Mapping Identity-Induced Marginalisation in India: Inclusion and Access in the Land of Unequal Opportunities 9811931275, 9789811931277

Table of contents :
Preface
In Reverence
Remembrance
Prolegomenon—Preliminary Remarks
Contents
Editors and Contributors
1 Introduction—Marginalization in India—Matters of Inclusion and Access
Theorizing Exclusion in India-Thoughts and Perspectives on Social Identity
Social Justice and Affirmative Action Policy—Reality Check
Unequal Opportunities
Health Inequalities—Marginalization of Care Providers and Users
Conclusion
References
Part I Theorizing Exclusion in India—Thoughts and Perspectives on Social Identity
2 Indian Thought and Social Science on the Travails of Self-Identity
Introduction
Introduction. Indian Religious Thought
Identity as Interdependent Construct
Interdependence, Identity and Understanding
References
3 The Sociological Traditions and Their Margins—The Bombay School of Sociology and Dalits
Introduction
Bombay as a Context of Dalit Struggle
Dr. B. R. Ambedkar: The First Indigenous Attempt at Theorizing Caste, Untouchability and Brahmanical Social Order
Ambedkar’s Sociology of Caste
Who Were Untouchables?
Ambedkar’s Critique of the Hindu Social Order
The Bombay School and Dalits: Exploring a Cognitive Blackout
The Object and Subject of Knowledge: Invoking Foucault
Sociology at the Bombay School: ‘Colonial Modernity’ or ‘Reverse Colonized Sociology?
Post-Colonial ‘Colonization’ of Sociology
Dalits as Objects of Knowledge and as Knowledge Subject-Actors
Dalit Scholarship: Making Dalits as ‘Objects’ of Knowledge
Dalit Scholarship: Dalits as Subjects and Knowledge Actors
References
4 How Egalitarian is Indian Sociology?
Introduction
Two Caveats
Levels of Domination
Domination of Upper-Caste Professionals: Institutions and Production of Knowledge
Domination in the Production of Knowledge from Professional Organization
Domination at School Sociology
Sanskritic Sources and Domination
D. P. Mukherjee and His Insistence on Usage of Sanskritic Sources
Data from the Field and Domination
The Rational of Self-Representation
Practice of Sociology in Classrooms and Domination
History of the Term ‘Hindu’ Versus Rig Veda Purushsukta Hymn
Interpretation of Rig Veda Purushsukta Hymn: Indologists Versus Indian Sociologists
Riddle of just Four Varnas and Blackout of Other Groups
Riddle of Metaphor Fifth Varna
Confusing Varna for Race and Colour
Is Hindu Social Order Pan-Indian?
Impact of the Domination of So-Called Upper Castes on Indian Sociology
The Process of Dalitization
Conclusions
References
5 The Idea of Subalternity and Dalit Exclusion in India
Introduction
Social Exclusion in Indian Context
Types and Indicators of Social Exclusion
Concluding Remarks
6 Black Magic and Hali Spirituality in Himachal Pradesh
Tribal Inequalities
A Kangra House Church
The Testimony of the Prophetess
A Performance of Healing
Protestant Futures
Conclusion: Rituals of Caste Equality
References
7 Persistent Inequalities and Challenges Among Dalits—A Sociological Analysis Beyond Temporal and Administrative Framework
Introduction
Dalits in Socio-religious Texts
Dalits in Recent History
Safeguards for Dalits
Understanding Dalits from a Sociological Lens: Challenges of Sub-caste Inequalities
Castes and Sub-castes in the Selected Villages
Perception About Caste and Sub-caste
Education
Land Ownership
Experiences of Discrimination in Everyday Life
Intergenerational Differences in Experience of Discrimination
Discussion
References
Part II Social Justice and Affirmative Action Policy—Reality Check
8 Ambedkar’s Passion for Education—Overcoming Historical Deprivation and Ensuring Provision for the Deprived
Introduction
At Columbia University
At the University of London and Gray’s Inn (1916–1917)
Universal Educator
Educational Interest of Downtrodden and Its Linkages with Progress of the Nation
Tuition Fee in Education
Science and Technical Education
Dalits: Sciences and Technical Education
Dalits: Skill Development
Summary
References
9 Effect of Reservation Policy on Employment of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in Public Sector
Introduction
Objectives of the Study
Database and Methodology
Social Group-Wise Share in Reservation
Effect of Reservation Policy
Composition of Scheduled Caste Population in India
Composition of Scheduled Tribe Population in India
Reservation of SCs and STs in Employment
Representation of SCs and STs in Central Government Jobs
Job Category-Wise Share of Social Groups in Central Government Employment
Reservation in Public Sector Enterprises
Employment Composition by Social Groups in PSEs, 1971–2013
Composition of Employment by Categories of Jobs in PSEs
Representation in Public Sector Banks
Employment Composition in Public Sector Banks
