruitment during this period was stepped-up and an increasing number of youths and young men were, like Karari, volunteering to take the Warriors’ Oath. Since it has been maintained by some writers that this Second Oath was so vile and debasing as to place its takers irrevocably outside normal Kikuyu society, Karari’s statement that ‘it was a horrible oath, though typically 1
See particularly L. S. B. Leakey’s Defeating Methune & Co., 1954 125 1
Mau Mau,
p.
84-87.
126
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
Kikuyu’, deserves some comment.
To
begin with
it
should be
noted that several features of the oath, particularly those involving sexual symbolism, were regarded as ‘horrible’ by each of my informants, and, I presume, by all other initiates. This fact, however, underscores their ‘typically Kikuyu’ character, rather than demonstrating the opposite. To understand this, one must realize that the Kikuyu are traditionally a very puritanical people regarding sexual deviancy or exhibitionism. Even minor public
toward the opposite sex are likely to be frowned upon and few Kikuyu are willing to discuss the intimacies of their sexual life with more than one or two very close friends. Traditionally, sexual taboos were calculatedly ‘broken’ only within the framework of certain puberty rites and important oaths. Thus, a person accused of killing through witchcraft had to submit, if he maintained his innocence, to a public oath in which he swore, while inserting his penis in the vagina of a sheep, that he did not commit the crime in question and calling on the wrath of Ngai to destroy him if he were lying. Again, if a man were accused of having impregnated a girl and he denied have to publicly swear, while biting a piece of it, he would displays of emotion
sweet potatoe or the tip of a bunch of bananas which had been inserted in the girl’s vagina by an old woman, that if he’d ever had intercourse with the
Modern
girl,
the oath should
versions of both these oaths were
common
kill
him.
features of
the Warriors’ Oath.
Three conclusions can be drawn from the above. First, that the sexual acts or symbols performed or invoked while swearing an oath were calculated violations of acknowledged taboos designed, in both traditional and modern usage, to revolt and inspire awe and fear in the initiates or accused. Second, that according to Kikuyu belief, the more vile or repulsive were the acts performed while swearing an oath i.e., the more highly tabooed such acts would be in everyday life the stronger and more binding did such an oath become. Third, that Karari and others should have found the second Oath both ‘horrible’ and ‘typically Kikuyu’ was, in light of the above, both a normal and
—
highly predictable response.
*
—
— THRESHOLD OF REVOLT
127
News around the country were proving that Mau Mau was becoming more active in eliminating persons who could not be changed their faith together with those
in
who were
suspected that they
could inform the Government about the movement, mostly Govern-
ment supporters such
The most
striking
as chiefs,
headmen,
police
and informers.
month after my Senior Chief Waruhiu in
incident occured about a
membership, which was the death of Kiambu District, who was stopped while driving on the outskirts of Nairobi and shot dead on the 9th October 1952. His death was celebrated with great applause and drinking parties.
I
remembered
when young I used to hear a song which wished Chief Waruhiu and Chief Koinange to be buried alive. A fortnight after that
Government declared a State of Emergency on the 20th October. On the same night the Government arrested and his death, the
detained 83 political leaders including Jomo Kenyatta, the President of KAU. Among the political leaders arrested were Kikuyu
Independent Schools Association and Kikuyu Karing’a Schools Association leaders, businessmen, trade unionists and local newspaper men. Though no physical action followed the
Government operation] known as ‘Jock strengthened an ill-will against the Government for
top leaders yet
it
—
arrest of the
[a
Scott’
arresting
our beloved leaders.
The
following day a British Battalion (Johnnies), the Inniskilling
Fusiliers, arrived
here by air from the Middle East to strengthen
and 5th KAR’s [King’s African Rifles], the Kenya Regiment, the Kenya Police and thousands of untrained young chaps from mainly Somali and Turkana tribes. [The latter] were employed and all were distributed all over the Central Province, which is occupied by the Kikuyu, Embu and Meru (KEM tribes). Their main duty being to control oath taking and to guard the chiefs, headmen and Government servants from Mau Mau, who were continually gaining strength. the 3rd, 4th
Two
days after the declaration of the emergency, Chief Nderi
of Nyeri District
was held
in
was informed that a
day time
in
a garden
full
Mau Mau of
banana
oath ceremony plants
down
in
Gura River Valley. He rushed out with his three tribal police guards armed with two rifles, a shotgun and an automatic revolver which the chief had. They were directed to a place where they the
were ambushed. To their surprise, they were and the gang made off with their arms.
all
chopped
to pieces
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
128
from the school I was teaching. When the Government received the news, a few hours later in the afternoon, many security forces were sent to the area to arrest any person they suspected that might have the knowledge of the incident. Many people fled to the forest when they saw the security forces approaching, but more than 100 were arrested for interrogation. At dawn next morning, a collective punishment of This incident happened about
five miles
confiscating all livestock in the Chief Nderi’s location (Thegenge)
was enforced. The security forces performed their duty and by midday tens of thousands of heads of cattle, sheep and goats and pigs were lowing at the Nyeri Showgrounds. Many of them were butchered w’hile others were herded to Dorobo awaiting for marketing.
No Kikuyu
could claim for his animals or any property.
The
enemy number
one,
Government had regarded
Mau Mau,
the
with very
all
Kikuyus
little
as the
confidence in a few chiefs and
headmen. The security forces, being very’ certain that the Kikuyu had nowhere to forward his claims, began robbing him money, clothing, beddings, furnitures, utensils, livestock, and raping girls and women. My wife fell victim to those rapers and begot a child. [This was in 1955 and resulted in the birth of Karari’s second
many Kikuyu met
their death
while trying to prevent their property from being taken
away by the
child, a girl.] It
security forces
is
true to say that
who had found
a chance of collecting their personal
wealth from the Akikuyu.
At
this
time the chiefs,
that they
would be
taken the
Mau Mau
them
as spies.
They
headmen and some church
elders thought
any time by the persons who had oath and were working and walking with
killed at
quickly searched for
all
the persons
who had
not taken the oath and sought loyalty to them. This group, later to
be known as
Home
Guards, bitterly implemented severe beat-
ings, different types of torture to
Mau Mau
suspects, while seeking
confessions. I
eye-witnessed the beating of a person
Thegenge Location trying
to
escape
who had run away from
from being arrested
as
a
suspected person for the interrogation of Chief Nderi’s death. He had fallen into the hands of a Karaihu Sub-location headman,
David Mbutha, who badly beat the victim to unconsciousness. The man died on a lorry on the way to Nyeri Police Station. This headman is known to have killed more than ten people all by himself
THRESHOLD OF REVOLT
1
29
while seeking confession or eliminating his enemies, mainly his
opponents.
At
this time,
two persons were badly wanted by Government;
one of them was Dedan Kimathi, the Secretary-organizer of KAU’s Thomson’s Falls Branch, who had been reported by many confessors as the chief
Mau movement Mirugi, whose
oath administrator and organizer of the
in the Rift Valley.
The
second, Stanley
name and photo had been used
Mau
Mathenge
in publishing a
song
book which advertised the Movement, praised the leaders, degraded and warned Africans who helped the white community and set prayers and religious hymns. To make it worse, some confessors had said that the Chief Nderi’s death had been organized by Mathenge. The police circulated advertising leaflets, one of which contained Mathenge’s photo, and a reward ranging from 5,000s. to 1 0,000s. to the capturer, or informer who would lead the capture or to anyone who would present any of the heads to the Government. This made the two persons with their followers to run away into the forest on 1 December 1952 in order to escape their death. The police announcement made the two persons more significant figures to the people. Thereafter, thousands of confessors used Kimathi’s
and Mathenge’s names
as their oath administrators as a cover for
the truth. It automatically followed that anyone
who committed
a crime wrote a letter calling himself Kimathi or Mathenge. In this
way, the two persons became famous the press their
all
over the country through
and broadcasting informations which aimed
at spoiling
names.
The arrival of Messers Fenner Brockway and Lesley Hale M.P.’s in Kenya at the invitation of KAU of 29 October, and also the
Mau Mau people that Mr
tour of the Secretary of State for the Colonies in the
were used as evidence assuring Peter Mbiyu Koinange, KAU’s delegate to the British Government, had been successful in presenting the case of the African alienated land and the achievement of our freedom, and that the return of the alienated land would be announced soon after their return to England. This propaganda, which looked true, encouraged people to have more faith in the movement. But in spite of such sweet propaganda, the situation was becoming worse and worse daily. The Home Guards’ brutal methods of extracting confessions had revealed the secrets [of the Movement] affected
areas,
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
130
members. The Government continued to strengthen its forces by bringing in U.K. battalions and by conversion. Every Kikuyu had to admit that he had taken the Mau Mau oath
and the names
of
in order to ensure his
life,
including those
who
hadn’t taken the
had become so dangerous that a denial of having taken the oath was often replied by a bullet or a club on the head and many died before the rest yielded. With this, the Kikuyu, Embu and Meru were repatriated from Tanganyika, Uganda and mostly from the Rift Valley where over 200,000 Kikuyus had been living. Many of them had been born and bred in the Rift Valley Province and couldn’t tell exactly what part of Kikuyu their parents belonged. These people, unloaded at the District Centers, had no food, were homeless and helpless. At about the same time the Government closed over 300 schools which were under the management of KISA or KKES, thereby oath as
it
causing 60,000 children to loose their education. In Nyeri District,
only ten of the
KISA
Kunyiha, were not While
still
under the leadership of Johana they accepted the Beecher Report.
schools,
closed, as
teaching in one of these schools,
Kikuyu young men were returning for their livestock and other property of
settlers,
I
learnt that thousands
to Rift Valley to revenge
confiscated by the
Kenya
while thousands entered the forest to escape the
Home
Guard and the security force brutality; 15 years to life imprisonment had become an easy court sentence to members and leaders of Mau Mau.
Up
and actions of Mau Mau, the name of the society made popular by the Government pressmen, were only known by persons who had taken the second oath. In fact, one to this stage, the plans
was ignorant of the movement about 10 a.m. David Wahome,
until
my
he took the 2nd oath. At
assistant teacher,
and
I
were
knowingly led by Johnson Ndungu, one of my teachers, to an oath administrator, Daniel Muthua, about three quarters of a mile from the school. On the way I noticed a few scattered guards. Inside the house was Daniel Muthua alone; his assistant was doing something
else in the
next hut.
We
were the only two persons
He
dipped some herb leaves in a Kikuyu gourd containing a mixture of goat’s blood, its abdominal dung [i.e., the to be initiated.
undigested stomach contents of the goat] and water, then sprayed
.
:
!!!
THRESHOLD OF REVOLT us with
own
time,
Naked,
and
uttering words of cleansing
it
we were
1
blessing.
Each
3
at his
initiated.
stood facing Mt. Kenya, holding high a
I
1
!
(damped by
dampened
—
and blood the most important dairy products) in my right hand and the other ball against my navel by my left hand. There were five two foot pieces of the goat’s small intestines laying on the ground about a foot and a half apart and I was instructed to step over these one at a time when completing the set of vows I was about to take. Then, ‘I swear before God and repeating the words of Daniel, I said ball
of soil
milk, animal fat
:
before the people
(1)
who
are here that
.
.
have today become a soldier of Gikuyu and Mumbi and I will from now onwards fight the real fight for the land and
I
freedom of our country blood. Today I have set
we
till
my
get
first
it
or
till
my
drop of
step (stepping over the
of the goat’s small intestine) as a warrior
line
last
and
I
first
will
never retreat.
And
if I
May (2)
ever
If
of an
And
I
shall
ever refuse this soil
if I fail
May (4)
I
will
who
accompany a raid or bring in the head obey and never give lame excuses.
:
and
all its
in this
this soil
I
will
products curse upon
my
people,
and
if
me ever sent to
always report the truth.
:
and
all its
products curse upon
me
never reveal a raid or crime committed to any person
has not taken the Ngero
Violence or Crime)
of
me
called to
spy on our enemies
And
products be a curse upon
all its
never spy or inform on
will
I
am
enemy,
if I
and
this soil
I
May (3)
ever retreat
and
Muma wa
steal
Ngero, Oath firearms wherever
fail to
use or turn over to
Oath will
(
possible.
And
if
ever reveal our secrets or
I
our warriors any firearms
May (5)
I
will
this soil
and
never leave a
help him.
I
acquire
all its
:
products curse upon
member
in difficulty
me
without trying to
:
.
MAUMAU FROM WITHIN
132
And
May (6)
ever abandon a
if I
this soil
in trouble
:
me
products be a curse upon
all its
!
obey the orders of my leaders at all times without any argument or complaint and will never fail to give them any money or goods taken in a raid and will never hide any will
I
pillages or take
And
And
and
this soil
never
will
I
them
for myself.
in these things
if I fail
May (7)
and
member
sell
:
all its
products curse upon
me
!
land to any white man.
if I sell
May
this soil
and
all its
products be a curse upon
me
!’
a Kikuyu gourd which contained a Kikuyu knife and a Kikuyu needle. I then sat down on a I
dropped the two
stool.
He
gave
me
balls of soil in
the well stripped chest of a billy goat, from the
had a hole in the bottom and he told me to put my penis in that hole and hold the goat’s chest upright with both my arms. I then repeated the vows for a second time, each time biting the goat’s chest and ending ‘May this thenge kill me,’ and finishing by crossing the 2nd small intestine line. He then took away the chest and brought a Kikuyu pot and kept neck to the
testicles. It
.
.
.
me. He then put the ngata [the bone, containing seven holes, which joins the head and neck] of the billy goat on the pot and gave me seven small mugere sticks. I repeated it
down
upside
in front of
the oath for the third time, putting a
hole and each time ending, ‘And I
if I
.
mugere .
May
stick in
this
each ngata
thenge
kill
me
!’
crossed the third line of small intestines.
He removed the ngata and brought an eye of the goat on the pot. He then gave me seven kei-apple thorns. I repeated the oath for the fourth time, each time pricking the eye with a thorn
ending
.
.
.
‘May
this
thenge
kill
me
!’
As
I
and
stepped across the fourth
he removed the eye and brought seven sodom apples strung together on a thin hard reed and put them on the pot. He then gave me the same kei-apple thorns and I repeated the vows for the fifth time, pricking a thorn at every sodom apple and each time ending ... ‘May I be pricked thus if... !’ and also line of intestines,
crossing the fifth line of the small intestines.
He removed
the pot
and the sodom apples and picked up the
THRESHOLD OF REVOLT
133
and needle. Swinging these over me seven times, each time banging them down on my head, he uttered the blacksmith’s curse, condemning me to death if I violated the vows I had sworn. He then brought a very small Kikuyu gourd that contained a mixture of lion and leopard fat. He dipped a reed in it and with the fat made a cross on my forehead wishing me to be as brave as a lion or a leopard and to have their personality which would frighten my enemies. He then asked me to lick the remainder of the fat off of the reed. The ceremony was over. I dressed and started back to the school with David Wahome, who took the oath
Kikuyu sword,
knife
before me.
On the way to the school we discussed the oath we had taken. We resolved that it was a horrible oath, though typically Kikuyu. vows had been militant. We had definitely been employed in the Gikuyu and Mumbi military force. ‘But what would happen if All the
one disobeyed these vows,’ opinion, though the oath
Wahome asked. ‘Well,’ I replied, ‘In my itself may have no reaction, I consider
have repeatedly vowed under God’s name and that if I disobeyed the oath, my lies would anger God whose wrath might and most likely I would result in all the courses I have made that
I
.
.
.
meet a death penalty from the society.’ ‘You are quite right,’ replied Wahome. ‘Remember that hundreds of people have been killed, even the well-armed European families the Ruck family on North Kinangop and Commander Mikeljohn of Thomson’s Falls. To violate any of the vows would mean to taste death. At present the Government is completely
—
unable to control
Mau Mau
.’
Europeans having been killed. For many years they have killed many Africans but none of the Europeans has ever been sentenced to death by their courts of justice for killing an African in the whole 60 years history of their rule. They regard us as sykes or baboons. I wish Mau Mau courts had
‘Oh
power
!
I
care very
to sentence
little
many
of
for
them
to death until they feel the result
and their hyocritical teaching “Love thy neighwhich they never practiced. It is useless for them
of their injustice
bor as thyself,” to
teach us of the great Chinese philosopher Confucious
taught his people, you.”
“Do
to others as
who
you would have them do unto
’
‘What do you
think,’
Night of Long Swords)
I
?
Utuku wa Hiu Ndaihu (The rumour goes, if all the Kenya tribes
enquired,
As the
‘of
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
134
are taking the oath as
—and a well-organized all
we
are doing
plot
is
—which
carried out,
it
hope they are doing
I
may
be possible to
kill
them has at them have hun-
the Europeans at a given time since everyone of
least three
Africans serving him, while
many
of
dreds of African servants. ‘Did you note that the vows
we made
are of fighting plans?’
I
asked.
answered Wahome,
we were
But you see, the plan might have been in existence for many years and since the society is very secretive, even within its own members, it would be difficult for the ordinary person to know about it unless he was involved in the activity.’ ‘Now, since all the top leaders are detained, who do you think would carry on the plans?’ I asked. ‘Yes,’
‘that
‘Well, their lieutenants of course,’ replied
and Kimathi are
likely to lead the
told frankly.
Wahome. ‘Mathenge
war and they
will soon
become
heroes.’
We
arrived at school, took lunch and prepared for the afternoon
lessons.
CHAPTER
NO ROOM During
IN
VIII
THE MIDDLE
few months of open revolt, from February through May of 1953, Karari found himself playing a double, sphinx-like, role; one which became increasingly fraught with ambivalence and danger. As the major patterns of resistance were being established within forest, town and countryside, this dual role was becoming fixed as a way of life for countless thousands of Kikuyu, Embu and Meru peasants, particularly the women, children and men too old to bear arms. At night, or with great care and secrecy during the day, they attended meetings and oathing ceremonies, carried food and material to supply depots near the forest boundary, provided refuge and lodging for active fighters or new recruits passing through the village, purchased or stole weapons, ammunition, medical supplies, etc., for the guerrilla units, and performed numerous other tasks in support of the ‘fight for land and freedom’. During the daylight hours, however, these same peasants feigned loyalty to the white man’s Government and tried, under steadily mounting pressure and hardships, to carry out the normal tasks and duties of their everyday lives. Many willingly endured this ever dangerous and the
first
harsh double-life,
filled
increasingly with fear, anxiety, suspicion,
hunger and brutality, for one, two and, in some cases, even three years. Others, whose existence was no less dangerous or miserable, endeavoured in very pragmatic fashion to play both sides against the middle, seeking to
accommodate Government
with one hand and the revolutionary forces with the other in a frequently vain effort to safeguard their
and property. For
still
own
lives,
others, like Karari, there
loved ones
was no room
in
the middle; their situation required that they openly declare, in actions as well as words, either for or against the revolution.
Karari, whose recollections reflect the ambivalence inherent in liis
position,
though
decided to throw in his
this decision
lot
was ultimately made 135
with the revolution, for
him by the flow
136
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
a similar decision, and especially those who had achieved an education equal or superior to Karari’s lined up on the Government side. of events. Others faced with
The following week I would take my 18 pupils, who were to sit for KAPE, to the Catholic Church Mission Boys’ School, Nyeri, where would spend a week helping the [proctors] during the examination period. Soon after, we closed the school for the Christmas holidays. The holiday was very dull. Instead of the good Christmas I
songs, bullets
echoed everywhere,
[as
well as] cries for the deceased,
and raping; the cry of beatings and tortures in the chiefs’ centers, in police and prison cells. Instead of feasts there were fasts enforced by sorrow. It had been made illegal for a group of five persons or more to be found anywhere at any time in the whole of Central Province unless under Government supervision. Curfew orders to remain inside houses from 6 p.m. to 6 a.m. were imposed. Sadness surrounded all over. I could not go to Mahiga, my location, as a moving pass was required and worse of all, my location had been marked by the Government as the Mau Mau nursery in the district. I prayed and wished the New Year to come quickly and change our horror and and sorrow into happiness in which we would be victorious. Nevertheless, the New Year did not bring any change but, instead, a mass compulsory cleansing ceremony sponsored by Government was enforced. This was performed by witchdoctors (often called Her Majesty’s Witchdoctors) who were mainly Mau Mau members or sympathizers. In reality, they were only deceiving the Government that they were cleansing people. I attended one of these ceremonies held near the school as a spectator. As a Christian, I did not have to undergo this cleansing. Instead, I swore on a Bible at the D.C. s office that I was not a member of Mau Mau. By this time the Government servants had confidence in me as a good teacher who had not taken the Mau Mau oath. The holidays ended and the school reopened, again with all the classes full, for blazing houses, for the robbing
—
according to the Beecher Report, while lessly searched for admittance.
At 10 a.m. on 21 January 1953,
I
many
children
still
vain-
received news from Consolata
Catholic Maternity Hospital, Nyeri, that
my
wife had delivered
NO ROOM our
first
bom
IN
THE MIDDLE
baby. In an hours time
I
was
137
in the hospital to see
our daughter. For the following one and a half months
and
interest
On
on
my
took care
wife and our baby and the school.
the night of 26
raids took place at
I
March
1953 two well organized
Mau Mau
Naivasha and Lari. The Naivasha Raid was on
a police post which was taken by surprise. After a short time of
exchanging
fire,
the police guards ran away.
Our
warriors entered
the camp, released all the prisoners, broke into the
made
off
with
all
armoury and
the arms and ammunition. According to Govern-
ment’s report, our warriors gained 47 precision weapons, including 18 Bren and Sten guns, and 3,780 rounds of ammunition. Our warriors claimed to have gained over 100 precision weapons from
A
young Fort Hall mute named Mungai, who had recently started speaking, was among the Naivasha raiders. His name was used spreading propaganda that he was a God’s prophet and had led the raid with supernatural powers that his little Kikuyu knife turned all the bullets into water. This propaganda was believed by many persons in the forest and reserves. After the raid the mute disappeared dead or alive, the people in the forest could never tell, for it took them many months believing that God’s prophet was in a camp somehere in the Aberdares. This raid increased the strength and fame of Mau Mau. I thought they must have had good plans. The other raid was on Chief Luka of Lari and his supporters. The plan was successful. He and his wives were killed and their houses set on fire. I learnt from friends who witnessesd, that in the morning the Government killed ten times as many persons as the ones who had been killed and set more houses on fire. It was then claimed that the whole action had been committed by Mau Mau in which more than 100 men, women and children had been killed. As I looked at it, there were two motives behind the Government action. The first, a revenge which, by being uncontrolled, went beyond their intenthe Naivasha Raid.
—
—
,
tions.
The
killing of
second, to disdain
women and
think that the
Mau Mau
for the mercilessly unjust
children, thereby causing the sympathizers to
Mau Mau
have
lost sight of their
enemies and have
and that probably the following This only meant to cover [i.e., hide] the
started killed the innocent ones
day would be
their turn.
Mau Mau I
aims by a horrible action to the eyes of the people. personally sympathized with the innocent children [who died],
no matter which
side killed them.
But the blame cast on
Mau Mau
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
138
world by Government for the action was unfair and [false propaganda]. It only made me think that the British believe that killing by a gun or bomb is right, while killing with a panga is to the
evil.
To me,
it
made no
difference whatsoever.
But who has
killed
more innocent women and children, British or Mau Mau ? I wondered whether the bombs dropped on towns and cities by the and in his many British during the First and Second World Wars other wars spared the lives of the innocent women and children
—
—
which they were blaming us. And who dropped the atomic bomb on Hiroshima? How many died? Compare them with the ‘Lari Massacre’. Radio, press and films were used to inform the for
world of the barbarous, uncivilized Lari Massacre. Yes, uncivilized
—but
the British haven’t stopped
it
[i.e.,
uncivilized killings of
innocent people]. Neither have the civilized French,
who have been
women and children in Algeria for years, stopped it. This left me with the thought that were either blind in seeing their own errors, while killing
innocent
over seven the British
they were
bright in exposing their opponents mistakes, or they were doing
it
deliberately for their selfish injustices.
power of Mau Mau and was followed by a flow of thousands of young men entering the Aberdare and Mt. Kenya forests. My home, being only 300 yards from the fringe of Aberdare Forest, began to be used as a waiting place whereby the new recruits from Muthua-ini Village would
The Naivasha Raid marked
the rising
await for the forest warriors to collect them, heading for Karia-ini H.Q. In this way, I was many times invited by the North Tetu Sub-location Committee.
were (1) passing on of orders and instructions from the locational committee; (2) the enrolment of new members and the supervision and administration of the oath; (3) the spread of propaganda; (4) the collection of information about the opposers and informers; (5) the collection of funds; (6) the equipping and directing of recruits to the forest. I was only concerned with the latter. I was given money by the committee to buy rain coats, clothes, medicine, boxes of matches, pan gas etc., and distribute them to the recruits, hand them over to a guide to Its duties
,
my
house 12 miles away where they would stay for a day or two awaiting the warriors from the forest to come for them.
The sweeps and increased.
we
held
As
my
many
patrols in search of hiding or
house
in the school
meetings there and
named Mau Mau
compound was never it
became a hideout
searched, for
many
NO ROOM
IN
THE MIDDLE
1
during the hours of patrol operations. Twice, after a long and
some
the
patrol,
askaris
[i.e.,
headmen, Chief Muhoya and
police, soldiers] stopped at
my
his
39
tire-
well-armed
house and had a cup
and talked about Mau Mau while the very persons they wanted were hearing them sitting in the next room. Outside my house was the school playground filled with police, military, Home Guards and the villagers. Chief Muhoya had ordered that every man in his location had to join the Home Guard. Their duty was of tea
guard throughout the night the place allocated to each group. It then happened that in every Home Guard group of about 50 men only less than five were not members of Mau Mau and in to
?
were Mau Mau members. Mau Mau personnel were appointed to be headmen’s guards in order to maintain a flow of the Government plans and information. I had asked the chief to give me a group of Home Guards for guarding the teachers during the nights as I had learnt that many teachers were being killed and schools destroyed in protest of the Beecher
some groups
Report.
all
The group he gave me
and most
izers
active
members
for guarding contained the organ-
of the village, while the group
guarding the school building had only one person, the group’s
who had not taken the oath. The Headman received some information that I hid the wanted Mau Mau during many of his searches. One night, after the Headman had failed to catch two persons who had been seen by an informer, my house was surrounded at 3 a.m. The Headman called leader,
two wanted persons to go under my bed. In my pyjamas, I opened the door. The Headman spotted me with his torchlight. He entered the sitting room, moved his torch all around and then asked me how many we were in the house. “Me and my me.
I
wife,”
He
told the
I
answered.
then asked for the dormitory keys.
I
took the keys and walked
Noting that the house had been surrounded by Home Guards from another group, I greeted them and led them toward the school dormitory. I opened the door and they entered, thinking out.
that the
wanted persons were
with a great disappointment.
my
inside. I
They found nobody and
locked and returned to
—
my
left
room
worry the Home Guards had left. Though they spent the whole day in my house, I had a feeling that someone must have told the Headman of my activities in the movement. I decided that I would ask the Headman what he had
and
told
friends not to
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
I40
mind when he inspected
in his
my
house at night and try and
gain confidence in him.
Mau Mau
Headquarters situated in the Aberdare Forest about 10 miles on the Othaya ridge in my division was so great that the Government forces headed by military were several times killed or driven back at their attempts to reach the H.Q. In this month, Othaya Police Post and Kairuthi Home Guard Post, situated in a market of stone shops, were both raided on the same night by warriors from the H.Q. The Kairuthi Raid was successful, killing 18 Home Guards, gaining 3 precision weapons and looting the goods in the shops. I learnt later that the warrior who died at Kairuthi had been shot by one of his colleagues in mistaking him for the
By mid-May,
the
—
strength at the Karia-ini
—
enemy.
The Othaya Raid was Sacks
A
The
place was well-guarded.
were used to build a protection wall against high guard’s tower was armed with automatic weapons
filled
bullets.
unsuccessful.
with
soil
and hand grenades. The
fight
broke before
the warriors were
all
ready position as the guards had seen them. The Mau Mau retreated after a heated exchange of fire leaving a dozen dead warriors behind the barbed fencing wires while others were in
drowned by the Thuti River. I couldn’t know the truth for the country had become full of propaganda from both sides. Nevertheless, [these raids] won fame to Mau Mau in its propaganda. At about the same time Gatumbiro Home Guard Post, five miles west of the school, was raided, killing three, gaining one shotgun and burning to death 17 others inside the post and suffering no casualty on the side of Mau Mau. Less than a mile north of this post, Bildad Giticha, Supervisor of the Church of Scotland Mission School, was attacked in his shop. He ran out in the darkness and escaped death, but his thumb and two fingers were injured by a neighbouring schools were attacked and equipment destroyed. Thousands of heads of cattle were taken from the
bullet.
Six
reserve into the forest for the warriors’ food.
meant death
To
follow these cattle
to anyone.
Bildad Giticha, with his bandaged hand suffering from Mau Mau wounds, was posted in my school to assist me. We arranged
with him that he would be taking he would always dnve to
was sure of
his
Kamakwa
lunch
at 4 in
my
house and that the afternoon where he in
security. After a week’s stay with Bildad Giticha,
I
NO ROOM received a letter from Forest. It read
IN
THE MIDDLE
Man Mau unnamed
1
4
1
leaders in the Aberdare
:
Dear K. Njama,
We
have been informed of your good activities. Many of our recent recruits praise you very much for equipment, guidance help and your wife’s welcome. But there is something you should bear in mind and that is (1) You are still teaching under Beecher’s Report; (2) We have been informed that our enemy Bildad Giticha lunches with you in your house and that you
have been dressing his wounds helping him to recover. (3) You cannot serve two masters. We advise you to leave that job or join us or else you will find yourself in trouble.
Thaai
AB The bad
to
letter
upset
remain
my
jobless.
mind.
The
I
[i.e.,
Court No.
my
could not change
Peace],
job. It
7
was
only job that Government would offer
on its side against my people. ‘Oh, no I wouldn’t do this!’ I would arrange to meet Stanley Mathenge at home and discuss my situation with him whether he knew of the letter or would like me to be his secretary. Before I settled my plans, Muthua-ini Headman, Karinjoya, alias Kariuki, was raided at night. He and his daughter, who tried to help him, were badly injured by bullets and his houses and stores were put on fire. His wife and children were allowed to come out of the houses before they were set on fire. When all the buildings blazed, the gang made off, leaving the Headman’s wife and her children standing outside. The Home Guards who came for help managed to take him out of the fire but he died on the way to is
to fight
!
—
the hospital.
The
next day
I
took
all
the pupils
and teachers
to his funeral,
which was attended by Chief Muhoya, all the locational headmen, and some Tribal Police who fired shots for the deceased’s honour. In the evening I received a second strong warning that if I did not resign from that management they would take for granted that I wholly supported the Beecher Report and the Government and that they would regard me as an enemy and would not hesitate to kill me. The letter also reminded me of keeping Bildad Giticha in my house who might be a Government informer, particularly on my activities. It also said that after the victory was
—
M A U M A U FROM WITHIN
142
won, all the schools would be reopened under African management, but that now was the time to fight for land and freedom. The letter was signed by Dedan Kimathi. Worried about my security and still awaiting for a reply from Stanley Mathenge, I collected the remainder of the school fees, some 300s., and took it to the District Education Officer on Saturday morning on the 30th May 1953. He gave me a receipt and issued me with a transfer form which notified me that I was to commence teaching at Nduni-ini School on the slopes of Mt.
Kenya on 4 June
Mau
1953.
I
was not known
in that area
and
Mau
was getting into more troubles. I could hardly think of aiding the Government and, on the other hand, Government had failed completely to protect teachers from Mau Mau attacks. The Home Guard group, up to the moment, that had been guarding me was composed of all the active persons who had taken the 2nd oath, and with whom I had there
was very
active.
I
thought that
I
been collaborating in helping the fighters. I had five days off duty according to the transfer form in which I would make all the necessary arrangements. Pushing my bicycle uphill toward the school, I thought of the right and the revolution results. At that time Mau Mau was winning. Hundreds of Europeans were running away out of the country while others left their farms and ran for security. All the farms within five miles from the forest edge were left to Mau Mau who drove thousands of ,
cattle to the forest for their food.
When
the
Government
forces
tried to follow the cattle in the forest, they
unknowingly fell into the ambushers traps who surprisingly opened automatic fires on them, in many occasions killing them all and gaining arms, ammunition and clothing mainly the Government uniform which was used by the Mau Mau fighters to help them to approach the enemies deceived by their own uniforms.
—
On
the other hand,
Kenya was
ripe for independence,
whose
demand brought the revolt and only granting self-government to Kenya would bring harmony again, I thought. When Kenya gets its independence, the people who have fought against the oppresGovernment would become very famous and their history would be immortal to the Kenya African Government. ‘But I have already been employed as a warrior when I took the 2nd oath. I am not a coward my grandfather was a great warrior.’ I remem-
sive
;
bered his kiembo, the story of the white
man
he had told me, and
NO ROOM cast
my
THE MIDDLE
cattle while fighting for
curiosity
were
my
had increased
than to hear them.
I
living
land.
my
‘I
where I believed and feeding on European
will join them.’ In
my
life,
anxiety to witness events rather
Kenya revolution by made my minds to visit
decided to record the
witnessing the events in the forest.
Mahiga
H3
eyes on Karari’s Hill in the Aberdare,
that thousands of warriors
my
IN
the following day for
my
I
arrangements before
I left
for the
forest. I
arrived
home
at 6 p.m. Feeling tired,
I
asked
my
wife to give
me warm
water for a bath. By 7 p.m. the group that guards me had not arrived. The new headman was conducting a night patrol with them. At 8 p.m., a gang of 21 men, armed with four rifles, three shotguns, one .22 gun, one pistol and one .44 gun, and led
by Mathenge Kihuni, arrived at my house from Kigumo Forest. Three of the warriors were persons I had directed to the forest less than a month ago.
Mathenge Kihuni told me, in a friendly way, that he had been sent by Stanley Mathenge to take me to the forest for some discussion with him and his committee. I had no alternative but to go. I gave my wife 200s. and told her to take it to George Maagu, a man who had been selling me his land and whom I had [already] advanced 150s. I asked my wife to be shown a piece of land by the man which she could cultivate and get food during my absence. Without any preparation, I tied up my blankets and some clothings, bid my wife and my little daughter goodbye and set off leaving my bicycle to Johnson Ndungu. for the forest It was 8:15 p.m. when I left my house and after a short distance we stood and Mathenge Kihuni divided his gang into five groups composed of four persons. He remained in the group I was, making
—
six persons.
He
ordered the groups to collect food, clothing, money,
matemo
and the recruits from the persons in in a a.m. charge of the area. He told them where to meet at home near the forest boundary. We departed and made our way toward that home. On our arrival we met many girls who had brought food to that home, which was used as one of the forest suppliers. Inside the house were three big fat rams which we slaughtered and cooked. When the groups arrived they had 25 recruits who carried heavy bundles. We could not carry all the raw foodstuffs that the villagers had brought [and] Mathenge made a promise of coming again to collect the food. medicine, news
(
)
1
—
— MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
144
We
set off for the forest,
a gang of 47 persons. At dawn, we could
hear the cocks growing in the reserve as
wet least I
Before continuing
forest.
story
it is
entered the dark, cold,
necessary to give you at
a general picture of Nyandarua, or the Aberdare Forest. As
have lived
years
my
we
I
From
in this forest,
and
travelled widely there, for over
would certainly present you with a southern reaches in the
its
tapering extremes in the north
Nyandarua
real picture. District to
its
—Nderagwa, near Thomson’s
some 120
stretches
Kiambu
miles. Its
two
narrow Falls
width measures approxi-
mately 50 miles in that section of the forest which separates the Kikuyu districts of Nyeri and Fort Hall from the [European] Settled Areas of the Rift Valley.
Nyandarua from either the plains of the Rift Valley or the hilly regions of the Kikuyu Reserve, one passes through the forest fringe and into the wide belt of coniferous indigenous ‘black’ forest which is extremely thick in parts so that no weed can grow and contains large numbers of forest animals who drink from the many streams and rivers and feed on the forest growth or on one another. This region gradually Going up the
1 1
,000 foot height of
changes into thickets of bushes is
the real
large
home
herds
gazelles,
of
wild
of all the wild rhinos,
hogs,
cheetahs, hyenas,
all
along the northern border. This
game
elephants,
sykes,
and many
where you find deer, bush bucks,
in this forest,
buffaloes,
colobus monkeys, baboons,
leopards,
Emergency, this area was appointed for Royal National Park and one would enjoy the scenery and look at these animals who survived from bombing death and all sorts of air raids.) Unlike the rest of the forest, this
is
the only
food, while the cold
warm
others. (In fact, after the
place and has
and dense
much growth
forest hinders the
for animal
growth of
their
food in other areas.
Above the ‘black’ forest lies the thick bamboo forest belt which in places is more than 15 miles wide. In the maze and tangle of bamboo, standing as high as 30 feet in its middle and decreasing to mere bamboo bushes in its either ends, travel was difficult if not impossible for those
who
didn’t
know
it
intimately and in detail.
One
could hardly see beyond ten yards. The sun never shines in this area and it is extremely difficult to know east or west without a compass. The bamboos in a considerably large area are alike. In many occasions a person found himself surprisingly standing at his starting point after six or so hours of continuous walk.
The
only
NO ROOM
IN
THE MIDDLE
1
paths are those on ridges, formerly used by honey collectors
45
who
had hung thousands of beehives on the trees, or those which had been made by animals moving from one place or region to another or the aimless ones made by the animals while herding. With no signs to guide ones movement, it is easy to get hopelessly lost. Even when one knew his way movement was made difficult and dangerous by sharp cutting leaves and pointed new shoots of the bamboos on the paths and the ever-present danger of charging rhinos. Nevertheless, the difficulties and dangers of travel in the bamboo forests made them excellent places for us to set up our camps. While we came to know a given section very well and learnt to move rapidly through the dark tangle of bamboos, we knew from experience that it provided us with an extremely good defence against attacks from the inexperienced security forces. Moving through the bamboo forest one comes to the cold grassland flat-topped area known as the Moorlands, which stretches about 75 miles in length. Here, amongst many ponds and swamps, small bushes here and there, and with patches of forest and grassgrowth beneath, life was made very difficult by the extreme cold. Clouds often cover the area very close to the ground and, combining with strong winds, make it damp and cold. During the nights, all the dew freezes to ice which would start melting when heated by the sun or in the cold months remain covered by ice near the high peaks. The [twin] peaks of Nyandarua stand a little over 13,000 feet above sea level. Though we travelled the Moorlands and used it for certain purposes, such as storing foodstuffs and trapping the animals which fed on that ever-green grass, we seldom set up permanent camps there. When strong operations were held in the ‘black’ and bamboo regions we occasionally moved in this area which supplied us with meat and honey and gave us chances of seeing the enemies approaching far away
in the grass-
lands.
In addition to large rivers such as Chania, the forests of
streams. It
is
Nyandarua are
filled
with
Gura and Marewa,
many
smaller rivers and
not surprising to find 20 or more such streams
we
in
an
up our camps near one of these cold, clear, silent flowing streams, which provided us with cooking water as well as fish from the big streams. High in the mountain these rivers and streams are extremely cold and freezing to death or drowning was a danger of which we were all aware particuarea of one mile. Usually
set
—
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
146 larly
when one
of the larger rivers
had
to
be crossed during the
flooding season. All the various types of wild animals in the forest friends with the exception of the rhinos,
which we
became our
called
‘Home
Guards’ because of their brutality and willingness to destroy human life. They became accustomed to our presence and smell and, after
a few months in the of animal
life
forest,
and we
they treated us as simply another form
in turn learnt all their habits
and
calls.
This
proved extremely useful to us in detecting the presence or approach of strangers. Security forces entering the home of the animals smell-
and laundered clothing were greeted with many danger and warning signals or calls from the animals. In many cases they were charged by rhinos, elephants and buffaloes. The deer, monkeys and ndete birds with their acute sense of smell and sight [respectively], were our best guards against the encroachment of strangers or enemies. Whenever we observed these animal warnings we sent out our scouts to investigate. Almost without exception, we found the warnings of our ‘allies’ to be accurate and ing of soap, cigarettes
because of
this assistance
prohibiting the killing of friendly
comed
we passed animals who had
they rendered us,
a
strict rule
kindly wel-
us into their home.
These forests then, while cold and damp and with thunder storms and heavy rains during most of the year, became the home of over 20,000 men and women revolters fighting for the Kenya African Freedom. Many, like myself, lived and fought in Nyandarua for two, three or even four years. For us, these forests became a home and a fortress as well as the provider for our most basic needs.
PART
The
II
Fight in the Forest
CHAPTER
IX
NYANDARUA: THE EARLY MONTHS Karar
i
of
several
did not enter the Aberdares, or
months
Nyandarua
after the outbreak of
open
,
until
May
hostilities. It
might be useful at this point, therefore, to consider some of the major features and developments of this formative period as diey relate to early forest groupings and the emergent patterns of peasant resistance. Let us briefly, then, shift our attention back to the period between October 1952 and April 1953. It has already been noted that as Government pressure mounted during the first few months of the emergency, a growing stream of Kikuyu, Embu and Meru peasants began drifting into the bush or forested areas bordering their homes. This
movement was
slow, sporadic and, at least in the early stages,
unorganized.
was by and large a reaction
It
to external stimuli
rather than the unfolding of a well-laid plan for revolutionary action or guerrilla warfare.
In general terms, this movement to the forests might be described as a ‘withdrawal’, stimulated in the
main by
fear of
Government repressive measures and reprisals. Obviously, however, there was a considerable range of variation with respect to individual motives and specific external stimuli. Fear was frequently combined with anger, with a desire to fight back or retaliate or with a sense of mission, a dedication to the Movement and the struggle of ‘right’ against ‘might’. As with all revolutions, less lofty motives could also be
found
—such
as the
power or material advantage. In most with Karari, a number of these factors combined in
desire for personal safety, cases, as
varying degree within a single individual.
mind, we might look at some of the more concrete conditions which led to the entrance of certain segments of the population into the forests. First, let us consider Bearing
this in
those individuals
who
entered the forest with the positive idea of
preparing and organizing a military struggle against the adver149
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
150 sary.
Many
after
by Government and two such men, Stanley Mathenge and
men
held prior positions of importance in the Movement at the district or divisional level as organizers and/or oath administrators. Some were being actively sought of these
Dedan Kimathi, prices
on
entered the Aberdares in
their heads. Like others
the fight, these
men were
inspired,
December 1952 with
who went early to organize among other things, by a per-
sonal sense of mission along with a firm conviction that their
cause was just and that their God, Ngai, would
assist
them
in the
and freedom. A larger section of youths and young men entered the forests in several stages. Having taken the Warrior’s Oath and being active in local militant wings, these men were a primary target of Government’s security forces. At first, they remained at home during the day, carrying out their normal economic and domestic tasks, and assumed the role of fighters only at night. For many, however, this life became fraught with too much danger and they began hiding in the nearby bush during the day, returning to their homes at night to carry out raids on guard posts and Government loyalists’ stock, to eliminate informers and traitors and to assist in the administration of oaths. As more and more security forces poured into the Central Province, however, and night patrols and Government raids on suspects’ homes instruggle for land
creased,
many
of these small groups
moved
into local forested
areas or, where they adjoined the locations, into the forest fringes
Mount Kenya and the Aberdares. For the most men shared the militant outlook of the early forest of
part, these
organizers.
Some, however, were attracted also, and perhaps equally, by the safety and protection traditionally afforded by the forest. Another segment of the youth were administered the Warriors’ Oath and recruited directly into groups already based in the forests. The decision as to whether or not they should go was thus largely removed from their own hands. While refusal at this point, after voluntarily taking the 2nd Oath, would have been tantamount to betrayal, most needed no such threat, as the dangers of remaining in their home locations were seen as greater by far than the portending life in the forests.
A
comprised largely of urban and White Highland repatriates, were driven to the forest as much by hunger as by any other factor. Most were landless and many had fourth element,
nyandarua: the early months lost
what
little
151
had possessed through Government or Herded into hastily erected district centers,
stock they
settler confiscation.
many were
faced with the alternatives of starvation, a life of petty crime or entering the forests to fight for their food. Several
thousand chose
this
latter
course and entered the Aberdares
from the European Settled Areas or a short time in the Kikuyu Reserve. either directly
Finally, there are those
of
fear of remaining in
who
after spending
entered the forest primarily out
the reserve.
Collective punishments,
by the security forces and the fears and frustrations generated by the dual role forced upon most passive supporters of the Movement, simply drove these peasants into the forests. Their flight was thus motivated largely by an urge to escape the dangers of rural life for the relative protection offered by the forest. Few realized that the struggle might last two or three years. Most were thinking in terms of a few months; they would thus ‘wait it out’, in much the same manner as in the past their people would have awaited the end of a Masai raid. In this sector of the forest population belong most of the girls, women and older men ... as well as some of the more frightened youth. Once there, most would participate actively in the forest struggle; many, however, continued to place primary importance on personal safety and forced confessions, general mistreatment
survival.
Of
the several thousand Kikuyu,
Embu and Meru
tribesmen
educated were notably conspicuous in their absence. Karari, having completed two years of high school, was to my knowledge the most educated man in the forest forces of Mt. Kenya and the Aberdares. While to enter the forests
during
this early period, the
some of the men had had three or four years of formal schooling and a few had completed the eight year primary course, the youths, men, girls, women and vast majority of guerilla fighters were illiterate peasants, many of whom had never been elders beyond the local station.
—
How
—
does one account for this fact considering that the
Kikuyu are generally acknowledged the most educated and ‘advanced’ or acculturated of all Kenya African peoples? While it is true that the actual percentage of educated Kikuyu was very low, despite their comparatively high standing alongside other tribes, this does not really explain their total absence from
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
152 the forest. It
is
also true to say that virtually all high-ranking
educated leaders were removed by Government before the drift to the forests began. But what of the many school teachers, clerks, journalists, medical assistants, etc., who were not detained during the first few months of the emergency? The answer, 1 believe, involves a number of factors which here deserve brief mention. As previously noted, the general socio-cultural ambivalence
Kikuyu yielded a highly equivocal position on the part of the latter vis-a-vis the underground movement. Opposed to colonial rule and generally supporting the political objectives of the Movement, the educated tended nevertheless to be against those aspects of the oath and Movement which seemed to them a degrading return to the past. During the critical months following the emergency declaration, therefore, of the educated
it
is
not surprising that ambivalent feelings such as these led
many
educated Kikuyu into the position of ‘moderates’, wishing to wait it out on the sidelines rather than join the guerrilla forces gathering in the forests. Some joined the ranks of the passive supporters, a larger number gravitated toward a pro-Government, ‘loyalist’, position and many, at least for a time, played both sides simultaneously in a pragmatic effort to stay alive. The educated Kikuyu, in addition, generally had more to lose in the way of jobs, wages, security, status, etc., than the less fortunate landless peasant or unemployed worker. Many held jobs with Government agencies, schools, hospitals or private firms that provided a standard of living which, if indeed very low in
was considerably higher than that of most of their illiterate brethren. Not only were they thus more susceptible to Government propaganda, but working and residing as many did outside the main areas of recruitment, they were considerably less subject to the social pressures exerted upon others to guarantee their loyalty and active participation in the Moveabsolute terms,
ment. Finally,
it is
also possible that a significant
number
of educated
Africans were highly sceptical about the chances of resisting, let alone vanquishing, the armed might of the British with an odd assortment of pangas simis, home-made guns and a few pre,
cision
enemy
weapons. While
many an
peasant believed the to consist of only a few thousand white settlers, the illiterate
nyandarua: the early months
153
educated were in a better position to assess the actual strength of the colonial government. Though more likely an after-the-fact rationalization, perhaps it was only the uneducated peasant, spurred by a confidence in Ngai’s assistance not fully shared by the educated, who could muster the courage to attempt the ‘impossible’.
Let us
now
look at
some
of the general features of early forest
must be realized that there was a good deal of local variation and general confusion. Nevertheless, certain generalizations can be made which apply, I believe, to the vast majority of groups which entered or were formed in the forests of Mt. Kenya and the Aberdares during the three to four month period following the emergency groups. In considering this formative period,
it
declaration.
Comprised largely of youth and young men who had taken the Warrior or Batuni Oath, and frequently including a few girls, women and elders, these early groups ranged in size from fifteen to fifty or so members. Recruitment, though based explicitly on the 2nd Oath, had an implicit territorial aspect in that most groups contained persons drawn from a single sublocation or location in the reserve or area in the Rift Valley.
Organization was loose in the sense that there was no clear-cut division of labor, hierarchy of roles or differential privileges. Where women were involved, however, they normally performed their customary domestic tasks of cooking and fetching firewood and water; new recruits might also be given the more
arduous task of carrying supplies from the reserve to the forest. Though overall strategy and long-range aims were either absent or very confused during this period, most groups evolved similar tactical patterns and immediate objectives. Concerned primarily with conditions and events in their
home
locations,
most groups established themselves in adjacent sections of the forest fringe. The fact that not all locations bordered the forest helps explain why some groups remained within the reserve, retreating to the forests only when pursued by security forces. Hiding within the forests during the day, these groups would re-enter the locations at night to collect needed supplies, gather information, visit kith and kin, participate in oathing ceremonies, recruit new members, raid Home Guard posts or loyalists’ stock
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
154
and eliminate known traitors. To unify the community, both through the oath and the elimination of pro-Government elements, was a primary objective of most fighting groups since it guaranteed the greatest possible security under existing circumstances for both themselves and their supporters and facilitated the acquisition of supplies and recruits. In many instances, near as in or total support was achieved, with Home-Guards Karari’s village and even headmen being active members of the Movement. In structure, the forest groups of this period were quite simple. Integration existed, for the most part, only at the primary level, with relations between individual members of each group being articulated by a chosen leader. Normally, such leaders were selected on the basis of their demonstrated abilities, popularity, reputation, previous position in the Movement or some combination of these factors. The process of selection was informal, much as in pre-colonial times, and was usually accomplished through simple consensus. The responsibilities of a leader toward his followers, and their loyalty to him, were in most cases reinforced by strong kin and neighborhood ties. The position of leader was not ordinarily circumscribed by any special privileges during this period; nor did those holding
—
—
such a position normally possess a formal
title
or rank. Their
powers were confined largely to camp-site selection, the allocation of tasks and tactical matters though in the latter sphere some groups contained a seer or mando mugo who, as in the traditional age-regiment system, exercised an influence in determining the time and place of raids. Regulatory and adjudicative powers and procedures were neither formalized nor consistent from group to group. decision-making
—
As
to their relations with other groups within the
Movement, the only formal link maintained by these early forest groups was with their respective sub-location or location groups and councils.
We
have already indicated the basic operational features
of this relationship,
as regards supplies,
information, recruits,
important to note the supporting role assumed by most local groups vis-a-vis their respective fighting groups. While the warrior-wings were originally subordinate to their local counetc.,
but
cils,
the revolutionary situation tended to reverse this relation-
it
is
nyandarua: the early months ship,
155
with elders’ councils becoming increasingly subordinate to
militant group leaders.
As the
an important aspect of any guerrilla war, it might be mentioned here that the Government policy of collective punishment tended to make the local councils somewhat more conservative than fighting-group leaders. This is understandable, since a raid or killing in the sub-location often brought swift Government retaliation, the brunt of which was suffered by the civilian community.
relation of fighting units to supporting masses
Collective
fines,
the
confiscation
of
livestock,
is
harsh
forms of interrogation, arrest and internment in concentration camps were some of the punishments inflicted upon passive supporters.
To
avoid such repressive measures,
many
local coun-
sought to retain some measure of control over the fighting groups. This was particularly true in Kiarnbu, where the district cils
council of elders prohibited the killing of loyalists or traitors
without council consent and for some time retained their control over the guerrilla units.
During
between the various fighting groups within the forest, reserve and Rift Valley were unstructured and contact between them was slight and sporadic. At the outset, few even realized that groups similar to their own existed or were being formed in other areas. A similar situation prevailed regarding forest-group relations with Nairobi groups and councils. In the city, the initial shock and confusion which set in after the emergency declaration were just beginning to clear in the early months of *953-
A
this early period, relations
number
might be said to have conditioned the further integration of forest groups and the formation of large, permanent camp-clusters. Not least among these was a structural tendency toward unification grounded in the fact that all revolutionary forest groups were faced with both a common set of life-circumstances and a structurally unified enemy. The tendency here, as in comparable situations of social conflict, was for opposing groups to assume a common level of structural complexity. This tendecy was reinforced among guerrilla forces both by the shared ideological base and central-command orientation of the Movement prior to the emergency and by the traditional Kikuyu pattern whereby military age-regiments cut of factors
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
156 across
and linked the various
local
communities within a sub-
tribe.
Another, and perhaps more concrete, factor lay in the desire of many small forest groups to attach themselves to leaders of demonstrated ability and wide-spread reputation. By March of I 953, several men in different sections of the forest had gained repute through their daring in raids, organizational abilities or the strength of their particular units. These leaders tended to
and individual fighters who obviously felt their own strength and security thereby increased. Finally, there was the obvious advantage to be gained from a concentration of fire-power. Most forest groups were very short of arms and ammunition and hence sought either to merge with other groups or establish some working relationship which allowed for the maximum concentration of arms for both offensive and defensive purposes. The prevailing military situation tended to foster this development. During the early months of 1953, the Aberdares and Mount Kenya were the unquestioned domain of the revolutionary forces. Government had established no permanent bases in either area, heavy bombings had not yet begun and security force attempts to carry the fight against the insurgents into the forest were feeble and generally ineffective. Under such conditions, the growth and integration of forest forces was both feasible and desirable, increasing security and offensive capacity and mitigating some of the more severe transportation and communication difficulties. The small, loosely organized forest units thus began to give way toward the end of this formative period to larger, more attract other groups
tightly organized groupings concentrated within a large,
permanent camp-clusters.
number
of
CHAPTER
X
KIGUMO CAMP Located
Aberdare Range, just south of the Gura River, Kigumo provides an excellent example of the large, permanent camp-clusters which began to take form in February or March of 1953. While Kiambu is regarded by most Kikuyu as the ‘brains’ of the tribe, Nyeri is viewed as the ‘spear’ or ‘brawn’ and has traditionally been the most militant of the Kikuyu districts. It is perhaps no accident, therefore, that in the Nyeri section of the
Nyeri contributed 40 per cent to 50 per cent of the estimated 15,000-man-strong guerrilla force which was operating in the Aberdares by July 1953 and produced the revolution’s most
prominent leaders and organizers. As with so products and ideas of this period,
many
other Nyeri
Kigumo Camp was
to provide
a model and example for fighting groups in other sections of the forest.
Karari’s vivid recollection of
Kigumo
as
it
existed in
May
major changes in structure and organization which had taken place among Aberdare groups over the preceding few months. From the small, relatively isolated and loosely 1953
illustrates the
organized groups of forest fighters there developed large, per-
manent camp-clusters within which, and
largely as a product
numbers, the division of labor, differentiation of and hierarchy of military ranks became formalized and
of increasing roles
made
explicit in a
number
of rules, regulations
and procedures.
Each camp within a cluster, though retaining its own leaders and identity, now shared in the responsibility of maintaining a joint supply and sentry system and collaborated in the planning and execution of raids. The numerical growth and integration of Aberdare groups was not a haphazard affair. Just as the small groups of the earlier period were comprised largely of persons from the same village or sub-location, so were the large camp-clusters made up in the main of persons and groups from the same location or 157
— MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
158
Kigumo Camp,
division.
was comprised with few
for example,
exceptions of persons from the Tetu Location of Nyeri; a loca-
which bordered the
tion
forest
and contained a pre-emergency
population of over 20,000. This territorial basis of recruitment
and integration was conditioned by a number ing
(1)
of factors, includ-
the desire of persons to unite with friends, neighbors and
kinsmen,
the
(2)
family, land,
system,
remain
(4)
community
of local interests
and
fears regarding
Home
Guards, etc., (3) the local basis of the supply the proximity in the forest of groups wishing to
close to their
home
locations
and
(5)
the Movement’s
prior segmentation along territorial lines.
The formation
May
1953, just prior to Karari’s journey to the Aberdares, of a Nyeri district council and army i.e., the
Utuma Ndemi
in
Trinity
—
Council and Ituma
Ndemi Army
and tended to crystalize this territorial segmentation of forest forces. Not only was Nyeri District set off from the other Kikuyu districts, but internal segmentation was based on existreflected
ing administrative divisions within the in
ITUMA
Mathira
Thus the letters Tetu, Uthaya and
district.
symbolized ‘The Warriors of
Divisions’.
Through
the district council, comprised of
all
Nyeri
forest
leaders, formal links or relations
were established between some forty guerrilla units containing almost 6,000 fighters by the end of June 1953 ^is process of integration, certain decisionmaking, adjudicative and enforcement powers, held originally by the numerous small-group leaders, were relinquished first to camp-cluster leaders, heading informal councils of section heads, and then to the Nyeri district council. Council officers were elected by the Nyeri forest leaders and a military chain-of-command established when the Council Chairman, Stanley Mathenge, was chosen to head the Ituma Ndemi Army and the rank of General was issued to six of the major camp-cluster leaders. An important principle established here was that military rank be conferred on the basis of position within -
Thus the Chairman of the Ituma Ndemi Trinity Council became almost automatically the head of the Ituma Ndemi Army and other office bearers were likewise given high the Council.
military rank. Again, these
new
and
at least in part to confirm or concretize
ranks, positions within the military hierarchy were
KIGUMO CAMP
159
circumscribed by differential privileges and symbols and the highly egalitarian nature of the early forest groups was thus mitigated.
We
continued our journey in the darkness climbing up the Kian-
dongoro ridge and by sunrise we were a mile inside the forest. Here, the road passes through a forest plantation of pines patulla. Thousands of acres of indigenous coniferous trees have been cleared
by the
whom
an acre was allocated to each to cultivate for only three years and then the Forest Department forest squatters to
planted timber
trees,
shifting
the squatters
into
another dense
forest to clear.
As we moved through maize fields, though all the crops had been destroyed by the Government so that the forest fighters may not feed on them, one cannot hesitate to admire that fertile land with its layer of black humus ranging from six inches to more than a foot in many places, on which grows such healthy and fruitful crops. We soon came to Kiandongoro, an evacuated village on security reasons, and there on the border between the dense forest and the bamboo region stood a small Kiandongoro Forest School with stone foundation, slab walls and shingled roof in which monkeys and baboons had become the ‘pupils.’ After a short walk on the ridge road, we turned to the south and started descending the slopes of the Gura River which forms the fertile
Kigumo
valley at
its
bottom.
We
were then entering
more dense bamboos measuring five to six inches in diameter at the bottom and more than twenty-five feet high. The soil could not be seen as the ground was covered by a layer of dry bamboo leaves and footprints could not be traced. The area is covered by
many springs with clear, cold-running water. The made a halt signal and we all stopped. He thrice
leading person whistled like a
and received a reply by the same call. This was to inform the guards of our approach so that they would not regard us as enemies. There stood six armed guards. We shook hands, reported the country news, they gave us a password, ‘kilima,’ and we left. After 200 yards walk we stopped again and two persons were sent to call Mutobachini, the leader of the camp. He came
certain night bird
with three armed warriors [and] after greeting,
we
left
a quarter
MAUMAU FROM WITHIN
l6o
raw food we had carried there to be stored. I learnt that was the supplies camp, though we did not see it. At midday we sat down by one of the streams and took our lunch, which was boiled rams meat and some cooked vegetables from the reserve. Mathenge Kihuni who was leading the group knew me as a leader and treated me as his equal. We had a little rest during lunch time, through which I had a chance of observing every type of precision weapon they had and learned how to operate it and the terms used for them. Makar a (‘charcoal’) meant of the
Mwaki
ammunition, equalled
(‘fire’)
Gatua uhoro
pistol,
equalled gun,
Kamwaki
(‘the decider’)
was used
(‘small
fire’)
for the [big]
game
shooting guns ranging from .375 to .450, Bebeta [from a Swahili term, pepeta, meaning to winnow or sift] equalled Sten
Makombora (‘the destroyer’) meant Bren gun. After lunch we continued our journey. I noticed
gun,
only one person was leading our way.
He was
that all the time
supposed to know
more about the forest on the grounds that before the emergency he had been visiting the forest for the purpose of hunting or collecting honey from both bee hives and the forest trees. A person who had such knowledge was called muirigo literally meaning ‘a clear ,
forest path.’
At
2 p.m.
we
crossed the River
Gura
in
Kigumo
Valley about
from the reserve boundary. Half an hour later we found a wide path made by our fighters which came from eight miles
Kigumo
Forest squatters’ gardens to the
Kigumo camps. The path
was strategically made up through a steep rocky slope which ended on a flat natural bench at the edge [of which was] a big fig tree where the guards stood. The enemies’ bullets could not catch the guards while the guards had all the chances of shooting the enemy. Before we started climbing the steep slope the guards’
—our
—
muirigo
gave a password, ‘Hiti,’ which literally means hyena. The six guards were armed with one Sten gun, one two-barrelled .44 gun, two .303 rifles, one shot gun and the last guard had two grenades and a simi [a double-edged tradichallenging
tional
we
area
Kikuyu
sword]. After exchanging greeting
entered the gate
[i.e.,
pathway] for the
first
and a
little
talk
camp some 400
yards ahead.
At
3 p.m.
we
arrived at the camp. It
had more than thirty rain Each shelter had four poles;
shelters
where these people
the
pair six feet high while the hind pair was five feet high.
first
slept.
1
KIGUMO CAMP
1
[Each shelter was rectangular, measuring approximately 12
6
feet
and having a 9 foot depth.] The roof, built of bamboo splits and made to overlap a pair of joints, looked liked a tiled roof from the inside. The outer side of the roof was covered by bamboo bulks which provided a satisfactory rain proof. The walls were uncovered. The ground had been slightly levelled and bamboo leaves spread on the ground made a mattress. In the middle of the camp were two big kitchens measuring about twice the size of a hut. Two girls, a woman and three men were busy boiling some meat in two tins and a big saucepan; all the time taking much care that no smoke could be seen by an airplane. Thin dry bamboo splits were used to keep the fire burning without smoke. There were two leaders’ houses seven by seven feet; the only ones which had walls to protect [against] wind and cold, this being the only difference from the others. This section dressed in the normal clothes but seemed to have lasted more than three months without washing or changing. It was rainy season and all the area was wet and muddy. More than forty warriors wore the police uniform of black raincoats and hats. The camp had a lot of cattle beef well hanged on trees and the nine thousand foot altitude was a very good refrigerator which prevented the meat from going bad. The camp was very clean, all the bones were heaped on a bamboo table; some long split bamboos were used as pipes to bring water right inside the kitchen. Mathenge Kihuni introduced me to the section leader, General Nyama. Then, sitting in his room, [the latter] ordered some meat for us. He said that he preferred the food we had brought from the reserve and that he would like it fried with a lot of fat. We were given a cows cold tongue which I thought was boiled the night before. After eating we were given hot soup which had a half-bitter taste of wild herbs which were supposed to increase health and remedy some diseases. When I wanted to help myself at a short call, I was given a panga and instructed to dig a hole and cover across the front
properly
my
excreta.
I
learned that to be one of the
camp
rules.
While we were talking with General Nyama, I asked him how I could see Stanley Mathenge as I had been called by him. He hesitated. ‘No newcomer in this forest is allowed to see Mathenge or Kimathi until he has completed seven days. You can only see him at his own consent.’ Then Mathenge Kihuni confirmed that he knew very well that I had been called by Stanley Mathenge
:
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
l62
and that he was the person who was sent for me. Nyama said that Mathenge was living at the Headquarters Kariaini and that it was very likely that he had accompanied Kimathi to Murang’a (Fort Hall). Mathenge Kihuni confirmed that they had left for Murang’a and that they would not stay long there. At this juncture the guard commander interrupted by announcing permission for the camp to collect firewood. General Nyama went out to give some instructions.
By
was accompanied by two
the time he returned, he
Wanjau and Githae Mugweru;
leaders,
supplied medicine to
him and
from the Settled Area
me
invited
me
that Wanjau’s
whether
me
I
to his
very
camp about 300 six
that each of the three
We
He was
camp was 300
had seen the
main entrance
his friend.
Guard’s patrol,
I
They had both escaped
after receiving severe beatings for being
oath administrator suspects.
and he
had fed and
the latter a person
Home
taken care of in hiding during a
section
much
pleased to see
yards west.
yards south uphill.
guards under the big
camps sends two
fig
me
He also told He asked me tree. He told
sentries to
guard the
of their camps.
arrived in his
camp when
all
people had gathered in the
camp to say their evening prayers. Then, all facing Mount Kenya with some soil in our right hands, one person said
center of the
our prayers
God, the most powerful We praise thee for guarding us throughout the day. We have raised our hands to show you that the soil you gave our forefathers is now being used by strangers who have robbed us of our lands, our gift and inheritance. These strangers are killing us for our lands. God, mercifully look upon the spilt blood of our brethren and hear our call and cry. We have no weapons to fight against these people but we believe that thy sword will defeat our enemies for we are your sons and
Oh
daughters,
!
we
believe that
you did not create us
so that
we
might become servants of other people in the lands you blessed to our Father Gikuyu and Mumbi. God, close the enemies eyes so that they will not see our people who have gone in search of food and let our warriors who have set off for raids defeat our enemies by surprise. Bless our dinner, keep us, guide us and guard us from all diseases. Bless the water, honey, fruits
and vegetables of
this
mountain
so
KIGUMOCAMP may become good
that they
food for
us.
163 Let
all
the animals in
become our friends. We now remember our oppressed people in the reserve, prisons and detention camps. We pray for all our leaders, those who are leading us in the forests and in the camps. We pray you for our leader Jomo Kenyatta, guard and guide him. Grant him power to defeat the enemy so that he may lead us rightly in the land you gave and blessed to our parents Gikuyu and Mumbi. We pray you thus believing that you will hear us, our merciful Father, in the name of Gikuyu and Mumbi. this forest
We
‘
ended together by saying three times Thaai thathaiya Ngai thai which means, ‘We praise Thee oh God,’ or ‘God’s all
,
peace be with
us.’
Mr. Githae introduced me to his people, most of whom knew me and asked me to give a speech. As I was tired and unprepared, I only encouraged them that we were going to win our battle. Many of them surrounded me asking [about] home news and how their relatives were. The camp had four girls and three women and a few old men who were the elders. By this time the fires were made and I moved in Githae’s hut which proved to me that the two camps had been built from the same plan. We kept warming ourselves talking of different raids while we awaited for dinner. Soon a fat cow’s hump, well roasted, was brought to us on a plate. We ate to our satisfaction, followed by the same kind of hot soup half bittered by wild I
estimated the persons
I
saw
to be 300.
herbs.
As we kept talking with Githae, I learned that each of the three camps had an average of 360 persons and that the recruits were distributed
equally
among
the
three camps.
I
also
General Kahiu-Itina was the head of those camps.
I
learnt
that
knew him
as
an ordinary carpenter before he entered the forest and by that time he had accompanied Mathenge and Kimathi to Murang’a. I asked Githae to teach me the signals and terminology they were using. He then went on, ‘If you meet a green branch planted in
the middle of a path, that
means do not pass
there, there
is
danger ahead. If you meet two green branches dropped on either side of a path or bent, that means that the camp is near and you are approaching the guards and that you should give a signal. We whistle like a night-bird which says “ Kuri heho-i ndirara ku ?”
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
164
meaning
(literally
will also reply
“It
your
is
call
where shall I sleep?”). The guards and they would then await a friend and cold,
not an enemy.
‘When you come to the sight of the guards, they would shout to you “Number!” [in English]. If you replied “Seven,” they would know that you are an enemy because our people would only reply “ in Kikuyu, Mugwonja ,” meaning seven. Then the guard would say “Pass!” which really did not mean that you were allowed to approach the guards as an English speaking [person] would interpret, but that only asks you to shout the camp’s password or if you are from another camp, you shout the name of the camp and its leader.
The camp passwords
which are changed
tains,
‘Short sharp whispers
are
names
of trees, animals or
moun-
daily. hss,
[e.g.
hss,
indicate the enemy’s
hss]
?
approach or something quiet
He
to be observed, while long [low hisses]
mean
’ !
also taught
(plural) or
unranked [as did]
me some
terminology
non-commissioned
fighters]; Ihii cia
n jamb a cia ita;
Mau Man; Kiama
:
officers [the
muhitu meant
nyomu
itungati
meant warriors
meaning here
is
actually
‘forest boys’ or warriors
nditu , ‘the heavy animal,’
meant
meant The Council which is Searching Freedom [i.e., The Freedom Seeking Council, a name used briefly by the new Nairobi leadership]; mbuci meant camp [pronounced bushi and derived from the English ‘bush’]; kariiguri ‘it is up,’ meant an airplane is approaching; Gatimu (‘small spear’), Gatheci (‘sharp instrument’) and Gathugo (‘a throwing weapon’) meant Home Guard and was derived from itimu meaning large spear [stemming from the fact that Home Guards were initially armed with spears]; Kenya Ng’ombe meant Kenya Regiment personnel [ng’ombe, meaning ‘cow’ in Swahili was the Kenya Regiment emblem], and icakuri (singular, gicakuri, ‘a heavy pitchfork’) was used to mean any Government military Kiria Kiracoria Wiathi
,
personnel. It
was
interesting to hear all those
had invented. He
also told
me some
names of the
that the forest people
camp
rules
:
Everyone must wake up before dawn, just the time when birds begin their morning songs (which were regarded as their prayers) and all together say our morning prayers. clothes, blankets, cup, (2) Everyone must hide his belongings (1)
—
KIGUMO CAMP plate
and spoon,
etc.
—and
the
165
persons
for
the
select
two
responsible
camp’s utensils or such must also hide them. (3) The Guard Commander at each camp would
morning who would be replaced at mid-day by a second group that would guard the camp’s entry till sunset. As darkness was one of our guards, only a few persons were requested to pay attention to any approach while the others rested or chatted around fires. (4) The Guard Commanders would check arms and ammunition always when new sentries were to take over. (5) Nobody was to light any fire during the day for the purpose of warming or cooking without the Guard Commander’s permission as its smell and smoke could betray the camp to the enemy. (6) Nobody was allowed to go out of the camp without a written pass which he would show the guards while leaving or entering any camp. (7) Nobody was allowed to eat any food before it was shared [i.e., distributed] by the head cook. (8) All food must be kept by the camp storekeeper, who issued sentries every
number
out the daily ration every evening according to the
people in the (9)
camp and
of
the [available] supplies in his store.
Nobody was allowed
to stay in the kitchen
if
he were not
a cook.
Nobody was allowed to make any around the camp before 6 p.m. ( 1
o)
No
noises or cut
sexual intercourse was allowed as
down
trees
was believed that [A traditional Kikuyu it would bring calamity to the camp. belief according to which sex was thought to weaken and bring disaster to active warriors and was hence tabooed.] (12) Every person must bury his excreta whenever he or she ( 1 1 )
goes to a short (13)
it
call.
Nobody was allowed
to
go to
[i.e.,
enter] the leader’s
house without his knowledge and consent. (14) The camp’s records must always be up to date Registration,
(ii)
How many
people are out of the
in
(i)
camp and
what are their names, (iii) The sentry duties records, (iv) Raids and spoils records, (v) The arms and ammunition record. (15) All the fires
must be completely covered
roared during the night.
if
an airplane
1
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
66 ( 1
6)
The Guard Commander must
inspect the sentries at
any
time to ensure that they were alert and that they had not fallen
Guards were warned that death was the best punishment for a guard who was found asleep during his sentry hours but caning was the only one imposed. (17) Everyone must obey the camp rules without question
asleep.
or hesitation.
Having learned a bit of signals, terminology and camp rules, I was getting sleepy for I had gone for a very long journey all the day long. Githae called a girl and asked her to make a bed for me in his hut. The recruit who had been carrying my blankets was called and asked to give them to the girl. The altitude, the shelters’ structures, the bamboo-leaf mattress on the cold wet soil and the insufficient
beddings
made my
first
night extremely so cold that
I
wrapped myself with the blankets leaving no entrance for air. The night was cold and silent. At about three in the morning colobus monkeys started a roaring which continued all over the forest for a time. At 4 130, thousands of birds started their morning prayers which they presented in a very sweet music with different notes and pitches from different types of birds. We were all awakened for the morning prayers followed by the Guard Commanders' roster calls for the day’s sentries.
noted that some wore two or three pairs of clothes at the same time, while others had their blankets folded and hung over their I
shoulders under their raincoats. This was to provide
them with warmth and the safety of their belongings in case the enemy took over the camp, would search for any hidden property and destroy or take them. I also noted that only the leaders had hot roasted meat and hot soup for breakfast while others went without. [Each warrior received rations only once a day.] selves
with the
last night’s
They warmed them-
charcoal covered by ashes and could not
was against the camp rules. The sun does not shine at any time under these tall thick bamboos and the area always remained wet and cold. I wanted to know the strength of the camp, and so I asked Githae how many arms they had. He told me that his camp had twenty-nine rifles, five shotguns, two .22 guns, three pistols of which he kept one, a grenade and a dozen banda or homemade guns. ‘The other two camps have almost the same amount because
make
fires as
this
KIGUMO CAMP we
167
share everything equally, but each has a Sten gun with the
exception of
my
camp. But we always arrange our
and food transporting together
guards
that
so
raids,
camp
we can have
sufficient arms.’
At 10 a.m. we visited Wanjau’s camp about 300 yards south uphill. We were escorted by two armed warriors. We didn’t carry the pass letters for the leader was known and respected and the distance was very short. One of our escorts gave signals to the guards and we passed. Like the others, the guards’ houses were built some sixty yards away from the camp and beside the path that led to the camp. All the houses were of the same plan. This camp had a place with sunshine where we found all the people warming themselves. We met Generals Wanjau and Nyama discussing a cattle raid for food. They resolved that they would raid Ihithe Village the following night.
I
expressed
Kariaini Headquarters and they promised
my
wish to get to
me some
escorts
the
following day.
—
The cook was sent to prepare lunch for the leaders some wellfried meat. I came to understand that they would not eat maize or beans, which could be stored for a long time without going
bad, while they had meat which could not be stored for as long a
time before
it
went bad. This must be the reason why
I
have eaten
only meat in these camps.
wanted to know whether the leopards and hyenas ate their meat which they hung on trees. Wanjau told me that all the animals had become friends and that they would neither attack anyone nor eat that meat. He went on, ‘We pray for these animals who have kindly welcomed us in their homes and who have been put in our category by the security forces in other words they I
—
The rhino is our only enemy here inside the forest. We call him ‘Home Guard’ as he resembles those who did not take the oath. But there are no rhinos in the Kigumo Forest. regard us as animals.
We
take
it
for granted that all the rest of the animals
have taken
an oath of allegiance. They have stopped running away from us; in fact the monkey and ndete bird are our guards. They tell us the approach of an
enemy by
their alarms.’
Because these animal alarms were often
many
to believe that
God had
true,
it
made
it
easier for
given them such powers so as to
help us to defeat the enemies approach. This led to the passing of
a rule prohibiting the killing of an animal as
it
was thought that
I
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
68
if
us
we made
would probably
these animals angry, they
and chase us from
fight against
home. The birds, mice, rats would come eat any food that might have fallen as
their
right in the kitchen to
though they were tamed. Gituyu, a type of big rat, as big as a cat with a two-foot whip-like tail, were so daring that they would eat maize from a person’s hand and were not at all afraid. They broke their allegiance, [however] by going into our stores. They would
much maize as they could and carry as much as they could, as many trips as it were possible for them, to fill their stores in which they buried our maize. They were therefore killed. The sun went behind the western mountains and we were back in the camp saying our evening prayers, after which fires were lit to warm ourselves. Githae proceeded on telling me of the formation of the Ituma Ndemi Trinity Council. He said that on the 25 May, all the leaders sat where we had spent the day and elected the leaders of the Ituma Ndemi Army. ITUMA is a name made
eat as
—
from ‘I’ from /tungati, meaning the warriors, ‘T’ North and South 7 ’etu Divisions of Nyeri, ‘U’
Uthaya Division sion of Nyeri.
and ‘MA’
of Nyeri,
Then
— representing
— representing — representing A/athira Divi-
makes the Trinity of the “arrow head,” referred to an early
the three divisions
Nyeri Army. [Ndemi,
literally
generation-set which
was believed
metal-working and the
to
have invented the art of
metal-tipped weapons.]
first
was told that Stanley Mathenge was elected as the Head of Ituma Ndemi Trinity Council hence the Head of Ituma Ndemi Army and Dedan Kimathi as his Secretary. A few others were I
—
—
elected as Counselors. After the election all the top leaders
left
for
Murang’a and probably I would meet them at H.Q. Kariaini on their way back. At this stage the dinner came, nice pieces of wellroasted meat stuck on short sticks sharpened at both ends. Taking out his small pocket knife to cut the meat, Githae told me that every person in the forest was entitled to have a sword, a knife
and a box ol matches which would enable him to live alone for some days if he happened to lose the others. Some more boiled meat was followed by hot soup. Everyone ate to his satisfaction. After dinner,
we arranged
H.Q. Kariaini early to return to the
asleep.
I
had
to leave the
the following morning, since
camp by
they had could be used fell
that
my
three in the afternoon so
in
camp
for
had that the arms escorts
the cattle raid that evening.
We
then
CHAPTER
XI
KARIAINI HEADQUARTERS Kar
i
aini
is
significant in that
it
represents the only permanent
H.Q. camp to be established in the Aberdares as well as the largest and most developed of the camp-clusters which typified this period. In structure and organizational pattern it was similar
Kigumo Camp, though
to
the military hierarchy of roles tended
become more formalized and symbolic status differentiation and privileges more pronounced after the formation of the district council and army. Under the leadership of Stanley Mathenge and Dedan Kimathi, Kariaini was to attract many Nyeri leaders and guerrilla units and became the major center
to
new recruits in this sector of the forest. The rapid increase in numbers along with
for
the development of
a central command tended to diminish, though not eliminate, the importance of territorial segmentation among forest groups. The main H.Q. camp included persons not only from various locations in Nyeri District, but also numerous North Nyeri and
and Kiambu and Meru and even four Luo from the
Rift Valley people as well as several Fort Hall
Kikuyu, a few
Embu
Nyanza Province. In
addition, with
many
leaders acting in a
maintain the security system and allocate supplies, the bonds between those of near or equal rank tended to become strengthened. The relevance of this factor will perhaps become clearer if we focus attention on
concerted fashion
to
coordinate raids,
newly formed Ituma Trinity Council. As indicated earlier, much of the decision-making and adjudicative power previously held by individual section and campcluster leaders was transferred to this district council which, approximating the pattern of traditional Kikuyu elders’ councils, was to meet as the occasion required in order to hear cases, formulate rules and policies, and coordinate military planning and tactics. Though endowed with certain powers, however, it is important to note that the Council lacked what we might term an independent enforcement arm. Thus, while its leader-members certain features of the
169
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
170
voluntarily surrendered to judicial decisions
and pass
it
rights to
rules binding
formulate policy, reach
upon themselves
as indi-
vidual section or camp-cluster leaders, they failed to provide the Council with a force, independent of their own, to guarantee
were carried out. Whether or not the Council’s rulings were implemented, therefore, depended in large measure upon the willing compliance of its leader-members.
that
its
decisions
and
policies
Closely related to this leader, while
primarily riors.
The
now
is
the fact that the authority of each
by Council recognition, still rested he commanded from his own war-
legitimized
upon the latter, in
loyalty
turn recognized the authority of the Council
primarily because of their
own
leader’s
membership and par-
rather than the converse. It
important to note while reading Karari’s account, therefore, that while leaderleader loyalty within the Council was strengthened by the latter’s ticipation in
power
it,
is
by the esprit de corps generated through the Leaders’ Oath and by effective concerted action, this ‘horizontal’ loyalty between leaders was still secondary to to issue military ranks,
the ‘vertical’ loyalty binding leader to followers and, conversely, followers to their leader.
So
we have confined our discussion forces. By June of 1953, however,
far,
rilla
smaller
and
largely to Nyeri guer-
there were
numerous
well-organized forest groups operating out of the Fort Hall and Rift Valley sectors of Nyandarua. Contact less
with some of these groups was established in late
and
May
by Nyeri
was achieved in coordinating their efforts for the June 25th ‘all-out raid’. While the relations thus fashioned were as yet informal and unstructured, they constituted an important prelude to the wider integration of leaders
at least partial success
Aberdare guerrilla
forces.
Outside Nyandarua, some 5,000
Embu and Meru
fighters,
mainly from the
and the eastern locations of Nyeri, had established themselves in the forests of Mt. Kenya. A Nyeri leader, Waruhiu Itote, who later became widely known as General China, had been sent to organize the Mt. Kenya fighters in March by Dedan Kimathi. Only minimal contact was thereafter maintained between these leaders, however. For the most part, Mt. Kenya forces evolved their own organizational patterns Districts
I
:
KARIAINI HEADQUARTERS and pursued an independent course
I
7
of action throughout the
revolution.
As previously
indicated, other groups
remained in
their reserve
keeping out of sight during the day, carrying out raids at night and entering the forest fringe only as the occasion demanded. Sporadic contact was made by Ituma Ndemi Army sections with some of the guerrilla units operating in the Nyeri districts,
but none at all with groups in Fort Hall and Kiambu. In Nairobi, the Central Province Committee had been recon-
District,
stituted
by June and
militant units operating under the various
urban district committees were formed. Less disciplined groups also emerged, some engaging in ‘revolutionary activities’ primarily for personal profit. Contact between Nairobi and forest groups had been established by this time, though no formal relations existed whereby policies, strategy and tactics could be unified or coordinated. Nonetheless, a fairly sophisticated supply
and
recruit system, operating largely at the district or location
linked forest groups with their urban counterparts
level,
and a
amount of arms and ammunition, medical and money were being sent into the forest
small but increasing clothing
supplies,
ants,
new Nairobi recruits. One of my Nyeri informMohamed Mathu, who was then working as a draughts-
man
for the Nairobi City Council, described his role in this sys-
along with the
tem
as follows
My
main
for the
new
meeting the
task
on the location committee was to
recruits
who were about
fill
in cards
the enter the forest.
When
from different areas, this card would identify a comrade and remove suspicion of his being a
fighters
man
as
Government
spy.
I
also
assisted
in
distributing the necessary
equipment to newly formed fighting groups. Late at night, in an area of Bahati African Location called Far Bahati, shoes, raincoats, shirts, pants and jackets were issued to the men and they were escorted to our arms depot at Kassarani. About five miles from Nairobi, near the rock quarries and the Spread Eagle Hotel on the Fort Hall road, these recruits were issued guns, simis or pangas and were instructed for a day or two on the use of firearms. These
chased
men
in
the city.
On
weapons were being
several occasions
to Kassarani. After turning
I
stolen or pur-
helped escort these
them over
to
our permanent
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
172
guard for instruction, I would return to Nairobi in the early hours of the morning. The new fighting groups, usually numbering one to two hundred men, would then be escorted in
Murang’a and finally into the forest. Every night the men would pray facing Mt. Kenya and then set off through the bush into the darkness. During the day they would sleep and remain in hiding, being assisted with food by our members in Thika and the reserve.
small groups,
first
to Thika, then to
In summary, viewing the entire revolutionary movement as of June 1953, we have noted the existence of four major zones of guerrilla activity,
Kenya and
i.e.,
in Nairobi, the
Kikuyu Reserve, Mt.
the Aberdare Range. In each of these zones, as well
importance in the Rift Valley and smaller the revolutionary forces operated with relative autonomy.
as in areas of lesser forests,
was confined largely guerrilla forces operating within each zone, and even here achievement was not yet fully realized. Unification or integration at this stage
to its
armed warriors, one of whom was a guide, were told to escort me to H.Q. Kariaini and another man was asked to carry my luggage. We had breakfast and left the camp at 8 130. On the way to H.Q. Kariaini I could see places where bombs had been dropped and had ground the bamboos into thin threads. When we arrived at River Thuti, we met the path from the reserve to the H.Q. It was big and wide as a road; thousands of cattle and people had for many months been using it. There was no trouble of hiding footprints; in fact the warriors enjoyed to ambush anyone who followed the cattle. After climbing a steep hill we came to a small flat grassland patch. Our muirigo whistled the signal and after replies, we went After morning prayers, four
right across the grassland see standing a
toward the guards
hundred yards in front of
whom we
could not
There stood 20 wellarmed guards with five automatic weapons. We shook hands and gave out our pass. I came to learn that the grassland area was semi-circled by guards whom we did not see and who could only attack when the head guards gave signals by either shooting or sounding a bugle. There was no chance for the enemy to escape, us.
KARIAINI HEADQUARTERS for even
if
the
enemy
retreated there were
path for 200 yards distance. As we entered the camp, we
These were rain
shelters
still
173
guards along the
met a dozen of the guards’ measuring io' by 8 with sloping
thatched with ithanji reeds.
first
'
The uncovered
huts.
roofs
walls could neither
wind nor cold, but gave the guards the chances of seeing all directions and a quick way out. There was a fire place in every hut and at least a hundred guards slept here, about a hundred yards from the main camp. Over 200 such shelters made up the main camp, which had a cold, clear running stream across it. Three big kitchens with gabled roofs and measuring 2o' by 8 were erected at suitable distances for their supplies [i.e., conveniently near the main clusters of shelters]. As I passed near one of o’clock them I could see tins and big saucepans boiling meat at in the morning; taking care of the smoke, lest it be seen by an airplane. The camp was not at all afraid of land forces. As I approached the leaders’ houses, I noted that they were built differently from the others. They looked exactly like European tents, with doors, and had a partition inside separating the bedroom from the fireplace. I also noted that the leaders had a private kitchen. Inside the camp I could see over a hundred well-armed men awaiting the signal from the guards. The rest of the people had gone to warm themselves by the heat of the sun over the hill. The camp was located half a mile within the bamboo zone and built at the bottom of a steeply rising hill which had formed a natural bench on its northern end. To the south, the hill formed a tall wall, more than i,ooo feet above the head of a person standing inside the camp. To the southeast fell a steep cliff making a narrow ridge direct east which was the camp entrance. To the northeast, a continuation of the slope from the natural bench [descended] to the River Thuti, which drains many streams running from this hill. About a mile to the west was the great thicket of bamboo which, due to its old age, had all died and fallen to the ground making it impassable. As all the top leaders had gone to Murang’a, I found Kihara Kagumu, Gicuki Mugo and Njau Kiore leading the camp. I did not know any before. My escort introduced me to them and, after a short time, left, returning to Kigumo Camps. When I was telling those leaders about the country news, two other leaders arrived; they were Gicuki Wacira and Thiongo Gateru (known as Watoria), protect [against]
'
1 1
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
174
my
whom
was very glad to meet. Kihara ordered for lunch and quickly hot fat boiled meat was served on plates followed by the same soup. As we were eating, Gicuki Wacira asked me whether I had received Mathenge’s message asking me to visit him in the forest. He told me that he was one of those who wanted me to go and help them and he was glad for my arrival. I then told them of how I had received the message and about my journey. Gicuki gave me a letter to read to the leaders. It had
both
relatives
come from Mathenge
I
stating that he
would
arrive the following
day.
After eating, they invited east at the edge of the cliff
to their
and located
camp
camps a quarter close to
of a mile
one another. The
a small one with 15 shelters and more than 100 warriors. Gicuki’s wife and her daughter came
buildings are alike, the little
me
many
is
and neighbors in the camp. Gicuki told me that Wacira Gathuku, another relative, was in charge of the H.Q. Hospital situated half a mile west of the H.Q. He warned me, however, that no persons were allowed to visit the hospital and advised me to write a letter to him asking him to come see me at H.Q. I returned to H.Q. in the evening, during the prayer time. I was surprised to see more than 2,000 people (to my guessing) in the camp. Many of them dressed in the ordinary clothing while about 800 of them wore different Government uniforms which must have been acquired mainly from the dead security forces. A few had long and shaggy hair and beards. Some had woven [or braided] their hair like women while others had wool braided in with the hair to imitate the Masai. In fact, they could approach any Government force without being suspected. Nearly half the people were armed with swords or pangas while the rest had various types of European guns and more than 600 homemade guns. I could guess their ages; most of them were between 25 and 30 years old. There to greet
me. There were
relatives
were a few old ones, well over 60 years. The leaders could quickly be recognized. They all tied turbans around their heads, looked more clean and healthy than the rest, wore shoes or boots, possessed either a wrist or pocket watch and carried a hidden pistol
and a walking stick. I was very much astonished by seeing nearly 1,000 youths who stood armed with only a sword or a panga and were ready to fight against the Government tanks and cannons of the Royal Field
KARIAINI HEADQUARTERS
1
75
machine guns and the bombers. This was exactly what was prophesied some ten years ago [i.e., earlier] and reminded me of a youth dance called Muthuu. The dance was invented in 1942 by boys between the ages of 10 and 14. I was sixteen then. We tied rattles on our legs. The rattles were made of small tins in which we had put small stones and then pressed the Artillery
Forces, the
opening so that the small stones could not come out. When these rattles were shaken they gave sharp rhythmical notes. On our heads we put long birds’ feathers which were waved as we danced.
we held a well-carved wood in the shape of a panga or sword which we called muiko or G. North (‘genos’) the trade name on the pangas which were produced by G. North Co. in Nairobi. When dancing we referred to ourselves as Germans or Japanese and proclaimed that we did not care where the war might come from ‘If from the air, we will fight; if from any side we will fight.’ Our prophecy had been fulfilled. Most of the people in the forest were those who had danced Muthuu. I came later to recognize that the seven months imprisonment we prophesied revealed itself to be seven years. More than 100,000 people, including Jomo Kenyatta whom we very much praised in our Muthuu and Mucungwa dances though none had ever seen him served an In our hands
—
—
—
—
average of seven years in prison, detention or the
put together or
forest,
or in two
Mihuni songs 18 and 25 had
in all three categories. Prior to this,
created in I939~40 by youths between the ages of
prophesied unknowingly the scarcity of food and property, bravery
and death you have
in the thousands.
for the death of just
have died and
I
feel nothing.
no thicket prophesies became
there
I
One
is
did not take
into
which
of the songs said
one person;
Having a I
in
:
‘This
mourning
our village 3,000
and a walking stick, wouldn’t venture.’ At last all the knife
true.
much
time considering
how
a panga could fight
any of the jet bombers with their machine guns. Moved by emotion and will, I quickly believed that the time had come for such had turned out to be for all prophesies to be fulfilled common gossip. The prophesy of the Kikuyu’s honored witchdoctor, Chege Kibiro, who foretold the coming of the whitemen, the building of the railways and the going of the whitemen out of this country. I remembered the star that brilliantly shown in 1946 and moved from southwest to northeast which was claimed against
—
I
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
76
by witchdoctors that it indicated their departure and showed the whitemen the way home.
Our victory would just be a miracle, I thought. I believed that God was the most powerful, the creator of the world, who laid down the great oceans and rivers as boundaries and gave each race its own land. The Kenya Highland is our inheritance from the Heavenly Father Ngai. God did not create us so that the whitemen may have cheap labor from starving servants. God, whose name has been used by our people as the symbol of achieving our ends,
would avenge for the gross injustice done to the Kenya Africans by the British Government under the influence of the Kenya Settlers. We had to defeat the Europeans, I continued to reason. There were 60,000 Europeans against six million Africans. Each European had to fight against 100 Africans. It did not matter if he killed half of them and finally be killed himself, making sure that the survivors would share the land that had been used by the European, cast down the colonial rule and form an African which would accept European instructors, in techGovernment nique, trades and industries. Their obedience and respect of the African Government would be the most important qualification for them to stay in Kenya. My knowledge had been swept together with the thousands of ignorant warriors whose focus was only the Kenya Settlers. I had ignored the fact that the colonial system from U.K. was the source of our exploitation which we were determined to eliminate. Night came and the fires were made. Kihara Kagumu invited me into his hut. While we sat down around the fire warming, 1 asked him several questions. First I wanted to know how many people were in the camp. He told me that there were 2,600 people of whom 124 women. ‘Forty warriors and a dozen females,’ he went on, ‘are taking care of some 26 patients most of whom were injured during the Othaya raid. Wacira Gathuku, whom you wrote this morning, is in charge of the hospital. Harrison Gathinji and .