Job Category-Wise Share of Social Groups in Public Sector Banks (1978–2011)
Conclusion
References
10 Citizenship, Chronic Poverty and Exclusion of De-notified Communities—A Case Study of Kalbeliya of Rajasthan
Introduction
From Criminal Tribes to De-notified Communities
Census, Constitution and Commissions: ‘Backward Classes’ to ‘Notified/De-notified Tribes’
Deprived of an Identity, Citizenship, Rights and Entitlement
Living in Shadow of Inhuman Laws, Chronic Poverty and Exclusion
Background of Kalbeliya Community in Rajasthan
The Study Methodology
Barriers to Citizenship
Impact of Lack of Citizenship
Observational and Situational Analysis of the Community
Proposed Immediate Course of Action
Conclusion
Annexure A
References
11 Political Economy of Expansion of Higher Education Implications for Unequal Access in India
Introduction
Higher Education for Market
Political Economy of Expanding Higher Education
Privatization and Skewed Expansion of Higher Education
Increasing Access: Inclusion or Diversion?
Conclusion
References
12 Marketization and Inequality in Education—A Study of Low-Cost Private Schooling in an Unauthorized Colony in Delhi
Introduction
Educational Inequalities: Role of Caste and Gender
Theoretical Background
Research Setting and Respondents’ Profile
Demographic Characteristics: Social category, Duration of Urban Residence, Educational level of respondents
Occupation and Income
Education Level of Household
Access to Schools: The Family
Choosing a School
Information about Recognition Status of the School
Schooling Market, Choice and Question of Caste and Gender
Shifting of Schools
Parental ‘Voice’
Conclusion
References
13 Revisiting ‘Annihilation of Caste’ and Quest for Justice
Introduction
Revisiting Annihilation of Caste
Ambedkar on Caste Violence and Social Inequalities
Mapping Caste Violence and Atrocities on Dalits in Modern India
Ambedkar and Socialism
Ambedkar and Religion, Reason, Rationalism and Principles
Ambedkar and Gandhi Interface
Ambedkar and Ideal Society
Ambedkar and His Propositions to Annihilate Caste
Conclusion
References
Part III Unequal Opportunities in Occupation, and Employment
14 Freedom from Labour Bondage—A Case of Dalit Empowerment from Varanasi, Uttar Pradesh, India
Introduction
Bonded Labour in India
A Case of Belwa
Situational Analysis of Belwa
Indebtedness
Intergenerational Labour
Theoretical Base
Abuse and Exploitation
Social Exclusion
Interventions
Awareness and Conscientization
Legal Intervention
District Vigilance Committee on Bonded Labour
Rescue of Bonded Labour
Post Release Support
Conclusion
References
15 The Social Exclusion Faced by Urban Sanitation Workers from Rukhi and Balmiki Community in Mumbai
Introduction
Urban Sanitation Workers
Caste and Occupation
Social Mobility
Education Mobility
Occupational Mobility
Caste Certificate and Access to Government Schemes
Caste Certificates
Knowledge About Government Schemes
Problems Faced by Women Safai Karamcharis
Conclusion
References
16 Life of the Theyyam Artists of Kerala—Their Livelihood, Health Condition and Social Status
Introduction
Livelihood, Health Problems and Social Status of the Theyyam Artist
Methodology
Major Findings
Conclusion
References
17 Marginalization, Migration and Urban Informal Sector—In-Depth Analysis of Cycle Rickshaw Pullers in Delhi
Introduction
Review of Literature
Research Questions
Data Sources and Methodologies
In-Migration in Delhi
Rickshaw Pullers in Delhi
Socio-economic and Demographic Profile of In-Migrants Rickshaw Pullers
Working and Living Environment of Cycle Rickshaw Pullers
Income and Savings with its Determined Factors of Rickshaw Pullers
Remittances and its Utilization and Significance in their Life
Savings Behaviour of Rickshaw Pullers
Immovable Assets of Cycle Rickshaw Pullers at Place of Origin
Size of Land Holdings
Attitude of Respondents Towards Rickshaw Pulling
Conclusion
References
18 Contractualization of Human Resource in Health and Quality of Services in India-Lessons from Selected Hospitals in Delhi
Introduction
Methodology
Public Health Facilities at Delhi—A Bird View
New Delhi Municipal Corporation (NDMC)
Municipal Corporation of Delhi (MCD)
Delhi State Hospitals
Central Government or Federal Health Institutions
Employee State Insurance Corporation (ESI) Delhi
Health Workforce and Informalization
Contractualization of Health Workforce in Delhi
Characteristics Among Various Health Cadres
Support Staff/Service Providers (Mostly) Hospital Attendant (HA) and Nursing Orderly (NO)
Conclusions: Emerging Issues
Contractualization Versus Increase Number of Health Workers
Informalization Versus Education Standard
Informalization Versus Team Approach
Emergency of New Association and Union Versus Its Strength
Informalization Versus Migrant Health Worker Problem
Working Conditions
Appendix 1
Appendix 2
References
19 Need for Disaster Risk Reduction for Migrant Workers Amid COVID-19 in India
Introduction
Vulnerabilities of Migrant Workers
Challenges Encountered by Migrant Workers During COVID-19
Epidemiological Issues in Migration
Institutional Framework for Migrants Amid COVID-19
Legal Policies for Migrant Workers
Importance of Disaster Risk Reduction
Conclusion
References
Part IV Health Inequalities—Marginalisation of Care Providers and Users
20 Persistent Inequalities in Health-Contextualising the Neglect of Ambedkar’s Contribution
Introduction
Inequality and Its Connects
Improvement in Socio-demographic Characteristics and Poverty
Budget Allocation and Exclusion
Inequality Pattern in India
Health Conditions and Socio-economic Status
Maternal Health Issues
Health Schemes-Beneficiaries and Benefits to Providers
Dr. BR Ambedkar—The Humanist and His Contribution to Health
Caste as a Social Determinant of Health—Dr. BR Ambedkar’s Perspective
Women’s Health
Health of Scavengers
Indirect Contribution to Health Issues
Gender Disparity
Sustainable Development Goals 3 (SDG3)—Healthy Lives and Well-Being for All
Summing Up—Persistent Inequalities Obstruct Access to Health
References
21 Health Inequalities—An Embodiment of Caste-Based Inequalities
Introduction
Approaches to Health Inequalities
Embodiment Approach
Discrimination and Health
Social Inequalities in India
Methodology
Bodies Reflecting the Social Context
Disability
Anthropometry/Bodies
Children
Adults
Body Mass Index
Height
Body Physiology—Fertility
Menarche
Menopause
Fertility, Pregnancy and Child Bearing
Deficient Bodies/Metabolic Deficiencies
Deficiency Disorders: Children
Deficiency Disorders: Adults
Morbidity
Childhood Morbidities: Infectious Diseases
Adult Morbidities: Infectious Diseases
Non-communicable Diseases (NCDs)
Risk Factors/Risky Behaviours/Reflection of Chronic Stress
Escapades in Stressful Lives—Risk Factors of Health
Crime and Punishment—Society’s Embodiment of Inequalities and Vulnerabilities
Mortality
Life Expectancy/Life Available for People
Conclusion
References
22 Excess Child Mortality Among Adivasis, Dalits and Other Backward Castes
Research Background
Past Research
Socioeconomic Status Versus Discrimination as Major Explanations
Evidence from NFHS
Characteristics of the Study Sample
Results
Conclusions
References
23 Sex-Selective Abortion and Women in Haryana—Social Identity Matters
Introduction
Why Study Sex Ratio?
Concern with Sex-Selective Abortion
Schemes to Address the Growing Sex-Selective Abortion
Women’s Status in Haryana: A Historical Perspective
Increased Marginalization of Women in Agricultural Labour
Women’s Participation in Decision-Making
Illustrations from Haryana-Voices from the Field
Profile of the Women in the Field
Conclusion
References
24 Centrality of Village-Level Health Workers in Ensuring Reproductive Health—A Study of ASHA Workers in the District of Burdwan (West Bengal)
Introduction
Health Workforce in India: A Snapshot View
ASHA: The Village-Level Health Workers-An Introduction
The Study
Beneficiary’s Perspectives
Case Study I: ASHA Acts as a Connect Between the Community and the State
Case Study-II ASHA Acts as a Dedicated Community Health Worker
Case Study III: ASHA Acts as a Social Activist
Case Study IV: ASHA Acts as a Multitasking Social Volunteer
Case Study V: ASHA Acts as a Curative Caregiver
Case Study-VI: ASHA Acts as Birth and Death Register
Service Deliverer’s Perspective
Policy Recommendations
Concluding Observations
References
25 Social Exclusion in Access to Maternal Health-Experience of Urban Poor Women in Delhi
Introduction
Maternal Health
Maternal Health of Socially Disadvantaged
Exclusionary Processes in the General Lives of Urban Poor Women
Study Setting
Obstacles in Access to Care
Determinants of Exclusion and Processes
Poverty, Social Exclusion and Health
Gender Identity and Patriarchy
Gender Inequalities and Social Exclusion
Intersectionality of Caste, Class/ Poverty and Gender
Urbanization
Migration
Conclusion
References
26 Inequalities in Access to Water Supply and Sanitation Facilities—A Study in Bhubaneswar City, Odisha
Introduction
An Enquiry into the Water and Sanitation Facilities
Socio-Demographic Profile of the Study Area
Sources of Water Supply Facilities
Distance Travelled to Fetch Water
Duration of Water Supply
Problems-Related to Water Supply and Water-Borne Diseases
Toilet’s Facilities and Open Defecation
Disposal of Excreta Without Regular Water Supply
Disposal of Household Garbage
Frequency of Garbage Collection by the BMC Workers
Types of Drainage Outside Households
Maintenance of the Drainage System
Discussion and Conclusion
References