Muhindu
.
are
.
the
doctors
there.’
I
commented
that
I
knew
Gathinji.
‘The camp has 450 European weapons and some 650 banda (homemade weapons). A group of 100 well-armed guards whose huts you saw a hundred yards
away guard
the
camp
entrance and
they are the only ones supposed to be ready at every minute of the day or night. Njau Kiore, the tall black man who wore the police
KARIAINI HEADQUARTERS raincoat,
the leader of the guards section. His
is
1
camp
is
77
four miles
away, just one mile from the fringe of the forest. He has 300 strong guards who guard the entrance to Kariaini. If the enemy were seen entering the forest, the fight would start there and they would
be unable to approach us up here. There are four other camps
surrounding the H.Q. at
less
than a mile distance, each having an
average of 300 people.’
He
reserves,
me
was a supply of cereals from the the Chief food was beef from Native cattle. The policy
told
had been
that though there
to eat only the
Home
Guards’
[i.e.,
loyalists’] cattle,
but
were put together in pens which were strongly guarded, then we had to fight for them and keep records of foodstuffs, so that at the end it could be reported how many bags of
since
all
cattle
we had
would be required to know how many heads of cattle, sheep, goats and pigs we had used. How much or how many belonged to the enemy and maize, beans, wheat or potatoes,
how many belonged
to
etc.,
our members and
used. It
how much
to a particular
would be due to him for compensation. ‘You see,’ he went on, ‘our Government had asked us to fight but has not supplied us with any arms, food or clothing; whatever we spend then our Government would be responsible for compensation.’ The dinner was ready; well-fried meat with nice thick gravy and some doughs [i.e., fried corn-cakes] followed by soup. As we were eating, I raised a question on the Othaya Raid. He told me that about 400 people from H.Q. raided Othaya Camp at night time with the intention of releasing prisoners and acquiring more arms. About the same number of persons had to raid Kairuthi and Ihuririo at the same time. (Kairuthi raid was successful as I had individual
reported; Ihuririo group failed to raid and the leader gave the
excuse of being late right from the starting.)
‘The Othaya
Camp was
well-protected with barbed wire fences,’
he continued. ‘The guards were laying
in fortified covers
behind
which had built a wall impassible by a bullet and in tall guards’ towers which enabled them to see far away and secured their positions. The guards saw our people approaching the barbed wires and then opened fire before our people were ready. Some soil
sacks
reported to fight
me
that they were over 300 yards behind
when
the
broke and a heavy rain started pouring almost simultaneously.
The Kenya
Police inside the
camp threw mortar
[i.e.,
flares] in
the
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
178
which shone better than the moon and changed darkness into light, making every one of our warriors visible. As our warriors were laying together along the barbed wire fences, they were badly beaten by grenades from the guards’ tall towers above their heads. Though they managed to cut the barbed wires when one person was blowing a bugle, they did not enter the camp as they noted that many of their people were falling down dead. There were !” several cries, “Come to the Bren gun, I’m shot ‘They retreated and ran away leaving behind the dead and the dying; taking with them only the ones who managed to walk when held. It was still pouring as they left and the River Thuti less than 200 yards behind them had so swollen that it wanted to swallow everybody who tried to cross it. The Bren gun was drowned with its owner, Kambo Wamwere, who had reported that he was shot.’ I told him that Kambo was my cousin. He replied that Kambo was a very brave warrior. As all the raiders had not come from the H.Q. some had come from different camps in that region and as far as Location 14 of Murang’a each returned to his camp after the raid. No person in air
—
—
the forest could
the
tell
how many enemies
or warriors were killed in
Othaya Raid. Each could only give an account
had seen or heard others say on the way back could
tell
might be
the truth about the absenties.
to their
Some
of
what he
camps. None
guessed that they
camps and kept waiting for them. Later on I warriors had died; the drowned and the missing
in other
learned that 16
ones from H.Q. alone were 16 other warriors. Eighteen patients in the H.Q. hospital were mostly suffering from grenade shells while more than a dozen had received light injuries in the same raid. Most of the warriors claimed at least a dozen of the security
might have died. After dinner, the whole camp rejoiced in songs of praise to the country and warriors’ leaders, songs of prayers, propagating the Movement, degrading and warning the Africans who helped the Government. The whole forest echoed in the dead night’s silence. forces
It
was a great entertainment which
cast
away
all
worries and
increased courage.
Here are a few of the songs we sang that night. that it was one of the only entertainments we had
made a new song our
to record every event.
activities in songs.
We
I
learnt later
after dinner.
on
We
therefore could report
KARIAINI HEADQUARTERS
*
79
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
180 (1)
God created Gikuyu and Mumbi And kept them in Gikuyuland. They were deceived by Europeans And their land was stolen. Chorus:
never leave
I’ll
never leave him.
I’ve
been solemnly promised
The
return of our lands. at Ringuti
Kenyatta stood ‘Vagrancy and
Do
Jomo
I’ll
and
said
:
laziness
not produce benefits
For our country.’ Chorus:
Jomo
I’ll
never leave
I’ll
never leave him.
I’ve
been solemnly promised
The
return of our lands.
Sorrow and trouble came With the white community.
When we They
(2)
When
accepted them
stole
our land.
our Kimathi ascended
Into the mountain alone,
He To
defeat the white man.
He
said that
asked for strength and courage
The
we
should tread
paths that he had trodden
That we should follow
And
;
his steps
drink from his cup.
you drink from the cup of courage, The cup I have drunk from myself,
‘If
a cup of pain and sorrow,
It
is
A
cup of
tears
and
death.’
;
1
;
;
HEADQUARTERS
KARIAINI
1
8
We are tormented because we are black, We are not of the white community We do not share their blessings, But our own God
is
before us.
Don’t fear to be exiled
Or Or For
detained in the camps, to lose still is
your belongings or our
God
before
life
us.
Even though our hearts are troubled
Jomo
will
never desert
us.
was never abandoned, God, at Kapenguria by Thee.
Just as he
Oh
You must
display his perseverance
In the face of trouble or death
Knowing that you belong to The Kingdom of Gikuyu and Mumbi.
(3)
The day Kenyatta was arrested, Which was on a Monday,
He was
taken to the airport.
Chorus: T hey mocked him, saying ‘Jomo, you’ve defended the blacks
Now If
defend yourself and we’ll see
you can win we
!
will accept you.’
When Pritt heard the news He felt a strong sympathy Seeing the Kenyans in trouble. Spear-bearers
(i.e.,
Home
Guards)
!
We’ll never compromise.
You had us, your brothers, put in prisons And revealed the secrets of the blacks.
When they heard the news they were To learn that the witnesses were Their own Kikuyu
sisters
surprised
and brothers.
1
MAUMAU FROM WITHIN
82
The lawyer
asked a
‘Are you sure
Peninah Wanjiku,
girl,
Jomo was
there
When
the oath was administered?’
When
all
the chaos
is
finished
We’ll return to our homes and our land
And many
(4)
spear-bearers will
commit
The children of Gikuyu live in Under the pouring rains; With much hunger and cold Because we want land. Chorus: Woeee
Woeee
suicide.
the forests,
Woeee, Ayahee Would you bear death, troubles and imprisonment Because you want your lands?
Who
!
!
!
are those singing aloud,
Living beyond the ocean Praising
The
Jomo and Mbiyu
seekers of right
Some Gikuyu
And
and
as
justice
?
separated themselves
betrayed the others because
They thought we could never win. Our House of Mumbi, We will win
(5)
!
Mother, whether you cry or not, I will only come back when our lands are returned When I obtain our lands and African Freedom !
These songs continued excitements,
I
until late after midnight.
wrapped myself
in
area being of higher altitude than
blankets and
Kigumo and
With a
fell
asleep.
also being
lot of
This
exposed
was much colder than Kigumo. After morning prayers, the sentries were posted and we took breakfast. I noted that nearly everyone had a kitbag ( gitumbeki containing at least three ready meals. Kihara told me that we had better go up the hill and expose ourselves to the sun. Here, most of the people spent the day in small groups of at most twenty, to strong winds,
— KARIAINI HEADQUARTERS
1
83
and taking great care lest we be seen by an airplane. A few people were sent out to collect honey. A few dug hiding holes, while others [simply] went under the big trees when the Harvards dropped their 50-pound bombs. At 10 a.m. Wacira Gathuku arrived, aged 55, resembling much to my father with a white turban on his head and long beard, dressed in a grey suit, a wrist watch and a walking stick and a pair of gum boots. We were both glad to meet each other. We talked of the current news, my journeys, his job, the hospital and the patients and such. At lunch time, Kihara called his attendant who brought his kitbag, out of which we ate roasted and boiled cold meat. Soon after lunch Stanley Mathenge with three other leaders Kahiu-Itina, Ngara Gitegenye and Gategwa arrived from Murang’a with two dozen warriors, all well-armed, and ten carriers including a girl, who all carried food and other belongings. Mathenge, six-feet-tall brown man of medium thickness with little beards on his chin and black moustache, wore a woolen grey beret on his head, a red-spotted colored scarf around his neck, a khakicolored rain- and cold-proof coat with leather buttons, a long pair of black trousers and a pair of black shoes, a wrist watch, a walking staff and an automatic pistol hoisted on a waist-belt. We were very happy to meet each other. Mathenge asked me whether I had discussing
—
received his
letter.
He
thanked
me
for going to the forest,
adding
would be able to speak to the Government through me in writings and he would be certain that all records were properly kept. He told me that I had no case to answer, he only wanted me to go and work with him in the Land and Freedom Army. He refused any further discussion on the issue and promised me that we would have the discussion privately in the evening while warming ourselves by the fire. He called his personal secretary Ndungu Mathenge, who was nicknamed Achieng Oneko [the KAU Secretary tried with Kenyatta and four others at Kapenguria], and ordered him to write letters addressed to all the leaders in the forest between Rwarai and Muringato streams Rwarai marks the Nyeri/Muranga boundary and Muringato marks the Nyeri/Northern Rift Valley boundary telling them to attend a leaders’ meeting at H.Q. Kariaini on the 11th of June 1953 without fail. Mathenge asked me to help his secretary in writing copies of the letter. As Mathenge did not know how to write, I had just to put down his name for signature. The that he
—
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
I84
who had accompanied Mathenge from Murang’a were responsible for the letters’ delivery. They left for their camps three
leaders
and Mathenge gave us a short account of his journey. He said that Murang’a people were very brave fighters but they lacked fighting tactics. He said that they were conducting day battles in the villages which were resulting to the deaths of many women, children and the old persons who are generally found in the battlefield, as the security personnel would always avenge on them. He also said that a part of a sub-location had fled into the forest with their animals, women and children for hiding purposes. He told us that he left Kimathi organizing them fi.e., the Murang’a fighters] and that he may continue his journey as far as Kiambu. ‘I have come to arrange a plan which I am sure will shake the Kenya Government. It will show our strength and ability.’ It was getting cold as the sun was sinking behind the western mountains. Mathenge asked Gathuku to go to the hospital with four of his carriers, one of whom was a girl, and show them where to peg out his tent while he would go and greet the warriors in the H.Q. I accompanied Mathenge to the camp. After prayers, when all were seated, Mathenge gave a short account of his journey, encouraged the fighters, introduced me to them and asked me to speak to the people. I read two verses from the Holy Bible which I had selected :
Lamentations. Chapter 1
.
Remember,
O
lord,
5, verses 1-9.
what
is
come upon
us
:
consider,
and
behold our reproach. 2.
3. 4.
Our
We We
inheritance
turned to strangers, our houses to aliens.
is
and fatherless, our mothers are as widows. have drunken our water for money; our wood is sold unto are orphans
us. 5.
Our
necks are under persecution,
6.
We
have given
the
hand
to
we
and have no rest. the Egyptians, and to the labour,
Assyrians, to be satisfied with bread. 7.
Our
fathers
have sinned, and are not; and we have borne their
iniquities. 8.
Servants have ruled over us
:
there
is
none that doth deliver
us out of their land. 9.
We
gat our bread with the peril of our lives because of the sword of the wilderness.
KARIAINI HEADQUARTERS Ecclessiastes. 1
Chapter
1
85
4, verses 1-3.
So I returned, and considered all the oppressions that are done under the sun and behold the tears of such as were oppressed, and they had no comforter; and on the side of their oppressors there was power but they had no comforter. Wherefore I praised the dead which are already dead more
.
:
;
2.
than the living which are yet Yea, the better
3.
who hath
is
alive.
he than both they, which hath not yet been,
not seen the evil work that
After reading,
I
is
done under the
book and began
closed the
countrymen, I’m glad to be with you
this
my
sun.
speech.
‘My
am
also
evening.
I
pleased with your bravery and your efforts in this hard struggle. is
only four days since
I left
ing in order to join you,
many
are five times as
the five hundred children
and
I
am
glad that you
as those children.
I
who
have
I
It
was teach-
are listening
just read
two
Kikuyu language which I am sure that you have all understood. The first was the Lamentations of the prophet Jeremiah of Israel for his people. Did you find it to be true with verses to
you
in
us today?’
if
‘Yes, quite true,’ replied the
mob. ‘This wood
we
rot here,’ said
for
don’t buy,
it
would only
is
sold to us
and
one person. ‘We die
our own food,’ said another.
you agree with the prophesy of Jeremiah?’ ‘Yes, we do !’ they replied. ‘So,
‘Then don’t be worried of what has become of this
is
it
from the
other races and nations.
It
is
Israelites. It
is
no playing with
has happened to
History and History repeats
our turn now. All you have to do
There
saying that
You many
strange news you had never seen or heard of before.
have already heard
is
us,
either
is
itself.
It
persevere and fight bravely.
arrow or gun. Whenever you pull
the trigger or release the arrow from the string, you can not stop
by any means from hitting the object you aimed at. This means that we have started our fight for Land and Freedom; whether you like it or not, whether you surrender or not, our aim must at it
last
be achieved by either you or your children.
‘My countrymen, the question is “Are you ready to fight till we get our Land and Freedom or are you going to leave the fight for your young children?”
’
I
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
86 ‘Oh,
we
are going to fight!’ they exclaimed.
‘We
are going to
win,’ shouted another person.
‘You can
fight
and win
in actions
but not
in words.
Remember
the saying, “Actions speak louder than words.” Goodbye.’
Mathenge thanked me for
me
for the speech, asked the people to cheer
three times by clapping their hands, then
commented on
them that he had called me to go and help them in the land and freedom struggle and that he believed I would be of much help stating that I had given a very courageous speech on my first day. He then bid them goodbye and we left HQ. toward the hospital escorted by four armed warriors, the person who carried my luggage and his secretary. We arrived at twilight and I could see ten living shelters and a kitchen, two leaders’ houses, Mathenge’s tent and the leaders’ kitchen. The only difference in the buildings was that all the walls
my
He
speech.
told
—
were completely covered
in
order to protect the patients from the
The camp was within scattered bamboos and under The nearby stream made a swamp covered by long
severe cold.
big trees.
ithanji reeds. It
was too cold
for mosquitoes to breed in the
swamp.
After exchanging greetings with the patients and their guards,
we moved
into Gathuku’s hut.
I
was glad
to
meet Dr Harrison
was introduced to Muhindu his assistant. Gathinji went on telling me how he was treating the patients and that they were recovering well. Some had bullets healed in them. I told them that I was a Scoutmaster and that I had two First Aid Certificates and a Red Cross emblem which proved that I was fit to aid patients especially the ones suffering from loss of blood. ‘You see Gathuku,’ Mathenge commented, ‘we have now got a very important person Mr Njama. He is a teacher and has given a very courageous speech at H.Q. which I would ask him to repeat tomorrow morning. You have heard again that he is a very good doctor. He would be working with you, Gathinji, and I think you Gathinji and
I
—
be of great help to our patients. Scoutmaster and will teach our warriors will all
remember
He is a how to
brave warrior, spy, hide
and
was with him in 1947 when he received praiseworthy letters from His Excellency the Governor for saving an old man’s life. I hope you will do much more than that for your signal.
I
people. Again, he
speak English.
I
I
a very well educated person; he can write and do not know to read, how can I speak to the
Government while
is
in this forest?
You
will be writing all
I
want
to
KARIAINI HEADQUARTERS say in any language you wish (pointing at me) and ing
to the
it
called you.
Government. You
Though without
will
my
be
education,
1
I
will
Secretary; that
all
those
87
be send-
why
is
who have
I
offered
freedom would surely have some priority in the African Government, while people like you with education would rise to the top of the Government Departtheir lives in the course of fighting for
ments.’
At
this stage
the dinner was ready; well-roasted ribs of a fat
cow, pancakes and a thick gravy, diluted honey followed by hot soup. As we were eating, Gathinji remarked that plenty of food
was the
best medicine they could give to the patients.
that statement explaining
how
the food
we
I
emphasized
growth and the repair of our bodies. After dinner, Mathenge claimed that he was very tired from the long journey and went to sleep. I noted that all the girls were sleeping in one hut and that no warrior was allowed to sleep with a girl. I was told it was a rule that even in the
H.Q.
he slept
all
women
alone but
in
slept alone. it
bed was made here and I
had a good
The
Gathuku had a big room which
was generally used I fell
eat provides for
asleep.
The
as the sitting
area was a bit
My
room.
warm and
sleep.
following morning
I
gave the same speech.
I
attended the
and noted that the greatest difficulty was an operation whereby it would be necessary to remove a bullet from either abdomen, chest or head. Not even one of us had surgical knowledge, though we had some apparatus. All we could do was to treat the wound and let it heal with the bullet inside. Many cases were light and we removed it [i.e., the bullet]. I spent the day in a private place over the hill alone with Mathenge and Gathuku. Mathenge told me of his visit to Nairobi in March; how he was arrested and taken to a police station. He could see the posters selling his head and his photo on the notice patients
he entered the charge room. The police did not recognize him and he was soon released and returned to the forest via
board
as
Murang’a.
He
also told
me
of a fire bullet incident.
He
said that
when
they were on a journey with Kimathi in Murang’a they were sitting
the
one night when a bullet exploded in he bullet passed near me and I escaped death very
warming around a
fire.
narrowly.
‘T
all
God
had put that
didn’t
fire
want
bullet in the
me fire,
to die.
but
all
We
tried to find out
in vain.
I
who
suspected that
I
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
88
Kimathi might have put the bullet, or his agent, aiming at eliminating me so that he would become the chief leader. He was not at all pleased when I was elected to be the head of Ituma while he was elected to be my clerk. He thinks that his education makes him more clever and important than myself. But, you see, all the leaders proved that that was not true by electing me in his presence. I decided not to accompany him for the rest of our planned journey and chose to return here to prepare for an all-out raid. I would pray God to punish the evil one who had put the bullet in the
fire.’
In the evening, the hospital.
He
we found Kihara Kagumu awaiting
for us at
reported that there were three cases to be heard
under the chairmanship of Mathenge. ‘The cases,’ he continued, (i) under the leadership of Gen. Nyama, our warriors have ‘were robbed Joram Muchanji’s shop at Ndunyu Market. The owner is a great comrade who supplies us with all the shopping goods. It is a very bad act to a friend. It may cause a hatred to many people. :
(2)
The second
case
is
of raping.
Some
warriors in Ngara’s section
have been accused of raping girls. (3) The third case you can remember; Gacuhi shot dead his fellow partisan and took off his
gun
at the Kairuthi Raid. It
is still
to be
proven that he shot him
knowingly for the purpose of acquiring the gun.’ Mathenge became very angry with Gen. Nyama. He said if such a thing happens again he would split the H.Q. into sublocation sections
supplies
from
its
Kigumo
and order each section
own
sub-location only.
to
He
have
[i.e.,
asked
me
acquire]
its
to write a
and all leaders around H.Q. asking them to attend a meeting at H.Q. June 9th to discuss the three serious cases. 1 he June 11th meeting remained unchanged. After writing all the required copies, I handed them to Kagumu for dispatching. This report by Kihara made me think that there were different segments amongst the fighters; and probably they might have letter to
leaders
different motives for entering the forest.
there were
women and
old
I
had already noted that
men who had come
into the forest for
the sake of hiding or to escape the security force tortures this might be true of some warriors.
.
.
.
and
The following day we visited three camps surrounding the H.Q. Our intentions were to get information from different places about the current news and the reports on camp activities. At midday we were at Watoria’s camp and were listening to his assistant Kahinga
KARIAINI HEADQUARTERS Wachanga all
reporting about the
along the forest boundary.
camp when we saw It
1
puffs of
89
smoke
quickly spread and began to be
were being set on fire by the Government. We became worried and kept looking at the increasing fires. In a short time fog and clouds of smoke became so thick that we could no longer see the reserve. We sent out scouts, who returned in the evening reporting that all the houses between one and three miles from the forest boundary had been burnt. They did not see any civilians in that area, only security forces. The following morning we got the correct information. The Government gave people six hours notice to remove all their belongings and livestock; then Government forces followed harassing them and taking away whatever pleased them furniture, clothings, utensils and money. At the expiration of the six hours they set all houses on fire, even the Home Guard houses. All the people were told to meet at some selected centers and were warned never again to step in that area. ‘Any person seen in the area would be shot without question,’ they said. ‘Forget your gardens as you have forgotten your houses. That area is our battlefield with Mau Mau. It will be called a special area. You have now lost both house and garden for helping Mau Mau. We promise you that you will lose more if you continue to help Mau Mau. If you have a friend who can accommodate you in his house you can go; if you don’t, you will sleep just where you are.’ All the livestock were put together in one herd at every center and armed Home Guards were to herd them all the day and guard them during the night so that we will not be able to get any more food. We were annoyed by the Government action. Mathenge told clear to us that thousands of houses
—
me
them to raid all before pens and guarding
to write another letter to the leaders ordering
the cattle centers as quickly as possible,
were established, and to bring to the forest as many cattle as possible and try to dry the meat for preservation. ‘Make sure that forts
you ambush all those who would follow the cattle at the right place and that you strike at the right time,’ [I wrote.] On the morning 7 June each of the six groups that were sent out of H.Q. for cattle raiding returned with an average of 100 head of cattle. We had plenty of meat but, though we tried to dry and preserve it, some went bad. The fight started at 7 a.m. when many of the groups which followed the cattle fell into the hands of our ambushers near the fringe of the forest. When the Govern-
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
igO ment
found that they were overpowered, they signalled for airplanes to help them. They asked them to drop bombs a few hundred yards in front of them thinking that they would fall on our people. The result was what they never expected. The air forces
sighted
forces
dropped
their
two of bombs on
their their
groups,
own
then the twelve airplanes
people, killing 42 of them.
When
they sent strong forces to check the airplanes work, they were surprised to see that they
Our
had
killed their people.
warriors, being unable to
combat the Harvard bombers,
withdrew and arrived H.Q. safely. They reported to me that they were frightened by the bombs which were dropped near them but it seemed as if the airplanes had spotted their own people for they were bombing on the same place.
Two
days
later,
our H.Q. warriors
we passed where
I :
received the following news from three of
‘Yesterday evening on our
the airplanes were
way
bombing trying
to the reserve
to help their
We
were very excited by the bombed area, in which about 4,000 square yards had been cleared as a garden. We saw many lumps of blood, torn pieces of flesh and clothes, food tins, some ammunition, etc. We were then very certain that the airplanes must have bombed their own people. When we arrived in the reserve, we were told by the villagers that they were exhibited some 42 badly damaged corpses which Government claimed were the Mau Mau killed by bombs; but they had noted that most of the corpses were not of Kikuyus.’ people.
After attending the patients, Mathenge, the leaders in the hospital and myself, escorted by six armed warriors, set off for the
meeting place on the hill about a mile from the camp. On our way we noticed one of the sentries only when we were ten yards from
He
him.
away he ;
said that he d seen us while also said that the other
we were a hundred yards guards who encircled the meeting
were seeing us but we could not see them as they did not expose themselves. As we approached the meeting place, we could see leaders sitting down on the little grass which grew under the big trees some 150 yards in front of us. On our arrival, they stood for Mathenge and after exchanging greetings we all sat down in a [place]
circle.
All the twenty-seven leaders
were from Nyeri. Many of them were new to me and curiously focused on me their long shaggy hair and beards on black and dark brown faces with their pro-
.
KARIAINI HEADQUARTERS
I
g
I
truding dark brown eyes. These bloodshot-eyed leaders, or most of them, were armed with different types of pistols; three had Sten guns and three others big game shooting guns. Figuring out that
and order were vested people and that their decision was final, I the powers of law
all
hands of those
in the felt
uneasy.
The meeting started with prayers. We all stood facing Mt. Kenya with soil in our hands while Mathenge said the prayers. Then only Mathenge remained standing in the center of the Taking a small
circle.
he proceeded
stick
about a foot long from a pile of them,
any leader who would reveal confidential matters to the warriors or to anyone else not entitled to the matter, let the person who creates hatred between others, the witchdoctor who kills people by poison to enjoy his practice, etc., etc., be destroyed along with his entire family and vanish from the earth.’ We all had to repeat the curse after him and he threw away a stick into the bush after the completion of every vow. One person enquired whether all the persons present had taken the Leaders Oath. I said that I had not taken it although I had been working as a leader. I was then asked to take the Leaders Oath.
With a
to curse the traitors
:
worry about the oath
‘Let
was going to take and a little pleasure of my promotion, I stood in the middle of the leaders facing Mt. Kenya, raising my hands high over my head with soil in my left hand and a piece of goat’s meat in my right, I repeated the vows after Mathenge little
I
:
I
swear before Ngai and
(1)
I
will
I
these people here that
.
.
never reveal the leaders’ secrets to a warrior or any
who
other person (2)
all
is
not a leader.
never run away or surrender leaving
will
my
warriors
behind. (3)
I will
go wherever they ask (4)
I
will
my
never abandon the leadership of
me
my
to
do
people would send in
never disdain
people but
me and do
I
will
whatever
my country’s name. [i.e.,
degrade or
criticize]
any leader
in
the presence of warriors. (5)
I
will
never by any means cause or plan the [injury
or]
death of another leader. I
ended each vow by chewing some meat and a
little soil
and
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
192 saying
fail to
‘If I
:
do
Ngai kill me.’ At the completion of
down with
this,
my
oath,
and heartedly accepted the vows
sit
introduce
me
the others
to the
may I
this
me.
kill
was asked
to take
If I lie,
my
may
books and
recording the minutes.
start I
oath
I
whole-
had taken. Mathenge went on
leaders as his secretary.
He
to
then informed
and decide what was to be done to three accused fellows whose actions had brought much shame on the whole of our Movement. He gave the names and the allegations against each. He said that any leader may question the accused or comment on his views. One would apply the leaders that he
had
called
them
for permission to speak in the usual
thumb and would then come in the
finger against
would the
down
way
of cracking
raising his hand.
The
[i.e.,
snapping]
permitted person
bunch of sticks that speak. Mathenge ordered for
center and take a
indicate the points he
first
to hear
was
to
accused King’ori Gitegenye, to be brought; then he sat
along with the others.
He Mugo
King’ori Gitegenye was brought, guarded by three escorts. stood in the center of the circle and was sworn by Gicuki
would not lie before God or that court. Gicuki went on to tell him that he was accused of raping a girl in the reserve about a week ago when he, with others, were sent to fetch food. The defendant said that he did not expect such reports for the girl was his friend. He remarked that other warriors who saw him with the girl that night must have misreported him intentionally. He was then asked to go away. As he and his escorts disappeared, Gicuki read a letter from the that he
sub-location leader in the reserve accusing the defendant of raping
A
warrior witness was called. After being sworn he said that he had left King’ori with that girl about 100 yards from the home
a
girl.
he had entered to collect food. He heard the girl crying and quickly went there. He found both standing. ‘The girl reported of the incident saying that she was raped and beaten. When King’ori heard, instead of defending himself, he continued to beat the
girl
them and took the girl to the home where we then carried our food and started our journey.’ brother, Ngara Gitegenye, the leader of that camp,
until I separated left her.
We
King’ori’s
was the
first
leader to speak.
He
said
that he
had questioned
King’ori before and was convinced that he was guilty. [After a number of others had] commented on the witnesses, it was resolved
;
KARIAINI HEADQUARTERS
1
93
was guilty. ‘According to our customary laws,’ said one, ‘he would pay seven rams to the elders, an ewe for cleansing the girl and brew some beer; but now none of these can be afforded in this forest. We have to substitute it with what we have either money for fine or strokes on the buttocks.’ Since warriors did not possess any money, the latter punishment was to be imposed. During arguments on how many strokes, Gathuku remarked that King’ori
that raping should be considered as a capital charge, for resulted in destroying a
girl,
it
either
causing her to be barren or causing a
hip dislocation; and in some cases the raper
defending himself from shame and
the victim while
kills
was then resolved that King’ori was to receive twenty-five strokes on his buttocks. He was brought again and the sentence was carried out on the spot. Though I did not raise my hand to speak I was very busy recording the speeches I had been convinced that the case was fine. It
—
—
well conducted.
The second leaders, stood
accused, Gen.
and
among
the other
He
any
them
to rob the
shops and said that they had local guides
who knew
Ndunyu Market
[i.e.,
supporters].
in.
of the guides stood in the center
days ago they were ordered to plunder as irrespective of associates or
come from our
sent
very well. As he sat down, Mathenge ordered that
those guides be brought
One
sat
after swearing said that he did not order
robbing of our associates
Home Guard
Nyama, who
Home
and
said that just three
many
cattle as possible,
Guards, and the orders had
chief leader, Stanley
Mathenge.
‘I
could see no
difference between the taking of ones cattle or goods in his shop. I
thought that we would record
his
goods the same
way
as
we have
recorded his cattle and [he would] await for compensation.
ransacked
all
the shops.
I
thought that
if
we
left his
We
shop [un-
him as our helper and his goods and which his life would be under the mercy of Home Guards would have been worse than what we did.’ The guides were asked to go away together with Nyama, and touched], that would betray
.
.
.
was withdrawn. After a short time they were all called and warned never to commit any action that would anger our associates; causing them to feel bad on us and probably leading them to turn against us. In that case I learnt that Mathenge was confused in what to do and what to leave in the taking of our associates property. after a short discussion the case
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
194
The
was brought strongly guarded.
Gacuhi,
accused,
third
After the guards had inspected him, he was sworn. Gicuki
proceeded on reading
on the night of
his accusation, saying that
the Kairuthi Raid he shot dead his
Mugo
comrade and took
his gun.
and sorrow, admitted that he shot the man, whom he thought to be an enemy, but very much regretted when he realized that he had killed his friend. The three witnesses who were heard said that ‘After defeating Gacuhi,
full of fear
.
the enemies,
we were
we
.
.
entered the shops in order to take out goods.
leaving the shops
we
spotted a figure outside
When
coming
to-
Gacuhi who was in front of us, without asking a question, opened fire and the man fell twenty yards before us. As Gacuhi ran there to take the man’s gun, we heard other sentries asking,
ward
us.
“Who
is
that shooting at us?”
We
then realized that one of our
people was dead.’
Answering a question whether they thought that Gacuhi wanted to kill the man, each said that they were all working with Gacuhi inside the shop and when they came out he surprisingly fired at a
which he did not know, but excitement had caused him to think that it was an enemy and he had right to strike as quickly
figure
he was struck. The witnesses remarked that he
as possible before
was innocent. After a short discussion, there was no proof at
wanted was set
Gacuhi an accident and Gacuhi all
that
was therefore regarded as free with a warning to take much care next time. The meeting was postponed fi.e., adjourned] to the following morning when it would resume for the making of some rules and to
kill. It
regulations brought about
the following day,
I
by the
continued
cases.
my
When
the meeting resumed
job and recorded these rules
and regulations, which were resolved arguments
[i.e.,
passed]
after
some
:
(1)
that
1 hat raping
any further
is
an offence
as old as the
cases of that sort
Kikuyu
would be regarded
tribe
and
as capital
charges. (2)
Since
women were
the
source of calamity and would
cause conflicts amongst our warriors in camps, and as they were not engaged in fighting, they should be kept in their separate
camps where they would be guarded and
fed.
That the follow-
KARIAINI HEADQUARTERS ing day a group from at
Mumwe
1
95
H.Q. would go and build a women’s camp
stream.
That warriors were entitled to take by force any foodstuffs the gardens and livestock concentrated at any Government
(3)
in
centers irrespective of whether they belonged to friend or foe.
That foodstores of known supporters were [to be considered] the property of the owners and that we could only ask (4)
them (5)
to help us.
That our warriors were allowed
to take or destroy
any
enemy’s property; (6)
That the
supplies of foodstuffs, clothes, medicine,
money, the sub-locations [i.e., on a
were to be organized in sub-location basis] and that the forest organizer of a sub-location was the only person who would write a letter to the other organizer in the reserve so that he could hand over the supplies arms,
etc.,
for transport to the forest.
hat whenever any supplies have arrived in a camp, they should be shared by all the members of that camp and not 1
(7)
[allocated]
on a sub-locational
Before the meeting adjourned, letter
letter
basis.
was agreed to write an apology to Joram Mucanji, whose shop had been robbed. I wrote the and told him to keep a record of all his lost property awaiting it
compensation when we achieved independence. to send us a copy of his record of the lost property.
for
The the
leaders
were asked
Government
to bring plans for raids that
for discussion
I
asked him
would shake
on the following day. The meeting
dispersed.
On
nth June 1953 from Mweiga Settled Area the
a dozen more of the expected leaders of the Northern Rift Valley arrived at
the meeting place at 10 a.m. After exchanging greetings, Mathenge reported that since the leaders we had been awaiting had arrived,
we were
to start the meeting.
1 he meeting commenced with the usual prayers, all standing and facing Mt. Kenya, d hen, all sitting down in a circle, Mathenge stood in the center and asked whether there was a warrior in the meeting and requested every person who had not taken the leadership oath to raise his hand.
who had move
I
noted that there were three people
not been promoted to leaders status. They were asked to in the center of the circle and were sworn in by the oath.
MAU M A U FROM WITHIN
196
After that, these three
new
by Mathenge he had sent an invita-
leaders were informed
that they were not invited to the meeting as
and that he did not know anything about them. They would have to go to the camp and wait for their companions. Mathenge then went on to utter a curse [binding all the leaders to secrecy] in the same way he had done the day before. Like a newspaper reporter, I recorded the meeting’s first speech. Mathenge told us that the matter we were to discuss was of great confidence and importance and that everything must be kept in secret until the plans had been carried out. ‘We made the plan with Kimathi at Murang’a,’ he continued, ‘and agreed that he was to carry on the plan for Murang’a and Kiambu, Mbaria Kaniu would organize the whole of North Kinangop while Ndungu and Kimbo will organize the Northern Rift Valley. The most important thing is that the raid should be carried on over all the country on the same day and exactly at the same time. You need not worry about date and time; I would give you twenty-four hours notice of the date and time. All you have to do today is to know what, where and how to raid.’ He gave me a letter and asked tion letter to every leader
me
to read (1)
it
aloud to the meeting.
Every camp must
seize
It
read
:
and bring
into the forest as
many
livestock as possible. (2)
Destroy
graph wires
in
all
the roads, railways, bridges, electric
and
tele-
your area.
many enemies
your area.
(3)
Kill as
(4)
Raid your nearest trading centers for clothing, and
goods
as possible in
all
in the shops.
Raid your nearest dispensary for the medicine [and medical supplies] only and bring it in the forest. (6) Put on fire as many enemy houses as possible. (7) Raid all water pipes on the farms and bring sizes 1/2 to 3/4 inches in diameter for the making of guns. (Signed by) Dedan Kimathi (5)
continued Mathenge, ‘the next thing is to allocate areas to be raided by different camps. It is now the leaders ‘Those are the
duty to know his area. This
raids,’
how many will enable
bridges or enemies or houses
you
to determine the
etc.,
number
are in
of groups
which you would divide your section; and hence how many warriors would go into each group. I would give you four days into
KARIAINI HEADQUARTERS
I97
only for preparations as from tomorrow. Thereafter you must be ready at all times throughout the month. Any leader who fails to carry on the raid will be demoted to a regular warrior.’
When Mathenge
sat
down, a few other leaders commented on
their support of the idea.
We
spent the rest of the time allocating
the areas to be raided by different
number
of warriors in the area.
At
camps
in
proportion to the
this stage I learnt that
Nyeri
had 5,800 warriors in Nyandarua, of whom 1,800 were new recruits who had entered the forest within that week. The Government action of burning and evicting people all along the forest boundary, declaring their farms to become ‘Special Area’ and forcing all men to become Home Guards and fight against their people in order to prove their loyalty to the Government made so many men flee to the forest in order to escape the Government punishment imposed to non-loyalists. This only increased our number in the forests; more fighters joined in this month than any other. I he meeting ended and the leaders returned to their camps.
CHAPTER
XII
THE PROPHETS OF 25TH JUNE Karari’s
account of the 25 June raid and, more specifically, of the failure of Kariaini forces to carry out their part in this ‘allout attack’, focuses attention on the role and influence of the seers among Aberdare guerrilla forces. It also provides a striking illustration of the seeming incongruity, in the context of a modern-
omens and magico-religious beliefs. To understand this phenomenon, it is necessary to view the role of the mundo mu go in term of both continuities in Kikuyu culture and ideological reactions to contemporary events.
day
revolution, of prophets,
The traditionally important role of the mundo mugo as a member of the Kikuyu War Council with numerous military ,
been alluded to in an earlier it is easy enough to view his role within revolutionary forest groups of the 1950’s e.g., advising on raids and other military matters, using his war magic against the enemy, conducting cleansing ceremonies, transmitting messages from Ngai,
and section and duties
functions, has already
—
usually received in dreams, to the guerrilla leaders,
etc.
—
as
merely an extension or continuation of traditional belief and practice. This, however, would be to overlook the importance of contemporary pressures, internal and external, and their affects on the complex and developing ideology of the forest insurgents.
To
provide a context for this discussion and, as ideological matters will be of continuing concern, a framework within which future developments can meaningfully be considered,
it
might
be useful here to address ourselves to the general question of Mau Mau ideology. It must be noted at the outset that many writers have attempted to characterize this ideology, and not infrequently the entire revolutionary movement, in terms of one or another general and comprehensive category or label. Mau
Mau
has variously been asserted, ‘was in fact a religion’, rather than a religion, ‘a self-conscious return to tribalism 1
,
1
it
L. S. B. Leakey, Defeating
Mau Mau, 198
p.
41,
Methuen & Co.
or, .
.
Ltd,, 1954.
.
THE PROPHETS OF 25TH JUNE based on synthetic paganism’,
aimed ment’,
at 2
‘a
tribal
1
1
99
wholly tribal manifestation
‘a
domination, not a national liberation move-
form of millenarism’, 3 or
of the golden age’.
‘a pseudo-religious cult
.
.
4
must confess that I find all such attempts to ‘fit’ the ideology of Kenya’s revolutionary movement into a single, neat category wanting in both historical accuracy and utility. Unfortunately, the Movement issued no manifesto and all who address themselves to its ideology are obliged to make inferences from a wide array of songs, prayers, oaths, etc., which, in their variety, can be used selectively to support any number of sweeping generalizaI
tions.
My own
investigation of
Mau Mau
ideology, viewed as the
unifying set of aims, interests and beliefs of the Movement, has
shown it to be a rather complex phenomenon containing at least four major aspects or components; namely, secular, moralreligious, African national and Kikuyu tribal. The weighting or importance attached to these several aspects, as we shall see, changed over time and varied from group to group. Nevertheless, it will be useful at this point to consider the general characteristics of each component as part of the total ideology. Developing largely out of the manifold politico-agrarian grievances directed against European rule and white settler occupancy alienated African
of
land,
the secular aspect of
Mau Mau
ideology was revealed most clearly in the oft-repeated of the
Movement
tunities,
demands
for higher wages, increased educational oppor-
removal of the color-bar
in
its
variety of discriminatory
forms, return of the alienated lands and independence under an all-African government.
As a
reflection of the developing relation-
ship of inequality between black
and white
in
Kenya
society,
these secular aims were, in their political dimension, an expression of African nationalist ideology
—
i.e.,
a
demand
for African
‘Freedom’ and self-determination. (‘You cannot build on the work of a foreigner. His word should be drowned in deep waters
by God. His rule should be brought to an end. In this country of ours, Kenya, let the black people govern themselves alone.’ 1
Welbourn, East African Rebels p. 133, SCM Press Ltd., 1961. Majdalaney, State of Emergency, p. 70, Longmans, 1962. L. P. Mair, British Journal of Sociology, Vol. 9, No. 2, p. 175, 1958. F. D. Corfield, Historical Survey of the Origins and Growth of Mau F. B.
,
2 F. 3
4
Mau,
p. 9, Pier Majesty’s Stationery Office.
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
200
you look around the whole of Kenya, it is only a river of blood; for we have our one single purpose, to lay hold of Kenya’s ‘If
freedom.’)
Within the revolutionary national aspect
was
reflected
forest context, this secular- African
and symbolized
in the
demand
for
‘Land and Freedom’. As will be noted, ‘freedom’ was seldom if ever viewed as a specifically Kikuyu or tribal objective, but rather as the end-product of a successful African struggle vis-a-vis
the
European adversary
white
settler rule.
return
when our
for independence
from colonial and
(‘Mother, whether you cry or not,
lands are recovered;
when we
I’ll
only
obtain land and
African freedom.’)
With
respect to ‘land’, however, the objective
was more often
than not seen in tribal or specifically Kikuyu terms. Thus, in song and prayer, the common reference is to the land left to the Kikuyu by Ngai or the mythical ancestors of the tribe, Gikuyu and Mumbi; and its recovery from European hands is viewed as a Kikuyu objective. (‘O God, the most powerful We praise Thee for guarding us throughout the day. We have raised our hands to show You that the soil you gave our forefathers is now being used by strangers, who robbed us of our lands, our gift, our inheritance. These strangers are killing us for our land.’ ‘I’ll never leave Jomo, I’ll never leave him; since I’ve been solemnly promised the return of our land.’) !
The
secular aspect of
Mau Mau
had both an around the aim
ideology, then,
African national dimension, centering largely and concept of ‘freedom’, and a tribal dimension framed in terms of specific Kikuyu claims to alienated land. The revolution’s political
frame of reference was thus African national,
agrarian frame of reference, Kikuyu tribal. The non-secular or sacred aspect of Mau
Mau
its
ideology was
framed largely in terms of moral-religious precepts, according to which the secular aims of the revolution were seen as sanctioned and legitimized by a higher, supernatural power. Most important among these precepts were the following, repeated over and over again in song, prayer and oath, (i) ‘We have been wronged by the Europeans; our cause and struggle are just and right.' (‘God created Gikuyu and Mumbi and placed them in Gikuyuland; they were deceived by the Europeans and their land was stolen.’ ‘Sorrow and trouble came with the white
!
THE PROPHETS OF 25TH JUNE man; when we accepted them they tormented because we are black; we
stole
201
our land.’ ‘We are
are not of the whites and
do not share their blessings, but our God is before us !’) (2) God is just and powerful; right will prevail over might.’ (‘Please, O God Look mercifully upon the spilt blood of our brethren and heai' our call and cry. We have not weapons to fight against these people, but we believe Thy sword will defeat our enemies; for we are your sons and daughters and do not believe you created us to become servants of other people in the land you blessed and gave to our ancestors, Gikuyu and Mumbi.’ ‘Have no fear in your hearts, God is in heaven. Be brave, God’s power is here and the Europeans will be driven out.’) (3) ‘A just cause must nonetheless be fought for ; God helps those who help themselves’ (‘Warriors of Gikuyu, awake Ye who cannot see that the old man grows older. If you sleep the foreigners will seize all our wealth and then what will the children of Mumbi feed on?’ ‘You of the House of Mumbi, even if you are oppressed do not be afraid in your hearts; a Kikuyu proverb says “God helps ‘
!
!
those
who
help themselves”.’)
Combined with a reaffirmation of certain common traditional values and customs, precepts such as these provided the Movement and revolution with a ‘moral force’, a conviction that the struggle was just and a belief that right would prevail over might.
It is
quite likely that similar convictions have formed an
integral part of all revolutionary ideologies.
Together with their incorporated secular aims, these moralreligious precepts and beliefs also performed an important unifying or integratory function, linking in
common
cause and
brotherhood a vast majority of the previously dispersed and frequently conflicting Kikuyu, Embu and Meru groups. To the extent, however, that this was achieved through the use of specifically
Kikuyu symbols, persons
ation tended to be excluded,
if
non-Kikuyu tribal affilinot alienated, from the revoluof
tionary movement.
Though
the religious aspect of
Man Mau
ideology contained
a syncretic quality, with various aspects of Old Testament Christianity found interwoven with their Kikuyu counterparts, it
was framed
and concepts. form as repre-
largely in terms of traditional beliefs
Christianity, particularly in
its
institutionalized
sented by the missions, was avowedly rejected. In the black-
202
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
white struggle,
it
was viewed
essentially as just
another aspect
European domination. (‘Between a missionary and a settler, there is no difference’ a Kikuyu saying.) We are now, I believe, in a better position to understand the role and ideological implications of the mundo mugo among Aberdare guerrilla groups. Largely isolated within the forest and without the direct participation of their more highly educated and cosmopolitan leaders, the peasant forces of this period tended to place considerable weight on the specifically Kikuyu of
—
aspects of their composite ideology.
Kenya African
nationalism,
though by no means disappearing, was forced into the background by a strong sense of Kikuyu ‘nationalism’ or tribalism. The felt need for tribal unity no mean achievement in its own right and in large measure accomplished by mid- 1953 led to emphasis being placed on the more specific grievances of the Kikuyu peasantry, particularly those centering around land and the dominant position of the European settler. And the increasing anti-white, anti-mission feelings, together with an equally strong desire to recover the lost dignity, the surrendered ‘manhood’, of
—
—
conditioned the reaffirmation of certain aspects of traditional Kikuyu law and custom.
the tribe,
It is in this light that
we must view
the role of the
mundo
mugo. With the rejection, for the most part, of Christianity, went a reaffirmation of the merits and credibility of the old religion and its legitimate ‘professional’ practitioners. Traditionally, however, magical and religious beliefs were interwoven within a single system of thought which, particularly among the illiterate peasantry, had been supplemented rather than dis-
placed by Christianity over the preceding fifty years. The magicoreligious beliefs prevalent within the ranks of the guerrilla fighters, therefore, and the widespread acceptance of the legiti-
mate military
and prophetic powers of the mundo mugo are best understood as continuities in traditional Kikuyu culture which were both reinforced and, to a considerable degree, reshaped by the forces operating within the revolutionary context role
,
of 1953.
As we
shall see, the actual
powers of the
seers in
determining
or influencing military policy and tactics varied considerably from group to group, depending in large part upon the import-
ance
attached
to
magico-religious
beliefs
by the individual
THE PROPHETS OF 25TH JUNE
203
There was, in addition, considerable variation over time in the role and importance of the mundo mugo. Though the ‘moral strength’ derived by the forest fighters from their beliefs in the prophesies and magical powers of the seers is difficult to assess, it must be objectively noted that the seer’s role was of dubious military value and a source of both stress and internal conflict within the revolutionary movement. leaders.
The
following
wounds, of
day,
after
cleansing
and dressing
my
patients’
whom many
were almost healed, I climbed up the hill with Mathenge and other leaders to spend the day warming by the sun’s heat. At about 10 a.m., four Harvards started bombing
H.Q. area with much stronger bombs than before. The bombing lasted fifteen minutes, followed by five minutes of firing from their machine guns. During the bombing I saw a few persons run the
many others, including myself, ran under down on our stomachs with our noses almost
into their holes, while
and lay touching the ground and held soil in our hands amidst the horrible thunders of exploding bombs, which echoed as death hoots to me, and the frightening earth tremors. In the fainting breath, each said his own prayers, asking God to save his life and to avenge big trees
against the injustices of our strong enemies.
we were very much anxious to know whether they had caused casualties. They had dropped one bomb right inside the camp and another at the edge. Luckily there were no people in the camp at the moment for they were all on the hillside where the airplanes could not bomb successfully. Though there was no person injured, the day was referred to as After the departure of the Harvards
‘the first
heavy
air raid.’
We
suspected that a captive
—
—
for there
were no surrenderees by then had pointed out to the Government the site of H.Q. but since these airplanes went on bombing other areas in which there were no camps we concluded that it was a mere guessing of where the camp could be and our warriors ;
continued to
On
live in the
H.Q.
the 2 1 st June, under the authority of Mathenge,
letter to
each leader notifying him that the
‘all
letter to the
Government saying
:
wrote a
out attack’ would
be on 25 June 1953, commencing at 7 130 p.m.
propaganda
I
I
also wrote a
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
204
The June 25th raid is an example of our planned series of attacks. The Europeans and Asians who are with us are very much engaged in the making of guns and plans. We are certain that our next all-out attack will make you flee our country or commit suicide. The more you punish the civilians in the more they hate you and the more they join our forces. We are glad that you are spending thousands of pounds daily paying pilots’ wages, oil and bombs which kill hundreds of buffoloes, elephants, deer, etc., and only supply us with plenty of meat right here in the forest. Whatever worst you do against reserves, the
us,
God changes
it
to be
our best help.
Yours Victoriously, General Stanley Mathenge After reading to Mathenge the propaganda letter
I
had drafted,
he was very pleased with me and said that the letter should be posted as it was near Munyange Police Post. All the other letters were dispatched the following morning and all the messengers
were
to report at
H.Q. on the evening
of the 24th that they
had
delivered the messages.
When Kihara Kagumu
on the morning of the 25th he reported to Mathenge that the H.Q. camp had selected 1,600 warriors who would participate in the all-out attack in 32 groups of 50
men
each.
visited the hospital
He
said that
each group was to be led by
a lieutenant or an appointed warrior and that they would all leave H.Q. at 4 p.m. so that they could see the security forces going to their guarding positions by 6 p.m. and then mark the ambush places, they it
would
The to
would then separate, each group heading
to the place
attack.
following
morning
the hospital at about
by a grenade.
I
an
7 130
injured a.m.,
his
warrior calf
was
brought
being badly torn
quickly applied a pad on the pressure point
and cleansed and dressed his wound. Meanwhile, hot soup was being prepared. As he was drinking the soup, he reported the [previous] night’s raid to me, saying that they arrived at the forest fringe before 6 p.m. and saw over 800 Devonshire personnel assisted by military and Home Guards taking their positions at all possible paths. They became frightened. They could pass their ambushers and carry on the plan, but they thought that the Devons would block their way back in such a way that they to stop bleeding
THE PROPHETS OF would
2 5
JUNE
TH
205
on their return journey or would remain in the reserve and continue a day battle which had not been planned. either be killed
1 he other reason
[i.e.,
for their failure to carry out the raid]
was
the superstitious beliefs which were being taught by the witchdoctors that if a deer or a gazelle passed across the path of a group that was going to raid, it indicated bad luck and the warriors
should abandon their plan. Twice a deer and a gazelle had crossed our way. 1 his [belief, he said,] was supported by many warriors who said that they disobeyed the same rule when they were going to raid
Othaya and
the result was very bad, as the seers
had
fore-
This caused their decision to put off the raid. Two of the groups of 50 understook the risk and decided to fulfill the plan, while the rest awaited at the forest border. The
cast.
was
one of the two groups that attacked a guard post and took away very many head of sheep and goats, of which some patient
were
lost in
in
and only 160 arrived at H.Q. The other bring 40 head of cattle. The patient continued
the darkness
group managed
to
was one of the guards who remained behind to fight the enemy who might follow the livestock. ‘When we passed the that he
Devons' ambush we were talking loudly as
all
happy about our
we approached
success.
the forest but
we
We
started
did not
know
Devons had heard the first group and had followed it to the forest edge, and that they were laying there waiting for us. We unknowingly entered their ambush, which we realized [only] when they opened fire on us. We were so near them that they used grenades, [one of] whose shells injured me. I think we must have lost some of our people there.’ The raid report was very disappointing. The seers had ruined our plans. It seemed to me that most of our warriors, including many of their section leaders, were under the command [i.e., influence] of the prophets. This was one of our great dangers I thought. If Government used these seers to help them, they could either lead that the
our warriors into Government ambushes or induce them to surrender claiming that they had been directed by God to convey this message to the people. I talked the matter over with Mathenge
and found that he also believed in witchcraft. I kept on thinking of a way which could turn our people from the prophets, but this was impossible until their messages were realized as a danger. I quickly learnt that
my
attempts to
make our
warriors turn against
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
206
the prophets were interpreted as urging
them
to disobey
God
s
messengers and thus disobey God’s instructions.
from H.Q. was that two armed warriors were still missing. It was suspected that they were casualties of the Devons. A group of people was sent out to search for them in the ambushed area near the forest edge while another group was sent
By
nightfall, the report
in the reserve to find
The
following day
out the current news about the raids.
we
received the news from the reserve mes-
sengers saying that they were told that
when
the day broke, the
Devons with some Home Guards (who reported the story to our messengers) went to check how many people they had killed. When they arrived at the place where they had opened fire, they did not see any corpses but there were blood trails. 1 hey followed the blood track thinking that it would lead them to some corpses. They unknowingly approached two injured warriors who opened fire killing two Devons. They were then both killed and their guns fell into Government hands. The corpses were exhibited to the reserve people.
H.Q. camp failed to raid on June 25th, the report in the reserve and from Government information through radio and newspapers indicated that the forest fighters were well organized, many in number, scattered everywhere, and that the raids had incurred heavy losses on the Government side in a single day.
Though
Up
the
H.Q. had an average of two raids a week on either military, police or Home Guard centers, followed by ambushes in which Government attempted to enter the H.Q. It just serves here to say that the Government had four and a half months of trial and error in which it lost many of its forces [as well as] arms and ammunition which increased the strength of our warriors. The road from the reserve to Kariaini H.Q. was as wide as many of the vehicle roads today in the reserve and had been known by the Government forces as ‘the road to death.’ I think that an account of some of our early successes would make the reader to this date, the
[better able] to figure out a bit of the fight in the forest. It
was about 10 a.m. on
watchmen reported
May
5th, before
my
arrival,
when our
had seen about two thousand men and women led and guarded by military, Home Guards and some Europeans marching toward Kariaini Forest squatter gardens with that they
the intention of uprooting
nduma
(arrowroots), potatoes
and
all
THE PROPHETS OF 25TH JUNE
207
the remaining foodstuffs so that our warriors
would not get any more food from those gardens. Our guards were strengthened and set off to meet them in the gardens with a warning to take care not to shoot the civilians. As soon as our warriors were ready, they sounded bugles at different positions which indicated the opening of
fire.
Five
When
the
civilians
heard
the
bugles
they ran
away.
dead while the others made off following the civilians. They were quickly followed [and our fighters succeeded in] killing three more and capturing one Home Guard, thirty old men and fifty women. A few warriors were left guarding the captives while the others chased the military right military
inside
persons
the reserve.
Two
Ihuririo about a mile
fell
military persons dropped their guns at
from the
Our
forest fringe.
warriors collected
and returned to the forest, releasing all the captives who wanted to go back. A dozen old men and eight women, who wished to join us, were taken to H.Q. Our warriors gained two Sten guns and nine shotguns in that unprepared fight. the guns
Our enemies disadvantage.
ignorance of things in the forest was their great
When we saw them
they would have to follow
—for
coming, and knowing the path
we used
to
stay at the forest
and count the enemies before they approached the forest we would then deploy ourselves along the path, out of sight, and when their last man passed our ambush we would open fire, killing some and forcing the rest into the depths of the forest. fringes, observe
—
Once caught
in the heart of the forest
it
was very unlikely that
they would escape ; often they would run into others of our fighters or be killed by the wild forest rhinos or buffaloes.
When,
sometimes happened, one or two Government soldiers escaped from the forest and returned to his camp, reporting about as
the ambush, reinforcements were often rushed to the spot where the fighting
had occurred with the
and their injured comrades. Knowing these reinforcements were coming we would usually move a mile or two from the place of ambush toward the reserve and deploy again along the paths we suspected the Government forces would follow. Not suspecting that we would come closer to their base and the reserves, these forces often walked straight into another
ambush
intentions of collecting guns
similar to the
first.
Another way in which our fighters trapped the security forces was to go out of the forest and then march single file singing back into the forest, leaving a very clear track for
Government
to follow.
M A U M A U FROM WITHIN
208
They would then circle back and lay in wait for their trackers and forces to come along the path which they had prepared for ambush. Many encounters were those in which the Government forces followed livestock thinking that the camp would be far away inside and perhaps that they would find us slaughtering the animals and even making a (lot of noise which would make them detect our presence. We always had our ambushers in such tracks for a distance of at least five miles from the camp. the dense forest
In successful such encounters indicated above, deal of arms and ammunition.
The
we gained a
great
other sources were raiding
camps and posts and ambushing individual personnel in the reserves and towns, raiding European homes stealing guns, buying from police, military, Home Guards and from Europeans and Indian traders and opportunists. Among the Government servicemen were our members and sympathizers who supplied us with ammunition free of payment. When our members were issued with arms and ammunition by the Government in order to join the Home Guards, some of them fled to the forest with all their supplies. Bullets had become token payment [from security force personnel] to prostitutes who later sent them to our warriors.
The Government reaction against our June 25th raids was very bad. The survivors [i.e., peasant civilians] were forced to rebuild all the roads and bridges, and construct new roads so that military vehicles could move more quickly and easily from one place to another. That was the beginning of the daily communal fatigue [i.e., under the supervision of armed Home Guards, in which all able bodied civilians in the reserves were forced to spend all the day constructing new roads which would have taken a century to construct. Contour and bench terracing was the other project, and building police and Home Guard posts and digging trenches to surround those posts for protection. [Later, the peasants were labor]
forced] to build to 75s. so that its
forces
on the All
new
enclosed villages. Personal tax was increased
Government could
and partly
to repair the
more money for maintaining damage caused by our warriors
get
all-out attack.
the
Kenya Europeans were mobilized
Kenya Regiment. With
to
strengthen
their arrival in the reserves the brutality
of shooting civilians in cold blood increased. Their motto
only good Kikuyu
is
the
was ‘The
a dead one.’ During this month [June] in
my
— THE PROPHETS OF 25TH JUNE
209
Richard Gituro, Itong’e Gicuhi, Rong’o Kibico and Juma Muteru were called out of their houses, taken to Kamoko Home Guard center where they were badly beaten, [it being] alleged that they had helped Mau Aiau with food. Each was then taken out of the camp in turn and shot. Irungu Mukuru had been shot on the same day on his way to Ndunyu Market. [There was also an] increase of inhuman torture in the local camps, e.g., men castrated, beatings aiming at fracturing a limb, location,
putting thabai or hatha
—poisonous
stinging plant leaves of the
which causes great pain and swelling for half a day in women’s vaginas, pressing hard breasts or testicles with pliers. At this time, Ihururu Center in the North Tetu Location of Nyeri had been exercising all those tortures. By the same time Simba Camp ( Kambi ya Simba) in Thomson’s Falls District and another camp in Bahati area of the Rift Valley on the farm of a well-known settler named Felth were reported to be the worst in torturing. Hundreds of persons who fell victim of these tortures can be seen anywhere in the country or in towns as crippled beggars having nettle family
one or both
arms or suffering other deformities. I have come across six castrated men, one of whom, Kamau Njoroge, was nicknamed Mapengo [toothless] due to the absence of his front teeth in both jaws which he lost at Simba Camp. He lived with me in Athi River and Lodwar detention camps. lost
legs or
In addition to the killings, beatings and torture, starvation was accelerated in which thousands of children and old aged persons
was started by the repatriation of many many thousand Kikuyu from the Rift Valley and Nairobi into the reserves followed by the repatriation of forest squatters in both Mt. Kenya and the died.
T.
his
Aberdares. Thirdly, the eviction of people from a one to two mile
around the mountains in early June. This decreased the areas of food production and caused over 250,000 people to be homeless, landless, jobless and helpless; in addition to this there were strict curfews and they were forced to work on communal fatigue all days getting no food and no pay and losing time to attend their gardens where they could get something to keep them alive. To make it worse, in late July an order was issued in many parts of Fort Hall and Nyeri for cutting down all maize plants strip all
(our chief food)
—
just at the point of their bearing
canes, etc., thus losing the whole harvest. It
Mau
were hiding
in
the gardens
—bananas, sugar
was alleged that
and therefore
all
Mau
the gardens
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
210 must be It
is
cleared.
now
The motive behind
possible
to
figure
it
was
to accelerate hunger.
out the conditions of the hungry,
and homeless peasants where, in the nights, at an altitude over 6,000 feet, the heavy long rains join the winter months of June, July and August when thick mists and showers continue most of the time and the temperature falls down to an average of 55 °F. and more than a fortnight can pass without seeing the sun. Much later, in 1955, after thousands of children and old aged persons had died, the International Red Cross came to aid the survivors. It was reported to me that a group of the old aged persons were taken from my village to the Chief’s Center to be fed by the Red Cross; none of them survived. It is worthwhile mentioning here that children suffered most due to the absence of their parents, exploited
being either
much
killed,
detained or in the
forests.
Our
warriors were
and livestock into the forest and the security forces were feeding on the remainder. The starvation caused the peasants to eat any edible leaves such as sweet
taking
of the foodstuffs in the gardens
potato leaves in order to
live,
while disease in the unsanitary villages
forced villagization program was begun at the beginning of 1954] killed its share. In fact, the whole situation had become [i.e., by the [a
end
of 1955] the destruction of wealth
and
health.
1
CHAPTER
XIII
THE BREAK-UP OF THE KARIAINI H.Q. As previously
noted, Government, during the
first
half of
953j was unable to make effective or sustained contact with the guerrilla forces operating within the forests. Its strategy, there1
fore,
was concentrated on breaking or
at least neutralizing the
popular base of the revolt among the peasant masses in the Kikuyu reserve. In addition to curfews, movement restrictions, new pass requirements, collective fines and punishment, ‘cleansing’ and counter-Mau Mau oathing campaigns and severe methods of interrogation, Government launched a strong antiMau Mau propaganda campaign, raised personal taxes and introduced a ‘communal’ or forced labor scheme whereby damaged roads and bridges could be repaired, guard and police posts erected and new agricultural schemes enforced without cost. The Kikuyu reserve was made a Special Area wherein a ,
when challenged could be shot, and the Kenya and Nyandarua were proclaimed Pro-
person failing to halt forests of
Mount
hibited Areas in
unauthorized Africans were to be to the latter area was a ioo-mile strip of
which
all
on sight. Added land, from one to three miles in width, lying between the forests and reserve. Here, all huts and graineries were burned, peasants evicted and crops slashed in an effort to prevent the flow of
shot
supplies into the forests.
the arrival in June 1953 of a new Commander-in-Chief, General Erskine, a somewhat revised strategy became apparent.
With
Government troops stepped up rillas
their attacks
on the
forest guer-
considerably. Five tracks were cut into the Aberdares
by an
imported team of Royal Engineers and forced Kikuyu labor, battalion-strength bases were established within the forest fringe from which sweeps and cordon operations were launched, and Lincoln heavy bombers began flying regular missions over the forest. To implement this new offensive strategy, security force strength was greatly increased and, by September, included the 21
MAU MAU FRO M WITHIN
212
39th Brigade of Buffs and Devons, the 49th Brigade of Royal Northumberland and Inniskilling Fusiliers, the East African Brigade of
six
KAR
the Lancashire Fusiliers, the East African units, an armoured car
battalions,
Kenya Regiment and two division
and a squadron of Lincolns
and over 10,000 creased to 21,000
—a
total of eleven battalions
In addition, the police force was inand the Kikuyu guard units to a some-
soldiers.
men
what higher figure. During the third quarter of 1953, then, the British and Kenya Governments were employing a force of well over 50,000 men against the Mau Mau insurgents. This shift in Government strategy obviously military situation of the forest guerrillas.
increased bombings and
enemy
affected
the
For one thing, the
bases within the forest
made
large concentrations of guerrilla fighters increasingly unfeasible
and, combined with other factors, led to the eventual break-up
and the other large camp-clusters. As Karari notes, many leaders and their followers had already shifted to the Rift Valley side of the forest by the time Kariaini H.Q. was overrun and its forces dispersed by the enemy on July. Some believed it sounder policy to base themselves on the western side of the range where they could both direct their attacks against European farms and stock and gain some relief for their hardpressed civilian supporters in the reserve. Supply problems had also exerted pressure on the large camp-clusters. The concenof Kariaini
1
1
tration of forest fighters tended to limit the area in the reserve
from which supplies, and particularly food, could effectively be drawn, thus placing severe burdens on relatively few Kikuyu locations.
Again, the
obtain supplies from to set
up camps
new
its
own
rule
sub-location obliged
closer to their
Rift Valley sections,
requiring each forest unit to
home
many
sections
areas in the reserve. For the
being without reserve sub-locations, this
ruling increased their desire to leave the eastern sector of the forest for the more familiar regions bordering the Settled Areas.
The continued Government the reserve,
and the resultant
operations in the area bordering dispersal
greatly reduced the effectiveness of the
of forest
forces,
also
Ituma Ndemi Trinity Council. No meetings could be convened and contact between the leaders was greatly hampered. Another consequence of the dispersal was to reaffirm the territorial basis of section recruitment. The smaller Nyeri forest camps established during this
THE BREAK-UP OF THE KARIAINI H.Q.
213
period were comprised almost exclusively of persons from one or two sub-locations, while Rift Valley sections were composed largely of fighters
from the same general areas or
districts of the
'White Highlands’. Finally, the break-up of Kariaini and the other large camp-clusters led to the establishment of numerous small groups of men wishing both to escape military discipline
and avoid
clashes with the security forces.
These groups spent
most of their time hiding in the forest fringe or reserve bush. Their thefts of peasant crops and occasional raids on supporters’ stores and shops tended, of course, to alienate rather than win the respect of the peasant masses. These men were referred to by the organized forest guerrillas as komeraras a term normally used of persons or criminals in hiding from the law. ,
had moved from H.Q. to the Rift Valley in three groups and there were still 2,500 left. This number had to be reduced so that the supply of food would be even to other areas [i.e., so that other areas might contribute their share of food and other supplies]. The sub-locational food supply system which was introduced then angered the Rift Valley leaders and almost caused conflicts. The leaders in the H.Q. had been unable to keep an eye on all the warriors and it was reported from the reserve that our warriors were robbing both food and money from our associates [i.e., supporters]. For these reasons, Kamau Githongo, Gicuki Mugo, Kabuga Njogu and Gikonyo Kanyungu were to be given 300 people each and were asked to start their own camps by July 1st, leaving H.Q. with only 1,300, including those in the
By June
30th,
1,000 warriors
hospital.
week of July, a meeting was called for the Nyeri leaders to report on the June 25th attack. The meeting was held at the same place and organized in the same manner as the last meetDuring the
first
ing. All the leaders,
with the exception of the H.Q., reported their
had been planned. Though the H.Q. leaders were criticized for handing over their responsibility to warriors, no punishment was imposed on them; but they were warned not to do anything of that nature again. Each camp spent [i.e., retained] its own spoils with the exceptions of medicine, that was to be shared to H.Q. hospital, and more than three miles of water pipes which successes as
it
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
214
camps who had none. Gun
were to be erected and the necessary tools were to be obtained from our people in the reserves, e.g., hack-saws, files, door bolts, springs from
were
to be shared to the
rat traps, screws, chisels,
hammers,
factories
etc.
My
knowledge of the situation then [prevailing] in Kikuyu reserve made me think that it was absolutely wrong to make the Kikuyu reserve our battlefield. Our warriors were taking a good deal of food and the rest was being plundered by the security forces. I then addressed the leaders meeting appealing to them to
withdraw completely from all the forests adjacent to the Kikuyu reserve and move to the Rift Valley side where there was plenty of settlers’ fat cattle, merino sheep, pigs, poultry, big wheat stores, maize meal stores, etc., which belonged to our real enemies. If we moved there the Government would also withdraw its forces from the Kikuyu reserve following us and our people would be greatly relieved
and
also
have more to
the Rift Valley supported
me
who
eat. All those
while those
who
did not
Rift Valley opposed, giving their reasons that they did
where
to get food and, as this
couldn’t figure out the
way
lived in
know the not know
was done during the
night, they
unknown
When I person who
in
that
country.
pointed out to them that they would always have a
from the reserves would give the Home Guards much freedom to do what they liked to our women and children and also it would be reported as our defeat in their propaganda. I understood from their replies that they wanted to remain in the area they were familiar [with] and that they wanted to eliminate the Home Guards as they regarded them as our chief enemies. With this I noted that our people were losing sight of the enemy and that the enemies were creating enmity between [i.e., within] the Gikuyu tribe so that they would kill each other while the enemy would stand to restore peace after our tribe had been
knew
the areas well [with them], they replied that our absence
reduced to the number he wanted.
was disappointed by Mathenge for not supporting my suggestion. He said that it was alright for some people to move to the Rift Valley, while others remained to discipline the Home Guards. I
then dissolved. Nevertheless, as a result of my speech, a few groups moved to the Rift Valley side of the forest thus decreasing the strength of the H.Q. to around 800 warriors.
The meeting
Due
to
Government’s regular attacks on
H.Q.
—on
one of
— THE BREAK-UP OF THE KARIAINI H.Q.
215
which the Devons were seen by the guards just a few hundred yards from the camp very early in the morning before the sentries had started their duty Mathenge decided to move to Mumwe
—
stream near the women’s camp about border of bamboo and black forest. We
six miles north,
near the
H.Q. Kariaini on July 7th, escorted by twelve armed warriors and a young girl who acted as Mathenge’s cook and carrier. We spent a night at the women’s camp, enabling me to talk to my step-sister, Wambui, who was living there. She had earlier been Mathenge’s assistant in the reserve and had automatically moved with him into the forest. I learnt that only twenty-two
other
girls
left
women were
and women continued
their lovers against the rules.
in the
camp
while
many
camps with reason was that the
to live in different
understood the leaders themselves did not obey the rules for each continued to keep a girl in his hut. I
women
did not like the
unhappy
to see
my
I
to stay in the forest; in fact
step-sister in
arrangements for her to leave.
I
the forest.
I
I
was very
decided to
make
discussed the matter with Gicuki
Wacira who was then the incharge of the women’s camp and he agreed that his wife and daughter would also leave the forest. We sent them to 1 hegenge Location, Gacatha, and asked a friend of mine to take care of them. Though the man turned to become a Home Guard, they found other helpers till the end of the emergency.
The
following day,
we moved
three warriors, Mathenge, his girl
our new camp of six persons and me. Though our food supply
to
was from the women’s camp, only Gicuki knew the whereabouts of our camp. Mathenge had arranged a post [i.e., rendezvous] where we would meet our food and had warned all of us never to reveal our camp's situation. Nevertheless, the camp was situated about a mile east within scattered bamboos bordering the black forest under a big
camphor
which had
making a cave with sufficient room for about ten persons. Mathenge and his girl slept in a tent. On the fourth night in our new camp, which was the 1 ith July, we were all awakened by fire [i.e., gun-] shots at about 3 a.m. After tree
listening carefully,
We
we were
fallen
certain that the
H.Q. was
in
danger.
had earlier received information that the mobilized Kenya settlers under the leadership of the Kenya Regiment had entered the forest on the morning of 7th July in small groups of about a dozen people.
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
2 16
The
following morning
we
received reports from Gicuki Wacira
Kenya Regiment incorporated with the Devons captured the H.Q. just at the time we heard the shots. He said that fifty warriors and seven girls had then arrived in his camp from H.Q. that the
and that the person who could report [personally] about H.Q. was at the food’s post. We went there with one warrior and found Samuel Wahihi with three other warriors. After greetings, Wahihi went on, ‘We had received a message from a seer saying that we should not sleep in the camp as Government would raid it during a night.
Many
people
who
believed in prophesy
left
camp
the
after
dinner and went to sleep on the mountain while a few slept in the camp. The enemies entered the camp without being noticed. We
were best
awakened by risk [chance] was all
their shots. to
We
could not return the
run away as quickly as possible.
fire. I
Our
cannot
would say that it was very difficult to run away as the dense bamboo had made a great wall in the darkness which knocked everyone down tell
how many
people have died, but from experience,
after every five yards or
‘Why had no
To
so.’
did you disobey the seer?’
Mathenge enquired
now I believe have known this long
faith in them, but
Wahihi. ‘You should prove
his faith,
I
he showed us
his
‘I
they have power,’ said before,’ said
Lucky-charm
—
angrily.
Mathenge.
—a small leather
pouch which he carried in his pocket that protects him and has power to frighten others. He said that all military'', police and Government officers had the same talisman commonly fixed in their belts or just put in their pockets. He said that he was in the Second World War where he learnt this fact. Wahihi said that they had two persons wounded in their legs and a third one in the forearm. He affirmed that none had any fracture but there were many others who had been hurt by stumps, thorns or the dried bamboos. I went with them to dress the patients. I always carried some medicine in my kitbag together with the record books. When I arrived, I found that they had all been well dressed as every camp had a dresser. After a little talk with them, I returned to our camp. I told Mathenge that the patients were not badly injured and that they would soon recover. He sent me to the hospital to bring his belongings and tell the hospital to move to a new site and spy whether the enemies were still in H.Q. or had left. He asked me to observe and assess the damage in H.Q. On the morning of 13th July, I started my six mile journey
THE BREAK-UP OF THE KARIAINI H.Q.
21J
toward H.Q. with six armed escorts from the women’s camp. On our way we could see the enemies’ foot marks returning [i.e., leading away] from the H.Q.
We
were afraid to follow the main path, so we made our way through the bush and on our arrival at H.Q. we noticed that some huts were still burning as the enemy had set many of them on fire while knocking down others. We looked for corpses but did not see any; though we saw lumps of blood and two bands of fifty rounds of ammunition each. We continued our journey to the hospital and found that all had
moved safely, leaving two guards for us as Mathenge had told Gathuku that he would collect his belongings on that day. The two guards told us that the enemies did not see the hospital as they were misled by our many paths up the hill leading only to where our warriors spent the day warming by the sun’s heat; but they
saw Wacira’s camp on
their
way home and found nobody
as everyone left safely while the enemies
‘We
spied on the
were
still
H.Q. yesterday afternoon
firing at
there
H.Q.
after the enemy’s
departure, continued one of the guards, ‘and were surprised by the big fire of the burning huts. We found five corpses; each had one hand cut off at the wrist. We took them out of the camp and
buried them.
We
as the rest dispersed in later
how many warriors died many areas; but many corpses were seen and it was believed that many collapsed
could not
around that area
tell,
though,
unseen. Thereafter, the four other guards
and followed the patients to Kigumo and then to a new camp site near the Chania River about 35 miles to the northwest. We were ordered to wait for you for three days. If you failed to come, we would go to the women s camp and ask for some warriors who would carry the [i.e.,
left
us
Mathenge’s] luggage.’
They then showed us where they had hidden the luggage and we hurriedly carried them and started return journey. Arriving at H.Q. ruins, we were spotted by two warriors and a girl who had spent almost two days without knowing the whereabouts of the others. 1 hey joined us and freed our warriors by carrying their
Leaving H.Q. we could see some smoke from the Kenya Regiment base four miles inside the forest. One of our companions remarked that that was the place they had killed twenty-eight head
on 11th July when they found that the Kenya Ng’ombe had blocked their way. On our way, I spotted a group of Kenya Ng’ombe sitting down
of cattle
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
2l8
bamboos about fifty yards from me. I signalled to my group asking them to retreat. Four of them ran away when they saw the white forces. We followed a muirigo [path] on a ridge leading into the heart of the forest which had been trod by many enemies a few hours past. After a short distance we arrived at a place where another enemy group had taken lunch. They had left some opened tinned food which we thought were poisoned, a new panga and a knife tied to a thin green wire and connected to a buried grenade. One of my companions was about to pull the panga when I shouted to him to stop. I told them that it was a mine trap and would kill us all if it exploded. We changed our direction and moved northward across hills and valleys and many streams. At each stream we found a big track of the Kenya Regiment moving upstream. I began to wonder whether we would ever meet the camps we were heading for. There were echoes of shootings in many areas and the enemy’s method of searching out a camp was unknown to our warriors. By following a stream, the enemies would enter our camps unseen, while the sentries would be guarding the camps’ entrances. Their distribution seemed as if they were covering the whole forest. We had lost our way and I was leading my group according to my thinking taking their lunch under the
whereabouts the camp might be.
enough
When we
arrived at a
bamboo
hundred yards in every direction, I told my people to rest and have lunch. While we were having lunch we spotted our four persons who had run away. One of them lost his luggage and they were not certain of the direction they were moving. At 3 p.m. we continued our journey, arriving at an enemies’ deserted camp; they had cleared it by cutting down trees which had been thrown as if they were building a fence. They had buried everything, even their fireplaces, leaving the camp very clean. At about 4 in the afternoon, airplanes started dropping food to their forces and we could then learn whereabout their camps were that evening and learnt that they had passed us. We arrived, safely and tired, at the women’s camp at 5 130 p.m., though having many scratches of strawberry [thorns] on our faces, arms and legs. Gicuki told me that some guards had seen a group of 15 Kenya Ng’ombe passing along the muirigo on the ridge behind the camp. He added that sentries had been posted in every possible direction for the enemies to enter the camp. I learned that section that
was
clear
for
anyone
to see at least a
THE BREAK-UP OF THE KARIAINI H.Q.
219
he had not posted any guards down or up stream which I instructed him to do the following morning. After arranging with him that Mathenge’s luggage should be brought the following morning to our post store, I left with one escort to our [camphor tree]
camp.
I
then reported
he commented that
my
journey to Mathenge, after which
was difficult for us to fight against Government forces on any unplanned fight and the best we could do was to hide our footprints and if they missed us they would go out of the forest and we would plan our attacks. ‘I shall go with you tomorrow to the women’s camp to instruct them how to hide their it
footprints,’ [he concluded].
The
we were
following day
women’s camp; Mathenge went on instructing the warriors how to hide footprints by moving on their toes or heels, straightening any fallen weeds behind, stepping on the dry leaves or on hard soil, moving backwards when at the
crossing a road or path so that the footprints trackers.
He
them
to
until
the enemies
may
mislead the
pray hard and to obey the seers’ instructions, remarking that those who had obeyed the seers were not in the camp when H.Q. was raided. He added that the dead ones must be the disobedient ones. He suggested that no one should leave the
told
camp
had
and that rations should be reduced to keep us longer. He bid them farewell and deceived them [by saying] that we were leaving for Mt. Kenya. When we went at Gicuki’s hut for a meal, he reported that he was faced by a great difficulty of defenseless and helpless women in his camp. He supposed that if all women were in his camp as our rule suggested it would result in a failure for [there would be] more food consumers than food carriers to bring the food and [not enough warriors to] defend them. He asked what would happen if the camp was dispersed by the enemies whereby a group of ten women found themselves without a man or with one or two men. He pointed out that our rule referring to women should be reviewed and amended. He remarked that most of the warriors and mostly the leaders had not observed that rule and if they took the
responsibility
of
their
lovers
the
left
better
the forest
for
us.
Mathenge
promised that he would call a leaders meeting as soon as the enemies left the forest. We returned to our camp to hide ourselves for the rest of the month.
On how
the
w ay r
I
they would
considered
how our
be contacted
warriors were dispersed and
again
after
establishing
several
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
220
would be difficult to get them again in one camp; how Mathenge had left H.Q. in the hands of a group of leaders of almost equal rank though Kihara Kagumu was the only one bringing reports to Mathenge regularly; how Mathenge had camps; how
it
and command in his hands; how he was controlled by superstition beliefs. I began to wonder how much he could do for the leadership he was responsible. I became worried whether Kimathi was of the same type and before reaching any decisions I arrived at our camp. During the [next] two weeks, our warriors were confronted by the diehard Kenya Regiment. The difference between the Devons and the Kenya Regiment was that the latter wanted to kill us while the Devons wanted to capture us. Two warriors reported different tales to me. One was chased by a group of Devons and when his raincoat was grabbed [i.e., caught in a bush] he took it off and managed to run away. The Devons did not fire any shot at him. Another was found in a tree taking honey from a beehive and was asked by Devons to come down slowly. Full of fear and almost certain of his death, he landed on the ground and ran into the bush. He told me that they did not fire at him or chase him, but [instead] he heard them laughing. The Kenya Ng’ombe wanted only to kill as many Kikuyu as possible. As the sons of settlers they showed no mercy. It was reported to me later by our warriors who made contact with them that they never left behind their arms or corpses, unless they were all dead. One of our successful sections which managed to kill a dozen of the Kenya Ng’ombe told me that they believed the Regiment’s motto was to maintain their Bren gun. ‘Whenever we shot their Bren gun man,’ [they said, ‘he] shouted “Johnny, come to the Bren gun, I’ve been shot by a bloody fakin Mau Mau,” and another one moved over to operate it. We were in a position that we could see them all; they were descending a deep valley and we were on the next ridge. The distance was about 200 yards. When the last man fell from the Bren gun, we did not stop firing. We took time to aim at their corpses until we were certain that they were all dead as we had learnt that their injured ones pretended to be dead and had [earlier] killed eight of our warriors with grenades. It took us an hour to get there. We collected one Bren gun, two Sten guns, two Patchet guns, three rifles, two shot guns, three automatic pistols, two dozen grenades, ammunition, started to hide instead of taking leadership
:
THE BREAK-UP OF THE KARIAINI H.Q. and medicine.
clothes, food
Kangima
signalled to
We
22
I
took their telephone wireless and
center reporting that
we had captured one
and that we wanted the Government to send food by air for their people at the source of Mathioya River about ten miles west of where we were. But the Government dropped bombs of their sections
We
instead of food.
One
of the
warriors into
then destroyed the telephone wireless.’
Kenya Regiment’s achievements was
many
to disperse
our
many
in-
small sections out of which grew
capable self-styled leaders whose leadership was [concerned with] how to get food and how to hide. We called these groups komcrera.
Once they found
many
aside
that they were masters of themselves, they cast
of our rules, took the law in their
own hands and
ful-
7 hey robbed and disturbed our associates in acquired money from our members at gun point,
filled their pleasures.
the reserves,
abducted
many
girls to
some absurd and
the forest, raping some,
illegal types of oaths.
Some
and administered
established themselves
as leaders in the reserve while others claimed that they
top leaders’ messengers. [i.e.,
The komerera
leaders
had no
were the
priority to
clearly defined roles or privileges vis-a-vis] their warriors other
than to be called leader; while they acted and lived as equals
in
camps they became very popular to their warriors. They all [i.e., many] didn’t like to be ruled again and started to hide from us the same way as they hid from Government forces. We had a great deal of trouble hunting these outlaws and disciplining them again; a threat of shooting them if they refused to return to their former camps under the recognized leaders was issued and there was no resistance once they were caught but it was difficult to find their camps. Eventually, most of them returned to their recogtheir
—
nized leaders.
The bad weather helped
Kenya Regiment and the Devons out of the forest, which enabled Mathenge to call a meeting of the leaders in Kigumo and Kariaini areas to amend the women’s rule by the end of July. The meeting was held near the women’s camp, [attended by] thirteen leaders and Mathenge in us to drive the
continued
my
the chairmanship.
I
a long discussion
was resolved that
(1) (
2)
A
it
or a
woman
job to record the minutes. After
should be regarded as a regular warrior. Their work in camp should be fetching firewood, cooking girl
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
222
and serving the whole camp, cleaning utensils, mending warriors clothes and washing leaders’ clothes. and each woman must live (3) Every girl must be married with her husband in their hut or tent as they liked. announce these marriages in the (4) Each camp leader must presence of all people and the party concerned could inform their parents in the reserve
if
they wanted.
Either of the couple, or an outside warrior, would receive
(5)
25 strokes
if
found guilty of seducement.
was agreed that the lost small groups of warriors be searched and brought to the camps and that further plans of attacking the enemy would be considered after resettlement. The meeting ended. As I was growing dissatisfied with the deficiency of plans and It
ideology,
I
my
decided to talk to seven of
location leaders includ-
by pointing out how children and women were starving of hunger in the reserves and how we continually grabbed the little food they had to keep them alive. ‘We are able to go anywhere we like,’ [I said,] ‘and take whatever we want by force; but our children, wives and parents have no alternatives ing Mathenge.
I
started
other than to wait for their death either of starvation or the enemies’ stroke.
I
we moved to the Rift Valley we and leave what we are using now to the
think that
could get plenty to eat
if
starving ones. In addition to this, our location
Government believes Mahiga has taken the oath which is almost
ment’s
blacklist
as
the
—
three persons have not taken the oath, of
Mau Mau; why
home supply ‘We want
[base] to,
don’t you
want
on the Govern-
that
everyone
in
true; only twenty-
whom
already been killed. Government believes that nursery of
is
it
about half have is
the
home and
to preserve
it
as
our
?’
but how?’ one replied. ‘By shifting our battlefield
from our location to the Rift Valley,’ [I answered.] ‘You must be aware that whenever we kill or bum a Home Guard’s house, their revenge is between ten and twenty times on the same object. It is true that we lose more and give the Government a chance it wants for killing our people; for even the
of our tribe
would
and population.
If
we
be] better than to lose him.
Home Guard
himself
is
a part
could get him to work for us
[We
should] fight our enemies
in the forests, in the Special Areas, in their
place of contact, avoiding fights in the
[it
camps and at any other villages and assassinations in
THE BREAK-UP OF THE KARIAI N H.Q. I
223
the villages in order to safeguard] the civilians. If
we could
the settlers’ homes, livestock, plants
they would lose
hope
and
stores,
destroy
country and decide to quit.’ Kabuga Njogu, the first supporter, continued to point out what works our prisoners, i.e., Home Guards, could do to develop our country, especially the road making, [after we were victorious.] Ngara Gitegenye, the first opposer, did not favor the idea of sparing in this
Home
the
He
Guards.
suggested that our warriors should fight
only the enemies in their [home] areas. Mathenge, who spoke last, supported my idea, adding that some people should remain in that area in order to check the enemies lest they construct permanent
camps
during our absence, which would be difficult for us to drive out. The rest supported my idea wholeheartedly and we resolved never again to commit an action in Mahiga Location in the forest
would cause Government
that
to revenge
on the
civilians.
Though
our sections moved to the Rift Valley and returned several times, we kept our resolution to the end of the emergency and thus decreased the direct killing of our people in the reserve by the
Government forces. Mathenge, as the chief leader and oath administrator in the reserve, had collected a great deal of money in Nairobi, our location and division and some other divisions. We had little to buy with
money
from
spoils.
apart from clothing, as most of our supplies were
When
money he
I
enquired of him what he intended to do with
me
would help those who are in need. I pointed out to him some widows with orphan children. We selected 30 women, including his wife and my step-mother, whom we granted 20s. each, and 20 more women whom we granted 10s. each. We appointed Kabingu, King’ori and another warrior to the
distribute the
When
told
money
that he
to the owners.
the Devons and the
Kenya Regiment
left
the forest, they
spent the next two weeks making a line of ambushes
all
along the
edge throughout the night. They stationed armoured cars with caterpillar wheels [i.e., tanks] on many ridges which continued forest
shooting
propelled
shells
or cannons
covering three miles distance inside
and mortars at intervals, the forest. Sometimes they
used strong machines which shot more than 25 miles in the forest. All these forces started firing from the forest edge at 4 p.m. and continued at one hour intervals in order to frighten our warriors.
As our warriors
— 150
from H.Q. and the women’s camp had
set
224
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
—
up another camp near ours at Mumwe learned that our enemy s were more prepared during the nights than in the days, they decided to raid the Home Guard herds in the Special Area at 2 in the afternoon. After a short exchange of fire, the Home Guards ran away and our forty warriors brought 130 head of cattle. They passed by our camp without knowing. When we saw them we asked them to give us one fat bullock which we slaughtered at our camp. They took the rest to the women’s camp and shared it to other camps.
CHAPTER
XIV
THE MWATHE MEETING In
mid-august
953, after almost eight months of open revolt, a general meeting of Aberdare fighters was held near the of
1
banks of Mwathe stream on the eastern edge of the moorlands. In the present chapter Karari vividly recalls his journey to the moorlands and the many events, great and small, which occurred there during the five-day Mwathe meeting. Of primary importance was the formation of the Kenya Defence Council, a body comprised of all recognized forest leaders and headed by Dedan Kimathi and six other elected officers. The Kenya Defence Council represented the first attempt by Aberdare leaders to bring the guerrilla units operating in the four major regions of Nyandarua (i.e., Nyeri, Murang’a, Nderagwa and North Kinangop) under a unified military command and to integrate all of the revolutionary forces both within and outside the forest under a central governing council. At Mwathe a number of steps were taken to accomplish this task eight Land and Freedom Armies were named, together with their commanders and areas of operation formal military ranks were issued following the British pattern an overall military strategy was agreed upon, as well as a uniform set of rules and regulations; and a unified :
—
;
;
record system was devised and
Though
men
assigned to administer
the specific powers of the
it.
Kenya Defence Council
were never spelled out in detail, they were generally conceived to be those necessary for the overall planning and coordination of the military campaign. Like the Ituma Ndemi Trinity Council, however, the Kenya Defence Council was granted a considerable measure of policy- and decision-making power by its leader-members, but very little in the way of administrative and enforcement machinery. Its rulings, tactical policies and organizational programs were, to a large extent, left to lower-level leaders to administer and enforce. That so much authority was delegated to, or left in the hands of, individual section leaders is best understood as reflecting the actual distribution of effective 225
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
226
power among the various forest leaders, each of whom possessed his own following and forest sphere of influence. The Kenya Defence Council, and the formal military hierarchy it created, thus tended to legitimize rather than alter the positions previously held by the guerrilla leaders. Later we shall examine some of the
advantages,
frailties
and ramifications of
this relatively
and the loosely knit organization of over which it held nominal control.
central council forces
The thunders
weak
guerrilla
war and revolution invariably upset the established familial patterns and sexual norms of conduct of a people. Within the forest, the role and position of girls and women who traditionally played no part whatever in Kikuyu military affairs was highly ambiguous and tended to shift as the battle lengthened. At the outset, as we have seen, the tendency was for women to assume their normal domestic duties and tasks despite the radically altered conditions of life and military setting in the forest. For a time, the traditional taboo on sexual intercourse for acdve warriors was upheld, thus reducing the potential strain and conflict inherent in the numerical discrepancy between males and females i.e., women never comprised more than 5 per of
—
—
cent of the total forest population. But the sexual taboo operative in the olden days of brief
against the
Kikuyu
raids
and defensive encounters
Masai could not be maintained
as the revolt stretched
from weeks into months.
The
violation of the taboo
The
revision of rules pertaining to
on sexual intercourse, and the conflicts engendered thereby, led to an early ruling by the Ituma Ndemi Trinity Council according to which women were to be segregated from the men and sustained within camps of their own. This ruling, however, was never fully implemented or enforced. Many of the warriors, and particularly the leaders, refused to comply with the rule and be separated from their wives or sweethearts. Again, those women who were gathered together in women’s camps constituted too heavy a burden for the warriors who had to feed and protect them.
women made by
Ituma council were approved and added to by the leaders at Mwathe. The primary aim was to establish more realistic rules and norms of conduct between the sexes and thereby reduce the possibilities the
THE MWATHE MEETING of friction
and
227
To
ensure the permanence of forest liaisons, ‘marriages’ were to be publicly announced and registered, conflict.
and
leaders were not to interfere in the women’s selection of spouses. Again, acknowledging a shift in the role of many
women,
the latter were to be issued ranks up to that of colonel on the basis of their abilities as warriors which they were hence-
—
forth to be considered, along with the
As we
men. problems and conflicts in the forest were never
shall see in later chapters, the
generated by the presence of women completely resolved despite the many and varied rule changes. Karari’s account of his conversations with one of the camp
women this
at
Mwathe warmly
problem, as well as his
some
reveals
own
conflicts
of the dimensions of
and
personal,
if
not
typical, solution.
On
the third day of August, Kimathi’s messengers from Murang’a arrived and handed a letter to Mathenge which he asked me to
read to him.
It said
:
Dear Mathenge, have called a general meeting to be held at Nguthiru (Moorlands) on the banks of Mwathe stream. I am coming there with I
all
the leaders from Fort Hall, with
expect to meet you there with
many
of their warriors.
I
and warriors. I have written a letter to every leader I know and have sent them to North Kinangop of the Rift Valley and Nderagwa for the
Laikipia District.
Nyandarua
Forest.
all
In short,
the Nyeri leaders
I
expect
The meeting would
the
leaders
in
on 16/8/53 to *h e food to last you more
start
You
should therefore carry sufficient than a week. 20th.
all
As this would be the first general meeting in Nyandarua Forest, I think we should (1) Elect a Kenya-wide Council, (2) Make rules and regulations, (3) Instruct our leaders and warriors, (4) Make plans on raids, :
(5)
Issue out ranks,
(6)
Discuss any other arising matter.
for all the warriors
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
228
Convey my sincere hard and pray.
greetings to the leaders
and
warriors.
Work
Thaai (Peace)
Dedan Kimathi Waciuri
He
listened carefully as
I
read the letter to him privately. As
was his habit, he had some ground native tobacco in his mouth which made him to spit often. After a long pause of thinking he said, ‘Who is the chief, Kimathi or me?’ ‘I do not know well, for I have only recently learned that you were elected as the chief of Nyeri warriors and Kimathi as the secretary; but the Government advertises Kimathi as the leader of the warriors in Kenya.’
all
may
‘That
be the reason
why
he tried to
kill
me by
putting a
would become chief leader. Leadership take my share and he will take his.’
bullet in the fire so that he is
a
gift of
God.
‘Yes, that
am
‘I
the
(Mathenge,
is
I will
true,’ I replied.
man like
to call
Kimathi
to a meeting;
he
is
only
most others, did not know the difference
my
clerk
in duties
between a clerk and a general secretary). With whom did he arrange that meeting? All the Ituma counselors are here in this district.’ I
explained to him the difference between a clerk and a general
and warned him that it might be possible that Murang’a, North Kinangop and the Nderagwa might have their councils just like our Ituma in Nyeri but these counselors have never met and secretary
when
they meet, they will elect one leader. ‘The leader would be either Kimathi or you. You should then attend the meeting for
many
people would not support you during your absence.’
make up my mind when
will
‘I
here,’
By
he
I
see the other leaders
around
said.
time leaders and warriors from other divisions had left Kariaini, leaving behind only Othaya Division warriors. I accomthis
panied Mathenge to
Mahiga Location camps and two of Othaya. In each camp he had a private talk with its leader. When-
ever the
visit all
asked any leader after their talks whether he was to attend Nguthiru meeting, the reply was doubtful and leaning to I
Mathenge’s decision. One of the leaders, Kabuga Njogu, told me that he had been asked by Mathenge not to attend Kimathi’s meeting; but in spite of that he would go because the motive
THE MWATHE MEETING
229
was jealousy on chieftainship. Watoria (Thiongo Gateru), assistant of Gicuki Wacira in the women’s camp, told me that he would attend the meeting, after which he would move to Nderagwa where he would continue fighting with the settlers and their
behind
it
property. wallet of I
We
started planning our journey.
which
120s.
was from boarding
I
fees at
had 170s. in my Muthaini School.
sent 20s. in the reserve ordering six yards of calico for 15s. for
making
my
pounds of wheat flour for 3s. and a dozen boxes of matches for 2s. My order was successful and I wanted to know Mathenge’s decision. He told me that he was not attending the meeting. I asked him to write Kimathi and explain his reasons tent, five
for not attending.
He
me
He
refused to write a letter but sent
me
[instead].
Kimathi that he was very busy searching warriors who were badly scattered by the Devons and the Kenya Regiment last month in their strong operation. On the evening of 14th August I bid Mathenge and my companions goodbye and went to spend the night at the women’s camp with other warriors who were willing to attend the meeting. During the night, our safari food was prepared roasted meat for all and some pancakes for Watoria and me. Gicuki Hinga was appointed as my luggage carrier. Very early the following morning, we all prayed together, asking God to bless our journey, keep and guide us all the way. We set off, a group of twenty-eight warriors. The weather was bad great mists, wet cold leaves in narrow animal paths. Sometimes we had to make our new path asked
to
tell
—
;
in thick bushes,
our feet sinking
in the
damp
cold
soil
saturated
two months. We arrived Kigumo and were joined by Gen. Makanyanga’s (Kariuki Mathinji’s) gang of a hundred and twenty-eight warriors, including a dozen women. We found that the Gura River had swollen up and the best crossing place we found was two and a half feet deep. The able warriors used a staff to help them and held the hand of a weaker person. We all managed to cross that cold, strong and swiftest river in the Nyandarua Forest. We changed our direction to northwest and started climbing a mile steep hill of which its first part was in the black forest and the with water for at
other in the
least
bamboo
zone.
deserted ruined camp.
I
On
our arrival at the top we found a
learned that
camps captured by the enemy. clothes and damaged utensils. old
it
was one of Kahiu-Itina’s
I
could see torn pieces of
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
230
We moved
on flat land covered by thick bamboos across which a big road from Nyeri to the Moorlands via Kiandongoro Forest Station was under construction. Armored cars and tanks with many machine guns managed by military and assisted by Home Guards supervised the civilians who were forced to make the road which would enable the Government to transport its forces quickly some thirty miles inside the forest and which they would use to encircle or cordon us in certain areas. We sat down and sent scouts to check whether there were enemies along the road. During
this
time
I
learned from
Makanya-
nga that he had twice sent scouts to [spy on] the road constructors and the reports were that though difficult to defeat them, our warriors could manage to disturb them; but we were afraid that they [i.e., Government forces] may kill the civilians and allege that they were killed by Mau Mau or that the civilians fled to join the
Mau Mau. When
our scouts returned, they reported that
road and must do
we
we could
met by the enemy’s Land Rovers which moved to-and-fro checking our movements. On arrival, we found that we had to climb over a five feet high fence of the fallen bamboos and walk on them like monkeys cross the
it
quickly
lest
are
for forty feet, then cross the road, thirty feet
wide of well-cleared soil by tractors, on which our footprints could be seen. We had to move on toes and circle the leg [i.e., twist our feet] so as to hide any human mark and start climbing on those fallen bamboos on the other side of the road. For a few hundred yards we continued to hide our tracks and after scattering to further mislead any pursuers, found ourselves moving in scattered bamboos and bushes with patches of grass which fed large herds of buffaloes and we could see the morning tracks of rhinos and elephants here and there. It was not long before we were challenged by a furious
who
passed across our path dispersing the men. It was already half past one and we sat down for lunch cold roasted meat. We continued our journey, stopping twice on the way in order to get honey from forest trees. The honey was diluted
rhino
.
.
.
with water and each drunk a cup of the cold sweet drink to quench our thirst after a long journey and a fatty lunch.
By
four o clock
the River Chania.
warriors;
I
we At
started descending gradually the slopes of sunset, I found myself lagging with four
could see the
last
man
under the dark bamboo cover.
I
about a hundred yards in front was almost exhausted and could
THE MWATHE M EETING not increase any speed. Without seeing anyone, tracks.
The
darkness increased so that
23I
we
we could no
followed their
longer see their
We
had hope that they had not encamped far away. I could smell smoke from the camp and guessed the direction for a few hundred yards. Our movement became very difficult and we tracks.
continued stumbling
down
over the rough terrain.
I
signalled with
the call of the nightbird to check whether they could hear us. Luckily, the guards replied
and wanted
my
signal.
The guards met
I
shouted that
we were
and showed us the way. We could see camp fires some 300 yards away but to get there was very difficult; cold had increased so that we were shivering and often falling on that slippery steep slope. At 7 130 we arrived in the camp cold and tired. I was glad to meet Wacira Gathuku and (Shumali) Gathura Muita, the incharge of the general hospital. This is where the patients were moved when H.Q. was captured. I met Mathenge Kihuni for the second time. He told me that he had brought food for the patients and that he was also going to the meeting with some 87 other warriors. We talked of what had happened but as soon as I became warm I began to feel sleepy; I could not even wait for dinner. Wacira showed me where to sleep and soon I slept. The following day we continued our journey in a caravan of 244 persons. As we approached the Moorlands, we found a dead elephant. The hyenas had eaten all the meat leaving the hard bones and the three-feet-long ivory. We carried the tusks and lost
help.
us
?
moved
direct north along the bushes bordering the Nguthiru grass-
land so that
we would have somewhere
an airplane flew over us. We crossed the rivers Chania and Gikururu; the water is very cold up here within the altitude of 11,000 feet. Mist became our ally, protecting us from being seen by an airplane. We changed direction due west and w ere moving on burnt grassland. I learned from one of our warriors that an airplane had accidentally crashed while bombing the forest, setting the fire which burnt grass over about ten square miles. At two in the afternoon it started pouring hailstones. These frozen stones struck hard on us causing us to freeze. The ground had not sufficient heat to melt them and they caused our feet to freeze. We couldn’t go further and so made our camp on the bank of a small stream running across small bushes. We pegged tents, some using blankets to make tents. There was no difference r
to hide
if
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
232
between smoke and mist, therefore we made big fires at 4 p.m. It was so cold that I was unable to straighten my fingers. Some hot strong coffee was prepared for the leaders while soup was for
all.
After eating, drinking and warming,
we had
it
was
still
made
so cold that
smear our bodies with animal fat. Some leaves and grass were cut and dried with fire in order to make mattresses on all to
the frozen ground.
I
hardly slept that night.
The following morning, I was very much surprised to see that the dew on the grass, on our tents and blankets and some water that
was
left in
a karai (metal basin) had
all frozen.
We
continued
our journey on the frozen grassland which melted by 10 a.m., when we had a little sunshine, but we never felt its warmth. We arrived at Mwathe stream about one in the afternoon, where we
down
and eight other warriors started fishing with safey-pin hooks, string and bamboo fishing rods. I caught sixteen fish within less than an hour; the small stream had very many fish. I learned that Government had sent thousands of young brown trouts upstream which fed on the smaller type of fish that were originally found in the stream. One elder amongst us named Wandare was one of the men who had taken fish upstream in 925 according to his memory. We continued to climb a small bushy hill on a wide old animal path which led to Mwathe Camp. At two miles distance, we could see cleared areas which looked like big gardens. When I enquired of what that was, I was told that that was the area in which grass had been cut for thatching the camp’s huts. On my sat
for lunch.
I
1
arrival at the guards’
to be five acres.
I
camp
4 130 p.m. I guessed the cleared area could see more than thirty guards’ huts built of at
and shapes; round, gabled roofed, and the familiar type of shelters. Either branches with many leaves or grass had been used to cover the walls; an attempt to check the extreme different sizes
cold.
Some two hundred yards west
lay the Officers’
Camp.
All in-
comers and their supplies were stopped here and after some checking and recording, the supplies were handed over to the storekeeper who took them to an underground store some three hundred yards north of the camp. The meat was hung on trees where the altitude of almost 12,000 feet served as a refrigerator.
Our elephant tusks we had touched an
were taken to the store and we were told that unclean dead animal. [Traditionally, the eating or touching of
THE MWATHE MEETING single-hooved animals was tabooed
among
the Kikuyu.]
233
We
were
we were cleansed. Kimathi and Wang’ombe Ruga, his witch-
then ordered not to mix with the others until
Some
leaders, including
came to see the elephant tusks and say hello to us. Kimathi told us that we had a lucky journey and that the ivory were great wealth; and added that we had to be cleansed, introducing his Generals Macharia Kimemia, chief leader of witchdoctor, Murang’a, Mbaria Kaniu, Kimbo and others. We made a long queue of two hundred and forty four persons facing Wang’ombe Ruga the witchdoctor and passing by him he doctor,
would smear a little sheep fat, which is believed to be anti-calamity, on both hands, face and feet, then dipped his fly-whisk made from the tail of a cow into half a gourd which contained a mixture of the rumen content of a hyrax (used as substitute for a sheep) which had been dried, water and some wild herbs, one of which was mwembaiguru a creeping plant which produces milky sap, very sweet-smelling roots used to sweeten soup, and is regarded as a lucky plant. He then sprayed us saying, ‘I cleanse you of all the calamity and evils you might have contacted.’ After the cleansing ceremony, all the warriors were told to go to a camp that was vertically opposite us; some two hundred yards of grass southwards separated us from that camp. To get there one had to cross one of the Mwathe’s cold-running tributaries. The camp, under big trees with grass undergrowth^ looked like a big nomads’ village. To the west lay the main camp with hundreds of huts of different types, shapes and sizes. The leaders were welcomed to the officers’ camp and were led to the officers’ mess room 25 feet by 12 feet, with gabled roof and all the five-foot walls covered. As one enters, he would see two long [rough wooden tables, covered with soft cedar bark,] separated by a four foot wide corridor which ends at a table at which Kimathi, Macaria, Kahiu-Itina and Kimbo sat. There I had coffee with some other fifty five leaders. Each table was occupied by twenty-six leaders, of whom the two who sat at the ends acted as prefects who ordered food and organized the
—
—
kitchen.
While still taking coffee, Kimathi went on introducing the leaders who had arrived. Though he had heard of me we had never met before. All he could say of me was, ‘He has been headmaster Muthuaini School and has earned reputation for helping many of our warriors and we are glad to have such an educated person.’
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
234
‘Mr. Njama, yesterday
we
raided your school and captured
exercise books for our records
and a radio from your former
many
house,’
said Kahiu-Itina.
hope you will tell me all that in detail.’ ‘How was your journey and how is Mathenge?’ asked Kimathi. ‘We had a three-day-long and tiresome journey, mountain climbing and bad weather being our chief obstacles. We didn’t see any enemy traces on the way but we were lucky to collect elephant tusks which has made me to undergo a cleansing ceremony which reminded me of the last cleansing ceremony I underwent some twenty years ago when I was about seven years old.’ ‘I
The
others
fell
into a laughter at this,
and
I
heard some saying,
‘We have made you anti-Christian.’ Mathenge is all right,’ I went on. ‘I have been his secretary for the last two and a half months. He asked me to greet all the leaders and asked me to tell you, Kimathi father/of Waciuri, that he
will
not attend the meeting.
collecting itungati
who were
He
dispersed
me
told
that he
by the Devons
was busy
last
month.’
‘And what about the other leaders, Njau, Ngara, Gicuki and the rest from Kariaini who have not attended?’ asked Kimathi. They are in the same boat with Mathenge and will not come.’ ‘I believe that he has only refused to come,’ said Kimathi, ‘for the excuse he has given is a very weak one. There are many leaders who can carry on orders for searching the lost itungati. We had been expecting Mathenge today, but now our meeting will continue
that whatever
without him.
One
good we do here
thing
will
I
am
certain of
be supported by
all
and that
is
the people,
even the unborn.’
A
whistle
was blown. Prayers
one outside, calling
all
!
Prayers
!
Prayers
!’
shouted some-
people to attend the evening prayers.
We
went out. After prayers, Kimathi invited me to his room, which had been very well protected from cold and a fire was burning to keep it warm. As I sat down, two warriors brought two all
animal skin kitbags
honey they had been collecting all the day. Kimathi ordered one of them to fill a big mug with honey and give it to me. He told me that he would brew beer with the honey for ceremonial prayers. While I was eating the honey, Kimathi asked me what I had left Mathenge doing. I told him that for more than a month Mathenge and I had been hiding under a big camphor tree and that he was not at all full of
concerned
THE MWATHE MEETING
235
with the searching of itungati; he simply didn’t want to attend the meeting because he felt that he should have called the meeting or you should have arranged the whole matter with advertising the meeting. ‘The other leaders
him before wanted to come but
were stopped by him. Kabuga Njogu who disobeyed his boycotting of the meeting may tell you what he was told.’ ‘He has already told me the whole story,’ said Kimathi, ‘but Mathenge has lost a great chance of being known to many of our itungati from Murang’a, North Kinangop, Nderagwa and even the Ituma Ndemi Army of which we elected him to be the chief leader. I hope he is not suffering from megalomania. I would certainly attend any meeting he would call me to. I would like to meet him and resolve our differences and the suspicions which might have arisen from a fire-bullet incident at Murang’a. Nevertheless, I would postpone nothing due to his absence though I would .
always
call
him
present leaders
all
mess
‘Officers’
my
to
.
.
meetings and place his chair
in front of the
the time during his absence.’
!
Officers’
mess
!
Officers’
mess
’ !
shouted a voice
what that meant. Kimathi told me that it was a dinner and that all the officers should sit together in their
outside. I asked call for
messroom. six
He
man and
saluted.
called for Captain Ngiriri, a brown,
a great joker. Imitating a
Kimathi then
have dinner
here.’
told him, ‘Mr.
He went
returned escorting two
girls
KAR,
handsome,
he stood
Njama and
I
who
alert
would
out shouting to the kitchen
five-
and
like to
girls.
He
brought us pancakes in a plate
and a thick gravy of meat and potatoes. As we were eating, Kimathi told me that those potatoes were brought from North Kinangop and that a few warriors who were left behind roasting some were followed by some Kenya Regiment who opened fire on them at close range. ‘Five of our warriors are still missing and two of the gang are suffering from hysteria. They are voiceless and still shivering,
though unhurt.’
‘Yesterday night,’ continued Kimathi, ‘we launched one of our surprise attacks on Muitwo na Higi, alias Kagunduini Center.
General Kahiu-Itina’s section had collected one of the 50 lb. bombs dropped by the airplanes. We decided to explode it in one of the Home Guards’ plots. I sent some 600 itungati under General Kahiu-Itina and ordered them to carry all the goods in the twelve Home Guards’ shops. With them, I sent 150 warriors to bring food from our depots in the reserve and three groups of fifty strong each
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
236
them were very successful. After looting all the shops, Kahiu-Itina and a few others were Oh Let me call Kahiu-Itina so that he would give you the first hand to plunder their cattle. All of
account. Captain Ngiriri!’ ‘
Abandi
KAR’s
for
title
and
attention
‘
a term derived from Effendi,’ the originated from Turkey. He actively stood at
[replied the captain,]
,’
‘Sir,’
saluted.
Gen. Kahiu-Itina to come here.’ ‘Ndio Abandi' (‘Yes Sir’). The speedy
‘Tell
man
rushed out and
returned within two minutes with Gen. Katiu-Itina.
Abandi
meaning
,’
‘finished, fulfilled,
done, or complete
The man
‘Afzuri [‘Good’] Captain.’
‘
Timamu
Sir.’
and left. In a laughing tone, Kimathi said, ‘I want you to tell Mr. Njama how you conducted the Muituvo na Higi attack. Commence just at your saluted again
arrival in the reserve.’
‘On our
arrival at the forest border,’ started
Gen. Kahiu-Itina,
‘the 150 food carriers dispersed in the various food
From
the three cattle groups
another group which notorious
and
Home
I
Guard.
One
I
supply centers.
took ten itungati from each forming
sent to raid Wairagu’s aviary. I
ordered them to bring
all his
He
is
a
poultry
had to raid near the plot while others went to Chania, Out of the 600 itungati I had, I sent sent twenty of them to your school and told them not to hurt any of the teachers or make any damage to the school, but [to bring] this radio from your former house and all the exercise books from their eggs.
of the cattle groups
the headmaster’s store so that
them
sections. I told
they should
fire
we can have
that since they
a few shots in
all
record books for our
had no one
to fight against,
directions so as to frighten the
Home Guards—also
giving the teachers an excuse that their survival was due to their escape in the darkness before our warriors
entered
their
houses
and quickly return
to
the place of our
departure and wait for us there. Arriving at the plot [i.e., market center], I sent three groups of 20 guards each to guard the three roads that might bring helpers on vehicles. Since only Nyeri could send strong helpers, I added 20 more warriors to that road. I entered the plot with
500
and soon learned that no one was returning our fires, but we could hear them running away. We broke shop doors and windows and entered. We found that the owners had itungati , opened
fire
escaped through the rear doors.
Our
warriors
became busy
in
THE MWATHE MEETING
237
packing the luggage. Since there were very insufficient empty sacks, we used blankets and other cloths for tying our bundles of clothes, cloths, medicine, sugar, salt, beans, flour, exercise books, etc., etc.
In the Tusker beer shop,
we broke
and poured the beer. Our warriors, heavily loaded, started moving to the forest. I sent someone to call the Nyeri-road guards and ordered them to follow our warriors and urged them to hurry up before we set the bomb on fire. ‘I was left behind with a dozen others. We put the bomb in the middle of the center shop. I sent some warriors to my former workshop and asked them to bring the carpenter’s plane rubbish [i.e., shavings] and the others collected waste paper and the small paper containers. We covered the bomb with the stuff and poured four tins of kerosine oil on the rubbish, set it on fire and ran as quickly as possible. After five minutes or so we were more than a mile from the plot. We saw a big flash of lightning followed by a thunderous horrible noise accompanied by earth tremor. The falling and crashing of the stone of big shops continued for several seconds. We saw the Nyeri lights go off and the whole area became dead silence under the influence of the dreadful alarm. I think all the shops were destroyed.’ ‘I would be very grateful if you destroyed more than that,’ interrupted Dedan Kimathi. ‘You see, Mr. Njama, the Government has closed trading centers which were under our people and those Home Guards had some privileges because of torturing our people and forcing them to confess. Surely the Government has been very all
the bottles
unfair. It has closed our schools, as part of punishment, stopped all
our vehicles from moving while Home Guard vehicles are still Gen. Kahiu-Itina, make arrangements tomorrow for moving. .
.
.
some itungati
to
ambush Shadrack's omnibus.
Tell
them not
to
return in the forest until they destroy that bus and the owners.’ ‘I
am
glad that you have closed one
Home Guard
trading center
and have taught men, women and children the experiences we are getting about these bombs. That bomb’s destruction, which is now open for all to see, would be a fair proof that when the Government is dropping thousands of bombs in this forest and Mt. Kenya it aims at destroying us the same way. How many warriors have been destroyed by these bombs up to date?’ I asked. ‘In early March,’ continued
Dedan Kimathi,
‘nine squatters
from
the North Kiningop fled with their large herds of livestock through
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
238 this
forest
heading for Murang’a. They knew that
if
they were
would lose their livestock. They were spotted by a Police Air Wing plane on Nguthiru grassland soon after crossing the
repatriated they
river Gura.
They
tried to hide in a very small cluster of
bamboo
but unfortunately they were beaten with grenades and machine guns to their death. Some of their survived livestock were collected by our warriors, the rest were eaten by hyenas, leopards and their families.
‘The other incident was in Murang’a towards the end of the same month. Our warriors had made fire during the day and its smoke was sighted by the small patrol planes. There were more than 300 warriors in that camp but our greatest luck was that the enemies had not started using bombs by that time. They dropped several grenades in the
camp amidst
the people. Nine were killed
and eighteen were injured. We then learned to hide smoke during the day and fires during the night. Ever since, the airplanes have never contacted our people, though they have been dropping bombs aimlessly. Sometimes, when their foot forces enter our mbuci, they later on direct their air forces who heavily bomb the vacated camps. Whether they think that we might have returned in those camps or they merely want us to see their strength is a thing
I
can’t
tell.’
‘Since our enemies are using strong bombs,’
I
commented, ‘our
warriors should
be strongly warned to take much care about smoke during the day and fires during the nights. Why did you choose this place for the camp while we are surrounded by large
and the warriors have cleared more than five acres of grass which I sighted when I was two miles away and which can be seen by patrolling planes from a great distance?’ tracts of grasslands
‘My
reasons,’ said
Nyandarua and tances.
up
*1
Kimathi,
‘are, first, this
place
is
the center of
our warriors would have to travel ecjual dishe second reason is that since we have never made camps all
Government would not suspect us to be in this cold region. The third is that it is so misty that no airplane can see us. Moreover, we have only three more days and we shall disperse.’ ‘How many people are in the camp?’ I asked. ‘A little over four thousand and six hundred,’ replied Gen. here, the
Kahiu-Itina.
By
the way, Gen. Kahiu-Itina, did you say that you raided my school because you wanted this radio and some exercise books?’
!
THE
.
MW AT HE MEETING
239
what I said.’ ‘I remember that there were two radio sets in that center; Jeremiah Ngunjiri had a bookshop and kept much stationery and ‘Yes, that's
there were satisfy
all
types of exercise books in every shop. Couldn’t those
our wants without disturbing the children’s education?’
I
eagerly asked.
‘We
Mr. Njama, but you see our aim is to cause losses to the Government in all possible ways,’ continued Gen. KahiuItina. ‘Now the Government would buy another radio for the school and supply new books.’ ‘It worries me very much, father/of Waciuri ‘He is called Field Marshal Dedan Kimathi,’ interrupted Gen. could,
’
Kahiu-Itina, ‘and the other leaders will receive their
official
ranks
tomorrow.’
‘Thank you very much, General. Marshal, to hear that so
many
It
worries
me
very much, Field
and so many schools destroyed by the people who are seeking freedom the same people who are [now] singing of praise and cries for education. Listen to them singing!’ (Outside, our warriors just finished singing the first song below and were starting the second.) teachers have been killed
.
(1)
Neither your unsatisfied wants
Nor your
difficulties will kill
Without eyes It
you.
to see the tears of the children
matters not whether one
is
foolish or clever.
Mumbi’s children are not educated Then neither the European Nor the Asian will lose sleep Worrying about how to satisfy their needs. If
This
is
a time for sharing.
Kikuyus
arise
Let us help the children with their difficulties For they are the ones who will take our places.
The need
for a spear
is
gone
Replaced by the need for a pen. For our enemies of today Fight with words.
.
W ITHIN
M A U M A U FROM
24O
Parents, give us pens so that vve might advance
And
assist
For
it is
our Kikuyu Heroes.
we, your children,
Who will have (2)
to aid
you
in the future.
were Ndemi and Mathathi Father, I would ask you for Kirugu
If
it
Now
r
father,
,
I
only ask you for education.
Today’s heroes, father, sing only of education Isn’t
Mathu
Will
I
for education, father?
ever be proud of
my education?
Today’s heroes, father, have In order to protect the land
all
gathered
Haven’t you that same thought? This good land of ours,
Was
Kenya
protected in the past by warriors
Who carried
spear and shield.
Did ever cowards win As our warriors continued usually did after dinner,
cattle?
to sing
many
other songs, as they
asked Field Marshal Kimathi whether he understood that our deeds in the schools were being interpreted I
meaning that we did not want education and that our aim was directed to barbarism, witchcraft and superstition; and that our actions being contrary to what we sing are enough to convince even our supporters, who are really urging for more and better as
chances of education.
was not aware of that,’ replied Kimathi, shaking his head. ‘Though I very much feel the need for education, I greatly oppose the Beecher Report and have objected to it being put into practice. For I know that practice forms a habit. I first believed that all people hated the report as I do and that we could fight it by our biggest weapon of boycotting it; but when I learned that the people at the schools led by the missionaries did not oppose it and that they were helping the Government to defeat us, I then thought these loyalists might even have consulted the Government to close ‘I
all
the schools that are not organized by the missionaries so that
.
THE MWATHE MEETING
24.I
they could have the control over the education and continue to ration
You know well that all these missionaries Even Mubia (a Catholic Italian Padre) has said
as medicine.
it
are Europeans.
no difference between him and the others of the white community. He has also claimed that he has warned the Europeans, “ Nindakwirire utige kunora mukuha na mbari cieri, ugagutheca .” (“Don’t sharpen the Kikuyu needle at times that there
several
both ends, for
it
is
will surely prick you.”)
Meaning
that the Euro-
peans should not give the Africans any education that might
endanger their ‘Of
all
[i.e.,
the white man’s] paradise.
the teachers
who have been
have been destroyed, very few
and schools which orders from me; in fact,
killed
due to] But I have ordered the destruction
[are
none for the killing of teachers. of some schools for the demonstration of our objection to Beecher’s Report, as you have learned from Gen. Kahiu-Itina raiding your school. The rest [of the raids have been carried out by supporters and komereras] from mere bitterness to that harmful plan which has led to the closure of about 300 of our schools. The interpretation doesn’t matter much, for one can interpret anything in any way he likes. If I were to speak to the people I would tell them the Government doesn’t want us to be educated and that is why it has closed our schools; it wants us to continue witchcraft and superstition
for after closing the schools
it
has given us no substitute
and many innocent people are punished. Don’t you think that the people would agree with me?’ asked F. M. Kimathi proudly. ‘They would surely agree with you,’ I replied. ‘Did you start the meeting yesterday as you had said?’ I asked.
other than collective punishment without
Our first do much as we
‘Oh, no! didn’t
cussions
and
since
it
sitting
trials,
commenced today
at
10 a.m.
We
spent most of the time in the formal dis-
was the
first
time to meet
we wanted
to
know
each other better so everyone had a time to speak, especially the ones
whom
I
could say very
little
about
in
the introduction
.
.
form and elect officers of the Kenya Defense Council, of which I was elected President, Gen Macaria Kimemia (Murang’a) Vice President, Gen. Kahiu-Itina Treasurer and Brig. Gathitu Secretary. We elected seven office bearers altogether, including myself, and all they had to introduce themselves. All
the
leaders
are
members
of
the
we have done
Kenya Defense
is
to
Council.
Council would be responsible for plans and organization.’
I
his
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
242
‘Thank you very much, Field Marshal, for the information you have given me. I’m feeling tired and sleepy and I would be glad to be shown where to sleep.’ Captain Ngiriri was called and on his arrival was asked whether he had made arrangements for my room. He replied that he had prepared everything. I thanked Kimathi for his kind invitation and followed Capt. Ngiriri. He led me into a seven by five foot gabled room with four-foot walls well protected from the cold. A bright fire was burning; with its light I could see my bed in which a lot of grass had been used to make a mattress, a heap of firewood and the room attendant, a girl not less than five feet eight inches, fair brown, healthy and dressed in calico sheets. We shook hands and the jocular captain commenced his introduction.
‘Mr Njama, this is your kabatuni] he ‘What is kabatuniV I asked.
said, pointing at the girl.
mean that this is your “small platoon” that you will have to command. She must be with you in this room all the time. She will take care of you; make your bed take care of your beddings, warm your bathing water, clean and mend your clothes, fetch ‘I
5
firewood for keeping you warm, and
any way that
pleases you.
Do you
‘Yes (Eeei\),' replied the ‘This
Mr
is
troubles call
The on
it.
her duty to entertain you in
understand that you kabatuniV
girl.
Njama, and
on me. Sleep
it is
this
well.
is
Miss Wangui.
Good
If
you have any
night.’
placed a piece of log near the fire and asked me to sit sat down, deeply thinking about this surprising procedure.
girl I
Wangui went and She put
it
quickly returned with some water in a karai. on the fire in order to warm the freezing water. We kept
quiet for some minutes as
could
live
women
with
women
continued to weigh how our warriors in such a situation. ‘To feed and defend I
an unnecessary burden to our warriors. Sleeping with them would bring calamity to our camps, weaken our [I
thought]
is
itungati and, probably, they
would become pregnant and would be unable to run away from the enemies, and they would be killed. No child can survive in this condition. For generations, women had been a source of conflicts between men. Wouldn’t some of these girls,
and
the ones brought into the forest against their wills, surrender give the Government much information about us? I wished I
could get them
all
out of the forest and
in the reserves like the others.’
let
them face
their fates
THE MWATHE MEETING ‘Mr Njama, the water
is
warm. Wash your
243
feet,’ said
Wangui
in a pleasing tone.
1 hank you, the forest’
I
I
said, taking off
‘Why
‘When did you
enter
month and
three weeks ago.’
did you want to come?’
did not want to come.
I
boots.
asked.
entered the forest one
‘I
my
with four other
girls.
I
had taken food
Then we contacted
to the supply center
a group of eight warriors,
d hey asked us to help them to carry the food to the forest border and, arriving, they refused to let us return. We slept two nights with them before arriving at Gen. Nyaga’s camp, where we found some 28 other girls. The itungati reported to their leader that we
wanted
come
and that we were badly hunted by the Home Guards. We did not [try to] prove that they were lying as their leader welcomed us and we feared saying his warriors had lied. I have since been living with one of the warriors until we
came Each
to
to the forest
to the meeting.
We
were then selected
to serve the leaders.
leader has a girl attendant and there are 20 girls in the kitchen awaiting for distribution to the leaders who will come.’
Do you know how many women
are in this camp?’
hey are well over 450.’ ‘Do you like your job?’ Yes I think so. It is not much different than the work I did at home, and the only work I know how to do. Wherever I might go under the sun, I think these same duties would follow me.’ ‘T
?
‘How do you
feel
about being forced
to sleep
with a
man you
have not chosen?’ here are different ways of forcing a mean?’ asked Wangui anxiously. ‘
1
‘I
mean what you have been
‘Each
girl
girl,
instructed
and woman has her own
which one do you
by the
captain.’
different view.
Some
girls
annoyed for being parted with their lovers and forced to seek some new ones. I am not in their group for I have no lover here in the forest. Generally, I would think of sleeping with a man as an are
individual concern. Here, this as
it
seems to
me
that the leaders consider
part of the women’s duty in the Society.
I
believe that since
could not do any other better service to my people, I would then willingly accept it as my contribution to the Society [i.e., I
Movement].’
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
244
you are given permission to go back to the reserve, would you be happy?’ ‘Oh no The Home Guards are merciless and I wouldn’t want to meet them. I would rather remain here with you warriors up to ‘If
!
the end.’
‘Thank you very much, Wangui. I am glad that you have openly and sincerely spoken to me. Where do you usually sleep?’ ‘In the kitchen, with some other girls,’ replied Wangui politely. ‘I have to thank you again Wangui. Go sleep well and remember to I
on
come
early in the morning.
entered in all
my
night Wangui.’
blankets and in the darkness stared, reflecting
that night’s discussions.
woman
Good
An
ill
feeling about
approaching a grew strong on
any time while still engaged in the fight the top of my head and I therefore vowed to myself not to play with women till the end of the fight. The following day broke with a change in the weather; we could see the snow cap of Mt. Kenya while saying our morning prayer and eagerly staring at the sacred Home of God asking Him to guard and guide us. Though I did not believe that God lived there,
at
I
believed
it
to be
a holy place.
Firstly,
this
traditional
which had begun with the creation of our tribe, must have originated from something to do with God and not from nothing. Secondly, God’s guards, the ice and snow, capture any being, insect, bird or reptile, that steps in the whole place and remains forever a dead captive, yet [one which] will never rot so as to become a warning sign to the others not to go there. Thirdly, it had been reported by the mountain climbers that it was absolutely difficult to climb to the top of Mt. Kenya. Fourthly, it had been rumored for many years that no airplane could fly across the top of Mt. Kenya as it was all the time driven by a strong wind causing it to pass just at the side. Fifthly, Mt. Kenya is on the equator, where it should be warm enough to melt the whole ice, but it never melted. Sixth, the history of the Jewish religion, which corresponds to the Kikuyu, is full of prayers and sacrifices on the mountains; and the great religious teachers, Sidharta Gautama and Jesus Christ, went on the mountains to pray. Since my tribe
belief,
had chosen the top of
mountain to be God’s home and did not believe that God lived on any other mountain, it had to be respected as the churches, temples or mosques of other peoples’ religions.
this
——— THE MWATHE MEETING
245
At 9 a.m. on the 18th of August 1953, fifty-six leaders from all parts surrounding Nyandarua, with the exception of Kiambu, stood up for the opening prayers under the Chairmanship of Field Marshal Dedan Kimathi inside a meeting room 25 by 12 feet. On the stage were a bamboo-stick table placed in the middle and two other tables on either side. These tables were covered by bark of cedar trees which substituted for the table cloth. At the middle table sat Gen. Macaria Kimemia (Murang’a), Kimathi in the center and Gen. Kahiu-Itina. At the right side table sat Brig. Gathitu Waithaka, the Secretary Kenya Defense Council, Mwangi Giciinu (Murang’a’s Secretary) and myself as Kimathi’s secretary. (He had invited me to record minutes of the meeting for his own files.)
On
sentative
the other table sat Brig. Kirihinya for
the area from
—Gen. Kimbo’s repre-
Nyeri to Thomson’s
Falls,
Mbaria
Kaniu, representative for North Kinangop, with their clerks. The rest sat on forms [i.e., benches] like a gathering in church.
Our
first
job was to
name our
armies. [Below
is
a
listing of the
eight armies agreed upon, together with their respective numbers,
names, areas and
leaders.]
—
Army: ituma ndemi army Nyeri District warriors, under Gen. Stanley Mathenge (even though he was absent). (Ndemi = an old Kikuyu ruling generation, the founders
(1)
1st
(2)
Ndemi means arrowhead.) 2nd Army: gikuyu iregi army Murang’a of smith work.
District war-
under Gen. Macaria Kimemia. (It should be called ‘Gikuyu’ because our legend instructs us that the tribe originated in Murang’a. Iregi — one of the Gikuyu ruling generations which reformed laws and regulations. Iregi
riors,
literally
means
rejector
or
innovator in
reference
to
a
generation group.) (3)
3rd Army: kenya inoro
army
Kiambu
District warriors,
under Gen. Waruingi, whom none of us had met but only heard of. (Inoro = a stone used for sharpening knives, swords, spears, etc.; referring to Kenya Teachers College, Githunguri, in Kiambu, which was sharpening Kenya’s brains.) (4)
Army: mei mathathi army Mt. Kenya warriors, under Gen. China, (MEI was derived from Me ru, Einbu
4th
and /kamba. Mathathi = one of the ancient ruling genera-
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
246
found red ochre and used
tions that
shields, etc. Literally, that hi (5)
means red
Army: mburu ngebo army
5th
it
—
to paint their hair,
ochre.)
the Rift Valley war-
all
under Gen. Kimbo. (Mburu, derived from MBUtu cia RUguru, meant ‘Army of the West,’ or ‘Rift Valley Army.’ Mburu itself literally means an age-group in Kiambu only; [it was also a term used when referring to] Dutch — level’ and was invented to mean to lie settlers. Ngebo
riors,
*
ground when fighting so that enemies’ bullets cannot catch one. So [i.e., the implication was that] the army was supposed to fight as strongly as the Dutch settlers in the Kenya Regiment and the Kenya Police Reserve.) all our fighters 6th Army: the town watch battalions in all the towns; most of them at this stage did their normal level to the
(6)
—
work during the day and attacked during the nights or at any time they had a chance. [This was simply a name given in respect to town and city fighters who had no overall
(7)
commander or unitary organization.] yth Army: gikuyu na mumbi trinity army
—any
person
or persons, wherever he or they lived, provided that they
sympathized, helped us in any
We
felt
Mumbi,
we were one
in
or fought on our side.
Gikuyu and
the union of
[following the Catholic notion the ‘Trinity,’ the
one God of the Father, Son and Holy Ghost]. 8th Army: Kenya levellation army all persons fighting union
(8)
that
way
in
—
in
the reserves,
was not
[in
Nyeri] under Gen. Kariba. This
much
in existence until
the year, [and even then
it
later
army
towards the end of
lacked an overall commander,
with outstanding individual leaders emerging within each of the various districts.] Levellation
Informers and to get rid of
Home Guards
them meant
was derived from
were regarded
as
‘level.’
stumps and
to level the country.
Having completed the naming
Kimathi went on to instruct the leaders how to keep a camp register. He emphasized that all the fighters must be registered and that each leader must be able to answer any question with regard to his itungati of our armies,
—
how many
alive,
dead, captured, injured,
etc.,
etc.
He
said that
big exercise books should be used as registers and columns be
drawn
vertically
and each
titled
as follows
:
(1)
Index Number;
THE MWATHE MEETING Warrior’s
(2)
in
Name
the Forest;
Division;
(7)
Rank;
(11)
Captured;
(including father’s name);
Warrior’s Clan;
(4)
Location;
(5)
Date of Entry
District of Residence;
Sub-location;
(8)
(3)
247
(9)
Village; (10) Duties;
Date Injured; (13) Date Surrendered; Date of Death; (16) Remarks.
(12)
(15)
(6)
(14)
Date
He
added, ‘Those warriors who are determined to persevere, bear cold, hunger, heavy rain while dressed in rags, unarmed by
and who are ready
the state,
to die so that all the
irrespective of their tribe or their help,
may
Kenya
people,
get freedom
and land rewarded and remembered]. Some are dead and more will die, but whether living or dead, the fact remains that all those who are fighting anywhere have offered their lives as the price of Land and Freedom. If you die, your heirs would take your share of land and enjoy the freedom you died for. Big memorial halls in memory of those who died for freedom shall be built in all the towns and these registers bearing all the names of our warriors, recorded as I have instructed, shall be put in these halls for future generations to see. I would suggest that the names of the leaders should be printed on the walls of those memorial to cultivate, [should be
Make
halls.
sure that these registers are properly kept
up
to date;
they should not be stored in the camps but should be stored far
away from camps in
in beehives, caves, inside trees
underground well-built
ants
stores,
well
with big holes or
preserved
from rain or
.’ .
.
‘Lunch Lunch Lunch came the cry from outside and we all went to the Officers’ Mess for lunch some fried meat. !
’
!
!
—
?
When
the meeting resumed at 2 o’clock in the afternoon, we started a general discussion on the women’s role. few leaders stood up to speak, laying their emphasis [on the fact] that there
A
was no difference between a girl and any other warrior, though their works were different, d hey pointed out some girls who had killed KAR’s or policemen and had brought their guns to the forest. They added that the girls were very good spies of every camp where the Government forces had taken them, and also that they were excellent bait for trapping Government forces one or two at a time. I he evidence given placed the girls in the same category as any other warriors and proved that girls had a right to
come
When
to the forest.
stood up,
pointed out that some of the former speakers had used a few cases in order to achieve a sweeping statement. I I
I
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
248
pointed out that seven out of ten of
had been
either lured or abducted
pleasure.
Some
leaders
invented stories that
all
all
the
women
by our warriors
in the forest
for their
mere
that well, while others believed the
knew
the girls were badly
wanted by the
Home
Guards and that they came to the forest for their security. I compared gains from the women’s work in the camps with the conflicts and difficulties arising in feeding and defending them and the possible conflicts between our warriors. I mentioned that it was alleged that Kiriugi Muciri had been killed because of a girl. ‘No That is a false accusation,’ shouted Kimathi. ‘Do you know who killed Kiriungi?’ Kimathi asked me. !
do not know,’ I replied. ‘Do you know why he was killed?’ Kimathi asked me. ‘No, I do not know, but from what I have heard, the people in Kigumo and Kariaini areas believe that his death was caused by jealousy of the girl he had !’ ‘I heard his case,’ said Kimathi, ‘and appointed a committee to find [i.e., investigate] the case before the decision was reached. I know that such allegations would mean to scandalize my name, for I am very much concerned with that case. I know that you had not entered the forest by that time and your statements depend ‘No,
I
on hearsay about the case.’ ‘Back to what I wanted to that case
is
mind whether would prophesy that a few would
say,’ I
true or not, but
I
continued, ‘never
meet their death right here in the forest due to conflicts brought by the girls. Believe me or not, all types of brains are amongst our warriors, even the rhino brains.’ I
then went on to mention the rules
and how we amended these ported these
Mumwe
rules
addition of the following
rules at
we had made
Mumwe. Many
at Kariaini
leaders sup-
and they were confirmed with the
:
Every camp leader shall interrogate every girl joining his camp in the future and if he finds that the girl was either lured or abducted to the forest, the warrior concerned shall be beaten 25 strokes and the girl be returned to the reserve. (6)
(7)
Girls
shall
get ranks [up to that of Colonel] as other
warriors according to their activities in their camps, and their
would also be considered. (8) Girls in the camps were to be given freedom to chose the men they wished to live with, and the leader should not indulge
former
activities
THE MWATHE MEETING in the
matter until the couple comes to him for registration as
husband and (9)
249
Once
wife.
death would be the only thing that could
registered,
cause divorce in this forest.
Having done away with the [question of the] women’s role, we turned on to issuing ranks. ‘We shall issue ranks,’ Kimathi began, ‘from the lowest to the highest in accordance to individual activities and try to encourage our itungati to seek the next rank. We must make these ranks to be a real life [i.e., of real significance] in the
camps.
You must
see that all the ranks are respected
and given
some
privileges so that they
jobs
apart from fighting such as clerks, doctors, cooks, store-
mundo mugo some elders who give keepers,
would be admirable.
We
have different
who make and hear small camp
(witchdoctors), blacksmiths
guns,
us some advice
cases,
same rank, that means that they are all equal, even the girls who happen to be of that rank. These ranks should show each warriors keenness and industriousness and must be respected after the war. Many of the best farms are owned by ex-army officers in both world wars. I think that these etc. If all these
are given the
farms are their
gifts as pensions,
were given.
I
would
like to see
farms as their pensions
apart from the high salaries they
my
officers
taking over
all
those
Though we do not have money to give our fighters, every rank we give out must be accompanied by some money, no matter how little, that would be to indicate that if we had money we would be glad to pay our warriors sufficient salaries and that we lay this debt to the first !
(Applause.)
African Government.’
Many
leaders stood
pressing ideas. In fact,
up
to
comment and support Kimathi’s im-
we were
and admired to see the ideas accomplished. When Kimathi stood up again, he asked leaders to prepare a list of twelve persons in each camp who would be issued with ranks from a Lance Corporal to a General. The fifty leaders gave a list of 600 names. After a long discussion on
how
to allocate
money
all
interested
was resolved that the lowest ranks would get 2s., 5s., 10s. up to 100s. by 10’s. This amounted to at least 28,000s. Kimathi requested each leader to contribute some 600s. from oathing fees, dues, raids, etc., which totalled to 30,000s. For the rest of the time, the clerks were very busy writing names, ranks and amounts on the envelopes to be presented to the owners, to the ranks,
while Kimathi’s table put the right
it
sum
in the right envelope.
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
250
was 5 o’clock when we left the meeting room heading to where all the warriors had gathered in the open cleared-grass area. On our arrival all the warriors stood up and saluted. Over 200 selected and well-instructed guards of honor presented arms while It
and sang Kimathi’s song ‘When our Kimathi climbed the mountain alone After the song, the rest sat down, with the exception of the the rest stood at attention
:
’
guards.
The
leaders stood in front of the people in a straight line
and Kimathi in the center. I stood next to him on the left, then Macaria Kimemia, Kahiu-Itina and Mwangi Gicimu, who arranged the envelopes in their order and passed them to the right. I called out the names and ranks this started from the lowest to the highest written on the envelope and passed the envelope to Kimathi. Then the person called would come in front, salute and shake hands with Kimathi, receive his envelope, salute again, and go back to sit down with the others. There was great noise of cheering all the time when one received his envelope. When all was
—
—
Kimathi repeated his speech about ranks. He received many applauses when he made promises that our warriors should be rewarded for their service. It was almost twilight when he ended his speech and we felt badly cramped by cold when we stood up and turned toward Mt. Kenya to ask God’s blessing and protection, after which the men dispersed singing songs of praise for the leaders and quickly lit fires for warming and cooking. The singing and composing of new over,
songs continued until late after midnight.
was one of six leaders who were not issued with ranks that day on the grounds that we had only recently entered the forest and that [while] our past activities had placed us among the top leaders, the forest activities were the chief concern in the ranking. Moreover, the leaders in that meeting were new to me and none of them could recommend me as I did not belong to his camp; and as I had not worked with Kimathi before, I couldn’t get recommendation for a rank though I was given respect. During the night I visited many warriors’ huts to see how they were behaving. I talked to them and learned that they were not fed enough and that some had started hiding food as they approached the camp in order to increase their ration. Some complained that the leaders had three meals a day while the itungati I
—
who
risked their lives in order to get that food
had only one
in-
THE MWATHE MEETING meal. Later,
sufficient
I
went
to visit Kimathi.
25 1
We
talked
till
on many topics. I went back to my hut and found that Wangui had made a nice fire. Cap. Ngiriri came to see me and asked whether Wangui had disobeyed. I replied that she hadn’t and that she was doing her work very well. He queried why she had not slept in my hut the 3 a.m.
previous night.
added that
I
replied that
had given her permission
I
to
do
so.
my
former carrier, to take care of my lu gg a g e during the day. The Captain agreed and left. After washing my feet, I entered in my blankets and wished Wangui goodnight. She left and I fell asleep. I
The
I
liked Gicuki,
following morning at 8 130, the storekeepers reported that
some itungati had
from the camp store and all the remainder could be issued in the evening for one sufficient meal or served as half-ration for two days. That morning we expected Thiongo Gateru who had gone to raid settlers’ cattle in the Wanjohi area. He arrived at 9 o’clock and reported that he and his gang had managed to bring 78 head of cattle to the Moorlands about 10 miles from the camp, but the Devons who ran in their Land Rovers in order to block them sighted them with their big stolen food
lights.
‘We were lucky,’ he said, ‘that we had crossed their jeep track when they saw us. We drove the cattle in a small depression and maimed them by cutting their hind leg tendons. We then climbed up far and watched. 7 hey were directed by cattle lowing and when they spotted them, they opened they stopped to
check
firing,,
fire,
they had killed
we were there. When many cattle. They all stood up thinking
how many
people they had killed since they hadn’t seen anyone running away. They lit their big torches and when they learned that they had not killed anybody they gathered together
and
started discussing about the cattle
away. them.
We We
not know.
our
and laughing at our running all aimed at their group and together opened fire on saw them falling down, whether dead or alive we do
We
kept firing for a minute.
we made
When
they started to return
We
were so cold and hungry that two of our warriors were left behind, being unable to walk, and they lit a fire just at the border of the forest and the moorland.’ ‘Do you think that the enemies can follow your track up to here?’ asked Kimathi. fire
‘No,’
off.
replied 7 hiongo.
‘We have walked on
rocks for a mile’s
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
252
and each person moved in his own track taking much care of the grass behind and again we followed the top ridge muirigo in which our guards could see an enemy approaching as far as their eyes could see.’
distance
and then another mile
‘Captain Ngiriri
!’
in long grasses
called out Kimathi.
Abandi V He came running and stood at attention and saluted. ‘I want the Guard Commander here right now!’ said Kimathi. dio Abandi The Captain flashed out of sight. ‘Storekeeper! Get many of the leaders in the yonder camp to help you inspect the warriors’ kitbags and check whether you could find any gitungati who stole food from the store. Do you ‘
W
.’
understand that?’ ‘Yes ‘
Sir,’
[replied the storekeeper.]
Timamu Abandi
here
,
is
Guard Commander,’
the
said
the
captain.
‘Go and check not to
make any
them
to
keep
muirigo and
all
fires
the guards,’ said Kimathi, ‘and
today even
their
tell
eyes
them
if
warn them
they freeze from the cold. Tell
opened.
with the north ridge
Start
that enemies
may
follow Thiongo’s gang’s
go that direction in case they go to that you have fulfilled that as quickly
track. Tell the itungati not to collect honey.
Report to
me
as possible.
‘Gentlemen, get in the meeting room so that
we had
we can
start
our
down, Kimathi stood up and said, ‘Since we are running short of food and we are far away from all food supplies, we should try and finish our meeting today so that we can disperse tomorrow. I would like all
meeting,’ said Kimathi. Soon after
the leaders to instruct
property
is
all
all sat
our itungati that to destroy enemy’s
almost the same as destroying the
enemy
himself.
Make
do not destroy our supporters’ property, which would cause them to turn against us, but instead encourage them that they would be compensated [for their losses.] I think it is a sure that itungati
good idea to record all the losses that every member and supporter has suffered from the Kenya Government. These records should include all the Government’s damage and should be recorded in columns resembling our
registers:
(1)
Index Number,
(2)
Name
of Residence, (4) Division, (5) Location, (6) Sub-location, (7) Village, (8) Money lost in Cash, (9) No. of Cattle, (10) No. of Sheep and Goats, (11) Pigs, (12) Poultry,
(including father’s),
(13)
Donkeys,
(14)
(3) District
Value of House and Belongings Burned,
(15)
the m\v at he meeting Crops Damaged
Shambas
in
(acres), (16)
253
Crops Damaged
in Stores
Shop or Plot Losses, (18) Vehicles, (19) Contributions to our Warriors, (20) Timber Mills or any other losses. Do you agree with the recording of the lost properties?’ asked (bags), (17)
Kimathi. ‘Yes
We do,’
!
‘Have
I
replied the leaders.
forgotten something to be added to the
loss
columns?’
queried Kimathi. After a few minutes of pausing, Kimathi continued. ‘7 he next record we should prepare should tell us how
many
people died during the freedom struggle fighters. 7Tis would mean to record the names of
who were all
not
the persons
who
died from the date of the emergency declaration to the end of the revolution, no matter whether this was a young child or an
Many
old aged person.
of
them are dying
about by the Government or diseases
of starvation brought
in the unsanitary villages or
other conditions created
by the Government; but there difference between death by hunger or hanging.
is
no
‘7
he other register should be for the names of our enemies, i.e., Home Guards, informers, Tribal Police, whether dead or alive, and how many are dead in each area. This book, like the others, should be recorded thus (1) Index Number, (2) Name of Person and his :
father,
(3)
District of Residence,
Sub-location, that the
(4)
Division,
(5)
Location,
(6)
Date of Death. It is interesting to see (Home Guard’s) book has only eight columns,
(7) Village, (8)
Kamatimu
1
s
which indicates that they should die. Each camp leader should collect these data from the villagers by sending our itungati for the required information.
camp leader must keep a Cash Book that will show how much money he has collected and how much he has spent and the balance thereof. The other record you should keep is the Camp Store Record that will show how much supply your camp has spent either from plunder or charity from our associates. One more ‘Every
important record that you should keep is a History Book in which all the camps’ daily events are recorded. And lastly, there is the
Hymn
and Song Book, the Hospital Record and the Duties Roster. In summary, each camp must keep the following books: (1)
Register,
(2)
Individual Loss Accounts,
(3)
Kamatimu
Records,
showing the enemies of Freedom and hence national traitors, (4) Death Record Book for the civilians, (5) Cash Book, (6) the Supplies Record, (7) History Book, (8) Hospital Records, (9) Hymn and
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
254
Camp
showing every individuals activities. Do you find that to be an easy job?’ queried Kimathi. ‘Oh no!’ replied the leaders. ‘It is a very hard job and in fact it requires very educated people to run it,’ said Macaria Kimemia. ‘I and Mr Karari Njama planned all that last night and we did not sleep until three [hours] after midnight,’ said Kimathi.
Songs Record,
(10)
Activities,
‘You must really have worked hard,’ said Kahiu-Itina. ‘Yes, we worked hard; but we must work much harder than
this
our goal,’ I commented. ‘We want five educated persons,’ continued Kimathi, ‘one for Ituma Ndemi Army, another for Gikuyu Iregi Army and two for the Mburu Ngebo Army, who would move from camp to camp
in order to achieve
instructing
how
these records
these records should be kept
which should be given
record them in the final books.
and
collecting all
to the fifth person
The
fifth
who would
person would be our
Mwangi Gicimu (pointing at him) most educated man Gikuyu Iregi Army has and I do not Chief Secretary.
I
think
is
the
think
would be any objections in appointing him for Murang’a.’ He paused to wait for comments and with the approval of Murang’a people, Mwangi Gicimu was then elected. Kimathi pointed at me and asked me to stand up. ‘That is Mr Njama of Ituma Ndemi Army,’ said Kimathi. ‘The most educated and capable man we have all over the Nyandarua Mountain. I have no doubts that he should be our Chief Secretary. Do you approve of that?’ All the leaders raised their hands saying ‘isi,’ [i.e., ‘Yes.’] ‘Sit down Chief Secretary, I am certain that you know your job,’ said Kimathi laughingly. He pointed at Brig. Gathiitu Waithaka saying, ‘You all know him, our Kenya Defense Council Secretary. I think that his duties are only when the Council meets and I would suggest that he would work for the Ituma Ndemi Army.’ This was approved. I learnt later that we had many more qualified people than him. Nevertheless, his popularity had qualified him. Casting our eyes on the Mburu Ngebo Army we could hardly get any educated person among those brave fighters. It was then necessary to post two people from either Nyeri or Murang’a so that the job could be done correctly. I suggested that Aram Ndirangu who had been a teacher in my former school was a person whom I trusted that could do that job well. Being supported by Gen. there
Kahiu-Itina, that he
who knew Aram
was a
clerk in
before the emergency, and the fact
one of Kahiu-Itina’s sections made
Aram
THE MWATHE MEETING to be called on.
255
When
he arrived, there was no objection and Aram was told that the following day he would accompany Gen. Mbaria
Kaniu
to
North Kinangop
to record the things
he would be instructed about. As Aram left we went on to look for another person to record the accounts in Nderagwa between Mweiga and Thomson’s Falls. Gen. Kahiu-Itina suggested that since I had nothing to record
would be better for me to fill the remaining vacancy after which I would start my job as the Chief Secretary entering all data brought to me together with what I would have collected from that area. Kahiu-Itina’s suggestion was supported by many people and it was resolved that I would start my work in the Mburu Ngebo Army, making Gen. Kimbo’s camp as my head office. Kaburu (alias Mathenge Gathiru) was appointed as my guide and in charge of my permanent bodyguard of three armed warriors and a carrier. To end that subject, Kimathi said ‘We have to write letters to at the time
it
:
the Nairobi Central
Committee and inform them how to keep these records we have been discussing, and another letter to Gen. China for the Mt. Kenya warriors. We have to send Gen. Maten-
who speaks Kikamba fluently, to Ukambani to mobilize the Akamba warriors. I will personally go to the boundary of Murang’a and Kiambu and awaken the Kiambu people. It is too late up to now to find that their warriors have not entered the forest. If I could get [i.e., make contact with] the Kiambu warriors,
jagwo,
I
would be able
to send
our message to the Masai warriors. Mean-
am
on that safari, I would ask Mburu Ngebo Army leaders to send out a few warriors into the small forests such as Nyandundo, Dundori, Bahati, Longonot, Thomson’s Falls and Mau Summit. I he other thing that I would stress is the making of guns. I while, as
I
‘
want
to see every warrior with a
gun and you must work hard to achieve this in as short a time as possible. You must collect dues from our members, as much as you can, and spare the money for buying ammunition, medicine, clothing, stationery and guns-factory equipment.
It
has been reported to
me
that an excellent blacksmith
has entered the forest in the Ruthaithi area and that he can make guns with no difference from the manufactured ones. We would
be very glad and smith from every
hope that
this
if
this
camp
proved to be true we would require a
to get together
and be taught by him.
would improve and quicken our supply of arms.
I
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
256
‘You must also continue to make hand grenades and even bombs. Cut the bullets into two equal parts. Put half the gun powder into an empty bullet case; then carefully fill the other half with small stones of shotgun balls size or sharp heavy pieces of metal about the size of the shot itself and try [to see] whether you This was suggested to me last night by Mr Njama and we have not yet experimented it. ‘Now, as you can see, we are very late for lunch,’ said Kimathi, changing his tone. ‘As you are aware of our store being stolen, I
can make two
very
bullets out of one.
much doubt whether we would have any
lunch today. Any-
way, we better have half an hour break. In the afternoon we
shall
about the laws and regulations or any other rising matter. During that time Mr Njama will take the camp clerks and instruct them how to keep the records we have been discussing. Make sure, Mr Njama, that you see and sign a specimen copy of every type
discuss
of record for all the clerks.’ I
promised him that
I
would do
as
he wanted.
We
then
left
the meeting room.
saw a group of people outside Kimathi’s hut. Some of us went there to see what had happened. I was very surprised to see three warriors who had stolen food from the store badly tied like a bundle and urged to tell the names of the other participants. Their hands and heads had been pushed between their legs in such a way that knees touched ears. Kimathi asked them whether they had stolen food and they pleaded guilty. When they were asked to mention the other companions, they said that they were only three. Kimathi said that they should be beaten till they give out the names of the other thieves. I
I
addressed
sympathetically
itungati have
admitted their
Kimathi.
theft.
I
‘Field
feel
that
Marshal,
these
they should be
punished because of their theft only. I feel it both unfair and unwise to punish them for the other thieves. I think that many different gangs stole the food at different times. Moreover, even if
two or three groups met at the store it would be difficult to know one another in the night’s darkness for the fact that they do not
know each
other even during the day. Please,
these itungati have
come from
Kinangop, Nderagwa,
etc.,
is
that all
Murang’a, Nyeri, and they do not know each other. I different areas,
also think that the pains they are
that
remember
a sufficient punishment.’
now
getting for being tied like
THE MWATHE MEETING ‘For
how
‘For a
long have they been
more than two
little
tied,’
257
asked Kimathi.
hours,’ replied the storekeeper.
‘Untie them,’ said Kimathi.
he guards started untying them. ‘These are Home Guards living with 1
us,’
one of the
said
leaders,
‘they care only for their bellies.’
‘You ate
to
your satisfaction
last night, didn’t
Kimemia. ‘We did sir,’ replied the itungati. ‘I would then satisfy myself by beating you have had enough pain !’ said Gen. Kimemia. ‘Give them twenty strokes each for me,’
you?’ asked Gen.
until
said
I
you
feel that
Kimathi
as
he
entered his hut.
The
three itungati received twenty canes each on their buttocks
from Gen. Kimemia. They were then set free. binding that there was no lunch, I called Captain Ngiriri and told him that I wanted all the camp clerks to be gathered at a place where I would be able to instruct them. As soon as these clerks were gathered, I started instructing them. I drew all the columns, titled them and filled the first line for illustration. I
gave them the
drawing the second.
When
first
record to copy out while
I
was
completed seven records, I started checking every individual’s work. I made the necessary corrections
and signed the correct
I
pattern.
When
I
finished checking sixty-
them how to record the battle history of the camps. I warned them to take much care in cases where murder had been committed never to record real names of our warriors concerned. I suggested that it would be better to use the unknown nicknames or to create new names or letters for substitution which only the clerk can understand. I warned them that if the Government ever catches these books, there should be no evidence whatsoever for convicting any of the warriors in these record books, d his would be exactly the same way in writing out the camp activities, d hey were to write in such a way that only three clerks’ work,
I
started teaching
;
we could understand
it
—by using the
forest terminology
and code
words. [They were] never to record that so-and-so was sent to kill so-and-so. In these cases, they were to write down the date and the place to remind themselves and then write that ‘when our brave warriors showed the enemies our strength they returned to the f
forest victoriously singing.’
The camp
activities
should be written
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
258
camp
only after discussions between the
leader
and weighing each
individual’s activities.
‘While making songs you can use our nicknames for brave warriors and for their brave actions while fighting against the Government forces, but never use these names if the action hap-
pened
on or
to be
worst informer or
a
in
home, whether he or she be the
civilian’s
traitor.*
When all was over, I appointed Mathitu and Dan Gacau me to collect data. I went with them to Kimathi after the prayer and after reporting
He
the two assistants.
to assist
evening
him to allow me checked what they had copied as
my
first
duty.
I
requested
and was very pleased with their work. After interrogating them he told them that they would work under me. When I asked Kimathi what rules they had made during my absence, he replied that they did not make any new ones but discussed the old ones and emphasized that all the leaders must see that all the rules and regulations are obeyed. Then Kimathi took a short horn and with it drew some beer from a big gourd in which he was brewing. He gave it to me and asked me to tell him whether the beer was ready. ‘It is ready now. If it stays until tomorrow it will be as bitter as
patterns
pepper,’ ‘Yes,
I said. is
it
because
I
have put
in
a
lot
of bitter honey,’ said
Kimathi. ‘The bees here collect the juice from bitter trees such as mikorobothi and mithukuroi. By the way, what is your ruling generation group?’ ‘I
am
Mwangi
of
‘You are then
generation,’
my
I
replied.
Kimathi, ‘and you cannot par-
father,’ said
you are not of the present Irungu-Maina. And what is your clan?’
ticipate in public ceremonies because
ruling generation of ‘I
am Mumbui
Kaboci,
I
of the great
took a
little sip
he had written the to Gen. China.
‘Oh
!
as
Mbari a
him the empty horn. my clan. Have another horn!’ said Kimathi. out of the horn and then asked him whether letters to the Nairobi Central Committee and
replied, giving
‘Oh! You are of I
Wamagana, now known
Finish off that horn.
He
me
You
will help
me
to write the letters,*
Gen. China and inform him about the formation of Kenya Defense Council and ask him to organize the Mt. Kenya Branch; how to keep all the said Kimathi.
told
that
I
was
to write
THE MWATHE MEETING
259
records; to try
and increase
discipline over
our warriors, and to send a report on
Embu
his
arms by
all
means;
to
maintain
Meru and
warriors and their leaders.
With the
light
the patterns for
from a
fire,
I
drafted the long
letter,
enclosing
and the necessary explanations. When I finished, I gave it to Kimathi. After reading, he stamped it Land and Freedom Army. I was very surprised to see that beautiful stamp. He told me that it had been prepared in Nairobi and that he had just ordered a Kenya Defense Council stamp from Kamau, the general Secretary of the Nairobi Council, and would send it along with a copy of the letter. When we finished writing the letters, Macaria Kimemia and Kahiu-Itina arrived. They said that they wanted to taste the beer. ‘1
he beer
is
all
the records
for ceremonial prayers,’ said Kimathi.
‘And the
prayers must start before the birds start their prayers; that means that every person must wake up before four in the morning. This
should be announced to
all
the
camp
inhabitants.’
Captain Ngiriri was called and asked to announce the time of prayers. Kimathi took the horn and gave us all in turns. Then Macaria Kimemia and Kimathi continued to plan their journey to Murang a. Kimathi said that soon after prayers we should pack our luggage and at seven all the warriors should assemble there
and we would wish them goodbye. ‘Mr Njama, I expect to meet you in September in Location 8, Fort Hall, at Karuri Ngamune,’ said Kimathi. ‘If I am able to contact the Kiambu warriors, I would then spend the rest of my time with them till we meet there. I hope that you will all collect that data that would be useful to our independent government.’ ‘I will do my best, Marshal,' I promised. I then wished them good night and went to my room. Though the ration had been reduced, the little beer I had taken caused me to fall into a very deep sleep. I was awakened by a noise of someone who was calling out people to assemble for prayers.
went out still covering with blankets. It was a clear night and all the stars were shining brightly. The morning star was brilliantly shining a little over Mt. Kenya. 1 he birds started prayers. I was interested to see what Kimathi was doing. I stood near the door and watched Kimathi inside. He drew beer with a little gourd ( ndahi), poured a little on the fire
so as to extinguish
it
I
at equalateral point representing three
mau mau from within
260
kitchen stones while saying
:
‘As the fire goes out, so
may
all
the
go out of us as these charcoals run cold, so may our enemies, and let peace remain.’ He poured a little on the frames of his doors so as to cleanse his house. When he came out, he stood facing Mt. Kenya and poured some beer on the ground, saying
evils
j
:
‘God
!
We
give thee only
what we have, honey, animal (domestic)
Pouring a little of these on the ground, he said ‘That is yours, our Father Gikuyu, and that is yours my father Waciuri.’ Then, pouring a little [more] beer and the mixture he had on the ground, [he spoke the followfat, cereals (a
mixture of different kinds of
millets).’
:
ing prayer.]
God, we beg you to defeat our enemies and to defend us from them close their eyes so that they will not see us. Our Father Gikuyu used to pray you with these things I have in my hands. On all occasions you heard him and fulfilled his request. We are his sons and daughters. We claim that the highland grazing plateau you gave us and all the fertile land ;
you gave our Father Gikuyu has become foreigners’ plunder. We beseech Thee our Heavenly Father to restore our stolen land and drive away these strangers who have turned out to be our enemies. They have taken their strong firearms against an unarmed nation. Oh God Be our arms. We are certain that even if they pour fire on us from their airplanes you will still protect us from their wrath. God, we request Thy peaceful and merciful eyes to look upon the blood flood flowing in our country, and hear the cries of the perishing lives demanding Thy !
help.
We
are certain that you are the
Mighty One, and no nation
can defeat You with its earthly weapons. Our Father, our Leader, our General, we have confidence in you that we shall come out of this forest victoriously and that you will bring our enemies, the white strangers, under our heels. We want to rule our country and to enjoy
all its
produce.
Oh, Lord God, we kindly beg You
to bless the fruits of this
we drink, the honey, the leaves and vegetables animals we live with, so that all in this forest may
forest, the
water
and the become our food without infecting us with any
When we
cast our eyes in the reserves
seeing our parents, wives
we
disease.
are very sorrowful
and our children, widows and orphans,
!
THE MWATHE MEETING
26l
Our homes have become ruins and foxes dwelling places. Our sons and daughters are shot and raped in the eyes of their parents. What a great woe Oh God, we are suppressed, starving.
!
our
help have not been responded
cries for
to.
Oh
God, hear
our prayers
We
pray you God to protect our associates and leaders in the detention camps. Turn the enemies to be their friends. We sympathetically ask
You
to
defend our leader,
Jomo Kenyatta,
Give him power and wisdom to defeat the enemy and to be able to lead our nation. We pray Thee, Oh Lord, for the dead. Keep their lives [i.e., spirits] in peace and help their names here to become immortal in his trial.
national heroes. Please,
Oh
God,
our today’s journey and all the journeys of our warriors. Bless all our warriors, wherever they may be. bless
Kimathi then moved forward and approached a burning fire and poured all that was remaining in his hands on the fire saying As this fire goes, so be it with all our evils. As the wood and char:
coal run cold, so
bury the
fire,
so
may the war run cold and peace prevail. As we may all the evils be buried and never rise up.’
hen all the people followed with a bit of any food in the right hand and a handful of wet soil in the left hand, threw these on the 1
then raised their hands high facing Mt. Kenya. By the time the last man threw what he had, there was no fire but a big heap fire,
of
soil.
We
all
together said the Christian’s Lord’s Prayer and ended
our prayers by saying ‘7 haai, 7 hathaiya Ngai Thai three times. ‘Go and pack your luggage and come back here at seven o’clock. ,
Those who do not want to leave the camp may remain. It is able that you leaders wait for your itungati who are on They would bring you food.’
We
went
advissafari.
Gen. Kirihinya, who had been sent by Gen. Kimbo, so that he would lead me to their camp. On the way, Thiong’o saw me and told me that he wanted to accomall
dispersed.
I
pany me and that he had
to see
dozen itungati who had the North Kinangop. He went with me to to wait for a
gone to raid cattle in Kirihinya and after a short discussion we decided to wait for those itungati because of the arms they had carried. Returning to Kimathi’s hut, I found that a group of leaders were drinking the remaining beer.
I
was welcomed and joined
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
262
the beer was very bitter, the drinkers were very
them.
Though
many
so that each person
him drunk, but causing a
drank only a little effect.
little,
insufficient to
When we had
make
finished drink-
were ready and waiting for us. We went out and after standing up to respect Kimathi they sat down trying to expose themselves to the morning sun rays. Kimathi stood up and addressed the mob, saying that he was very glad because of the good work done by our itungati in the past fights and raids and in carrying the food for a very long distance, though some hungry itungati had stolen food from the camp store which was a very bad manner, for all of us had sworn ing, all the warriors
never to steal anything belonging to our members. He frightened the warriors that those who had stolen the food had broken part
vows and would meet great misfortune for this. He warned us to bide with our vows or else we would make our God angry and cause him to pour his wrath on the breachers. He told them of the Kenya Defense Council and that it had elected four secretaries to record all their losses caused by the Kenya Government and record all the matters that would cause our names and our work to be known to our Government and the
of their
world. ‘These are our secretaries,’ said Kimathi, calling us to stand
He
in front.
mine,
I
letter to
gave each of us a closed envelope.
found a hundred each of the four
shilling note
secretaries.
and the
When
original
My letter read
I
opened
copy of a
:
TO ALL SECTION LEADERS IN NYANDARUA The bearer, Karari Njama, is our Secretary. He will instruct your clerks how to keep our records and collect all the necessary :
data referring to Registers, Loss Account Records, Civilian Death Records, Kamatimu Register, Hospital Records, Supplies Record, Cash Books, History, Camp Activities, Hymns and Songs.
Help him with all his necessities, food, clothing, etc. Lead and escort him from your camp to the next camp. He is an officer and may help you in plans and organization. Yours,
Dedan Kimathi President, Kenya Defense Council LAND AND FREEDOM ARMY 20 August 1953
:
THE MWATHE MEETING When we had
received our
263
Kimathi gave the other leaders two minutes each to speak to our warriors. Macaria Kimemia, the first speaker, stressed about our laws and regulations and emphasized obedience. The second speaker, Kahiu-Itina, talked on what and how to raid. The third speaker, Gakure Karuri, encouraged our warriors and warned them never to surrender. The fourth speaker, Mbaria Kaniu, talked about camp activities and promised our warriors that they will share the Kenya Highlands.
When
Many God
I
all
stood,
I
told
letters,
our warriors
people took oath with you.
:
You
are the only ones that
has selected to deliver our country out of colonial exploi-
tation
and the
Your weariness, starvation, perpains and in some cases your blood or life
settlers’ slavery.
severance of cold,
would be the ransom [i.e., payment] for the liberation of all the people of Kenya and even the game animals no matter whether they took the oath as you did or not. It is of great importance then to note that if you do not bear these difficulties you can neither free yourselves or anybody else.
—
—
we can endure all these difficulties, we shall certainly set our nation free and we shall come out of this forest as victorious national heroes. As we learn of the legend of Gikuyu and Mumbi, who lived thousands of years ago, so will our heroes’ If
names become forever immortal. If you want the nation to make your name immortal, you must be prepared to die for the nation. I think that all of you here are prepared and determined to make your names immortal. Our God is in front of us and I have no doubt of winning. I think it advisable for me to read a few verses from the Holy Bible. They are words of the great wise prophets of ancient days. ‘For
all this I
considered in
my
heart even to declare
all this,
and the wise, and their works are in the hands no man knoweth either love or hatred by all that is
that the righteous, of
God
:
before them. ‘All
things
righteous,
and
come
alike
to the
wicked
to
all
:
there
is
one event to the
good and to the clean, and to the unclean; to him that sacrificeth, and to him that sacrias is the good, so is the sinner; and he that ficeth not sweareth, as he that feareth an oath. ‘This is an evil among all things that are done under the sun, ;
to the
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
264
one event unto all yea, also the heart of the sons full of evil, and madness is in their heart while they
that there of
men
live,
is
is
and
:
after that they
‘For to
him
that
go
to the dead.
joined to
is
all
the living there
is
hope
:
for
a living dog is better than a dead lion. ‘Whatsoever thy hand findeth to do, do it with they might; for there is no work, nor device, nor knowledge, nor wisdom, grave whither thou
in the
goest.’
have read the verses in Kikuyu and without adding a word of my own. I would give the final message as it is found in the Revelation, Chapter 22, Verses 12-14 ‘And behold I come quickly and my reward is with me, to I
:
:
man
give every ‘I
am
and the
according as his work shall be.
Alpha and Omega, the beginning and the end, the
first
last.
do
‘Blessed are they that
have right to the
tree of
life,
commandments, that they may and may enter in through the gates
his
into the city.’
Two
days ago, none of you knew that he or she would be
issued with a rank.
Your
leaders
and ranked you according the last message
I
Kimathi stood up
You
When
are
He my
said
your work. This
have read to you
according as his work shall the meeting.
to
came without your knowledge is
‘to
a true symbol of give every
man
be.’
for his final message
and closing down of
:
warriors
and
disciples,
followers
Jesus parted with his disciples, he sent
them
and
pupils.
to teach
and
and baptized them in the name of the Father, and the Son, and of the Holy Ghost. The same message I convey unto you all. Go all over Kenya (raising high his walking stick in his right hand) and preach to all African people and baptize them in the name of Gikuyu and Mumbi and of our soil. If you die for the soil that will never perish, our future generations which will use that same soil you died for will ever rejoicingly maintain your name and fame. Work hard and pray Goodbye all preach to
all
nations
!
walking
and standing alert as a person ready for his photo to be taken, Kimathi smiled as the crowd cheered him, wishing him the best luck on his journey as they dispersed. Swinging
his
stick
THE MWATHE MEETING At
this stage,
alas, since I
balls
had
and locked
much wanted
very
I
left
his
my
camera
photo behind
to take Kimathi’s
home,
at
my
I
265 photo but
opened both
my
eye-
retina.
Kimathi, aged 33, stood almost six feet, strong and healthy; his long self-woven hair hanging over a fair brown oval face; his big grey-white and brown eyes protruding below black eyebrows separated by a wide short
A
very
mustache grew above the thick lips; his large teeth with a wide natural gap on the center of the upper jaw and a wider gap on the lower jaw in which two middle incisors had been customarily removed; his oval round chin covered with little beards; his long neck shooting out of his wide shoulders, dressed in a suit of whitish-grey corduroy jumper flat nose.
little
on which three army stars were fixed on both shoulders, and long trousers. Three writing pens were clipped on his top right hand jumper coat pocket, a heap of exercise books in his left hand, in which the ring finger had been cut off at the second joint, an coat,
automatic
pistol hoisted at his leather waist belt,
—
a metal bracelet
on his right hand wrist which he told me had been given him by Paul Njeru Gicuki, a close friend and Thomson’s Falls KAU
who had been
captured and detained several months earlier. His L-shaped curved brown walking stick, touching the ground, official
stood vertically and parallel to his trousers. His black shoes pre-
vented him from feeling the
Kimathi turned
damp
frozen
soil.
gave the exercise books to his carrier and started for Murang’a at 9 a.m. His group went on singing the previous Murang’a journey song left,
:
June 5th we left Mbaria’s Heading for Tuthu to see our warriors And when we arrived at Mathioya River We found many difficulties, rain, cold, mud And hunger throughout the night. In the forest
we
lived
under
many
difficulties
Of heavy rains and many days of hunger The ice had become our food And we persevered for three days The
rest of the
crowd dispersed singing
:
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
266
The House of Mumbi has no enmity with anybody And does not think to make enmity with anybody He who hates it, may God destroy He who loves it, may God keep him well remained standing with a few leaders looking at the long marching lines of our warriors dispersing, while a few were just returning to remain in the camp. When they had all disappeared, I asked Thiong’o and Kirihinya to make arrangements for posting I
as
sentries
no
there were
sentries.
I
also
asked them to think
whether we would shift into a new camp nearby or remain in that old camp. After our short discussion, in which we invited other leaders concerned, sentries were posted and we resolved that we would remain there for at most two days awaiting for our warriors. I called my assistants and told them that we had to start work
and then recording the individual had in the camp. We walked uphill and there
losses of the
persons
we
some rocky areas we came to a flat top area with scattered growing big trees, many old fallen trees, some of which had more than 30 feet in circumference, and grass grew everywhere. This is where our warriors had gone to spend the day when they understood that the camp was not well guarded. We spent the whole day there working. The weather had changed. It was a fine clear day. In the evening we went back to the camp. It looked like a deserted village with only about 400 inhabitants of different sections. Some sections had left two or three persons to lead their warriors where the others had gone. The whole management of the camp, with its joys and noisy songs, had gone away. The hungry warriors sat by their fires drinking honey, which they had collected during the day, diluted with lukewarm water. Kirihinya’s section had roasted and preserved meat to last them for three days more and were willing to share some to our warriors who had joined them. I called my luggage carrier, Gicuki Hinga, and asked him to bring the packet of wheat flour I had brought.
some
I
gave
it
to Kirihinya
cakes. After dinner
The
we
fell
who
after passing
asked his cooks to
many
still
a fine clear day.
warriors scattered in the neighboring
forest in search of honey. Leaders, girls
uphill to spend the day.
us
asleep.
following morning, August 21st, was
After morning prayers,
make
and a few warriors went
THE MWATHE MEETING At 10 a.m.
when
I
was
still
recording
airplane roars reached
my
267
accounts of some individuals
loss
ears.
As the roaring increased,
I
and climbed up on a big fallen log in order to see which direction the airplanes were heading. To my surprise. I saw six Harvard bombers from Mweiga Aerodrome aviating directly to our camp. I shouted to the people to hide very quickly, jumping down to take my cover under the big log. The airplanes started dropping bombs at the guards’ camp about a mile away before all people had gone to their hiding places and [they] were forced to lie down on very small bushes. Two airplanes passed over our heads and dropped two bombs about two hundred yards to our west. The cleared grass area and the camps could be clearly seen by a person from the airplanes [and there] each plane unloaded a closed the books
score of bombs.
They then
aimlessly started dropping
the scattered forest areas surrounding the camp.
One
of
bombs to the bombs
about a hundred yards from us. This caused a horrible death hooting noise, strong winds, earth tremors and much fear. As the fell
damp
or twigs blown by the
bomb
on some of us, I thought that we were spotted by the airplanes and then with great regret for our inability to shoot the airplanes, the love of my country and soil
fell
and sorrow of death, caused me to grab soil in my both hands and with a true faith in God ask Ngai’s protection. My faith in the Movement had made me almost an optimist with a belief that all things will end well on our side. After ten minutes of bombing, the airplanes continued firing from machine guns for another ten minutes and then departed. people, fear
When around
the airplanes
left,
I
thanked
God
much and moved
very
whether there was any casualty.
saw two girls and a warrior trembling because of fear. Thiong’o, Kirihinya and I went to the camp to see what the airplanes had done. I saw many pools of water in the holes made by the bombs. On our arrival at the camp, I was very much surprised to see that the camp had been ruined. At least each airplane had dropped ten bombs right inside the camp. Many huts had collapsed and some were completely buried. In Kimathi’s hut we found two warriors eating roasted potatoes. They had unknowingly smeared their faces with ashes and looked very hungry and ugly. I asked them where they were when the airplanes dropped bombs. They told us that they were all the time to see
inside that hut.
They
told us they could not
I
move anywhere
with-
out being seen by the airplanes and therefore had decided to wait
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
268
for death right there.
bombs on
the
his
Each had some patches
body.
We
could see holes
of
mud
made by
thrown by the
mud
in
had found some potatoes hidden in a bush. We did not agree with them for we suspected that they had stolen the potatoes from the store. Nevertheless, we made no effort to find out. We believed that the two warriors were blessed and saved by God. We then went to see the guards. We found that they were all well. They told us that they had run away some two hundred yards from the camp during the bombing period and they felt as if the bombs were exploding among them. I told them that some itungati might have been captured or surrendered, for the airplanes must have been directed by someone who knew where the camp was. I urged them to watch for land forces who might be brought by lorries to the Moorlands to check the airplanes work. Some other two warriors arrived calling their sentries and reporting that they were leaving that moment. We also decided to leave.
walls of the hut.
On
our return,
They
we
told us that they
crossed the stream in order to see the other
We
noted three bombs near the stream which had not exploded, but they were deep in the mud. We were afraid that they
camp.
may all
explode at any time and
our itungati not to return
we
in the
hurriedly
moved away
to
warn
camp.
Arriving where our warriors were,
we were
glad to hear that
was no casualty to our warriors. Only one gitungati had been hurt a little on the right leg by a small stone thrown by the bombs. We collected our belongings and were ready to leave for Karathi’s Mother in the Nderagwa region. Some itungati had gone to collect honey and we could no longer wait for anyone. We thought that they would follow us or stay in any other camp they would find and they could be told whereabouts we were. At midday we started our safari of eighty-one persons, moving due north on an animal track which seemed as if it were the laid boundary between the Rift Valley and Central Province. From here one can see any part of the country in any direction, looking at it from above. I used three different types of binoculars which had been obtained from the Tree Tops Hotel to check how far one could see using them. It was possible to see clearly a man or an animal in the Rift Valley but it was difficult to see clearly a person in the Nyeri area. I could see well buildings in camps and Government forces’ tents. there
CHAPTER XV
TOURING THE FOREST GAMPS During
the remaining months of 1953, the Kenya Defense secretaries and those few leaders who, like Dedan
Council Kimathi, were almost constantly on the move, visited most of the Aberdare Forest camps. The roles assumed by these representatives of the Council were, in fact, those of organizers and In their tours, as we shall see from Karari’s account, they attempted to help in the planning and execution liaison officers.
of raids, give instruction to leaders
on general
tactical procedures,
new
record book system, set out the broader aims of the revolt in speeches and gain recognition and support for
introduce the the
Kenya Defense Council from
Mwathe
meeting.
leaders not present at the
with any precision the measure of success achieved by these men, though my data suggest that
it
It is difficult to assess
varied considerably from
camp
to
camp and
area
to area. In general, their greatest effectiveness
seemed to be with representatives were present at
whose leaders or their Mwathe. These leaders, on the whole, accepted the authority and legitimacy of the Kenya Defense Council and were making an effort to implement its rulings and policies. Less effective were the efforts to organize the smaller sections under leaders who did not attend the Mwathe meeting and/or were reluctant to acknowledge the authority of the Kenya Defense Council and the leadership of Kimathi. Little if any effective influence, on the other hand, could be exerted on either the very small komerera groups or on those sections of the Kenya Levellation Army which established semi-permanent encampments within sections
the forest fringe.
Though, on the whole, Kimathi’s
efforts to
bring
Kiambu
warriors into the forest organization were unsuccessful, he did manage to contact Kiambu elders in the reserve and learn the
whereabouts of certain guerrilla sections. The Kiambu District Council elders had retained considerable control over their fighting groups and were relatively successful in enforcing their ruling 269
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
270
borne out by Government reports of relative ‘quiet’ in Kiambu during this period and is illustrated by one of my Kiambu informants, Karigo Muchai, in the against reserve raids. This
following passage
is
1
In late September 1953, I was sent on another mission; this time to the European Settled Area of eastern Kiambu where I instructed Gen. Gitau Kali to shift his forces from the Settled
Area to Narok. As we talked during the night in his hut, we were attacked by a small group of Special Branch men and their askari. We returned their fire and when the hut went up in flames under the Sten guns, we separated and disappeared into the bush. None of our men were injured, but as we had fled in different directions, I was obliged to return to Limuru that night without an escort. Three days later I learned that Gitau Kali had shifted his force to the area around Kikuyu Station, only eight miles from his original position. Here, he was acting in violation of District Committee rules, attacking Home Guard and police posts indiscriminately and giving Government an excuse to badly punish all
of the nearby villagers.
the reserve to continue
We
could not allow these attacks in
and a message was
ordering him to appear before the
Kiambu
sent to Gitau Kali District
Committee.
When
he arrived from Kikuyu Station, he was severely reprimanded. In order to discipline him for not obeying our ruling against fighting in the reserve,
we
agreed that he should receive
and be hung by the wrists for an hour from a tree. After being punished, Kali was ordered to lead his fighters to Narok immediately. This order he carried out promptly. fifty strokes
Kimathi’s scouts, while learning of the existence of several Kiambu fighting groups in the southern Aberdare region (offi-
Kikuyu Escarpment Forest), as well as in the Mau Escarpment, Suswa Hill, Melili Forest, Mt. Longonot and the Narok area, failed to make contact with these groups or cially designated the
learn
much
regarding their activities or organization.
be useful at this and hear a little
might point, therefore, to interrupt Karari’s account more from Karigo Muchai regarding the situaIt
This passage, and the one which follows, have been translated into English from the original taped account of Karigo Muchai, which was recorded in Kikuyu. 1
1
TOURING THE FOREST CAMPS tion in
Kiambu. As we
shall see, these
Kiambu
27
guerrilla units
command and were linked together common base of supplies in Kiambu Kiambu District Committee of elders.
lacked a central military only loosely through their
and
their relation to the
As the
Government increased, with sweeps of the villages becoming more frequent and with beatings, arrest, theft of property and the rape of our women becoming repressive measures of
the order of the day,
many
of our fighters were leaving to join
comrades in the forests. Three camps had been set up in Narok, two in the Longonot area and three others in the southern Aberdares. Apart from the investigations I was carrying out on their
Government
atrocities,
I
made
several
trips
into these areas
acting as a messenger, delivering guns and ammunition and escorting new fighters from the reserve and Nairobi into the forests.
In June 1953 a It
was
to consist
new Kiambu District Committee was formed. of 24 members and remain hidden in the
European-settled area of Limuru.
was elected along with another man to represent Kiambaa Location. Two members were elected from each of the three divisional committees and two from each of Kiambu’s nine locations, making a total of 24 elders on the District Committee. Our people in Nairobi also sent two members to sit in on important meetings. At this time, as movement became more difficult and meetings in the locations harder and more dangerous to hold, all of the lesser committees in Kiambu were disbanded and the locational representatives on the District Committee were empowered to act on behalf of their people in the various locations and to maintain communications with them through messengers. Most of the members of the District Committee were housed by our
Limuru
fighters in the
Soon
after this
man
to represent
post
by the
Marshal.
Our
area.
reorganization,
our fighters
District
I
when
the need arose for a
Kiambu, I was selected for this Committee and given the rank of Field in
were organized on the sub-location, location and district level. Representatives from each lower group would be sent to the next highest committee with the result that our District Committee of fighters consisted of 1 9 members two from each locational fighting unit and myself as chairman. fighters
:
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
272
My
main job was to act as representative of the fighters on the District Committee of elders, where I would put forward the requests, suggestions and grievances of the fighting units as well as passing on to them the directives of the elders. I was, in effect, the link between the District Committee of elders and the fighters of the district, as well as the link between the forest
and our people
fighters
A man
in the reserves.
named Waruingi, who was
later killed
by the
security
was one of our most successful and daring leaders in the Kiambu bush and it was my responsibility to maintain contact with him and to supply him with arms, food and men when needed. The Kiambu people in Nairobi were our main source of arms, medicine, clothing and other necessary supplies. These forces,
would be delivered to me and I would take the supplies directly to Waruingi or to one of our other leaders in Narok, Longonot,
Ngong
or the southern Aberdares.
In July, Government, apparently getting some information
from its informers, sent out a group of tribal police to arrest me. I was in my house late one night when I heard footsteps outside. Quickly, I grabbed a few of my belongings and made
my way
out through a window, disappearing unnoticed into the
darkness of a cornfield.
My
wife and aged parents were interro-
gated for some time by the police as to as all
had sworn an oath
ing that they didn’t
From
this
my
whereabouts. But
of secrecy, they simply kept
know where
time onwards
I
I
on repeat-
was.
decided to remain in hiding with
Committee of 24. Here, I had the protection of 36 fighters and could more easily carry out my work for the Movement. With Government repressive measures mounting and our fighters operating more and more out of the forests, the Kiambu District Committee concerned itself increasingly with the welfare the District
of relatives of killed or detained
members. Collections of money
were arranged for their care and assistance. And money was also collected to pay the legal fees of men accused on capital charges, such as the possession of arms or ammunition. It was a favourite
game
some of the European Special Branch men to place a bullet or two in the pocket of a man they were searching during a sweep. They would then ‘discover’ the bullets in the presence of witnesses and charge the man of being in possession of of
.
TOURING THE FOREST CAMPS ammunition. Several tricks I
such as
men were
tried
and hung
273
as a result of
this.
also continued assisting the
committee
in
its
work
of inves-
Government atrocities. The findings were sent to the Central Province Committee in Nairobi, where attempts were tigating
being
made
to bring these facts before the eyes of the world
through the press and a few sympathetic Europeans Our forest fighters from Kiambu were not, at this time, .
.
inte-
grated within the main body of fighters located in the Aberdare Forest adjacent to the Fort Hall and Nyeri Districts. When news
reached our District Committee that on two occasions some of our men had been attacked and disarmed by Fort Hall fighters under the command of Gen. Kago it was decided by the elders, and agreed upon by the Central Province Committee in Nairobi, ?
that
Kago
should be contacted and an attempt
made
to set
matters straight.
In August 1953 I was sent with three elders and an escort of four fighters into the southern Aberdares to meet with Kago,
who was operating in the forests around the Fort Hall-Kiambu border. When we met I told him our grievances and handed him a
from the District Committee setting out in detail the two incidents in which his men were involved. I explained to him that it was stupid for us to fight one another in order to gain firearms. We were all brothers engaged in a war against the Europeans and should act in unity whether from Fort Hall, Nyeri, Kiambu, Embu or Meru. Kago replied that he had letter
already learned of the incidents and that they had been carried out by some of his men without his knowledge. He said he had already punished the men involved and guaranteed us that
such mistakes would not occur again in the future. Though Kago could have been held responsible for the actions of his men and punished, I must say in his defense that this type of incident was often very difficult to avoid in the early
months
of the fighting. In
camp
many
cases the guards posted
of a group of forest fighters
around
wore stolen Home Guard uniforms and when seeing strangers approach would signal them in a manner requiring a special response. As sometimes happened, new recruits just entering the forest would not know these signals and hence could easily be taken for enemies and ambushed. On the other hand, if they spotted the guard before the
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
274
he saw them, they might in ignorance open fire on what appeared to them a Home Guard and so initiate a battle. Later, incidents like this became very rare, but in mid- 1953, with the organization of the forest fighters not yet adequate to prevent them, they did occur. And this was particularly so with the
Kiambu
who
fighters,
after our people
entered the Aberdares several months
from Nyeri and Fort Hall had already estab-
lished themselves there.