Citation preview

Raosaheb K Kale Sanghmitra S Acharya   Editors

Mapping Identity-Induced Marginalisation in India Inclusion and Access in the Land of Unequal Opportunities

Mapping Identity-Induced Marginalisation in India

Raosaheb K Kale · Sanghmitra S Acharya Editors

Mapping Identity-Induced Marginalisation in India Inclusion and Access in the Land of Unequal Opportunities

Editors Raosaheb K Kale (superannuated) School of Life Sciences Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU) New Delhi, Delhi, India

Sanghmitra S Acharya School of Social Sciences and Humanities, Centre of Social Medicine and Community Health Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU) New Delhi, Delhi, India

ISBN 978-981-19-3127-7 ISBN 978-981-19-3128-4 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-3128-4 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2022 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors, and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. This Springer imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. The registered company address is: 152 Beach Road, #21-01/04 Gateway East, Singapore 189721, Singapore

Dedicated to Bhagwan Das

Photo courtesy Shura Darapuri

An Ambedkarite and a torchbearer of the Dalit movement, who lived his life to take the mission of Babasaheb Bhimrao Ambedkar far and wide beyond the formal and physical boundaries of land and identity across people of different caste, creed and colour Bhagwan Das was associated with Ambedkar for many decades. These years carved a new direction in his life. He embarked on the mission to take Dr. Ambedkar’s vision forward through his work.

Many universities in India and abroad bestowed honorary doctorate degree on him in acknowledgement of his pursuit.