During this same month of August it became necessary that I deliver arms and food to our fighters in Narok, who were under the command of Generals Nubi and Ole Kisio. I set out with 20 men and armed with 12 rifles and 6 homemade guns. It was about 5 a.m., as we moved from our hideout in Limura toward Narok, that we ran into a Government ambush near Kikuyu Station. By the time we realized it we were completely surrounded by security forces. Being in a bad position and greatly outnumbered by the enemy I decided that we should try and make a run for it rather than engage the Government forces in an open battle. I directed my group to aim all of our guns at one point in the circle around us. When I gave the signal we all opened fire and ran through the hole which our bullets prepared. Once we made our move, Government forces returned our fire and three of my men fell to the ground, dead or injured. The rest of us continued into the bush and lost our pursuers. Without stopping we continued on toward Narok, arriving the next day and turning over the supplies we had broueht to Gen. Ole Kisio.
After discussing our business
and spending the night
in
one
was necessary that I return with my 17 fighters to Limuru. We were provided with an escort of 50 additional fighters and set off through the bush during the day, making sure not to reveal ourselves to the enemv. While traveling I noticed a Government reconnaissance plane overhead, but of the
felt
Narok camps,
it
quite confident that they hadn’t spotted us. After a day’s
we were
on the ground eating, one of our guards ran up excitedly and told me that we were being surrounded by a large force of Tribal Police, Home Guards and tiring journey, as
sitting
military units.
With a
force of 67 well-armed fighters
well chosen for
its
defensive cover,
I
and being
in
a position
decided to deploy
my men
1
TOURING THE FOREST CAMPS for battle.
which
Government
lasted
managed
till
forces soon
dark.
One
of
enemy Government
to capture 12
how many men
the
opened
my force
It
and a fight began was killed but we
fire
fighters
rifles.
275
is
difficult to
say just
lost.
Not knowing where the security forces had withdrawn to for the night, it was unwise for us to continue our journey. Instead, I sent a couple of my men back to Narok to ask for reinforce-
By the following morning, 300 additional fighters arrived our camp Government, of course, had also built up its forces.
ments. at
;
A
day-long battle began, ending at night-fall with a loss of 1 of our fighters. We had captured no enemy guns and it was decided that we should move out of the area.
Midnight found us in the Mt. Longonot forests where we met with a group of fighters under the command of Gen. Waruingi. We were led to Waruingi’s camp and planned to rest there for three days. At the end of the third day, as we were making preparations to leave, started to
bomb
began
we were
spotted by a military plane which
the mountain. Soon after,
Government ground
on our position. Our own force, in addition to the men who had come with me from Limuru, consisted of 300 fighters from Narok and about 400 of Waruingi’s men. After a long and gruelling battle we took stock of our position. None of our fighters were killed, though six had sustained injuries. Arrangements were made to take the injured men to the Aberdares for treatment and during the darkness of night I started off with my men and an escort of 150 fighters toward Limuru via Kijabe and Lari. When we arrived at Kijabe the fighters from Longonot and Narok bid us farewell and we were provided with a smaller escort by the local leaders for the remainder of our journey. The next day we finally reached our forces
to attack
Limuru hideout. Our escort left us but unluckily ran Government ambush and lost 25 men.
into a
At two o’clock we arrived where Thiong’o had maimed cattle. We were surprised to see that the Kenya Ng’ombe had poisoned all the seventy- eight carcasses.
They had bayoneted them
so as to enter the poison inside the
mouths.
at the ribs
meat and had put some
Though hungry, we laughed
at
their
fatty
in the
bait
and
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
276
thought they were
foolish.
They thought they would
kill
many
of
more cattle. If they hadn’t poisoned those cattle our warriors would have stayed for a fortnight feeding on them. It was a pity to see that even hyenas had not eaten that poison. We changed our direction to be northeast and we were climbing over 13,000 feet, the highest peak of Nyandarua. I and a few others climbed up the peak. Though the sun was still shining it was extremely cold. Most of the area is covered by grass and scattered cactus family plants grow on this frozen soil. Some places are just bare rocks. From here we could see all the villages in which rivers flow from this mountain in three directions east, north and west. us by the poisoned
meat but instead they urged us
to raid
:
We
time descending towards small land with many scattered big trees with more we descended the more the animals
continued our journey,
bushes then into
fertile
grass undergrowth.
The
this
increased.
The sun set when we started entering the bamboo region. Here we could see our peoples’ tracks. It was almost twilight when we arrived at General Kimbo‘s mbuci. Kimbo was glad to see his representative Gen. Kirihinya, his warriors, and other new persons. camp. All the warriors slept in tents made of calico sheet. Gen. Kimbo had a European safari tent, another manufactured big tent was used by several warriors who did not have tents of their own. My tent was set up and the fires were lit. The leaders’ fire was under a big tree where some eight leaders sat around it. Gen. Kirihinya reported that we were hungry and we would like to eat our fill. Soon some dried meat, ngarango (fried fat crisps), and the ready cold meat they had all the day was issued to all those who had been on safari. While we were eating, other meat was being roasted and cooked. Each of us was served a whole rib
There were no huts
of a big fat cow.
ate as
much
I
as four
in this
guessed
it
to be about ten to twelve pounds.
We
pounds each.
‘All the sections living in this
region live entirely on meat,’ said
Gen. Kimbo. ‘We are trying to dry and preserve meat in any possible way. We don’t ration meat here; everyone eats his fill.’ While we were eating, we reported to Gen. Kimbo all about the
Mwathe meeting. Kirihinya reported about my job. Kimbo was very much pleased with the piece of work allocated to me. He told
me
that he
had a small typewriter and that
I
could use
it
if
I
TOURING THE FOREST CAMPS wanted.
He
me
277
gang had evicted five settlers, [the latter] leaving behind their livestock, houses and property. He told me that he had personally attended a raid on one of the old aged settlers and asked him to give the keys of the house. After takingout all they wanted from his house, he gave him a notice to leave the farm if he didn’t want to die. Gen. Kimbo, a young black tall [man of] medium thickness was dressed in a KAR Libyan cloth suit. His head was covered by long black wool woven into his hair, falling below his shoulders. He had a pair of gum boots and carried a small revolver and a double barrelled .44 gun ( gatua uhoro). We felt quite warm down there and being tired from the long journey we had gone, felt sleepy. I was asked not to go to bed before I drank soup. Soon the soup was brought in a big mug. It looked
like
told
that his
milk because of the fat put in
it.
This area
is
supposed
to be the richest in herbs,
which they had embittered the soup with, and [they] claimed those herbs made them strong. After drinking, I started sweating and thought that it was due the soup’s heat; but I came to realize during the night that it was the herbs effect that had generated so much heat. The following day, August 22nd, I typed five eviction notices and addressed each copy to a particular settler living nearby. I gave each seven days notice to pack his belongings and then quit our country or else recognize our people as equal humans and have full understanding that they [i.e., the Europeans] are foreigners and that they can only remain here under the Africans’ consent in a friendly cooperation. the Europeans to live like
would be quite impossible for masters and the owners of the country as It
servants.
warned
them
changed their selfishness, superiority manners, color discrimination and monopoly there would be no room for them in Kenya or anywhere in Africa. They would either accept our citizenship or go back to their densely populated islands or discover an uninhabited planet and colonize it. I reminded them that many of them are ex-army officers and they must remember very well that our people helped them to fight against the Germans who were bordering us in Tanganyika and the Italians who also had colonized our neighbors in Somali. ‘Many I
that
unless
they
African people died in order to defend you,’
[I
wrote]. ‘You
were
given the land you have today as a pension for your service in that
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
278
war while our people were given kipandes
(identification regis-
World War. The same thing happened in the Second World War; after helping you to defeat your enemies, our people were forced to dig contour and tration cards) as their gift for [service in the] First
bench
terraces as the gift.
A
good turn deserves another. We have twice helped you not to be enslaved by the Germans and Italians. Our real fight has come. Come then and help us to achieve our independence. Your help would better our relationship ‘That unjust period has gone by.
and you would be here to stay. ‘We are not fighting against the white community but we are fighting against your bad policy and system. We want to be free in our own country, organize an African Government and utilize the land you have, including the unproductive [i.e., unused] land you have reserved for your future generations while millions of Africans, the real owners of that land, are starving.
‘Kenya African Government must prevail at any rate, under all costs and in spite of all your military strength. You may think it is a dream, as you all believe, but the realization would reveal it to be a miracle. If you want to live in Kenya you must help us now when we need your help. If you are against us then pack and quit. We shall not need your help after achieving freedom. ‘I shall send General Kimbo Mutuku, whom you all know well, to check whether you have gone by the expiry of this notice Your New Kenyan, Karari Njama, Chief Secretary, Kenya Defense .
.
Council.’ I
We
gave Gen.
Kimbo
the letters to arrange for their distribution.
agreed that our warriors would take the
employed by each
bamboo
settler
who would visit
the laborers
then plant the letter in small
[tubes] just outside the front
agreed that our warriors should
letters to
door of
his house.
We
also
on 9 September of waiting for us and
these farms
became tired dispersed being convinced that we had lied in the letters. During this time my associates were busy recording. I learnt from the register that that section had 288 warriors, of whom a dozen were girls. Kimbo told me that he had another group of a hundred itungati which lived near the borders of the forest mostly engaged in storing cereals from raids for future use. He told me that the dried meat in his stores was starting to go bad, i.e., to be covered by white fungi on the top layer after two months stay in or as soon as these settlers
TOURING THE FOREST CAMPS the store.
humid
I
air.
told
We
him
that that
was the
279
brought about by found that we could store meat for a longer time
only in dry places.
suggested that
effect
completely covered in order to prevent any more air to enter, the meat may last longer. We arranged that I should demonstrate what I was telling them the following day in one of the filled up stores. Having completed my work in Kimbo’s camp within ten days, I decided to visit Ndungu Gicheru, a famous leader who had shot down an airplane. I left with a group of nine warriors, descending through small bamboo bushes and then into thorny bushes. We saw many large herds of buffaloes who ran away when they saw us some remained staring at us until we disappeared. Large herds of elephants, which neither ran away or attacked us, would stand collecting our smell by moving their long trunk and amazingly observe us. The rhinos, mostly living in pairs or in threes where the third one was young, though in many occasions they ran away, they always warned us with a loud hissing not to approach them and often challenged us. Here we saw very many types of animals. We thrice stopped on the way to collect honey. One beehive gave us sufficient honey to eat and drink. We arrived Ruhotie stream at noon. The camp was situated in small bushes near the forest edge. There were no huts built. This section much resembles that of Kimbo’s; they all used tents or when there is no rain just slept in the open. All the warriors seemed very fat, looked strong and healthy. Their clothes were no different from those of garage men; they all looked black and dirty due to the fat spilt on their clothes and on their bodies. I talked to Ndungu of the job, which he knew well for he had spent a night with me at Gen. Kimbo’s. He told me that he was prepared to shift his camp near Kimbo’s the following day. He told me that one of his fighters named Cie, who had encamped two miles west would remain there with some fifty warriors and store I
if
the store doors were
—
as
much cereals as they could. I made arrangements that my
sections
and
I
would visit the subwould return with Ndungu’s gang and work for it assistants
came. In the evening, after prayers, we waited until it was dark before fires were lit. ‘It would be dangerous to light fires here where the smoke can until they
be seen by persons in the settlers’ farms,’ said Ndungu. ‘Sometimes they come with their armored cars and tanks just very near us and
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
280
them up, they
after setting
could not think that
we
first
we were
them
drive
fire
right
over our heads far away.
living so near.
inside
When we
the forest and
They
steal cattle
mix the
cattle
and then bring our cattle here. Whenever they follow the cattle we have stolen they often follow buffaloes tracks and have never found our camp.
tracks with the buffaloes’ tracks
‘My camp,
apart from raiding cattle, plans
how we
could trap
one or two of the enemy forces and acquire their guns. The repatriation of cur supporters from this area has created much
Most of the workmen in this area are Turkana and Kipsigis and they very much help our enemies.’ ‘Let me tell you, Mr. Njama,’ interrupted Kamwamba, one of his
difficulties.
junior officers. ‘You
know Leshau very
well. After repatriation,
we
Landsburg farm at night and found that Gacari’s daughter had been married by a Kipsigis man. She treated us well at first, gave us food; and when she went out she locked us in her house while she wenc to call some askaris. When they were ready, one of them shouted “Toka yote na farua ya furotakis na vipande!” (All of you come out of there with your poll tax receipts and kipandes !) We thought we were finished; quickly broke the door and opened our Sten gun swinging it in all directions. Though they opened
visited
:
fire
on
us,
we
managed them is your
could hear them running away. Four of us
to escape but three of our warriors died there.
One
of
Njama. We planned a revenge on that village. It was successful and we killed many of the villagers and burned their houses. That is why we have to rob these workers in many relative,
Mwanu
occasions.’
them an oath and instruct them on our aims and try to make them have confidence in us?’ I asked. ‘You see Mr. Njama, these are very foolish people. They wouldn’t understand what is freedom; all they can understand are
‘Why
don’t you give
the things they can see, touch or
feel.
Mind
you, they are not
farmers that they need land to cultivate; they are poor people and
never had they livestock which starved due to lack of grazing land.
The settlers satisfy their hunger by giving them posho and a little money which is used for buying tobacco, their only luxury. They do without clothing for
Three yards the whole year and
clothes or soap.
‘We have
of calico satisfies one in
’
to
send
many
missions
into
the
reserves
of
these
TOURING THE FOREST CAMPS people,’ interrupted
Ndungu, ‘and open many
schools for
281
them
in
order to educate them.’ ‘At present they are
all
deceived by the Europeans that our aim
employ them and give them worse pay and treatment than what they are getting from the settlers. In all areas the Government is using all sorts of dirty propaganda, some of which would be difficult to wipe out of their minds.’ At this stage dinner interrupted our talk and turned our minds to the sweet fatty well-roasted beef. When we were eating Ndungu told me that his section had 184 itungati of which four were girls. Two of them were very brave and had trapped a KAR man, killed him, and brought his gun to the forest. He also confirmed that all the girls in Kimbo’s and his section had been taught how to use any weapon. As Ndungu became busy in selecting itungati who would go to raid cattle in settlers’ farms, we ended our talk and I went in my tent to sleep. In this warm area there were many hyrax and their loud cries, almost similar to the gun’s burst, was the only poor is
to
music of the night.
The
following morning
persons.
My
two
assistants
we
Kimbo’s with some 150 were directed to the other two camps. A set off for
group of 40 itungati was left in that camp so that they could raid cattle and follow us at Kimbo’s the following morning. We arrived at Kimbo’s in the afternoon and Ndungu’s itungati made their mbuci just the opposite bank of the same stream. As soon as the itungati finished clearing the
camp
site, I
started record-
and instructing their clerk. In the evening we prayed together; it was the beginning of a coalition management. While we were sitting around a burning fire warming, I reminded the leaders of the notices I had written to settlers some twelve days ago. After a long discussion, it was agreed that we must wait for Ndungu’s itungati who had gone to raid for cattle and then send ing their losses
4
out our scout three days after their arrival.
Heavy rain That night we
started pouring
and we dispersed
into our tents.
ate our dinner in darkness. Great flashes of lightning
frequently shone, followed by horrible thundrous noise. September
had begun and the heavy rain was clearing all the mist and saying goodbye to us. We were entering a fine sunny month. The rain poured throughout the night at intervals and continued the same the following day. At 9 in the morning we heard shots and
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
282
suspected that our itungati were fighting against the cattle trackers.
This was quite
At one o’clock half of our itungati arrived with
true.
37 head of cattle. They told us that they managed to drive almost a hundred head of cattle from a big herd grazing in the bushes
about half an hour before sunset. ‘We noted that we would be seen driving them to the
forest,’
one gitungati, ‘and so we herded them until it was dark. We then commenced our journey. Inside the forest we several times said
came
across
large
herds of buffaloes and charging rhinos that
about thrice the cattle we have. Heavy rain had become another obstacle. We decided to make fire and guard our cattle until morning. In the morning we dispersed the cattle. In this
way we
our plunder,
20
drove
trackers just
leaving
where we had
we were far ‘How is your
but
slept.
lost
ambush the cattle Later on we heard them fighting itungati
to
away.’ track?
Can
the enemies follow
it
up here?’ queried
Kimbo. ‘Oh no!’ replied the gitungati. ‘Since they were fought they cannot come any further. Moreover, they would find the lost cattle and return with them claiming that they have beaten Mau Mau and got the cattle back. In addition to that we hid our footmarks well and in some cases exposed our footmarks to buffaloes’ tracks which they would follow.’ Meanwhile all itungati were busy killing the cattle, but instead of removing the hides they would cut pieces of meat with the hide. The hide had become a good cover and could be eaten during food scarcity. Kimbo ordered the guard commandant to post some strong sentries about five miles from the camp on the cattle track who were to keep watch until six in the evening. At 7 p.m. all the guards arrived and reported of their fight with the Kenya Ng’ombe. They could not tell any detail of casualties on the other side but believed that their first firing must have knocked some Kenya Ng’ombe down. That night we enjoyed fresh meat.
For the next
five days, I
continued
my work
and was rejoined by my assistants. I told them that we had to finish our work within two days and start our journey to Murang’a on the 12th September. The same evening our scouts returned saying that all cattle had been moved some 20 or 25 miles from the forest edge. Many homes within the region of five miles had been deserted. Govern-
TOURING THE FOREST CAMPS
283
had been posted to guard some homes. A few homes at different centers had kept cattle as baits at their strong centers. 7 here was no other work done on those farms apart from herding
ment
forces
livestock.
we
raid
When
they
any of those homes?’ asked Gen. Kimbo. ‘No,’ replied one of the scouts. ‘The owners and their families have gone away with their belongings, but most of them have joined the KPR [Kenya Police Reserve] and returned; their duty is to guard these homes and farms. They do not sleep inside the houses but they keep ambushing us outside throughout the night. We learned from Gakuu’s scouts that those who guard livestock sleep right inside the herd and that those guarding merino sheep wore sheep skins. When Gakuu’s itungati approached, the sheep ran away from them leaving behind the armed forces in sheeps’ ‘Could
skins.
opened to raid
We
moved
killing
lire,
any place talked
remaining sheep, the sheep seven and capturing four. It is quite dangerous
unless
to catch the
it is
much about
well spied.’
the enemy’s tactics, finally
my
suggestion
was accepted of spoiling their water pumps and using the water pipes for making guns. We also agreed to destroy all the bridges that were in use near the forest and to cut down wire fences and telegraph
The
[lines].
following day some 250 itungati
returned they brought 16
had successfully fulfilled had hidden the pipes far pipes could
make
left for
the raid.
When
they
wagon bullocks and reported that they what they were required to do. They away in the forest and guessed that the
10,000 guns.
We
completed our work on the four sections and arranged to start for Murang’a on 12 September. The following morning special prayers for our journey were made, after which we started our journey comprised of twelve itungati including Lieutenant Kam-
wamba, armed with
six
rifles.
My
carrier,
Gicuki Hinga and
Mathitu my assistant asked permission to remain there. Though I was given another carrier, I couldn’t get another assistant. The
Government rarely contacted those gangs. They had plenty and life seemed smooth to them.
We
decided to
We
to eat
make our way through bushes bordering moving due
the
At about 10 o’clock we crossed the river Amboni (Honi). I noticed a swarm of bees moving to and fro over an old fallen log. We paused to see whether we Moorlands.
started
south.
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
284
We
must be an old home of bees and might have honey. We made fire and split the log. To our surprise we collected a lot of honey that increased our luggage. At midday we were about to cross the Nyeri-Kabage road. About a mile’s distance we could see an enemy’s camp, [made up of could get honey.
agreed that
it
who were constructing the road. I took out my binoculars to enable me to see clearly. I saw one tank, three armored cars, two lorries, a Land Rover and two tractors. There were as many as those]
group of KARs and Home Guards were guarding some civilians who were clearing some small clusters of bushes. We had to go a bit deeper inside the forest to avoid contact with these thirty tents; a
enemies. After passing them
we
returned to the open grassland.
At three we crossed the Kiondongoro road and then the Charangatha River on an old bridge on the Nyeri-Kinangop foot track. Soon we arrived at Karari’s Hill where we found large herds of buffaloes and their families grazing. We stopped and discussed about the animals. We resolved that though it was very cold it was possible to graze milk cattle and sheep for wool. The grass growing around and some wheat seeds which had been dropped by our warriors were a fair proof that wheat could do well in the altitude of 10,000 feet.
We made
up our minds to search for Kigumo sections on Karari’s Hill on the steep side descending to the Gura River. By five o’clock we crossed the Gura River just below its big waterfall.
We
started climbing the steep slopes in the thicket of the tall
bamboos. Our progress became
come
we were
tired
and had not
was six o’clock when we arrived whose branches had become a nice rain proof dwelling. We cleared the pigs’ dung and en-
across other fighters tracks. It
at a big
and
difficult;
pondo
tree
base a pig’s
its
camped
there for the night. After prayers,
we
warmed Though we did
roasted meat,
water and diluted our honey which we drank. not make our tents, we spent a warm night. The following day we continued our journey changing our direction due east at Muthuri’s Hill. We were very much surprised to see that the there.
to
Being afraid
southeast,
visited
many
to follow the road,
heading for old
we
camps
Mumwe
that
I
vehicle road as far as
we changed our
camps.
On
knew and found
our that
direction
arrival, all
we
had been
could not find any recent tracks. In the evening, encamped near the forest edge.
deserted, but
we
Government had made a new
TOURING THE FOREST GAMPS As we were eating dinner,
morrow we
shall
move
told
I
my
southwards,’
comrades I
said,
my
‘right
285 plans. ‘To-
across
the
hope we shall be able to find other fighters’ tracks from the reserves which would lead us to their camp. We shall then be able to get a guide to the nearest Murang’a camp where we would be given a guide to Karuri Ngamune. The five days we have are enough to meet Kimathi on the 18th Kariaini gardens, where
I
September.’ After our morning prayers
we continued our
journey.
When
we came to the Kariaini vehicle road that was used for transporting camphor timber, we found that much weed had grown on the road but some people had passed along
it
previously.
We
followed
At midday we found a great deal of ripe strawberries on either side of the road. My comrades became interested in the berries and started eating, talking loud to one another. We were suddenly stopped and dispersed by Sten gun fire at very the road.
We
were forced to make our paths through the thicket of berries which scratched our faces, hands and feet. When we stopped running, I found that I had only two armed warriors and two carriers. We sat down for lunch and in great silence listened whether we could hear our comrade’s signal or movement. Though we didn’t hear them, we didn’t think that we could have suffered any casualties for the great bushes preclose
range
in
front of us.
vented the enemy from seeing
we crossed When we came
In the afternoon see
any
stream
tracks.
now
us.
the Kariaini gardens, but failed to to the river Thuti,
we walked down
searching for a crossing point of our fighters. Luckily,
which foot marks were cleverly hidden. We followed it and to our surprise we entered a small camp on the bank of a very small tributary. There was a rectangular kitchen and four other small circular huts. Though there was nobody in the camp w e could see fire well covered and believed that that must be one of the komerera’s mbuci. We thought that they had gone to hide themselves and that they may run away if they see us. We therefore decided to wait for them in the camp. In the evening, their scout came to spy whether the enemies had seen their camp. When he saw us, he started running away. I shouted for him to come back. He halted and asked me who I was. I told him my name. He came and we shook hands. He told me that he knew me when I addressed them at H.Q. Kariaini. He told
we saw a
r
track in
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
286
me
that there were
leader.
He
me
told
other itungati including Thogithi their
21
day hiding far away the enemy dispersed them at H.Q. He
that they always spent the
from the mbuci since
signaled for the others to come.
They came
carrying firewood.
After exchanging greetings, some went to their store where they
had potatoes and arrowroots
to
keep them only two more days
according to the storekeeper’s report. These black, weak fighters had only one rifle and four banda with two bullets for each.
They admiringly looked
my
at us.
We
looked very healthy and
fat.
them some meat so that each could have a bite. We told them of our journey and their leader told me they had broken away from H.Q. when it was captured by the enemy. When I asked him whether he knew where the big camps could be, he replied that there were no big camps in Kariaini area. ‘Mathenge split them into small groups of about twenty people so I
ordered
carrier to give
we can be able to hide our tracks.’ ‘Do you know where Mathenge’s mbuci
that
‘Yes,’ replied
Thogithi,
‘it
is
is?’ I
asked.
at Karunga.’
‘Where is Karunga?’ I asked. ‘Just on this ridge, less than an hour’s walk. I will take you there tomorrow,’ promised Thogithi. ‘What important raids have you made since I left?’ I enquired. ‘When did you leave?’ demanded Thogithi. ‘Today makes it exactly a month.’ ‘We have made no raid at all. It became difficult to raid cattle, but we could manage to get one or two rams that are being fattened in the homes of those who have not yet shifted to the new villages. Our chief food now is potatoes, arrowroots, raw bananas, sweet potatoes or any other crop growing in the gardens. Last week we started eating raw maize from the Muhuru region. I am planning that we will all go for maize tomorrow.’ ‘Would you leave the camp empty?’ I asked. ‘Unless we have a sick person we would all go,’ replied Thogithi. The boiled mixture of potatoes and arrowroots was ready and was served for our dinner, after which I went to my tent to sleep. In the morning after prayers, I noted that they had thrown away the system of posting sentries and became disgusted by those komereras. I asked Thogithi why he had not posted guards. He replied that it was absolutely useless to post unarmed persons as sentries. I warned him that the enemies may enter their mbuci
TOURING THE FOREST CAMPS during their absence as
them
all.
I
we had done
the previous day
advised him to keep guards
or quietly run to inform the others that
287 and trap
who could blow a whistle the camp had been seen by
the enemy.
We trees
behind the camp in the black coniferous with no undergrowth. Layers of dry leaves had been shed by then climbed up
hill
making it impossible for the foot marks or tracks to be Here in an open space they generally spent the day eagerly
those trees seen.
looking for the sun to
We east.
left
We
warm
them.
camp heading to Mathenge’s mbuci and moved due soon came to an open space which showed that a few the
my eyes Home Guard
people used to spend the day there. Casting reserve
I
could see
than two miles’ crow
‘How
Kamanda (Kihome) fly built
kamatimo
are the
onto the Post
less
on Mahiga-Othaya boundary.
in that post?’
I
asked.
‘They are very cruel,’ replied Thogithi. ‘The European officer in the camp, nicknamed Kibithi (literally, the hairy skin of the buttocks), is a mad man. He has collected the village boys aged between 14 and 16, supplied them with a brown-green uniform, fed them well, supplied them with European beer and bhangi [a drug], and has trained them how to use every kind of weapon. He uses these audacious children as his soldiers to fight in the forest and in the reserve. During the night they dress like ourselves and knock at the doors of our wives or mothers. Once they are in, they quickly ask for food and money and claim that they have been sent by the known local forest leaders. They ask for the names of the Home Guards who are troubling the civilians and whom they would like to see exterminated. ‘Having trapped our wives and parents these foolish youths, under the influence of alcohol, monetary rewards and the good treatment they receive, either shoot and burn them
in their
houses
and pretend a fight with Mau Mau outside, opening fire and blowing whistles and shouting, or beat them till they confess, after which they are prosecuted or detained. These boys make fun when they point out a tree, a dog, a cow, a sheep or a
man
to be their target.
one another and then laugh praising the hero. They eat livestock of their choice and ‘Eei ni muru wa Njama?’ interjected Mathenge not far away. Hello Mr. Mathenge, I am glad to meet you ‘Yes, it’s me
Sometimes they
fight with
guns and
kill
.’
.
!
again.*
.
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
288
Mr. Njama?’ requested Mathenge, leaning on foot man-head-carved walking staff.
‘How five ‘I
his
are you,
am very well,’
‘And how
is
replied.
I
your journey?’ asked Mathenge.
‘Not very bad,’
replied, ‘with the exception that
I
my
itungati
were dispersed yesterday at midday by enemies on that road yonder.’
moved to greet his itungati including his kabatuni. Then Mathenge called me to go sit at a private place where we could catch a little warmth from the morning sun. I started telling him I
of
my
journey to
Mwathe and
all
that
had happened
at
Mwathe
General Meeting. ‘Your
Mathenge
report,’ said
smilingly, ‘confirms
much
of
what
Kabuga had told me, but his itungati generally described the whole matter of Mwathe as being “the mbuci of great discipline and hunger.”
’
‘That might be
true,’ I replied.
‘You know
how
difficult
it
is
to
ration food for nearly 5,000 itungati .’
Mathenge remarked the meeting as a great success, beyond his estimation and that Kimathi had greatly benefited from his absence in the meeting. I reminded him that I had forewarned him. ‘Though Kimathi has been officially established as the head of all
the warriors,’
deputy for
many
I
said,
‘no person has been pointed out as his
people have your
name
in their
minds for that
post.’
‘What rank were you given?’ demanded Mathenge. ‘I wasn’t given any rank,’ I replied. ‘Shall I be given a rank by Kimathi?’ queried Mathenge
dis-
contentedly.
‘The Kenya Defense Council, of which you are a member, will decide your rank; but you must remember that the qualification for ranks are based on personal activities and capa‘No,’ I replied.
bility
and not according
‘Yes, I
now
to one’s wish.’
agree,’ said
Mathenge,
‘that a
group of people
is
Your speech now will make me bide you passed at Mwathe. I had been thinking that
wiser than the wisest man.
with
all
that
Kimathi dictated all that he wanted.’ ‘Oh no!’ I replied. ‘If you want
you better accompany me to Karuri Ngamune in Murang’a where another leaders’ meeting will be held in which reports from our armies to confirm
this
TOURING THE FOREST CAMPS
289
would be heard. The meeting will commence on 9 September, three days more. I would be very glad if you could send your itungati to Mumwe and Kigumo camps to find out whether my itungati who were dispersed yesterday might be in any of those camps. If they are found they would be better directed here.’ ‘I will try and send out some itungati ,’ said Mathenge, ‘as you requested, but I do not think that it would be possible for you to get to the meeting. I would like to go with you but I am not prepared. You see it is bad to start such a safari without sufficient food. Right now none of us knows where any of the Murang’a mbuci is situated; and if we went and missed their mbuci we would then use our food before we could return here.’ ‘That is why I demanded my itungati ,’ I said. ‘Four of them carried nothing but safari food, mostly dried meat and fried fat crisps.’ I
called
on
my
food carrier and asked him to give us a
and warned him that that was the only food we
all
little
had
meat
to take
us to the meeting.
meat must have come from the Rift Valley,” said Mathenge admiringly. ‘Which part of the Rift Valley did you visit after leaving Mwathe?’ I told him how we remained in the Mwathe camp and how we were bombed; our safari across the Moorlands to Kimbo’s mbuci my visit to Ndungu’s camp and the camp life of the itungati who ‘This
;
emphasized the itungati there were very fat; that they had plenty of meat, all the excess of which they dried and stored. I told him that the enemy have never found any of their camps, that the only contact with Government would lived
in
Nderagwa
area.
I
be only a planned raid or ambush.
I
told
him how
settlers
had
behind their livestock. Mathenge became very much interested and decided that he would spend Christmas in the Rift Valley. He told me that most quit, leaving
had gone to Rift Valley as I had suggested and that there were fifteen mbuci of about twenty itungati each living in Kariaini. He told me that his camp had thirteen itungati
of the
Ituma
itungati
including his kabatuni. I
asked him where those camps were situated and he told
that they were very near.
We
set off for
a
from those mbuci met. ‘Why haven’t you raided that Kamanda
common
me
place where
itungati
Home Guard
Post?’
I
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
290
asked, pointing at the post.
‘I
have been told of
its
cruelty
and
by Thogithi.’ ‘We would very much like to destroy that horrible institution but we have run short of ammunition. The little we have spared would be used for means of living only. It has become difficult for us to get food from the reserve unless we fight for it, even from brutality
the gardens.’
We
arrived at a place which those
Many
mbuci used
as their
meeting
them were lying on their backs exposing themselves to the sun. They stood up for Mathenge and they were surprised to see me. After exchanging greetings, we all sat down. I was glad to meet Kihara Kagumu, Gicuki Mugo, Elijah Kihara Gatandi and Kibira Gatu and many other leaders. Mathenge asked those leaders to point out some itungati who would go to search my lost itungati at Mumwe and Kigumo camps. I drafted a letter to the leader who might be keeping them in his mbuci and handed it over to the itungati. We asked the itungati to return the following day place.
of
with their report. I
spent the rest of the day repeating
In the evening,
I
went with
my
my
story to those leaders.
four itungati to Mathenge’s mbuci.
saw a rectangular kitchen and two other warriors’ huts roofed by mahindu leaves of a banana family plant. These are waterproof when they are green and untom, but when they dry up they wrinkle and shrink and become torn and then leak. My tent was pegged a little farther from Mathenge’s and my itungati were accommodated in the two huts. Mathenge used to warm himself in the kitchen and so we both went to warm ourselves in the kitchen. I criticized him and pointed out that he should have a private fire even though he was the only leader in the camp and enjoyed the I
company
of others in the kitchen.
We
were served with two maize cobs well roasted while some other maize was being boiled. I asked my itungati to give out some meat so that each could have a bite, after which we slept. The following day the messengers arrived at ten in the morning reporting my itungati were all safe and had slept the night before
Kabuga’s camp, which was situated at the sources of Mumwe stream. I read a letter from Kabuga telling me that my eight itungati lead by Kamwamba left his mbuci on the previous day, at
returning to Kimbo’s.
Having no food nor guide
to
Murang’a, with only a day before
TOURING THE FOREST CAMPS
2gi
was then impossible for me to get to the meeting and so I abandoned my safari. For the rest of September I remained with Mathenge, entering data already collected by his clerk, Ndung’u Mathenge. During my stay there, no raid took place. Our warriors were bush harvesting maize from Muhuru region and storing for the future use. The Home Guards, Devons, Police and KAR troops spent the nights in the maize fields ambushing our fighters. In most cases our warriors met death while looking for food rather than in battlefields. Neverthe meeting started,
theless, there
it
were so
enemy were not
many
gardens
all
over the country that the
them all. Our fighters were very good at spying and detecting the enemy through hearing, a nervous [i.e., intuitive] sense of danger and smelling. The latter sense had grown strong in such a way that our warriors could smell the enemy at more than 200 yards away; notably soap and any form of tobacco. I left Mathenge in the first week of October, guided by his itungati to Kabuga’s mbuci. On our arrival at Kabuga’s mbuci able to cover
,
we were astonished to find it so badly ruined by the foe. Luckily, we were seen by four itungati who had come to spy whether the enemy had gone, so that they could get food from the camp store, and whether the hidden camp utensils had been seen by the enemy. They told us that great calamity had befallen their camp. One and worry, said ‘On the previous day, the on us in this camp, killing two of our fighters
of them, in great fear
enemy opened
fire
and injuring four
:
others.
When we
ran
away with our casualties, a site for our new camp.
we arrived at a place where we selected The girls were sent to cut ithanji reeds for thatching our huts in a swampy open area. The girls had spread some clothes in that open area to dry. Then four Harvards which were passing over our heads saw the girls and their clothes and quickly unloaded their bombs on us. We all ran away from that area but four fighters, including a girl and our leader Kabuga, were injured by the bomb shells. Kabuga and another gitungati were both slightly injured at their right forearm.
new camp and a hospital that evening. Yesterday afternoon, the enemy forces arrived at the bombing area in order to assess how many people they had killed. They did not find any ‘We
built a
them
where they finished off four of the patients. Two of the patients survived and came to our camp because they knew where it was. We then corpses but the blood
trail led
into our hospital
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
292
moved
into a
new camp near
the sources of the Thuti River.
have run short of food and have
That
assed moves.
is
enemies saw our food
‘We mbutu
believe that
lost
much
why we had come store,
women
We
property in those harto
check whether the
but for good luck, they didn’t see it.’ have brought all this calamity to our
commented another gitungati. ‘Last week, Kiruthi Gikuri abducted a woman named Wamu who was only recently married to Kamotho, the great witchdoctor in Mahiga Location.
We
(group),’
suspect that
[trouble]
would be the punishment
inside our
‘That
we might be bewitched by Kamotho
is
camp
or else that
for our intercourse with
women
against the taboos.’
a very sad report,’
I
commented, shaking
‘Do you have any more food
in the store that
my
head.
we can
help you
carry?’ ‘Yes,’ replied the third gitungati ,
introducing himself as Kanji,
the storekeeper.
We
and carried as much maize as we could. We then moved direct west and arrived at the camp at 4 o’clock. Here, I was glad to meet Kabuga. His wound had been smeared with M.B. 760 powder [a form of aspirin] and left unall
went
to the store
dressed according to his personal advice.
why he had
son Gathinji patient it
who
difficult to
didn’t
know
I
asked his assistant Harri-
allowed himself to be directed by a
better than him.
He
replied that he found
argue with his leader.
I
instructed
Kabuga on
I
remained
in the
wound. I told him how dirt and germs are dangerous of infections by entering the body through wounds. I cleansed and dressed his wound. He then told me the whole story of his camp’s misfortune which confirmed all that I had been told by his itungati. He told me that Kiruthi Gikuri was to be tried the following day for abducting the wife of Kamotho the witchdoctor, who might have cursed all the camp’s calamity. Wamu, the woman concerned, had been in that mbuci for a week. When Kiruthi heard the camp’s gossip was full of anger and disappointment with him, he ran away into the reserves where he was arrested and detained. I stayed in the camp for a week collecting all the necessary data. I then went to Ngara’s mbuci situated at Gacamba Hill, which is separated from Karari’s Hill by a deep valley in which the river Charangatha flows. the necessity of covering a
camp
for a
week
collecting data
from about
— TOURING THE FOREST CAMPS my
293
camp I thrice went fishing, since about two dozen people were always down at the Gura River fishing under the leadership of Gacungi Waicahi. The fish were not rationed, though they could catch as many as 300 in a day, for there were some who did not eat fish. [Fish were not a part of the 150 warriors. During
traditional
On
Kikuyu
diet.]
day
the second
stay in this
of
my
stay in the
camp, the itungati who
had gone to harvest maize brought a report that a missing girl, Gathoni Wagege, had decided to surrender and on her way to the reserve
—having cunningly passed
the
camp guards by
deviation
met the enemy about two miles from the guards point and was shot dead. The guards waited for the enemies at their ambush but the enemies didn’t come.
The
midday the enemy, who had followed a well-worn track to the mbuci unknowingly fell into our guards’ ambush. They exchanged fire some five minutes after which the enemy retreated without causing any casualties to our following day at about
,
fighters.
The following day one gitungati named Ngatho Kio arrived in the camp from Gilgil. He said that he had spent three days all alone and without food or
fire.
He
komerera on the small bushes of leadership of Kirigu stealing a
cow
could not fight
said
Gilgil
that about
rocky areas,
two dozen under the
Ikinya Theuri, were badly dispersed after
one of the neighboring farms. He said that they the enemy and they were in great danger of being
in
cordoned by the foe
in the
small lelishwa bushes which are sur-
0
rounded by miles of grasslands and settlers’ homes. ‘Why did you go there?’ I asked him. ‘We had gone there,’ replied Ngatho, ‘in order to avoid this horrible bombing and frequent contacts with the enemy. Since our fighters go to raid cattle so far from the forest, they [i.e., the cattle] are not guarded at all. We would then enter the cattle pen and select one of the very fat bullocks and slaughter it inside the pen
and each gitungati carries as much meat as he can. We would then move some five miles and roast meat that would last us three days and then walk some five miles and hide ourselves near a settler’s home in very small bushes a place where the enemy would hardly think of. They would then try to search for us in any of the nearest forests. Though we could manage to hide in this way, there is no hope of surviving whenever our hideout is found by the foe.’
—
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
294
saw Kirigu now, I would just shoot him,’ said Ngara angrily. ‘You see, Mr. Njama, that man ran away with 35 of my itungati and you hear that he has now taken them to be slaughtered by the merciless Kenya Ng’ombe.’ ‘How many were you when you were attacked?’ demanded ‘If
I
Ngara.
‘We were
24’, replied the
frightened gitungati.
‘Where were the other 1 1 itungati ?’ queried Ngara. ‘They had been killed within the two contacts we had with the
Kenya Ng’ombe,’ replied Ngatho shamefully. ‘How many enemies has your gang killed?’ asked Ngara. ‘None,’ replied Ngatho.
‘How many head pen?’
‘We
of cattle
do you
kill
when you
enter in a cattle
asked.
I
kill
only one for
we cannot
carry
more than
that,’
answered
Ngatho.
‘What other
losses
has your gang inflicted to the enemy?’
I
asked. ‘None,’ replied Ngatho.
‘And
for
how
long have you been there?’
‘Almost two and a half months
I
asked.
.’ .
.
‘Shut up!’ interrupted Ngara angrily. ‘You are one of those
who came
to hide
and
fill
your
bellies.
I
am
sure
you
will all
perish.’
‘Ngatho, you have become a
silly idiot,’ I said,
shaking
my
head.
and you do not know what you came to do here. I would advise you to remain under the leadership of recognized leaders who would show you what service you would render to our country. Do you understand ‘You can neither help yourself nor anyone
else
me?’ ‘Yes,’ said ‘If
said, little
Ngatho.
you had killed all the cattle in all the pens you had visited, I ‘you would have struck the enemy a heavy blow. There is difference between destroying property or the owner. That
property
is
his strength.
His heart
is
with his property.’
you knew where the others were I would have you lead us there now. You have not been serving the country since you left me you have been foolishly serving yourselves. Do you under‘If
—
stand?’ shouted Ngara. ‘Yes,’ replied
the humiliated gitungati.
TOURING THE FOREST CAMPS ‘Then don’t do
it
Though Ngara
criticised
again
!’
295
concluded Ngara.
Ngatho, he himself had become a weak the camp’s management. He had allowed many itungati
leader in
mbuci as they desired. He himself had ordered Wakarima, daughter of Manyara, to be brought to him so that she would become his third wife. Some itungati had refused to carry food from the reserve for nearly thirty women, other men’s wives, who were in the mbuci. They had suggested that each gitungati was responsible to carry his wife’s food and that those who had no women would no longer share their food to these women. That led to the dissolution of the camp store, [which was] replaced by indito abduct girls to the
vidual or group stores with individual or group kitchens respec-
Each gitungati on arrival from fetching food, which they did cooperatively, had to give his leader two big size tins full of maize which he took in his store which was managed by his assistants, Githinji Ngecu and Ndeithi Kinyua, the Guard Commantively.
dant.
A
who
was dangerous to get food from the reserves had started trapping animals and birds and fishing, thus getting their food right there in the forest and group of some cowards
thought that
it
no need any more of going out of the forest. I discussed the matter with Ngara, criticised and pointed out his failures and the dangers that would result. I told him that he was unknowingly leading the worst type of komerera gang I had ever to
them
there was
met.
He all his
felt
that
itungati
ing their
own
him and started proving to me that obeyed him and that they were capable of manag-
I
had
affairs.
‘Your acceptance to
camp
He
affairs
insulted
is
[i.e.,
your greatest
then went on telling
allowing] your itungati to failure,’ I
manage
their
remarked.
how he had
discussed the matter with
and had failed to solve the problem of the women in the camp or to stop more from coming. I told him the rules we had passed at Mwathe on behalf of the women. He replied that Mathenge had warned him and some other leaders not to obey those rules passed by Kimathi and his friends in the absence of Mathenge, the elected leader of Ituma Ndemi Army. his itungati
him that I had been with Mathenge for a fortnight in his mbuci and had cleared all his doubts. In fact, that Mathenge had I
told
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
296
appreciated and accepted
all
that
was passed
at
Mwathe General
Meeting.
Ngara agreed with me but found it very had agreed to in the discussion with his
what he He was afraid
difficult to alter
itungati.
that his itungati might revolt against him.
proposed to him to move to the Rift Valley with all his itungati where he could conduct a cattle raid. I told him that if his section could bring a herd of cattle so that everyone would have plenty to I
he would then be able to reorganize the camp store and common kitchen without any opposition. He promised that he would move to the Rift Valley within a week’s time. On 29 October I left the camp for Chania to meet Kimathi. Of eat,
the four itungati
We
I
had, none
know
the whereabouts of the
Chania
on tracking them. After crossing the Kiandongoro road, we turned east until we came to Kiandongoro Forest Station, where we saw KAR troops on guard. We quickly changed our direction due north and started descending the Chania steep slopes. At two in the afternoon, we arrived at the river Chania mbuci.
had
rely
to
where our warriors used
to cross the river
on a
fallen log.
One
of
we should not cross the river on that enemy used to ambush our fighters there and would
the itungati suggested that log because the
not open
fire until
Daniel, was killed
We
our warriors were on the log. ‘Kimathi’s brother, right here on this log,’ concluded the gitungati.
then turned due west up the river and followed an old track
At sunset we were climbing the Mutangariua Hill and had not noticed any sign of a camp, but we were certain that
of our fighters.
the track led to one of our fighters’ camps.
some bamboo
clusters
amongst the black
We made
our camp in At night we could
forest.
on the opposite slope across the river. We heard a gun shot which we were certain had been exploded by the owners of that fire. We suspected that it might be the enemy’s camp fire
see a fire burning
and
so
The uphill
we covered our
fires
facing their direction.
we
followed the track
into Brig.
Gen. Kahiu-Itina’s
following morning, after prayers,
and
at nine
we had
fallen
They laughed at us when I told them where we had slept. They told us that we were only about one and a half miles from the camp and that we could have reached the camp if we knew. When I told them of the fire we had seen, they told us that the fire was in Gen. Nyaga’s mbuci where Kimathi stayed. They added that Kimathi had left their camp at four on the previous day. We guards.
TOURING THE FOREST CAMPS left
the guards and entered the camp.
Itina,
I
was glad
to
297
meet Kahiu-
Ndiritu Thuita and his brother, Dr. King’ori, a qualified
and Kibuku Theuri, the Muthuaini sub-location organizer. Kahiu-Itina told me of their Murang’a-Kiambu safari. He told me that though they had reached Locations 1 and 2, just at the boundary of Murang’a and Kiambu, they did not see any Kiambu fighters; but they sent their scouts both in the forest and the reserve. The former reported that there were no Kiambu warriors in the Nyandarua forest, while the latter reported that the Kiambu elders kept control of their itungati and had stopped them from fighting in the reserve. Nevertheless, some small komerera gangs under General Waruingi were still operating in Kiambu reserve.
dresser,
The
Kiambu disobeyed the elders’ boycott and moved from Kiambu to the Rift Valley under
ex-Rif t Valley persons of
on the fight Gen. Joseph Kibe Kimani. Their sections were on Mt. Longonot and Suswa Hill. Others were in Melili forest in the Mau Escarpment under Gen’s. Kibutu and Ole Kisio. Some went as far as Narok in Masailand, while a few of them were stationed at
call
Naivasha.
‘When we heard all that,’ said Gen. Kahiu-Itina, ‘Kimathi wrote a letter to the Kiambu elders telling them we believed Kiambu was the leading district and we had honourably named its army as Kenya Inoro Army. It was a pity, [he wrote] to see that instead of their leadership, as
independence. leaders
and
We
We
we
expected, they were helping to delay our
promised them that we would supply them with
instructors until their
army was
strong enough to lead
our supplies from Nairobi were coming through Murang’a instead of Kiambu, which was itself.
nearer the
complained
in that letter that
forest.’
Kahiu-Itina and his colleagues
left
me
alone in the hut and
attended a report from a returning gang which had been sent to the reserve. It
had been dispersed by the
foe, losing
two and two
others injured.
was very much disappointed with the news. Kiambu, the most advanced and educated district, seemed to have abandoned the revolt, I thought. Likewise, all the educated people had not fully I
supported the
fighters,
not one
who
equalled
my own
education.
I
began to wonder why they had not joined the fight. ‘Could they all be cowards? Or is it because they hated the hard forest life, or do they think that we should not fight for our land and freedom, or
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
298
did they wish to get the
illiterate
peasants into the fight and expect
to reap the harvest thereof while during the fight they stood as
onlookers
who would
fit
These thoughts puzzled ‘Jomo Kenyatta and
themselves well into the winning side?’
me
for a time.
same consequence, [I thought]. The Kenya African Union leaders and all the top country leaders who are in detention camps are classified in the same category with the fighters. Peter Mbiyu Koinange, the most educated African in Kenya and our delegate to the British Government on our land and freedom claim, has not abandoned our aim. It is only the white collar, the tie tie men who work for the Europeans, who have become spectators or European helpers. Their percentage in the country is very small, and they can do little harm to the country, but the biggest blow now would be lack of leadership. The Kiambu people are the originators of the oath and all the ideas behind the it is
his colleagues are suffering the
Movement; why should they surrender when
red hot? Wouldn’t they like to harvest the fruit they planted?’
There are four Kikuyu sayings that answered *
Kiriti gitigunaga
[i.e.,
the one
who
muni first
3 .
my
questions.
(‘The land does not benefit the pioneer’
acquires
‘
it.])
Murimi
tiwe murii
3
(‘He
cultivates does not always reap the harvest.’) ‘Hia ciukaga
t
who
hut ha
3
na igakira matu (‘Though the horns grow after the ears, they are 3 longer.’ And, ‘Maari mbere macokire thutha (‘Those who were in front, turned out to be the last.’) .
The Kiambu mystery was not unique the old sayings settled my problems. ‘Why should I keep myself worried about Kiambu District while there are many other districts which don’t bother themselves with the Kenya freedom but who would be the first to ;
enjoy that freedom? Never mind,’
I
said to myself, ‘Jesus Christ
died alone to save the world’s people from sins
— He freed
all
the
by his blood. Our blood, we who have volunteered, will free Kenya from colonial slavery and exploitation.* Kahiu-Itina and Ndiritu returned. ‘Are you all alone, Mr. Njama?’ asked Kahiu-Itina. ‘Yes, I have been tackling the Kiambu problem and I resolved that we must try and get them to aid us and if we failed we should people from the
go on, for
I
sins’
our volunteered itungati were well equipped to fight for Kenya.’
think
they are sufficient
slavery
if
‘You are quite correct, Mr. Njama,’ said Ndiritu. ‘We cannot get everybody to join in the fight, but we demand everybody’s help.
TOURING THE FOREST CAMPS Jomo Kenyatta and Kiambu.
for
It
a sufficient army to fight
his colleagues are
mundo mugo
a wonder that
isn’t
299
ndari
ngumo his own
rugongo rwake. (That a medicine man is not as famous in region as he is in others.)’ ‘Don’t be surprised,’ remarked Kahiu-Itina, ‘for we have seen that instead of Kiambu people fighting for Kenyatta, they became witnesses to convict
him
!’
then told them
my
puzzling thoughts
alone in the hut and
we
spent
I
It
was
not
much
when
my
friends, as
I
left
me
time discussing the same thing.
thought that
it
my mind
which I did might frighten them and
at this time that a thought flashed in
tell
they had
endanger our position. I remembered that the educated persons had learned the history of the British wars. They had the knowledge of the colonial forces and powers. They believed that since we were neither armed nor trained it would be suicide to take a panga against a rifle, machine gun, jet bomber or the Lincoln bombers which had been demonstrated to them either in army propaganda films or newspapers during the Second World War.
—
The
knowledge caused many educated men to the white man. On the other hand, the ignorance peasants of the enemy’s power was our warriors’
fear born out of this
seek security in of the illiterate
strength and courage.
Thinking introducing
how
the
it
unwise to continue the topic,
my
desire to
enemy had
thus causing
my
dispersed
camps the
I
had
I
told
I
had
them how
at
off
by
I
told
them
all
most of which were very
had carried on that Gathitu left
it
Ngamune and told on the way at Kariaini,
the meeting.
visited, I
dropped
Karuri
itungati
They told me camp and had
visited.
data in that
my
failure to attend
about the various camps disappointing.
meet them
I
for
my
job in
had
all
the
collected all
Nyaga’s mbuci with
Kimathi on the previous day. I asked them how I could get there. Kahiu-Itina replied that it was only forty- five minutes walk to get there. He advised me to write a letter to Kimathi telling him
would be going there the following day so that he could make the necessary arrangements and appointment of receiving me. I wrote the letter and gave it to Ndiritu for dispatch. At six in the evening I received a reply from Kimathi saying that he expected me the following day before midday. I spent a night in that camp, whose buildings and management were very good. Kimathi had previously issued ranks to many that
I
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
300
camp. The ranks were respected and reflected real character. Each fireplace had a girl attendant who collected firewood, kept the fire burning and who was to be sent to and fro by the owners of the fire. These fires, which were lit in every hut, were grouped according to rank, [with the officers separate from the itungati in that
itungati.]
After dinner, songs and entertainments which amused people
continued for a long time. Ndiritu told
new
recruits
had been
who had
in that
to leave the
camp
‘One of them friend
who
me
that his
camp had
13
escaped from the Nyeri Prison and that they
mbuci
for three days.
That had caused Kimathi
for not trusting all of them.
Muthee
is
lived near
Gatero,’ said Kahiu-Itina, ‘your old
your Muthuaini school and supplied you with
milk.’
very
I
arrived,
much wanted to see him and he was called. When he we first talked about personal affairs and then I asked
He
said
that there were over five thousand detainees in Nyeri Prison
and
him whether
it
more than
that
was
possible to free the other prisoners.
side the prison building in tents
He
said there
yard
intervals.
accommodated sleeping outenclosed by a barbed wire fence.
three thousand were
were armed
He
sentries all along the fence at
twenty
said that the forest fighters could not succeed
in freeing the prisoners unless the prisoners
cooperated in the plan-
which was very dangerous for there were very many informers who had been detained for the purpose of collecting information and it was very likely that the plans would be known beforehand by the enemy. He added that the prison was in a very bad location. The 3rd and 26th KAR had encamped to surround the prison and the police H.Q. was only about 200 yards from the prison. It was right in the heart of the town and surrounded by European homes. We found it would be difficult to attack the prison so abandoned the talk. ning,
CHAPTER XVI
UNITY AND DIVISION Toward
the end of 1953 two events occurred which tended to reinforce the bonds of tribal unity among Aberdare guerrilla
groups.
Though
influence, there
Young
it
difficult to assess
is
is little
the magnitude of their
question that the formation of the
Stars Association
and the
New Year’s memorial
Kenya
ceremony
held at Ruthaithi lent themselves to a strengthening of those wider loyalties to tribe, Movement and country which held in
check certain divisive tendencies within the forest organizadon.
The Kenya Young
Stars Association, to the extent that
it
was
functioned as a group which cut across the various territorial forest groupings and hence tended to weaken the effective,
narrower sectional loyalties based upon leader-followers-locality ties. As a loosely organized association of all Aberdare guerrilla fighters, laying great stress on the historical role and importance of the forest revolutionaries, it was received with considerable enthusiasm by the gathering of over eight hundred fighters and
from various sections of the forest at the New Year’s Eve memorial ceremony. The ideas which gave rise to this association, and to its name, are very interesting from an ideological standpoint. They reveal an important historical dimension not yet mentioned, an element which had as its central focus an almost urgent desire that the exploits, struggles and sacrifices of the forest revolutionaries not be forgotten or undervalued by future Kikuyu and Kenya leaders
African generations. This of the discussion
is
clearly revealed in Karari’s account
which gave
birth to the
Kenya Young
Stars
Association.
The second important unifying event was the New Year’s Eve ceremony. Though difficulties in travel and communication kept attendance somewhat low, this was nevertheless the first general gathering of groups from the four Aberdare zones since the
Mwathe
meeting. As at
such forest gatherings, the collective participation in song, prayer and other activities tended to all
301
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
302
strengthen the bonds of Kikuyu unity and bolster the fighters’ morale. Again, since the gathering was attended by most of the
important members and officers of the Kenya Defense Council and held under the notable exception being Stanley Mathenge
—
tended to reaffirm the legitimacy, authority and continuity of the Council as the central forest institution. Perhaps it would be useful at this point to indicate some of the strengths and frailties of the forest organization. As noted
its
auspices,
it
wider and more inclusive organization achieved through the fonnation of the Kenya Defense Council and military hierarchy was characterized, among other things, by a earlier,
the
power and authority. While the Kenya Defense Council had the power to formulate overall strategy and policy, enact rules and regulations and sit as the highest judicial body, the authority to implement and enforce its policies and rulings rested largely with the individual leadermembers or section and camp heads. Kenya Defense Council representatives, as we have seen, lacked the power to enforce decentralization of effective
the Council’s decisions, being limited in this regard to the use of their individual persuasive abilities. Again,
though Kimathi, as
Land and Freedom Army, could issue ranks and tactical directives, he could not effectively demand compliance from other important leaders in the military hierarchy. The latter, each commanding a personal following not dependent on Field Marshal of the
approval or legitimization from above, were in a position to withdraw their recognition of Kimathi’s authority at any time hence their continued support had to be solicited rather than
demanded. These features of decentralization reflected the voluntary nature of both membership in and recognition of the Kenya Defense Council, as well as the prior distribution of effective power among groups whose members were bound together by
Given this latter condition, the creation of a strong central institution would have been extremely difficult; it would have required a relatively large-scale reorganization of forest groupings and led almost certainly to a debilitating power struggle among competing forest leaders. Put another way, the relatively weak central council which emerged at Mwathe was advantageous since, without significantly altering the existing distribution of power strong leader-followers-locality
ties
and
loyalties.
UNITY AND DIVISION amongst the various of policies, rules
and
allowed for a considerable degree the latter in the planning and coordination
leaders,
among
of cooperation
303
it
tactics.
Another advantage of this decentralization lay in its allowing for a very high degree of flexibility of maneuver and individual initiative among the many forest sections. With rapid travel and communication made extremely difficult by the forest terrain, and military and logistic conditions necessitating the breakdown of the former large groups into smaller sections and sub-sections, it was important that each fighting unit achieve a considerable degree of self-sufficiency and that section leaders be in a position to make day-to-day decisions regarding tactics and the deployment of their men. But what of the frailties? First, the Kenya Defense Council, though continuing to function through the organizational work of Kimathi and its field secretaries or representatives, was seemingly unable to meet when the occasion demanded in order to consider changes in the overall mitilary situation, coordinate forces to exploit particular
enemy weaknesses
its
or endeavour to
reconcile differences of opinion or personal conflicts
among
its
members. While communications were sustained through letters and messengers and numerous meetings took place between individual leaders, no meetings of the whole Council were convened between August 1953 and the New Year’s Eve ceremony at Ruthaithi. Aside from the obvious difficulties of travel, the primary reason for this failure to meet lay in the broadly representative composition of the Council itself. Comprised of a large number of leaders, who were scattered widely over the forest at the head of their respective sections, the Council was simply too unwieldly to convene. Its officers, for the most part, were also attached to particular sections and no arrangements had been made at Mwathe for the establishment of a permanent headquarters
camp
or
staff.
Another frailty emerges when we look at the opposing principles at work in the council system and military hierarchy. The hierarchy of formal and informal councils, culminating in the
Kenya Defense
Council, involved the principle of participation in each council of all leaders under its jurisdiction. Again, at least implicitly, it involved the traditional principle of discussion and resolution
of
questions
through
consensus
of
opinion,
with
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
304
on the other hand, in which British army ranks were adopted, assumed a chain-of-command principle according to which orders from superior to subordinate officers were to be obeyed without quesunaiiimity being the objective.
The
military hierarchy,
tion or discussion.
here centered around two factors: (1) There was no clear-cut division of authority between the Kenya Defense Council and the military hierarchy headed by a Field
The
difficulties
Marshal; and (2) military ranks tended to parallel Council offices, with the President of the Kenya Defense Council, Dedan Kimathi, holding the highest military rank of Field Marshal, Stanley Mathenge, Chairman of the Ituma Ndemi Trinity Council, holding the rank of Commander of the Ituma Ndemi Army, etc. The problem thus arose as to whether, in particular situations, a leader was acting in his capacity as Council official or military officer, and, in the latter instance, whether his military rank justified the authority he had assumed. In concrete terms, as will be noted in Karari’s account, this confusion tended to breed conflict between certain key forest leaders. Kimathi’s ‘right’ to
resented
make certain decisions on his own was questioned and by Mathenge and certain other leaders who felt he was
acting beyond his authority
and without the necessary consent
of the Council. This source of conflict, as
we
shall see, increases
wears on. Related to the absence of adequate enforcement machinery, the inability of the Kenya Defense Council to control or exercise effective influence over subordinate or marginal komerera groups constituted a third frailty. This was perhaps most important in as the battle
respect to the relation of forest groups to peasant masses.
The
quest for food and other necessary supplies led to an increasing
number
of actions
by
guerrilla units
which tended to
alienate
the support of the peasantry, particularly those living as squatters on European farms. Though most of these actions involved
komerera-group thefts of civilian property, Karari’s account reveals that some, at least, of the recognized forest groups also engaged in this type of raid. A fourth frailty, already alluded to, lay in what might be called
vertical
pattern
into
which
effective
power and
were segmented. Based on the leader-followers-locality of the primary forest groupings (sections and sub-sections),
loyalty ties
the
UNITY AND DIVISION and the
305
segmentation of the Land and Freedom Armies, several key leaders e.g., Kimathi, Mathenge, Kahiuterritorial
—
—
Kimbo, Kimemia, Mbaria Kaniu commanded the personal support and allegiance of numerous lesser leaders and the fighting units in their respective forest spheres. With subordinate leaders and the sections they commanded bound by greater loyalties to individual leaders than to the Kenya Defense Council, the forest organization was faced with an inherent danger Itina,
that personal differences or conflicts between key leaders might result in its disintegration. And this danger was heightened by
the fact that his
no
particular
single leader territorial
closest to achieving
a
emerged who was able
to rise
above
Kimathi, who came detached position due to his
identification.
territorially
constant travels and organizational skills, was nevertheless considered a ‘Nyeri leader’ by leaders from other districts, and a ‘North Tetu man’ by the other Nyeri leaders.
In the chapters which follow, we shall be able to observe the unfolding of the several tendencies mentioned above.
The
following day,
November
1
st,
I
left
the
camp
and, accom-
panied by Kahiu-Itina and Ndiritu and ten itungati including the four
I
had, crossed the river Chania and climbed
its
steep slopes
on which Nyaga had built his mbuci. The guards had been informed of our visit and so we entered the camp easily. I learned that Kimathi had made a rule that no one was allowed to enter the camp he was living in without first being thoroughly inspected [i.e., searched] and could only see him at his consent. 1 here were only a few people in the mbuci as many had either gone to collect honey or to warm themselves by the sun’s heat. Those who were in stood for us and happily greeted us. Colonel Gitau Icatha received us well.
He
led us into the officers’ mess
where we rested while he informed Kimathi of our arrival. After a few minutes, Icatha came for us and led us to Kimathi’s office, about two hundred yards from the camp. We first met a dozen of Kimathi’s strong bodyguards, parading outside the office.
When
they were called to attention by their commandant, Nguthiru Ngumo, brother-in-law of Kimathi, Kimathi and his colleagues
came out and then
the guards presented arms in our honor.
The
mau mau from within
306
and then inspected them. I had Mwathe, such as Kirange (Gathuri
three of us saluted the guards
known some
of his guards at
Wanyee, Mbaka and Rwigi. We entered the office twelve by twenty-five feet. Three of its four-foot walls were well covered to protect [against] cold, while the fourth wall acted as a window with two and a half feet covered from the ground. The room had two long bamboo tables and one Mukiri),
—
small table,
all
covered with pondo bark.
Kimathi had been preparing books in which Gathitu entered the data. Shamuli (Gathura Muita) had shifted from the hospital and had then become Kimathi’s personal secretary. He was busy typing some letters from Kimathi’s drafts calling leaders to attend ceremonial prayers ending the first year’s fight in the forest to be held on December 31st at Ruhuruini Hill. At first Kimathi was interested with my report which covered a long story since we parted. He very much wanted to meet
Mathenge and Ngara. I told him that they had promised me that they would spend their Christmas in the Rift Valley between Nderagwa and Subuk. It was then difficult to send them letters inviting them to attend the annual ceremony. At any rate we hoped that they would be able to get the news in circulation before hand. Referring to Kabuga’s section, he
commented
should hold a cleansing ceremony for he believed that
contaminated by some
Kimathi
told
me
I
Kiambu
it
evils.
of his journey to
Kiambu and how he was him that we had talked the
angry with the Kiambu people. I told matter over on the previous day and hoped the
mbuci had been
that that
his letter
might arouse
people to join the war.
my record books and showed him the data I had He told me that he had brought data from all the
then took out
collected.
Murang’a camps and that was sufficient work to keep me in the office to the end of the year entering these data into the big books. In the evening, Kimathi introduced me to our warriors in that gave a short speech to encourage our warriors. I pointed out that it was more than a year since the emergency was declared. The Kenya Government had agreed with General Hinde’s forecast
camp.
I
would defeat Mau Mau within 6 weeks. In fact, General Hinde was defeated and succeeded by General Erskine. I mentioned that after travelling and collecting reports from many parts that he
UNITY AND DIVISION Nyandarua,
307
had found that the last seven months of Harvard bombing excluding nine deaths and ten casualties inflicted by the Police Air Wing early in March only two persons in Kabuga’s section had been killed and three injured compared with two airplanes that we have shot down, killing all aboard, plus petrol and bombs cost and pilots wages. In addition to that, these Harvards of
I
—
have helped us twice to kill their own forces, once at Kariaini where they killed forty-two and the other at Deighton Downs where a Government force camp was completely finished off by a
which had seen the camp fire at night. Without any doubt, [I said] one can see that God has protected us from the enemy fire poured from their planes with the intention
jet fighter
to destroy us, but
God
our
has destroyed them with their
own
weapons just as we had prayed.’ I appealed to our fighters to persevere and have confidence that we were going to win. Thereafter our warriors dispersed into their huts and the fires were lit. Golonel Icatha had ordered for my hut to be built; he took me there and
we moved
then
mess where we sat around the fire talking on whatever flashed into our minds. Maize mixed with hatha (a vegetable of the nettle family) was served to us for dinner, after which our itungati practiced drill, dancing and singing. to the officers
For the next three weeks
I
continued
my
office routine assisted
by Gathura Muita and Major Vindo (Ndururi Gititika) and Gathitu Waithaka. On one of the nights when we sat around a fire, Kimathi introm duced a new idea saying that one day Jesus had spoken to his '
disciples saying
shine unto
:
‘Ye are the light of the world
‘We
...
Let your
light
from the sun, moon and stars,’ said Kimathi. ‘Now, since the government has taken away our sun, Jomo Kenyatta, and the moon, all the other political leaders and even all the big stars have been arrested only the young stars are all.’
get light
—
—
left
shining over our country.
‘1
the
he sun gives us
moon
its
light for twelve
takes over, but she
is
hours a day. After sunset
not faithful
;
sometimes she gives
us her light for an hour only
When The
she
is
very sincere,
big stars are just like
us from sunset
till
sincere friends
who
and then she leaves us in the darkness. she would give us her light for ten hours, the moon, but the young stars abide with
sunrise, giving us their little light; they are will not
abandon us when the
our
troubles come.
MAD MAU FROM WITHIN
308 As Jesus had
told his disciples,
I tell
you.
You
are the
Kenya young
Sun and the Moon are released. ‘Yes, Marshal,’ I commented, ‘that is a very important idea and should be conveyed to all our warriors, making each understand that he or she is a Kenya young star and that our lovely Kenya that is longing for his or her light. By light I mean the leadership would lead us to victory to the promised Land and Freedom. This covers the power, knowledge and activities that are required right now by the Kenya people. By this I mean that we who are free to sit down and discuss, write our thoughts to our sympathizers or meet them or act according to what we think is right, should now take the country’s leadership and all the responsibilities in our hands, command both the forest and reserve. stars; keep on shining
till
the
—
‘I
think that
we have
the right ideas, but communication has
by the enemy; it is sometimes difficult to communicate with other fighters, more difficult to communicate with the reserves bordering the forest and most difficult to communicate with other districts or provinces. Nevertheless, we must been made
difficult
we can do. At least we must organize here in the forest Kenya Young Stars Association of which all fighters would be
try all that
a
members. After the war be recorded
in the
this association
Kenya
should be registered and
history as the “Light of
Kenya During
Kenya’s Dark Ages”.’ After a few comments of the same kind from Major Vindo and Gathura Muita we resolved that we should go on preaching the formation of the Kenya Young Stars Association to all our warriors. It was November 17th in the afternoon when the whole of
Nyandarua was first terrorized by the heavy bombers. A heavy rain had just stopped and we were in our huts warming ourselves and taking much care less any airplane sees the smoke of our fires. A heavy bomber dropped eight bombs consecutively at Ruthaithi about fifteen miles away. The airplane moved from north to south along the line bordering the black forest and the bamboo region in which the land forces had marked many of the deserted camps. Its noise grew louder and louder as it drew nearer and nearer. It became certain that the noise was not of the Harvard bombers but was of a passenger plane then our fears disappeared [in the
—
thunder of bombs]. Suddenly, eight of
them consecutively
Valley east of our camp.
A
it
started dropping 1000
lb.
bombs,
on the Chania great storm accompanied by both horat 200 yard intervals
UNITY AND DIVISION
309
thunderous noise and earth tremors knocked each of us down. This was over a hundred times stronger than any bomb’s explosion we had experienced before. Some thought that the airplane had crashed down on us, others thought that that was an atomic bomb rible
they had heard
Some thought that the twigs which fell from the shocked trees were bomb shells. Fear and the airplane’s speed did not give us any time to think. Though the plane was going away from us, it continued to drop bombs in Gura Valley, Kariaini, of.
Mathioya and Maragua. At about the same time, another airplane of the same kind started dropping bombs in the western side of the mountain bordering the Rift Valley. Before
we
could discuss anything of the
bombers, another plane of
new
passenger
kind started bombing Mt. Kenya. These bombs were so thunderous that we could hear them clearly its
whenever dropped on any part of Mt. Kenya or the Aberdares. The airplane was slow in speed and its roars could be heard some fifty
miles away.
Our
warriors
who had been
honey uphill arrived and reported that they clearly saw the airplane. ‘It was not a passenger plane,’ one of them said. ‘It was a grey plane as big as the passenger collecting
planes but, unlike the passenger planes,
protruding navel) through which rible
bomber became known
navel-bearer. Later on
we
it
had a big gikonyo (i.e., dropped the bombs.’ This horit
to us nyagi-konyo, the protruding-
learned that
it
was the Lincoln Heavy
Bomber.
Kimathi and I, including many others, wanted to see the area destroyed by the bombs so that we could assess its strength. Many of us guessed that the bombs had been dropped between two and three hundred yards from the camp. We had walked about a quarter of a mile when we saw two big cleared areas on the other slope of the river Chania. It seemed to be more than a mile away. The soil from the holes made by the bombs seemed to have slid into the river and the big furrow was clearly seen. We decided to walk further until we reached the place. On our arrival we were very surprised to see that the sliding soil from both banks of the river and their steep slopes had blocked the river Chania, making a very big dam. The bomb had made a hole about twenty yards in diameter and about thirty feet deep. Almost every tree within 200 yards radius had been injured by either the shells or the stones thrown by the bomb. A big muna tree with about
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
3 10
base had been completely uprooted and thrown some 200 yards away down the slope. One of the iron blades we collected was rough and sharp and weighed more than seven feet diameter at
thirty pounds.
its
The ground
covering about a hundred and
fifty
yards in diameter was fully covered by the soil that had been thrown high up in the air by the bomb and had fallen to the
ground.
The bombs had
destroyed more than a mile’s length,
which reflected a sorrowful scenery. It proved that the British had decided to destroy us. ‘What makes the British use such strong and destructive bombs on unarmed people?’ I asked. ‘The answer is simple,’ said Kimathi. ‘The Europeans have seen that we are definitely winning while they are losing and that is why they have increased their powers so much. They are a strange people; they may try to destroy all the country and reduce the Africans to a less number in population compared to their own before they quit the country.’
‘Have you forgotten that a European hates very much to see another person drinking out of a cup he himself has drunk of?’ said Vindo. ‘He would rather break that cup than to see it being used by somebody
‘That
is
else,
true,’ said
and an African
in particular.’
another gitungati.
‘I
have been a European’s
cook for twenty years and I have never seen them invite an African to dinner, no matter how long he has served or the quality of his service. I have gone on many safaris with them and I believe that they think an African does not feel hunger. And above all, he is so inferior that to treat an African as
human would
be [considered]
by a European.’ ‘I wonder how we shall live with them after acquiring our independence?’ asked Gathura Muita. ‘All the Kenya Europeans will have to quit the country when we get independence,’ I said. ‘Not because we shall chase them but many would be ashamed of their evil actions during the war, their utterances and their unrealistic promises they have given their children and wives that they are here to stay as masters in the White Highland. Many of them suffer from incurable gross superiority [feelings] and absolute selfishness. Many would be quite unwilling to work under the African Government as their superiority would lead them to disobedience. The fear that the Africans might revenge the inhuman treatment they have received from these an
evil
UNITY AND DIVISION
311
Europeans would definitely drive them all out of the country; but many more Europeans will come with full knowledge that they are visitors of the African Government which they would respect and obey as much as their own. ‘Don’t
the
let
mislead you,’ English
I
common
statement that
continued.
men and women
‘In
fact there
in Britain
who
all
Europeans are bad
are very
many good
share our feelings.
They They
[would] like to see us freed and managing our own affairs. are ready to treat us as equals. There are really little differences
between white and black people considered as individuals under their own wills and feelings. You will understand it easier if you remember that probably the Home Guard you are fighting against is your real brother, sister or parent, while there are many Europeans
every country such as Germany, France, Italy, Poland, Russia and China, who very much share our feelings they hate in
—
what we hate and like all that we like and if they were near they would help us in the fight to achieve our freedom. Those will come and we shall live with them as friends and partners in many enterprises.
Mark
that our real fight
is
not against the white color but
by the whites. What would be the difference between a white and a black European?’ I asked. ‘An enemy is an enemy,’ replied Icatha, ‘no matter whether he be your father or brother. Any one whose joy is your misery is against the system carried on
is
your enemy
’ !
‘Uric uri ho!* shouted
ology meaning ‘That
is
many
itungati, in
our colloquial termin-
true.’
‘Ucio uri ho?* asked Kimathi. f
Eei, ucio uri ho!* replied the itungati.
‘You can now be certain that our enemy is determined to finish us off,’ said Kimathi. ‘God is great, they will not be able to suc-
woe to those who would surrender them to survive.’
ceed; but
hope for
Some heavy
—there would
be no
clouds had been spreading their thick grey blankets
over the mountains and valleys and sending out signals of lightning and thunder, reporting that heavy rain was about to pour. Though
we
hurriedly ran back to the camp, by the time
we
arrived at the
mbuci we were as wet as fish. Nyagikonyo had frightened our people and we had to wait for three hours before it became dark enough for us to light fires. Most of us had only the wet pair of
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
312 clothes.
We
spent an uncomfortable night in both mental and
physical conditions.
following day Kimathi, myself, his clerks and bodyguard for Ruhuruini Hill. After four hours walk we arrived at Gen.
The left
Abdullah’s (Gitonga Muthui) mbuci. This camp had plundered some cattle from the reserve and we were served with cold roasted
Kimathi told Abdullah to send out scouts for selecting a campsite on Ruhuruini Hill where his section would be responsible for building the camp in which our fighters should
meat
for lunch.
perform the annual ceremonial prayers. The following morning we left the camp Ruthaithi area where lived
Kinaini stream land.
Our
we came
many
to
in
visit
small sections. Soon after crossing
Kabage road
Moorwere no enemy
that goes to the
scouts spied the road reporting that there
We
order to
and they took their positions in both directions of the road. We then passed between them taking much care that our footprints would not be seen by the enemy. We passed Kabage Forest Squatters’ gardens, which then had big bushes growing in which large herds of elephants, buffalo, rhinos and various types of animals were seen here and there.
tracks.
sent our bodyguards
first
Soon we entered a large grassland area with small shrub bushes and very scattered big trees. ‘This is Ruthaithi area, the center of the Mountain Royal National Park,’ said Kimathi. ‘See those trees? (pointing with his walking staff). That is where the Tree Tops Hotel was built. The whites used to enjoy the scenery and taking photos of the various animals which drink salt water in a small pool. The Njeng’u natural salt on the boundary of the reserve and the settled area is about two miles east of the Tree Tops. That salt, plus plenty of grass and warmth, makes this area the home of animals. This area, [being a salient] can easily be cordoned some three miles to the north, and one reaches the forest boundary both to the east and to the south. Ruthaithi is surrounded by the reserves.’ We could clearly see and hear people shout in the reserve. ‘Mr Njama, I won’t go to Kinaini to see the patients,’ said Kimathi. ‘You will go there and bring me the report before three in the afternoon. I have to return to Abdullah’s. This place is not safe for
me
to stay.’
We
continued our journey and soon came to a mbuci.
huts, the
owners
nearest river,
slept in tents
It
had no
during the rains only. Kinaini, the
was almost a mile from the camp. Colonel Warn-
UNITY AND DIVISION
313
(Wagura Waciuri), Kimathi’s youngest brother, was the leader of the mbuci and Major Gathee Ngumo, Kimathi’s brotherin-law, was the assistant.
bararia
We
were served with cold boiled meat and honey after which I left with some strong escorts and a guide from that mbuci. After two miles walk eastwards, I arrived at King’ora Mutungi’s small mbuci which had 18 warriors. He was very glad to see me. He
and asked her to give us some cold well roasted mutton. While we were eating, he told us that his assistant, nicknamed Blacker, had collected one of the mortar shells that were fired aimlessly into that area by cannon artilleries almost every evening. Since the mortar shell had not exploded, Blacker thought that if they opened it they could use the gunpowder inside for making hand grenades. He started opening the mortar while seven other itungati sat around him eagerly wanting to see what had made that mortar. All of a sudden it exploded, injuring six of them badly. Blacker has lost both eyes but he is getting better. Another gitungati has lost an eye; one of those we thought had lost sight called his wife
started seeing yesterday.
gitungati
who
has two
The
others, with the exception of
one
head, will soon recover.’
shells in his
My
After eating, he took us to his hospital. heart was full of sorrow and sympathy when I saw that those itungati had many dangerous wounds all over their bodies. I tried to speak to them for
some encouragement but often
my
my mouth
whenever I tried to figure out the future of their disability. I told them of the blinds’ schools and the various works that could be done by cripples out of which they could earn their living. I told them that people like themselves should be the symbol of the freedom price and that the African Government should honor and help all the cripples and would not let them move into the city and towns heart blocked
as beggars.
We
left
the hospital and, with King’ora accompanying us, took
the report to Kimathi. After listening to the report, he
never again to attempt to open any
shell.
He showed
warned us
that he felt
great sympathy to the patients and wished, if such fighters could survive, [that they be] lined up under the National Flag on the freedom celebration day and let that blind man pull down the
Union Jack
for
its last
time in
hoist the National Flag for the
our
first
Kenya while another first
time.
Government should take care
We
would then talked on how cripple
of all the disabled persons.
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
314
Kimathi then told me that he had split that mbuci into two Wambararia, his brother, assisted by Capt’s. Karau and Thia and his section of 40 itungati, while Gathee assisted by Capt. Binhalis would go to start a new mbuci of 33 itungati. formerly, before it was split, the camp had 13 girls. I pointed out to Kimathi that though we had named our armies we had never divided them into smaller units. ‘Though it would have been better for you,’ said Kimathi, ‘to remain here and collect data from all these small mbuci we will first go to Abdullah’s mbuci where we shall divide the Ituma Ndemi Army into its various units, after which you will return and con,
tinue your job here.’
So we night
set off, arriving at
we
spent
defining their
Here
is
IDA
st
evening.
Ndemi Army
That into
and Sub-Sections, and roughly areas of operation in both the forest and the reserves. Sections
a sample of the results 1
five in the
time dividing the Ituma
much
Companies,
Divisions,
Abdullah’s at
Division
:
commanded by
KahiuItina; North Tetu Location; four companies
:
Brigadier
General
with three sections in each.
IDA IDA IDA IDA
1/1
IDA IDA IDA
1/3/1
Col.
Wamthandi
1/3/2
Col.
Wambararia
1/3/3
Col. Gathee
IDA IDA
1/3/2/
Capt. Karau
1/3/2/2
Capt. Thia
1
Gen. Ndiritu Thuita Gen. Nyaga (Muriuki Gathure) Gen. Abdullah (Gitonga Muthiu) Gen. Jeriko (Mubia Mung’ongi)
/2
1/3 1
/4
IDA 2nd
Division
:
commanded by
(General)
Kihara
had four companies with four Othaya Location.
IDA
3rd Division
:
sections each;
under (General) Njau Kiore; had panies with three sections each;
Kagumu
six
com-
Mahiga Loca-
Mathenge lived in this Division but was elected commander of the entire Ituma Ndemi Army.] tion. [Stanley
UNITY AND DIVISION IDA 4th Division
:
315
under (General Gikonyo Kanyungu; three companies with two sections; Chinga Location and Muhito Location.
At about this time our fighters from Aguthi Location had moved from the forest back into the reserve under Gen. Kariba. Plundering cattle from the reserve had become rather difficult due to increased security forces and strongly fortified posts and the decrease of ammunition to our side. Carrying food on shoulders from
Aguthi Location, which
is
almost in the center of the
district,
had
become tiresome to those warriors. A habit of hiding in the reserve for two days before returning into the forest was prolonged to a week due to the fear of Lincoln bombers in the forest. Instead of splitting and hiding in small numbers they stayed together in order to strengthen their arms and ammunition in case they were forced to fight. During the night Kariba’s gang moved all over the reserve and recruited many other fighters who might be sent from the forest to join his company. In a short time his company had acquired many arms and ammunition and ate the best possible food in the reserve and enjoyed the girls as companions who served them in the evenings. This was the beginning of the Kenya Levellation Army in Nyeri. It spent the day in plantations [i.e., fields] and small bushes and whenever discovered by the Government forces it bravely fought many day battles which we shall hear about .
.
.
later.
We
found that we could not divide the armies up into their smaller units without the help of the leaders concerned. We postponed it to the end of the year during which time we could resume it
in the I
presence of the leaders
we demanded.
returned to Ruthaithi on the
collect the required data.
1st
of
This area had
December
many
in
order to
small unorganized
komerera gangs with four or six fighters making a camp of their own, taking much care on how and where to steal food and hide their camp. During this period I visited nine camps in the area Wambararia’s, [including] Gathee’s and Omera’s (Ndiritu Wang’ombe), which was unlike the others. This latter camp had the best gunmaker. His homemade guns differed very little with the manufactured ones. When I learnt that, I called Kimathi from Abdullah’s to come and see the ready made guns and arrange with him [i.e., the gun-maker] how he could teach others and enlarge
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
3 6
and equipment necessary. Omera had well organized some settler farm workers who regularly supplied his camp maize flour, coffee, sugar, medicine, money and clothing or the orders of the tools
any other of
their requirements.
some komerera camps, Thuo’s with ten itungati, Kiongi’s with four and Lord’s (Gicambira) with six. Unlike the Next,
I
visited
other komereras, these leaders did not hide themselves. to visit the big leaders
and
talk
about their camps’
They
liked
activities as
though they were of equal rank with the big leaders. They often presented gifts to the big leaders and cunningly evaded exposing
how many
itungati they
had or whereabout
they didn’t like any leader to
visit
their
camps were,
for
them.
mbuci I visited Jeriko’s mbuci which had some eight itungati and four hundred yards to the north was the Kenya Levellation Army camp under Montgomery, with some sixty [of the most] well-armed, clean and well-dressed fighters in the whole of Nyandarua. This is where the Kenya Levellation [sections] encamped whenever chased from the reserve; it was about one and a half miles from the forest boundary. Between the two camps was a small pond in which the rhinos, buffaloes, elephants and all the other animals drank. The two camps drank the same stagnant filthy water, full of animals dung and urine; frogs, toads, mosquitoes and various types of insects bred there. I felt that the water was unfit for drinking and when I pointed out to them that that water might infect them some diseases, they argued that there were no germs or diseases in the forest and that God had blessed everything in the forest to become food to our fighters and that he has allowed the warriors to lift all the taboos. They used the collecting of honey from beehives without the consent of the owners and stealing of bewitched food to illustrate their statement. In the end they rejected the idea that After spending a night in each of the
last
,
,
,
the water might be harmful.
These camps had plenty of meat thirsty frequently.
I
to eat,
which made one
to feel
hated to drink that unboiled water which
was too proud and wanted to live above their standard. As I was not pleased with life in those camps, I stayed two days in each and then moved to King’ora’s camp. None of these camps I had visited in the Ruthaithi area built any huts. They used tents or slept in the open during the dry seasons. On 14th December, King’ora asked me to go with him to a
made them
feel that I
UNITY AND DIVISION laborers village on a settler
317
farm near Mweiga. He wanted me so that they would be courageous enough
speak to the villagers supply us with the things supervisor
and
s
we wanted. Two house
to to
keepers, the farm
were the only ones in the village who had not taken the oath. The laborers wanted them to be initiated so that they could all help the fighters without anyone to inform their families
the settler.
We
the forest at five in the evening, a gang of sixteen warriors, including King’ora and myself, armed with two rifles, one left
shotgun and five home-made guns. out of the forest in six months.
It
my
was
first
day
to set foot
We
descended to an open grassland valley and by the time we had climbed its far slope we were one hundred yards from the
main road and two miles from the forest. We could see Kenya Ng ombe taking their ambush positions behind us in Hutchinson’s farm where they had encamped. Six lorries and two Land Rovers carrying Kenya Ng’ombe and some KAR forces passed us. We thought that they were from Mweiga H.Q. and were going to ambush our fighters. I felt quite unsafe knowing that we were not well armed, and that only the long grass prevented us from being seen by the enemies. I knew it was difficult for me to run three miles to the forest without being caught. I then kept on praying Ngai to protect us from falling in the enemy’s hands.
Before twilight
we
crossed the
main road and the fencing wires
and were walking along the farm’s hedge among growing gum trees just about a hundred yards from the settler’s house. Soon the farm owner arrived in his Land Rover. We saw two askari who guarded the house salute the settler. One had a rifle, the other had
We
a shotgun.
sent
built next to the
some
itungati to spy the village
farm house on the eastern
side
which was and separated by a
barbed wire fence.
At
twilight our itungati entered the village
and took guarding
A
few laborers helped to collect the others into the largest hut. When they were all settled, one gitungati came for us. positions.
He
said
we
could continue to give lectures to the villagers while
awaiting for the two housemen and their leave their master’s house at nine.
We
first
sent Kariuki
wives of those
who had
them a simple oath
Thandiku
headman who would
to administer the oath to the
not been initiated.
consisting of meat, soil
We
told
him
to give
and blood pricked from
3
MAUMAU FROM WITHIN
1
their
own
fingers,
and
to
make them swear
not betraying us but of helping
a binding promise of
us.
Kariuki brought the report that he had completed giving them the oath, we entered the house in which about 60 people were seated. Many of them knew King’ora, who introduced me to them
When
as the Chief Secretary of the
Kenya Defense
Council.
took oath in order to achieve unity and confidence between one another and among the African community. I told them that we were fighting for our lands which Europeans had stolen some 50 years ago and in which they were I
them
told
working
that
as servants.
we
I
promised them that when we achieved our
The other thing we were fighting for was freedom. I told them that we didn’t want to be ruled by the white community. Wc wanted to throw away the
victory that land should be shared unto them.
and regulations which were enforced by the colonial system. I told them that our aim was to form an African Government that would rule the country; that all the Africans were
bad
rules
welcomed with the exception of the traitors. I told them that there was no difference between a traitor and an enemy. I told them all the help we demanded from them. The headman and his two men entered into the house after being trapped by one of the villagers. Each of them at the guns point were asked whether they were willing to take the oath or not.
Each paid 50 shillings fine for their former activities. I repeated my speech and showed them how they could help us to spy their master. We wished them
As soon
as they accepted they
were
initiated.
goodbye and then left. We had hardly gone a hundred yards when the villagers started whistling and shouting for help. Our tramps [i.e., walk] quickly changed into loud pats as we ran away. The askari guarding the house heard us and opened fire towards us. We quickly crossed the
main road and descended down
into the valley.
When we
we saw many Land help. They used their
started climbing the other slope of the stream,
Rovers and
lorries
going to that
home
for
which showed us the way. When their lights struck us we laid on the ground and walked on our knees and arms. Soon we reached the forest boundary where we paused to have a breath searchlights
from the long run. I learned that we were only five persons. I wondered where the rest were. I was informed that they had driven all
UNITY AND DIVISION the village sheep to our
mbuci when
was
I
31g
lecturing.
‘Some carried
large luggage/ said one of the guards.
Before our sweat cooled down, the
which passed
their red lights over
again inside the
forest,
enemy
started firing
our heads.
We
changing our direction
in
mortar
started to
move
order to avoid
those shells but they again aimlessly fired on our direction. Their firing
angered some two rhinos
and challenged
we
who
mistook us for firing on them
up the trees and the rhinos disappeared in the darkness. We came down and slowly walked to our mbuci. We found the group that had sheep some 300 yards outside the camp. We all entered the camp at midnight and killed some 97 sheep. Since we could not slaughter them all, we split the abdomen and left them. I was very much surprised when King’ora said that he wanted to see all the goods his itungati had collected from that village. I was ashamed to learn that our itungati had ransacked every house of our own sympathizers, carrying away much clothing, beddings and utensils. I asked King’ora why he had given such a command and he denied to have the knowledge. The itungati reported that they were ordered by Kariuki Thandiku, his lieutenant. I became very much angry with him for spoiling the lecture I had given and for making all those villagers turn away from us by stealing their property while I had sincerely advocated for confidence and us.
Luckily,
all
got
cooperation.
‘You must learn to act according to what you preach. To those villagers there is no difference now between you and Home Guards/ I shouted angrily. ‘What you have done to them is exactly what the Home Guards do and you always complain and despise the Home Guards’ activities. ‘King’ora,
owners.
think
I
What
‘We should
is
it is
advisable to return
all this
property to the
your opinion ?’
return only a letter of apology to the villagers/ said
our fighters use the clothing. Our itungati are We have given out our lives for them/ fighting for those people he said in an angered tone. ‘We are not fighting for wages but for King’ora, ‘and
let
!
the love of our people and country.
— they
They
are
still
earning and
which should feed, clothe and supply everything to our fighters. How would the state fi.e., African Government and people?] expect us to continue the fight cultivating
while
we
are
the
state
are hungry, starving of cold
and with no supplies of any
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
320
Mr
kind?
Njama,
you would
if
visit
that village next week,
you
new one. If we asked them to buy all these things for us the most we could get would have been less than a quarter of what we have, being supplied with many excuses. Could a million excuses satisfy our hunger? Don’t you know that at this stage our living depends would
find that everything
we
took had been replaced by a
ninety-nine per cent on our personal strength and skill and not on our sympathizers’ help? Since many of our sympathizers have lost their
lives
or have
become
cripples or are serving sentences in
prisons, plus the ever increased supervision
Government
side,
many
and information
are trying to escape us as
much
to the
as possible
though they are not helping the Government.’ ‘The country now is under the minister of war,’ said Kariuki, ‘and all its wealth and property is at the disposal of his warriors. During the war, no one should think that he owns anything, even his
life.’
Though
the two
men seemed
to out-vote
me
with their reason-
depended mostly on the mass support; that without the mass we would be easily defeated. To get the mass confidence on us would be our greatest weapon. Something must be done to maintain that confidence. ‘Yes,’ said King’ ora, ‘we must all the time let our sympathizers understand that whatever bad we do onto them is neither our intentions nor our will, but is always due to some circumstantial able arguments,
I
warned them that our
victory
force.’
Though my
clothes
were badly torn,
I
did not accept any of the
from that raid. We discussed the letter we should those villagers and then fell asleep at almost four in the
clothes obtained
send to
morning.
The
following day messengers were sent out inviting the sur-
rounding mbuci to come and collect some sheep carcases as they would go bad, since that mbuci had only thirty fighters including the ones in the hospital.
Three days later I heard of another komerera mbuci and decided to spend a day searching it. I left the camp with four fighters. On our way we were challenged by a rhino, knocking down one gitungati by piercing
its
blunt horn through his thigh and making
two other holes below the calves and many other bruises. We took our patient to Jeriko’s mbuci and stopped our search of the komerera mbuci.
UNITY AND DIVISION
321
our days later, on 22nd December, I visited our rhino victim with two escorts. I found that his legs were badly swollen and thousands of fly maggots were wriggling all over his body. At a l
close observation,
When
I
I
found that
turned him
I
had bred
wounds. discovered that the side he was lying on was flies
in his septic
from the hip to the knee. It became clear that the patient had not been attended to for at least three days. Jeriko gave an excuse that they did not have any medicine left. I also had left my medicine kit and only carried my satchel. With salt, dissolved in rotten
luke
warm
him from
water,
I
cleansed the patient
s
wound and removed
the maggots into another hut.
On
our return, we found that our mbuci had been found by the enemy and we did not know where our warriors had gone. We then went to Gathee’s mbuci arriving there at seven in the evening only to find that the camp had been deserted. We moved some ,
four hundred yards from the mbuci and
under a big tree surrounded by a small bush. We had neither food nor blankets nor anything to cover with. We spent a night of sorrow and worry. The following day we went to Kinaini hospital. We found that the patients had greatly improved. The blind man had learned to walk to the lavatory some sixty yards and return to his own hut without being led. His senses of feeling and hearing had increased. I was very much amazed that the patient could describe the last lit
a big
thing he saw, and the hospital he was living
never seen
Soon
in,
fire
though he had
it.
after our arrival in the hospital,
two itungati arrived from
King’ora’s mbuci to inform the patients’ attendant that their
camp
had been raided by the foe. They suspected that the meat store might have been seen by the enemy and probably poisoned. They said that two scouts had been sent to make certain what things were destroyed by the enemy and which ones were not seen. They said that the enemy had surprisingly opened fire right inside the camp. One of the two itungati that were in the camp was still missing and the other had six bullet holes in his clothes but none hurt him. They told us where they had encamped. At midday we left for the new camp, arriving there in the evening. I found that my medicine kit was carried by the missing gitungati. The following day I went to Warbararia’s mbuci. After spending a night in his camp, he accompanied me with a dozen itungati and on the evening of 25th December we met Kimathi at Abdullah's
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
322 mbuci.
We
spent that night telling each other what had happened
we parted. The next day we
since
where the annual ceremony was to be performed. A big meeting hall in the church fashion and tentatively called the Kenya Young Stars Association Memorial visited the buildings
Hall was built ioo feet by 20 feet with three long rows of benches estimated to accommodate 500 people. Leaders’ and itungati huts
under construction. On December 29th the Nyeri leaders started to arrive. In the late afternoon of the 31st two leaders from Gikuyu Iregi Army and nearly all the leaders of Mburu Ngebo Army had arrived. The only
were
still
recognized absentee from the latter
Mburu Ngebo Army Rift Valley
Army was Ndungu
leaders reported that
and had given an excuse
Giceru.
Mathenge was
The
in the
for his absence as not being
had been written a long time ago, none of us knew whereabout his camp might be and so the letter was never dispatched. Leaders from IDA 2 and IDA 4 were absent. Wacira Gathuku and Gitonga Gicingu were the only and their leaders who represented IDA 3. All the leaders of IDA
Though
invited.
his letter of invitation
1
itungati were present.
my
With
badly torn clothes,
I
looked very ugly amongst the
and nicknamed me Huni Macaga, ‘Raggy Johnny.’ I told him that I had brought nine pairs of clothes with me to the forest of which I gave eight to some other itungati who dressed like me at the moment. Kimathi gave me his khaki long trousers and a woolen dark brown shirt. He also wrote a letter ordering clothes for me from his subleaders
who were
all
well dressed. Kimathi noted that
location.
Kimathi and four other colleagues all dressed in Kikuyu elders’ sheep cloaks. Each tied a Kikuyu sword around his waist, was barefooted, [with] castor-oil smeared all over his body. They carried with them all varieties of the Kikuyu cereals, edible roots, bananas and sugar canes, Kikuyu slaughter knives, a gourd gitete full of honey and another one full of milk, half-gourds and pots. Kimathi, dragging a spotless all-black ram, departed from us heading to a big fig tree some two hundred yards from the camp under which they slew the ram and made fire by means of friction. When we were called, about 800 fighters approached the ceremony. Under the fig tree was a newly lit fire, burning slowly under a pile of wood. T he five persons stood in a line by the fire facing (
!
UNITY AND DIVISION Mt. Kenya with Kimathi in the front
we
row,
in their center.
stood behind them.
323
With the other
On
their left side
leaders I
could
ceremony well lain on the ground. Kimathi, holding a small gourd in his right hand, began the prayer
see all the apparatus that
were used
in the
:
Our
God, we beseech you
forefathers’
to
approach us and
—
to
hear our prayers. (We all together said Thaai, ‘Peace be with us,’ at every Kimathi’s pause, with our hands raised high over
our heads holding a
We
green
Gikuyu and whom you gave mountains, valleys and many
and daughters and heirs you created; your own creation
are the sons
Mumbi whom this
little soil.)
fertile
land,
of
full
of
permanent flowing streams.
Our
forefathers for generations have enjoyed the products
of this beautiful land of ours roots
and
You
:
meat, blood, milk, honey, cereals,
fruits.
taught our forefathers
how
to
pray you and how to use
the seven foodstuffs to your sacrifice. If
we have offeneded
you,
Our Heavenly
Father, by abandon-
and sacrifices as you have taught our forefathers, we greatly repent and regret to have been ignorantly misled by the strangers; we humbly beg your mercy and forgiveness. In the whole fashion of our forefathers we approach your sacred place of sacrifice (moving forward, nearer the fire) offering you all that we have, as you did unto our forefathers. ing our prayers
Oh
God, respond our prayers
This
gourd spirits.
is
the ram’s
fat.
(Pouring most of
it
on the
fire
from the
hand and the rest on the ground for the ancestral He passed the empty gourd on to the man on the right
in his
on the ground while the man on the left picked another gourd and handed it to him.) Bless all the fat for us. This is bees’ honey from both the hives and the wild hollow protrees; bless all the honey for us. (He repeated the former cedure until the seven foodstuffs were finished.) Our Heavenly Father, we beseech you to accept our roasted but sacrifice [i.e., sacrificial offerings]; we know no other God you, Almighty Father; we have never worshipped any idols
who
put
it
either of your fathers’ times.
own
creation or men’s handicraft in our fore-
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
324
We
Oh
God, that the sweet smell of our offerings rising up with great smoke above this fig tree, which produces milk and which you showed our forefathers to be your chosen tree for sacrifice, will reach your Heavenly Home and your throne we beseech you, our God, to hear our prayers. Now, Almighty God, turn your face into our country and see that the white strangers you brought into our country have turned out to be our enemies; they have taken most of the best fertile lands and have enslaved us to work on the lands. Our demands for our lands and freedom have been badly reprimanded; the white strangers have taken up strong arms through which they have poured pools of blood all over our believe,
;
country.
Oh
Merciful Father, hear the cries of widows, orphans,
old aged parents
who have
lost their sons
and daughters, and the
perishing lives and the innocent blood.
we do not accuse the white strangers alone for pouring blood; we too, our hands are full of blood. Oh Merciful
Father, the
God, cleanse us and forgive us all our sins. Our Heavenly Father, we have no arms and we have no helpers; we believe that your mighty right hand will deliver us from our enemies; lead us, keep us, guard us against the enemy day and night; let our enemies destroy themselves with their
own
arms.
Oh
God, some of our
have turned against us through their ignorance forgive them and let them understand our aims convert them into our faith. We pray for all our warriors who have died in this struggle of freedom; that their names may forever remain as heroes relatives
;
;
and that their spirits would abide with your glory forever. Oh God, we pray for all our sympathizers who are starving under the oppression of the white strangers, either in the villages, towns, prisons or detention camps; save their lives so that your name would be praised by the Kenya people and the world. We pray for all our leaders who are in prisons, detention camps, and in all the forests, that they may be guided by you as you did with Moses and many Israel leaders who delivered their people out of Egypt; give our leaders power and wisdom so as to lead us well.
We
place
all
our leaders under your protec-
tion.
We
particularly beseech
you for Jomo Kenyatta, our leader;
!
UNITY AND DIVISION
325
guard and guide him, glorify him with wisdom and power so that he may be able to lead the Kenya people. We finally pray for our aims to be achieved; grant us our freedom quickly so that under your leadership we will come out of this forest victoriously; drive our enemies out of our country
and
let
We
the faithful ones be our friends.
Oh
thank you,
God, for keeping us
throughout
alive
this
ending year, in spite of all the dangers that have surrounded us; we thank you for our food, clothing and shelter. May the New Year break up with good news and our victory. Father, keep us alive so that next year we shall be able to praise your
name
again. Thaai!
Then Kimathie began which we all joined
anthem
the traditional
in
a loud voice
:
Huuuuu! Huuuu thaai! (‘Peace be with The fighters’ chorus Huuuuu! Huuuu thaai! Kimathi
:
us!’)
:
Kimathi
Wiyathi thai! (‘Freedom and peace
:
Itungati:
Huuuu
Kimathi
Tiri thai! (‘Soil
:
!’)
thai!
and peace
Huuuu thai! Kimathi Andu thai! (‘People and Itungati: Huuuu thai!
!’)
Itungati:
:
Kimathi
Ciana
:
thai! (‘Children
Huuuu
thai!
Kimathi
Mahiu
thai! (‘Livestock
Itungati:
Huuuu
thai!
Kimathi
Kimera
:
Huuuu Kimathi Mbura Itungati: Huuuu Itungati:
:
Kimathi
thai! (‘Plarvest
and peace
and peace
thai! (‘Rain
and peace
!’)
!’)
thai
Huuuu
Kimathi
:
Thayu
thai! (‘Peace,
Itungati:
Huuuu
thai!
:
!’)
thai!
Itungati:
Itungati:
!’)
Wiyathi thai! (‘Freedom and peace
:
Kimathi
!’)
and peace
Itungati: :
peace
!’)
thai!
peace
!’)
Huuuuu! Huuuu thaai! Huuuuu! Huuu thaai!
Thaai, thathaiya Ngai Everyone (three times) God, hear our prayers for peace !’) :
thai!
(‘Oh
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
326 With
we
that
we ended our
prayers and holding each others hands,
slowly walked in the darkness back into the camp. It was already
when our cooks started preparing our dinner. dinner we all went into the big meeting hall at ten
eight o’clock
After
The
o’clock.
was illuminated by burning fires both inside and outside. We spent most of the time singing songs which had been invented to record our successes in battles, praising leaders, some encouraging songs, songs for warning the traitors, etc. Kimathi delivered a speech to encourage our fighters. He referred to the prayers saying that God would grant our request according to [the sincerity of] our beliefs. He would hear only the faithful ones and not those who had doubts in their prayers. He stressed that we should be faithful to our God and take much care that we hall
not violate our vows.
Kimathi introduced the Kenya Young Stars Association and asked the fighters whether they accepted the idea. There was a great applause of the fighters’ approval of the association, and they started Kimathi’s song ‘When our Kimathi climbed the mountain They were all glad to be members of the new association. alone. The hall became a fashion to [i.e., model for] many other Memorial :
.’
.
.
Halls. I
gave an account of our successful events,
clarified all
our armies
and gave details of divisions in the Ituma Ndemi Army, and told them the different kinds of records that were kept for them. I told them that every individual’s activity was recorded and that those records would form a book of history which would be read by our future generations. ‘What you do,’ I said, ‘good or bad, is what they shall read of you.’ A few other leaders gave speeches after being introduced to the new itungati. At a quarter to midnight we started prayers in which two itungati two leaders and two girls prayed and Kimathi ended and dedicated the prayers. The prayers were composed of thanksgivings, protection, forgiveness and God’s guidance for the New ,
We
finished our prayers at
twenty after midnight and, being in a New Year, exchanged greetings and continued our songs to half past one when we went to sleep.
Year.
The
following day,
1st
January 1954, our
fighters
dispersed.
Kimathi expressed his desire to visit the Mburu Ngebo Army and promised the leaders that he would visit them before the end of the month. Gen. Kimbo was left so as to have a chance of communi-
eating with his
UNITY AND DIVISION people in the reserve. We then
327 agreed that he
would lead us to his camp as soon as he was ready to return. Kimathi, Kimbo, Kahiu-Itina and myself, and many other leaders, left for Chania and Nyaga’s mbuci. After our arrival, Kahiu-Itina and his leaders left and crossed the river Chania. Two days later Nyaga’s itungati raided cattle
one
in the afternoon.
the cattle had driven
could drink water.
in the reserve at
about
The armed Home Guards who were herding them
When
to a stream near the forest so that they
our fighters opened
fire,
the
Home
Guards
ran away shouting for help leaving the cattle behind. Our warriors drove many cattle into the forest. 1 hey crossed
were climbing the far slope they were spotted by KAR and Kenya Police who had come in Land Rovers to help the Home Guards. They opened fire on our fighters who the stream
and
as they
were more than a mile away. The enemies’ fire dispersed both cattle and our fighters as they were in an open area. At four o’clock some itungati arrived in the mbuci saying that they had some seventy-two head of cattle in the forest and that they had lost as many as three times that while fighting with the enemy who were the still following them. Kimathi said that they should not bring
mbuci but they should climb up the mountain until they came to the Mihuro area composed of all dry bamboo and make a new camp there. Some twenty armed itungati were sent cattle in the
out to help in the fight while the others drove the cattle. One gitungati, nicknamed Mbaka, had been injured
by an
enemy’s bullet from about a mile’s distance. T he bullet had struck his sword’s sheath, making a big hole through his sword which he had hoisted on his shoulder, passing through the front bottom part
was about to clean his wounds, Kimathi shouted that everyone was to take his belongings and quit the camp right then and head for Mihuro some seven miles away. We quickly collected our luggage and left. We had only gone about a mile from the camp by the time the enemy opened fire in the camp we had left. We arrived at Mihuro at midnight and found some itungati killing the cattle. A few tents were pegged out for the leaders and the darkness prevented the itungati from building their own huts. Though we had fresh meat to eat, we spent a sorrowful night, for of some forty-eight fighters who had been left behind the cattle to fight the enemy, none of them had arrived to of h is stomach.
report the fight.
As
I
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
328 The
following day,
all
our fighters arrived safely at midday and
enemy until it they had heard the enemy firing on not know whereabout the [new] camp
reported that they thrice exchanged
fires
with the
was dark. They told us that the camp; they therefore did would be. They followed the cattle track but the darkness impeded their journey. During the night the elephants, buffaloes and rhinos followed the cattle track making it difficult for them to follow
it.
Mbaka, my patient, and I moved to Mihuro with a bodyguard and two carriers. There were four other
In the afternoon, hospital
patients with four guards, one of
whom
treated the patients.
One
was suffering from pneumonia while two others had become very weak through starvation in the Moorlands where they had relied on trapping animals and collecting honey for some months. One of them, Ngara Mahihia, told me that during the month which they didn’t catch any animal they had lived on water in which they boiled old bones and hide of a buffalo. The hard pieces of buffalo hide had become undigestable in their stomachs and had resulted to the death of two of their comrades. For the next three weeks I spent my time treating my patients and recording. It was in this area that we built a book store for all the Nyandarua records. Together with the medicine I gave my patients, I urged them to eat much meat which was required for repairing their wounds. I was very much pleased when I got Mbaka healed within a fortnight. By the end of the month all the patients were completely cured. We moved from Mihuro to join Nyaga’s mbuci at Thaina (Zaina) River, where we met Kimathi and Kimbo and many other leaders. Kimathi was very glad for the recovery of the patients. I told him that I had not finished the recording work and that I would continue it after our return from the Mburu Ngebo Army. of the patients
CHAPTER XVII
THE KENYA PARLIAMENT In early February 1954, the unwieldy and largely ineffectual Kenya Defense Council was superseded by the newly formed Kenya Parliament. Comprised of Dedan Kimathi and twelve establish itself elected members, the Kenya Parliament hoped to Government of Kenya. Its aims authority and legitimacy among Aberdare initiate a new military offensive, aimed at
as the legitimate interim African
were
(1) to establish its
guerrilla groups, (2) to enemy property, (3) to separate itself
and
dissociate
its
members from
from the military hierarchy
particular sections or territorial
national character and g&m tribes added military support by extending the revolt to other to reorganize and assume authority over regions, and
groupings,
to demonstrate
(4)
and
its
(5)
the civilian population in the reserves. In contrast to the Kenya Defense Council, the limited
Kenya Parliament enabled it general, to react more effectively
bership of the
and, in
situations
and
crises.
On
to
mem-
meet more
easily
in the face of
the other hand, the
new
Kenya Parliament
membegan with a somewhat narrower base of support as its armies and bers were drawn disproportionately from the various Ituma Ndemi Army forest zones. Thus, including Kimathi, the placed seven
men
in the Parliament,
Mburu Ngebo Army
four,
and Kenya Levellation Armies one each. More importantly, perhaps, a narrower breakdown reveals that North Tetu Division of six of the thirteen members were from
and the Gikuyu
Nyeri
District,
Iregi
while three of the Rift Valley
(Mburu Ngebo
Again, of the six Ndemi Army and only officers elected, five were from the Ituma four one from the Mburu Ngebo Army. North Tetu held Rift Valley one. positions, Othaya Division of Nyeri one, and the District, and In addition to the over-representation of Nyeri Tetu Division in particular, on the Kenya Parliament, it
Army) members were
originally
from
this area.
North
achieved some significant that the majority of those elected had among formal education and were, by forest standards, classed is
329
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
33 °
the educated as distinct from the
both these features of
become
illiterate.
As we
shall
see,
Kenya Parliament composition were
to
focal points of future conflict.
Events occurring outside Nyandarua during the
first
half of
1954
Aberdare guerrilla forces and their relations with other rebel groups and supporters in the reserve, Nairobi and Mt. Kenya. The first of these began on 15 January with the capture of Gen. China (Waruhiu Itote), acknowledged leader of Mt. Kenya’s 5,000-man guerrilla army. China’s confession and ultimate collaboration with Special Branch officers led to an abortive three-month Government operation named Wedgewood, designed to bring about the surrender of forest forces through negotiation. Government military operations in the forest were temporarily suspended and contact was estabsignificantly affected
lished with guerrilla leaders through
and letters. The surrender talks, however, never extended beyond the Mt. Kenya leadership and ended (on a rather humiliating note for the Government) as all the guerrilla leaders save China managed to ‘escape’ Government custody and return to the forest. As will become clear from Karari’s account, the refusal of Kimathi and the other Kenya Parliament leaders to enter the proposed negotiations with Government until certain rather rigorous conditions were met was a reflection of both guerrilla strength and assumed Government weakness. Government’s offer to negotiate was, in itself, interpreted among Aberdare leaders as a sign of weakness, and the prevailing circumstances did, indeed, seem to justify the belief that guerrilla forces were at least holding their own. It was certainly true that after almost a year and a half of fighting, and with vastly superior weapons, the Government seemed no closer to defeating the insurgent forces. In fact, guerrilla strength seemed to be growing, with Kenya Levellation Army units more active than ever in the reserve, a Nairobi Land and Freedom Army formed and very active, supplies flowing from the city into the forests, and Government apparently unable to launch a winning offensive against the guerrilla armies of Nyandarua and Mt. Kenya. Government’s position was thus assessed in the January 1954 Report of the Colonial Office Parliamentary Delegation to Kenya as follows
leaflets
1
.
THE KENYA PARLIAMENT It
is
our view based upon
33
the evidence available to us,
all
and responsible unofficial sources, that the influence of Mau Mau in the Kikuyu area, except in certain localities, has not declined; it has, on the contrary, increased; in this respect the situation has deteriorated and the danger of infection outside the Kikuyu area is now greater, not less, than In Nairobi, it was at the beginning of the State of Emergency ... the situation is both grave and acute. Mau Mau orders are
both from
official
Mau Mau
carried out in the heart of the city,
courts
sit
in
judgement and their ‘sentences’ are carried out by gangsters. There is evidence that the revenues collected by gangsters, which be considerable, are used for the purposes of bribery as well There is [also] a passive as for purchasing Mau Mau supplies resistance movement amongst Africans, an example of which is a
may
.
.
.
under which Africans have for several months boycotted European-owned buses ‘bus
boycott’
.
.
In addition to the visit of this Parliamentary Delegation, rumors were spreading that the Colonial Secretary, Mr. Oliver Lyttelton, was going to introduce a new constitution and form
a multi-racial Government. The Aberdare leaders were thus optimistic and, while pressing their demands for land and freedom, were proud of the fact, as they saw it, that they had achieved more in a year and a few months of fighting than African politicians had managed in over thirty years of talk.
With the breakdown of the surrender talks, and putting the information obtained from Gen. China to good use, Government launched a two-pronged campaign to isolate the forest guerrillas from their sources of food and supplies in the reserve and Nairobi. Operation Anvil, commencing on 24 April 1954, was a major Government operation involving some 25,000 soldiers and police. It was intended to crush resistance in Nairobi and halt the flow of recruits and supplies into the forest. The entire African population of Nairobi, some 100,000 persons, were rounded up and driven into a huge field where 70,000 Kikuyu, Embu and Meru were sorted out and screened. Those suspected or identified as members of the Movement were segregated and by train to several specially constructed detention or concentration camps. Their families and dependent relatives were
sent
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
332
picked up and returned to the Kikuyu reserve. This operation was phased out over several weeks and the total number of those detained mainly young men of warrior age between 16 and
—
35
—reached almost 50,000. There
question that Operation Anvil disrupted organized resistance in Nairobi and significantly curtailed the flow of is little
arms, ammunition, medical supplies, clothing and money into the Aberdares. It was followed by smaller-scale sweeps in
Kiambu, Thika and Fort Hall and bv a massive effort to cut the forest guerrillas off from the reserve. A Government strategem called the “villagization program”, initiated early in the year, was rapidly accelerated after Anvil. Used effectively by the British in Malaya, this program was an attempt
to
break
down
settlement pattern of the
the
traditional
dispersed-homestead
Kikuyu and place the Kikuyu peasantry
in easily guarded, prison-like villages, located handily near the
roads and grouped around
Home Guard
and
gested in these villages and unable to tend their
dusk-to-dawn
curfews
and
“communal”
Confields due to the Kikuyu
police posts.
labor,
peasantry was hit ever harder by hunger and disease. By the end of 1954 over a million Kikuyu had been resettled in these
camps, which were constructed with Kikuyu labor and materials under the supervision of Tribal Police.
village
A
program was carried out on the European farms and plantations of the Rift Valley, with field and house labor similar
contained within fortified villages. In addition to the “villagization program”, a fairly wide trench, fenced with barbed wire, planted with mines and bordered by
numerous military and
was dug by forced peasant labor teams along fifty miles of the forest fringe which separated the Aberdares and Mt. Kenya from the Kikuyu reserve. Governpolice posts,
ment, seemingly unable to defeat the guerrilla forces within the forest, was trying to starve them into the open, into security
ambushes or surrender. Though this Government strategy was not immediately successful, Aberdare groups were faced with an ever increasing problem of supplies and their relations with rural and urban supporters became more difficult and costly force
to sustain.
THE KENYA PARLIAMENT On
2nd February we
together with
all
set off to
Mburu Ngebo Army
333 led
by Kimbo,
IDA and some of the itungati. Gikuyu Iregi Army and a company of Kenya
the leaders of
i
Gen. Mbuthia of the Levellation under Gen. Rui accompanied our convoy of 210 warriors. It took us one and a half days walk to get to Kimbo’s
Mother area. We were welcomed by Gen. Kirihinya (Ngunjiri) and Col. Kahii ka Arume (Wambugu Mwema). Kimathi had visited that area about a year earlier during which time our fighters were mobilized. Kimathi was very happy to meet those itungati, who cheerfully greeted him. Here we were joined by Aram Ndirangu from Kipipiri Hill bringing the data he had collected. On the third day we held a general meeting. We met in a grassy open area under some big trees. About forty leaders and 75° itungati, representing mainly IDA and Mburu Ngebo Army (MNA), with four from Kenya Levellation Army and one from Gikuyu mbuci
Iregi
short
at Karathi’s
Army, were present. Kimathi introduced the meeting with a speech and report on the Kenya Defense Council work and
Kenya Young
When
I
Stars Association.
stood up to speak,
I
first
Trinity Council under the chairmanship of its
Ituma Ndemi Stanley Mathenge for
criticised the
failure to hold meetings in order to discuss
culties,
to
form plans,
our itungati
diffi-
and regulations, and make arrangearms and ammunition, money, clothes,
rules
ments on the supplies of food, etc., from Nairobi or district centers. I pointed out that the Council had never met since it was elected in May 1 953> though forest its Secretary, Kimathi, had been very active in most of the
remarked that the Council had limited its duties to their own itungati and that it had completely ignored the management over the reserve people. Many leaders had taken power into their hands, each acting on his own, whereby our leaders presented plans affairs. I
many of which contradict theirs, revealing to the reserve people that we are unorganized and showing our great weakness. ‘The Ituma Ndemi Trinity Council,’ I continued, ‘was a small and
rules
and could not organize the other disSeptember tricts. The Kenya Defense Council has met only once, in a at Murang’a, since its formation last August. Though this is Council that could organize the whole of Kenya, it was wrong for unit for Nyeri District only
was a member of the Council. The they were elected to be members of Kenya
us to admit that every leader leaders
do not
feel as
if
334
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
Defense Council
—and
in
stated that all the leaders are
that
happened a day before
The
criticise it then.
they were not elected.
fact
members
my
arrival at the meeting,
office bearers
who were
so that they can tell
leaders were available
it
of the Council
do not have a
absent; even
would be
list
We
only
and
since
I
did not
of the leaders
names of the them together to
the
if
difficult to get
a meeting. Each leader seems so busy with his own itungati that he can hardly spare any thoughts for all our itungati or open his eyes ,
in the reserves
beyond where he
is
known and where
his itungati
operated.
Kenya Defense Council was mostly conpoint of view. How could we be successful
‘Broadly speaking, the
cerned on the military'
without the masses help?
Who
were to supply us with our needs? Since all the leaders in the reserve were either arrested or fled into the forest, there is no hope for the masses to organize themselves
we organize them. We could not organize the reserves well unless we delegate that responsibility unto the hands of a few wise people who would understand that it is their duty to plan for the unless
others.
‘Our basic thought on forming the Kenya Young Stars Association led us to assume the African Government responsibility in our hands, but we lack a central organization. It surprises me when I realize that many of our leaders at present are working on either the locational or divisional level as the highest [level of] organization.
The
thing
we
lack
is
a
Kenya
central organization
which
should be the Government or the Parliament. I think it is high time we elected our Kenya Parliament members and let them run the country until the big stars, the moon and the sun will take
over the rule.
They
shall praise us for not letting
down our country
during their absence and the little we would have done would be of great importance in Kenya’s history, which will tell the Kenya Parliament was formed and maintained by uneducated warriors
Nyandarua
many
in
As the Kenya Parliament shall govern Kenya, the founders names shall live as long as the Kenya African Government shall live.’
My
for so
years.
from many leaders and itungati and we then resolved that we must elect members of a Kenya Parliament. The first issue was the number of the members. After a heated exchange of opinions it was agreed that since Jesus Christ had only twelve disciples, whose preaching has reached all over ideas gained support
THE KENYA PARLIAMENT
335
should then elect twelve excluding Kimathi, the President of the Parliament. I supported the lower number because I felt the more members we had the less effective the Parliament
the world,
would
we
be.
next issue was the qualifications of a member. I took the lead strongly and opposed election based on geographical regions,
The
mere popularity,
relative
[i.e.,
kin]
or
friendship
feelings
—
for
were our greatest weaknesses. ‘I would like us to elect the best twelve persons we have in this forest so that we could have the best Government possible. Apart from education, we should look for the person’s wisdom and these
courage and incorruptible character. It does not matter whether the twelve members were all real brothers or from the same village or district; what we would count on would be that
ability, his
they are the best
we
have,
who
will
make
the best
are not fighting for regions or clans or tribes.
we
We
all
want.
We
are fighting for
Home
Guards and all the Africans employed in the enemy forces of KTP (Kenya 1 ribal Police), KAR and the police forces, for they will enjoy the freedom
the whole Kenya, including our enemies as
which would
will still
be so abundant that even enjoy the freedom
we
if
we imprisoned them,
they
are fighting for in the prisons;
we have a song demanding freedom in prisons which you all always sing. One of its verses says “Parents don’t be frightened. A baby born dies. Tell the community we must persevere. Until
for
:
banned in the prisons.” ‘Be sure that freedom would be so abundant that there would be no competition of some people trying to get more freedom than the others. Just as the rain pours to the rich as to the poor, to the good
color-bar
is
ones as to the bad ones, to the lazy person’s garden as to the industrious one’s, the same will happen to the freedom. Some of us may
by the time we achieve our freedom you will have learned to share a grain of maize or a bean amongst several people, feeling selfishness as an evil; and the hate of oppressing others would be so developed in you that you will not like to become another class of “Black” Europeans ready to oppress and exploit others just like the system we are fighting against. And. ‘I have to speak,’ shouted Major Windo, jumping in the center of the meeting. ‘If oration or leadership were a dance, I would dance naked in order to attract you. I know more about dance and I can compete at it; but I cannot compete in firing a rifle, for
seek privileges, but
’
.
.
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
336
though we can all fire exactly the same distance only very few of us would hit the target. I mean that everyone of us can stand here
and speak in a loud voice demanding supporters for this election, but very few of us have the qualities that Mr Njama mentioned. We now want quality but we have much quantity. Any person who would cast his vote because of relation, friendship, neighborhood, is an enemy to our progress. It is better to vote for an absent person whom you have confidence in than. ‘No!’ shouted Kahiu-Itina. Muti nduguagira mundu utari ho! (“A tree never falls on one not standing under it !”) If a bomb falls on this meeting it would kill us all but none of the people who are not in the meeting. It is wrong for us to elect a person without his personal approval for he might be unwilling or unprepared to do the work we elected him for. We better go on electing the people who are here on the understanding that the good they do will be for us all. If there happens to be better people absent from this meeting, I would say that it is not their day to be elected and that they would be better criticisers or advisers until their day of .’
.
.
‘
election comes.’
‘Today,’ said Ndiritu Thuita, ‘the leaders are speaking as
were their
last
final wills.
One
I
citizen.
this
opportunity, as though they are dedicating their thing
will share all
Kenya
if
its
I
am
certain of
is
goodness as well as
Since
we
all
that its
I
am
a
Kenya
citizen.
badness. So will every
admire goodness and have the same
and objects, I am certain that we could achieve that more easily and quickly in the hands of a few of our best people than when we would call the whole Kenya to a general meeting on which unagreeable views, opinions and feelings would arise and increase. We need not waste more time on comments. I would like ideas
opposers to speak.’
As there were no opposers, Kimbo stood up and made more comments and, as an illiterate person, challenged the educated persons for abandoning the revolution and advocated that educanot be regarded as a qualification in the election. He was opposed by ‘Dr’ King’ori who spoke well on behalf of the educated tion
people.
He
said that without education, without
of our educated people,
As a teacher
making
full
use
we were heading nowhere.
supported ‘Dr’ King’ori and stressed the importance of education, of both academic and cultural knowledge. I was certain that
I
many
of our fighters thought of the future in
[i.e.,
as
THE KENYA PARLIAMENT a projection
of]
337
the past. In fact, the past was vivid while know-
ledge of the future was obstructed by the hatred of the white
man
and partly by our political leaders’ failure in informing the masses on the future of the country. I cut across this, telling them that we would select all the good our forefathers had and throw away any habit, custom or manner, or any traditions that would not suit us; and the same thing to the European culture. We would accept all that we thought was good for us and leave out what we thought did not fit us. We would then be able to form a new Kenya on our own patterns like neither our fore-
and
his
fathers’
culture,
nor the Europeans’.
‘Mind you,’ I continued, ‘that by modern progress we must learn on the European side, for it contributes most of our modern needs ranging from education to machinery, techniques and standard of life. Though we feel that abandoning our customs and tradition is a sign of defeat and going back to many of them already forgotten is a traditional pride, it would be impractical to go back into our forefathers’ days as it would be impractical for anyone to go back into his or her mother’s womb. Every generation makes its own customs, invents its songs and dances, makes its rules and regulawhich all die a natural death with that generation. Though a few remarks of the outgoing generation may remain, nothing remains forever, as man always continues to invent new and better things than he has, which causes him to use the latter and abandon tions,
the former.’
‘You have now lost your path, Mr Njama,’ said Kimathi. ‘Let me bring you back to the path. The issue is the Kenya Parliament elections, which I wholeheartedly support. Since we have already agreed on many points, I think the remaining question is how to elect the twelve members. Should we name two dozen or more
which we shall elect the number we want? Or just name them and ask their supporters to raise hands or ask the supporters to stand behind the person they want so that we can count how many persons support each candidate. Or if you know any better method, stand and let us know.’ Shouting that I had a better method, I stood up. ‘The best elecleaders out of
by secret ballots. Firstly, the people who seek election are given a chance to speak to the people about their ideas and leadership, and promises the electorate what they stand for and what they would do for them. Here, after my speech, I tion all over the
world
is
.
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
338
would like all those who want whether we could get a chance the election
up and see Secondly, comes
to be elected to stand
for each to speak.
name
Every elector writes or marks the
itself.
of the
candidate he wants to elect and then puts his card in a ballot box.
known how many persons have supported every candidate. When we raise hands, your friend sees that you did not raise your hand for him or you did not stand behind him. Some people are not sure who to elect and look for the person who seems to have more people and they Each candidate’s
votes are counted
and then
it is
would join there. Again. ‘What about those who do not know how .
to write?’ enquired
one gitungati. ‘In
many
countries they use pictures such as a cow, tree, car,
name
airplane, etc., to represent the
of a particular person
and
making a mark on the symbol one wants to elect, he then drops it in the ballot box. Here, today, I would suggest that we give each person a piece of paper and let him secretly write the after
One person only, and then drop it in one of these hats. For those who do not know how to write, they should secretly consult those who are able to write and ask them to write the name of the person [each] wants name
of the person he or she wishes to elect.
to elect.’
‘Any further comments would mean waste of Muraya Mbuthia. ‘Start now distributing paper.
enough that
time,’ said
We
have heard have ever heard of.
will lead us in the best election I
already 3 130 p.m. and night would fall before election if more people are allowed to speak.’ It
is
‘All those
who want
to be elected, stand
up
Kimathi introduced
ing their names, records,
army
education,
etc.,
affiliation,
finish this
in the center
all thirty-three, just
mention-
ranks, past activities, personal
while clerks were distributing pieces of
paper to our warriors. ‘Everyone here,’ said Kimathi, ‘including those
must write
we
in the center,’ said
Kimathi. Thirty-three leaders, including myself, stood of the meeting.
Gen.
ONE
who
are seeking
name; the best person you know. Make sure that you do not tell anybody whom you elect. When you finish writing, fold your paper and put it in one of the hats that are moved around by the collectors.’ After collection, a big sheet was laid in the center of the meeting. election,
All votes were
just
person’s
dropped on the
sheet.
Some
thirty-three itungati,
;
.
.
THE KENYA PARLIAMENT each holding a hat, were called
339
in the center of the circle.
hat had a piece of paper on which a leader’s
name was
Each
A
written.
group of clerks started sorting out the votes and putting each leader’s votes in the hat bearing his name. After sorting, we started counting the votes. [Here are the
Dedan Kimathi
.
IDA
i;
most votes
Vice Pres.
Gen.
(2)
President [By unspoken consensus.]
.
Gen. Kahiu-Itina (Muruthi Mathi),
(1) Brig. .
.
.
results.]
Kimbo Mutuku
Mukua),
(Theuri
MNA
;
2nd
.
.
Treasurer
IDA
(3)
Kaiari Njama,
(4)
Gen. Ndiritu Thuita,
(5)
Gen. Abdullah (Gitonga Muthui),
3 /3
3rd
IDA
1
/
Chief Secretary
.
.
1
;
4th
.
.
.
Deputy Secretary
IDA
1/3; 5th ... Vice
Treasurer (6)
Major Vindo (Ndururi
IDA
Gitika),
1
/
1
;
6th
Gen. Kirihinya (Ngunjiri), MNA; 7th MNA; 8th (8) Gol. Kahii ka Arume (Wambugu Mwema), IDA; 9th (9) Brig. Gathitu Waithaka, (10) Gen. Muraya Mbuthia, GIA; 10th (1 1) Major Omera (Ndiritu Wang’ombe), MNA; 1 ith (7)
(12)
Gen. Rui,
KLA;
12th
Kenya and prayed God, asking him to bless, guard and guide our Kenya Parliament members and grant them power and wisdom. It was already six when we finished prayers and we all moved towards the camp. After dinner we amused ourselves with singing and dancing and
When
military
The
all
was
drill.
over,
We
we
stood facing Mt.
happy and contented with the election. the elected members met and elected six
all felt
following day
all
office bearers, [indicated above.]
We
then discussed
how we
could
reorganize the reserve in order to increase the flow of supplies.
We
some known members in the reserves and ask them to find out what had happened to fees and dues at both the location and division levels. We wrote letters of appointment to some members who would reorganize the reserve as Divisional Officers. We told them that ammunition, medicine, clothing and stationery should be sent to the Kenya Parliament which would decided to write
distribute
them
letters to
to our fighters.
were not available then every
We man
suggested that
if
the old funds
should contribute ten shillings
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
340
and every woman, including girls, food supply would remain in the
five shillings.
local
leaders’
We
agreed that
hands and un-
changed.
On plans.’
we concentrated our
behalf of our fighters,
We
agreed to instruct
all
talks
our fighters to
on ‘attacking
start destroying
any enemy property by all means; to use fire to bum all the grass, corn fields, wheat and barley, stores and houses; to steal and spray the grass with cattle dip so that cattle and sheep will die of that poison; to use pangas or swords to cut down coffee, tea, fruits and
any enemy property come
across.
We
agreed that members of
any kind of raid and that it was both unwise and unnecessary [for themj to leave the forest for any purpose. All other leaders should satisfy all the personal needs of a Kenya Parliament member in any camp he
Kenya Parliament should not
might
We
participate in
be.
agreed that the
first
session of the
Parliament should discuss
and regulations and send out missions to all the bordering tribes and recruit them in order to increase our strength and refute the settlers’ allegation that only the Kikuyu, Embu and Meru are struggling for freedom and that the other tribes didn’t know what was freedom and they didn’t like it and weren’t in need of lands. We resolved that the President and the Chief Secretary would be responsible for calling all the sessions, i.e., fixing the date and place of meeting, and dispatching information letters to the members which should include the agenda to be discussed. We also agreed that every member should send his proposed agenda to the rules
Secretary at least a fortnight before the meeting date.
then dispersed and to our
On
all
of us from
The meeting
Chania and Ruthaithi returned
former mbuci.
our arrival
in the Ruthaithi area I
departed from Kimathi on
had to collect data from the Levellation Army company under Gen. Rui before they left the forest. On arriving at Rui’s temporary camp, situated by a small stream close to the reserve, I was greatly shocked to learn that Gen. China was injured and captured on 15th January, in a strong battle in the reserve, while operating with the Kenya Levellation Army. Gen. China was the only man who had been sent by Kimathi in May 1953 from Nyandarua, as Capt. Waruhiu Itote, and ordered to organize all the Mt. Kenya fighters and take back the report to Kimathi. the account that
I
1
THE KENYA PARLIAMENT
34
During our discussion about China’s fate, a gitungati interrupted our talk and said that a girl named Wanjiru from Aguthi Location was accused of being a police informer. I called a few leaders to assist
me
in
hearing the
girl’s case.
I
ordered other
girls to
search
her for any stamp, poison or document from the police. They didn’t find anything in her possession that could make witness that she
was an informer. The witnesses said she had lived in a police post for a month and all her companions were informers who had spied several of our Kenya Levellation fighters, who were all killed inside a hut at midday. Three of the captured girls had given all the names of other informers, including Wanjiru’s, and had revealed that they all had taken a ‘Kikuyu Musical Oath’ administered by the police, binding the initiate to become loyal to the
Government and an informer
the
of
The
revolution.
witnesses
concluded the police used poultry blood stored in bottles to administer the counter-Mau Mau oath but failed to explain how the oath was taken. When I cross-examined the witness as to what they had done with the three girls, he replied that they had killed them. When I asked Wanjiru whether the witnesses were speaking the truth, she replied, ‘Partly.’
‘Then tell us the truth,’ I said. ‘I have stayed for a month at Kia Ruia Police Post in Aguthi Location,’ said the girl. ‘We were forced to take the Musical Oath which is generally administered while the others were dancing in
room and we were forced ance warranted our death. Some the next
Our
to sleep with them.
of us surrendered
reluct-
and became
true informers, as the witnesses said, but a few of us only ensured our lives. I have been in Gen. Rui’s company for one and a half
have been asked to collect food, spy the enemy or be a sentry for a whole day. I have witnesses here who would say that they have seen me talking to police or Home Guards several times, yet instead of helping the enemy I have
months. In
many
helped
company
this
Gen. Rui,
to tell
occasions
you
as
of
I
much
my
as
I
could.
I
would
like
my
leader,
activities.’
‘Gentlemen,’ said Rui, ‘the
girl
has spoken what
I
think contains
much truth, but I have no confidence in her for having stayed with me for almost two months without reporting that she had taken such an oath. Though it is difficult for me to comment about her, I
would say that she
is
standing on the fence.’
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
342 ‘I
will die
with her!’ shouted a gitungati armed with a Sten gun
standing 30 yards away. ‘And ‘Get away !’ ordered Rui. ‘I
mean what
‘We
I
say,’ replied
many
of
you
will share her grave.’
the gitungati. ‘She
also love her,’ said Rui, ‘and
is
have no enmity.
my
lover.’
Go away and
await her in the evening.’
‘Keep your word!’ said the gitungati
,
turning
away and
dis-
appearing. I
ordered the
be escorted by strong guards and kept away
girl to
from hearing what we were saying. For a moment we discussed the gitungati forgetting the girl. But before we resolved anything, ,
the gitungati returned with other
armed
won’t accept that whenever a person
is
:
‘We
he
will
itungati saying
rejected
by a
girl
accuse her of being an informer. ‘For heaven sake,’
I
shouted, standing up. ‘Have confidence in
me, please I am rightly conducting this case for your own sake without any favor. There is no secret about it. If I find anything significant, I shall ask these leaders, together with all the fighters !
in this area, to witness
it.’
‘Thank you very much,’ said the gitungati. ‘Please allow me to become her witness.’ ‘Yes, you will be allowed,’ I said, ‘if you stay away until you are called.’
‘O.K.
I
would await
for
your
call,’
said the gitungati
,
going
away.
Now
the leaders
felt
insulted
and
distressed.
We
became
sceptical
whether the gitungati was inflamed as a petty lover or whether he and others might have taken the same oath. We resolved that while slow and strong investigation would take place, all our fighters should be informed of the oath and that each should be aware that Government might send its informers to live with us. The girl was called and on her arrival was asked to explain the instructions given her by the police. ‘We were all told,’ said Wanjiru, ‘to inform the police or Government forces where the fighters might be hiding and report their number and strength. Secondly, we were to trick a fighter, two or more, into the hands of the Government forces. Thirdly, we were each given five poison tablets by the corporal in charge. He told us that each tablet was sufficient to kill one of the top leaders
when put
in his food.
Each
of us
vowed
to exterminate at least five
THE KENYA PARLIAMENT may
of the top leaders wherever they
or prison, by using the poison.
343
be, in the forest, detention
Some women have been
supplied
with the same poison after taking that oath so that they will
kill
their husbands.’
‘What
else did
you swear?’ asked
Jeriko.
swore not to claim for land and freedom anymore and that the White Highland was for the whiteman; that I will never again ‘I
Mau
help
Mau.'
‘Can you confess
all
you have
told us before all
our itungati ?’
I
queried. ‘Yes,’ replied
Wanjiru.
‘Do you know any
fighter in
Government oath?’ I asked. ‘No. Those who were converted all in
forest
this
that has taken that
become
to
true informers are
the reserve,’ replied Wanjiru.
me
‘Would you show
those informers
when we
get there?’ asked
Rui. ‘Yes,’ replied
‘Give
me
she
their
girl.
names
!’
I
demanded.
women and girls and concluded she did not know any fighter who had taken the oath though knew police and Home Guards who had taken the oath.
She gave that
the
me
a
list
of seventeen
Gen. Rui carried the list of the informers so that his company would be able to check them as soon as it returned to the reserve.
We
our fighters and get Wanjiru to confess before them. We asked Rui to keep an eye on the girl and her lover. After Wanjiru had confessed to all our fighters, I criticised resolved to call
all
-
the gitungati of falling into blind love girls
had become the
Kenya
Levellation
and warned the others that
bait for trapping our fighters, mostly the
Army
in
the reserve, basing
my
argument on
Wanjiru’s confession.
The
gitungati confessed of his ignorant utterances.
Wanjiru, though
many
We
cleared
of the leaders remained sceptical of her
true stand.
The
following day,
thousands of
leaflets
Government
airplanes
spread
in
the air
containing Gen. China’s photo, and the
air-
planes appealed to our fighters through their big loudspeakers to surrender, taking green branches with us. The surrender appeal
had become monotonous
to our ears;
it
had
started soon after the
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
344
commenced bombing
Lincoln heavy bombers ‘Today, your food
is
being brought;
it
is
the forests
—saying
:
the gift of bombs. Surren-
der today, carrying a green branch. Take the road leading to
with your arms and you will be welcomed by the Devons.’ This imploring appeal by Government for our surrender only
proved to us that the Government had been unable in the fight
and that was the reason why
us to surrender.
We
Government would
A
held that
if
we
it
insisted
to defeat us
on entreating
did not surrender, then the
definitely surrender.
warrior returned with one of the
leaflets
containing Gen.
an important leader had been captured and that there was no use of our going on fighting. Rui and I discussed the leaflet, agreeing that it was another Government propa-
China’s photo.
ganda
It said that
trick.
mbuci with Capt. Binihalis and another gitungati heading to Binihalis’ mbuci. The armed gitungati led our way through an animal path that was overgrown with scrub. Suddenly, we collided with an elephant which came into sight only five yards from us. The elephant blew its trumpet and
The
we
following day,
retreated,
I
running at
left
the
life’s
time with Binihalis leading
us.
speed.
We
We
took another path, this
kept on talking about the
ele-
phant and the difficulties each had when running. Feeling quite safe from the elephant, we talked loudly. Surprisingly, the enemy in front of us opened their Sten guns on us as Binihalis pulled
away
and the enemy. Instead of did, the gitungati and I turned
the shrub that lay between us
retreating to our path as Binihalis
and ran down into a small valley. We paused to listen whether we could hear Binihalis’ movement. We didn’t hear him, but we heard the enemy laughing and saying that our group must have casualties. We were both safe but were only worried about to the right
Binihalis.
We
arrived in the
camp
in
the afternoon
and found
Binihalis
ground on his stomach, his nose touching the ground. His shirt on the back was full of blood. He asked me whether we were safe. I told him that we were safe, removing his bloody shirt. T hrough observation, a Sten gun bullet had entered his chest from his back making a small hole between the ribs. The bullet had stopped right inside his chest; he was puffing out froth containing blood which [made] me suspect that the lungs were lying on the
injured.
THE KENYA PARLIAMENT
345
dampened a clean cloth with diluted acriflavine and placed it well on the wound and then covered it with a piece of plaster. I moved with the patient into a new hospital which I used as my office while treating the only patient. His outer wound healed within seven days. On the I
wound by methylated
cleansed his
eleventh day of his injury,
I
spirit,
discharged the patient at his request
he was completely cured and as healthy as though the bullet had become a part of his body; it might before form a cyst, I thought, and I remained sceptical of his future health; he might die of that bullet in the future.
and being
satisfied that
—
Reports from
all
parts of the reserve continued to pour in con-
Army, which had become a strong and brave force and engaged in almost daily day battles with the Government forces right in the reserves and towns in most of which our warriors were very successful. The fights, which often took place in the eyes of women and children, increased encouragement to our sympathizers and [brought] great praise onto our side. As the women broke into cheerful songs praising our fighters, they angered the Home Guards who took drastic measures of revenge against them. A competition emerged between the Home Guards, assisted by the Government forces, and our Kenya Levellation Army which ruined our country. Firstly, the fountain of blood flowing from every Central Province ridge drowning thousands of lives to hell; secondly, the fires that consumed thousands of houses and property therein, set ablaze by the Home Guards under gratulating the
Kenya
the supervision of their
Levellation
KPR
officers
[and destroying]
all
the houses
surrounding the battle ground. Thirdly, clearing the reserve bushes, an order which regarded the crops in the gardens as bushes and cleared maize, millet, sugar canes, bananas, yams,
etc.,
with the
intention to accelerate hunger. Fourthly, strong curfew orders
and
movement, stopping all works including the collecting of some edible roots from the gardens or from the markets. The livestock were left uncared for as the Home Guards who were attending them became more engaged in the fight. Though the livestock turned to be the chief source of Home Guard food, thousands of them became weak and died just as their restricting all
owners.
Some battles
of the
Kenya
might be useful
Levellation songs invented to record their to illustrate
some of those
battles.
!
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
346 (1)
and hear
Listen
Of
the
Tumu Tumu
So that you
And
this story
may
Hill
realize that
never abandon
will
God
is
with us
us.
was on a Wednesday We were in a village down the valley It
The enemy decided
to climb
In order to see Kikuyuland
When
struck
two
in the
afternoon
Waruanja was
sent
down
the valley
Dressed
woman
it
like
a
In order to spy
He
brought back a valuable message
That Kirimukuyu was guarded by
security forces
Down
fighters
in the valley there
Whom Good
the
were 400
Government intended
to
surround
came our way
fortune
In the form of a
girl
Named Kanjunio [who
returned with Waruanja’s message]
Who
lives
saved a thousand
When
A
it
two
struck
thunderous noise was heard from atop the
Bren guns were
from every direction But God helped us and we descended safely
Gakuru gave
firing
his
own
life
To save the lives of his friends He lit a fire [i.e., threw a grenade] And the machine guns ceased their
When we
We
reached the valley
found parents
Coming down
To
in tears
the hill
witness the death of their sons
firing
hill
THE KENYA PARLIAMENT
347
The above song was invented by Gen. Kariba's group of the Kenya Levellation Army to commemorate their fight on the Tumu
Tumu (2)
Hill in the
Who
was
When The The
Mathira Division of Nyeri. in
Timau
the children of
Mumbi
‘Thundani’s’
airfield at
attacked
?
planes were their wonders
Chorus
Listen and be told a story
:
By
mbuci
the boys of the
Who
have seen a great deal
Wherever they wander or roam
When Thundani came He ran very quickly He was with his wife and He wanted to surprise us
We To
were
fully
prepared
enter Thundani’s
A home
her friend
home
fenced with stone
Topped with broken
bottles
The Major stood to relieve Of Mumbi’s children
He
told them, ‘Don’t
For Abdullah
is
the fears
worry
!’
going to lead you
The Major also said ‘When you go in Break the cases and search Until you find the
fire
arms’
Kenyatta’s kingdom was blessed by his father, Gikuyu
He
bang the
head So that the children of Gikuyu will eat will
The (The
tree with his
fruit that falls to the last
verse
is
ground.
a Kikuyu proverb showing the great love
of a parent for his children.)
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
348 (3)
It
was on a Tuesday evening
In a house
down
the valley
The enemy decided to come up And see the Kikuyu country Chorus
On
:
Be happy, parents The trouble is over in Kikuyuland
Be happy
our arrival
Our
!
!
in the valley
was hoisted the Government
flag
When They
forces
saw
it
took cover
Kariba said with ‘All the whistles
his
word
be up’
And when this signal was given The bullets started pouring like water Kariba said again
We’d
The And
better
move from
people’s fight in
When
homes the banana
valley
advancing very near
Ndungu’s
fig tree
The enemy was cautioned By the sound of machine gun
When we
fire
arrived
At Ndungu’s
fig tree
Rongu long fired his machine gun And scared away the Government
On days
forces
4th February Gen. China was sentenced to death and ten later,
while
I
was
still
in
Ruthaithi area, Kimathi received a
by China asking that he send two men to represent the Nyandarua fighters in negotiations with Government about surrender terms. Though I cannot reproduce the letter exactly, the following is [what I recall of] the letter from China to Kimathi. typed copy of a
letter signed
THE KENYA PARLIAMENT
349
Dear Kimathi, You must have learned that on 15th January I was injured and captured. I am now writing you from the police custody. I have tried to present our demands to the Government through their interrogation. At this stage, I understand the Government is quite willing to put down arms and discuss our difficulties and if possible settle them in peace. Firstly,
we are we had
I
am
losing
very worried about the
hundreds of
lives daily.
our fighters for you agreed with me
lives of
If
better stop this bloodshed.
Below are questions which the Government has asked me. To answer these questions, I would like you to send two representatives from Nyandarua and two from Kirinyaga who will answer the questions and negotiate about the general surrender in which I would be a participant. 1. Why are you fighting? 2. What must be done so that all fighters will come out of the forest with all their arms? 3. What would you do if you fail to get land and freedom? 4. If you achieved land and freedom what would you do to ‘
5.
thata cia bururi
Would you the
(loyalists, traitors,
Home
Guards)?
agree to suspend the fight during the
Government
is
willing
and ready
talks, for
to stop the fight until
the end of the talks. 6.
Do you
see this as a
Government
trap
?
you continue to fight to the last man’s drop of blood, who would then be given land and freedom? I have promised the Government that the talks will be successful and now I expect to come to the end of our fight and try peaceful talks to settle our demands; don’t let me down on that 7.
If
account.
Yours, (Signed)
During the next few days individually to Nyandarua sengers from other camps.
me
to write the 15 leaders
15 copies of this leaders,
I
Waruhiu same
were brought
saw Kimathi
at
Itote
letter,
to
us
addressed
by mes-
Thaina and he asked
and the members of the Kenya
ment informing them of an urgent in China’s envelopes and gave them
session.
I
enclosed
Parlia-
my
to Icatha for dispatch.
letter
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
350
While we were discussing China’s letter with Kimathi, a girl named Wamu arrived from Mt. Kenya with a message from Gen. Tanganyika who had succeeded Gen. China. His letter said that the fighters in Mt. Kenya had been greatly upset by losing Gen. China, the leader they all had confidence in. Tanganyika said that he had not gained full control over the unsettled fighters and that he would like Kimathi to pay a visit to Mt. Kenya’s fighters as quickly as possible so that he would be able to reorganize and advise them before they were downhearted. After reading Tanganyika’s letter we agreed we should visit Mt.
Kenya Form
as soon as the 1
school
girl,
Parliament settled China’s
who had
letter.
Wamu,
a
joined the fighters, had been staying
with China. She was bright, expressive and
She told us of meeting Gen.
fearless.
much about Mt. Kenya and the possibilities Ndaya of Embu and Gen. M’Inoti of Meru.
Four days later, the Kenya Parliament held its first session with Gen. Rui as the only absentee. Many other leaders were invited to the meeting. The session lasted two days, at the end of which Gen. Ndiritu Thuita and I were elected to attend negotiation talks with the Kenya Government whenever His Excellency the Governor of Kenya, Sir E. Baring and Gen. Sir Erskine, East African Commander-in-Chief will respond and agree to our requests in the
we
letter
We
addressed to them, giving each a copy.
answered the questions
in
China’s letter and gave some
conditions which had to be fulfilled in order to prove to us that the
Government was
Answers 1.
willing to negotiate with us.
to the questions
We
:
are fighting for our lands
—the Kenya Highlands which
from the Africans by the Crown through the Orders in Council 1915 °f the Crown Lands Ordinance which evicted Africans from their lands at present occupied by the settlers or
was
stolen
reserved for their future generations while landless Africans are starving of hunger or surviving on the laborers
to
the settlers
who were
same land
as the
cheap
granted that land by the
Crown.
we come out of the forest, the British Government must grant Kenya full independence under the African leadership, and also hand over all the alienated lands to Kenya 2.
Before
1
THE KENYA PARLIAMENT
35
African Government which will redistribute the land to
its
citizens. If
3.
we do
to fight
our
till
not get land and freedom now,
the
Government
yields or the last
we
will continue
drop of blood of
last fighter is spilt.
If
4.
we
achieve land and freedom,
thata cia bururi, for
we
we would
are sure that they are either foolish or
they have not other ways of ensuring their
Government other than
forgive all the
under your instructed by your lives
and destroy as ‘Choose the whites, officers. We have a battle song which says save the blacks, for they are working under their foolishness.’ to kill
:
After
we
all,
are certain that
all
these loyalists are our real
and our beloved
brothers, sisters, parents, in-laws
friends.
Blood
part
Our traditional beliefs cannot allow us to with our relatives. The following Kikuyu saying will prove
this
to be true
is
thicker than water.
:
‘
Rurira rutithambagio rui
(‘The navel cord
meaning that one cannot under any circumstances deny his relative; even if one went to wash himself in a river he would still remain the same blood he can never be washed away
is
ni
trying to denounce.
Or
nyoka! (The snakes son
in
a
river’),
Mwana wa nyoka Now it is war time;
a Swahili saying, is
still
a snake).
and war means destruction of everything without recognizing children or their parents. War simply means taking away lives and wealth. The most civilized and advanced nations have failed to stop war as they believe that war is the only safeguard against slavery, oppression and exploitation by others. War seems to be a natural rule
—the
survival of the
fittest
to all
creatures. 5.
We
are not going to stop fighting during the negotiation
Both
talks.
will continue until
representatives in the talks
an agreement
who
is
reached by our
could only convince us to stop
fighting.
we have seen that it is a Government trap, but we will throw a stick of wood in it and see its reaction. If we could release the spring we shall walk over it safely. 7. It is now almost one and a half years since the declaration 6.
Yes,
of the
emergency. Every day since then you have been trying
your best to destroy us completely, using nearly 100,000 strong forces and dropping thousands of bombs on us from your jet fighters, Harvards and the heavy Lincoln bombers. All your
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
352
work day and night trying to finish us off, but our God is great and you have not been successful, and you will not succeed. Though you think we are unarmed compared to your strength, we stand for right and God will defend the right. We are confident of our victory. Even if you kill all the Central forces
now
Province people, the land and freedom
—
it
is
Kenya tribes inevitable. You may quiet
demand
will
still
lose
your empire
impeding Kenya’s independence. If you want us to negotiate with you, you must firstly disarm the Home Guards and remove your forces completely out of the Central Province where they are killing women and children, raping and robbing them and forcing them here in the in the course of
with
forest to fight
us.
Secondly, demolish the newly established unsanitary villages,
and military bases and
police posts his
let
every person return to
former homestead.
Thirdly, release Fourthly, open Fifthly, bring
all all
the revolution prisoners
and
detainees.
the schools you have closed down.
D. N.
A. R. Kapila and Ralph Bunch
Pritt,
to the negotiation talks so that they will advise
and draft our
agreement.
we would
meet
Mr Jomo
Kenyatta or his representative from Lokitaung, Mr Chief Koinange, Mr James Beauttah, Mr E. W. Mathu, M.L.C., Mr W. W. W. Awaori, Finally,
Mr W.
M.L.C., and
like
to
Odede, M.L.C.
We demand
the signatures
of all the persons mentioned in this letter confirming their par-
There will be no negotiations the absence of the above mentioned people.
ticipation in the negotiation talks. talks in
The
was
by Kimathi and myself on behalf of the Kenya Parliament and was dispatched making sure that it letter
would be posted
The nearby
jointly signed
in
Nyeri the following day.
leaders left for their
own camps,
The meeting ended. others promising to
leave at sunrise.
The
fighters
who
delivered the letter to the reserve returned the
following day with a message that Gen. Tanganyika and three
had been captured by the Government. They claimed that they had received China’s letters asking them to go and negotiate about the surrender. After showing the police their others
fighters
THE KENYA PARLIAMENT
353
they were taken to Gen. China in police custody. 1 he
letters,
people did not
know more than
this.
The news was very distressing to me and Kimathi. We felt as if all the Mt. Kenya fighters might be induced by their leaders to surrender. We wrote an urgent letter addressed to ‘All Mount Kenya Fighters.’ We warned them not to surrender even if their
We
warned them not to participate in the false negotiation talks until it was fully proved by the leaders in Nyandarua to be worthy. We asked them to send some of their fighters through Gen’s. Kariba and Rui who would guide and guard us from Nyandarua to Kirinyaga. We told them that we had formed a Kenya Parliament which would be responsible to all the fighters affairs. We promised them that if any talk will ever be held, the Mt. Kenya fighters will elect two representatives. We ended the letter by pointing out that we were very much distressed and suffered the same feelings as they did for the loss of the two prominent leaders. We hoped that their successors might be as good leaders surrendered.
as the
captured leaders.
We
Kariba and Rui. In a couple of days we received news that Mt. Kenya fighters had sent sent copies of the letter to Gen’s.
Government so that they could negotiate. The latter group told the Government that they had been sent by the fighters to get China and Tanganyika back into the forest to four other fighters to the
explain things to them. Their appeal to the fighters, at their
own
having been released from the police custody, would be a sufficient proof for the Mt. Kenya fighters to surrender. The Government agreed to release Gen. Tanganyika and all his party except China to go back into the Mt. Kenya forest and convince all the other fighters to surrender. They were supplied with liberty,
new
pairs of clothings, shoes, watches, tinned foodstuffs, loaves of
bread, and were driven back into the forest in a Special Branch Land Rover. They shook hands with the Government representa-
and then disappeared into the forest. The Government waited for the Mt. Kenya fighters to surrender but they did not. Gen. Tanganyika resumed his leadership in Kirinyaga. In a couple of days they had spent talking with Government’s representatives, they had learned that the Government only wanted our fighters to surrender and that there was no real negotiations. We waited for the reply to our letter from the Government, but all in vain, for the Government never replied. tives
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
354 Toward
the middle of March, Kimathi, his clerk
Abdullah’s mbuci , situated in the eastern dry
and
I
bamboo
were
in
area of
Ruhuruini Hill facing Nyeri Hill. It was a bright sunny day and we were reading Napoleon’s Book of Fate, consulting it of [i.e., regarding] our fates, when a gun bursted about 50 yards from us. As we started away, someone shouted for us to stop running. We paused and Kimathi angrily enquired who had fired it. ‘It was an accident, Sir,’ replied Wamuthandi. As we returned to the place we were, we saw that many itungati had gathered where the accident occurred. Kimathi told me to see what happened. On my arrival to the gathering, I found a
member
of the
stomach
in the center of a circle.
Kenya
Parliament, Gathitu Waithaka, lying on his
He had
taken off his shirt and a
very small Sten gun hole could be seen on his back just below the last rib on the
left.
He was
not bleeding.
I
asked whether the
had gone through, and was informed that it had stopped in his stomach. I asked how it happened. Kimathi arrived while Wamuthandi was explaining it to me how they were cleaning their guns and how' the bullet accidentally bursted from the hands of a gitungati who had been cleaning his Sten gun. Kimathi said that he wanted all the persons who were there during the accident. The leaders who were there and Gathitu himself witnessed that it was an accident. Gathitu stood up and said that he was going to meet an unfortunate death through no ones will. Expressing his feelings he said, ‘Though I can speak and walk, I am afraid that the bullet might have touched my liver. Below the bullet’s path I am feeling cold, almost freezing, while the upper part is very hot.’ We encouraged him that he was not going to die. Kimathi bullet
—
ordered that he be taken to a private place near the Kenya Young Stars Memorial Hall where we had held the annual prayers.
Kimathi sent me to Ruthaithi to wait for Gen. Rui so that his group would lead us to Mt. Kenya. A week later I learned that Gathitu Waithaka, our beloved member of Kenya Parliament, had died.
was here, at Jeriko’s mbuci that I received a number of reports of what came to be known as the ‘Kayahwe Massacre.’ In the month of February some 2,000 fighting recruits left Nairobi It
,
to join our fighters in the
Nyandarua
forest.
These
recruits, fully
uniformed and partially armed, made their way through Murang’a
:
THE KENYA PARLIAMENT
355 where they were received by Gen. Kago Mboko, then commanding six hundred experienced and well-armed fighters of the Kenya Levellation Army in the Kandara Division. Kago, being fully convinced that his men were able to attack Kandara Government base,
which was a major military post
decided to attack the
the
it
at io a.m.
when
fleeing.
Our
Hall District,
When
our fighters opened fire on resistance at first; but when
Kandara post, there was a little Government forces learned that they were
by our advancing forces they
on
in the Fort
fled
away.
Many
fighters entered the post
outnumbered them were killed
greatly of
and
set all
its
houses
fire.
Kago
group into small units in order to avoid being cordoned by Government forces and at the same time to be able to get a sufficient supply of food from After this successful attack,
split his
other locations.
One in the
of the groups of
men from
Nairobi encamped for the night
bracken zone bordering the Nyandarua
morning, these recruits
ment had
laid
set off for the forest
an ambush
for
them which
forest.
The
following
not knowing the Governresulted in the greatest
we suffered in our struggles against Government. It was at Kayahwe River in Forst Hall that Government surrounded 92 of the men and closed in to attack. Being inexperi-
single set-back
enced, the men, seeing that they were completely surrounded,
hands and surrendered. They were then told to down all their possessions and take off their clothes. When this over, the 92 men were shot in cold blood. After the massacre of these men, the other forces which encamped within the area entered Nyandarua safely under raised their
leadership of Gen. Kago.
The
fate of the 92
men was
only
put
was
had the dis-
covered when two of their group arrived a short time later, having been left by Government for dead with their 90 comrades. Their
was confirmed by our sympathizers who had been forced to accompany the Home Guards in that patrol and who witnessed
story
the incident.
To commemorate Kayahwe Kayahwe Kayahwe This
is
this loss,
a song was sung
is
a very bad river
is
a very bad river
is
a very bad river
in the forests
where our heroes were exterminated
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
356
go go go
I’ll
go mother,
I’ll
I’ll
I’ll
I’ll
go mother, go mother,
I’ll
go and see Kayahwe
I’ll
General Ihura gets no sleep General Kago gets no sleep
Our warriors get no sleep They sleep not when remembering Kayahwe Gen. Kago, an ambidextrous
man who
fired
gained a reputation before his death [on 31 light battle] of
with his
March 1954
being one of our bravest fighters.
very dangerous areas of Fort Hall reserve and
is
He
left
in
hand, a day-
fought in the
said to
have waged
stand-up daylight battles against the security forces in the area. verse from a song sung by his group proves his bravery
A
‘Kago s/o Mboko ordered the rifles removed from our shoulders and held in hands; and that we take firing positions and load our rifles. No Iregi [i.e., an early generation-set] exists, though they didn’t take up arms.’
When
Gen. Rui failed to turn up within two weeks,
and met Kimathi again
at Ghieni.
He
gave
me
a
:
I left
new
Ruthaithi
pair of yellow
corduroy pants, black shoes, a new watch, two fountain pens, a woolen shirt and a light black raincoat. I was very thankful for the clothings, which
made me
look like a leader.
Kimathi asked me to write letters to the Kenya Parliament members and ask them to attend the second session to be held at Nyaga s mbuci at 7 haini River. When the leaders arrived,
May] we held our meeting under a rectangular rain-shelter in the thicket of bamboo. We sat on bamboo seats built all around the walls on which we leaned. [toward the middle of
We
opened the meeting with two minutes of silence while standing in memory of our deceased comrade, Gathitu Waithaka. I said opening prayers and then we all sat down. Gen. Rui and Wambugu Mwema were absent. Kimathi opened the meeting by asking the members to elect a person
found
who would it
replace Gathitu. After a short discussion,
difficult to elect
or nominate anyone.
We
we
resolved that
THE KENYA PARLIAMENT Kenya Parliament members must be
357
elected at a general meeting
held annually. I
read the previous session’s minutes.
We
resolved that China’s
and a great attempt to capture the best leaders. China’s talk was followed by the Nairobi Operation Anvil, [beginning on 24th April] which resulted to the arrest and detention of more than 40,000 persons, mostly young men who could join the fighting. In the reserves our agents were negotiation was Government’s
lie,
and detained and many were killed. It followed that His Excellency the Governor of Kenya pardoned China’s death sentence. This was the first fighter to be pardoned by the Governor, but I do not remember any other. We concluded that China must have revealed most of our secrets and plans to the Government which resulted in a complete destruction of our communications arrested
and supplies, and detention of about 60,000 great supporters (Anvil and Reserve operations). His attempt to convince our fighters to surrender or to trap them into the Government’s hands had saved his life as a reward for assisting the Government to defeat us.
We
learned that the
to defeat us.
We
propaganda campaigns against Government
Government had
agreed to
start
started using
propaganda and at the same time preach our propaganda. I then read the letters Kimathi had received. The first one was a copy of a letter written to Fenner Brockway by the Secretary, Kenya Parliament Nairobi. The letter accused the British Government of giving their forces and the Kenya settlers authority and arms to shoot the Africans. They were mercilessly shooting the Kikuyu people as though they were unwanted game. The letter claimed that the forces were paid five shillings bonus per Kikuyu killed. It
had given a long account
of
robbing,
raping, burning homes,
destruction of wealth, closing of schools and trade centers, taking of
and Special Areas, unsanitary villages, detention of parents leaving young children without hope, curfew orders, hunger and starvation. The letter requested Fenner Brockway and Peter Mbiyu Koinange to present our case to the United Nations Organization in the hope that the latter would help and settle our case. Copies of the letter had been dispatched to Russia, India and Egypt. The second letter was a reply from Fenner Brockway, m.p. It
vehicles
read, [as
owned by
I recall]
:
the Kikuyu, evictions
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
358 Dear Kamau, I
am
in receipt of
your
letter. I
have read
with great sym-
it
have handed over the letter to Messers Ralph Milner and Johnston who will deal with the affairs in the Parliament. pathy.
I
Yours
faithfully
(Signed) Fenner
The
Brockway
was a reply to my letter to Prof. Motiwala, an astrologer in India; which I had sent a month ago. In the letter I requested him to predict my future. The aim of the letter was to check out whether we were able to communicate with other countries. We suspected the Government with censoring letters going third letter
to other countries.
Though we were happy about
and very much longed to send out letters abroad, Operation Anvil and all the arrests of that month had completely blocked our means of communication. Nevertheless, we resolved that Kimathi and I must be very much engaged in the pen battle in such a way that our voice will
these
letters,
be heard abroad.
Just before our meeting, the Colonial Secretary, Oliver Lyttleton,
Kenya and formed a
arrived in
European
multi-racial
Government
of three
two Asians and one African, the first African minister, B. A. Ohanga. His attempt to quiet the African demands by banning color-bar, promoting the African to a high post in the Government, the preaching of multi-racial Government and cooperation, became the beginning of recognition and yielding to the African demands. This achievement was not through the Legisministers,
Council
but through the admittance by the Colonial Government that granting some of the fighters’ demands was the lative
only sure
way
We
it
used
politics,
of restoring peace. This achievement
to support
our propaganda.
We
was our
pride.
claimed that having
defeated the colonial power in the fight, they were then inducing us to accept equality in a Government which they would lead, having all
Mr
the powers. E.
W.
We
then rejected the offer and wrote a letter to Mathu, M.L.C., congratulating him for rejecting the
ministerial post.
Being the majority
in
Kenya and having shown
the colonial
—
power that we had unreservedly revolted against their rule and all the forecasts were that we were winning we maintained con-
—
fidence in our victory.
THE KENYA PARLIAMENT
359
informed the meeting of my intentions of going to Ethiopia. I said that if I got there, I could get help of arms and ammunition and the facility of expressing how our people were brutally I
destroyed in the course of obstructing them from rising to inde-
pendence so that the Kenya settlers will continue to rule and exploit our people as very cheap labor. I demanded a dozen wellarmed and equipped warriors and an average of 2,ooos. each (26,000s.) for all the journey. I said that I had two fighters with
me who had
visited Ethiopia
and they were willing
to
accompany
me.
though the Parliafor the journey. There was a feeling ment didn’t objecting to miss twelve rifles. It was resolved that the Parliament
The
will
members said have money
other
money from
collect
it
was a good
the leaders
idea,
and buy
all
the necessary
wanted and then prepare the messages I would take to the Ethiopian Government. When we discussed the rules and regulations, we confirmed all the old ones and added that any gitungati who would run away from his leader and happened to lead other itungati into komerera gangs would face a capital charge. The second day we were discussing how we could rebuild a bridge-system of supplies from Nairobi when two messengers arrived from Nairobi. They were Ndiritu Theuri and Joram Mwangi.
equipment
I
They brought Kimathi
a
gift
:
a
first
grade khaki corduroy
suit,
leather jacket, wrist watch, fountain pen, a pair of half boots 500s.
They
told us that the Nairobi Central
functioning well and that they had decided district
level
in
it
and
Committee was not wise to work on the
Nairobi so that each district could supply
fighters with their requirements while the Central
its
Committee would
supplv the Nairobi fighters only. They said that according to information received in Nairobi from both Mt. Kenya and Aberdare, the divisional leaders in the forest were in a better position of distributing supplies to their division fighters rather than the
communication difficulties. They told us that they had been sent to make certain whether the goods sent from Nairobi reached Kimathi for distribution. After a short discussion we found that a lot of goods had been sent from Nairobi directed to Kimathi and never reached him. district leaders, chiefly
We
due
to
then resolved that the forest fighters should elect committees ranging from Sub-location, Location, Division and District (such
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
360 as the Itunia
Ndemi
from each division
Trinity Council), with three leaders elected
on the
[to serve
On
latter.]
top of this should be
Kenya Parliament with members representing Kenya Districts. We agreed that we should elect the
of the absent districts
all thirty-three
representatives
and that those persons should do
to recruit the people of the districts they represented.
that
when
the
their best
We
agreed
messengers returned to Nairobi, they would re-
organize the bridge-system from Nairobi to the forests on divisional levels.
We
would be held increase the membership to
also agreed that another general election
before the end of the year in order to thirty-three.
We
wrote a
Parliament and asked
it
letter to the
Nairobi branch of the
Kenya
from every district and and tinned food for my
to collect 5,000s.
supply clothing, medicine, water bottles Ethiopian journey.
The messengers returned tinued
our meeting,
this
to Nairobi.
The
we
following day
con-
time arranging missions to send out;
from Murang’a arrived including Macaria Kimemia, their head leader. They were invited to the meeting and after a long repetition informing them all that we had done, they congratulated our work and joined in preparing some missions. The first mission was to Kiambu under the leadership of Major Kahiga, assisted by Gitekoba. Their main duty was to mobilize the Kiambu young men to join the fight. The second mission was to Gikuyu Iregi Army under Macaria Kimemia. This mission was required to encourage our fighters and if necessary to create and spread propaganda, teach our fighters some methods of attacking luckily,
six
leaders
enemy’s property, preach the leadership of the Kenya Parliament and finally issue ranks to our fighters. A third mission, and similar to the former, under my leadership was to tour the 2nd, 3rd and
Ndemi Army companies. General Abdullah and Makanyang were to assist me. Kimbo and Ndiritu had similar missions to the Mburu Ngebo Army. 4th Ituma
A
mission was under Capt.
Rugani to Laikipia. Rugani resembled and spoke Turkana; he was to mobilize the Turkana and Suk. A sixth mission left for Londiani under Capt. Wanjeru in order to mobilize the Kalenjin tribes. Kimathi awaited a guide to
fifth
Mt. Kenya while the other missions I had not been issued with a rank
was going out went into his
to issue ranks office,
up
left.
officially
and
at that point
to General. Realizing this,
discussed with a few
members
I
Kimathi
of the
Kenya
THE KENYA PARLIAMENT
361
Parliament, and returned with an envelope which he gave front of
When
all
the people a few minutes before
opened
we
left
me
in
for our mission.
found a hundred shilling note and a letter saying ‘Today Karari Njama has been promoted to Brigadier General and Knighted, for his service to the country, with the highest title Knight Commander of East Africa/’ It was I
this envelope,
I
:
—
signed by
Dedan Kimathi on
behalf of the
Kenya
Parliament.
was very grateful for my promotion. I ordered a gitungati to take the hundred shilling note to my wife and ask her to share it I
with
my
step-mother.
was already 8 a.m. when we commenced our journey. Kirangi (Gathuri Mukiri), one of Kimathi’s strong old bodyguards was entrusted as our muirigo as well as a bodyguard. Our nine-man safari climbed the hill westwards up to the Moorlands, where the movement was much easier, and changed our direction southwards. Our chief obstacles were rain, mud, cold and swollen rivers. It was mid-May and we were at the height of the long rains. We managed to cross the river Chania at a place where it had widened up to 120 feet and was only two feet in depth. On our approach to Gura River, we found it had so swollen that we could not cross it. We were forced to encamp there for the night, just about five miles from the river’s source. This distance gave us much hope that the water might be low by the following morning, or we would have to go to the source of the river. We pegged our safari tents. Heavy rain started pouring as we were lighting fires. It put off the fires and we were unable to cook anything that night. Our tents flooded making it impossible for us to sleep in them. The night was terribly cold. All the water on the ground or on leaves formed thin layers of ice crystals. Since the river had not changed, we made our way upstream It
crossing
its
tributaries until
a mile from the source.
We
we were
in
a position to cross
changed our direction towards
it
almost
east
and
enjoyed the thin rays of the rising sun. Moving further, we arrived at a dead elephant. We guessed that it must have been killed by
Hundreds of hyenas had enjoyed a great feast, leaving behind bones with little meat and two seven-foot tusks. We didn’t remove the ivory but we agreed that we shall tell the the heavy bombs.
nearest
We
camp
to collect them.
continued our journey and were crossing a very small stream called Karimu that drains into Gura, when one of our gitungati
362
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
sunk completely
in
The stream was measure
it.
We
managed
him but
to save
lost his
luggage.
bamboo to Since Karimu
only four feet wide and using a long
we found
was eleven feet. flows in a grassland narrow valley, one wouldn’t recognize that there was a stream until he was about twenty yards from it. Kabuga’s mbuci was only three quarters of a mile from the stream. We saw some animal traps which notified us that the camp was not far away. When we were observing and talking about the traps, the trappers were only twenty yards from us in their ambush. They had seen us coming far away but they were not certain whether we were foes or friends. As they were leading us to their mbuci they told us that their leader, Kabuga, had disappeared some three weeks ago in the upper Karimu stream. They had seen some people approaching as they were fishing and mistook them for friends. They only recognized them to be foes at a very close range when they opened fire on them. Since then Kabuga and three other itungati had been missing. They told us that they had spent much time searching for its
depth,
that
it
,
their corpses but all in vain.
We
camp in sparsely scattered bamboo just bordering the Moorlands. Here we were welcomed by Gitonga Caciingu, who had succeeded Kabuga, and Wacira Gathuku, who was advising him
entered the
after the dissolution of a general hospital
which was under his charge. His assistant Harrison Gathinji had joined the Kenya Levellation Army and was very active with Capt. Kihithuki operating in our location. Their clerk Julius Gathaiga s/o Mishek Matu had been injured in the knee and the bullet was still causing it to swell so badly that he could not walk. Gicohi Gitori
clerk
and he gave me
the data
was the acting
wanted. In the evening, we were introduced to the itungati though they knew me well. They were told of the mission I led under the Kenya Parliament all
I
,
authority. After greetings,
the following day
we promised
commencing
to hold a general
meeting
two in the afternoon. That night we ate animals meat from their traps; they had caught five bush bucks and had some remains of a buffalo they had shot. Though these camps obtained some food from either the at
had to carry the food for some twenty miles either way. The nights were very cold and we kept the fires burning almost throughout the night to keep us warm. The walls of the huts were well covered to protect us from the cold. reserve or Rift Valley, they
THE KENYA PARLIAMENT When
363
day broke, the leaders became very busy arranging the names of their itungati according to the ranks they were due to be granted. In the afternoon the meeting started and was attended by 97 fighters of IDA 3/3, including ourselves. I told them about the formation of the Kenya Parliament, its aims and works; read to them the letters from India, Nairobi and from Fenner Brockway. I gave them to their clerk and all persons who could read in order to prove to them that the pen battle in which I was very much engaged was as great as the rifle battle. Having convinced them, I was in a good position of forming propaganda for encouragement. General Abdullah taught them the new methods of fighting the the
—
destruction of the enemy’s property. General
them about ranks and promised
Makanyanga
talked
would be issued with ranks the following day. Kirangi warned them that though many people had [become] self-styled ‘generals’, none of those ranks would be recognized unless it was officially issued by an authorized person. He emphasized that the records in the books would be more reliable than any verbal claims. He said that every gitungati would not be able to present his service [record] to the first African Government but every gitungati expected his leader to speak for him. He then mentioned the disadvantages of komerera. Their leader, Wacira Gathuku, told them that the ranks would be issued according to ones activities in the camp. The meeting broke up and we quickly went to warm ourselves. The following morning, I stood between the two camp leaders on my left and my two assistants on my right and issued ranks to some 25 fighters, including their leaders Gen’s. Wacira and Gitonga. We spent some 50s. on ranks the highest getting 10s. and the lowest getting fifty cents. The following day we visited IDA 2/1 which had encamped some two hours walk due south. On our arrival, we were welcomed by Elijah Kihara Gatandi and his assistant, Gicuki Mwii. We learned that Kihara Kagumu, the head leader of IDA 2, had been shot dead by the enemy at Kimbo’s mbuci at Karathi’s Mother. His successor, Gicuki Mugo, had been arrested while hiding in Nyeri European Primary School compound. I did not notice any difference between that camp and the former. We remained in the camp for three days during which we completed our program, to
that they
—
ranking 22 of the 70
We
fighters.
were given a guide
to
IDA
2/2, then under Kibira Gatu.
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN 364 The camp was behind the old H.Q. at Kariaini facing
Gikira River.
Kibira Gatu had become very famous fighting with the
Kenya
and returning in the forest while not attacking. The place was quite warm, between the black forest and the bamboo, compared to the freezing area we had been Levellation in the reserve
After a thin maize-meal dinner, I feel in deep sleep. next morning, I felt very tired and did not want to wake
staying.
The up.
At 8 130 in the morning I was still in bed and completely wrapped within a blanket when the enemy started firing at the camp. They had approached the camp unnoticed. I woke up, grabbed my satchel with one hand and my blanket in the other, leaving behind my shoes, raincoat and hat. As I ran, the blanket was held by a branch and knocked me down. I heard the enemy shouting ‘He is down See them run like cowards.’ :
!
my
blanket there and, running barefoot, I fell many times while descending in a valley. As I was left behind, I managed to I left
join three other fighters.
I
asked them to pause and
listen.
We
did
not hear our people but instead heard the enemy shouting in the camp. We learned that it was Kibithe’s young boys from their shoutings.
We
had not hope
gati suggested that
of joining our
we
cross
companions that day. The itunthe Gikira River and visit IDA 4/3
by Kahinga Wachanga. We managed to get there but the enemies had seen us going and followed us. They spotted some of Kahinga’s fighters who had gone to collect honey and opened fire at them. When he heard the shots, Kahinga ordered his fighters to pack and move westwards to Githai area in the dry bamboo. The four of us accompanied him. led
On
our arrival at Githai, we were dispersed by another enemy force. The movement was very difficult there for one could not run over the fallen bamboo unless he followed an elephant’s path.
found myself with a group of 18 of Kahinga’s fighters and we encamped by one of the Gikira tributaries near its source. We found all of us had only one maize cob for our dinner. Some I
some edible vegetables but found none. The ones they found were very poisonous and if we ate them we would either run mad or become dumb. Our maize was roasted and each of us was given a dozen grains for dinner. I learned that Kahinga’s section had lost the system of building a common food store and itungati searched for
THE KENYA PARLIAMENT had all
substituted
it
by carrying on
365
their shoulders all their belongings
the time.
The
following day
we
vainly searched for the other companions.
Night came and we encamped in one of Kahinga’s old camps where Kahinga’s itungati thought that it was easy for them to contact the other fighters. That night discussion resolved that
ing the other fighters
noon,
we would go
we had nothing
we would spend
and that
if
The
the following
itungati
day search-
unsuccessful by four in the after-
to the forest edge
enter the reserve to collect food
to eat.
and
and
13 of the fighters
would
try to catch the other fighters
there.
The forest
next day
edge
we had no
in the
luck in the search.
We
went
to the
evening but met the enemy shelling the forest
would have been very dangerous to try and enter the reserve under those conditions so the 19 of us spent another hungry night without food. The following morning we continued our hopeless search till noon. Being tired and hungry, we sat down for a rest. My soft bare feet had been badly pricked by debris, stumps, stones and were always wet, sinking under the black mud. I felt exhausted and did not want to walk any more. I asked the itungati whether they knew any other fighters’ camp to which they could lead me. They replied that they did not know any other than the old deserted camps. The itungati suggested that we had better walk some ten miles to the edge of the forest where we would encamp for the night while some of us went to the reserve for food. I did not appreciate the idea and requested whether some of them would accompany me to the Moorlands where I thought I could catch other fighters easily. I learned that none of the itungati wanted to part from their companions. In a horrified and worried state of mind, I took my small binoculars and started eagerly looking aimlessly for any people. Luckily, I caught some thin smoke rising up above a tall tree across the river Gikira to the northwest. I was unable to sight any person due to the hindrance of trees and bushes. I told the fighters that we had better catch the owners of that smoke, whom I thought to be our fighters who had gone round hunting for honey. One gitungati argued that it might be enemy’s fire. At last they agreed and we walked to the tree. aimlessly from positions near the boundary. It
On
our arrival at the
tree,
we found
that our other fighters
3^6
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
who had made
the
while collecting honey had then
fire
quickly followed their track, taking great care not to lose track led us to IDA 4/ 1 under Gikonyo Kanyungu.
We
were very happy
left. it.
We The
meet other fighters. I told Gen. Gikonyo that we had spent four days and three nights without food. He ordered that we be given as much elephant meat as we could eat. Though the Kikuyu tribe traditionally disapproves of eating any to
animal with one hoof [i.e., toe], like the horse, or with more than two hooves, and all clawed animals, a few Kikuyu hunters, ‘Athi,’
had started trapping and eating elephants, probably under the influence of Gumba and Nderobo some centuries ago. The Athi were sparsely scattered all along the borders of the forests surrounding Kikuyuland. In Murang’a the practice of eating elephant had grown so that they almost ignored the taboo on eating such animals. influenced their neighbors in Gikonyo’s camp.
They had
any taboo and traditional beliefs, I personally believed that man could eat any animal, provided that it was not Irrespective of
poisonous to him.
I
thought that
God
blessed all other creatures
man’s food. This abundance had caused man to select which ones he liked according to their appearances and tastes. With this in mind, I started eating the meat, weighing its taste and smell. The taste of the fried fat could not be differentiated from cattle fat. We ate much of the tender meat, which was as as
tender as pork.
I
noted that a
girl
and three other warriors had
refused to eat.
After eating,
asked for kiraiku.
wrapped the tobacco well in a piece of paper in the form of a cigarette and heavily puffed it after lighting while I listened to Gen. Gikonyo telling me about his camp. He told me that his group had successfully exterminated a notorious headman and had readministered the oath to the Home Guards. He said that he was on very good terms with many Home Guards in Chinga Location. T. hey were regularly supplying him with ammunition. He added that four of the Home Guards had joined his mbutu [i.e., section] with their rifles and ammunition supplied to them by the Government. He called them to come with their inspected
rifles.
them
I
I
They
stood in a line and presented arms to me. I and congratulated them for what they had done
supporting the fighters.
and that they were
in
told
them
works should be recorded a position of gaining high rank quickly and I
their
THE KENYA PARLIAMENT easily
367
they could bring into the forest some other
if
Home
Guards
with their arms.
Turning
to
Gikonyo,
a meeting with his
I
asked him whether
fighters.
He
said
was that some 88 it
possible to hold fighters
were
in
the camp, plus 25 who were at the forest fringe storing food for future use and twelve who were in his hospital attending three
One
Munandi, who had shot the elephant but it caught him before it died and pierced its tusk right through his thigh and then threw him up on a bush. He concluded that if I wanted I could meet all the fighters in the camp. He said that he had better first consult his divining gourd as he was one of the medicine men, so as to know whether we were safe to the camp. I watched him counting his stones and seeds, whose numbers solved his questions. I very well understood that there was no truth in it but many of our fighters believed in it. After [he had finished] he said we were safe and called the itungati patients.
of the patients
was
his assistant leader,
to a meeting.
After introducing
me
them of the mission men were dispersed by the enemy and the to his itungati ,
I
told
and how my difficult life I had within the last four days. I started reading the letters and had not finished when I fell down on the ground in the center of the meeting like a person suffering from epilepsy. When I rose up to speak, for a few seconds I was unable to maintain my balance. When I resumed my strength, I told the fighters not to think that I was suffering from any disease, as they might have thought the fact was that I was suffering from hunger and exhaustion of energy in the long journeys. I took a New Testament out of my satchel, opened to St. Matthew, Chapter 5, and I
had
led
—
read verses 1-6.
And
seeing the multitudes, he went
when he was his
set, his disciples
into a
mountain; and
came unto him. And he opened
mouth, and taught them, saying, blessed are the poor
spirit for theirs
mourn
:
is
the
kingdom
for they shall be comforted. Blessed are the
thirst after righteousness
:
in
of heaven. Blessed are they that
they shall inherit the earth. Blessed
and
up
meek for are they which do hunger :
for they shall be filled.
them that Jesus was a great teacher and prophet and his prophesy would be fulfilled exactly as I had read unto them. I told them that it was just a matter of time and we would come to the I
told
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
368
end of the emergency, during which time our daily troubles would be changed in equal amount of goodness as the badness we had suffered.
‘You end,’
I
all
know
said.
that everything has
In order to witness
my
its
time,
its
statement,
of the ancient great preachers, the Ecclesiastes,
beginning and I
its
referred to one
Chapter
3, verses
1-8.
To
everything there
is
a season, and a time to every purpose
under the heaven. A time * 1 be born, and a time to pluck up that which is planted; a timj to kill, and a time to heal; a time to break down, and a time to build up; a time to weep and a time to laugh a time to mourn, and a time to dance a time to cast away stones, and a time to gather stones together; a time to embrace, and a time to refrain from embracing; a time to get, and a time to lose; a time to keep, and a time to cast away; a ;
;
time to rend, and a time to sew; a time to keep silent, and a time to speak; a time of famine, and a time of plenty (my insertion). A time to love, and a time to hate; a time of war, and
a time of peace. ‘
I
hough
this
is
corner, coming,’
a time of war, the time of peace said.
I
‘When
it
arrives,
each of us
is
just at the
shall receive
happiness equal to the misery he or she has suffered in the forest, for God maintains the balance of good and bad and the lengths of their duration.
Those who are happy now
w hen uhuru [freedom] comes, while we r
ing the suffering
we
shall be very miserable
shall be very
happy, balanc-
are about to overcome.’
then took the letter from Fenner Brockway, read it to them and then handed it over to them to witness that it had come from him. I told them that Mbiyu Koinange had succeeded in presenting I
our case to the
UNO
countries (British
coming
to
Kenya
and that over 80 representatives of
Commonwealth Parliamentary
different
Delegation) were
to hear
our claims and collect reports from our our disputes with the settlers. I told them that I
and settle was making the Africans’ difficulties known by the people of other countries and that soon we would get help. I promised them to issue ranks the following day and released them to collect firewood before darkness fell. 1 heir leader thanked me and they seemed very happy as they left to gather wood. By the time fires were made, I was as hungry as ever. I beleaders
THE KENYA PARLIAMENT
369
wilderingly asked Gikonyo whether elephant’s meat took the same length of time as cattle beef for digestion.