Preface

India is a land of paradoxes. As it basks in its glorious history, it fails to meet the basic minimum needs of its people today, despite registering upwardly trends in economic indicators in recent years. The religion professed by the majority population sanctions the unequal positioning of some of the people who fall within its fold. They are relegated to the lowest rung, and some are even located outside the religion’s perimeter. The philosophy of ‘Vasudhaivya kutumbkam’ is completely ignored within the country when a western state legitimizes the idea of ‘sons of the soil’ to exclude the migrant workers; and when a northern state mandates that the jobs generated in its geographical space will only be for its own youth. The ‘othering’ of everyone not like ‘us’ has become the paramount feature in our daily discourse. This notion fails to visualize that the migrant, across occupational profile, contributes to the economy which fetches the state its position within the country as well as across the world. It also fails to take note that the investors will forgo the state which insists on illogical frameworks for creating job opportunities. If the investors do not find the right worker with appropriate competence and capability required for the job, they will have no incentive to continue there. As a nation, we have become more unequal than perhaps any time point in history. There are layers and layers overlapped to bracket us in multiple categories based on gender, place of residence, age, colour, region, religion, ethnicity, language and of course caste—the most formidable in the context of the whole of South Asia. These thoughts have irked our minds, and we have mulled over them in conference after conference and seminar after seminar, in collective arguments and discussions, and individual writings and other forms of expressions. The trigger for this volume was an informal discussion which formalized the idea of this book. A concept note was developed to concretize what has been in the mindscape. The rest of the logistics followed to bring this volume to its culmination. We feel greatly indebted to all the authors who have contributed to the volume. We are grateful for the support extended by the publication team and to all those who have provided research, compilation and digital assistance. Special thanks are due to Dr. Kanhaiya Kumar and Dr. Ajit K. Lenka who performed beyond their roles as

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contributors in this volume and extended technical support in the compilation and design of the manuscript. We offer this work to the readers with hopes to invoke their thoughts about our unequal world and remember the zealous efforts of Dr. B. R. Ambedkar who devoted his life to bringing equality to the unequal. New Delhi, India

Raosaheb K Kale Sanghmitra S Acharya

In Reverence

Image credit: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Dr._Ambedkar_1.jpg (Public domain)

If you ask me, my ideal would be the society based on liberty, equality and fraternity. An ideal society should be mobile and full of channels of conveying a change taking place in one part to other parts. —B. R. Ambedkar

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Daughter’s Dossier Being the youngest in the family, both my parents doted on me. I too was very deeply attached to my parents, especially my father. And I remember as a child I held on to his finger and loved going with him everywhere. But our outings usually ended up in some meeting or some lecture, many of which were organized at Jawaharlal Nehru University. As the university was close to our residence in Munirka, we went there walking most of the time. I did not mind the distance as my father kept me engaged in a conversation, and of course, there was a promised chocolate on our way back as my reward! But I knew all the time, what actually mattered most was being close to my doting father. It makes me feel very proud to say that many who engaged with him in the discussions, or invited him for talks then, later became well-known figures, especially in academia. I am pleased to know that the editors and many contributors of this book are associated with JNU. This has brought some of my childhood memories back. I remember visiting many professors with my father. He took me to Prof. Nandu Ram, Prof. Satish Sabharwal, eminent sociologists and many others. We were invited to dine with his Prof. Sabharwal’s family. I remember very distinctly visiting Prof. Sukhadeo Thorat. He was then a research scholar and would often be with my father engaging in conversations which meant very little to me then. He and his wife, Prof. Vimal Thorat, were helping my father in translating some work from Marathi to Hindi. I was oblivious to all the important work being done then. As a child, my interest was in the opportunity to be with him and play with the children in the house of those we visited! As a family, we often travelled during vacations. During one such vacation in Aurangabad, we stayed with the distinguished Marathi writer, Prof. G. V. Pantawane, and visited Dr. M. B. Chitnis, Principal of Milind College and a close associate of Dr. Ambedkar. Our house was endowed with no ordinary terrace. It was visited by some of the great scholars like Revd. Bhadant Anand Kausalyayan and Prof. Jagannath Upadhyay to name a few. They all engaged in discussion which inculcated many a young mind