‘The elephant’s meat is very tender,’ he replied, ‘and takes less than three hours to be digested and absorbed in the body and very little of it is excreted. It doesn’t matter how much one eats, for he will quickly feel
form of food
He
hungry
as elephants’
meat
is
the easiest digestible
know.’
I
ordered
cooks to
his
which
make njima
for
me
hardened maize
(a
meat and a nice gravy. After eating, I felt very sleepy. He gave me one of his blankets and asked one of his lieutenants to show me where to sleep. I was taken to a small rectangular hut with all the walls well covered and a nice fire was still burning. I wrapped myself in the blanket and soon fell into a porridge)
I
ate with
sleep.-
The following day, Gikonyo arranged the names of the fighters who were to be ranked and in the afternoon I issued ranks to 28 of them, including four Home Guards who had finished two months in the forest each was made a sergeant. During the meeting I told them how to attack enemy’s property and suggested for them to move from the reserves to the Rift Valley and in general tried to cover the mission’s program, the Kenya Young Stars, etc.
—
After
my
speech, one gitungati offered
Seeing that, Gikonyo promised
me
me
a pair of tyre sandals.
to order all
my
requirements
from the reserve. The following day I visited the camp’s hospital and found that all the patients were recovering. Munandi had two small wounds in the thigh through which the elephant had stabbed its tusk. They all witnessed that the hole was three inches in diameter and covered and filled with some elephant fat. When I returned to the mbuci, I found four itungati from
who had been moving from camp to camp searchme. They told me that although my companions in the had been dispersed by the enemy the day we parted, they
Gitonga’s mbuci ing for
mission
had me. I
later
on
all
arrived at Gitonga’s
made up my mind
to join
my
mbuci with the exception
of
companions the following day.
Gikonyo told me that he would accompany me in order to be able to meet Kimathi. We left the camp in the morning with ten itungati, including his kabatuni. By noon we arrived at Kihara Gatandi’s camp and he too wished to join my company on our
way back
to Chania.
I
learned that the
enemy
killed three of
our
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
370
two others and four others including myself had been missing for a week. I told the story of the three others and so cleared the worries. I rejoined my companions in the evening at Gitonga’s mbuci. We were all glad to meet each other safely. They told me that they spent two more days in Kibira’s mbuci held a meeting with all the itungati and preached all they could, mentioning the letters I had. They did not issue ranks. I in turn told them all that happened to me since we were dispersed. fighters, injured
,
my
After listening to
quired whether our fighters
we had experienced
Wacira Gathuku wonderingly enwould ever forget the miserable life
story,
in the forest.
Though
the other leaders advo-
cated that our fighters will never forget the emergency’s to
me
to
commemorate our
difficulties,
seemed to be only hope based on their present feelings, while there was really nothing concrete to commemorate our misery. I then warned them that unless we had something concrete it
misery,
it
would become a forgotten factor
a very short time.
in
Wacira Gathuku then suggested that the day that the emergency will be declared over should become a public holiday and every year on that day we should pack our luggage in kitbags and make about twenty-five miles walk to the Moorlands and peg out our tents on the frozen areas, start hunting and trapping animals for dinner while our wives and children search for any edible vegetables (which is difficult to get in the Moorlands) and if we did not get
any
forest food
we
should then sleep without eating anything for that night. All people should be awakened by thunderous firing
weapon
of every
that
was used during the emergency. They should
then walk back home.
Gen. Gitonga Gaciingu in support of Wacira’s idea added that it should be a prayer day to be held on the mountains at midnight and that we should always sacrifice a goat to God before prayers. I argued that though the idea was a good one, only the present fighters would carry it forward for a short time and then it would die with the fighters. I suspected that the future generations would not be willing to practice such hardships with neither fun nor interest in them.
‘Though we would
like to
maintain the idea
in the
minds of our
‘we could do so by building memorial halls or clubs and give them names symbolizing our miserable life. The buildings
people,’
may
I said,
live
for
many
generations and people from other countries
— THE KENYA PARLIAMENT would see them and learn memory.’ suggested that
I
The
we
their
try to
names, keeping
name
37 1
in their
minds the
those memorial hall or clubs.
following names were suggested
Kari lguru (meaning the airplane is above), Mwihugo (Emergency), Ruhati (the hillside, created in the forest), Ngai Ndeithia! (God help me!), Nyagikonyo (Lincoln Bombers), Bebeta (Bren or machine gun), Nyandarua, Kirinyaga,
Wiyathi or
Mborabu (Ice), Ndia Ndarua (Hides and Uhuru (Freedom).
Instead of suggesting any name, I
pointed out that
only
:
all
—had omitted
I
the suggested
first criticised
names
the civilians, detainees
my
suggestion,
and
to hear
my
titles.
prisoners, including
I
wanted
the above
referred to forest fighters
added that the name should Mts. Nyandarua and Kirinyaga. Wacira Gathuku, speaking on behalf of the
our top leaders.
Skins Eater),
also include both
others,
ideas. I started
demanded
mentioning the
which our people have suffered and which are worthy to commemorate. ‘First, the Mt. Kenya fighters; second, the Nyandarua fighters; third, the Olengurone civilians’ eviction, treatment and loss of property; fourth, the Kapenguria Trials of Jomo Kenstages in
by which we should commemorate all other trials which led to death by hanging for thousands of our supporters and long imprisonment to more than 20,000; fifth, Lokitaung Prison, in
yatta,
which leader Jomo Kenyatta and his colleagues were serving seven years imprisonment for leading the revolution. This prison should commemorate all other prisons and prisoners, detention camps and detainees.’
Our
five stages
have drawn people from the
porters in the reserves are in the
many
aspects. Since
hall with five
name
thus
:
it
names,
would be
we
same category
difficult to
as
Our
sup-
our fighters
in
have a club or memorial
should combine the
putting together the
reserves.
five
names
into one
name AMpenguria, LOkitaung we
first
syllables of every
—
KEn ya,
JVTTndarua, o’LZsngurone, would get the kenyalekalo memorial club. My idea was approved by the other leaders and we resolved that our misery would be commemorated in big halls to be built in cities
and towns under the name kenyalekalo.
we asked Gitonga to send some itungati to Kihara Gitandi and Gicuki Mwii very early the following morning Before sleeping,
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
372
them
to take a letter requesting to
meet Kimathi
in
to
come and arrange our journey
Chania.
The following morning, after the arrival of Kihara and Gicuki, we agreed that we had to leave for Chania the following day at seven in the morning.
come
We
asked them to pack their luggage and
to pass the night with us at Gitonga’s mbuci.
in the
evening
we
they
passed time by composing two songs to
memorate our mission and misery and verses of one song are
I left
When
praising the leaders.
came comSome
:
home
And left my parents And promised them That
was going
I
Chorus
:
to fight for soil
Follow the young
man
And remember This
soil is for
blacks
The man you see with a gap in teeth Is called Ndungu s/o Giceru He is the one who brings down airplanes When they come to disturb itungati
Njama The hero of Mahiga Was willing to give his Karari s/o
To
life
return the whites to Europe
When
I
went home
my parents Weeping, Oh our son I
found
Our homes were burned. The
following morning
a group of 35 3.
We
we
started our journey to
Mihuru with
including six divisional leaders of IDA 2 and took the same route back with the exception that this time fighters,
we managed to cross the river Gura at a point just above its water falls where we had previously failed to cross. After spending a night
— THE KENYA PARLIAMENT on the way, we arrived Kimathi in Nyaga’s mbusi
at
Mihuru
in
late
373
afternoon and met
end of May. I reported all about my mission and pointed out that I did not visit all the sections in that area because they were badly dispersed at the
by the enemy during the previous month and, moreover, many of them were living in Rift Valley, including Stanley Mathenge. I told Kimathi about our idea of the Kenyalekalo Clubs, which he recommended. After discussing with the six Othaya Division leaders, he advised us to return to Othaya and elect committees from sub-location
and division. After spending three days with Kimathi, the Othaya leaders left for Ruthaithi area where they said they would stay for a week. They would then collect me on their way location
back to Othaya.
Kimathi organized a visit to the reserve people in Icagaciru Village in North Tetu Location. We left the forest at sunset with 160 armed fighters who on arrival took up sentry positions along all paths leading into that village with the help of some civilians. We met in a home of three big huts on a farm whose owner had not shifted into the village. Each of the huts had at least 80 people men, women and girls. Kimathi, Abdullah, Ndiritu, Kahiu-Itina, Kimbo and I lectured to the villagers aiming at encouraging them and gaining their support and re-establishing communication links, bridge-system and a firm organization from the sub-location to the division. We elected some leaders in the reserve who would look after our 0 affairs, told them about the Kenya Parliament, Kenya Young Stars Association and Kenyalekalo, and warned them of the Government propaganda, using bombing results and China’s negotiations as examples. After our long speeches
had brought
One
to that
we
ate various types of food the
home and our
women
warriors carried bundles of raw
and gave [them to] me. The sub-locational leader promised Ndiritu Thuita that he would send him all my requirements. It was already three in the morning when the meeting broke up. The villagers who had come from all parts of the location returned safely to their home and we entered the forest at dawn. We held a similar meeting at Ihwa in the same location a week food.
later.
of the villagers took off his shoes
The Government was informed
of our
visits,
and we too
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
374
received that information,
and we never again
set foot
or held any
other meeting in the reserve.
During the two meetings we held
in the reserve,
we
learned that
Kimbo
regarded himself as the representative of the Rift Valley
and
the fighters
all
repatriation.
who had made Kimbo, who [seemed
Kimathi, tried to gain In his speech, the forest
and
He
Kimbo in
to]
his confidence
by dividing Rift Valley
fighters
homes before assume equal power with
Rift Valley their
[i.e.,
enhance
his
own
from the Central Province
status]
fighters.
WE (Rift Valley people both in and YOU (the Central Province
referred to
the reserve)
claimed that the Rift Valley people had lost all their property and were helpless. In his comparison he said that HIS people contributed more for land and freedom than the Central people).
Province.
—
C
HA
P T ER
THE TIDE Consider in g
XVIII
TURNING
IS
the military, logistic
confronting the Aberdare forces, the to achieve considerable success in its
policies
and programs over the
and
ecological difficulties
Kenya Parliament managed some 1954. Through
implementing at last half of
least
of its
various missions, ceremonial gatherings and meetings, the Parliament was able to gain recognition and establish its authority albeit largely
nominal
—over most Aberdare groups and
the guerrilla units operating in
Kiambu and
several of
the smaller forests.
however, were for the most part organizational and did not culminate in the new offensive thrust envisioned by the Parliament leaders. The tide, in fact, seemed to be turning against the guerrilla forces. In the forests they were becoming Its
successes,
from one another and from their major sources of supplies in the reserves and Nairobi. Related to this, and equally important, was the fact that guerrilla units in several areas were beginning to run critically short of arms and, especially, ammunition. The Kenya Parliaments proposed strategy of destroying enemy property, while sound
increasingly isolated
and cut
off
was clearly insufficient to halt the steady depletion of weapons and ammunition. Military supplies simply had to be acquired from the security forces and it was here, if the revolt were to be sustained, that a new strategy aimed at the enemy’s weak points, utilizing the tactics of hit-and-run raid and ambush, capitalizing on the elements of surprise, mobility and coordinated action, and directed primarily toward the acquisition of arms and ammunition was required. Instead, faced with a continuing build-up of Government forces, heavily armed guard
in
itself,
—
—
and police
posts, fortified villages, etc., the forest insurgents
were
using their dwindling supply of arms and ammunition ever more exclusively for food raids and defense. And, as the food quest led to raids on civilian stock and gardens, the support of the
hard-pressed Kikuyu peasantry was steadily alienated. Failure to sustain the military offensive was obviously related 375
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
37^
to the internal conflicts
which rose
to the surface
among Aber-
dare groups and leaders during this period. The lack of significant victories, loss of forward momentum and increasing isolation within the forest tended to turn the Aberdare guerrilla forces
upon themselves, accelerating certain negative forest organization and heightening personal ani-
increasingly in
trends in the
mosities between important guerrilla leaders.
The
tendency, for
example, toward smaller and more numerous groups was accelerated by the mounting supply, travel and military difficulties and,
be clear from Karari’s account, it was these smaller marginal groups which deviated more grossly from Kenya Parliament policies regarding offensive tactics, treatment of civilian as will
supporters, rules
etc.,
and which adhered
and regulations
less closely to
relating to discipline,
women and
division of labor, the role of
Parliament
respect for rank,
defensive procedures.
was the marginal and komerera groups which yielded more readily to the leadership of their seers or mundo mugo.
Again,
it
The Kenya
Parliament’s
adequate enforcement machinery, combined with the personal power maintained by lack
of
individual leaders, also facilitated the defiance and non-recognition of the Parliament’s authority by certain key Aberdare
such as Stanley Mathenge, Kahiu-Itina and Kimbo. Coupled with the ‘vertical’ pattern of loyalties, this made the
leaders,
potential split within the
Kenya Parliament
threaten not only
the loss of these individual leaders but also of the lesser leaders and followers attached to them. This segmentation, as noted earlier,
was based upon the
territorial criterion of
recruitment
into the various forest groups
and was but a reflection of the fact that, for the most part, ties and loyalties based on kinship friendship and locality were strongest within the primary fighting units and towards sub-section leaders, and weakened progressively at each succeeding level of grouping and leadership. As revealed in Karari’s discussions with potential dissidents, there was also a growing tendency towards ideological polarization.
In
its
strictly
political
guerrilla forces continued to
dimension,
‘victorv’
be conceived bv
all
among
the
factions as the
achievement of an independent, all-African Kenya government. Conditioned bv the absence of a strong centralized form of government within the traditional Kikuyu political structure, as well as
by the Kenya-wide administrative and
political
system
THE TIDE
TURNING
IS
377
imposed by the British over the preceeding fifty years, few if any Kikuyu thought in terms of secession or the formation of an independent Kikuyu state or nation. This Kenya-wide aspect of forest ideology was manifested both in the symbolic representation of Kenya’s 33 districts in the reorganized Kenya Parliament and in the hoped-for participation of other tribes in the revolt. Despite the general agreement concerning this political question, however, a polarization of ideological positions was developing with respect to the legitimacy of the Kenya Parliament, future rights to alienated land and the place of traditional beliefs
and customs. The more acculturated, semi-educated the
Kenya
leaders of
Parliament, such as Karari, expressed the view that
land should be apportioned among the landless Kenya African Government. They also tended to
all settler-held
by the
first
accept a religious
more or less syncretic version beliefs and customs. Several
Kikuyu and European illiterate leaders, on the
of
other hand, questioning the legitimacy of the educated leaders’ dominance of the Kenya Parliament, held that since the revolt was being fought by illiterate peasants, it should be led by the
uneducated as well. They also maintained that the White Highlands should be turned over to the ex-Rift Valley squatters and laborers and that all mission influence should be purged from Kikuyu religious beliefs and practices. As we shall see, Karari makes a valiant attempt to moderate this conflict and the Mihuro meeting in late November was devoted largely, and with some success, to bringing about a reconciliation between Mathenge and Kimathi and a reunification of Aberdare forces.
Kihara Gatandi and the Othaya leaders missed us and returned to Othaya. I followed them at the beginning of June and organized IDA 2, 3 and 4 and their sections Othaya, Mahiga and Chinga Locations which form Othaya Division. After each location had elected its sub-location and location committee members, the itgunati from the three locations met about one and a half miles west of H.Q. Kariaini and elected the Divisional Committee. Over 300 fighters met and elected [the following] persons, who also had
—
to be
members
—
of their sub-location
and location committees
:
1
:
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
378 Chairman
Gen. Gikonyo Kanyunga Chinga Location Brig. Gen. Karari NjamaMahiga Loc. Capt. Kunyukunyu Othaya Loc.
Vice Chairman Secretary
Vice Secretary Treasurer Vice Treasurer
Col.
Wanjeru
Kibiri
Gen. Kihara Gatandi Gen. Gitonga Gaciingu Wachira Gathuki
Committee Members
Mwaniki Gacoka Kibicho
After the election
we
Mahiga Loc. Othaya Loc. Mahiga Loc. Mahiga Loc. Chinga Loc. Othaya Loc.
drafted a letter to the Chairman,
IDA 4/ IDA 3/3 IDA 2/2 IDA 3/2 IDA 2/1 IDA 3/3 IDA 3/3 IDA 4/1 IDA 2/3 Othaya
and a carbon to the Nairobi Kenya Parliament branch. The letter which I wrote, under the instruction of the Division, Nairobi,
committee, reported the result of the election we had and requested that all our divisional supplies be sent to the Chairman via Chinga where the bridge system and communications had been re-
We
established since Operation Anvil.
we had no little we had
pointed out that
ammunition for attacking our enemies and that the was only [sufficient] to fight for food for only a short time. We also mentioned that our fighters had started wearing skins due to lack of clothes and that we had no medicine left in stock. We also reminded them that we were still waiting for the help they would give for
my
journeys to Ethiopia.
for all the office bearers
We
enclosed specimen signatures
and warned them that
always be signed by three
all
our
letters
each from a
office bearers,
would
[different]
location.
Apart from the election, I spoke to our fighters on many other points and wrote a letter to Kahinga Wachanga, IDA 4/3, who led the South Tetu Division and asked him to hold the same elections as
we had and
to
accompany
mittee office bearers, so that
us,
including his Divisional
we could
re-elect
the
Ituma
Com[i.e.,
Nyeri District] Council at Chania. In his reply he told us that his case was very easy since all his divisional fighters were not many and were living in one tnbuci
under
his leadership.
the forest. It
from the
was the
forest.
1
his division lacked the benefit of
division
[i.e.,
bordering
South Tetu] that was furthest
had distributed themselves to Mt. Kirinyaga [Kenya], Fort Hall— Gikuyu Iregi Army, and most of them had been forced by subsistence circumstances to join the Kenya Levellation Army, leaving only about 80 fighters with Its
fighters
Kahinga.
When Kahinga
failed to
come, we
set off
toward Chania with
all
the Divisional
THE TIDE
IS
TURNING
Committee men.
We
met Kimathi
the end of June. After reporting
all
379 at Chieni
toward
about our journey, we learned
Kimathi wanted each division to elect three of its members and when they met they would form the Ituma Council. The Othaya Division Committee resolved that it was bad for us to elect any Ituma members in the absence of Stanley Mathenge, then that
its
chairman. Though very inactive, as he proved himself to be,
was very great. Moreover, we believed that it was bad to cast him out unknowingly and we resolved that I had to go and meet Mathenge and try to bring him at the Annual General Meeting when we would resume the yet his popularity in the division
talk.
As we were about to break up our discussion, three itungati arrived from Ruthaithi reporting that Wambararia (Wagura Waciuri, Kimathi’s brother) wanted to kill two itungati whom he claimed had seduced his girlfriend. ‘He grabbed a rifle from my hands,’ said one gitungati ‘and fired two shots at the itungati. One of them was caught by a bullet in his knee. We were able to disarm him and he kept threatening to kill them.’ Kimathi wrote a letter to his brother and asked him to surrender and peacefully go to present his case to the Kenya Parliament. He warned that if he disobeyed his instructions he would forcibly be disarmed and probably spoil his case. The letter was taken by six armed itungati who were ordered to report the following day with Wambararia. Meanwhile, I wrote a letter to six members of the Kenya Parliament who were nearby asking them to come and hear Wambararia’s case. They arrived the following day and the itungati arrived with Wambararia, who was still armed with a rifle. Kimathi spoke to him and he yielded his gun. Wambararia was released on his own word that he would neither run away or commit ,
suicide.
The
following day, eight
Kenya Parliament members
down to attempting murder. The
Kimathi) plus eight other leaders invited by Kimathi, hear the case. Wambararia was accused of
(including
sat
accused pleaded guilty and threatened that he would rather commit suicide than be sentenced to death for his action. He claimed that
he had acted on bad temper. The girl and the Itungati who were victimized by Wambararia swore that their talk had nothing to do with sexual matters.
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
380
Kiniathi spoke, he defended his brother. He said, ‘According to Kikuyu customary laws, there was nothing like “attempting murder;” all there was was “murder” or “wound,” of which the penalty for the former was either 100 head of goats for a man or
When
30 for a
woman
or a revenge by killing the murderer or his relapenalty on wounding or assaulting another person was a
tive.
The
ram
for the medicine
man who
cleaned and purified the
spilt
blood,
a very fat he-goat and a tin of honey as the compensation for serious injuries. I think Wambararia’s case should be regarded as wounding a person and not attempting murder which is not our
own
law.’
and his suggestion was accepted. I warned the meeting that Wambararia’s case could not be unique and that our judgement, which would be recorded in our books, would become a pattern to any future cases. Kimathi
Trying
many
gained
to
find
supporters
out the judgement, Abdullah suggested that
according to Kikuyu customary laws,
we
should ask Wambararia
compensate the injured person by a billygoat and a tin of honey and in addition to that he should take much care to the injured person, especially in feeding and medical treatment. Another person suggested that the two itungati be transferred from Wambararia’s mbuci soon after recovery and discharge from to
the hospital. Both ideas were resolved as final, though the injured
no better treatment than one injured by our enemy. Similarly, Wambararia had no billygoat or honey of his own, but instead would send his itungati to search them wherever they could find them and take them to the hospital just what they do to other injured persons. I later on learned from a few Kenya Parliament leaders that they were not satisfied with the judgement and blamed Kimathi fighter
received
—
for his fallacy.
From
the witnesses, the victims suffered for nothing
and escaped death by mere luck. I shared their feelings but Kimathi’s mood and activity of inviting stooges to hear the case had proved to me that peace could only prevail when his ideas succeeded.
Now
July was approaching. I suggested to Kimathi that we should have a mid-year prayer day on 2nd July to commemorate our
deceased
fighters.
By
calculation
I
found that 2nd July was the
mid-day of the year, so Kimathi asked
me
to write letters to all
THE TIDE nearby leaders and
tell
them
to
TURNING
IS meet
at
38 1
Ruhuruini Memorial Hall
where prayers should be held at Gathitu’s grave. A few days later, some 400 fighters met at Ruhuruini Memorial Hall where we amused ourselves by songs, and hearing reports of missions. Our prayers started at a quarter to midnight inside the hall. The prayers were opened by Wang'ombe Ruga and said by two leaders, two itungati, two girl fighters and was dedicated by Kimathi.
Leaders of the various missions reported their journeys and those who were absent, we heard their stories from verbal messages by other people.
I
was the
first
to report
Thuita reported about their tours
on
in the
my
Mburu Ngebo Army com-
panies and praised them for their activities. the
Mburu Ngebo Army
lived
on
journey, then Ndiritu
settlers’
He
most of livestock or wheat and said that
other crops growns by the settlers and their employees.
He
said
some sections situated in Wanjohi Valley, Kipipiri Hill and the Moorland lived entirely on trapping and collecting honey. We learned that Ruguni and two of his men were shot dead while crossing Nyeri-Thomson’s Falls road and two others were captured by the enemy. Thus our failure to reach the Northern Frontier District Turkana and Suk. Gen. Omera, a member of Kenya Parliament, had been badly injured in the right arm and captured by the enemy. He was known to be cooperating with Kenya Police Reserve at their H.Q. at Mweiga, where he was still receiving treatment after his hand that
had been completely cut off in hospital. Macaria Kimemia had not returned but reports said that he was doing well in Murang’a. Kimathi read a letter written by Wanjeru while at Elburgon saying that his mission was forced to return as it had been very difficult for them to find any supporters who could lead them to the Nandi Reserve. Major Kahiga, who was sent to Kiambu, was reported killed on his way back to Kiambu from Nairobi. His assistant, Gitekoba, had survived and was said to be in Nyandarua guiding some 90 Kiambu fighters to meet us. also learned that Kenya Levellation Army companies had I entered Ruthaithi after the capture of their leaders, Gens. Hika Hika, Gaita Mbomu, Ngoma Kaigo and Montgomery. I decided to visit their sections and collect some data. When we dispersed the following day, I went to Ruthaithi and found some peculiari-
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
382 ties in
those sections.
More than
half of the fighters were girls
;
they
acted according to the witchdoctors’ will; a boy eleven years old
had been made a general by their witchdoctors and they all obeyed him. The ways of prayers had changed they started praying facing Mt. Kenya and then [turned toward] Mt. Nyandarua and finished their prayers facing the former. They did not want to eat or live with a person who had not been cleansed by their medicine man. They alleged that such a person would bring great calamity to ;
their mbuci.
For a week
mbuci at night and worked on these sections during the day. These Kenya Levellation sections refused to give me some safari food when I wanted to leave their camp, though they had promised me safari food, and while they had plenty of meat. When I arrived at their camp, the eleven year old camp leader told me that they had not held their morning prayers yet and that to touch food before would bring calamity to the camp. I left their camp at 7 a.m. with three itungati and had gone hardly half a mile from their camp by the time their enemies opened fire. We sat down and astonishingly listened to the guns’ echoes. We were afraid that they might be taken by surprise by the enemy for they did not keep any guards and the fact that we had left many of them still asleep. We had only five maize cobs for our journey. At midday we came to a place where Lincolns had dropped bombs, killing two big bushbucks. We were very glad and thanked God for the gift. We slew the animals and each carried a heavy load of meat. On my arrival at Chieni mbuci I learned that Kimathi had gone to Mwathe (in the Moorlands) accompanied by two Kiambu leaders, a Kiambu elder and a dozen of their itungati who had been guided by Gitekoba. I also learned from Nyaga that more than 80 Kiambu fighters were in Gikuyu Iregi Army and that they would meet Kimathi at Mwathe. Some itungati had been sent to guide them to Mwathe. Kimathi had sent me a message asking me to go and meet the Kenya Inoro (Kiambu) leaders but I had I
remained
in Jeriko’s
,
not received the message.
On
Mwathe, Kimathi introduced me to Joseph Kibe Kimani and Gathumbi and another leader of Kiambu fighters. They told me that they had received our message from Major Kahiga and Gitekoba and that Waruingi had received our former arrival at
— THE TIDE
IS
TURNING
383
message and had started fighting as early as January, but many of their fighters had moved to Melili in Narok and were fighting under
Ole
Kisio.
They confirmed
all
that
we had
learned about Kiambu.
Kiambu itungati arrived. Kimathi and I gave lectures to the Kiambu fighters on our army registration telling them of the Kenya Inoro Army under which they were able to register, various records, Kenya Parliament, rules and regulations, fighting tactics, food and supplies, camp life, etc. Due to shortage of food supply in Nguthiru (Moorlands), we returned to In a couple of days 88
Chania and Nyaga’s mbuci.
On
arrival, I
wrote
letters to all
nearby leaders inviting them to
Kenya Inoro Army fighters. After their arrival, they encouraged the new fighters in their speeches. We distributed companies 1, 2, and 3 and the Kenya Inoro Army fighters in IDA told them that they had to learn for a month or two so that when they returned to Kiambu they would have some experiences of the life in the forest and be better equipped in how to handle their own affairs. Meanwhile their leaders helped to send messages to Kiambu fighters in Longonot, Naivasha and Suswa Hill. Most of the time in August I stayed with the Kenya Inoro Army leaders
come and meet
the
1
copying
in their exercise
books examples of the various kinds of
records required to be kept and instructing on rules and regulations,
camp managements, Kenya Young
Stars Association,
Kenya-
Memorial Clubs, ceremonies, etc. By the end of August, I went to Ruthaithi in Gathee’s mbuci. On my second day, I was awakened at 6 a.m. by gun blustering about two miles away. Binihalis told me that Kenya Levellation Army camps were being raided by the enemy. We quickly packed and hid our luggage and kept sentries in all directions. Half an hour later, a few fighters from the attacked camps arrived. They were all badly scratched by thorny shrubs, looked very frightened and breathed rapidly. Three of them were in pyjamas. They told lekalo
us they
had been
surprisingly attacked
and could neither
fight
They
said
belongings.
property and even
The
when they were
all
asleep
nor had they any chance of collecting their that
they must have
lost
most of
their
lives.
following day
I
received news that seven of our fighters
had been killed in that raid and four others injured, and a good number were still missing but were hoped to be in other camps. On the third day all the fighters rejoined and resolved that there were
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
384 no more
including ten
homemade,
Informers at
Mweiga
Kenya Regiment had the previous week.
When
enemy captured 19 guns, blankets and camp utensils. Major Owen Jeoffreys of the
casualties but in the long run the
clothings,
told us that
led the raid that destroyed
in
asked Gathee to send scouts to Jeoffreys home.
I
the scouts returned they told
Mweiga H.Q. and
our fighters
that Jeoffreys
us
lived
at
that sometimes he slept at his mother’s house
on a farm not far from his own farm. They told us that he had removed all his livestock from his farm, which was about five miles from the forest border, and that his house was being taken care of by two men and a boy about sixteen years old who were good supporters and shared their flour to our fighters. He always visited his house in the morning and evening, leaving between 6 and 6 130 p.m. to join his comrades in their camp. Major Gathee and I planned to raid Major Jeoffreys’ home between 6 and 7 in the evening in an attempt to revenge for our fighters’
property
loss.
We
left
camp
4 p.m. with 28 itungati guns and six manufactured ones,
the
armed with a dozen homemade plus Binihalis and myself. We crossed p.m.
we were about
half a mile
at
,
the forest border at 5 p.m. At 6
from
his
home which
looked very
As we started descending the slope of a stream whose far slopes were his home we saw his car leaving the home. We crossed the river quickly, climbing its slope and arriving at his house at 6 145 p.m. His house servants welcomed us with njima and skimmed milk. After eating, Binihalis ordered the three house servants to have their hands tied with ropes. The head cook was asked to give all the keys of the home. Still tied, he led us into every room while the two sat down outside heavily guarded. We ransacked the house and took all his clothes, army uniforms, bedding, radio, hand sewing machine, new camera, medicine, near as the crow
flies.
tinned food, utensils,
etc.
In the sitting
room
I
busy starting to tear books he had taken from
warned him and others not
found one gitungati his big library
and
anything that we couldn't make use of but to take everything that we could use. In the store we found two bags of maize flour and some other empty bags. We searched for guns and ammunition but didn't I
to spoil
two sets of compasses. I carried the pocket compass and left the big one which was floating in spirits. When all was over, and our luggage well packed, Binihalis asked find any, instead finding
the servants to choose joining us or remaining there and serve their
THE TIDE The head cook
master.
IS
said that
if
TURNING
385
they were seen the following
day by their master, they would be called Mau Mau number one and it would be difficult for them to escape death. I asked the head cook, ‘Why haven’t you already become Mau Mau number one, since the emergency was declared almost two years ago?’
‘Because the European doesn’t
know
that
help the
I
fighters,’
he
replied.
“How do you
demanded. ‘I give them food and buy shop goods for them whenever they give me money or whenever I am sent by the village leader to buy some goods for the fighters.’ ‘And how do you help your master?’ I requested him. ‘I only help him in cooking his food and keeping his house,’ he help the fighters?’
I
replied.
‘You
Do you wear
!
for his wife?’ ‘Yes, I
I
do,’
I
the kanzu , the
woman’s frock when cooking
asked.
he admitted.
angrily slapped
woman!’
the face. ‘You
him on
shouted.
I
you “Boy” and you keep comforting the European and giving them much hope for staying here You really help the Europeans more than you help our fighters and claim !’ credit on both sides. Give them good spankings The angry itungati beat and kicked them for less than a minute. ‘Your master
calls
!
‘O.K. Stop ‘I
am
!’
I
commanded.
not a cook, I’m a driver,’ said the other, ‘but
helped the fighters very much.’ ‘Shut up!’ shouted an angry gitungati.
one
who
drives the
‘It
may
enemy when they come up
I
have
be you are the in
the forest or
whenever they go to attack our fighters in other areas.’ ‘Have you taken the Second Oath?’ enquired Binihalis. ‘Yes, we have !’ answered the head cook. ‘And why haven't you obeyed it?’ asked Binihalis. ‘We obey,’ said the head cook, ‘and we have never betrayed any of your fighters. Some of you have visited here several times and we have never mistreated you. King’ora Mutungi is the only leader
who knows
that
we
are trustworthy people.’
‘Your fighters were betrayed by a laborer son's farm,’ said the
who
lives in
Hutchin-
young boy.
“All right, good boy!’
I
said.
‘You
will tell us
more when we
!
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
386
them the heavy
get to the mbuci. Give
any
loads to carry. If
tries
Don’t think that you are enemies. No indeed, we know well that you are our great sympathizers, but you to escape just shoot him.
European supporters.’ Muirigo Show us the way,’
are also ‘
I
said Binihalis.
sent one gitungati to call the sentries
who were guarding
road coming to the house. Meanwhile Binihalis and
poured paraffin on the plant that supplied
store,
When
all
the sentries arrived, Binihalis
lit
the
the
entered the
I
light to the house.
empty bags
we
that
had poured paraffin on and we followed our people toward the forest. As we started climbing the far slope of the stream, the grassthatched store blazed, casting light on us which showed us the way. After crossing the forest border, we encamped some 400 yards inside. We opened tinned foodstuff's, cooked njima and enjoyed radio news. The three men repented and reported all the traitors and informers in Mweiga area. The following day we set off very early in the morning and tried to hide
our track as
from our camp,
first
much
passing
it
as possible.
We
and then coming
went
to the
far
away
camp from
the interior of the forest.
After our arrival in the camp,
and preserved
we
selected the best
army uniform
Kimathi along with the camera. Gathee, the camp leader took the second best, Binihalis and I took khaki uniforms. All the other clothing were distributed to all itungati. The unshared camp property was handed over to the storekeeper for it
for
safe keeping.
When
night came,
I
turned on the radio and listened to the
many reports The worst news
news. There were
Government forces colliding with our fighters. I gathered was the Government’s plan for digging a deep trench all around the Nyandarua and Kirinyaga forests that would prevent the fighters from entering of
the reserve.
The
following day,
Dear I
I
wrote a
letter to
Major Owen
Jeoffreys
:
Jeoffreys,
visited
your home on the previous night and found that you
were absent. I had come for the 19 guns, clothing and utensils you took away from our fighters at Ruthaithi last week. Though I
did not get the guns,
machine, camera,
I
managed
utensils, clothings,
to
get a radio, sewing
food and medicine.
THE TIDE Your
servants are
IS
now our
TURNING
387
What
active fighters.
I
have done
make you feel what I and my colleagues felt last week for your actions. Your unfriendly action resulted in a revenge. I wonder how much you expect to live in Kenya while you spend most of your time and energy in destroying the Kenya is
just to
Africans and creating enmity with us.
had been ordered by Kimathi, I would have put your living house on fire, but I spared it in order to prove to you that we are not so destructive as you might think. In fact, you must have seen that I stopped one warrior from tearing your books. All we want is freedom to form an African Government which will ban all discriminatory bars and extend individual freedom in movement, press and speech, give better pay and conditions to the workmen and If
had revenged
I
as
I
most important eliminate European’s selfishness and pride. We do not hate the white man’s color, but we cannot tolerate seeing a foreign settler with 50,000 acres of land, most of which only the wild
game
enjoy, while thousands of Africans are starving
hunger in their own country. Nor can we accept the white man to remain as a master and the African as a servant.
of
Your only
alternative
is
either cooperate with the Africans as
beings by creating friendship and good relationfor they ship which your bombs and guns will never achieve only increase enmity, or quit Kenya and leave the African to
equal
human
—
you through this letter that the more you fight the Africans, the more you endanger your future in Kenya. You cannot kill ideas by killing people. Since the declaration of emergency almost two years ago you have killed thousands of people, but you have neither killed the idea nor won the battle. Our battle is really between right
manage
his
own
affairs.
and might. The
six
I
intend to
million
make
it
clear to
Africans standing for right will
thousand Europeans standing for the might, irrespective of your army strength. I am afraid that your
definitely beat sixty
Government had
so
many
to see the simple facts
I
clever
and wise men that are
all
blind
have written you.
Your New Kenyan Brig.
Gen. Karari Njama
Chief Secretary,
September 1954
Kenya Parliament
— MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
388
addressed the letter and affixed the postage stamp and gave
I
to
Kenya
Levellation
Army
fighters
who promised
to post
it
it
the
following day at Nyeri Station.
meet Kimathi at Chania. My escorts carried Kimathi’s uniform and camera with no film which I presented to him on arrival, reporting my activities. Kimathi told me that some more Kenya Inoro Army had come with six Masai (half-breed Masai-Kikuyu) from Melili Forest (Narok) bringing him a Masai sword and spear, being a gift from the Masai fighters’ general, Ole Kisio. Kimathi ordered his spear be brought so that I could see it; his sword was still hanging on his left shoulder. He handed me the gifts which were very much decorated with beads and colors. I looked admiringly at them and told him it was a great honor from the Masai tribe and that many other gifts would come from all other tribes if they had a chance to communicate with us. The world had learned that Kimathi was the leader of the revolution, and it was bad for any other leader to compete for the leadership. Kimathi introduced me to the six Masai, including their leader,
The
following day
I
set off to
—
Gen. Kibati, fighters,
me
told
Masai
who
me
that he was leading
some 500 Kiambu
formerly Rift Valley dwellers, in the Opuru Forest. He that Ole Kisio and Ole Ngapien were leading over 800
fighters
Kiambu
told
in
fighters in
Melili Forest.
Longonot on
After talking with Kimathi,
He his
met 400 other Nyandarua.
said that he
way
to
we decided
to hold
an extraordin-
ary general meeting before the annual general meeting. The meeting was to be held at Mihuro in November 24-25. We arranged that
Kiambu
could return to Kiambu in order to mobilize and organize other fighters in their area. We believed all
that there
was
fighters
time for the Masai fighters to go and return to the general meeting. We informed the Masai fighters that sufficient
they were registered in the Gikuyu and Mumbi Trinity Army. We asked them to send in the names of their fighters properly registered according to the patterns I gave them for every record to be kept.
We
wrote
army
letters to leaders in Melili,
thanked Ole Kisio and
his
and invited all the leaders to attend a general meeting which would prepare the annual general election for for the gifts
Kenya Parliament Members and extend our movement to other Kenya tribes. So we left Chania with Kenya Inoro Army fighters and parted
the
THE TIDE
IS
TURNING
with them at Nguthiru [Moorlands]. Kimathi and
389 I
were to
visit
the
—
Kinangop Kipipiri, Wanjohi Valley and Subuk Plateau. We crossed the Nyandarua ridge a few miles west of its peak and soon came to a big tract of rocks and caves and scattered grass and shrub. Here we sat down on the rocks facing the afternoon sun trying to capture its warmth at 12,000 feet above the sea level. Though the weather was very bright, it was still cold and wet on the grass while solid rocks radiated some
Mburu Ngebo Army
little
in
the North
heat.
Here was the
best place
I
had ever
visited for a geologist to study
how the weathering process broke the hard solid rock into soil. The heavy rain water runs over the impenetrable rocks just on the old glaciers trails. The heat and cold, implementing expansion and contraction, have created many cracks in which mosses and lichens grow and slowly continue to wear away the rocks. The oxygen combined with water eaten
away
in
basins or pot-like hollows causing rust has
the rocks.
The heavy water dropping on
rocks 20-30
below making cavities and general decay process can be seen in layers of rocks where water has made a deep gully. One could see different type of rocks here and there. While I was interested in the rocks, some of my comrades were interested in looking at the Europeans’ farms with their large fields of green wheat and barley. Being busy in mind, we were approached by three other fighters whom we saw only a hundred yards from us. We recognized them to be our fighters and on the arrival we found that they were Ngara’s itungati who had gone
feet
round searching for honey in caves and rock cavities. They showed us where their camp was situated far below in small shrubs. Observing the area with our binoculars, we saw the people. They had not found any honey but they carried fat and well-roasted meat which they gave us. While we were eating they told us that many IDA 2 and 3 companies and their sections encamped in that area, including Stanley Mathenge, whose camp was another one and a half days’ walk according to their estimation. Kimathi asked them whether they knew where any of the Murang’a fighters’ camps were situated.
They
told us that they
ago who
had parted with
Gati’s itungati a
lived in a big cave, pointing to the southwest.
few hours
They told us
mbuci was in touch with many others living in Kipipiri and Wanjohi Valley. Kimathi asked them whether they could that Gati’s
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
390
lead us to Gati’s camp.
They
agreed, suggesting the journey for
the following day, giving an excuse that the
mbuci was
far
away.
descended slowly passing through grass, small bushes and into lilishwa bushes with scattered cedar and pondo trees. We finally arrived at Ngara’s mbuci in the evening. There were no
We
huts.
They
slept in tents or
under the
trees.
On
our arrival we
were welcomed by Ngara and his itungati. After prayers, Kimathi and I spoke to the fighters. He told them all about the Kiambu and Masai fighters, the Kenya Parliament and its works, etc. I told them of the mission I had led and how I had missed them and then told them about the other missions. That night we were served with roasted meat for dinner and broth. During our talks Ngara thanked me for my suggestion of taking his itungati to Rift Valley. He told me that though it was
were all as dirty as garage men), he had found plenty of food and had restored his management and he could see a great difference between his camp and a komerera mbuci though his itungati preferred to difficult for his itungati to get clothes there (they
—
store personal rations in
which could last them at least five days if they were dispersed by the enemy. We informed Ngara of the General Meeting to be held at Mihuro on 24th-25th November and asked him to keep it a secret from his fighters until the meeting was over. We warned him how bad it would be for our warriors if the Government knew when and where a meeting was to be held. The following day we set off towards Gati’s camp accompanied by Ngara. Walking on rocks and little grass we saw four itungati who wore bushbucks’ skins only a few yards from us. The skin’s their kitbags
color could not be easily differentiated
from the background of
and stones on which they lay. After greetings, we sat on their cave and we did not know where their cave was until they told us. As they were telling us about their cave and how we could meet other fighters, Gati and two other fighters arrived carrying two rocks
deers’ meat. After
we
exchanging greetings with Gati and his itungati
entered the cave.
It
was big enough
to
accommodate more than
people and was situated among rocks and the cave was a heap of bones of the animals
fifty
They
all
wore animal
skins
and seemed
,
little grass.
Inside
they had trapped.
to be professional trappers.
Gati and twenty-one other itungati lived entirely on trapping and collecting honey. He gave us the names of
the leaders in Kipipiri
1
THE TIDE
IS
TURNING
39
Mt. and Wanjohi Valley. Kimathi wrote letters to seven of them asking them to meet us at Gati’s cave on the third day. While some itungati were cooking some meat for us, Gati told us of another cave about six miles away, pointing to the south. He said that it was big enough to accommodate a hundred persons but
had been surrounded at night by the enemy the week before who opened fire to sixty of our fighters who lived in the cave. Though none of these fighters knew the exact loss we had suffered in that cave, they knew that there were deaths, casualties and captives. Kimathi expressed his feelings, objecting to living in a cave. Gati told us of a witchdoctor-prophet who lived in Kipipiri Mt. and claimed that Ngai used to speak to him at night in a dream it
and all that he wanted the fighters to do. He said that one day he had called a big meeting on top of the hill and had conducted prayers and ceremony in which God sent him a book written in all the world’s languages and writings [i.e., scripts] revealing the future
and which
tells
the future of our country.
Kimathi, though sceptical of the story, did not argue or comment on it but he said that he would be glad to meet Muraya and listen to his prophesy. After eating the boiled meat, we returned to Ngara’s
us
told
fighters,
that
such
should be
false in
in the evening.
met
mislead
our
among our
killed.
Ngara and
I
visited
itungati slaughtering cattle
his
being suspicious that the
Mamwamba’s
enemy might
Gicuki Wacira’s
which they had fighters.
Kimathi,
follow their cattle enquired
was unsafe to stay in the camp and the leaders that he would rather spend the day out of the
about
camp
sentries.
He
thought
it
in a private place.
We the
way Kimathi
the
a position of gaining confidence
raided jointly with Thiong’o’s and
told
On
who might
witchdoctors,
following day Kimathi,
We
camp.
,
and yet were
fighters
The
mbuci arriving
spent the day in the bush and in the evening
camp and
talked to all itungati of the three
we enjoyed dinner
of the fresh beef.
We
we
mbuci
,
returned to after
which
informed the leaders of
the General Meeting.
The
following day
Gicuki joining
us.
we headed
We
for Gati’s cave with
Thiong’o and
passed near Ngara’s and arrived at Gati’s
We
found four of the seven leaders that Kimathi had written awaiting us. Three were unknown to me. I knew Gakure Karuri before, a prominent leader in the
cave at one
in the afternoon.
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
392
Gikuyu Iregi Army. After a short talk with them, Kimathi told me that Gakure would guide him to tour the Gikuyu Iregi Army sections and that I should visit Mburu Ngebo Army sections and try to bring Stanley Mathenge to the meeting. He remarked that I should be at Mihuro Memorial Hall working in my office at least a week before the meeting in order to see that my record books were up to date and prepare a report on the Kenya Parliament since it was elected. I pointed out that I wanted to see the ioo-person cave before I lost the chance. Gakure said that he would lead us there and tour in a nearby mbuci. Ngara decided to return and we started our journey.
We
empty cave at four in the afternoon. The front face of the cave had many grenade and bullet marks. A flock of hyenas had visited and cleaned the cave, leaving some old bones to be seen here and there. We entered the cave and, finding it dark, became afraid of enemy mines and quickly walked out without a thorough investigation. We sat out on the cave which was covered by grass on top and discussed about it. The old bones and broken pots proved that the cave had been used by Dorobo and probably by Gumban trappers and some old men said that Dorobo arrived at the
were known to have twentieth century.
lived in those caves at the
That made me think
of the
beginning of the
myth
told
by the
Gikuyu people that the Gumba were known to disappear underground to their homes and reappear again some hundred yards away, and finally they disappeared in those holes altogether; it
made me
think that those caves were the holes referred to by the myth. 1 he disappearance of the Gumba, which is misrepresented
by the legend, was that Gikuyu people intermarried with the Gumba and their offsprings were known as Dorobo or Athi in
Kikuyu cave
(trappers or hunters).
in Kipipiri
lived far
area were evicted by the colonial
gether with the Masai and
Mokogondu
The Dorobo who moved
north of Nanyuki.
A
below the
Government
to-
to the
Northern Province in few Dorobo who had escaped
eviction because of living in the forests started seeking employment from the Kenya settlers as herdsmen after the First World War.
Before leaving the cave
we were
told that
two miles below that on whose edge grows cedar trees.
cave was a steep 150 foot cliff In one of those trees were bees, living 120 feet high.
had
tiied to get that
A man who
honey many years ago, maybe a Dorodo
fell
THE TIDE
IS
and stuck on the tree and remains on the tree a hundred feet high.
None
of the leaders could
tell
TURNING of his bones
393
were
still
us the loss our fighters
hanging
had
suf-
and we had not reached the mbuci we were going to. We left the cave and arrived where we were going at six o’clock. We found that the mbuci had been
fered in that cave.
deserted.
It
was getting
Kimathi objected
late
to returning to Gati’s cave.
leaders said that one of his trapping sections
was
One
of the
living at Kiarucibi,
middle of Nyandarua and suggested that we’d better go there instead of searching a place for a night’s camp. At sunset we were in the middle of the Nyandarua plateau passing round a little lake which was clear and looked like water right in the
Beside
in a rock basin.
it
many
were
different kinds of animals
feeding on the high grass in large herds. Looking around, the nearest tree would be some three miles away. If any of the
animals challenged it,
instead
us, there
we would have
was no chance of running away from
to charge. Nevertheless, all the animals
stood gazing at us, including the rhinos, while zebras, buffaloes and their families ran
away.
Among
we saw two domestic and a cow that had joined
the flocks
donkeys which had joined the zebras a buffalo herd; they behaved as the wild animals did.
The
darkness
came before we got
many approached the camp we fighters speak. One of the increased
so
that
of
us
mbuci and the cold
to the
started
shivering.
When we
and hear our Kipipiri leaders signalled by whistling and, at the return of his signals, he was asked to introduce himself. We then entered the camp. It had small huts and no kitchen. The eighteen itungati happily and surprised, welcomed us. I he visitors, eight leaders and 33 itungati could not be accommodated could smell their
fire
,
was night and we could neither build firewood. The tents we had were insufficient for still had plenty of fresh beef ready roasted. As we
in the three small huts. It
huts nor collect
our itungati.
We
were eating and before we had gained sufficient warmth, all the wood in the camp got finished. I went in my tent and lay myself on the cold grass, wrapping in a blanket. It was a cold night. The following morning was very cloudy and I forecasted possible our rains. We parted with Kimathi. Thiong’o, Wacira and I made
way along
the mid-ridge track toward the north.
By midday we
mountain peak and hailstones were pouring on us. 1 his was accompanied by a strong cold wind. A few minutes later, we
were
at the
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
394 were as wet as stones
We
fish in
formed an
a river and as cold as a toad, and the hail-
ice-sheet that covered the
Moorlands.
continued our journey on the open grasslands
in
spite of
and two hours later we crossed the NderagwaDeighton Downs jeep track which [now] brings visitors to the top of the mountain. Here we learned that only little rain had fallen. The rain decreased as we approached the forest. We arrived in Thiong’o’s mbuci at five in the evening. His itungati were very happy to see us again after spending two days and a night away. I cried for fire for I felt that my right arm and leg were completely numb. In fact, it took me three days to regain my strength on these limbs and aching pains continued in the interior of my bones for almost a fortnight. Here I stayed during the last week of September and twice corresponded with Stanley Mathenge and arranged to go see him. On October ist I left for Njau Kiore’s mbuci where I found Stanley Mathenge who welcomed me. We first talked about safaris and general events that had happened since we parted. We discussed as I told him about the formation of the Kenya Parliament, China s negotiation talks, the election of local committees in those difficulties
Othaya, the Kiambu fighters, the Masai fighters, the missions we had sent to our fighters and other tribes, the letters we had sent
and received from abroad, the Kenya Parliament management, the General Meeting to be held November ith and the annual general i
Kenya Parliament membership. I explained to him how Othaya leaders had confidence in him and how we wanted him to rise and maintain his leadership position. I told him that Ituma Ndemi Trinity Council of which he was the Chairman had failed to meet even once for a period of election for the
sixteen
months
was
elected. He claimed that the Council’s General Secretary, Dedan Kimathi, should also share the blame. I agreed, but mentioned that Kimathi, as an individual, had done a lot of work for Ituma’s itungati and
since
it
had
visited nearly all
itungati in
Nyandarua and had sent his management to other fighters who had recognized him as the head of the revolution. I told him that as head of Ituma, he had failed to visit
they entered the
IDA
i
since
though he had only met a few of them by chance at Kariaini H.Q. He admitted his failures and told me that he had left it because it was Kimathi’s home and he believed that Kimathi had the right forest,
THE TIDE
TURNING
IS
395
and that Kimathi would be possibly jealous on seeing someone else organizing his home. I told him that suspicion had misled him and that he wrongly thought that he could win people by being quiet and inactive while Kimathi believed in the contrary. I told him that activities proved abilities. I informed him that leaders and itungati wanted to see him in the general meeting. I warned him that his failure to attend the two proposed general meetings would lead to Ituma’s general election which would cast him off his chair and probably he would have no chances of rising to that level again. I asked him why he had failed to cooperate with Kimathi for to organize
it
the last fifteen months. In his reply he referred to the bullet in the
and confirmed that he believed that any competition between him and Kimathi might lead to great hatred and possibly incident
fire
to the death of
told
I
one of them.
was our greatest weakness and defeat us. I confirmed to him that
him
that their division
might help the enemy to Kimathi realized the danger of
their division
willing to discuss their differences
and
all I
told
in
way
a brotherly
him
that
had
I
and
get
it
and was settled
the time
all
once and for
strengthen the unity of our team.
tried all
I
could to investigate about the
from the itungati who were in the camp the night of the incident. The truth was that the bullet was put inside bamboo while collecting firewood by Murang’a itungati intending only to frighten and astonish the leaders. Generally the bamboos bullet incident
store
water
water is
explodes
hollow cavities between the nodes. When the boils and when steam tries to escape it always
in their
heated, like
it
You must have
a bullet.
experienced
this several times.
would never be discovered and the frightened leaders would only conclude that it was a very strong
The
thought
itungati
bamboo
explosion.
them
was
it
‘In fact,’
The
just fun.
that the itungati I
it
had
said,
itungati did not
mean
to
harm anyone;
to
seriously
But the leaders took the matter so
to hide the truth for their safety.
‘it
is
still
a fun to the itungati for they laugh ,
your hatred and suspicions based on the bullet incident when are neither you nor Kimathi was connected to it to them, you at
—
both
He
fools.’
said that
I
was
so frank
and helpful
to
him
that
I
cleared
very sorry for blamassumption. ing Kimathi and building a strong suspicion on a false
away
all his
doubts.
He
expressed
how he
felt
,
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
39^
Before leaving him, he promised
me
that he
would attend the
Mihuro General Meeting. gave a speech to 128 itungati and leaders
mbuci where Mathenge lived. He praised me and the Kenya Parliament work but complained that I had helped other divisions more than I had helped my own division. He criticized me that I had made North Tetu my H.Q. or home and toured my own division as a visitor. He praised the old days when I lived with him at Kariaini and welcomed me to live with them, saying that I should know that I
home
is
the
starting point
division, district, province
that
it
was
—
village,
in the
then sub-location, location,
and then the Kenya Parliament. He
said
a person to be elected as a Kenya Parliaunless he was supported by his home constituency
difficult for
ment member
who would
him from their region. He stressed that the Kenya Parliament membership should be based on regions. I tried to tell them that one could become a popular statesman without seeking favor or election from his region. I told them that Kenyatta was not elected by the Kiambu people in order to become the leader of the Kenya African Union. I warned them that to become a statesman was a skill and not a favor as they thought. I neighbors
elect
quickly learned that they did not agree with my logic as they had been convinced by Stanley Mathenge that ‘Kamwene Kambagio ira kari thongo .’ ‘Ones
own
son
no matter his disabilities.’ The saying had traditionally originated from mundo mugos practices on [initiation] ceremonies whereby his son had to be the first initiated under all circumstances. The saying, however, has strong ties on self first and then next closest of relative or neighbor. first
3
This
selfish-
prevents one from seeing other people’s interest and hindrance of national progress. ness
is
a
After spending a week with Mathenge in his mbuci he accompanied me to tour the nearby camps. We first
visited Gen. Makanyanga’s mbuci where we were greatly welcomed. My speech in this camp mostly confirmed what Makanyanga had said before and the itungati were fully convinced of our victory and the Kenya Parliament managements. Many of the Makanyanga itungati were born and bred in the Rift Valley. They
knew
the Rift Valley so
mbuci from the Central Province Reserve depended guidance and scouting.
well that other
on their
Three days later we visited one of the IDA 2 sections under Kibicho where we were guided by Makanyanga and his itungati.
a
THE TIDE
IS
TURNING
397 Makan-
Here we covered our program, moving on to another of yanga’s sections led by Col Githengera, where we were greatly received and fed on very fat mutton from Fletcher’s farm settler who owned more than 12,000 wool sheep (Merinos). Most of the camps I had visited had no huts and only a few tents for shelters and many slept under trees in the open. Most of the itungati were dressed in oily dirty stinky rags. A few had started making animal skin coats, jumpers, caps and pants. Their hair, which had not been shaved nor combed for more than two years and which was generally smeared with animal oil, had grown long, curling and falling over their forefaces and ears. Many of the fighters had lost their weight and their bright faces had turned to be thin and black. The general report from the leaders said that there was a general increase in komereras, whereby five or ten itungati ran away from their leaders in order to set up a camp of their own in the small forests and bushes right inside the settlers’ farms. The reasons for this were to escape from both leaders’ rules and the forest heavy bombing, lust for leadership in some itungati and lastly to live as
—
,
near as possible to the food supplies.
encouraging our
After
fighters,
returned to the camps and
I
Mathenge and Makanyanga
continued a day’s walk to Kahiu-
mbuci at Nderagwa. To my surprise, I found that KahiuItina had greatly changed. He was against Kimathi, claiming that Kimathi had not given the other leaders chances of rising; he lived better than anybody else, ordered everyone to be inspected when entering his camp thus showing that he did not have confidence Itina’s
—
in his people.
He
criticised the
Kenya Parliament
for being con-
by Kimathi during Wambararia’s case and claimed that he had learned that all the uneducated members of the Kenya Parliament were merely stone walls which protected the educated members to carry on their plans and possibly to build on their future. He claimed that education and illiteracy could not work trolled
together.
He
were somehow affiliated which were totally of the missionaries
said that all educated people
to the religion
and
faith
—
and revolution. He claimed that since the educated people had abandoned the revolution, it should then be against
led
Kikuyu
by the
religion
illiterate
people
who
stand for
the majority in the country, he said,
and
it.
The
illiterate are in
since the educated persons
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
398
chose to hide during the war, they should continue to hide during peace.
‘We must the
in
our
see that
illiterate leaders here, in
managements hold
future
all
the high
the reserve positions
in
and our
Government,’ he said. In general, he objected to being led by an educated person, saying that they were more Europeanized; no matter whether they were leaders in the the old customs
of
and
tribal
forests,
tradition
they rejected
many
which Kahiu-Itina and
many others believed we were fighting for as part of our freedom. He claimed that Stanley Mathenge had been ignored by the Kenya Parliament because he was
illiterate.
argued that he was not ignored and that for the last two weeks I had lived with Mathenge and had been able to settle everything with him. He then said that Mathenge was a hypocrite and did I
not
let
know
people
his wishes or feelings.
Itina hated all educated persons for
I
learned that Kahiu-
he couldn’t
rise
among them.
His desire for power had generated the hatred.
had weak arguments for defending the educated persons as my attempt would only make him mark me as an opponent. I explained to him the differences between literacy and religion, technical skill and wisdom, and supported him that the revolution had been carried on by the ignorant people who deserved some honor for their bravery and perseverance. I pointed out to him that it would be difficult for the illiterate people to lead the educated I
persons, as
it
is
for the blind to lead
honorably put them
one with
eyes.
But we could
high Government posts knowing that their deputies and advisors are capable persons and that they would act according to their advice. Kahiu-Itina, who did not know the difin
ference between a clerk
and a secretary, was very pleased with my comment, he thought that deputy was another name for clerk. Wishing to change the subject, I told him of the Kiambu leaders and their itungati and the six Masai who had brought gifts to Kimathi from Gen. Ole Kisio, and their promise of attending a general meeting to be held at I
was going round
He
told
me
Mihuro on 24 November and which
telling all the leaders.
that he
would not attend the meeting as he intended to go to Dorobo (North Nanyuki) and recruit them, the Dorobo, after which he would convene a meeting of all the illiterate leaders and discuss their security and their future positions. I tried to convince him to attend the meeting but he finally
THE TIDE
IS
held his decision claiming that eight
TURNING members
of the
399 Kenya
Parlia-
ment were all from North Tetu Location, even though three of them (including himself) represented the Rift Valley where they were found by the emergancy. I reminded him that during the election he was the person who defeated the others in votes, and that his failure to attend the meeting would be his failure to represent the itungati who elected him. He replied that the itungati who elected him were still living with him and that they knew very well whether he led them well or not.
He
Though
told
me
that his itungati
had confidence
in him.
was neither satisfied with his reasons nor his intentions, I couldn’t get any more information because he concealed the base of his dissatisfaction and the reasons for convening a meeting. Though I remained sceptical of his motives, I was certain that his section leaders, Ndiritu Thuita and Vindo, both solid members of Kenya Parliament, were not behind him. I
Nevertheless, Kahiu-Itina allowed
me
to speak to the
48 itungati which he had most of his itungati being in distant camps under Ndiritu Thuita and Vindo and a few of them had become komerera in the settled area. One of the things that I learned was that Kahiu-
—
had dropped most of the leader’s privileges and was living almost at the same level with his itungati so as to enable him to preach equality in order to gain popularity by criticising the other leaders. October 20th found me still with Kahiu-Itina. He suggested that the day should be a public holiday and also a prayer day to commemorate Kenyatta’s arrest and the declaration of the emergency. I remarked that it was all right to make the day Kenyatta’s holiday but the day was absolutely unfit to commemorate the emergency miseries. The end of the emergency would be more important than its beginning. Very little damage was done on that day and even some weeks after, but to commemorate all the emergency miseries the best day would be the end of the emergency. Though we did not resolve anything, we held prayers at midnight in the memory of two years of suffering. On the 22nd I left Kahiu-Itina heading to Kimbo’s at Ngobit in Lower Nderagwa or Deighton Downs. At midday, I and my three itungati found ourselves on a table-like level ground on which Itina
grew many scattered big trees and green undergrowth grass. Under one of those big trees, we found the remains of a waterbuck carcass. It seemed to have been killed by a leopard or a lion.
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
400
To
our surprise, a very big
suspiciously
looking at
running away.
I
us.
lion lay
My
twenty yards
frightened
in front of us
itungati
shouted to them not to run away.
We
commenced planned how
which was only clear enough for one to see ioo yards under the trees, it became difficult for us to know which was east or west. I had offered Kimathi the little compass which I had obtained from Major Jeoffreys. We depended on guessing. We continued our journey and at four o’clock in the afternoon we found ourselves again at to deviate the sleeping lion. In the levelled forest
the lion’s stored food. time,
we became very
mercy
Though we
didn’t see the lion for a second
frightened of being lost and being under the
of the lion.
Fear drove us quickly from the scene and following our shadow cast by the setting sun we hurried due east. Night came; we were
There was no sign of water anywhere near us. We chose a tree that could shelter us from rain and which we could easily climb if any animal challenged us. We collected a lot of firewood old logs which would keep our fire burnstill
in that black sea-like area.
—
ing through the night.
We
roasted our meat and after dinner
to die of thirst.
We
kept awake
we
felt as if
we were going
morning and continued our journey as the sun rose and moved facing it as our guide. It was not long before we started climbing a steep hill following an animal path. When we came to the top, we were very glad to see Kirinyaga and many valleys which drain to the river Ngobit. As we descended the hill, we came across an animal path which was used by buffaloes going to munyu mweru white salts, where they enjoyed the natural salts. Kimbo’s mbuci was situated in this area. till
,
We
followed the path passing through grass and bushes, small bamboo bushes and finally in the thicket of bamboo arrived at
Kimbo’s in the afternoon. Kimbo welcomed me. I told him all about my journey and all that had happened since we parted. Instead of telling me about his mbuci he asked my why I did not call any of the Mburu Ngebo Army members of ,
the
Kenya
Par-
liament to hear the case of Wambararia. replied that the case
was a matter of great urgency that we could not wait for them. I added that though the eight ’members were sufficient to form a quorum, the case was not heard by the I
Kenya Parliament members
who were
invited
by Kimathi
[alone] to
for there
hear the case.
were eight leaders
THE TIDE ‘That case
made
IS
us think that
TURNING
401
Kenya Parliament was Kimathi’s
wall and power for achieving his ends,’ said Kimbo.
him that he should raise the matter to the Kenya Parliament members when they met at Mihuro. I hoped that he would receive supporters as there was a lot of complaints about I
suggested to
the case.
He
doubted of attending the meeting, but I told him of all the leaders whom I knew that had promised to come, including Mathenge. I mentioned that only Kahiu-Itina was not attending the meeting, partly because he shared his feelings and partly because
he intended to leave Nyandarua
Kimbo
me
forest.
and a few others had talked and agreed to form a new association which would be exclusively organized by the illiterate leaders. I tried to persuade him to criticise the Parliament and to better it by any amendments within it. He told me that it was difficult for anyone to appeal Wambararia’s case or to amend the Kenya Parliament under Kimathi told
that he, Kahiu-Itina
without creating enmity.
warned him
would also create enmity. He replied that an enemy within its party had no defense but an enemy from another party would be defended by I
that even forming another association
his party. I
asked him what were the real causes of forming another party,
which would only divide our
fighters,
so that
could raise the
I
matter to the Kenya Parliament for amendment.
He
the reason was that Kimathi had ignored Stanley elected leader because he
ing
the
‘Yes,
revolution
yes,
when
it
was
illiterate
and instead
me
told
that
Mathenge the he was promot-
men’ who disassociated themselves with the
became
red-hot, being afraid of death
—while
were afraid of the same fate. I told him that Kimathi had not ignored Mathenge, in fact he loved him and always tried to pull the reluctant Mathenge. I told him it was only three weeks ago since Mathenge promised me to attend the meeting so that they could settle their differences once illiterate leaders
for
all.
I
told
him
that
I
would be
their conciliator
and
I
wished
he could be at the meeting to witness for himself. He told me that he would write Mathenge asking him whether he had promised to attend the meeting; if Mathenge was attending he would attend, and he would never attend any other meeting which would not be attended by Mathenge. He said that Mburu
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
402
Ngebo Army people were
and that they wouldn't like to see a person from the Central Province becoming their master who would divide unto them their lands. They preferred to have a Rift Valley born and bred leader at the top. After a week with Kimbo, I left his mbuci on the 30th October with his guides toward Ndungu’s, whose camp was at Ruhotie stream. On our way we stopped twice to collect honey from beehives. At 4 p.m. we arrived at Ndungu’s deserted camp. The camp seemed to have been raided by the enemy. We vainly continued the owners of Rift Valley
new camp till sunset. We encamped for the night in one of the Amboni (Honi) River tributaries. The following day we continued our search up to midday. It became certain that we could not find their mbuci. Kimbo’s searching their
itungati decided to return.
Ruthaithi which
I
The following any camp down mbuci
at
decided to continue
my
journey to
thought to be the nearest possible area for
to find other fighters.
stream that drains
I
in
At sunset the four of us encamped Munigato stream.
day,
November
the stream.
at
me
Thara
we continued our search for Luckily we found Major Gathee’s 1st,
midday. Gathee and Binihalis were glad to meet
me
them all that had happened since we parted. Gathee told me that his mbuci was attacked at 9 p.m. by enemies who killed five of his itungati captured two, injured four, and captured four manufactured guns and three homemade guns. The last two again.
I
told
,
manufactured guns disappeared with four other itungati in the settled area about a week before. Whether the itungati had fallen
Government s hands or had become komereras was unknown. The enemy had seen us during the day,’ said Gathee, ‘and then hid themselves. As we made fires and started cooking, they into
approached our camp
in the
us with lights of our
fires.
food but
dark but they had the benefit of seeing We finished cooking and dishing out
when we
started eating, the enemies opened fire at very close range, aiming at the persons who carried guns. have lost eleven fighters since you left us and four others
We
are in hospital.’
‘Now they would be
healed,’ said Binihalis. ‘I know that you have a good healing hand. We have medicine but we have run short of food. We have gone three days since we cut our rations in half.
which
is
We
are using a tea cup to measure daily ration, half of wild vegetables and some maize grains.
Yesterday morning our itungati arrived from the reserve gardens with no food at all.
THE TIDE They
IS
TURNING
403
were the only crops in the gardens, which would be ready in two weeks time.’ I told them that some of the mbuci I had visited lived on trapping, if they would go to Ruthaithi where the animals are so abundant they would have been happy. ‘I know you do not have trapping equipment; you are inexperienced and you could not rely on traps. You should attempt to steal settlers’ cattle as far as 20 miles inside
said that beans
the settled area where they wouldn’t expect our fighters
to go.’
Gathee remarked that the itungati had become scared for being poorly armed. Binihalis said that he would lead them to steal cattle but he would first consult the nearby mbuci so that they can jointly raid cattle with the help of their guns.
Three days later, Binihalis hadn’t succeeded in convincing other mbuci to join him in a cattle raid. In spite of searching honey, wild vegetables and trapping small animals and birds, hunger was still increasing daily. I complained for the patients. Without proper feeding, it would be difficult for the patients to recover. Food was the basic medicine; a healthy body would be able to resist diseases and recover easily from wounds. Binihalis led a group of eleven itungati to the settled area armed with only four homemade guns and another officer led ten itungati to the reserve gardens armed with only three homemade guns. The hospital had just one homemade gun to defend. In the camp there was only one fighter with a homemade gun to guard Major Gathee, four girl fighters and myself. That night we had a few bites of wild vegetables, hatha. At
—
about 9 p.m. thunderous heavy rain fell the stormy rainy season had started and we only prayed that rain would be able to chase
away our enemies from
their
ambushes
so that
our fighters
may
bring us food the following day.
At eight in the morning the reserve group arrived, each carrying a heavy burden of raw beans. Some had a few bananas, cucumbers, potatoes and arrow roots. They told us that they’d made fire and roasted bananas and potatoes for their dinner. They had nothing ready for us to
eat. All the
food they had could
last
the
camp
for
The girls hid the food that had been brought and we all went to warm ourselves, sending the only rested gitungati left in the camp to guard the track of the reserve group. At 10 a.m. Binihalis entered the camp with 27 fat calves, between only two days.
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
404
Gathee and I quickly killed the calves. The itungati had killed one calf for their dinner the night before. They gave us the roasted meat to help ourselves. The itungati who had come from safari were still wet, tired and sleepy. I asked Gathee to post sentries to guard the calves’ track lest the enemies followed it; helped by the same rain that had helped our fighters, it would be easy for them to see the foot marks in the mud. He nominated two itungati to keep sentry. As I looked at them, I became fully convinced that they were going to sleep in the track which enemies had to follow. Their lives as well as ours were still in danger. I asked them to return and help the others to slay calves if they could. I said that I would keep the sentry and asked for the best rifles. Binihalis offered me his gun with only two bullets, .44 and -375? both could fit in the homemade gun which was a pattern of the manufactured guns. He warned me that his gun was loaded, as he had loaded it the night before. He showed me a patch of grass on the other side of the Thara stream, saying that I could see the enemy coming far from there. one and two and a half years
old.
After descending half the slope,
saw a good place for an ambush. I sat down and continued to eat meat and watching the far side of the slope in the grassland area. At midday, mist increased so that I could only see 50 yards. The weather changed from warm to cold and I changed my position. I thought that I was very near the camp and so I walked down to the stream. The calves had crossed the stream at a buffaloes’ crossing and drinking path. The river bank gave me a very good strategy position. The area was covered by bamboo mixed with coniferous trees. At about two in the afternoon, two Kenya Ng’ombe officers I
commanding a dozen well-armed African emergency soldiers arrived at the river. They paused and their chief tracker, who seemed
to be a
the rivei
Samburi, pointed out where the calves had crossed at a point about ten yards wide. His officer refused and
without talking signalled the others to move upstream. About 20 yards further the river had a big bend and a steep wall on my side after which there was a good crossing point. He pointed where they were to cross the river three people at a time.
changed my position and standing less than ten yards from them, I aimed so that a single bullet could pass through three of I
them.
then pulled the trigger but failed to release my bullet. quickly tried a second time with failure. I changed the I
bullet
I
and
THE TIDE
IS
TURNING
405
by the time I was ready to fire, the first two men had crossed the river and were only seven yards from me and about three yards below me thus making it impossible for me or them to shoot one another. When the second group reached in the middle of the river,
I
The
pulled noise
my
trigger but
made by
it
failed to discharge.
the flowing water over stones prevented
them
from hearing the cracks made by my gun. Nevertheless two people on the other bank of the river became very suspicious, as if they had heard me. I ran down-stream some 20 yards away and stood against a big muna tree. I put a whistle in my mouth and blew it so that mv comrades in the mbuci could hear me or the enemv / *
firing.
When
the
enemy
failed to
open
dred yards from them, climbing the shouted as hard as
I
on me,
fire
hill.
I
made
There,
I
off
a hun-
paused and
could in English, Swahili and Kikuyu, each
announced the number of the enemy, where they were, how they were armed and ordered a strong force to be sent to meet them down the stream. I said another group be sent to ambush them on their way returning home. I became doubtful whether my propaganda had scared the time trying to create a different voice.
enemy
for they did not fire a single shot.
I
I
quickly ran to the
camp
and found that my comrades had gone. I carried a big piece of fatty meat and followed their track. After a short distance I lost their track for they had done their best to hide it. I continued searching them till six in the evening but all in vain. I made my mind to go to the hospital. I found that six persons in the hospital had nothing to eat. They were very glad when they saw me carrying about forty pounds of meat. We all ate to our fill and had a little left
for breakfast.
At midday, I and the two itungati who attended the patients went to spy whether the enemies had entered the camp. We first went down to the river where I had left them. We found that they did not pass there. I had scared them with my propaganda. We followed their footsteps and became certain that they left the area. We climbed the hill and entered the mbuci. We found our beef was still safe. We hung the meat on the trees and wrote a note saying that I was in the hospital. We carried as much meat as we could
and returned itungati
to hospital.
On
our arrival
who had brought meat
at hospital,
for the patients
we found
four
from the new
mau mau from within
406
camp. As they were
where they were encamped, another The latter had gone to spy the old camp and
telling us
four itungati arrived.
had seen
my
note.
them what had happened during my sentry time. The useless gun was still laying where I had dropped it the night before. I picked it up saying that a club was better than it was. It was still loaded and I pulled the trigger. It thunderously bursted knocking me down. We all then started checking what had been wrong with the gun. We resolved that rain water had entered every part of the gun and had weakened the spring. The itungati condemned the homemade guns as being inefficient but I encourI
started
telling
aged them, saying that
it
might have been that the spring of that
gun was weak. Nevertheless, the itungati insisted that many of the homemade guns behaved that way and sometimes became a danger when exposing to the enemy; but they worked
particular
pretty well during fine weather.
During
my
two weeks
many
learned that
at Ruthaithi,
I
many camps
visited
in
which
were no longer willing to serve their leaders. This teaching, mostly from komerera and Kenya Levellation Army, had first been heard of in August in IDA 3/1 where Joseph Mbaya, one of my location who had come from Nairobi, was alleged [to be] instructing our itungati not to serve their I
He
leaders.
itungati
claimed that our fathers had been enslaved by Euro-
peans, carrying their safari food, tents
and other belongings. He
had mentioned MacLoah,’ who was well known in the early days in Nyeri and Fort Hall, saying that he was carried on shoulders by African servants from one camp to another. Mbaya had compared the leaders with MacLoah, accusing them to itungati that they never went to war, but only sent itungati to die; that they never went out to fetch their own food, [but] were fed with the best food available at the cost of itungati lives.
Their tents and belongings were always carried by itungati they never collected firewood or made their own fires, yet they were the most famous fighters. He had told the itungati that they were fighting ;
for
leaders’ slavery
and not
was equality of
anyone
s
that
itungati
formances.
He
them that the true persons in which one was free from He d cursed all the leaders’ privileges and suggested
liberty
rule.
for freedom.
told
all
could socially contribute equally in
all
their per-
THE TIDE Mbaya
IS
TURNING
surrendered quickly before
I
407
had a chance
of meeting
News reached us that he was cooperating with Kenya Ng’ombe at Naivasha. Some itungati who knew him confirmed him.
from airplanes appealing to our fighters to surrender. His story made me think that he might have been sent by the Government to convert our itungati so that they would abandon their leaders. Nevertheless, his teachings had caught our itungatis hearts, though only those who had heard of it. They started claiming that the best leader was one who led his itungati to get food, the one who didn’t want any privileges and the one who felt that he was not a master but a sociable and equal person to any gitungati. In fact, the whole idea was to cast down the leaders. If the leaders were not to accept the idea, they would then have to strongly and that he sky-shouted
cleverly challenge
it
in
order to avoid being abandoned by the
itungati. I
tried to
prove to Lord Gicambira and
mbuci which had increased in there was no equality of persons on rera
earth and he could
company
(a
komer-
to be
recognized) that
this earth
in either height,
size
weight or wisdom, but they claimed that this
his
make changes
man was
the master of
to suit his desires.
They
we had a rule assuming that all people eat the same amount of food, for we measured our ration equally to all persons, forgetting that there were persons who liked to eat more than the ration we served. I remembered that people who were not well claimed that
equipped with reasons hated and opposed any argument, they
would either conduct their affairs secretly or use force if possible and do their best to get rid of their opposers as their hindrance. I referred to the ration rule Lord had mentioned and admitted that though we’d all accepted it, it was not fair; but like many others it must have been based on the average or the majority. I warned them that right and equality were measured by might and majority will, which often hid justice and truth. I concluded that even if we adjusted our rules, they would still be imperfect. There was nothing in the world which would satisfy or please everyone. I learned from King’ora Mutungi that one of Ndungu’s sections under Nyahoro had been bombed by Nyagikonyo (Lincolns) and that six itungati were completely buried and that later they were unearthed by others; but the most interesting news was that none of them died, though they received small injuries. Another similar
.
mau mau from within
408
had happened in Chania Valley in Ndiritu Thuita’s mbuci, where a Lincoln bomber unloaded inside the camp at night while dropping bombs aimlessly. The result was that only two persons were killed without any other casualties. The fact that those powerful bombs did very little damage to our fighters cannot be interpreted that probably the bombs were inefficient, but that good luck was with us and according to our prayers and beliefs, God really defended us from bombing and in fact crashed the bombers and other planes from which we collected pipes and cranes for case
trapping animals.
On
iith
November was two
I
experienced a horrible Lincoln bombers
and a group of us were lying idly warming ourselves in Jeriko’s mbuci situated on a gorge at the juncture of Thara and Muringato tributaries about two miles from the reserve. I saw a Lincoln bomber coming from the reserve about two miles away. Its flying line cut right across us. I saw the practice. It
in the afternoon
airplane dropping the
bomb from The bombs
first
second and then the third.
its
big gikonyo, then the
didn’t fall to the
instantly, they floated in the air current
ground
behind the airplane
for
some time while the plane drew nearer and nearer. If any of us tried to move it meant to expose ourselves to the pilot and certainly to
our ends. I
ordered everyone to
down and pray
lie
until the airplane
had passed. Looking at the bombs, I became convinced that we were only under God’s mercy, for the bombs were to fall on us. I pressed my chin to the ground and prayed, ‘God, save my life so that I will witness to the world
your powers had not finished
fires; I
how God
saved our fighters from the devil’s
.
blowing the
my
prayers
air speedily as
it
when
heard the 1,000 lb. bomb was dropping to the ground. The I
whistling increased to a big
panied by thunderous noise
The
wind and then into a storm accomand earthquake almost simultaneously.
and storm followed the airplane west of us, while lumps of soil, dust, twigs and leaves fell amidst us. Raising my head, I saw some itungati running for better positions. Among them were seven Kenya Levellation Army fighters who shouted goodbye to us swearing never again to enter the forest and wishing to die in the noise
reserve while exchanging gunfire with the endure the unassailable Lincoln bombers. I
stood up
still
enemy
rather than to
trembling of fear, wanting to see where the
.
THE TIDE bombs had
.
!
TURNING
IS
409
Looking around I could see only debris and lumps of soil and broken branches and dust-mist covering over us. I enquired whether there was anyone injured. Jeriko replied, ‘everyone ‘Lie
is
fallen.
certain of himself only
down
!’
!’
shouted one gitungati.
‘The airplane
coming
is
again.’ I
quickly ran into small bushes far from any big tree and lay
down on my stomach. The
airplane noise drew nearer.
I
turned
my
head and saw four bombs floating like big eagles under the airplane and a little behind. I pressed my chin to the ground, closed
my
and ears and prayed God to forgive all my sins ‘God, let thy mighty arms by my armor. You are our General; deliver us from evil and from our enemies slavery (Poooof Poooof Poooof !) God, thy will be done on earth as in heaven eyes
:
!
!
.
Once again my
came
into
my mouth
than one half mile north.
The
airplane
and I could pray no more. When I opened my eyes and ears I saw a mist of dust high up in the air which proved to me that the bombs had been dropped on the southern ridge of Muringato stream. In about three minutes time, the airplane was ready again at its offensive position this time dropping bombs on the Thara stream less
heart
bombs each weighing together, soil
we found
1,000
lbs.
that a few
When had
left
after unloading 24
Jeriko called
bruises caused
but none was serious. In addition to that,
absent, including the seven
Kenya
Levellation
all
the fighters
by the lumps of 13 itungati were
Army
fighters
who
had wished us goodbye. We concluded that they must have run away from the area and would return in the evening. Some itungati were still trembling when I started singing ‘Listen and hear this story, of Nyandarua Hill; so you may realize that God is with us, and will never abandon our cause. When we finished singing many of us had gained courage and confidence, but we realized that two fighters who were still trembling were suffering shock and couldn’t use their voice. We tried to soothe them but all in vain. They later recovered at dinner :
.
time about midnight.
We
went round to see where bombs were dropped. The first bombs had been dropped down in the valley near the juncture of the streams about 150 yards east in the grassland, and the second
bomb
100 yards west amidst Thaithi trees, the next was about
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
410
200 yards further west, and so on. The second and third bombing were about half a mile from us.
trips of
At night the airplane started bombing the same area at 8 1309 130 p.m., during which time we stayed without fire and were terrorized every now and then by the great flashing lights of exploding bombs followed by the thunderous noise and tremor. The following morning I left for Gathee’s mbuci with the intention of leaving Ruthaithi for Mihuro. On my arrival at Gathee’s I told him the bombing story. He said that the airplane was turning over their heads after dropping bombs. I asked Gathee to arrange and pack my safari food so that I could leave the following morning. I had written Gathee [earlier] telling him to order his itungati to dry meat for me and my three itungati sufficient to keep us for at least two weeks during which I would stay at Mihuro lonely in the office. I asked him now to give me two more itungati for the safari. He agreed and reminded me that Nyaga’s itungati were supposed to be in Mihuro for repairing huts and building a memorial hall. I wished Gathee’s itungati farewell and in the evening slept early, for I had not slept the night before because of airplane disturbances. I
left
Gathee’s mbuci on
14th
November with
five
itungati
equipped with dry meat to keep us for two weeks. I spent a night on the way, arriving Mihuro the following day in the afternoon. We cleaned two of the old huts, took our ration into the store,
and
The
collected firewood.
carried
days
I
since
it
all
the books
was busy
I
next day
wanted
to
went to the bookstore and the camp. For the next seven I
record books, entering data, history and reports and preparing a general report of the Kenya Parliament’s works
was
in
elected.
On
22nd November Kimathi and a group of Gikuyu Iregi Army arrived [at Mihuro] from Fort Hall with twenty-six leaders and 304 itungati. Kimathi introduced me to them and pointed out the twelve who had been elected by their fighters to become members of the
Kenya
Parliament. Kimathi told
me
of the
power
conflict
between Macaria Kimemia and Mbaria Kaniu over the leadership of the Gikuyu Iregi Army. Macaria told me that their quarrel was so great
general
that they almost election
leader of the
settled
Gikuyu
opened
against each other but a
Macaria Kimemia was the head Army. But Mbaria Kaniu, who was
that
Iregi
fire
THE TIDE
IS
TURNING
4II
very popular to North Kinangop inhabitants originally from Fort Hall, moved back to his area and went on claiming to be the leader
Murang’a as well as the leader of Mburu Ngebo Army. I learned from Kimathi that Gikuyu Iregi Army fighters had ruled that Macaria Kimemia was their leader and Mbaria Kaniu was the leader of the Mburu Ngebo Army, the section that belonged to Murang’a people. I told Kimathi of Kahiu-Itina and Kimbo’s ideas and after balancing it, we found that it had originated from power envy and of
could result in personal enmity or split the Rift Valley from the Central Province and possibly cause our itungati to urge for personal rewards, as some of these leaders had started deceiving their
by falsely allocating the settlers’ farms to some itungati so as to win them. But since envy was not evil and nothing dangerous had happened yet, we left the matter out [of the agenda] but became aware of it. On 23rd November, I spent most of the time collecting and itungati
recording a general report from Murang’a, Masai, remote areas of Rift Valley (II Doigan Hill in North Nanyuki, Naivasha, Dundori
and Elburgon), and within Nyandarua. all this
before
I
took
it
to the
I
had
to explain
Kimathi
General Meeting.
learned from Kiarii Mubengi, the head of the Kenya Inoro Army, that their armies were still rising up in numbers and strength and were in a very good supply of arms from Nairobi, I
The
especially Waruingi’s companies.
Joseph Kibe Kimani were persed by the
enemy
at
still
active but they were badly dis-
Longonot
foot soldiers surrounded the
hill.
Rift Valley sections under
by an air raid while the Some of them had entered NyanHill
darua and others were still in the settled area. Gen. Kibati reported the sad news on the Gikuyu and Mumbi Trinity Army (Masai fighters mostly), saying that their chief leader, Ole Kisio, was killed at the end of August. His successor Ole Ngapien, was captured three weeks later. The dispersed and disheartened fighters were under Ole Ngare. This seemed to be a very great blow on our side.
Wanjeru had returned from Elburgon via Dondori. His mission had failed to enter the Nandi reserves. He said that there were fighters in nearly all the small forests in the settled area but they
were not getting support from the to the repatriation of
Kikuyu and
settlers’
employees
—mostly due
their jobs being taken
by the
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
412
who
tribes
did not
know our aims and who were
regularly fed by
Government propaganda which really meant to ostracise the Kikuyu under the allegations that they had taken an oath urging them to kill, rob and rule other tribes. Wanjeru claimed that when an informer was killed the Government’s propagandists took the incident to witness the vows taken and used it to build mountains of tribalism and hatred. Ndiritu Kimani from II Doigan Hill said that he had two sections there and that a third section had arrived under Kahiu-Itina. He said that Dorobo, Samburu and a few Turkana in the area were very sympathetic to the Movement and a few had taken the the
traditional oath.
News from
was not pleasing, for Government had greatly increased its forces and arms, forced all people in the Central Province into villages which were strongly supervised as prison camps. We had been cut off from Nairobi supplies and communication and worse still from our supporters in the reserves. For the last two months I had noted and notified our Nairobi base that the [little] ammunition we had could only be used for defending or fighting for food. We couldn’t make any more offensive attacks. Over 30,000 Kikuyu, Embu and Meru had become loyal Home Guards to the Government, most of whom were previously the reserves
our strong supporters. After their surrender they accused other supporters whom they beat and tortured badly until they confessed and became converted in their faith. In addition, our itungati who
had
either surrendered or
were captured had given the enemy
information about the forest fighters and, worst of all [some] had joined the enemy’s pseudo-platoons and had become sufficient
their guides to our mbuci. In fact the
wind had changed,
this
time
against us.
By
the evening
I
learned the attendance situation
— 1,500
fighters
from Ituma Ndemi Army, followed by Gikuyu Iregi Army, Mburu Ngebo Army (sections under Mbaria Kaniu, Makanyanga and Thiong’o’s section, which reported his death), and Kenyo Inoro Army. Kibati and his assistant plus six fighters were the only ones who were in touch with Masai fighters at Melili Forest, but they had failed to bring Masai leaders as Ole Ngare had not been able to hold meetings with his fighters due to enemy
had
arrived, mostly
harassment.
One
of the most interesting things of the meeting
was that Stan-
:
THE TIDE Mathenge had
ley
their leaders
The
TURNING
IS
413
arrived together with four other sections and
who had
attended the meeting under his influence.
other interesting person was Mbaria Kaniu. Both were strong
Ituma Ndemi Army and Gikuyu Iregi Army. Up to this stage, Mathenge, who had many possibilities of competing with Kimathi, had not really motivated any campaign for competing with Kimathi. One thing certain was that Mathenge was not satisfied to be under Kimathi; again, he had no intentions at all of getting other fighters under his rule apart from his own Division, which he had assumed responsibility for and which he didn’t like Kimathi to interfere with, so that he could maintain his security. In fact he had no objections to Kimathi’s rising to power provided that he maintained his position which I thought was fit for him, for he had no ability of rising above division level, which was even
enough
to split
—
difficult to his
brain power.
was
Kimbo, Kahiu-Itina and Mbaria Kaniu had started to motivate Mathenge to rise against Kimathi and took him as their leader. Taking into account the criticisms given to me by both Kahiu-Itina and Kimbo, and reasons In addition to
for seeking a
this,
it
clear that
new party under
illiterates,
could clearly see that
I
was what one stood for Kimathi who stood for Kenya’s revolution was on top of those leaders hats, while they, far below, stood for tribal tradition and customary laws as they were before European civilization as the goal after victory. the
main
division
Now, turning was
:
to the
Kenya Parliament members attendance,
as follows
PRESENT 1.
2.
absent (under boycott,
Dedan Kimathi Chief Sec., Karari Njama President,
5.
Thuita Vice Treasurer, Abdullah Major Gen. Vindo
6.
Gen. Muraya Mbuthia
3.
4.
it
Dep.
Sec., Ndiritu
1.
Vice
2.
Treasurer,
3.
Ngunjiri
4.
Wambugu Mwema
5.
Gen.
Rui
any
meeting
1-4)
Kahiu-Itina
Pres.,
Kimbo
(never
attended
of
Kenya
Parliament)
The
six
6.
Gathitu (dead)
7.
Omera
Kenya Parliament members met
after dinner to discuss
the report to be issued out the following day.
noted was that the
(captured)
The
first
Kenya Parliament attendance had
thing to be fallen
below
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
414
which showed some weakness. One possible way of strengthening it was to increase its members. Learning from Kimathi that Gikuyu Iregi Army had elected their twelve representatives in the Kenya Parliament, including Muraya Mbuthia an old member of K.P., and the fact that they were all in the same camp, made us conclude that they were to participate as members of the Kenya Parliament the following day. Among them were Macaria half,
Kimemia
their head,
Mwangi Gicimu
Waweru and Mutuota. The Kenya Inoro Army had them
in the
K.P.
We
their chief secretary,
four elected
members
Kimani
to represent
accepted them and agreed that they should
more who should join us December at Mihuro.
at the
elect five
Annual General Meeting
on 31st General Kibati, speaking as the Masai representative, said that any journey to Narok or Melili Forest was very difficult and dangerous. Our fighters, [he said] had to walk over large grassland areas at night and sleep during the day. Sometimes they had to hide themselves in small grass which could not at all cover them from either footmen or air patrols. He suggested that they needed rules and regulations, plans and general organization, to enable them
manage their own affairs without attending ment meeting. His suggestion was accepted.
to
Now
the
Kenya
Parlia-
had done their elections, only Ituma Ndemi Army was left to elect its members. If we held the election in the absence of Kahiu-Itina and Kimbo they would get grounds to justify their split, claiming that they had been ousted by the K.P. Looking at the attendance, we thought that Mathenge might lose the election as he had not many of the fighters who were aware of his negligence of duty. So we decided to introduce Mathenge to our fighters as the elected head of Ituma and ask him, as chairman since the other armies
;
of Ituma, to call a general
meeting for Ituma which would elect its new leaders. It seemed impossible to hold another general meeting before the Annual General Meeting for all the fighters, so we concluded that we would make it clear to Mathenge after discussing the matter with him.
We
decided that
we had
better nominate seven additional leaders to strengthen the five old K.P. members of the Ituma Ndemi Army until such a time as we were able to hold a general election
company.
We
members
of the
and study the motives of Kahiu-Itina and then nominated the following persons to become
Kenya Parliament
:
THE TIDE 1.
2.
3. 4. 5. 6. 7.
IS
TURNING
415
Gen. Gathura Muita; IDA 1 /2 and Kimathi’s personal clerk Gen. Makanyanga; Mburu Ngebo Army
Gen. Kihara Gatandi; IDA 2/2 Gen. Wacira Gathuku; IDA 3/2 Gen. Gitonga Gaciingu; IDA 3/3 Gen. Gikonyo Kanyungu; Gen. Kahinga Wachanga;
IDA IDA
4/1 (absent from meeting) 4/3 (absent from meeting)
Qualifications for the above nominees were cleverness, national
opposed to tribal, leadership ability and regional representation in Nyandarua. We had learned that success in a general election depended on either popularity or deceitful propaganda feelings as
and not on merit.
The
question of the settled area in the Rift Valley being repre-
sented by leaders
who
was their land was the one which could bring about a split between all other fighters and the Rift Valley fighters. Rift Valley was the land we all were fighting for and it was then ridiculous for some fighters to claim it to be theirs for the reason that they were born there or had lived there for a long time. That would definitely create mistrust among the fighters and mostly destroy the fighters’ spirit, losing confidence in the land he was fighting for. We resolved that we had to make it clear to
all
claimed that
it
our fighters that Rift Valley did not belong to the
employees or squatters as they were being deceived by some leaders who claimed that they were sharing land to their
settlers’
Kenya Africans and could only be shared at the consent of the Kenya African Government. Before closing the meeting we resolved that the New Kenya Parliament, 28 members present, would meet the following morning before the General Meeting began. We sent out Gen. Muraya Mbuthia and called on Mathenge so that we could discuss his differences with Kimathi, a matter only for the Ituma Ndemi Army. It was already a few minutes after midnight when he itungati, but in fact that
arrived.
it
belongs to
all
Phis took place in an informal talk in
which both denied
when we
interrogated them.
hatred or dislike against each other
Mathenge,
in
an
effort to
prove his good
will,
repeated the story
had completely cleared his suspicions and doubts about the incident by telling him what had happened and convincing him that Kimathi was always sincere to him and had demanded his cooperation. Mathenge concluded that of the bullet in the fire saying that
I
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
416
he had nothing more other than suspicion of the bullet in the fire. Kimathi then suggested that they should both take an oath binding them as brothers, vowing never to kill or cause [injury] in any form to each other and never to undermine each other or degrade each other to their itungati. Though they did not take the oath they promised before us to work together. Kimathi ended by cursing himself and calling God to witness that he will never hurt Mathenge, who said the same.
We
then told Mathenge our plan of introducing him to
all
the
and giving him chances of speaking and calling a general meeting so that ail our Ituma itungati will know him before a general election of its leaders. Mathenge was very pleased and itungati
promised to year.
The
call
a general meeting early at the beginning of the
date was to be fixed at the Annual General Meeting.
It
was already three o’clock in the morning and we went to sleep. The morning of the 24th November all the new members of Kenya Parliament, 28 of them, met in a big memorial hall 120 feet by 20 feet with three rows of seats and a platform for the Kenya Parliament members. Guards had been properly posted in all directions at least three miles in radius.
opened the meeting with prayers which were dedicated by Kimathi. The first thing was to get to know each other and Kimathi did all the introduction work. Second was to tell the new members the duties and policies of the Kenya Parliament, the work done by the K.P. since it was elected, general report on our armies. Gourage and unity to our fighters and supporters was to be adopted as our greatest weapon, being now unable to attack the enemy due to lack of ammunition. I
Our inability to make gunpowder became our greatest weakness and we resolved to ask our fighters what gunpowder was made of. We then arranged the order of our speeches who was to speak, :
and time allowed. Kimathi was to control the meeting, introduce and keep time for every speaker. Gathura Muita was to call out the next speaker from the prepared list and tell the audience what they were to hear from the speaker. The President and Chief Secretary were allowed to speak without any fixed time until they covered the required ground. I was to record everyone's speech as it directly came from his mouth. The other 16 speakers were allowed ten minutes only, including Mathenge and Mbaria though they were not members of the Parliament. The his subject
—
— THE TIDE
TURNING
IS
meeting ended at lunch time and
we walked
4*7
out for lunch
—a cup
of boiled maize.
two in the afternoon with an opening ceremony of the Kenyalekalo Memorial Hall. Wang ombe Ruga, the only reasonable mundo mugo we had, was standing
The General meeting was
with Kimathi at the
hall’s
to start at
entrance, each holding a gitete of diluted
honey and a flywhisk. Wang’ombe had another gitete of uncooked githambio, a fermented mixture of millet flour and water gruel which he poured on the entrance and on either side of the hall as he said his prayers asking God to bless the site, the hall and the army. After a short prayer in the memory of all our miserable life the since the coming of the Europeans, Kimathi poured honey on
honey and cut the string across the the entrance and declared Kenyalekalo Memorial Hall open in memory of the miserable life of our Mt. Kenya and Nyandarua Kapenfighters, the O'lenguruoni eviction and all the evictions, the guria Trial and all other trials in which thousands of people were
same
places, sprinkled the hall with
sentenced to death, deportation, imprisonments ranging from one year to life or indefinite detention, Lokitaung Prison where our leader
Jomo Kenyatta and
sentences to represent
all
his five colleagues,
were serving their
and detention camps and
prisons
all
oui
sufferings in general.
He
then entered the
hall,
pouring honey
all
the
way
to the plat-
form and followed by Wang’ombe who was pouring githambio. Then they came out and started cleansing 1,400 fighters by sprinkling them with honey from his flywhisk while Kimathi was blessing them by sprinkling honey on them as they entered the hall, d he
Kenya Parliament members were
the
first,
—and
to enter
Kimathi
—
honey on our heads followed by the other leaders and lastly by the itungati, who were sprinkled from the flywhisk. The hall could hold only 700 fighters and the rest had to stand against the walls both inside and outside. Kimathi opened the meeting with two minutes of silence for the dead and short prayers. He then introduced all the K.P. members and prominent leaders. He mentioned the names of absent members without apology for them and informed the audience that we had
poured a
little
nominated seven other leaders they could lead until the end of the year.
we
whom we
thought were
fit
so that
held a general election, possibly before
He mentioned
the
Kenya
Parliament's works
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
418
and asked the Chief Secretary K.P. work since it was elected.
When
I
stood up,
was formed and the
I
how we
first
to read the general report of the
told the audience
qualifications for election
—missions
Parliament’s
the K.P.
and then explained
dealt with China’s surrender negotiations, then cor-
respondences inland and abroad letters sent
how and when
and tours
sessions,
discussing
—reading
either the reply or the
and out rules and
in
of
Nyandarua, Kenya
regulations,
attacking and defending, discipline, cases heard.
I
plans of
warned them on
pseudo-platoons and informers within the camps, read recordings
and supporters, enemies, supplies, finance, history, songs, activities in camp, battle activities, issuing ranks, Kenya Young Stars Association, Kenyalekalo Memorial Clubs and Halls. Achievements up to this stage were that the Colonial Government had sent a Royal Land Commission in 1953 in an attempt to adjust our land complaints, whose findings were unknown to our fighters and which we believed was kept secret in order to cover Government’s face from shame. Though it was right for the Government to return the lands to the Africans, it would have been interpreted as a great defeat of the settlers and we thought that their request was to be given time to defeat us in the battle and then issue out land to the survivors. Some Government officials had in many cases promised the Loyalists that the Government would return lands to them when they defeated Mau Mau, for the Government didn’t want Mau Mau to prove to have fought for of lost property, lives of fighters
right.
In April 1954, a Commonwealth Delegation arrived in Kenya for the first time in history. We claimed that they had come to settle
our case versus equal status as time,
[a
and wanted to accept our country on their a member of the commonwealth. At about the same
month
settlers
after
the
Colonial Secretary,
Oliver Lyttelton,
Kenya] the Colonial Government had changed a policy. Kenya was no longer a colony in the old sense but a multiracial Government recognizing the African as equal for the first time and promoting him to ministerial post. The Kenya Legislative members had been increased, a Commission for Wages appointed, visited
many
of the
District
KISA
schools reopened
under the missionaries or the
Education Board.
Our two
years fight had
made Kenya Government run bankrupt,
.
THE TIDE causing
its
IS
TURNING
4X9
Finance Minister Mr. E. A. Vassey to borrow almost
£30,000,000 from Her Majesty’s Government, and in the Colonial
Government had
spite of that
failed to defeat us. In fact
it
had
shown its weakness by asking us to surrender. I had also learned from East African Standard that the European migration from Kenya was so great that the Government had to do all it could to stop them from running away and to enable it to do so, the Government had to regulate the service leave from Kenya. That made us proud of having succeeded in chasing away many Kenya settlers and increased our hopes that by the time we achieved independence all the Kenya settlers would have left the country. I warned the audience that the Government had succeeded in cutting us completely from our supporters anywhere outside the forest by putting all the people in village prison-like camps. There was a decrease of both arms and fighters from our side and a great but [during] the two years of our increase to the Government side fight, the Government had failed to defeat us [though] doing their
—
best
daily,
using
100,000 soldiers, including
Home
Guards,
all
—
equipped to their best, lorries, Land Rovers, planes Police Air Wing, Harvards, jets, Lincoln bombers, of which our Almighty God had crashed about eight of them. I stressed that our defeat would be lack of supplies and food. 1 he enemy’s patrols and operations here in the forest had done very little compared with the fight for food. It seemed that the Govern-
ment was now aiming at preventing us from getting food so that we would die of hunger or fall into their food traps. But since there were plenty of animals in this forest which we could trap for food or clothing,
we could
then
live in the forest for
many
years.
preventing us from killing the animals, many fighters were already living on animals. I suggested ‘No one should kill an that the rule should be amended that animal which he was not going to eat, unless it be for defending
Though we had not
lifted the rule
.
reason and only (
when
.
attacked.’
Ucio uri ho!' shouted the
fighters
in
cheers saying that was
right.
enquired which animals couldn’t be eaten and received different replies mentioning the ones unfit to be eaten, but the replies I
from Kipipiri fighters were peculiar and laughable replied ‘I would eat whatever would be caught by my trap,’ one fighter. ‘When I lay my trap I do not choose which animal :
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
420 is
to be caught. All
thinks
fit
for
do
I
me and
is
pray
God
to give
me
meat, whatever he
’
I
‘Would you eat a monkey or leopard?’ asked another gitungati. ‘Yes, in fact some of us have eaten them!’ replied the gitungati. Laughter increased and the whole hall was filled with noise, one talking to the other. Kimathi rose to quieten the people, commenting that he would also eat whatever he found in his trap. ‘Yes, that’s right
!’
shouted the audience.
Would you eat a hyena?’ asked Nyaga. Kimathi sat down without answering the question. ‘No
!
quieten the meeting. ‘Every creature you know,’
I
I
managed
said,
‘is
to
eaten
some examples ‘the Akamba eat birds, even the smallest ones, the Giriama eats the tortoise, the French eat the frog and snake-like fish, the Turkana eats donkey, dog, ostrich, etc., the Kitosi eat locusts and the flying ants of which the Gikuyu people do not eat. The Luo and Baluhya eat porcupine, etc. God created and blessed all the creatures to be man’s food. He only chooses which to eat because of their abundance and appearance and in a few cases by taste. ‘Apart from the animals we have plenty of honey, vegetables and fruit in this forest which can keep us alive for years. You should then try to obtain food anywhere you wish and by any means and by some other
people,’ giving
:
—
make sure that the enemy wouldn’t defeat us on the food issue. The last and worst of our defeats would be disunity among ourselves
—komerera
leaders
seeking
power,
disobedience
to
our
discouragement, lack of confidence to our victory, and being unable to persevere to the last man and minute. We have bravely fought the battle and we have scored more goals than our leaders,
opponents and
if
the referee blows the whistle
we would
definitely
winning
we
win the
battle.
We
now
have
all
to stop fighting,
the chances of
persevere. Don’t be worried about the Home Guards or surrenderees. The Kenya settlers are in a worse situation than ourselves in unity. Up to June 1953? the Aberdare Electoral Union if
was the only settlers political union and it wished to rule Kenya forever under the leadership of Michael Blundell. Its final petition to Her Majesty s Government during Her coronation ceremony, demanding independence for the white man in Kenya, was comand Blundell was warned that the settlers had only one chance and that was to form a multiracial Government,
pletely rejected
.
THE TIDE
TURNING
IS
421
which they are experimenting with at present. If it failed, Her Majesty’s Government promised to grant the Africans independence
was African Government.
and
[said] that
it
for the
Kenya
settlers to
fit
themselves in the
‘When Blundell returned here, he told his party that Her Majesty’s Government had thrust an arrow right in the heart of their party’s aim. He warned that they were pushing their heads against a brick wall. That there would never be a white man’s independence in this country. That multiracialism was the only chance were given and, provided that they were the strongest, wealthiest capitalists and the cleverest, they would lead and control that multiracial Government. And that now their main problem would be how to gain cooperation from the majority of Africans they
in
the multiracial Government.
‘On hearing this, the Aberdare Electoral Union split into the Federal Independence Party under Humphrey Slade, demanding Kenya be granted autonomous provinces, the United Party under Blundell, the Upcountry Party and another party under Mr. Baxter and Major Day claiming that the European supremacy in country must prevail. With these different parties voicing their for policies at liberty, the Europeans are weaker than ourselves,
this
the
and
Home Guards and
surrenderees were created by security reasons
were no such force then there would be no more Guards or surrenderees or disunity or different aims as it has
force. If there
Home
happened with the settlers. ‘Time is almost ripe. Freedom referee will soon blow his whistle will
be an “about turn!”
The
around the corner. The
just
is
for the will
first
change over. The
become become
the
last.
result
The
last
the masters. 1 he become the first. The servants will ruled will become the rulers. The miserable will become the happiest. This would be the reward for perseverance. Are you ready will
to persevere to the last ‘Ei.
Yes
‘Then
!’
minute?’
roared the audience.
shall
we
all
‘We
sing together?’.
.
are ready .
The children of Gikuyu live Under the pouring rains With much hunger and cold In quest of their land
!’
in the forest
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
422
(chorus)
Woeee
!
Woeee
!
Woe-eyae
!
Will you persevere death
Continuous pains and troubles and Often imprisonment for the love of your land
Who And
?
are those singing aloud
beyond the sea Praising Jomo and Mbiyu As seekers of right and justice living
Some Gikuyu separated themselves And betrayed the others because They thought we could never win Our House of Mumbi, we have won
Our
!
sang happily and bravely. It was getting late for them to collect firewood before nightfall. Sitting down, I promised fighters
them more speech, asked them
to
at
tell
night.
Kimathi, commenting on
my
long
up and adjourned the meeting so that we could get a chance of collecting firewood and cooking. He told the audience that there were sixteen other leaders who would speak to them at night after dinner and ordered that every one should to cheer
be in the hall before io p.m.
As the itungati left the hall, I sat down on the platform next to Kimathi and lit my kiraiko to smoke. Many leaders came to shake my hand and congratulate me for my long speech. They said that I had covered a large ground and given encouragement to the fighters. When the fires were lit, we dispersed to our huts to warm ourselves while awaiting dinner.
At 9 130 p.m., singing sounded everyone to attend.
The
like
warriors
ringing church bells calling
who had
finished eating
were
already awaiting leaders in the hall and were entertaining themselves
by
singing.
At
five
minutes to ten the Kenya Parliament
leaders entered the hall,
which was lit by burning fires inside and outside which also supplied warmth. Gathura Muita asked me to do the calling of the speakers as he didn t know them well enough to introduce them properly. He said he would record their speeches. The leaders spoke on courage, unity,
obedience,
perseverance,
surrender, trapping,
camp
life,
fighting
tactics,
komererci jealousy,
Home
Guards,
settlers’ history,
THE TIDE wealth (ivory, precious stones,
IS etc.),
TURNING
423
Kenya’s African Government,
leaderships, etc.
Mathenge, who spoke on many points, drew audience attention on unity, obedience, courage and perseverance. He warned the meeting not to be misled by any propaganda that he and Kimathi hated each other a
member
and
;
neither should they be worried for
He warned propaganda. He said
of the K.P.
fallacious
him not being
the warriors against suspicion that suspicion was the source
and confessed to have wrongly suspected Kimathi of the Murang’a bullet incident. He confirmed that he would support Kenya Parliament and any person who did any good work for Kenya. He said that if the devil was to save Kenya, he would then
of evil
claimed that the leader who will lead the fighters victoriously out of the forest would automatically become the support him.
He
leader of the revolution.
and
false pride.
river crossing
He
He warned easily be
and pride before we managed
He
we were
said that
and we could
all
middle of a big
in the
drowned with our jealousy
to cross.
who were engaged
told a story of a people
Their army was living
as ours.
the leaders against jealousy
in
in the forest just as
a similar fight
we
were.
\
heir
opponent knew neither their number nor their strength. As the years passed by, the enemy’s bombs and foot soldiers killed the forest fighters and only one of them survived. This brave warrior refused to surrender and fought as if he was the whole army. He took from the deceased warriors different kinds of weapons.
He
ambushing the enemy using his different weapons as though there were many warriors. At night he did a lot of distruction by using fire and poison to the animals. He changed his position daily, moving from one side of the forest to the other. The enemy believed the forest was still full of fighters, and then [finally] surrendered. When his people were released from prisons and detention camps and formed the first Government, they then called their fighters who were living in the forest to march from the forest to the national flag where they would receive their honor
kept on
for braverv
and perseverance and
their willingness to free their
people and their country at the cost of their
lives.
Though
the
people were very happy for their achievement, they were very
much
surprised to see only one warrior carrying
kinds of weapons, which he defeated the
and beating
his big
drum
in
enemy
many
different
with, marching
the big street towards the city center.
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
424 At
in the foiest,
still
army was were no more
the people wondered, thinking that the whole
first
but then he told them that there
and that he was the only man who defeated the enemy; he had fought for more than a year all alone in the forest. Amidst cheers and cries for the dead, the brave courageous and persevering fighter received the greatest honor that was to be fighters in the forest
granted to
all
the country’s fighters.
Keep up!’ concluded Mathenge. ‘He who
‘Hold on!
what he had fought
loses
for.
He who
surrenders
perseveres wins.
You can
enemy surrenders. Njama has said. The
decide to surrender now, and [soon] after your It
last
a matter of perseverance, as
all just
is
man
will
become the
Mr
!’
first
Whenever a speaker sat down, we sang one of our songs to awaken people and keep them alert. Usually we chose a song that corresponded with the speakers news.
A
song of praise, a song of
courage, a song of recording events, a song of degrading the
and
Home
ment,
At
Guards, a propaganda song for spreading the
enemy Move-
etc.
five
memory
minutes to midnight
of the dead, injured
we commenced our
prayers in the
and captured comrades,
their torture,
and our miserable life. We prayed God to defend us and fight for us. We prayed for unity, courage and perseverance, and asked God to grant us power to defeat envy, jealousy, hatred, diseases and climate. We prayed for leaders so that they could rightly lead us. Two leaders, two fighters, two women spoke our prayers, which were concluded by Kimathi. We continued our program until we realized, about 3 a.m., that most of our itungati had fallen asleep. Kimathi dismissed the meeting, saying that there would be no general meeting during the day, but that the leaders would meet. Another general meeting would be held the following night.
The
next morning, being certain that sentries had been posted, I slept up to 9. At 10 a.m. the members of the K.P. met to discuss what matters were likely to be raised at the next Annual General
Meeting. Apart from
meeting was the best
New
we agreed that such a way through which we could encourage, Year’s prayers,
and educate our fighters, through lectures and challenges from distant leaders on the bad points and habits. We then invited other leaders in and asked them what each would like unite,
discipline
to
our fighters that night.
tell
We made
up the program of
their
THE TIDE speeches similar to the one lunch, after which
I
the minute book, keeping
After dinner
Nearly
all
we had
recorded
me
TURNING
IS
all
busy
the night before.
425
We
broke for
the previous night’s speeches in
evening.
till
entered the hall and continued our program.
we
the leaders praised the K.P.,
its
leaders
and the
effort
they were putting in propagating the Movement to other tribes and making our troubles known abroad, finally, I called for any fighter
who wanted
Hundreds wanted
to speak for or against
to
comment and
allowed only 3 to speak.
I
what we had preached.
praise the leaders, of
gave allowance for anyone
whom
I
who wanted
what we had preached to speak, but none volunteered. The meeting ended at half-past 1 in the morning. We wished everyone farewell and hoped to meet next time whenever our leaders fixed the date and place. We did not want our fighters to know when the next general meeting would be held. We then went to bed. to criticise
CHAPTER XIX
PRIME MINISTER DEDAN KIM ATHI During
were made to strengthen the forest organization and heal the rift between leaders which threatened a split. External pressures and events, however, playing upon the internal tendencies toward fission, made this an extremely difficult, if not hopeless, task. The General Annual Meeting of the Kenya Parliament, which was to commence on 31 December 1954, coincided with the opening of Government’s greatest assault on the forest guerrillas since the early
months
of 1955, several attempts
the revolution began. ‘Operation
Hammer’,
as
it
was
called,
weeks and threw over a division of infantry into the Aberdares. They began by clearing the moorlands, then moved in staggered, coordinated patrols toward the eastern fringe of the forest where a line of heavily manned ambushes had been set up. Considering the massive nature of the operation, guerrilla casualties were relatively light, numbering, according to lasted almost three
Government sources, 16 1 dead, captured or surrendered. Nevertheless, Government did succeed in badly dispersing the forest forces, hampering their movement and destroying Mihuro camp, thus forcing the
Kenya Parliament
to twice postpone
its
general
meeting and the important Ituma District Committee elections. Operation Hammer, a military failure from Government’s point of view,
was followed on 18 January 1955 by a new cam-
paign designed to bring about the surrender of forest guerrillas by offering a general amnesty for crimes committed during the emergency. While very few fighters surrendered during this
from Karari’s account that the dire conditions prevailing in the reserve, the Government amnesty offer and their own plight in the forest, resulted in widespread demoralization amongst Aberdare fighters. The Kikuyu peasantry, it seems, had for the most part lost both the means and the will to resist. The villagization and communal labor schemes combined with bad harvests to produce widespread hunger and a mounting toll of deaths from starvation among children and the aged Cut off period,
it is
clear
426
PRIME MINISTER DEDAN KIMATHI
427
from the fighters in the forest and seeing no chance of winning, a growing number of Kikuyu peasants, therefore, yearned only for an end to the struggle. The Chieni meeting in early March was designed, at least in part, to bolster the sagging morale of the forest itungati by consolidating the rapproachement between Stanley Mathenge and Dedan Kimathi. The latter would be promoted to the new post of Prime Minister while Mathenge and Macaria Kimemia (Commander of the Gikuyu Iregi Army) would contest for the vacated post of Field Marshal in a Kenya Parliament election. In this way, the military hierarchy would be separated from the political hierarchy of councils and, it was hoped, the areas of conflict between Mathenge and Kimathi reduced. Kimathi, as head of the Kenya Parliament, would be responsible for the proper functioning of the Parliament and district committees. Mathenge, or perhaps Kimemia, would take over all of Kimathi’s duties regarding the management of military affairs and forces. Both men would thus be satisfied and the dissident leaders could, in all likelihood, be persuaded to return. As we shall see, an unexpected turn of events was to dispel these hopes and plans. The formal ceremony described by Karari, in which Dedan Kimathi was made a senior elder of the highest rank and elevated to the post of Prime Minister,
manner
is
a significant
illustration
which both traditional practices and statuses and British ranks, titles and offices were utilized in an effort to sanctify and legitimize the Kenya Parliament and forest organization. While traditional aspects of the ceremony underscored the Parliament’s claim to legitimacy as a Kikuyu institution, and sanctioned the intended separation of political and military offices, of the
in
the British features tended to support the
Kenya Parliament claim
Kenya-wide governing institution, representing the interests of Kenya Africans as opposed to European settlers. Here again, in terms of both organization and ideology, is an illustration of that conjunction of Kikuyu and Kenya ‘nationalisms’ so frequently exhibited by the forest guerrilla forces. to legitimacy as a
When
the
directions.
day broke, our fighters dispersed from Mihuro in many Kihara Gatandi, one of the seven nominated Ituma
— MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
428 members
and Gicuki Mwii joined the Kiambu fighters on a mission to encourage the fighters around Naivasha and Opuru Forest. I joined Mathenge’s company to Subuk and stayed for the next month in Gicuki Wacira’s section, up to the 28th December, when we left for Mihuro in order to attend the Annual General Meeting. We slept two nights on the way and arrived in the afternoon of 30th December. I was glad to meet many of my friends from whom we had parted a month ago. Reports from various directions were that there were a lot of enemies in the forest who had been seen in many areas. We became suspicious; suspected that the enemy might have known that we were to hold a general meeting. Kimathi forbid singing or making loud noises. About 500 persons had arrived and the poor attendance also made us suspect that many of our fighters might have been dispersed by the enemy. Very early the following morning, Kimathi ordered that the sentries be posted all around the camp, within three miles radius, and that they must keep their positions until sunset. To ensure our safety, 350 itungati were sent on guard, leaving only 150 persons in the camp. The attendance was very disappointing for none of the Kenya Inoro Army had turned up. From the Gikuyu Iregi Army only six members of the Kenya Parliament had arrived. From the Ituma Ndemi Army, Kahinga, Gikonyo and Kihara, who had accomof the K.P.
panied the Kenya Inoro Army, had not arrived. From Mburu Ngebo Army only Makanyanga had arrived. Total attendance fifteen members of Kenya Parliament out of thirty-three expected. We spent the day in fear and worry, knowing that the enemy was within [i.e. around] us and not knowing what had
happened
?
our warriors the
enemy
to
who had
not arrived. Learning from Makanyanga that was sweeping the whole forest, the sooner we dispersed
the better for us. Nevertheless,
we
trusted our guards
and
sat
down
to plan our no more members of the Kenya Parliament turned up, we couldn’t hold an official session with less than half the members, but we could give lectures to our fighters. Mathenge had arrived and had kept his promise. Kahiu-Itina had not returned from II Doigan Hill. Kimbo had not changed his mind; in fact he was reported to have toured some Mburu Ngebo Army sections preach-
program.
If
ing against the
Kenya Parliament.
PRIME MINISTER DEDAN KIMATHI By
some 300 more itungati had arrived with their but no more members of the K.P. showed up. From the
nightfall
leaders,
we
echoes of the enemy’s guns,
and became very much
enemy them
429
of
learned that
we were surrounded
some captives might tell the the meeting they were going to attend and probably lead afraid that
Mihuro. Nevertheless, when our great ally, the darkness, arrived, we became brave enough to sing and shout hard. We covered our program and held prayers for the New Year. to
Mathenge talked to the itungati and promised them that he would call the first general meeting for Ituma Ndemi Army under chairmanship sometime early in February. The leaders would inform their itungati of the date and place later on. All the leaders had to keep the meetings secret, but it was to be at Mihuro on 7th February 1955. The Kenya Parliament session, which had failed,
his
was postponed was postponed
to the
until
same
date.
The Ituma Ndemi Army
Mathenge was
in
election
a position to organize the
who had threatened a split. Very early the New Year's morning we dispersed after our prayers for our journeys and God’s protection. I joined IDA 3/2 and before our arrival at Gura Valley we four times narrowly escaped enemy collision. The camp was situated in the black forest dotted with very few bamboo on the northern Gura slopes just above the old Kigumo gardens. The water sprung up a few yards from the camp and then the stream went underground some thirty election in order to convince the ones
yards below the spring. big
bomb
of a mile
ing
my
Two
Our guards below moving down craters.
hundred yards could see the
enemy
were two
three-quarters
the valley in the old gardens. Cast-
eyes on the opposite steep slope,
made by
to the east
I
could see a wide ‘road’
from a bomb crater almost vertical to me. d he camp benefited from having a good view of the Gura \ alley, which enabled us to see the smoke from enemies’ camps in the mornings and evenings and their airplanes dropping them the sloping
soil
The
other benefit was that there was no known water nearby, which proved to the enemy that the area was unfit for camping. food.
In this quiet camp, not even
known by
other fighters,
I
lived
with Wacira Gathuku, Gitonga Giciingu and Wambugu Mutiga, who had been given the whole camp’s management by Gitonga.
The eighteen itungati of goodwill.
They
camp were brave fighters and men managed to harvest maize from the
in the
cleverly
— 430
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
reserve gardens
which we dried
driest
in
the sun, for January
is
the
month.
On
the 15th January, our itungati returning
from the reserve reported some interesting news that Government forces had withdrawn from the forest. The following afternoon I went fishing down the Gura River. On my way I crossed many enemy tracks which showed me that they had left the forest. At twilight, I
camp with
returned to the
change
nine trouts, which enabled us to have a
our maize meals for the first time in a month. On 1 8th January Wacira, Gitonga, two escorts and I went to visit Gicuki Wacira who lived on the same slope about one mile from the forest fringe. On our way, we heard an airplane skyin
shouting an appeal for us to surrender. As it passed us following the forest border, we saw it dropping thousands of leaflets. I sent
one of the escorts to get
me
a
leaflet. It
read
:
GOVERNMENT PROMISE 4 he Kenya Government has offered
come out
all
!
the fighters a chance to
of the forest
and return to the normal peaceful life. His Excellency the Governor of Kenya Sir Evelyn Baring has given a general amnesty to all persons who have committed crimes during the emergency up to today, the 18th January Save your life now! 955 Surrender with all your fighting weapons and you will not be prosecuted. You will be detained and receive good medical treatment, food, clothing and general *
-
care.
(Signed by) Sir Evelyn Baring His Excellency the Governor of
Kenya
Gen. Sir George Erskine Gommander-in-Chief, East Africa
No
matter whether
‘one thing
I
am
this
certain of
although forgery
is
is
a
is
Government propaganda,’
I
that these are their real signatures
possible,
whether
this
said,
and
comes from the is that this is the Government’s statement It is a fair proof that the Government is defeated and instead of yielding to our demands it appeals to us to surrender.’ If we surrender, we would lose what we have fought for at the last minute o our victory. On the other hand the Government offers us to become its detainees or letter
senior or junior officers, the fact
Gitonga,
We
prisoners.
have declared the
fight to the end.’
Oh
no!’ cried
1
PRIME MINISTER DEDAN KIMATHI ‘Though
it
may
be
43
no one would be taken to the same time it warns us of being
true,’ I said, ‘that
a magistrate for prosecution, at detained indefinitely possibly detention
—
which would mean that we
throughout their rule, could only be released when Kenya
gets independence.’ ‘It is
foolish to place oneself willingly
said Wacira. ‘Forget all about
it
under the enemy’s mercy,’ and persevere and you will find
Government has completely surrendered.’ We continued our journey and soon arrived at Wacira’s mbuci. It was similar to ours and had a good view of the Kigumo main road and the reserve as well. Standing here I could see Munyange Village in which was the strongest military base with over 700 Devons plus a police camp and Home Guard camp. I could count any persons entering the forest in that area within a mile or two that the
in the reserve.
could
my
garden one and a half miles away; my fruit trees and the remains of the unroofed house I was building before the emergency. This mbuci could see the enemy I
still
see
making their ambushes in the evenings and knew had abandoned their ambushes.
well
when they
Gicuki told us that the enemy’s plans of fighting us had greatly
He
Government had dropped all its forces in Nguthiru [the Moorlands] where they started their sweeping operation down the streams, valleys, slopes and on the ridges, so increased.
said that the
distributed that they
a mile apart.
Our
moved
in
almost parallel
trick of encircling
lines less
than half
behind the enemy wouldn’t
have worked this time for they were moving in three groups. The second group was to search the same area for the second day that had been covered by the first group and sleep in the same camp. The third group was to search the same area for the third day and sleep in their already established
camp. They continued their slow and thorough sweep toward the forest boundary where their comrades laid in ambushes all the nights. Since it was dangerous for our fighters to run away toward the forest boundary, they always tried to move across [i.e., laterally] which was impossible to move more than half a mile before colliding with another enemy force. The only way was to move up the mountain but having passed the first group and coming to its camp, our fighters thought it to be safe, while the second group was ready to charge. Their next escape would just put them into the enemy’s third
group’s trap.
Though we
didn’t
know
the exact
damage
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
432
must have been great for fighters could only run away instead of ambushing the enemy as they used to do. This was all due to lack of ammunition. I told them that I had tried to make gunpowder and had found that elephants’ tusks burned the same way as gunpowder, but I had failed how to light it. By examining different forms of gunpowder, I had concluded that it was made of elephants’ tusks, charcoal, phosphorus and some alkali acid. I could see a lot of phosphorus staying as parasites on many decaying logs but I was unable to get acid. My inability to make gunpowder, or any other of our fighters, proved to me that we had a lot more to learn from the European’s technique. We rediscussed the Government’s surrender offer and resolved that it was a mere propaganda and we shouldn’t listen to it. In the evening we returned to our mbuci with confidence that there was no enemy near us. caused by the enemy to our
fighters,
On
I
the 20th January 1955,
camping near to lead
me
it
received news that
us on the rocky slope area.
On
there.
arrival
Ngara
told
I
Ngara was en-
arranged with Gicuki
me
that his section
was
chased by the enemy from the Rift Valley across the Moorlands, where he lost seven fighters including his youngest brother. He
me
mbuci in Rift Valley was very close to Makanyanga’s and that they had made their escape together. The enemy had caught up with Makanyanga in the Moorlands and he had no doubt that Makanyanga had fallen into the enemy’s hands, but told
that his
whether dead or
alive
he didn’t know for the enemy opened
open grasslands. He the Rift Valley must have been raided.
at very close range in the in
said that every
fire
camp
On
5th February, Gitonga, Wacira, Gicuki, fifteen itungati and myself started out for the meeting. We spent a night on the way,
Mihuro
about four in the afternoon on 6th February. To our surprise, we found that our Kenyalekalo Memorial Hall and all other huts had been burned up by the enemy. In the center of the camp was a little note, stuck in a planted bamboo. It said arriving at
at
:
‘You
will find us at Chieni,’ signed
Kimathi.
We
could also see a
big track of our other fighters
who had attended the meeting. Gitonga and I left the others in the camp ruin and went to check the bookstore. We desperately, hopelessly followed an old enemy track leading to the bookstore. On our arrival, we found that all
the books
had been taken and the
store
was completely destroyed.
PRIME MINISTER DEDAN KIMATHI We
camp and
sadly returned to the
433
quickly started for Chieni.
Night came before we arrived at Chieni and we encamped about three miles away.
The
following morning
Kimathi,
the
Murang'a
leaders
bers
of
leaders.
section
Kenya
IDA
2
had
we
arrived at Chieni to find that only
IDA
leaders
of
arrived.
The
Parliament,
was absent;
Mathenge and
three
attendances were eight
mem-
plus 420
1,
warriors,
including
other
IDA
3/1, thirty-six warriors including Mathenge, and IDA 3/3, nineteen warriors, had arrived. Twentyone fighters had arrived from Mburu Ngebo Army Makanyanga’s
—
section
now under
Githengera.
1 he attendance was so poor that we could not carry on our intended plans. The enemy had dispersed our fighters so badly that some were forced out of Aberdare to the bushes and small the
from Kimathi that the Government had collected three sacks full of books from our store. We only had the incomplete book which I carried. We decided to write many letters to Ituma Ndemi Army leaders under the name of Mathenge, its Chairman, and inform the leaders to attend a general meeting to be held at Chieni on 6th March which IDA leaders will be elected. We also resolved that 1955 the twice postponed Kenya Parliament session should meet the same day in the same camp. forests
We
in
Settled
also agreed
Area.
I
learned
that in that session
we would promote
Field
Marshal Dedan Kimathi to be Prime Minister and that Macaria Kimemia and Stanley Mathenge would be voted for by the Kenya Parliament members, whereby the winner would become the Field Marshal and he will be responsible for all our armies and we would expect him to carry on all Kimathi’s duties. After promotion, Kimathi would have little to do with the armies so that the other leaders would be able to practice their ability. Kimathi’s concern would be the K.P. only. The District Committees would be under the Kenya Parliament. The rest of the armies would be
under the Held Marshal. A special anointment ceremony would be performed to indicate these promotions. After encouraging the few fighters who had attended, and being proud and thankful sweep,
we
dispersed.
to
God
My
for keeping us safe after such a strong
group returned
to
our mbuci
in the
Gura
Valley.
The
rest of
February, the Government forces did not enter the
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
434
and instead of fighting against us, they instructed our parents, wives, friends and the Home Guards to do all they could to convince us that the Government had really given us an amnesty and they wished us to stop fighting in order to save our lives and release them from Government’s punishments and enable them to return forest
to a peaceful
life.
In order to achieve the villages
and the
this,
Government boundary and
the
forest
forces stopped guarding
instead sent our wives
and mothers in the forest to take food to the forest fighters and have time to discuss our surrender with them. Learning from Gicuki Wacira, who had attended such a meeting with women from the reserves, I understood that the women showed great love and sorrow to our fighters and always shed tears whenever our fighters rejected the surrender offer.
at the request of their relatives
move and
were
talk to the people without
induce the other I
A few fighters who surrendered set free in their villages to
any supervision
in order to
fighters.
warned Gicuki that our
attending such meetings as
fighters
should be stopped
from
would result in weakening our fighters spirit and possibly many would fall in the surrender trap. Gicuki replied that it was difficult to supervise such a rule. He felt that our fighters were suffering from homesickness and they very
much
it
desired the nice food brought
them by the women, and the
other supplies such as clothings. He believed that our fighters would try to hide in order to make such meetings. He suggested that leaders should attend such meetings and talk to the in order to convince them that our victory was just
women
about to be
announced and that the women should encourage our fighters to persevere and not to surrender. He said that such meetings would give our warriors a chance to strengthen the women’s spirits and warn them that they have all the time been fed by the Govern-
ment’s misleading propaganda. Though I did not agree with him, his suggestions were to be continued. I very well understood that the love of our fighters to their relatives and the country was very great and very sympathetic. To me, I had recorded that love sympathy
was the greatest weakNo one can serve two masters. In order to become a strong faithful warrior who would persevere to the last minute, one had to renounce all worldly wealth, ness to the revolution loyalties.
including
his
family; for
if
one caste
his eyes
to his family
and wealth,
PRIME MINISTER DEDAN KIMATHI
435
which were in a very detrimental condition, his love and mercy would be drawn to them and he would forget the fight in an attempt to rescue them. This could only lead to surrender and defeat. The Government thought that our feelings were tied to our property and it had destroyed homes or confiscated livestock and even land so that our fighters would feel sorry to lose their lands. 1 he Government claimed that one only could save his land from being confiscated if he surrendered. But knowing the trap, I and other leaders continued to preach that thoughts on family and wealth were strings tying us so that we wouldn’t be able to achieve our aims. After all, we were starving of food and cold and had failed to support ourselves.
We
had no money
How
to send
then could one support his family.
them and couldn’t take any care
of
them.
goodbye to my wife. In a letter I had sent to her enclosing 100s., I had warned her not to expect any sort of help from me for at least ten years time. I had instructed her to take care of herself and our beloved daughter. I had trained myself to think of the fight, and the African Government; and nothing of the country’s progress before independence. I had learned to forget all pleasures and imagination of the past. I confined my thoughts in the fight only the end of which would open my thoughts to the normal world. I had learned that danger in my early days, when my teacher In fact,
I
had
said
—
comrades,
my
pupils, loss of
my
job,
amusements, love of my wife my mind. Those days were
and our baby, were still flashing in long past and I had become accustomed to my way of thinking. In fact, that part of the world was out of my mind. I knew I was different to many others. Up to this stage I had never felt sex desire with the girls in the forest, though I had seen that many had been returned to the reserve where they could be taken care of at maternity, or even at villages, for no child could survive in this frozen forest.
A
few days later, Wambugu, one of our fighters from the mbuci where I was staying, told me on his return from the reserve that he
had
to fight his
own mother, aged
him not to return to the women had started trapping our
crying and cursing that the
who hugged on him forest again. He added
over 60,
fighters inside houses
where they were entertained with food while other women went to call Home Guards who only forced our fighters to surrender
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN at the points of their guns.
who
our fighters of
many
The women’s
trick
became known
to
learned to enter the village with great awareness
friendly traps conducted
by wife or mother or even the
children.
Though our fighters were still willing to persevere and continue the fight, more than half the people in the reserve had become tired and longed only for peace. They had experienced dreadful torture,
collective punishments, disgraceful
and insanitary camps
the concentrated
in
and miserable life in which hunger starvation
was decreasing our population at Government’s supervision. The civilians were forced to labor daily without pay or food. They were highly oppressed and had no means of resistance. Sons and daughters were being shot in cold blood in front of their parents. The parents were rebuked that death was the only freedom their sons were seeking. Thousands of our killed warriors were often taken to the villages for the parents to witness the harvest for demanding freedom.
Radio sets were distributed to all villages in order to propagate the Government s propaganda from the General Information Office, Nairobi. In addition, vernacular propaganda papers were freely distributed to all the civilians, even the illiterate ones and they were forbidden to read any other newspaper. Both the radio and the vernacular papers among them Uhoro wa Ma, The True News—were completely anti-(Mau Mau) revolution. They branded the revolution as Mau Mau and referred to our fighters always as ?
—
spivs,
thugs, ruffians, gangsters, thieves, murderers,
atavism barbancs,
They always
terrorists,
referred to the
mad
outlaws,
and greedy enemies of peace. Government forces as security forces,
bandits
defenders of peace, peace restorers, Home Guards and loyalists. 1 hey referred to the civilians as the law abiding citizens, Kikuyu loyalists or
Government
Generally, at learning
my
good
tribe
servants.
industrious, agriculturist, clever imitators, well organized is
in
its
own
and quick
affairs
brave
and peace lovers, proud of good g humane honesty,’ lovers o giving and helping and haters of begging and bowing and, above all, proud of good fame and of being independent. The Governments propaganda, which was broadcasted at least three times daily, defamed and destroyed the good name of our tribe and egra e * e lowest abyss. The starving, suppressed and ^ oppresse tribes suffered the greatest humiliation from the ters
M
!
PRIME MINISTER DEDAN KIMATHI propaganda
—with
many
practical illustrations
—and
felt
437 the pain
right in their hearts.
The
at the
missionaries,
Government
forces supervision, chal-
lenged the civilians as having revolted against
whom
Supreme Being creation.
They
God
.
.
.
the
Kikuyu
our tribe has honored and obeyed since
draw
referred to the revolt as ‘atavism, barbaric,’ a
The missionary referred to the God the Son, Christ. The mission-
back, setting back the tribe, etc.
God’
fight as ‘the fight against
ary claimed that
God had
—
—Christians—
given his people
and
forces
powers to punish the rebels. If the rebels failed to repent, God would cause them to be finished off. But our people would never like to fight against the unassailable God, lest the tribe perished. Over 75 of the 100,000-man Government force was African, comprising over 30,000 Home Guards (KEM) 10,000 Regular
%
Police, 8,000
Kenya
Police Reserve, plus 4,000 Tribal Police.
The
were regular soldiers in East African (KAR), the Kenya Regiment and the British troops (four battalions). The Government had drawn its African forces from Akamba, Nandi and Kipsigis, Luo and Luhya, Kisii and Tende, Turkana and Somali. Most of rest
who had
these, soldiers
trained at tribe.
They
insulted,
all,
said
had not been scorned and despised the whole Kikuyu
either been badly trained or
:
‘You Kikuyu want to expel the Europeans so that you will rule us! Why have you taken an oath to kill others? To rob Europeans their lands and property? To steal other peoples’ property? So you want uhuru (freedom) to kill and rob others? Do you think that
Kikuyu alone
will
not like your freedom
!
manage
We
you! You claim to be the freedom you will get! You smallest
and
you
will beat
of
rulers of
homes,
livestock,
You Kikuyu have
lost
until the oath goes out
Kenya? Death
is
the only
see;
Your oaths have only caused complete people,
do
you will be ruled by the (which was absolutely true then)
will
uncivilized tribes
We
to free all other tribes?
crops,
trades,
destruction of your
progress and
own
happiness.
your morality and dignity and you have
!’
become maniacs These were some
and phrases frequently uttered to our supporters by their brothers who were supporting the Europeans. When the Kikuyu were mourning for the loss they had of the questions
suffered for African freedom, their African brothers
sented
their
tribes
in
their
interpretation
— not
—who
only
repre-
scorned,
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN despised and taunted them, but they beat, tortured, robbed
mistreated them in every way. Yet the
ransom who were not wanted their lives as
Kenya
for all
Kikuyu were
peoples
and
willing to give
—excluding the
settler?
in the country.
In addition to the bad treatment, shame and guilt senses created by the Government’s propaganda, the chiefs, the headmen, the churches, the traders, the educated Africans, the African Representatives
in
the Legislative Council, the
Kenya African Union
were continuously denouncing and disassociating themselves from the revolution. Jomo Kenyatta, the symbol of the revolution, and his five other colleagues, were now serving their seven year sentences passed on 8th April 1953 under leaders, free or detained,
the charges of since,
managing or
assisting to
manage
Mau Mau.
Ever
they were completely cut off from the public and the lack
communication became their lack of leadership and ability at the time when it was greatly needed. But Kenyatta’s name was branded by Government’s propaganda; [he was] the ‘leader of darkness and death, an evil man, opportunist, etc. The revolution had lost a spokesman, apart from its leaders in the forest who were also handicapped on communication bases. I remember to have of their
shed tears at the regret of
my
inability to transmit
how hard I shouted, my from me in that dense forest.
to the public, in spite of
be heard a few yards It
was
my
thoughts
voice could only
at this crucial period that
I first heard of willing conthe villages, which were reported to have unearthed skeletons of informers and traitors who were assassinated two and a half years ago. All this news really shocked me. It made me think that our people had lost the way and were moving in the darkness to the Government’s surrender-offer trap. If we lost both the battle and our claims, it would take us at least another twenty years to be able to motivate people to another revolt, but I was too optimistic and concluded that we could lose the battle
fessions
in
and achieve and justice ever prevailed. Since the Government forces had not interfered with our movements m the forest, our fighters had been able to communicate and learn whereabouts the other fighters were situated. On the 2nd March, 155 fighters and leaders of IDA 3/2, 3/3 and 3/5 and I set off for the Ituma general election and the promotion of Kimathi. our aims
We
if
right
arrived at
Ghiem
late
the following afternoon. Our arrival coincided with the arrival of twelve Kenya Parliament members
PRIME MINISTER DEDAN KIMATHI
439
from Gikuyu Iregi Army. We were all glad to meet each other and Kimathi forcasted a successful meeting since there were no enemies within the forest.
‘Mind you, the enemies are not asleep they’re planning what ;
do
next,’ I
to
remarked.
‘Whatever they
will do, they will leave us in this forest,’ said
Macaria Kimemia. ‘Their
sweep operation left us here.’ ‘We are God’s people. They cannot defeat us,’ said Kimathi, leading us to the Kenya Parliament meeting room. We sat down and exchanged reports from various parts of the
forest,
last
while arriving itungati built
new
huts.
Among
the topics
was the Government’s surrender offer. We resolved that if it were not a propaganda, the Government would have asked for our representatives in order to negotiate a peace treaty.
Kimathi told us that he had not received all the paraphernalia for the ceremony which caused Nyaga, Ndiritu and Abdullah to be very busy sending out their itungati to the reserve in order to collect the ordered paraphernalia. The itungati returned safely with all
the requirements.
On
March, the twenty K.P. members spent some time enlisting agenda to be discussed the following day and planning how the ceremony would be conducted. By nightfall, Kihara Gatandi, Gikonyo Kanyungu, with their sections IDA 2/2 and 2/3 and IDA 4/ had arrived with more than 130 fighters. Our worry 5th
1
increased for the absence of Mathenge, the ing.
We
resolved to wait for
Mathenge
Chairman
until
of the meet-
midday;
if
he failed
up then we would put the matter over to all the fighters and discuss whether it would be possible or not to hold the general election. I he attendance was 800 fighters. Nobody had turned up from the Kenya Inoro Army and only one section of the Mburu Ngebo Army and the Kenya Levellation Army had arrived. to turn
After asking
all
the leaders questions which helped
me
to esti-
mate the number of our fighters, and taking into the consideration many camps which I knew very well the losses they had suffered, I concluded that about 35% of our fighters was still at large of which nearly 5,000 were in Nyandarua. Then I told Kimathi my
—
800 captured while in action, 700 surrenderees. Taking an average death rate of 200 persons daily up to the end of 1954 killed by both Government and our forces, this would mean at least 150,000 estimates
:
over 22,000 fighters
all
over
Kenya
killed,
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
440
persons killed, taking into account death by starvation or diseases the unsanitary villages which, of course, swept thousands of children and old aged persons. It was obvious that thousands of our supporters and sympathizers had been killed in the
m
reserves,
which had become the battleground on the people had revolted.
KEM
fact that all
Kimathi, agreeing with my estimates, asked seen Gen. Erskine’s report. I replied
me
whether
had
I
that I had not seen it. He pul led a copy of the East African Standard , gave it to me to read and warned me not to tell anyone else about the figures or our
As
estimates.
far as
can remember, by the end of G en. Erskine reported 8,000 killed, 700 hanged, January iokk 880 captured injured, 300 captured unhurt, 888 surrenderees, against 68 EuroI
:
peans, 21 Asians, 1,800 Africans killed by our forces We concluded that these figures were
not correct.
Government was not
willing to
how many
had
people
it
announce the
killed, either in the forest
many PeOP
1
truth,
'
July ^ 95 3. Nevertheless, this
a
d
Tree
^ha we
‘Yes,
is
^
M
promised to pour our 1
^SiSSsaf
“ id
own blood
*-»-»
-
“
P
ii ,
,,
om
the claws
,
»
• •*« more than we expected ’
’
e^^HT"’ H a Go 7 u ‘° ^
who
I
P ro P h «
15
out of the Egyptian slavery
“v
so
he "T •*“ ‘
« - iK.VlT'
wonder whether Gen China
ruthless slaughtering of our people starvation conditions created
•
c
,
,
hy^heC °V
our
army, with unassailable air bombers poorly armed fighters?’
Freedom
r™ w jsz
had predicted many of the emergency chosen by God just like Moses Israelite nation
before
-edom
so that the
"" b “d .n-i
or the reserves,
the price of Freedom,’ said Kimathi. ‘Ken** ° 0d to °Ur ‘ he F
t
all
did
“nated
Had been
e
it
Though not know
•
rnment
° forces
f
**
>
the
^
large we,, ' ec ui I
^"’rn d artlller y
PP ed
cannons against
Yes, he must have told him,’ replied Kimathi. ‘Though
I
do
PRIME MINISTER DEDAN KIMATHI not have confidence
44
1
China; conditions have greatly changed
in
more than a year ago, for Government has increased brutality, strength and methods of defeating our people more than what China could tell. You see, China had only less than ten months experience of the fight in the forest during which time the Government was quite ignorant of the Movement, and of our secrets, and had no knowledge of the forest it has now from both experience and surrenderees who have greatly supplied the Government with information.’ ‘I still doubt whether Kenyatta knows the situation of the people since his arrest
he leads, for
it
is
absolutely true that our tribe
sheep without a shepherd. But Kenyatta
he wouldn't keep quiet knowing the
is
loss of
is
like
a flock of
a good shepherd and
property and
lives of
an unarmed people in the reserves who are shot like unwanted game. I think that if he knew, he would appeal to his people and surely the Government would allow him, for it knows that he is the leader. ‘I
ball
remember Kenyatta saying
that he could
match, and also there were a
lot of
make Kenya
rumors
a foot-
at the beginning
emergency that Communists would help us, but now this is the third year of our fight and there is no one who has come to help us, nor have we received any supply of arms from the Com-
of the
munists.’
Mr
Njama, but you should remember that expectation is better than realization, and also it is very easy for anyone to utter impossibilities as though it was as easy as his ‘It is all
true
what you
say,
speech.’ It
the
was dinner time and we moved
Kenya Parliament
at
to join the other
the mess hall. While
members
we were
of
eating,
Kimathi enquired us how the ceremony was to be conducted. After a long discussion on many suggestions, we decided to call Wandere, an elder over 70 years old, to advise us. After a long talk with him and accepting his advice, we resolved that the ceremony must be traditional, one which was performed in order to promote a man to the top hierarchy council of the elders, i.e., Kiama kia Mataati the Council of Peace. Traditionally, to qualify for this promotion one had to pass through many other ceremonial stages ranging from birth, circumcision, warrior, an officer of the Council of War, marriage, junior elder, Kiama kia ,
Kamatimu
,
i.e.,
Council of Elders, and
finally
Kiama
kia Mataathi.
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
442 Age was
A
also considered in the promotion.
sheep or two goats
were given to the higher rank as a fee and in the case of becoming a member of a kiama one had to brew beer of pure honey which was a part of the feast in which the initiate would invite his age friends.
We
tried as
much
as
we
could to copy our old pattern.
Kimathi was fully prepared for the ceremony. He had brewed beer of pure honey and had a gitete full of undiluted honey. He had stored in his hut every type of food that was required. He had three sheeps to be slaughtered, sheep fat and castor oil, [as well as]
warriors weapons
bow and arrow, a headthumbi) and a walking stick, shaped like an upside-down ‘L’. had ordered Elders’ equipment walking staffs mithegi spear, sword, club
?
dress
He
(
—
),
(
mataathi ^leaves of niutaathi tree used by the elders as their handkerchiefs), munyeni headdress, sheep cloaks, hyrax and monkey cloaks to be worn after the ceremony.
We
agreed that the ceremony had to start at sunset the following day. But the participants and the administrator were to be elected the following morning by the K.P. before the meeting commenced. Being quite late, we retired to bed.
At 9 a.m. on the 6th March 1955 the Kenya Parliament met. Kimathi nominated Gathura Muita and Ndururi Vindo to be in charge of his feast to be held in this hut in the evening. He nomimated Abdullah as his companion in the ceremony. He classified his guests friends,
according to elders
divided
Mwangi, would group was
Now
Members
receive
into his
of
Parliament,
Mwangi and father’s
age-group
Irungu.
honor
[i.e,
(riika),
The former
blessing].
Each
to be entertained separately in the who was to hand over to Kimathi
surrounding huts the muthegi, mataathi,
the rank of Prime Minister, anoint and bless him and his successor and conduct the ceremony? The administrator was to be e.ecte by the Kenya Parliament, but Kimathi remarked that since the administrator would become his godfather, he should
be allowed to nominate at least five persons out of Kenya Parliament would elect the
whom
the
administrator. The nominees were Ndintu Thuita, Vindo, myself and two others from Gikuyu Iregi Army. The next qualification was generation-age, Mwangi or Irungu. Two persons who were found to be Irungu were disqualified, for they were of the same age with Kimathi and the administrator had to be MwangiKimathi’s father’s generationso that he would be able to bless him.
PRIME MINISTER DEDAN KIMATHI In order to save time
and get
piece of paper in capital
two
God
‘no’. I
letters,
rid of
any
and the
I
wrote on a
‘administrator’ and the other
folded the three pieces of paper.
that the best
favor,
443
We
right person be chosen
then stood to pray
by
Him
by giving
him the lucky chance of picking the right paper. We then sat down; I threw up the pieces of paper so that they would fall in the center of the circle. As I was not interested in participating in any kind of ceremony, I was the last to pick my paper from the ground. When I opened it, to my surprise, I was to be the administrator. I made excuses that I didn’t know what was required to be done and they all insisted that Wandere would instruct me. We made amendment that Abdullah was to assist me, while Vindo would accompany Kimathi and Nyaga was to take care of the feast with Gathura. In addition to our traditional ceremony, there was another plan to anoint Kimathi as the head of our Government. Traditionally,
no such ceremony could be performed if the initiate was unmarried, for his wife had to stand on his left hand during the ceremony. Kimathi’s wife and legal daughter were still living in Nairobi under the care of our supporters.
was impossible to get her to attend the ceremony. Up to this stage, Kimathi had been living with a girl about four months before abandoning her and taking another from the recent arrivals from the reserves. Wanjiru Wambogo daughter of Waicanguru Wanarua, pretty, brown, healthy, medium girl, had by now completed over six months living with Kimathi. Their love had grown so that Kimathi did not hesitate accepting Wanjiru as his wife. Since Kimathi was the head of our Government, Wanjiru was to be the head of the women and the mother of Mumbi’s children. She was then to be awarded the highest women’s rank, colonel, and knighted with Knight Commander of the Gikuyu and Mumbi Empire. Who was to succeed Kimathi as Field Marshal? It was now midday and Mathenge had not yet arrived. Over 800 warriors were lying idly awaiting him.
It
was his general meeting, under his Chairmanship, and yet he had not yet attended. We were certain that there were no enemies in the forest who might have brought inconveniences.
and incapable,
His
It
qualifications
were
—very
unfit for such a post, for
time hiding, even from other fighters,
popular,
inactive
he had spent most of his afraid of touring other camps,
had no plans, suggestion, advice or organization.
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN 444 And now, what about Macaria Kimemia? Uneducated could
clever,
read
and write
in
very
vernacular,
sagacious and active, very brave and with a high
but very
industrious,
commanding
tone,
had toured many camps in the whole forest, lecturing to our fighters on methods of fighting, getting food, unity, obedience and courage, etc. In general, a very auspicious person. Macaria Kimemia would become second to Kimathi and let Mathenge remain with his chair as the head of Ituma Ndemi Army in order to avoid a split until such a time as the fighters from Othaya Division could recognize that Mathenge was inactive for he had tied himself with them on regional thoughts. We agreed not to tell the general meeting our decision and let the warriors decide themselves whether to hold the election or to postpone it. We walked to the general meeting with nothing concrete other than what the general meeting would decide. Wang’ombe Ruga
—
opening prayers and we
said the
all sat
down on
grass surrounded
by bamboo clusters. Kimathi was the first speaker I greet you all, leaders and itungati. First thing, I am very sorry because our Chairman, Mr Mathenge, is absent. I do not know what has happened to him for he should have arrived yesterday :
order to organize the meeting for today. Before I continue any further, you should appoint a temporary chairman for today’s in
meeting.
You
are the chairman, replied
many
though there was a little opposition on doubts that temporary might be permanent. No, said Kimathi. According to the election twenty months ago, I was elected to be the Secretary of Ituma Ndemi Trinity Council, which is [holding a general] meeting here today voices,
for the
first
time since
its
election.
Remember
that our last month’s meeting
did not become successful as our fighters had been badly dispersed by the enemy. It is impossible for me to become
both Chairman
and the Secretary. You must
someone else.’ We finally agreed that Abdullah should chair the meeting. Kimathi then proceeded by giving the names of its [other] officers, which only of Wacira Gathuku was present. He said that the elected leaders of Ituma Ndemi Trinity Council had completely failed to do their duty to their fighters as a council, but as individuals some had helped their mbuci, location find
or division at the
most, with the exception of himself
who had done his best for Ituma Ndemi Army and the other armies of Kenya and, in fact
— PRIME MINISTER DEDAN KIMATHI
445
Nyandarua, Kirinyaga and even Narok. He sword, the gift from Masai fighters, and showed the witness for his leadership and command over a large
for all the warriors in
pulled his
meeting as
He
area.
admitted that as the Secretary of the Ituma Council,
he should share the blame of their Mathenge should carry the most.
He
failures,
which
accused Mathenge for not calling his
what was wrong or what
their
officers
Chairman
even once to
do for the fighters, what advice or suggestions to give them. He had even failed to call a general meeting and report that his officers had failed to accomplish their work; he had not asked for a general election that might give him new, able and active leaders. In general, he had failed. He then asked the meeting whether it wanted to renew the council and discuss
elect I
new
to
officers.
he answers from the audience
Division
Army
and North Tetu
[fighters]
tried
to
Division,
Othaya while the few Mburu Ngebo
split
be mediators.
the meeting into
By
the attendances,
the
North Tetu outvoted Othaya together with Mburu Ngebo Army. The Tetu IDA 1 and its sections demanded an election be held right there.
again,
some
The Othaya
IDA
3 and 4 were splitting supporting the election while others shouted that they sections of
2,
would not participate in the election during Mathenge’s absence giving only one condition, if Mathenge was to remain Chairman. The meeting split into three sections. I attended the Othaya meeting and warned our warriors not to favor a person because of popularity, regional representation or a symbol. ‘We should like someone because of his ideas. If our popular person has no ideas, when he dies we would also die with him on our thoughts for he would leave nothing for us to follow. When a man of good ideas dies, his people continue to follow his ideas. If he had become popular for sight
his activities, then as long as his actions
and mind
love the truth a
which most
of the people, so will his
man
name
remain
in
remain. Learn to
represents apart from his physical personality
you have fallen.’ Though I gained a few supporters, the Othaya Division concluded that there would be no election in Mathenge’s absence unless it was agreed that he would still be the chairman of the new in
of
council.
When we decision.
all
gathered together again, each group reported
Kimathi stood up and ruled that
in
order to avoid a
its
split,
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
446 and
achieve good cooperation and unity amongst ourselves, there would be no election without Mathenge. He then appealed to
Mathenge’s supporters to make sure that Mathenge called a general election for Ituma Ndemi d rinity Council or forget that there was such a council, as in fact it was a dead council under to
the
names
‘I
of living persons.
wouldn’t
creates
like to
shame,
be called Secretary of such a council which
and laziness on its leaders. Actions speak louder than words. I and my colleagues will continue to act what we say and do what we think is good for our fighters, supporters and the whole country. Tonight we have a ceremony which Mr Njama will tell you about and in which one of the most active and industrious leaders would be promoted to Field Marshal rank. But such a rank cannot be given to lazy, irresponsibility,
inactive persons or even to one
incapability
who
never punctual to a meeting.’ Kimathi, who had spoken in an angry tone, sat down. When I stood I said Exactly a month ago, just in this very place, seating more than 500 fighters, including Mathenge, all agreed that we shall hold a ceremony today in which we shall is
.
promote Field Marshal Dedan Kimathi to become the Prime Minister of our Government. This would mean to anoint and symbolize him as the head of the revolution— the head of the Emergency Government. We have then been preparing to accomplish our ceremony for a long time. The day has arrived, we too have arrived; it is now about an hour before we start the ceremony. Though we have postponed today’s election because of Mathenge s absence, which was fair because it was Mathenge’s meeting,
don’t think that there would be any such reasons that would confront our ceremony in the last hour. Though we would all it
in
I
have liked very much
to see
Mathenge with us in the ceremony, is obvious now that we are to do without him unless he arrives the last minute thus the saying, Nyanja imwe nditiragia itega .
The absence
.
.
.
one calabash cannot stop one from sending beer to an organized feast,” will have to be fulfilled. The main importance is that when we are to do any ceremony, we must always approach it with goodwill, taking much care not to spoil our ceremony by taboos or having an ill-will to other persons or contaminating it with any impurities that might
mony mony
of
in the eyes of
disqualify the cere-
God. You should always approach any cerewith a humble, honest and clean heart, with a true cooper-
— PRIME MINISTER DEDAN KIMATHI ation with others,
and good
faith.
I
now
447
appeal to you to forget
your differences of the day’s talk and get together to accomplish the ceremony, knowing well that it is through unity, cooperation
all
and understanding one another that we can
settle
our differences.
we
"Tonight, instead of our daily evening prayers,
will
hold the
ceremony at twilight.’ With this, we dispersed and soon started preparing for the great drama. In a short time all the required apparatus were brought. We entered in my hut and dressed. Abdullah and I dressed like elders.
We
took off our clothes, remaining with undershorts only,
and smeared
over our body with castor
all
oil.
I
then put on a
sheep cloak, tied a sword around my waist with its bright red sheath, put munyeni on my head a feather- or fiber-made beret, rattles on my legs, rubber sandals, an elderly leather satchel under
—
my of
left
mungirima
leaves
—
elders’
legged stool in
Being
muthegi made right hand, together with mataathi
shoulder, a black honorary walking staff tree
—
in
—a
handkerchief
my
left
fully dressed,
really old
my
men.
We
fly-whisk
and a
,
traditional three-
hand.
we walked out had
of the hut pretending to be
changed that our comrades could not recognize us. Amid cheers and laughters and doubts, we went to Kimathi’s hut and found that he and Ndururi had dressed like ourselves, but didn’t have muthegi mataathi, flywhisk or satchel, for they were juniors. We exchanged greetings ‘IVanyua,’ IVanyua father,- Mwangi, to son, Irungu. Wanyua wakine,' was exchanged between persons of the same [generation] age. While sitting down, Kimathi took his ndahi a little gourd half the size of a glass and filled it with the pure honey beer which he had brewed. After each of us had drunk one ndahi, we filled two so greatly
,
:
'
‘
—
‘
—
—
with beer to be used in the ceremony and the rest we put in nyanja, gourds for storing beer. Wang’ombe Ruga took one gitete, a little gourd with sheep’s fat, blood and abdominal dung, and itete
went
at the
main entrance where he stood cleansing
all
the fighters
as they entered the ceremonial hall.
When Wang’ombe
had cleansed all the fighters, Kimathi and his wife to be, followed by Ndururi Vindo and Macaria Kimemia, entered the hall. When they were all seated, Abdullah and I, Wandere my advisor and two other elders who carried
the
sent a report that he
paraphernalia
warriors stood up as
we
required,
entered
slowly walked the
the
hall.
All
the
120 feet along the
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
448
narrow path between the standing columns. On our arrival at the platform, I filled a horn with beer from the gitete, purposely letting it flow over to the ground. I held the horn in my right hand and the little fat gourd in my left. Facing Kirinyaga, I asked the audience to attend prayers
Our Heavenly our prayers. all
our
sins
:
Father,
I
beseech you; draw nearer and hear
Thaai\ audience) Our merciful Father, forgive us and wash our hearts, hands and minds as it satisfies (
Thaai ) Oh God defend and guide us for we are your children, your own creation. We believe that you are our leader, general and King of Kings, and we humbly pray you to lead and supervise our ceremony. (Thaail) I now present to you fat and honey (pouring a little to the sides and front), our best produce, your own choice, and which you have instructed our forefathers to present to you in all ceremonies. Now God, I pray you power and wisdom to enable me to accomplish this ceremony in your name, Father, I present Dedan Kimathi to you, the man you chose to lead us in this forest. We have gathered here today to pray you to glorify Kimathi, fill him with power and wisdom, defend and keep him, and let him lead us to victory in your home. Thaai thathaiya Ngai thaai thy
will, so that
we may be
clean in your eyes.
\
(
!
—
(
three times)
down, Kimathi and his party standing, I turned to Kimathi and, pouring fat and honey on his head, I said ‘May this be the sign that we all here accept and witness Dedan Kimathi as the Head Leader of all our armies. May God bless this head, fat and sweet honey help it to grow and rise above all heads in the name of our god. Thaai' I sipped the beer and made a spitting gesture on my both shoulders and sipped again, spraying Kimathi and his girl with it from my mouth. I said May you have power to defeat the enemy, All sitting
:
.
long
life,
many
children and popularity.’
Handing over
and the gourd to my assistant, I took an envelope out of my satchel and holding it together with my muthegi in my left hand and the flywhisk in my right I addressed the audience
the horn
We
know
work done by Dedan Kimathi in our struggle for Land and Freedom. He was the Secretary of the Kenya African Union Thomson s Falls Branch during which time .
all
the
— PRIME MINISTER DEDAN KIMATHI
449
he preached and motivated the desire to fight for our freedom to thousands of people in Thomson’s Falls, Ol Kalao, Leshau and nearly half the Nyeri District.
He
administered oaths to such an
extent that his head was valued at 10,000s. by the Government
who want succeeded for God
nearly two and a half years ago. Thousands of people
Government have not has really protected him, and you his bodyguards, for you too are defended by Ngai. ‘In the reserves Kimathi has organized how our fighters can be to sell this
head
to the
supplied their requirements. In the forest he has organized eight
of records.
Council,
He
has planned
Kenya
many
how
keep differents kinds attacks, has led Kenya Defence
armies, has helped to instruct leaders
to
Parliament, and founded the
Kenya Young
Stars
He
has appointed leaders and issued ranks, has toured nearly all the camps in Nyandarua preaching unity, courage, obedience and discipline, has sent various missions in and out of Nyandarua, has spoken to the Government through letters and even
Association.
to people abroad. His actions
have made
his
name
to be advertised
both newspapers and radios as the leader of the war. Actions speak louder than words. Kimathi has never advertised himself as the leader of the revolution but his actions have to the
world
made him
in
well
known
all
over the world. Has Kimathi stopped
any leader from advertising himself to the world in his own words or actions? Why then are some leaders infested with jealousy and envy at Kimathi’s success? (cheers and great applause). ‘Kimathi, my son, for your good service to your country, your willingness to sacrifice your life for your people, your bravery, your industriousness, your good conduct and leadership has made you the Kenya Parliament, which is the people’s eyes, to promote the today, 6th March 1955, to become the first Prime Minister of Kenya African Government (amid cheers) and knight you Sir
Dedan Kimathi, Knight Commander of the East African Empire. in Here (handing him the envelope containing a letter and 500s.), Parliament s the name of Gikuyu and Mumbi and the Kenya of the authority. You will now be leader of the leaders, an elder Let another first order who only advises and settles down quarrels. is the warrior rise as much as you have done in the army. This honor (handing over the muthegi, mataathi and flywhisk) (shaking which marks that you have passed the warriors stage wakini ). hands and exchanging greetings “Wanyua,” “ anyua elder’s
W
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
45 °
Wang’ombe Ruga comes with wet
skin ribbons, dipped in blood
and the stomach contents of a goat, ngwaru. He puts these bracelets on Kimathi’s right wrist and also on his four companions on the platform, telling them that they had officially joined the elders’ class. I
then turned to Wanjiru
we
with us since
‘Wanjiru d/o Waicanguru has been
:
entered the forest. She has shared and tasted the
bad cold weather, hunger; has managed to run away with leaders’ heavy burdens of clothes and utensils and has never thrown away
make it easy for her to flee. She was very trusted by Gen. Makanyanga who was living with her. Her good conduct and service has made the Prime Minister to choose her in leaders’ property so as to
this
whereby you hand. As the queen
great historical event
Prime Minister’s
left
see her standing
receives the king’s honors
or the wife receives her husband’s honors, jiru.
therefore declare
Wanjiru
by the
may
it
be so with
Wan-
our foremost lady and hereby issue her with the highest women’s rank (handing her an envelope), Colonel Wanjiru, Knight Commander of Gikuyu and Mumbi. I would appeal to you to address her now forthwith as an old woman of your mother’s rank. (Laughter.)’ I took from Kimathi his walking stick, sword, spear and club. These are the warriors’ weapons. They should not be kept by an I
to be
Kimathi or myself but should be kept by the brave, industrious and energetic warrior who is ready to use them rightly elder like
The
at all times.
weapons friend
;
is
warrior to
not the one
I
whom
like
I’m going to hand over these for being my relative, neighbor, or
my
neither because he belongs to
because he
division or district, nor
is
popular, but for the reason that his actions have spoken and proved him to be a hero who is ready to serve the
it
fighters
and
is
country and the one who doesn’t hide and wish only to be served by our fighters’. Ucio uri ho That is true !’ shouted the fighters. his
!
Your Kimemia
the
eyes,
of the
over Kimathi
Kenya Parliament, has
Gikuyu
Iregi
Army
is
seen
that
Macaria
the right person to take
post as Field Marshal. This proves that Kenya Parliament has no favor other than one’s own merits. There are s
only sixty warriors from Murang’a in this hall out of more than 800. If it were a matter of your votes, you would definitely have voted for your own leader or the one who is fully acquainted to
you regardless of the
qualifications.
You cannot
expect excellent
1
PRIME MINISTER DEDAN KIMATHI
45
work from an unqualified person. Macaria Kimemia has never failed to attend any meeting and has always been punctual in spite of long distances, dangers of the enemy and bad weather. He has all the time cooperated with Kimathi and the Kenya Parliament. Gikuyu Iregi Army has elected him as its head leader. They know his actions better
than
we
do.’
Calling Macaria Kimemia,
who
dressed like a general, to stand
exchanged warriors’ weapons with a horn of beer and the fat gourd. I poured the sheep’s fat (oil) and the beer on his head ‘May this fat and honey soften this head and let it grow saying above other heads. May your head and hands be fitted with wisdom and power. May God bless, keep and guide you, and grant you with power to defeat the enemy. Macaria, your good work has been well recorded in our books and, more important, in the minds up,
I
:
of those
who have
seen your actions.
Kenya Parliament
has decided
promote you to Field Marshal and knight you, Sir Macaria Kimemia, Knight Commander of the East African Empire.’ Amid cheers, I handed him an envelope in which we had enclosed 300s. and a letter. ‘This is a spear, a sword and a club. They are the warrior’s weapons which you must use to defend your country and people from any attackers. This is Kimathi’s walking stick, you must herd our fighters with it. You must be a good shepherd. All our fighters are now under your command. If you work hard you will be promoted again. You are to start your work to
from this minute.’ Macaria sat down. I
right
filled
we had prayed God to ceremony, we have come to the end
then addressed the audience
guide us through cessfully,
this
more than
and guard and
the horn with beer and drank
I
:
‘As
had expected, and
for this
I
it
very suc-
thank
God
once again. I know that many people are very much worried about Mathenge’s position. There are many positions awaiting him and any other leader whose actions will prove him fit. Some of you might be thinking that we have given Macaria a good name, but it and a name, it is work we have given him very difficult is
—
not
given him a good name will to do his job properly, then his Field Marshal rank
tiresome work. If he thinks that
and
fails
we have
of the not be any different from ‘Major’ or general nicknames be boys at dances. Be sure that our ranks are real and should
respected.
‘Though Mathenge was
absent,
we cannot do
all at
the
same
— MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
45 2 Today was
day for the two promoted; tomorrow may be Mathenge’s, and maybe he will get a better post than the others but at present we cannot say more. Don’t you go and deceive him time.
that he
is
him and
the
neglected or degraded.
that
we
You
all
know how much we
love
have spent the whole day waiting for him. If you are feeling like me, I am very unhappy about it. Think about it this way if Mathenge had been awaiting us all the day to attend his meeting and by evening he found that he was all alone, what would he think? What would you think if you were Mathenge?’ Replies from various people were ‘I would think that you all
:
:
hate me.’
would think that you have no confidence in me.’ ‘I would think that you are all against me.’ ‘I would think that you have all fallen into danger,’ etc. all
‘I
His failure to attend his
own meeting has caused the same kind me. I would now like the Prime Minister,
and doubts in Field Marshal, Wandare, our advisor in this ceremony, and one more leader to say a few words before we go to make fires.’ Kimathi, like an elder, started greeting the audience according to their generation ages, male and female separately *1 am very glad and thank you for your attendance and every effort you have of feelings
i
rendered
me
to
make
this
ceremony
so successful that
it
has
made
am
proud of my own works, which have placed a record in your minds, and that my record in our history up to this stage is very clean and admirable. I have no doubts I shall be able to finish it the same way. You are all leaders, show your effort now and when we achieve independence we ’shall know where to post you and which part of Kenya to send you to lead. It is only through obedience, perseverance and unity that you can learn and develop your talents. I will continue to advise you.’ us all happy.
I
am
I
glad for the responsibility you have given me,’ said Macaria
Kimemia.
I
promise you that
at all costs.
I
will try
my
level best to
maintain
will unreservedly
and mercilessly smash any hindrance of our progress, even [from] within. I will be very strict on obedience and I will sentence you just as Thacker sentenced Kenyatta. If you would like to nickname me Thacker, all the better, but !’ I am willing to die for you The other two leaders stood up to comment on the ceremony. It was now 8.15 p.m. and the last speaker was Wandare, the old man. Just when he started commenting on how successful the ceremony had been, Mathenge entered the hall holding a gitete it
I
of
— PRIME MINISTER DEDAN KIMATHI pure honey and a flywhisk in
hand and,
his right
his left
hand and
his
453
walking
staff in
row with the
after greetings, sat in the front
audience. I
addressed the audience again
:
‘I
am
glad because Mathenge
—
whom we
have been waiting for all the day long has arrived safely, but I regret to say that he has been so late that the train has already gone, leaving him. Nevertheless, if he will be punctual he can board the train next trip. Referring to the meeting you
Mr
Mathenge, we couldn’t hold the election without you on the chair. This proves that we still have confidence in you. Kimathi is now Prime Minister and Macaria the Field Marshal. We were just about to leave the hall when you arrived, having completed all we had to do or say. I know that all our fighters are very anxious to hear you speak; you have five minutes to speak.’ ‘Greetings,’ said Mathenge. ‘I am sorry for being late and I called us to,
would ask all of you who have really been waiting for me to excuse me. I was late right at the beginning for I confused the dates. I thought that the meeting would be on 7th March, tomorrow. I only remembered yesterday that the 7th was the date for the last month’s meeting. I then hurriedly started my journey. I would have arrived here before sunset, but unfortunately we missed the way for some time. It is all right that you have successfully completed the ceremony but “Thutha wa arume nduoyagwo ruoya,” “You cannot find feathers along other men’s paths” (a saying related to birds’ feathers which were used by men as ornaments for headdresses in dances. It was then certain that a man picked all or the best feathers he found on his way and if he left any, then they must be of a low or poor quality.) I very much doubt of whatever good might come after, but “Ngari nditunyagwo maara mayo, of his spots.” Everyone will take his mine. The one who will lead us from the
“You cannot rob a leopard inheritance forest will
—mine
be the leader.
be the leader and
you
for
is
all
The one who
will take us to
freedom
people will follow and obey him.
the election whenever
I
think
it
fits.
You
I
are
will
will call all
my
was prepared for the ceremony and this is the the honey I had brought. (He started pouring the honey on ground and on his flywhisk, spraying all the fighters in the hall, you saying :) May God bless, keep and guide you forever. May have power to defeat the enemy. Peace be unto you all.’ With that we ended the ceremony. Any person who wanted to fighters, I
hate none.
I
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
454
Kimathi a gift for his great day was to take it to his hut and see Gathura Muita who was recording all the gifts. Leaving the hall, those of us involved in the ceremony were entertained by Kimathi as his guests of honor in his hut, where a big feast was conducted. Singing and dancing continued until very give
late at night.
Kenya
Before retiring to bed, the
Parliament, includ-
ing Mathenge, agreed that he, Mathenge, and
IDA and
all
the leaders of
3 and 4, would build their Memorial Hall at H.Q. Kariaini that Kimathi and all Murang’a leaders of the K.P. would open 2,
the hall on
18th
March on
would be opening the H.Q.
March
at
way
Murang’a where they the Gikuyu Iregi Army on 20th
their
for
to
Karuri Ngamune. All the fighters
in the areas
concerned
should attend the general opening and supply the K.P. members with food for safari to Murang’a.
Early in the morning, 7th March,
we
dispersed, returning to our
former mbuci, and being accompanied by Mathenge on our way back to Gura Valley. On the way, I weighed in my mind what we had accomplished in that long ceremony. Firstly, we had created Kimathi the symbol and head of the revolution beyond any doubts. No other leader might think of competing with him and
we had room
successfully achieved our aim. Secondly,
for other leaders to rise
—maybe
we had
created
we would appoint
a Field
Marshal for every army so as to get Mathenge in this rank in order to avoid splits and conflicts. But for most of the time the inactive Mathenge had not sought support from other armies apart from his own division, in which he was building a wall to mark his boundaries. Since
M^athenge was a person of my sub-location, I had learned that the whole of Chinga Location was against him, a third of Othaya Location and a cjuarter of A^ahiga, his own location. I thought that a split would be slight, for Mathenge could only be supported by a few
IDA
Mburu
sections
under Kimbo and only
under Kahiu-Itina. Nevertheless, if the split were to arise, we should settle it by making Mathenge a Field Marshal of the Ituma Ndemi Army. the section of
1
CHAPTER XX
CLEAVAGE AND DISINTEGRATION By May
of 1955, the
rift
between
forest leaders
had become a
segments of the once unified forest organization. The dissident leaders under Stanley Mathenge formed a new central council, the Kenya Riigi, which set itself in opposition to the Kenya Parliament and undertook
deep cleavage between openly
hostile
a lengthy series of surrender negotiations with Government representatives
which ended in
failure
on
May
account vividly depicts the events which led to
— capped
20th. Karari’s
this
open
conflict
by the Kenya Parliament’s arrest of Mathenge and and other Kenya Riigi leaders and the latters’ eventual escape lays bare the pattern which this cleavage took. Once the split was crystalized amongst top-ranking forest leaders, it is not surprising in view of the vertical patterning of loyalties discussed earlier that lesser section and sub-section leaders, and the followers under them, tended to continue or withdraw their support of the Kenya Parliament largely in
—
terms of their allegiance to particular territorial leaders. Thus, reflecting the strong leader-followers-locality ties characteristic of the forest organization, Othaya groups and leaders aligned
themselves for the most part with Mathenge and the Kenya the Riigi, while Kimathi and the Kenya Parliament retained a support of North Tetu leaders and followers. Kahiu-Itina,
North Tetu leader
allied
with Mathenge, was able to hold the
Fort support only of itungati under his personal command. The remained Hall groups and leaders under Macaria Kimemia steadfastly behind
Kimathi and the Kenya Parliament, while
the Mbaria Kaniu carried the support of Fort Hall sections of Mburu Ngebo Army under his command. A vertical pattern of
were, segmentation thus emerged as dissident Kenya Riigi leaders leaders on the whole, able to retain the support of subordinate
and their followers. With the escape
of the dissident leaders 455
and the development
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
45^
of openly hostile relations between the
Kenya itself
Riigi,
each of these forest bodies claimed legitimacy for
while challenging that of the other.
though
Kenya Parliament and
failing in
its
The Kenya
Parliament,
original efforts during the trials, continued
for a time to regard the
Kenya
Riigi leaders as individual rene-
gades and refused to consider their itungati as enemies. Claiming sole authority over Nyandarua fighters, the Kenya Parliament
hoped to apprehend and try the Kenya Riigi leaders while at the same time it sought to contact the Government agents so as to assume its rightful position in the negotiations. The Kenya Riigi, on the other hand, claiming to represent the majority of illiterate Kikuyu fighters, attacked the Kenya Parliament as a body dominated by Kimathi and a few educated members who favored North Tetu and sought only personal power and reward at the expense of the illiterate. Though its base of popular support among Aberdare fighters was somewhat narrower, the Kenya Riigi claim to legitimacy was greatly enhanced by its position in the surrender negotiations, the cease fire it had agreed to with the Government, and by the Kenya Parliament’s inability to apprehend its leaders. With the breakdown of the surrender talks, Government resumed its land and air attacks on the forest and, perhaps more significantly, intensified its efforts to isolate and starve out the remaining guerrilla fighters, whose numbers had been reduced to around 5,000. A tight control over both Kikuyu Villages’ and the forest fringe, combined with a Government food denial policy requiring that cattle be kept in guarded enclosures during the night and prohibiting the peasant cultivation of food crops within three miles of the their
forest,
forced the forest units to utilize
dwindling supplies of arms and ammunition exclusively for
food raids and, where absolutely necessary, defense.
On
Tusha stream, Mathenge paused a little on the way and told me to go ahead for he was following us. After two hours walk, without seeing Mathenge and his men, we arrived at Ngara’s mbuci 1 told Ngara about the ceremony. He then asked whether we had met Kahinga s itungati on the way, taking a Government message to Kimathi which was brought to the forest by four arrival at
CLEAVAGE AND DISINTEGRATION Ngara
457
had left his camp about 2 p.m. in the afternoon with a guide from his mbuci to Chieni. I asked Ngara whether he had inspected the Government messengers. He replied that his clerk had told him that they had a good letter from Kahinga and that the known itungati from Kahinga’s mbuci spoke well for them. Thinking that the Government messengers might hurt Kimathi, surrenderees.
I
said that they, the surrenderees,
hurriedly wrote a letter to
The Prime
On my
him
:
Minister, Sir D. Kimathi, arrival at Ngara’s mbuci, 3 130 p.m.,
I
learned from
Kahinga Wachanga is keeping four surrenderees with a Government message for you in his mbuci. One of them with three other itungati from Kahinga’s mbuci passed at Ngara’s mbuci at 2 p.m. on their way bringing the Government
Ngara
that
message to you. For security reasons, get these people thoroughly scrutinized and interrogated by junior officers before you meet them. In case they
fail to
arrive there
please send information to
all
IDA
by the following morning, sections that surrenderees
working for the Government are amidst us and every mbuci should beware of them, their intentions, motives, etc. advisable to strengthen the inspection of all incomers to an mbuci in order to avoid a spy from entering your camp unnoticed. I expect to be in Kahinga’s mbuci within two I
think
it
days time for further investigation.
Your Brig.
loving father,
Gen.
Sir.
K. M. Njama
Ghief Sec., Kenya Parliament 4
7 / 3/55
P-
m
-
two of our itungati and two of Ngara s, I we ordered them to run as quickly as they could on the same way had come and take the letter back to Chieni. I told them that they Giving the
had
letter to
to overtake Kahinga’s messengers
and
try to reach Chieni very
early the following morning.
When
night came,
we
Mathenge had not followed Kahiu-Itina’s section, whom we
learned that
but more likely had stopped at learned, from Ngara’s itungati had returned.
us,
,
ing
I
crossed the
Kibira’s mbuci.
Gura River and
He
mbuci wanted our
told
me
The
following morn-
arrived at Kariaini at
that the surrenderees in
leaders to go
and negotiate with
midday in Kahinga s the
Kenya
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
458
Government how
to
put the fighting to an end.
He
told
me
that
they were being supplied with food and other requirements. ‘In
Government has
mbuci with bags of maize flour, etc. Kahinga’s itungati have been accompanying these surrenderees when they meet their European officers on the Chinga road. Their last meeting was reported that the Europeans agreed to hand over their Sten guns to Kahinga’s itungati in exchange for our banda, just for a short time to look at and fact, the
check our itungati
homemade
guns.
started supplying Kahinga’s
They then shook hands with Kahinga’s
and bade them goodbye, promising
to return
on the 17th
March.’
was very surprised with the news for I couldn’t understand what kind of friendship Kahinga had with the enemies living with them in his camp, being supplied with food and clothing. I
—
I
took out
my
drafted letters to
Kigumo
areas
Challenge notebook, put carbon papers all
leaders of
and asked them
to
IDA
and 3 in attend a meeting 2
and Kariaini and in,
at Kariaini to
about the surrenderees in Kahinga’s mbuci. The other items for discussion would be the planning, organizing and distributing labor for the building of our H.Q. Kenyalekalo Memorial discuss
Hall to be opened by Kimathi on the 18th section leaders
and the Gikuyu
Army
March— all
the
IDA
1
would be present on their way to Murang a where they would open a similar hall. The meeting would be held in Kibira’s mbuci on 13th March. The following day, I toured King’ora’s and Kibico’s mbuci and learned from many itungati that they had gathered from Kahinga’s itungati that the Government messengers in their camp were always talking of how the Government was ready and willing to forgive and let all by-gones be by-gones and settle our problems peacefully. I asked them whether they would like to shake a Gicakuri’s
(European’s) hand.
hands but
[said they]
would
Iregi
They
like to
all
leaders
rejected the shaking of
witness that really the Euro-
peans had stopped entering the forest and shooting our fighters and were only willing to talk the matter over. When I asked
them what
they thought Government’s intentions were, they told was to induce us to stop fighting.
me
that
it
With a six-man-strong escort, I arrived at Kahinga’s mbuci on nth March. He received me warmly and introduced me to the Government messengers— Ndirangu Kabangu, a person whom I
knew
before as a gitungati in Kahiu-Itina’s sections under Ndiritu
CLEAVAGE AND DISINTEGRATION
459 Thuita, and one Mung’ata Kiguta, from Kirinyaga. He told me that Kariuki
Wambugu and Wambui d/o Wanjau,
a
girl,
had gone
Mt. Kenya and would rejoin them on 17 March. I asked Kahinga which Government messenger had taken the letter to Kimathi. He answered that only his itungati had taken the Government letter. I asked him what was the contents of the letter. He replied that it was a Government appeal for a peaceful negotiation for putting bloodshed to an end. The Government wanted to
our representatives for the negotiations.
‘Who had
demanded. ‘The Kikuyu-written letter was signed by Mr Windley, the Chief Native Commissioner, and General Heyman.’ Sending the Government messengers away, I asked Kahinga how he first met them and how he came to live with them. He told me that he had met them at Mihuro on 10th February. [He had gotten lost] on his way to attend his first session of the Kenya Parliament on 7th February, since he had been informed that he had been appointed to become a member. He had then lived with the Government’s messengers for exactly a month. Kahinga told me that the four messengers were forest fighters who had surrensigned the letter?’
I
dered and they were not intending to spy our fighters but only wanted to see that our leaders will get in touch with the Govern-
ment and arrange how to end the fight. interroI asked Kahinga whether he had ever inspected them or gated them. Fie replied that he had interrogated them but had never inspected them. I told him that I wanted to inspect them thoroughly and interrogate them. ordering my I started with their leader, Ndirangu Kabangu guards to inspect them. He was stripped naked and scrutinized
—
thoroughly, but
we found nothing dangerous
in his possession
nor
in any peculiar mark. After dressing, I had him swear with soil, He the name of God, that he would tell me only the truth. poorly admitted that he had surrendered because our fighters were armed and couldn’t by any means defeat the Government forces were only in the fight. He said that he had learned that our fighters while the decreasing daily in numbers and arms and ammunition
Government was
increasing daily.
‘The decrease of your itungati ,’ he
said,
‘means perishing of our
continue the people, the fighters as well as the civilians. If we have perished, fight until we are finally defeated or all our fighters
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
4^0 we would be ment
in
a worse condition than today while the Govern-
and while the forest fighters’ efforts are regarded seriously by the Government. It would be easier to achieve our aims at this stage for we have proved to the Kenya Government and world that we are men. Had we a supply of arms, the Government could not defeat us. Nevertheless, I would like to make it clear that the mass of our people in the reserves are so oppressed that they are now only praying for an end of this miserable life. Be sure that all our people are now Government prisoners in the villages and cannot fight anymore; neither can they get anything to help you with, nor can they get means of contacting you any further.’ Do you know that within the last month our fighters have managed to enter villages and get supplies?’ I asked. ‘Yes, I know,’ he replied. ‘But the people in the reserves are so still
recognizes us as brave fighters
poor that thev cannot afford their own clothings or food. It may surprise you to hear that they are eating sweet potato leaves like
and many other leaves that you have never heard of being eaten by man in history. One of the facts I haven’t told you is that the Government has let your fighters enter the villages because it wants you to come out of the forests and go back into the reserve. The Government knows that when your fighters go into the villages, they would be convinced by their parents and relatives to abandon the fight.’ ‘Are you sent by the masses or by the Government?’ I asked. We are sent by the Government to call you for negotiation talks that would end the war.’ ‘Which Government officer sent you?’ I queried. Firstly, the Special Branch officer, Mr Ian Henderson, asked me whether I knew Kimathi and whether I would be willing to convey a Government message to him. I told him that I knew Kimathi very well and I could take the message to him, but I was afraid that Kimathi might order his itungati to kill me for being a Government stooge. Mr Henderson told me that for one and a half years I had lived in the forest, that I was willing to sheep,
order to save
my
die in
people
Finally, he said, I
of the
enemy
and that made
me
Government’s enemy. surrendered into the enemy’s hands but instead
killing
me
a revenge, they treated me well in food, clothing, housing, etc. This is because the Government had changed its mind. It had learned that it cannot settle our in
problems by
CLEAVAGE AND DISINTEGRATION people and even
46 1
were able to kill all the fighters, the demand for land and freedom would recur in the future. The Government believes, he said, that it could settle the matter with you once for all. It is on this ground that the Government has built hopes on me and my colleagues that I will be able to convey this killing
if it
valuable message to you fighters and
I
am
glad that
I
am
talking
Kenya Parliament, a person who I know that once you have received the
to the Chief Secretary of the
know
loves his people. I
Kimathi in a short time.’ ‘Is Henderson the Government officer that has sent you?’ ‘No, I am only working with him. When I agreed to bring the message to you and declared that I did not fear to be killed by my own people in my attempts to save thousands of lives and bring message
it
will reach
an end, he took me to Mr Windley, the Chief Native Commissioner, in the Government’s Secretariate Office. 1 here, when I admitted to carry the message to Kimathi, His Excellency the Governor of Kenya, Sir E. Baring, came to see me. I repeated this
war
my
promise to him.
to
He
he would be very glad if I took that Government message to Kimathi. The message, which was signed by Windley on behalf of the Governor and Heyman for said that
Gen. Erskine, was handed to message
left
to deliver
it
here on 7th
me by Mr Windley
March with Kahinga’s
itungati
I
hat
who were
to Kimathi.’
‘How much
are you paid for your service to the
‘Not a penny, apart from food and clothing. the love of
in Nairobi.
my
people and at the
risk of
I
my own
Government?
am life
doing
it
for
—from both
Government and my own people.’ ‘What does Government do with surrenderees and captives? ‘Formerly, as you know, many of the captives were shot in cold
the
blood right on the spot; others were shot for refusing to give the
enemy any information
that might endanger others or enable
them
where death or long sentences were the of only answers. Others were killed by Home Guards because Home personal hatred based on lands, women, revenge, etc. 1 he of Guards and their KPR’s used to put ammunition in the pockets to be taken to the court
caught a captive so that he could be sentenced to death for being Gen. with it. From 18th January this year, the Governor and Erskine have appealed to their forces not to
any more people. surrenderees and capkill
Detention camps have been established for and medical tives at Thika where they are given food, clothing
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
4^2
treatment and are well protected. The Governor has promised all the people that no one will be prosecuted for any crime committed
from the declaration of the emergency up to 18th January 1955. I hope you have read this from the leaflets dropped by the airplanes.’