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with the quest for social justice. Some staunch Ambedkarites like Mr. Shankaranand Shastri, Mr. Sohanlal Shastri, Mr. L. Shivlingaiah, Mr. N. G. Uke and Dr. K. M. Kamble were regular visitors to our house. On 31 December 1984, my father had a massive heart attack, and if I would not have been around, he would have left us all that day. It was my mother’s timely intervention that gave my father the proverbial second lease of life. Ever since he came back from the hospital, he never ceased telling people that his daughter gave him a ‘new life!’ My father was very courteous and entertained the guests with immense affection and care. He made sure that no one left our house without eating. He would often prepare the tea and sometimes even meals for the guests. He consciously chose not to bother my mother, especially when she would have just returned from her school, Government Girls’ Senior Secondary School in R. K. Puram, which she headed as the principal. My father’s belief in gender equality was firm, and he practised it with remarkable honesty. Amidst the incessant guests, prolonged discussions and endless cups of tea, my mother remained an inspiration and a valuable companion for him. The food she cooked was long remembered after the guests left. Mr. L. R. Balley, with whom my father was editing ‘Bheem Patrika’, would relish the food cooked by my mother. He stayed at our place whenever he visited Delhi and never failed to say that the food prepared by my mother was like that from a five-star hotel! This pleasant and welcoming appeal of my father gave us an opportunity to come in close contact with many luminaries—Madam Adele Fiske, Prof. Marc Galanter, Prof. Mark Juergensmeyer, Prof. Shyamlal, Dr. Barbara Joshi, Prof. Eleanor Zelliot, Prof. Gail Omvedt, Prof. Maren Bellwinkel Schempp, Prof. Vijay Prashad, Dr. Joel lee, Dr. Nicolas Jaoul, Prof. Eva-Maria Hardtmann, Prof. Joe Elder, Prof. Frykenberg, Prof. Owen Lynch… the list is endless. These are some of the names that I can recall. Some Buraku leaders from Japan too visited him. All these visitors had a common aim—to learn about his ideas on the underprivileged people in the country and plan strategies for their emancipation. My zealous father was associated with many organizations like Samata Sainik Dal, Ambedkar Mission Society, Asian Conference on Religion and Peace, Asian Centre for Human Rights, Dalit Solidarity Programme, etc. Through these organizations and some others, he fought relentlessly against the caste discrimination and other social inequalities at both national and international levels. In the year 1983, on 19 August, he took the matter to the United Nations too. His association with such organizations added to our opportunity to spend time with some of the world’s renowned personalities like Revd. Thich Nhat Hahn. The memories of him still remain fresh in my mind. He had come to spend some time with my father. He knew my father since they first met at the Kyoto Conference of the World Conference on Religion and Peace (WCRP) held in the year 1970. My father was one of the founding members of the organization along with Dr. Homer A. Jack, and later, my father became the President of the Indian chapter of WCRP. My father organized Revd. Thich Nhat Hahn’s lecture in Nagpur where he addressed the Dalits, mostly followers of Dr. Ambedkar. I remember Revd. Thich Nhat Hahn telling me stories about the struggles of Robinson Crusoe. He also bought me a book on him. He