‘Do you think that we are fighting for the food, clothing and detention promised by the Government?’ ‘No, I know that we were fighting for land and freedom, but this could only be resolved in the negotiations I am calling for.’
Government know where Kenyatta and the KAU are so as to negotiate with them about our land and free-
‘Doesn’t leaders
dom?” You
KAU
should bear in mind that Kenyatta and the have all the time denied their knowledge of the fight.
leaders
They have
denied membership, leadership and, worse still, they neither support the fighters nor show any sympathy to the revolution. Their general comment is “Government should deal with control all
and discipline all the criminals.” It is on these grounds that the Government has decided to negotiate with the war leaders, whose country
s
peace
rests in their
can stop or continue the
hands for they are the only ones
who
fight.’
Do
you know that we learned during China’s negotiations that the Government only wanted to trick us into a trap?’ Yes, I know. But this time I trust it is not a trap but a true negotiation, for I have seen the Governor and he promised me that
it is
a true negotiation.’
you to return to your section and continue the fight as you vowed, would you agree ?’ Yes, I would agree if you could arm me and supply me with ammunition, food and clothing, and do the same for our other itungati. How can you win while you are fighting against four strong enemies clothes, food, arms, and Government forces each strong enough to defeat you?’ asked Ndirangu. ‘Do you know that you have violated your vows by surIf I ask
—
rendering?’
know. I have done what I could and left what For one and a half years I had been waiting
‘Yes, I
not.
I
could
for my death every minute, but the merciful God spared my life. During that time you acted as a leader and you know very well that I have received no reward for my service and I very much doubt whether
CLEAVAGE AND DISINTEGRATION I
shall receive
My
it.
heart
any more of our people
with the dead and
is
to die, for
I
none of the dead
463
wouldn’t
like
shall ever rise
to fight again for this country, but surrenderees like myself will fight again for the
country when we would be better equipped for
the fight. But remember, that
have come here to
you with the Government with whom you can peacefully settle what you are fighting for. I have not come to spy or trap you into the GovernI
link
power in your hands. You can kill me. You can refuse the negotiation and continue the fight until you realize the defeat and by that time you will not be able to bring the dead to life again. Their widows and orphans will always
ment hands. You have a
lot of
curse you.’
‘How do you know ‘I
am
Government is not trapping us?’ Government is not trapping you because
that the
sure that the
according to the Governor’s promise only healing the injured ones. it
cannot maintain
all
of
you
it
is
not killing people but
The Government in prisons
is
has run bankrupt,
or detentions, feeding and
clothing you and paying thousands of warders. In fact, the sur-
renderees
who
are found not dangerous to the public or those
have not hatred with the kamatimo are not returned to their villages and
The Government the country
is
who
at all detained, but are
set free, restricted to their villages.
does not want the fight and in fact everybody in
praying for peace.’
‘Would you
also
pray peace from me?’
‘Definitely yes!’
‘Then go in peace and wait to hear more from me today or tomorrow. Don’t you be afraid if you are confident of your stand. As Ndirangu left, I told my guards in his presence not to guard
him any more. Being now more confident than bility of negotiation,
my
duty was
first
laying a trap for us. arrival
I
a negotiation was necessary, to find out that the Government was not
and
how I
before in the possi-
satisfied that
called for
Ndirangu again
asked him whether he could take
my
later.
On
his
message to the
Government and bring me a reply. He said that Mr. Henderson (Kinyanjui) was coming in that forest area once a week to collect messages from the forest fighters and bringing them replies from Government but the main thing was not to establish a correspondence with the Government. ‘Since this would be a part of both I introduction and negotiation it would be all right. If you sent me
—
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
464
would take your letter to Nyeri tomorrow or wait until Henderson comes on 17th March.’ I asked Kahinga to call the other surrenderee for interrogation. I repeated my procedure and asked the same questions. I learned through their answers that while Mung’atu Kiguta had surrendered for personal security and had turned against the revolution, Ndirangu was very sympathetic to the suffering of other people.
spent the night in Kahinga’s mbuci in order to be able to observe the cooperation of the surrenderees and the rest of I
Kahinga’s itungati. Kahinga Wachanga, self
who had nicknamed him-
the ‘Colonial Secretary of the States’
when he was a clerk to days when Kariaini was
Thiong’o Watoria and Gicuki, in the early strong, had become weak in body and mind. I suspected that he might surrender and possibly influence his itungati. asked Kahinga what he had done or told the Government. He replied that [he had done] no more than inform the Government of I
convey the message .... apart from writing a letter, a copy of which he showed me, asking the Government to show its willingness to end the fight by releasing detainees and captives, his efforts to
stopping
drawing
communal its
forced labor in the reserves and, finally, withforces from the reserve.
congratulated him for what he had done and asked him not to write any more letters on his own to the Government. I told I
him that Kimathi was coming in that area to open a Kenyalekalo Memorial Hall at old H.Q. Kanaim on the 18th and that he would be accompanied by all the leaders of IDA and Gikuyu Iregi Army members of Parliament. It would then be possible to discuss 1
the message he sent to Kimathi from the Government. In addition to this, I notified him of the meeting I had called for all the leaders in that area to consider the building of the Memorial Hall. I
warned him, on the question
of keeping surrenderees in his camp, that their influence could lead to the surrender of his itungati. I
him
that I completely disagreed with him for being supplied with food by the enemy and keeping them in his camp, that he told
made a rendezvous where he should be meeting with Government messengers and by all means not in his camp where his
should have
itungati were slowly falling to surrender.
had
sufficient
render.
power
of ideas that
I
told
him
that Ndirangu
would convince them to
sur-
:
CLEAVAGE AND DISINTEGRATION The
following day
him
all
We
were
I
visited
Kihara Gatandi’s
about Kahinga’s section.
He
agreed with
section
me
465 and
told
in all points.
matter at a leaders’ meeting the following
to talk over the
day.
On
13th March, sixteen section leaders and five
members of the Kenya Parliament from Kariaini and Kigumo areas met. Mathenge and Ngara, though invited, didn’t turn up. Kimathi was still at Chieni. Though many of them knew much about the surrenderees from their itungati, they did not want Kahinga or his itungati to know the whereabouts of their mbuci in case the surrenderees might direct the enemy to the surrounding mbuci. In fact, they were glad that Kahinga had not turned up in the meeting. The meeting resolved to draft a letter to the Government in favor of the negotiation and set forth conditions. It condemned the harboring of surrenderees or Government messengers done by Kahinga. All mbuci were to shift in new sites unknown to Kahinga’s men. Some itungati were to be sent to Kahinga’s daily so as to find out what was being done there. We agreed that each section was to send ten itungati to the old H.Q. and they should start building the Kenyalekalo Memorial Hall on the 15th and all building work should be completed on
the
17th,
including leaders’ huts and
Wacira Gathuku would supervise the building work and the site should be a few hundred yards west of the old hospital. By the evening of the 17th all the food contributed by itungati shelters.
each mbuci for the leaders
who would
visit us,
including their safari
food to Murang’a, should be handed over to the Divisional 1 reas-
by that evening in order to check that everything was perfectly done before midday, 8th March, the opening day. urer,
Kihara Gatandi. All the leaders must be
at the hall
1
I
then drafted the following
letter to the
Government
His Excellency the Governor of Kenya Sir E. Baring
General Sir G. Erskine Sirs, I
talk
met your messengers on the previous day. As a with them,
I
nearby area under five
members
an urgent chairmanship
called
my
of the
result of
my
meeting from the sectional leaders and
leaders’
—
fifty
Kenya Parliament
including myself.
We
have learned from both your message and messengers that the
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
466
Kenya Government
is
and that you are ready
We
tion.
all
intelligent effort to 1
to
here at this
human
make
willing to put
it
an end to the bloodshed
meet our representatives for negotiameeting congratulate you for your
we
put our a success. But we do not want to mix up your decision.
If
this
be true
shall
8th January 1955 surrender offer with the negotiations.
Meanwhile I have forwarded your message to Kimathi and at the same time have called a Kenya Parliament session to be held on the 8th March in order to discuss your request. 1
We demand
a written proof that
signed by you both. Secondly,
we
this
is
a true negotiation and
suggest to you that in order to
prove to us that you don’t want to continue the
you can withdrawing your fight,
by releasing detainees and captives, forces from the reserve, disarming the Home Guards, dissolving the villages, stopping communal forced labor, and opening the closed schools and trading centers.
start
it
Our China
representatives
are
ready,
they
were
elected
during
Be sure that our representatives would only come when we received your signatures and not from any other
s
false negotiations.
officer, lest
it
be a trap.
Stop bombing the
forest, as this
Yours
would disturb our meetings.
faithfully,
Gen. Sir Karari Njama Chief Secretary, Kenya Parliament
Brig.
On
and 6th I assisted Wacira Gathuku at the building of our H.Q. Memorial Hall and visited Kahinga’s mbuci on the 17th morning. I read the letter to him and asked him which of his itungati were going to meet Henderson so that I could give them the letter. He told me that he was one of those who were going. I tried to stop him from going for I was afraid that he would be interrogated by Henderson and give him wrong impressions and ideas, for Kahinga had not attended a single Kenya Parliament meeting and didn’t know its policies. He insisted on going and at 10 a.m. he left me to meet Mr. Henderson and his group of surrenderees. He promised me that he would return to the camp about 1 p.m. At 2 130 p.m. Kahinga’s itun S ati ^turned to the mbuci with news that Kahinga, two other fighters, and Kahono Githu, who was to become his clerk, had left for Nairobi in a Special Branch Land Rover. the 15th
1
CLEAVAGE AND DISINTEGRATION Being very disappointed with Kahinga, there at 6 p.m. My anger increased when
I
left for
H.Q.
467 arriving
found that the attendance was very poor. From Kigumo only Gitonga’s and Gicuki’s I
mbuci had arrived bringing leaders’ food. Around Kariaini, IDA 4, under Gikonyo Kanyungu, had the best attendance, then IDA 2/2 under Kihara Gatandi, then IDA 2/3. Nevertheless, we passed the night talking about Kahinga and also what might be the cause of some leaders and itungati failing to turn up and do their duty. Leaders’ huts, which were supposed to be built by Ngara’s itungati were still not touched since they had not arrived. We spent the whole day of the 18th building huts, cleaning the compound, etc. Mathenge, who was supposed to organize the opening of the hall had not even arrived. All we knew about him was that he was at Kigumo. At two in the afternoon, Kimathi arrived with a group of 148 persons including sixteen members of Kenya Parliament. Kimathi told me that he and his party had lodged at Mathenge’s for the previous night and they were badly treated by Mathenge. ‘Mathenge did not want to talk with any of us,’ said Kimathi. ‘He had forbidden all his itungati to give us any welcome. Though we encamped by his mbuci, they completely refused to give us any help. Mathenge himself refused to accompany us. Since he did not want to talk to me last night, I cannot tell what he has in his mind. I can only guess that he became angry when Macaria was promoted instead of his being promoted.’ ‘Things have started going bad,’
might cause a since
we
1
told
him all members
split at this stage.’ I told
parted.
Kimathi and
all
the
Kimathi. ‘Mathenge that
had happened
of the
Kenya
Par-
liament became very angry for they could not trust Kahinga to represent the fighters, for they for nothing,
and
his failures to
knew him as a person who boasts attend Kenya Parliament meetings
and any other meetings, apart from the Mwathe General Meeting in
r
953>
made him
lag behind our policies.
‘Kahinga has elected himself our representative just the same way he had self-styled himself “Colonial Secretary of the States,’
‘Maybe he is trying to find a way to surrender or gain fame but I would expect nothing good out of him. Many leaders commented and the talk continued for a time. By s sunset only 368 persons had arrived. We learned from Gitonga itungati that Mathenge had sent a message to the fighters in the said
Kimathi
angrily.
—
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
468
Othaya Division warning them not to attend any meeting led by Kimathi. He had told them that he would open the hall when Kimathi was at Murang’a. Kimathi opened Kenyalekalo Memorial Hall, the H.Q. of IDA 2, 3 and 4. He stood at the entrance with Wang’ombe Ruga who cleansed the itungati while Kimathi blessed them and wished them best of luck.
My
main speech in the hall was ‘unity is strength and division meant defeat.’ Kimathi condemned all over-ambitious men. He said that those people were the source of evils and dangers to a society. He warned our fighters not to fall in the Government’s trap of the surrender offer. He promised that he and the Kenya Parliament would attend the matter carefully whenever he got in touch with the Government. Wacira Gathuku read a verse in the New Testament ‘Then if any man shall say unto you, Lo, here is Christ, or there; believe it not. For there shall arise false Christs and false prophets, and shall show great signs and wonders; in so much that, if it were possible, :
they shall deceive the very
Behold,
have told you before. Wherefore if they shall say unto you, Behold he is in the desert; go not forth; behold he is in the secret chambers; believe it not.’ Wacira said that we were about to the end of our fight and that many leaders, knowing that fact, had started blowing their own pipes aiming at greatness.
and the
false
elect.
He
pointed out the dangers of disunity
statements and promises
attempt to win followers.
I
He warned
be no other organization than the
made by
the leaders in their
our fighters that there would
Kenya
Parliament.
Macaria Kimemia, commenting on Wacira’s speech, said that any person who would be found acting on his own and not through the Parliament would be prosecuted. When I stood up again to sum
up the speeches, I told the audience that if a person stole a police uniform and wore it, he would be a policeman to those who did not know him; but he would hide from the real policemen and from all those who knew him, his friends, his relatives, his parents and even from his children. He would not like them to see him in a uniform which he had got in a wrong way. He would be proud to all if he had got it in the right way and at the right place. Those who had self-styled themselves in ranks were thieves and did not like to
why
appear to the Kenya Parliament
in case
they
they stole the ranks. In the same way, those
may
be asked
who were
stealing
CLEAVAGE AND DISINTEGRATION
469
our itungati misleading them into Government traps, were great thieves and whenever caught they should be prosecuted. We walked out for dinner and returned for singing and giving ,
the
other leaders opportunity of speaking to the itungati.
We
agreed that Kihara and Gitonga were to stay at H.Q. in order to learn what Mathenge was planning to do and also to check on
Kahinga’s movement after entertainment,
we
his return
all
the
slept.
Early the following morning
We
of 178 warriors.
from Nairobi. After
we
started for Murang’a, a party
climbed due west to the Moorland
bamboo, now with new shoots not more than
in the
dry
On
our
five feet high.
many
streams in
order to avoid descending and ascending their valleys,
we turned
arrival at Nguthiru, having passed the sources of
due south moving up the slopes of the second highest peak of Nyandarua. After crossing North and South Mathioya rivers, with their
many
tributaries,
we encamped
for the night in
one of the deserted
camps. From sunrise to sunset we had only half an hours
rest;
we
had gone more than fifty miles. After eating my half-ration dinner, and feeling very tired, I fell asleep. The following day we continued our journey, crossing Maragwa River and climbing its far slope, crossing a big ridge path and then moving into a dense bamboo forest on level land. Moving behind the long convoy with eight strong guards, I arrived in Karun Ngamune at 5 p.m. to find over 1,200 warriors who had come for the opening of Karuri Memorial Hall. Kimathi had arrived an hour before me and was now lecturing the big audience. A large group of men and women had been invited from the Karuri Memorial Hall was the biggest of all our halls— 150 by 30 feet. Our fighters seemed very happy and proud when Kimathi told their parents ‘You have always been deceived that that they were all killed by there were no people in the forest reserves.
:
—
bombs; but this is only a small part of the Gikuyu Iregi Army. Do you now believe that the Government doesn’t tell you any truth? ‘£7, Yes !’ they shouted. ‘Go and encourage all other parents that we are alive, strong and healthy. As you can see, we are poorly clothed and armed. When you return to the villages send us clothes and ammunition. Kimathi then
called all the
members
of the Parliament on the
platform, blessed them by pouring diluted honey on their heads
and introducing
us.
Then two
old aged persons, a
man and woman
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
470
from the reserve, smeared ram fat on our forefaces, hands and joints, and laying their hands over our heads, prayed and blessed us and wished us the best of luck. This was followed by special prayers for those leaders by all. When all was over we continued covering our program by allowing each leader to speak to the audience.
The meeting
The leaders were left in the hall with the parents and mothers who presented us with the food they had brought. We ate while talking with them. They dispersed just before twilight.
confirmed to us that they had been defeated by the Government propaganda and its punishments. They promised us that they
would
tell
the civilians that there were
We
many
thousands of fighters
and resumed at 10 p.m. for singing and entertainments, after which we retired to bed. The following day, the parents and the fighters from far away mbuci left in the afternoon, after we had issued ranks to some fighters. We remained in the camp for three days during which we resolved that the Gikuyu Iregi Army should give the Kenya Parliament eighty well-armed fighters and fifty carriers who were to be stationed at Kariaini H.Q. for guarding the Kenya Parliament during the time which it would negotiate with the Government and discipline all the leaders who seemed to brag for disobeying the Parliament, for acting on their own whereby they had let us down many times and even our supporters, by presenting many contradictory ideas and rules which only proved that we were an the forests.
in
dispersed
—
unorganized body.
On
March we
24th
left for
Kariaini H.Q.
We
ascended the steep
ridge path due west
and by eleven in the morning we were climbing the second peak of Nyandarua on its southern end. At midday we were on its top. Though this peak is marked at 12,816 feet, the eyes consider
it
to be the highest
—possibly because
it
is
sharp and
flat— and with the best view on all the sides. Here, one can see an iron-bar cross standing about twelve feet high and being cemented on the ground by Catholic padres in 1910. Lake Naivasha the other
is
seemed very near down below on the western side. We descended its grassy slopes due north just above the source of the Gura River into the small thorny and bamboo bushes. In the afternoon still
in the
we changed toward
when we were We hadn t sufficient tents and we could not us. The long rains had started; we only prayed
Moorlands.
build huts for 280 of
the east. Night
fell
1
CLEAVAGE AND DISINTEGRATION
47
Ngai to save us from rain and cold. Though there was heavy rain on Mt. Kenya that afternoon, it ended in the northern end of Nyandarua. We arrived Kariaini at about 5 p.m. Kihara Gatandi had arrived to meet us. We learned from him that Mathenge had called all the fighters from Kigumo and Kariaini area to come and open the H.Q. under him. With a good attendance, he had conducted an opening ceremony in the same hall. This proved that Mathenge was not satisfied with Kimathi’s prayers and the opening of the hall. On the other hand he was doing it to show his followers that he had equal powers with Kimathi. In his speech, Mathenge had told his audience not to obey Kimathi and his Kenya Parliament, and had instructed them to give their allegiance to Kenya Riigi {riigi = old Kikuyu doors made a league of interwoven thin sticks mostly from climbing plants) under his leadership in cooperation with Mbaria Kaniu, Kimbo,
—
Kahiu-Itina and that
Kenya
Riigi
many
non-yes-yes leaders.
had been formed
in
He
told his audience
order to oppose the Parlia-
ment and express the voice of the majority of fighters who are illiterate and who were led and controlled by a handful of ‘yes yes’ leaders. He remarked how cowardly and selfishly the educated men had abandoned the fight in the hands of the illiterate peasants. He complained that the Kenya Parliament had neglected him on the account that he was
helped one to
fire his
illiterate.
He
asked whether education
gun a longer distance than
the others or
aim
better than them.
Kahinga had returned from Nairobi with He replies of my letter to the Governor, signed as I had requested. had interviewed Mathenge and they were planning to continue
On
the other hand,
Kenya Parliament help. news, the Kenya Parliament held
the negotiation with or without the Filled with this disgusting
a
on 26th March in which a resolution was passed that Mathenge and all the Kenya Riigi leaders must be disciplined, their own firstly by showing them that they have no powers of other than the powers granted by the Kenya Parliament. Secondly, punthey must be shown all their mistakes and, where necessary, our ished for intentionally wrecking our fight and misleading session
—which
could turn out to be on the betrayal of the revolution. Thirdly, they must be instructed rules the right way to approach the Government, our supporters, itungati for their personal ambition
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
472 and
policies. All
liament.
complaints must be brought to the
They had
his
The
own
was both the eyes and the over Kenya. We could not let anyone act
all
outside the Parliament’s organization.
resolution said that arrest warrants [were to] be issued to
twenty-one leaders, including Mathenge, Kahinga and his
The Kenya Parliament
styled delegates to Nairobi.
warrants to (i)
all
self-
issued arrest
had to have his
these persons under the procedure that each
surrender his arms,
hands
Par-
to realize that K.P.
voice of our fighters
on
Kenya
(2)
tied together, (4)
be inspected by the guards,
be brought in guarded, and
(3) (5)
bring
all
camp record books. If any ran away or refused, he was to be shot. The warrants were signed by Kimathi and I. Meanwhile, the Kenya Parliament organized itself into a Britishtype court in which Ndiritu Thuita acted as the Head of Police and the Chief Prosecutor. Macaria Kimemia was the Chief Judge, their
helped by an advisory committee; Kihara Gatandi and
I
were the
recorders of the cases and four
Abdullah became the the Commissioner of Prisons.
jurors.
members were appointed to become Minister of War and Vindo became
Kahinga and informed him that the Kenya Parliament was holding a session and was anxiously awaiting to hear his reports from Nairobi. I reminded him to bring with him all his recorded documents and that the Parliament wished to see I
drafted a letter to
the other delegates.
Having supplied our guards with sufficient arrest warrants, they left early morning on the 27th March. During the day the Commissioner of Prisons, Major-General Vindo, built his prison camp one hundred yards away across a swampy stream southwest of the main camp. At the same time the Parliament prepared charge sheets for every accused leader listing all his offences.
At midday, Kahinga and his companions arrived. He told the Parliament how he met the Government messengers and how he went to Nairobi to confirm to the Government that the forest fighters were preparing to send representatives who would negotiate
with the Government.
He
said that he
met and talked with Mr. Windley, who represented the Governor, Gen. Heyman, who represented Gen. Erskine, and B. A. Ohanga, African Minister of
Community Development. Asked whether their speeches were recorded he replied that Kahono Githii, pointing at him, had
CLEAVAGE AND DISINTEGRATION recorded
their speeches.
all
He was
473
asked to hand over
all
the
books to me.
Opening Kahinga’s satchel, I found two new big size Challenge duplicate books and copies of a photograph in which Kahinga and his party were photoed together with the Government representatives.
When
asked to mention the points they had agreed on, he said that they had not agreed on any points but that their talk was a
form of interrogation in which they asked him many different questions. Asked who had sent him to Nairobi, he replied that his going to Nairobi was the result of his talks with Ian Henderson, who complained that his messengers had lost one and a half months in Nyandarua and that not even one leader had gone to see him and that he was finding it difficult to convince the Government that he was doing something to make the negotiation a success. Reading from Kahinga’s documents, we learned that he had deceived the Government that he was the elected representative of the fighters.
The
questions
Wind ley: Why do you
and answers were well recorded
live in
:
the forest?
Kahinga: Because your forces chased us from the reserve. Heyman: Why then haven’t you accepted our amnesty offer? Kahinga: Because we think it is a trap and moreover you haven’t promised us land and freedom in that
offer.
Windley: There cannot be such a thing as freedom while you continue to fight. If you stopped fighting there would be time to discuss freedom. Kahinga: We are fighting for land and freedom and if you grant
them
the
war would be
over.
you are not given land and freedom, would you accept His Excellency’s amnesty offer? Kahinga: We are going to consider it because we do not want Windley:
If
to live in the forest,
Ohanga:
we
are only forced
to.
Why
do you keep such long shaggy hairs? Kahinga: Because we do not have any means of shaving. You can see that we have grown weak in body because of lack of food and bad weather. (Kahinga expressed how ashamed he felt for
being very
dirty.)
Ohanga: The Colonial Government has already shown willing to grant
you freedom
in
that
it is
a multiracial Government.
— MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
474
Why
should you continue your fight while the Government
has met your demands?
Kahinga: We are going to consider your request, but land and freedom would be the answer.
Though
there were other good points of
Kahinga
in the negotia-
above answers and his activities were sufficient offences which caused his remand awaiting to answer his case. Then Gen. Ndiritu Thuita called the guards, inspected Kahinga tion, the
and
comrades, and took them to our prison awaiting for their cases to be heard after perusing all their documents. By the evenhis
our itungati returned safely bringing all the persons on the arrest warrant list. Mathenge had surrendered his automatic pistol ing, all
but our itungati had accepted his request not to
Three armed
tie his
hands.
were to guard the prisoners for three hour periods all the time. During the night the prisoners’ hands had to be tied together, but untied during the day. On 28th March, we spent most of the time studying Kahinga’s, Mathenge’s and the sentries
From Mathenge’s books, which were Ndung’u Mathenge, we learned of the forma-
other leaders’ record books. written by his clerk tion of the
Kenya Kenya
and
Riigi
—whose
main task was to Parliament. Another resolution was passed exoppose the tending arrest warrants to 20 more officers of the Kenya Riigi who were living in the Moorlands, Kipipiri and Subuk, mostly Mburu Ngebo Army fighters from Murang’a under Mbaria Kaniu.
On
the 29th our itungati
its
left
officers
to arrest the
them
Riigi officers in
We
the Moorlands and Kipipiri Mt. light cases of junior officers.
Kenya
We
decided to start hearing the heard three cases and released
under their promises to obey and cooperate with the Kenya Parliament. The itungati who were being led by the captured leaders had arrived to witness what would happen to their leaders. Kimathi addressed them, warning them that all fighters were under Kenya Parliament and there was not any other organization to lead the fighters. He promised them that nothing bad would happen to their leaders apart from finding our in
differences
the
evening,
free
and strengthening our
unity, cooperation
to the
and obedience the itungati to obey
the
Later, those itungati
Kenya Parliament. He appealed to all Kenya Parliament, to which they agreed.
were
to be posted to
guard their
food in the reserve for the
Kenya
leaders,
and were
Parliament.
sent to fetch
CLEAVAGE AND DISINTEGRATION
475
On March
30th three more cases were heard. All were released, two being fined 25s. each and the third one set free. Our itungati returned from Kipipiri with eight arrestments [i.e., prisoners]. They reported that the others had fled away on seeing them and believed
must have had some information about the
that they
arrest of
their comrades.
wrote a
Mr. Henderson, signed by Kimathi, telling the Government that our representatives would be meeting the Government’s in a week’s time. On 31st March, we heard six cases and passed no judgement. I
I
letter to
generally visited the prisoners in the mornings and evenings,
asked them their complaints, encouraged them to have no fear over the Parliament’s motives, told them our intentions were only unity, cooperation and obedience to the Kenya Parliament. In the evening our itungati returned, having failed to meet Mr.
Henderson at Chinga road. and shouting at four o’clock run away I
!’
I
was awakened by a
in the
morning.
bullet’s
thunder
‘All the prisoners
have
cried the guards.
ordered a
girl in
the officers’ kitchin to
make me a bamboo
With the light of my torch I walked a hundred yards to the prison camp. Kimathi and the other officers had arrived a couple torch.
of minutes before me. ‘Any casualties?’ asked Kimathi.
‘We have only one prisoner left?’ said the guard. ‘He awoke me when he pulled my gun. I firmly held my gun and he badly bit my fingers
—and
1
fired for help, scaring the other
two prisoners who
were the last to leave.’ ‘So you were asleep when they escaped?’ shouted Kimathi. ‘Yes Sir,’ replied the guard, ‘but the other two guards were awake. We had arranged that one of us could sleep while the others were on guard and ‘Where are the other two guards who were on duty?’ demanded Kimathi. ‘I think they must have escaped with the prisoners for they were .’
.
.
the prisoners’ itungati ,’ said the guard. ‘Instead of guarding the prisoners,
they untied them and have run away with the guns
them by the guard commander.’ ‘What are the names of the guards?’ asked Vindo. ‘Samuel Wahihi and Mwangi(?),’ replied the guard.
issued
Waweru
Ngirita, the only prisoner in the
attempt to rob the guard’s gun and
camp, caught
who had
in his
badly bitten the
.
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
476
guard’s fingers, was strongly held
was appealing ‘Forgive
me
for
mercy
to
of guards
and
Kimathi.
Kimathi. Spare
‘Who poured
down by a group
that blood?’
my life. Ohhh
.
demanded Kimathi.
was trying to release myself, but forgive me ‘Waste no time Kimathi,’ interrupted Macaria Kimemia, ‘order .’
‘I
.
.
the guards to strangle him.’
‘O.K. Guards! Take him away!’ shouted Kimathi, going away.
Waweru
mercy but the guards covered his mouth. By this time hundreds of fighters had arrived at the scene. Without talking to anyone, I slowly walked back to my hut with my heart beating high and very much worried of what was likely to happen. It was now dawn, and the beginning of a declared split among our fighters, which could easily turn to be a real fight between ourcried for
enemy all the chances to defeat us. How shall we contact the Government? Wouldn’t Kahinga and Mathenge send their representatives to negotiate with the Government and then selves, giving the
—
the two delegations,
and possibly a third from Kirinyaga, each independent from the other, would present its different case to the Government? Wouldn’t that reveal our weakness in our organization
—our hatred, ambition
in leadership
and
lack of confidence in
one general leader? Shall we ever be able to cooperate again with the
lost
leaders?
Kimathi came blanket.
He
my hut and found me wrapped in my me that he intended to move from the camp
into
informed
Kahinga may bring the Government forces to the camp accusing us of opposing and preventing the negotiation. ‘On the other hand, Mathenge and his officers, driven by fear and suspicion that we wanted to kill them, may return here well armed for a fight; they may even ambush us just like the enemies. The in case
sooner
we
quit the
camp
the better.’
went for Gen. Gikonyo Kanyungu; he came with me to my hut. Kimathi told him that he was to show us a good place for camping where his itungati could easily take our message to Mr. Henderson. I called the Guard Commander to announce orders. Everybody You must pack all your luggage now. ‘Attention We are leaving the camp by sunrise !’ I
!
!
1955 we dispersed. The itungati who had helped their leaders to escape were already gone. The others returned to their camps. The K.P. and its forces followed Gikonyo’s itungati IDA April
1
st
,
CLEAVAGE AND DISINTEGRATION
477 where we
4/1, climbing due west on a ridgeway to Muthuri Hill stopped for a rest. We sent a dozen itungati to shoot elephants for food.
By midday we had
arrived at Gikonyo’s old
camp
at Itwe
and
our itungati were busy building new huts. At two o’clock our gunning team brought news that they had killed one big elephant and that it had fallen about a mile east of the camp. I accompanied over 150 itungati who rushed out to carry meat. At first I
was surprised to see Murang’a fighters eating raw marrow just as one chews a piece of sugar cane. Later on that evening I joined them in chewing the elephants raw marrow fat obtained in the bones. 1 he
Our
IDA
4/
intentions
1
quartermaster stored the eight-foot ivory
now were
tusks.
Government through Mr. Henderson, and to find out where the runaway leaders had encamped and their motives. If they had run away on fear of punishment that might be inflicted on them we would then be able to seek their confidence by getting only a few of them at a time, instruct and warn and release them and prove that we did not want to kill any of them and that a split would be our defeat. On the other hand, anyone who refused to accept that friendship offer and really stood for opposition to the Kenya Parliament leadership would be charged and tried as a traitor on all accounts and unless he changed he would meet his death. The following day we sent our itungati to take the letter to to contact the
Henderson. They returned in the evening, having failed again to meet him. 7 hey said that Land Rover trails indicated that he had
come on
the previous day.
We
sent out
two other groups, one
to
Gitonga’s and Wacira’s sections, led by assistant section leaders
Kiongo and Wanjeru Gatandi’s section.
Kibiri.
They were
The second group was to find out
sent to
Kihara
what the runaway
leaders
were doing.
The
following morning, Kiongo and Wanjeru returned badly
beaten and deprived of one
rifle
by
their
Mathenge’s command. Their good luck was
away
in
the darkness.
Some
own
their success to run
shots fired after
them. They had swollen bruises
all
itungati under
over their
them had missed bodies. They had
spent a cold, hungry and painful night.
was now certain that Mathenge and his supporters had classified the Kenya Parliament and its supporters as enemies. The Kenya Parliament would do all it could to see that these people It
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
478
Mathenge and company were preaching to their itungati that the Kenya Parliament had sentenced all of them to death, but that a girl who was working in the Parliament’s kitchen foretold them and saved their lives. Among our fighters was Wambui Mathenge’s girl who was obeyed.
Wanjeru
told
us
that
—
—
Wacira Gathuku. Since Mathenge’s arrest Wambui had been working in the Parliament’s kitchen. She had confirmed her loyalty was not to a person but to the Movement. [Wanjeru’s comment] caused Wambui, the only suspect, to be interrogated. But there was no proof to the story. It was an invented story to justify their case and escape. Since the beginning of our fight we had never had a prison, simply because we could not afford to feed and guard the enemies and worse still, they could be freed by their forces or manage to escape. We had kept Mathenge and company in our first prison for five nights, feeding and guarding them simply because they were not our enemies but our disobedient fighters who only deserved discipline and instruction. To our sorrow, they had identified themselves as enemies. But this had to be taken as an individual case regarding the leaders and not as a group case including the itungati who were being misled. We did not want to fight against a group but we had to fight against a person who misled
now
our
to stay with
fighters.
We asking
wrote another
him
to
change
to negotiate with the
Mr. Henderson, signed by Kimathi, rendezvous to Kabage road if he wanted
letter to
his
Kenya
Parliament.
The
letter directed
him
where he should post the reply in a tree trunk hole of a big tree by the roadside. We instructed him that we would collect his message there. We warned him that the Kenya Parliament had disassociated with Kahinga s negotiation because he had elected himself and was deceiving the Government. We concluded that the Government could communicate to the Kenya Parliament by any means in North Tetu area-north of the River Chania.
We
instructed our messengers to plant the letter in the middle of the road hanging on a thin bamboo stick a few yards below the meeting place. Our messengers returned reporting that they had planted the letter. Gathuru Muita had twice been appointed as the spokesman of our messengers in case they were to be interrogated
by Mr. Henderson.
On
the 8th of April the Parliament
and
its
guards
left
Gikonyo’s
CLEAVAGE AND DISINTEGRATION
479
and arrived at Ndiritu Thuita’s mbuci at Mutanga Riua Hill facing Chania slopes. The court heard two cases of komerera leaders. They were both sentenced to be caned 20 and 25 canes [i.e., strokes] and promised good conduct onwards. On 15th April, the court moved to Chieni. Our messengers had itungati
not received any response from the Government on behalf of the
We
negotiation.
sent a
copy of that
time the letter would be taken to the village in
bamboo by our
Government; this and would be stuck
letter to the
supporters just inside a
Home Guard
post.
At Chieni the court heard a dozen cases of the komerera leaders, among which one of them was sentenced to death after admitting that he had administered a strange oath to some itungati compelling them to abandon their leaders and never again to serve any leader who did not participate in fetching food and firewood, building his hut and carrying his Inside the
Kenya Young
He was
fighters.
Fourteen of
own
luggage.
Stars Hall,
I
read his case to over 400
caught leading four others
his itungati
had been
in
killed in his
witnessed by the survivors to have been built
the settled area.
mbuci which was about 400 yards
from a settler’s house. I asked him to confess before the fighters, after which the Chief Judge Macaria Kimemia announced his death sentence, asking him whether it was fair according to what he had done in undermining leaders and wrecking the revolution.
The accused spoke
bravely, accepting his sentence as being
Kimathi ordered the guards
camp
in the bush.
to receive a
The
fair.
him far away from the one and ordered the others
to strangle
court released
dozen canes.
the hall after the last accused had received the canes. Later in the afternoon the guards reported that the sentences
The
court
had been
left
fulfilled.
That afternoon Kimathi
called
of the three remaining accused komerera leaders
on Joseph, one
and
started inter-
Kimathi, Kimemia and three itungati left for a stroll with Joseph. When Kimathi returned in the evening he told us that he had saved us a day or two of hearing Joseph s case. He said that he had heard the case within five minutes, after rogating
him
in his hut.
which he took his pistol and ordered Joseph to lead the twentyone dead itungati who had died in his mbuci. Joseph, a komerera leader of the Mburu Ngebo Army, was arrested in the settled area leading two almost naked itungati of IDA 3/3. One of them, Maina, was to become my books carrier.
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
480 They
told us that
whenever Joseph went out with some three others
attempt to look for food, he always returned alone to the mbuci saying that he was the only survivor. He would then enter
in their ,
Nyandarua and persuade back to
his
more
three or four
itungati, taking
them
mbuci.
Nevertheless, though Joseph might have been proven guilty by
was a bad report to hear that Kimathi’s hands killed him before he was tried. The propaganda based on that incident would increase hatred, enmity and proofs to the runaway leaders. Kimathi’s action would definitely be interpreted as Parliament’s action, for Kimathi generally acted for the Parliament but this was wrong. 1 did not want to share Kimathi’s blame. That night, filled the court,
it
—
with a
convinced half the members of the Parliament that we should have a by-law which controls the powers and lot of grief, I
actions of our President.
would be very
‘It
him
in
bad,’
I
said,
we became
his wall to protect
such actions of personal killing which would only increase
hatred and enmity
among
ourselves.
dent to dictate the Parliament out to be a dictator.
which
of
‘if
I
am
such by-laws
in
We
such a
shouldn’t allow the Presi-
way
for he can easily turn
He
should accept our advice and criticisms, sure that he does not appreciate. If we do not have
we may
find ourselves increasing
enmity with other fighters, and worst of all it is a sign of weakness in our leadership; in other words, there would be no Parliament, but Kimathi would be the Parliament a dictator.’ Having convinced half of the 22 members [present], we arranged to put forward the following motions: (1) The President should
—
accept both the advice and criticism resolved by the majority of members in either a session or in private discussions K. Njama.
—by
President’s powers
and
on behalf of the Parliament should be limited and defined by our written laws and rules by Major Gen. Ndiritu Thuita. (3) Ministerial posts should be created and be granted to various members so that each would be certain of his job and stick to it by Maj. Gen. Vindo. (2)
activities
—
—
In our discussion over the
two motions, Kimathi became very angry and twice banged the table, left his chair and walked out, he shouted, complaining of being insulted and betrayed by his
members—chiefly
We ballots,
first
myself. Nevertheless,
we
passed both motions.
then resolved to grant Ministerial Posts and, after casting
we found
that
I
was elected
to be Minister of
War. The
CLEAVAGE AND DISINTEGRATION result hurt
He
Kimathi.
did not want
me
481
to take that post.
He
left
and stood in the center of the meeting to address us. In his argument he claimed that the Parliament could not get a person of my standard in the secretaryship, which he thought to be of more value than the Ministry the Parliament had given me. He claimed that the election must be done again, in a few days time. Wacira Gathuku accused Kimathi of being impatient, quick and bad tempered, relating his case to the shooting of Joseph, banging table, throwing pencil, leaving the Presidency chair in anger, and his chair
of his will to dictate the Parliament.
The
discussion only increased
We
Kimathi’s anger.
adjourned for lunch. When we resumed the meeting in the afternoon, Major Gen. Vindo turned to Kimathi’s side and withdrew his motion of ministerial posts. This split the Parliament in debate, Othaya versus North Tetu, and Murang’a as moderator. Kimathi said that he had
how I had conducted a meeting at night in which only he and Kimemia were absent. He accused me of trying to lead and control the Parliament without him. He suggested that a law be made that ‘The Kenya Parliament will never hold any meeting in the absence of the President.’ He said ‘I have all
the information of
:
learned that
I
am
living with enemies within
the
Kenya
Par-
liament.’
With
Kimathi might accuse some of us of betrayal and perhaps have us strangled, his motion was passed with only one vote over a majority. Myself and nine other members failed
threats
to
raise
and
fears that
hands.
Parliament into his and directly against
Any
my
him and
further arguments were to loyalties.
that
split
This would definitely put
would mean venturing
the
me
into great
dangers.
Night came before we had solved anything.
We
dispersed in a
and worry. Fear that Kimathi or his envoy might hurt me kept me awake through the night. When we resumed the following day, we heard the case of two arrested persons. More than half the members showed no interest in the cases and by lunch time both were set free. At this stage, the five Othaya Division members, including myand self, decided that we should return to Othaya, find Mathenge state of confusion
and our itungati and prove our sincerity to them. We didn’t want to be cut off from our people by Kimathi; we wanted to moderate and prevent the split from getting worse. the
runaway
leaders
.
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
482
We
Kimathi and informed him that since the Government had not replied our letters, we should all go back to Othaya and find out what Kahinga and Mathenge might be doing about the called
negotiations.
He
We
could easily get in touch with the Government
we
mbuci on 13th May. We found that his itungati had not changed the mbuci nor had they known whereabout the other mbuci were. We sent Gikonyo’s itungati to find out where Mathenge’s and Kahinga’s mbuci were and whether they were still negotiating with there.
agreed and
arrived Gikonyo’s
Government. They returned the following day reporting that they were still negotiating; Kahiu-Itina, Mbaria and the other officers
Kenya Riigi were negotiating with the Government. On 6th May, we sent Gicuki Wacira, a person whom we
of the
1
thought could easily be accepted by them. But on his return, Gicuki told us that he arrived at Mathenge’s mbuci and when one gitungati shouted
that
the
Kenya Parliament had
arrived,
the
whole mbuci dispersed as if it were invaded by enemies. Being very disappointed by recent events, Kimathi and the twelve Gikuyu Iregi Army members of the Kenya Parliament left
Murang’a on 18th May 1955. The five of us Othaya Parliament members decided to correspond to Mathenge through for
Gikonyo’s itungati until
we could
Though we believed that the Parliament had the best leadership, we repented for having unknowingly created such hatred with our own people. On 20th May we sent two itungati to Mathenge to take him a clear their fears.
him to arrange that the five of us would meet all other leaders and discuss our differences. About two in the
letter requesting
the
afternoon, a big airplane flew around the mountain dropping more general amnesty offer copies and sky-shouting ‘Today your leaders :
have ended the negotation with the Government. The on. Surrender now with all your arms and save your
fight life
is
to
go
.
In the evening our messengers returned saying that they only found many deserted camps.
On
22nd May, the enemy forces were two miles from our camp following Kahinga’s and Mbaria’s track, who had been seen by our sentries passing by our camp on their way to Kinangop. By midday the Government forces were less than a mile from the camp. Gikonyo and I and his 82 itungati carried some of our belongings and left the camp moving due west then turning south to
CLEAVAGE AND DISINTEGRATION the source of North
Mathioya River where we encamped
483 for the
night.
The
we
following afternoon
dropping food
learned that the airplanes were
to their troops very
near
us.
We
moved due
east,
camps and intending to go to the forest edge where the enemies were certain that they had chased away all the fighters. We unknowingly encamped near the enemy, but we were passing the enemy’s
lucky that they did not notice elephant’s
meat and decided
us.
to split
We up
finished our last bite of
into small groups to enable
us to hide our tracks.
As we dispersed in groups of fifteen or so on the morning of the 24th, two of our groups were fired at. We escaped very narrowly. 5
We
decided to go to the dry
bamboo area where we
could see the
—
There were eleven of us four K.P. members (Gitonga, Kihara, Wacira and I), three section leaders (Gicuki, Wanjeru and Kiongo), and four itungati including Wambui. Being afraid that the forces would see us moving, we spent a day and a night with neither fire nor food. The long heavy rain was still
enemy
at long distance.
pouring. Just as
seen us
we were
able to detect the enemy’s camps, the
and awoke us with
comrades,
I
lost
my
their fire at sunrise. Like
tent, blankets
and
shoes.
We
enemy had
many
of
my
ran eastwards
H.Q. arriving at a Government force empty camp. Thinking that we had passed all enemy troops, we rested a few hundred yards from their camp and kept watching it. At two in the afternoon another enemy group arrived in their camp. We quickly entered the black forest and by 4 P m we were in Kariaini old gardens. Here the forces’ tracks seemed three or four days old. The footpaths made by Mathenge’s itungati leading to their mbuci were very big. It seemed that three months without being chased by the enemy forces had caused them to forget to hide their tracks. We passed many of their abandoned camps. We collected some wild vegetables in the gardens enabling us to have to Kariaini Forest behind the
-
three bites for the night.
The following day we crossed the River Thuti and looked for any camp on its slopes. Seeing no trace of our people, we decided to that cross the Kariaini road due north. On our arrival we found Government
forces
were
still
entering the forest.
We
paused and
twenty-one of them passed only thirty yards from us. Before we had had all crossed, another group arrived passing between us. We
484 many rifles,
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN chances of attacking, but
how
could
we do
it
with only two
a banda, and ten rounds of ammunition.
When
we’d
all
crossed,
we decided
not to
order to avoid collision with the enemy.
We
move any
further in
spent the day
less
than
400 yards from the road and less than a mile from the forest boundary. By 5 p.m. our sentry reported that over 800 army personnels
Knowing that the Government forces were now resting in their camps we walked about two miles and looked for a place to encamp. At 6 p.m. we sent two itungati and two junior
had
left
the forest.
leaders into the reserve to search food for our
group of eleven
persons.
They returned
at 7 130 p.m. reporting that there
were very many
ambushing all along the forest border. We spent the fourth night without any food. How could three itungati be able security forces
to carry food
for eight
leaders including a girl?
Surely some
had to serve others according to their order of ranks. In the morning we moved for a better camp knowing that our comrades, who returned to the camp at night, had left a track leading to our camp. Arriving at Thiathiini forest gardens we spent the day and in the evening the same four persons left for food in the reserve. 4 hat night we at marerema a type of wild vegetable. leaders
,
Our men
returned the following morning, 28th May, with some vegetables, a few bananas, potatoes and some arrowroots. group had lasted three days on under quarter-rations and the last five
My
days with no food at ate
enough that
days.
On
reserve
31st
and
We were all glad of something to eat We went on half ration for the next
all.
night.
and two
May we
sent five persons to search food in the they returned on the 1st June with the same kind of
food.
remembered my plans of escaping to Ethiopia and rediscussed them with my comrades and found that conditions were now forcing us to leave the mountain. We resolved that Kihara Gatandi should take 50s. to his wife who would buy the maize and safari food for us which would enable us to cross the enemy area of the Rift Valley and enter the Northern Frontier Province and make I
our
way through
the semi-desert west of the
Lake Rudolph. Gen. Kihara Gatandi, Gen. Gitonga Gaciingu (both members of Parliament) and Maina, my books carrier, left for the reserve on
the evening of 3rd June.
gave Kihara my watch so that they would be able to check the time of security forces maintaining I
— CLEAVAGE AND DISINTEGRATION
485
The following day I became worried about my books, not know where Maina had hidden them. In the evening,
ambushes. for
did
I
Wacira, Gicuki and
I
spent some time vainly searching for
my
books.
On
5th June, after morning prayers,
I
informed
my
comrades
our people in the reserve did not arrive before midday they should have been back by 7 a.m. we had to desert the camp. I warned them not to hide our belongings but stay with them ready I had to go at any time. I told Wacira and Gicuki my dream that
if
—
—
dreamed that we were crossing the Nyeri-Thomson’s Falls road in an open grassland area when we collided with a police lorry and we were all held captives. A Mkamba Sergeant Major who led the troop was my school mate and he stopped the others from mistreating us. They gave us bread and tinned beef and when the lorry started moving toward Nyeri I woke up. At 7 o’clock we continued an hour’s search for my books. We concluded that if our men didn’t turn up by midday, they must be captured and the books were lost and we had to leave the camp one of them brought the Government forces to our mbuci. The three of us returned to the camp and found that the five others had gone to warm themselves by the sun some 100 yards in case
an old cleared garden. We crept along our path through tangled thicket bush extending some 30 yards, after which we arrived at the cleared area. It was already nine in the morning
from the camp
in
stopped to catch the warm told Gicuki to go and check the guards and make
and the sun was shining rays of the sun.
I
brightly.
We
certain they were properly posted.
muthegi and Wacira Gathuku on his walking stick, both puzzled and worried about what had happened able to our people. I heard a [twig] crack and bent in order to be creeping, to observe our path. Twenty yards from me I saw Maina telling holding his gun. He saw me too. I was glad and stood I
stood leaning on
my
Wacira that our people had arrived. Bending again I noticed another gun and informed Wacira. They were still approaching us in the tangled thicket bush. When a Maina was less than ten yards from me I noticed the face of European and shouted to Wacira, ‘There’s a European!’ Turning Before I could move a bullet had entered my ankle.
away
another bullet caught me, cutting threetendons behind the ankle. Running amidst hundreds
in order to escape,
quarters of
my
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
486
of automatic bullets, I fell
some eighty yards away being caught by
on me. Now, out of the enemy’s sight, but their bullets only missing us narrowly, we struggled through a strawberry bush and managed to enter the black forest where one could easily run. I saw Wacira running due northwest and our people disappearing to the north. I ran to follow them, crossing a stream and a bush. Wacira
climbing
its
fell
slope.
found that some people had passed along it entering the forest. I followed their path thinking it to be our comrades’ path but soon found that it was the enemy’s track. A blood trail was clear behind my path. I was in danger of being followed by the enemy. I descended half way down a stream’s slope Arriving at a ridge-way,
I
and decided to stay there till evening, then to make my way to Kigumo where I would look for any camp. Looking at my wounds, I learned that one bullet had passed
my tendons behind the left ankle; the other bullet was still in my ankle and had cut the artery causing my blood to jet out as my heart strongly pumped I tore my vest to make bandages and a pad which I used to press through, cutting about three-quarters of
it.
the artery in order to stop the bleeding.
thankful for having learned
first
aid as a
I lit
Boy
kiraiko
and smoked,
Scout.
—
Many
thoughts flashed at the top of my head sorrow for Kihara and Gitonga, anger at Maina’s betrayal; why had God given the
enemy power
to injure
me? Could my
survival be God’s
warning? How shall the bullet in me be removed? And what about the broken bones? Shall I ever manage to go to Ethiopia? Should I surrender? I should first search any of our mbuci for at least three days.
Oh
had
so
tightly
the artery
my
had become paralysed. I untied and tied it again but it did not get any better. At about three in the afternoon I noticed a Government troop about 100 yards from me moving along the stream toward the reserve. I crept slowly, ascending, and to my surprise another enemy troop about fifty yards ahead was walking toward the reserve. I lay down and prayed Ngai save me. I raised my head a little to watch their movement. Thank God they passed without !
I
tied
foot
seeing me.
At about four o clock, another Government troop arrived down the stream and started cutting trees and preparing their camp just below me. I walked up to the ridge path, and started moving
:
CLEAVAGE AND DISINTEGRATION
487
toward the reserve, intending to go to the forest boundary and watch the enemies’ ambushes in the evening. I would then walk at night in the Special Area and enter the forest again at along
it
Kigumo where
I
knew
I
was
likely to find
our
fighters.
Walking through bushes in the path, I suddenly met two Home Guards who came in sight only a few yards from me. Instead of running away I greeted them with Muriega ,’ (Hello) and, to my surprise, they answered my greetings in a startled way Ei, muriega is that you Karari Njama?’ ‘I am Karari, and I know you Gathithi s/o Ndarathi and Ndiritu ‘
l
:
,
s/o Mbai.’ ‘Are you injured?’ asked Gathithi. ‘Yes,’
happened
showing him the morning.
said,
I
in
my wound
and
him to the camp,’ said Ndiritu. He would be killed right here
telling
how
it
had
‘Let us take
‘Oh no
!
in
the
forest,’
said
Gathithi.
‘Then we’d better hurry up. We have one and a half miles walk to Gitugi Village,’ said Ndiritu. I paused, unable to walk or comment. ‘Don’t worry Karari,’ said Gathithi, ‘you are safe; blessed you.
The Governor
God
to
has
has forgiven everybody.’
My
day had come, I thought, and I preferred to die in the village where many people would witness my death rather than there in the forest, unwitnessed by a fighter or by any of our supporters.
After Karari ’s capture conditions in the forest continued to deteriorate. As militant resistance in the reserve and Nairobi was
became increasingly isolated from outside contact and supplies, more and more forest groups began to live entirely on honey, edible nettles and the rewards of the their traps and snares or move into small wooded areas of Thus, Rift Valley where food raids were easier to carry out. that another of my informants, Kahinga Wachanga, has stated
broken and the Aberdare
fighters
to In September, myself and a few other fighters were able small clump live for a whole month without being noticed in a
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
488
house and 400 yards from a military camp. We got water from a tiny stream which ran through the woods and we raided settler farms at night for animals and wheat. After a raid we started off toward the forest,
of trees about 200 yards
walking a long
ment
way
from a
settler’s
before returning to our mbuci.
patrols sent out the next
The Govern-
morning followed our
tracks,
but
were misled by the fact that we returned to the forest walking backwards. The area between the forest and the Kipipiri Hills was very flat and our scouts, climbing high up in the trees, could see for miles around. We were often amused watching the security forces go by into the forest; they never believed we would set up our mbuci so close. It
was during
this
period that Government increased
its
use
and ‘converted’ fighters in what were called pseudo gangs. A Special Forces H.Q. was set up in Nyeri where teams of ex-fighters were formed under Europeans. Subjected to various forms of persuasion, and often unexpectedly happy to have their own lives spared, a number of ex-forest fighters thus lent themselves to Government’s efforts to track down and destroy their former comrades. To a considerable extent, these psuedo gangs both reflected and exacerbated the hostilities between forest-group leaders. The conflict between Kenya Riigi and Kenya Parliament leaders was exploited, at first inadvertently, by the Special Branch. Some of the Kenya Riigi supporters, such as Gati and Hungu of the Mburu Ngebo Army, found it relatively easy to assist Ian Henderson in his Hunt for Kimathi in exchange for their lives. of surrenderees or captured
’
‘
Though
the
number
was never very
of ex-fighters used in these psuedo gangs
large, reaching
a
maximum
90 by June 1956, their presence in the forest greatly increased the suspicion and hostility already existing between opposing leaders and groups. The Kenya Riigi, which had emerged at the onset of the negotiations with Government and was to a large extent sustained by of
participation in these talks, ceased to function soon after the negotiations broke down. At its last meeting in June 1955, the leaders decided to remain on the Rift Valley side of the range
its
where food was more easily obtained and some of the pressure removed from their people in the reserve. They also agreed that surrender was an individual matter and that those who feared
CLEAVAGE AND DISINTEGRATION
489
skambas could return to the reserve if they wanted. Government had earlier proclaimed that all fighters who failed to surrender before the termination of the amnesty offer on 10 July would forfeit their land in the reserve. At this final meeting of the Kenya Riigi, no resolutions were passed regarding future losing their
policy or military tactics.
By
the time fighting was resumed, most of the sections and
sub-sections attached to the
Kenya
Riigi
were scattered
in the
and Nderagwa regions of the forest. In September, according to Kahinga Wachanga, the Kipipiri groups under Mbaria Kaniu decided to leave the Aberdares and try to make their way out of Kenya. Some are said to have succeeded in reaching Ethiopia or the Sudan. Mathenge also disappeared at this time and is the only major forest leader still unaccounted for. By the end of 1955, then, those groups formerly integrated by the Kenya Riigi retained only a loose, informal relationship to one another. The highest level of leadership at this time was reduced to the section leader, who led his own unit and one or two attached sub-sections. North Kinangop, Kipipiri
Hills
The Kenya Parliament also failed to survive 1955. Just prior to Karari’s capture, as we have seen, new conflicts emerged within the Parliament leadership which resulted in a further
As Kimathi left with his supporters for Fort Hall, the five Othaya members, including Karari, decided to rejoin Mathenge and seek a reconciliation. Three of the latter were captured in June and before the end of the year several other Kenya Parliament members had fallen and only about 1,500 fighters remained in the Aberdare Range. While Kimathi remained as the leader of several strong North Tetu sections, and was not captured until October of 1956 whereupon he was tried and hanged the Kenya Parliament failed to meet again after July split.
—
—
1955 and, with the dispersal of those forest groups which remained at the end of the year, leadership was reduced to the level of section leader.
As the
central forest institution
first split
and then
collapsed,
and legitimized by this institution cease to possess any meaning. With the loose military chain-of-command broken and the hierarchy of committees inoperative, forest leaders tended, despite their former positions, to assume more or less equal statuses as the so likewise did the hierarchy of ranks
and
statuses created
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
490
leaders of their respective sections. Power, in the sense of the
number and strength of fighters under their command, had become the sole remaining basis of legitimacy and respect. In the
with no legitimate institutions existing beyond the section and sub-section heads, there ceased to exist any coordination between the various individual sections. No longer functioning as parts of a larger network of guerrilla units, and considerably reduced in both size and strength, forest groups sought various and independent solutions to the situations latter part of 1955,
they faced.
Some
chose to surrender, others to
flee
the forest or
colony and, perhaps the majority, to remain in the Aberdares. The latter groups, no longer capable of offensive action beyond the occasional raid for food, lived almost entirely off of the forest.
They developed
great
skins for clothing
gangs and other
skills
in trapping forest
and avoiding
detection.
utilizing the
Fearful of psuedo
tended to remain within within which, however, they
hostile groups, they
circumscribed areas of the
forest,
were forced to be extremely mobile. elaborate,
game,
often consisting of
Camps became
little
less
more than a few
and
less
lean-to
shelters.
Under complex
these circumstances, division of labor
and
it is
not surprising that the rather
differentiation of statuses
and
roles
achieved earlier was greatly reduced and simplified. For the most part, the only status distinction made was between leader and
and the various
honey collecting, cooking, standing guard, etc., were shared by all with no clear-cut division of labor. As no hope remained for a military victory and concern was centered more and more exclusively on mere survival, the role of the mundo mugo took on increasing importance. The dreams and prophesies of the seers became the sole remaining basis for hope among those of the forest who survived followers,
1955
tasks of trapping,
-
Accompanying the
collapse of the
Kenya Parliament and
the
general organizational breakdown which occurred during 1955, there was a disintegration and cessation of those associations and activities
—such
as the
Kenya Young
Stars
and the Kenyalekalo
Memorial Hall ceremonies—which had previously operated to reinforce Kenya and Kikuyu national sentiments and tribal unity by cutting across the more parochial and territorially based loyalties of the various forest groupings. As hostile relations developed
:
CLEAVAGE AND DISINTEGRATION
49 1
between competing forest leaders and groups, and were intensified by a lack of inter-group contact and the activities of Government pseudo gangs, tribal sentiments and the Kikuyu national aspect of forest ideology tended to be displaced by considerably narrower loyalties to individual leaders and sections, and by a growing belief and feeling of betrayal by other forest groups, the Kikuyu peasant masses which had abandoned them and the non-Kikuyu tribes which had sided with Government. Both the Kenya African and the Kikuyu tribal aspects of nationalist ideology, then, tended to wither and, with forest conditions steadily deteriorating success gone, greater
this
rational
means
of military
was laid on the hoped for Ngai. Thus, Kahinga Wachanga states of
and greater
divine intervention of
and
stress
period that .
.
.
we prayed
continually that Ngai would intervene on our
behalf and repeated over and over again the old saying ‘Justice must be sought first with gentle hands and only then by force; :
when both fail it remains only to pray Ngai’s assistance.’ The ‘We pray you Ngai, prayers we were saying went like this please rid us of our enemies. You are our only defender, we have no other. The whites came and took the land left us by the man Iregi. We ask you now to remove them, as there is nothing more we can do. This is the time they should go, for they are killing :
them and working them we to death. The whites rejoice when our people die and so beg you to come to our aid. The whole of Kenya is full of tears, shed by those who wonder when their freedom will arrive. innocent
women and
children; starving
The growing concern with
survival as such,
and the
felt
neces-
ideofor divine intervention, tended to override all other Disintegration logical dimensions and practical considerations. sity
and defeat had,
for the
most
part, destroyed the collective
and
positive tenets of the old forest ideology.
Around the beginning of 1956, the revolution popularly known which remained as ‘Mau Mau’ came to an end. The forest groups
were no longer part of an largely organized, active revolutionary movement. As small, by Governisolated, poorly armed groups, constantly harassed in the Aberdares
ment tastic
after this time
bands of 1956, having developed a fanstaying expertise of the forest, were concerned only with
forces, the forest
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
492
Their numbers steadily decreasing, these remnant gangs of the once proud and hopeful Land and Freedom Army were, in 1956, simply endeavoring to conceal and protect themselves alive.
from the
forces of ‘law
and
order’ they
had
earlier confronted
with considerable success.
The
revolt of the
Kikuyu peasantry
Though
lasted for
more than three observers would
defeated militarily, few objective deny that there was more than mere coincidence in the fact that the official end of the State of Emergency in January i960 occurred while British colonial officials at the Lancaster House years.
Conference were agreeing to an African majority in the Kenya Legislative Council and eventual independence for Kenya under African rule. The lowering of the Union Jack in Kenya on 12 December, 1963 was unquestionably the culmination of political forces set in
called
‘Mau Mau’.
motion by the 1953-56 peasant revolution
GLOSSARY Aanake
— Senior
warriors
in
the
traditional
Kikuyu age-grade
system.
—Tenants of an or Athamaki— The lowest sub-grade of senior Ahoi
a.
it
became
eligible
when
his first child
elders, for
was ready
which a
man
for circumcision.
—The Kikuyu term for trappers and hunters. Banda — Forest guerrilla terminology for home-made guns. Batuni Oath —Also known the ‘Warrior Oath’ and the ‘Platoon Athi
forest
as
Oath’. This second oath was originally designed for those males
who were
about to enter fighting units attached to the
elders’
councils.
Bebeta or
—Derived from the Swahili term pepeta, meaning
sift; it
was the
forest
to
winnow
term for Sten gun.
—A drug highly prized by the Somali. Bururi— ‘The countryside’; the Bhangi
territorial
scope
of
the
kiama
kinene or kiama kia bururi.
Comba
— Pronounced ‘chomba’; the Kikuyu term
—Yes. Gakenge — A very small ‘sharp Gatheci—
for Europeans.
Eeei
child.
Literally,
Home
instrument’;
it
was a
Guard, derived from the fact that
initially
armed with
spears.
493
term for Guards were
forest
Home
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
494 Gathugo
—
Literally, ‘a
throwing weapon
1
;
forest
term for
Home
Home
Guard,
initially
armed
Guard.
Gatimu
—
Literally,
‘small spear’;
derived from the fact that
term for Guards were
forest
Home
with spears.
Gatua uhoro
—
Literally,
‘the
decider’; forest term for big
game
shooting guns ranging from .375 to .4^0.
Gicakuri
—Singular
of icakuri;
meaning ‘heavy
pitchfork’; forest
term for any Government personnel or European.
Gikonyo
—
‘protruding
Literally,
term for British bombers, derived from the impression conveyed by the open
bomb Gikuyu
navel’;
forest
doors.
—The
mythical founding ancestor of the Kikuyu tribe, along with Mumbi, his wife. Also often used instead of Kikuyu.
—
Gikuyu Gitungati Ngereneva Thingira-ini An unregistered boys’ association at Alliance High School which Karari attended. The name literally means ‘receive reward at the elder’s hut’, and signified Kikuyu servants or the rear guard. It was both political and educational in its aims.
—
Gikuyu Iregi Army Murang’a District warriors under Gen. Macaria Kimemia; called Gikuyu because legend instructs that the Kikuyu tribe originated in Murang’a. Iregi was one of the Kikuyu ruling generations which is believed to have radically revised tribal law;
Gikuyu na
Mumbi
also used for the
Gikuyu na
Mumbi
it
literally
means
‘innovator’ or ‘rejector’.
Mythical founders of the Kikuyu tribe; a term
underground movement by Trinity
Army
—All
its
members.
unorganized Kikuyu
sympathized with and/or aided the guerrilla
who
fighters. ‘Trinity’,
following Catholic theological notions, refers symbolically to the ‘unity of all in one’.
GLOSSARY
495
—A small gourd. Githaka —The land held by a Kikuyu mbari or sub-clan. Githambio —A fermented mixture of and Gitete
millet
employed by a mundo mugo
—Term Gitungati— Singular Gitumbeki
in his purification rituals.
for the kitbag carried
fighters other
form of
than
water;
flour
by
forest fighters.
itungati, used to refer to all forest
officers.
—A large with a two-foot, whip-like Hatha — An edible Hiti— ‘hyena’; used a camp password. Ihei mihitu — term Ithanji—A reed used thatching the of addition containing, Itora —A dispersed Gituyu
forest rat
tail.
nettle.
Literally
as
forest
for warriors.
Literally ‘forest boys’; forest
cia
for
roofs
dwellings.
village traditionally
sub-clan members, a
Ituma
—
First
word
are significant.
‘I’
of
number
in
of attached dependents
and
to
tenants.
Ituma Ndemi Trinity Army, whose
letters
stands for Itungati , ‘Warriors’; ‘T* for North
and South Teu divisions of Nyeri District; ‘U’ for Uthaya sion of Nyeri, and ‘MA’ for the Mathera division of Nyeri.
divi-
—
Army Nyeri District warriors, under General Stanley Mathenge. Ndemi refers to an old Kikuyu ruling generation who were the founders of smith work and hence militarily of great importance. Ndemi literally means ‘arrow-
Ituma Ndemi
(
Trinity )
head’.
Itungati
ltwika
— Warriors
—The
marked the
(see Gitungati).
traditional ‘handing over ceremony’,
accession to
power
which formally
of the junior generation-set
when
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
496
down
the elders of the ‘ruling’ generation decided to step retire
Kaana
from active
or
political life.
—A young boy
still
too small to help in herding the family
old
enough
stock.
—A
Kahi
young
family’s sheep
lad,
and
to help
in
the herding of his
goats.
—Lowest the traditional hierarchy of to the revolution. Kamatimu — Home Guards and other term meaning a Kamwaki— Kanzu —A frock frequently worn by servants. Karai—A metal up’; a term meaning that an Kariiguri—Literally
Kamatimo
elders.
in
traitors
Literally, ‘small fire’;
pistol.
forest
basin.
‘it
forest
is
air-
plane was approaching.
Yenya lnoro Army Waruingi. Inoro,
—Kiambu literally
warriors,
District
a stone used for sharpening knives,
spears, etc., here referring to the fact that the
College, Githunguri, in
the
Kenya
Kenya
under General
Kenya Teachers
Kiambu, was sharpening the brains
of
Africans.
Levellation
Army
—All persons
fighting
on the
side of the
revolution in the reserves. This ‘army’ lacked a central
com-
mand, with outstanding individual leaders emerging in each of the various districts. Levellation was derived from the English Home Guards and other traitors were regarded as stumps ‘level’ ;
in
a
field,
to be levelled or gotten rid of.
Kenya Ng’ombe
—Forest
term for Kenya Regiment personnel; derived from the fact that ng’ombe, meaning cow in Swahili, was the
Kenya Regiment symbol.
Kiama
—A council of
elders.
GLOSSARY Kiama
— ‘Council of the countryside’;
kia bururi
497 another name for
kiama kinene.
Kiama
kia
itora
—Village
wide range of
Kiama ing
council of elders, which performed a
judicial, religious
and
social functions.
—
mwaki A neighborhood council of elders, administera mwaki and comprised of elders representing the lower kia
level village councils.
Kiama
kia rugongo
selected
—A
by the councils over
jurisdiction
which affected the
Kiama
ridge council,
kinene
all
made up
of senior elders
of the constituent neighborhoods; held
religious,
judicial
and
military
matters
entire ridge.
— ‘The
Big Council’; a body of elders which con-
vened whenever matters arose involving two or more rugongo. Its members included representatives of all the involved rugongo and, on certain very special occasions, senior or leading elders representing
all
of the ridges within the territory of a particular
sub-tribe.
—Literally
‘The Council Which Is Searching Freedom’; referred to the Freedom Seeking Council, a name used briefly by the new Nairobi leadership.
Kiama
Kiria Kiracoria Wiathi
Kiambo
—The
name
also the latter’s
of Karari’s grandfather’s spear, which was
nickname.
—A
young boy approaching the age initiation into manhood.
Kihi
of
circumcision and
—
Uiguano na Ngwataniro ya Agikuyu Literally, ‘The Beginning of Unity and Cooperation of the Agikuyu’ an organization of students of which Karari was Vice-President. 1 he initials, KUNA, mean ‘true’. The aim of the organization was to deplore the differences and conflicts among the Christian sects.
Kihumo
kia
;
Kipande
—A combined
identification
African males over 16 years of pain of arrest and imprisonment. all
and employment card which age were obliged to carry on
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
498
—The Kikuyu term Komerera —A term normally Kirinyaga
for
Mount Kenya.
used for persons or criminals in
hiding from the law; especially employed in the forest to refer
men who
wished merely to escape army discipline and avoid clashes with Government forces. A komerera usually spent his to
time hiding in the forest or reserve, occasionally stealing peasant crops and raiding supporters’ stores and shops.
Kuri hono-i ndirara?
A
forest signal to
—
where shall I sleep?’ camp guards signifying that one was not an Literally, ‘It
is
cold,
enemy.
Makar a
—
Literally, ‘charcoal’; a forest
Makumi mana
—Forty
term for ammunition.
shillings.
—A type of wild vegetable. Mataathi— Leaves of the mutaathi Marerema
tree,
used by elders as hand-
kerchiefs.
—News. Man —A Kikuyu
Matemo
Man
colloquial
by the Europeans movement.
larized
—A
Mbari
traditional
as
meaning ‘greedy the
name
Kikuyu sub-clan; the
of
the
eating’;
popu-
revolutionary
largest localized kinship
unit; a landholding group ranging as high as 5,000 persons and comprised of the male descendents of a common ancestor, to-
gether with their wives and dependent children.
Mbuci
—Forest
word
terminology for a camp; derived from the English
‘bush’.
—
Mburu Ngebo Army All Rift Valley fighters, under General Kimbo. Mburu derived from MBUtu cia Ruguru, meant ‘Army of the West or Rift Valley Army’. Mburu was also the name of a Kiambu age-group, and was frequently used in reference to ,
,
GLOS S ARY Dutch
Kenya. Ngebo means ‘level’ and symbolized the ground when fighting so as to avoid the The implication was that this army was to fight
in
settlers
being level to
enemy’s
bullets.
as strongly as the
Kenya
Mbutu
499
Dutch
settlers in
the
Kenya Regiment and
Police Reserve.
—A
forest
term meaning group or fighting
section.
—
Mei Mat hat hi Army Mount Kenya warriors, under General China. Mei was derived from A/e ru, £mbu and /kamba, who made up the majority of Mt. Kenya fighters. Mathathi refers to an ancient ruling generation believed to have discovered red ochre and its use in painting hair, shields, etc. Literally, thathi means red ochre.
—
Mihuni Songs created in 1939-40 by youths which prophesized the coming scarcity of food and property, and the bravery and death of thousands of Kikuyu.
—A
Mikorobothi
Miraa
tree bearing bitter leaves.
—Leaves of a certain
tree
having an intoxicating
effect
when
chewed.
—Kikuyu term ‘homestead’. council. Muciriri— President of an njama or Mugwanja —The Kikuyu term for Muhimu —A code term for The Movement, meaning Mucii
for
judicial
‘seven’.
Most
Important’ in Swahili.
Muiguithania
—The
name
of a vernacular
KCA
newspaper,
meaning ‘the unifier’ and used sometimes underground movement.
ally
liter-
to refer to the
—A wooden sword carved use when dancing the muthuu. the ‘community’; a term used by members Muingi— for
Muiko
of
Literally,
The Movement.
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
500 Muirigo
—
Literally, ‘a clear forest path’
knowledge of the
;
used of persons with great
forest.
—A variety of Muma—A term employed Muiri
tree.
referring to the ‘Oath of
by members of the Movement when Unity’, Muma wa Uiguano, and also
movement
frequently used to symbolize the
as a whole.
Muma wa Ngero — ‘Oath of Violence or Crime’. Muma wa
Uiguano
initiated into the
Mumbi—The Kikuyu
—The ‘Oath of Unity’, by which members were underground movement.
traditionally
acknowledged female founder of the
tribe.
Mumo—A
junior warrior in
the
traditional
Kikuyu age-grade
system.
Mundo mugo wa
ita
—A war magician who
utilized his art to bless
and cleanse warriors and to determine the propitious time and place for raids. Used in the forest to refer to religious practitioners and seers.
Munyeni
—An
elder’s headdress, like
Munyu mweru
— ‘White
salts’;
a beret.
a place where animals
came
to lick
the natural salt earths.
Muriega
—
‘Hello’.
— Spokesman of a kiama who was chosen from among
Muthamaki
the council
any
members and, being
talks or negotiations
siders’
responsible to them, carried out
which might be necessary with
‘out-
or foreigners.
Muthamaki wa
bururi
— ‘Leader of the Countryside’; a prominent
political figure.
Muthamaki wa
cira
—‘Leader
in
Law’.
GLOSSARY Muthamaki wa
ita
—A ‘Leader
in War’.
—
Muthegi A black honorary walking from the mungirima tree.
Muthuu
—A
501
stick,
used by elders and
made
1942 in which the dancers referred to themselves as Germans or Japanese and proclaimed
youth dance invented
in
their will to fight.
Mwaki
—A
‘neighborhood’ or ‘fire-linked unit’ within which
from the included
bers
villages could call
assistance in domestic tasks
and
upon one another
—
Uingereza, Mwafrica Apate
Uhuru
—
the
A
suggested source of the term
Kikuyu
battle.
Literally, ‘Let
the European return to England so that the African
freedom’.
for
situations of need.
Mwembaiguri A creeping plant considered lucky by and used by mundo mugo in preparing warriors for
Mzungu Arudi
mem-
may
get
‘Mau Mau’ which
its
initials spell.
Mzungu wa Njama
—
‘Njama the European’,
Literally,
in Swahili.
English to refer degradingly to Karari who, because he spoke English, was considered
Used by a Boer
settler
who
spoke
little
a ‘Black European’.
Mzuri
— ‘Good’,
Nakombora
in Swahili.
— Literally,
‘the destroyer’; a forest
—A small gourd, half the
Ndahi
— In
Ndemi
size of
Ituma Ndemi Army;
term for Bren gun.
a glass.
literally ‘arrowhead’, refers to
an
of metalearly generation-set believed to have invented the art
working and made the
—
Ndio, Abandi
‘Yes, Sir.’
Nduma— ‘Arrowroot’.
first
A
metal-tipped spears.
Swahili expression.
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
502 Ngai
—The Kikuyu term for ‘God’.
Ngarango Ngata
—Fried
fat crisps.
—The bone which connects the head and the spinal column and contains seven
of the goat
holes.
It
played an important
part in the ‘Oath of Unity’ ritual.
Nguthiru
Ngutu
—The
moorlands of Nyandarua or the Aberdare Forest.
—A traditional club
Ngworu
for uninitiated boys.
—The stomach contents of a goat, employed
in purification
ceremonies.
mukuha na mbari
Nindakwirire utige kunora
cieri,
ugagutheca
—
Kikuyu needle at both ends, for it will surely meaning that the Europeans should not give the
‘Don’t sharpen the prick you’,
Kikuyu education, position in
as
it
might endanger the formers privileged
Kenya.
—A traditional Kikuyu council court of law. Njama ya aanake a mumo — ‘The Council of Junior Warriors’. Njama ya — ‘War Council’. Njama
sitting as
ita
Njamba
cia ita
— One of the forest terms for ‘warriors’.
—
Nyagikonyo Literally, ‘the bearer of a protruding navel’ term for the Lincoln heavy bomber.
—Gourds for storing Nyomu Nditu — Nyanja
Literally,
;
a forest
beer.
‘the
heavy animal’; a
forest
term for
‘Mau Mau’.
—
Panga A long, curved by the Europeans.
knife,
sharpened on one side; introduced
GLOSSARY Riigi
—
the traditional doors
Literally,
503
made
of interwoven thin
sticks or reeds.
Riika
—Named
age- or generation-sets in the traditional
Kikuyu
social system.
Rugongo
—A
‘Ridge’ generally comprised of several
mwaki and
covering an expanse of land lying between two rivers and extending some 25 to 30 miles.
Sauti ya Mwafrica
— The
originally the official paper of the
Shamba
— ‘Garden’, or
a Swahili newspaper,
Voice,
African
Kenya African Union (KAU).
‘acre’ in Swahili.
—The double-edged traditional Kikuyu sword. Thaai— ‘Peace’; a means of signing a
Simi
letter.
— Meaning ‘We praise Thee, oh Lord’,
Thaai, thathaiya Ngai thai
or ‘God’s peace be with us’; used to end certain Kikuyu prayers.
Thabu
—A poisonous stinging plant
leaf of the nettle family
which
causes great pain and swelling; employed as a device to torture and extract information from Mau Mau detainees and suspects.
—A traditional Kikuyu headdress. Tie-ties—African white collar workers;
Thumbi
Europeanized Africans
who were
lutionary struggle for land
pejorative
term
for
least likely to assist in the revo-
and freedom.
—
Timamu Abandi The meaning complete,
a
of
‘finished,
fulfilled,
done, or
Sir.’
—A wild edible vegetable. Townwatch Battalions—The
Togotia
The
term for all those who carried on their normal jobs
forest
fought in the towns, most of whom during the day and fought at night.
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
504 Ucio uri ho!
Uhuru
—‘That
—‘Freedom’
true’.
is
in Swahili.
—
Uiguano wa Muingi Literally, ‘The unity of the community’; an expression used by members for the underground movement.
—The traditional term for highest rank of senior Uma Uma— ‘Out, Out’; suggested by some the source Ukuri
elder.
as
from
which ‘Mau Mau’ was derived, with the intended meaning that the Europeans should leave Kenya. The change for Uma Uma to Mau Mau is thought to have been arrived at via a children’s
game
similar to our Pig-Latin.
Utuku wa Hiu Ndaihu
—‘The Night
Wamana—The nickname literally
Wanyua
means
—A
Wanyua wakine
mode
—Greetings
same generation,
age.
Long
Swords’.
for Karari’s father,
‘of forty’ in
respectful
of
Njama
Karari,
it
Kikuyu. of address
meaning
‘Father’.
exchanged between persons of the
.
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SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY
507
Middleton, John. The Kikuyu and Kamba of Kenya* International African Institute, London, 1953. montagu, Slater. The Trial of Jomo Kenyatta. Seeker & Warburg, London, 1955. Parker, Mary. Political and Social Aspects of the Development of
Municipal Government in Kenya with Special Reference to Nairobi* Unpublished manuscript Makerere University College, :
1948.
Roberts, G. The
Mau Mau
Kenya. Hutchinson, London, 1954. ross, M. Kenya from Within* Allen & Unwin, London, 1927. UNITED KINGDOM GOVERNMENT PUBLICATIONS White Paper of Indians in Kenya Cmd. 1922. 1923 in
,
!93°
Native Policy,
1933 1956
Report of the
Cmd. 3573. Kenya Land Commission, Cmd.
4556.
East African Royal Commission, 1953-5, Report, *
Cmd.
9475
welbourn, 196 1
F.
B. East Africa Rebels.
SCM
Press Ltd., London,
.
worsley, Peter. The Trumpet Shall Sound. MacGibbon London, 1957.
&
Kee,
INDEX Abaluhya
Association, 28
Abdullah, General (Gitonga Muthui), 312, 314, 363, 447 Aberdare forest, 144-6 guerrilla forces, 170, 375, 376 (see also Forest groups)
Independent Church, 38
African
Pentecostal
1
12,
1
13
gation, report, 330 Colour Bar, 29
,
Baring, Sir Evelyn, 350
Bombing of the forest areas, by Harvard bombers, 190,
84 Delamere, Lord, 32, 109 Detention camps,
28
203,
308-10,
408-10
East African Association (EEA), 36, 37 East African Census (1948), 24 East African Trades Union Congress,
Boran Tribe, 23
Commonwealth Parliamen-
British East Africa, formation of, 23
Brockway, Fenner, 129, 357, 363 Buffs and Devons, the 39th Brigade, 212
Committee
(CPC), 62, 63, 125, 171 China, General (Waruhui
Embu
40
Tribe, 23, 43
withdrawal into
tary Delegation, 368
Province
P., 82,
Aberdare forest, 204, 206, 215, 216, 220 Domestic and Hotel Workers Union,
Beecher, Rev., 77 Beecher Report, 77-8, 112, 122 Blundell, Michael, 420, 421
1,
M.
fighting in the
Batuni Oath see Warrior Oath
267 by Lincoln bombers, 21
Danile,
reported torture, 209 Devons, the
23, 24, 30, 31
i7o> 2 55> 258,
hi,
Convention of Associations, 25 Crown Lands Ordinance (1915), 33, 36 350
educated, 28-9 poverty of, 27 Alliance High School, 88, 96, 97, 99 Apartheid, 25
Central
Education
(District
Colonial Office Parliamentary Dele-
Africans, the, 29
British
Mr.
Collier,
Officer),
African Legislative Council, 39 African Orthodox Church, 38
Baluhya Tribe,
negotiate surrender, 349 Christianity, 38, 100, 10 1, 201 Chuka Tribe, 43 tries to
340
149-53
Erskine, General, 21 1, 306, 350, 440 Ethiopia, 23, 39, 359
European population, 24 Forest groups, 153-6, 158, 170, 213, 301, 375-6
open
Itote),
forest, 71,
between leaders, 455 Forest Reserve, 33, 80 rift
Mr. E. C. (Principle of Alliance High School), 99
Francis,
capture, 330
508
1
1
INDEX General
Strikes,
Kenya (1922), 37 Nairobi general strike (1950), 40, 65 Gicuki Wacira, 116, 216, 217, 219, in
first
229, 39 L 434> 4 g 2 Gikuyu and Mumbi Secret Society, 1
Kenya African Rifles, 212 Kenya African Union (KAU), aims, 39-40 change of name, 39 rally at
Hale, Leslie, 129 Henderson, Ian
329 107, 109
Branch
(Special
477 Heyman, General, 459, 473 Hinde, General, 306 Home Guard, 129, 139, 154, 345 Hut and Poll Tax, 36, 37 General Kahiu- see KahiuItina, General
Itina,
Ituma Ndemi Army, 158 Ituma Ndemi Trinity Council, 169-70, 212, 333-4
election of Prime Minister, last session,
442-54
489
Kenya Police Reserve (KPR), 283 Kenya Regiment, 70, 212, 215 Aberdare forest,
fighting in
2
1
5-2
Kenya Tribal Police, 335 Kenya Young Stars Association, 3 0I » 3° 8
arrested,
Kiambu Kiambu
Kahiu-Itina, General, 163, 233, 236, 237, 238, 296, 297, 298, 299, 327> 399 Kalenjin Tribe, 23 Kali, General Gitan, 270
127
297-8 District Committee, 270,
District, 33,
271, 272
Kigumo Camp, 57 ~8 camp rules, 164-6 i
>
160-8
Kikuyu Association, 36 Kikuyu Central Association (KCA), 37,55 u
Kamba March (1938), 39 Kamba Tribe, 23, 24, 30, 31
.
.
t.
influence in independent church-
Karari’s Hill, 73, 74, 85, 284 Kariaini Headquarters, 140,
school movement, 39 169,
172^97 183, 203
declared illegal, 39 activity within KAU, 41—2
an underground movement, 55 expansion through ‘cells’, 61—3 Kikuyu Independent Schools Association (KISA), 38, 77, 89, 103, as
overrun, 212
Taxpayers’
Welfare
Association, 37
29
of, 24,
African Preliminary
ination
350 second session, 356-60 annual general meeting, 416-25
KAU
Kagere School, 90
Kenya
first session,
Kenyatta, Jomo, 40, 50, 121, 298, 3°7> 438 rally (1952), 73-80 at
Major Owen, 384 on his home, 384-6
Kenya, government
Kenya Legislative Council, 24 Kenya National Farmers Union, 25 Kenya Parliament, 329, 375, 376 members elected, 339
158,
JeofFreys,
Kavirondo
Council, 225-6, 269,
superseded by Kenya Parliament,
102
Officer), 460, 461,
bombing,
Nyeri showground, 73-80
Kenya Defence
302, 303, 304
Humphrey,
Giriama Tribe, 30 Gitegenye, Karuu,
raid
28,
4°, 41, 63
15, 116
Gilbert, Sir
509
(KAPE), hi,
1
1
Exam12,
136
04,
1 1
Kikuyu Karing’a Educational Association
(KKEA), 37
MAU MAU FROM W
10
Kikuyu Karing’a Education Society (KKES), 78 Kikuyu squatters, 34, 70 Kikuyu Tribe, 23, 24, 30, 31 of land, 33-4 development of politics, 34-5 independent school movements, 38 loss
tribal groupings,
village councils,
43 44-5
Tribe, 23, 24, 30, 31 Lyttelton, Oliver, 331, 358, 418
Macharia, Kahure, 109-10 Masai Tribe, 23, 33 Mathenge, Stanley, 123, 129, 130, 141, 150, 161
leaves structure,
political
breakdown of political system, 50 withdrawal into the
forest,
71,
149-53 Kimathi, Dedan, 129, 142, 150, 168, 170, 304 head of Kenya Defence as Council, 225 at Mwathe Camp, 235-66
New
Luo
at Kariaini, 183-97
48-9
at
HIN
to head Ituma Ndemi Army, 158
45-8
traditional
T
chosen
ideology, 35
leadership,
I
Year’s
Eve
meeting,
322-6 elected President of Kenya Parlia-
ment, 339 at trial of his brother,
379-80
made Prime
Minister of Kenya Parliament, 427, 442-54
captured, 489 Kimbo, General, 233, 276-8, 374, 376, 400-2, 428
H.Q. camp, 215
meets Njama, 288-90 attends meeting of Kenya Parliament, 452-4 arrested by Kenya Parliament,
474
Mathenge Kihuni, 143, 160, Mathu, Mr. E. W., 102, 358 Mathu, Mohamed, 17 1-2
Mau Mau,
51, 66, 73, 78, 79, 120,
130
meaning of name, 53-5 beginning of the revolution, 71-2 Naivasha Raid, 137-8 Lari Raid, 137-8 other raids, 137-40 formation of armies, 245-50 surrender appeal by Government,
343-4 meetings with Government representatives,
472-4 198-202
King’ora Mutungi, 313, 316, 317, 319 King’s African Rifles (KAR’s), 70,
Mau Mau ideology, Mau Mau songs,
127 Kitui Friendly Society, 28
Meru
KUNA Association,
100, 101, 102
Labour Commission, 32 Labour Party (British), 40 Labour Trade Union of East
78-9,
Africa,
28 Lancashire Fusiliers, 70, 212 Land, taken from Africans, 31-4 Lari Raid, 137, 138 Leader’s Oath, 191
180-2,
346-8 Tribe, 23, 43
withdrawal into the
Koinage, Peter Mbiyu, 74, 120, 121, 129, 298, 357
161
1
forest,
71,
49-53
Mihuro meeting, 377, Mombasa, 34, 39
388, 410-25
Muchai, Karigo, 270 Mwangi, Mr. Hudson (KISA supervisor), 90 Mwarari, Githinjo, 117, 119 Mwathe Meeting, 224, 225-68 Mwiguithania (The Unifier), 37 Nairobi, 30, 34 general strike (1950), 65
2
1
1
1
1
INDEX
51
Naivasha Raid, 137-8 Naivasha Trial (1950), 51, 52, 66 Native Land Units, 25, 26 Native Reserves, 32
Othaya Raid, 177-8
Natives see Africans
Poverty, of African population, 27
Nderi, Chief, 74, 127 New Year’s Eve Ceremony,
310,
322-6 Njama, Karari, 53 at
KAU
rally in Nairobi (1952),
73~8
Mau Mau,
interested in
78-80
childhood, 82-7 education, 88-103
death of
becomes Headmaster of Gachatha Secondary School, 103 resigns as teacher, 104-5
109-10
teaching again, 1 1 takes Oath of Unity,
1
7-2
1
takes Warrior Oath, 130-3 leaves for the
Aberdare
forest,
143
arrival at Kigumo Camp, 160-1 life at Kigumo Camp, 162-8 at Kariaini, 172-97
sects,
25-6
Royal Engineers, 2 1 Royal Land Commission (1953), 418 Royal Northumberland and Inni212 Ruhuruini Memorial Hall prayer meeting, 381 skilling Fusiliers, 127,
Samburu
Tribe, 23
Somalia, 23 Somali Tribe, 23 South Africa see Union of South Africa Southern Rhodesia, 25, 42 Starehe African Social Club, 28 State of
Emergency
(1952), 63, 70,
125 official
end (Jan. i960), 494
Sudan, 23
takes Leader’s Oath, 191 at
Religious
93-4
his father,
in business,
Wing, 238, 307 Population, of Kenya, 23-31
Police Air
Mwathe camp, 232-68
meets Mathenge again, 287-90 visits Kimathi, 305-12 elected Chief Secretary of Kenya Parliament, 339 promotion, 361
Mathenge’s camp, 394-7 experiences bombing, 408-10 at Mihuro meeting, 410-25 elected Minister of War, 480
stays at
Tanganyika, 23 Taxation, 32-3 Teita Hills Association, 37 Teita Tribe, 31 Thuku, Harry, 36, 120 arrested, 37
Thukus Brotherhood Fund, 28 Trade Union movement, 39 Turkana Tribe, 23
wounded, 485
Uganda, 23
captured, 487
Nyaguthii, Junius (wife of Karari), 1 12-3, 136-7 Nyama, General, 1 61, 167, 188, 193
Oath of Unity, 55-61
>
66,
Odendaal,
107—9
Ohanga,
472
J. B., 96, B. A., 358,
1
18-9
Association, 37
Unifier, the, see
Mwiguithania
Union of South
Africa, 25, 71, 72
United Nations Organisation, 357, 368 Vassey, E. A., 419
Operation Anvil, 33 I_ 358 37 ^ Operation Hammer, 426 >
Ukamba Members
>
Wachanga, Kahinga, 487, 489, 491
512
MAU MAU FROM WITHIN
Wahome, David,
130, 133, 134
Waruhiu, Senior Chief
Women,
in the forest
camps, 221-2,
226-7
assassination, 67, 127
Warrior Oath, 67-9,
114,
125-6,
131-2 White Highlands, 25, 32, 33, 74 Windley, Mr (Chief Native Commissioner), 459, 461, 472
Young Kavirondo Association, 36 Young Kikuyu Association (YKA), 36 Zanzibar, 23
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maumaufromwithinOOdona maumaufromwithinOOdona
African History
"What was the 'Mau-Mau' war against colonial rule in Kenya? What did it look like from the inside? Was it a bestial return to 'African atavism,' or was it a genuine struggle for independence and a better life? Why did the Kikuyu peasants and their allies fight so long and hard against such overwhelming odds? Where did they get their methods and inspiration they fed? With this unique and remarkable book, Njama ar>d Barnett give us valiant help in answering such questions. These dramatic pages need to be read by everyone who wants to have Njama writes of the forest an intelligent opinion on the subject.
from, and
how were
.
.
.
overcome dissension, to evolve effective tactics, to keep discipline (including sexual discipline) and mete out justice, to put down breakaway gangs who had taken to banditry, and to teach men how to survive in those merciless forests. His narrative is crowded with excitement. Those who know much of Africa and those who know little will alike find it compulsive reading. Some 10,000 Africans died leaders' efforts to
fighting in those years. Here, in the harsh detail of everyday experience,
are the reasons
why." —Basil Davidson
"The autobiography of the school teacher most fascinating and rewarding. There is
Karari
Njama seemed to me
much
remarkably disciplined account to stimulate inquiry into the relations between the educated and uneducated, into the religious significance of Mau-Mau, into the characteristics of folk revolutions. The study has the additional value of contributing an entirely fresh perspective on Mau-Mau, and so
in his
adding to the growing body of African writing so necessary to balance the Western accounts of African life and protest."
—Leo Kuper "In the
Mau Mau from Within Karari Njama, a school-teacher and one few educated men to take part in the rebellion, tells his story,
of to
which an anthropologist, Donald L. Barnett, attaches some useful comments, situating the rebellion against its general background. Njama's account is a most valuable document."
—Conor
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