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showed me tricks with matchsticks and forks and a couple of times prepared some very delicious dishes for us! He gifted my father an electronic typewriter so that he could continue his writing without straining himself on his manual machine. But my father, who was used to hard work, and had some fascinating fondness for his own typewriter, continued to work on it, without any complaints! From early morning, even before my siblings and me, as kids, could wriggle out of our beds to get ready for our schools, till late in the evening, long past our playtime, all we heard was the ticking sound of the typewriter. Perhaps my elder siblings have a better sense of his work, which percolated to me too, and we did not mind it at all. As an advocate at Supreme Court, he helped the poor and the marginalized by taking up their cases at nominal fees. Sometimes he even spent money from his own pocket. He was also associated with United Lawyers Association as General Secretary, when Advocate P. P. Rao was the President, and Vice President and other members included Mr. Soli Sorabjee, Mr. N. R. Madhav Menon and Mr. V. P. Nanda. Like a true Ambedkarite, he struggled hard to bring reforms in the judiciary so that no one was denied justice. At the personal level, my father left no opportunity to give the oppressive caste system a jolt. He followed the teachings of Dr. Ambedkar not superficially but in letter and spirit. In his own family, he encouraged marriages across region, religion, caste and sub-castes. His children, and grandchildren, my cousins and relatives, and me, all are a testimony to it. My father led a very disciplined life. He used to get up very early in the morning, and by seven, he was all ready for work. He slept early and urged us to follow the same routine. In the morning, we woke up hearing the news on BBC which he used to play on his radio and sometimes transistor. He wanted us to improve our English by listening to it. He also advised us to not waste our time and read some book or even a dictionary during our free time. He himself carried a book all the time and read it while travelling in a train or a bus. And as Dr. Ambedkar had advised him as his research assistant, to take notes while reading a book, he was found scribbling notes even on a bus ticket. He had learnt driving while working with Royal Air Force during the Second World War. But he never drove a car. He preferred using public transport instead, or he just walked. His work and persistent concern for the underprivileged took him to many places outside the country too. He was invited to the world’s most renowned universities like Wisconsin University; Princeton University; University of Hildesheim; Frankfurt University; Bonn University; London University; Edinburgh University, Scotland; University of Hull, UK; North-Field College, USA; Institute of Oriental Studies, Moscow; Peace University, Tokyo; London School of Economics; and Trondheim University. During his visit to Bedford, my father was interviewed by the BBC Radio, Bedfordshire, and Chiltern Radio. He took with him the message of equality and justice as preached by Gautama Buddha and furthered by Dr. Ambedkar. The British film Director Mira Hamermesh who won several awards, including the Prix Italia for Maids and Madams for Channel 4, best international affairs programme from the Royal Television Society in 1986, the special jury award at the Banff Festival in 1986 and the Golden Gate Award from the San Francisco International Film Festival in 1992, was deeply impressed by the work of my father and made a documentary entitled ‘Caste at Birth’ in 1990, which

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featured my father. More recently, S. Anand of ‘Navayana’ made a documentary on his life, titled ‘Bhagwan Das, In Pursuit of Ambedkar.’ Through his writings, my father remained connected to the rest of the world. He never had any secretarial or any other assistance. He was very precise and proper in his work and therefore preferred to work all by himself and was often spoken of as an ‘Institution’ by some. As I grew older and got a better grasp of his work and concern, I often offered to proofread his papers—‘Safai Sainik’ and ‘Samata Sainik Sandesh.’ He wrote and posted his letters on his own and for a long time continued using his bicycle to go to the printing press in freezing winters, torrential monsoons and the scorching summers. I remember him recycling the used envelopes for reuse, much before the environmentalist called for recycle and reuse. He had membership in most of the libraries in the capital and often borrowed books from there. When he went abroad, he always took time to visit the libraries. Many times, he returned seeing his own books on their shelves and the other visitors feeling enthralled to have met one of the many authors lined up in the libraries like British Museum Library. I am glad that under the meticulous guidance of my father-in-law, social activist and former Indian Police Service Officer, Mr. S. R. Darapuri, that Ved, my life partner, has published many of my father’s work in the form of books and booklets under the aegis of Dalit Today Prakashan. Starting his journey as a young untouchable boy who lost his father at the tender age of sixteen, and whose house was burnt down a month later, it is unimaginable to have found a place in ‘Asia’s Who’s Who International’ and being conferred with the ‘Ambedkar Ratna Award’ by the Government of India posthumously. It is certainly an unthinkable but most commendable achievement. He will remain a source of inspiration not only to me but to many generations in times to come. I am delighted to note that the two editors of this volume too have found an inspiration in him. While the senior editor was one among the many who visited him as a student and subsequently as a young academician, the other has been associated in a personal capacity. I feel very proud to be his daughter. Works like this book, “Inclusion and Access in the Land of Unequal Opportunities: Mapping Identity-Induced Marginalisation in India” keep him alive and carry forward the mission of Dr. Ambedkar. I am grateful to the editors Prof. R. K. Kale and Prof. Sanghmitra S. Acharya for dedicating the volume to him—my ever-inspiring father. March 2022

Shura Darapuri

Prolegomenon—Preliminary Remarks

Over the period, the caste system in South Asia has weakened. However, the order and ranks of population categories still remain. The population at the bottom of this classification is marginalized. Equity in essential needs like food, social support and health services through accessibility and availability is instrumental for the vulnerable groups as it impacts their health, education and employment. Moreover, in the COVID situation, the marginalized have severely faced the impact on livelihood and health conditions due to lockdown. This book shows discrimination at community and individual levels of marginalized groups through an intersectional approach. The theoretical perspectives have been revisited to give place to the alternative. The impact of affirmative action and its role in inducing equity has been illustrated through empirical evidence drawn from secondary and primary observations. Furthermore, it also highlights health care and treatment-seeking among marginalized groups and highlights the persisting gaps between the privileged and the vulnerable groups. The book is very timely, relevant and valuable for the researchers working on inequalities in different sectors. Dr. Sayeed Unisa, Professor, International Institute for Population Sciences, Mumbai, India The story of marginality in the Indian context is multi-dimensional and multi-layered. The present book is a valuable addition to the existing literature on inequality studies in India. The essays contain insightful discussions on theorizing humiliation and marginality and its practical implications for various policies. The scope of the present work encompasses various regions, communities and professions. Further, the book also focuses on the psycho-social context of discrimination and its consequences for the communities who are coerced into such precarity. The most interesting dimension is that the authors have also included aspects of assertion in their analysis. The book has a multi-disciplinary approach which will help scholars who are working in related fields. Mapping the various facets of discrimination is a gargantuan task and the editors of the present work have done it commendably. Dr. N. Sukumar, Professor, Dept of Political Science, University of Delhi, Delhi

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Introduction—Marginalization in India—Matters of Inclusion and Access . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Raosaheb K Kale and Sanghmitra S Acharya

Part I 2

3

1

Theorizing Exclusion in India—Thoughts and Perspectives on Social Identity

Indian Thought and Social Science on the Travails of Self-Identity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . William S. Waldron

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The Sociological Traditions and Their Margins—The Bombay School of Sociology and Dalits . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . P. G. Jogdand and Ramesh Kamble

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4

How Egalitarian is Indian Sociology? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Vivek Kumar

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5

The Idea of Subalternity and Dalit Exclusion in India . . . . . . . . . . . . . Yagati Chinna Rao

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6

Black Magic and Hali Spirituality in Himachal Pradesh . . . . . . . . . . 105 Stephen Christopher

7

Persistent Inequalities and Challenges Among Dalits—A Sociological Analysis Beyond Temporal and Administrative Framework . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 121 Kanhaiya Kumar

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Part II Social Justice and Affirmative Action Policy—Reality Check 8

Ambedkar’s Passion for Education—Overcoming Historical Deprivation and Ensuring Provision for the Deprived . . . . . . . . . . . . . 139 Raosaheb K. Kale

9

Effect of Reservation Policy on Employment of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in Public Sector . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 155 Mashkoor Ahmad

10 Citizenship, Chronic Poverty and Exclusion of De-notified Communities—A Case Study of Kalbeliya of Rajasthan . . . . . . . . . . 177 Navin Narayan 11 Political Economy of Expansion of Higher Education Implications for Unequal Access in India . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 199 Khalid Khan 12 Marketization and Inequality in Education—A Study of Low-Cost Private Schooling in an Unauthorized Colony in Delhi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 213 Rajshree Chanchal 13 Revisiting ‘Annihilation of Caste’ and Quest for Justice . . . . . . . . . . . 233 Jagannatham Begari Part III Unequal Opportunities in Occupation, and Employment 14 Freedom from Labour Bondage—A Case of Dalit Empowerment from Varanasi, Uttar Pradesh, India . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 249 Archana Kaushik 15 The Social Exclusion Faced by Urban Sanitation Workers from Rukhi and Balmiki Community in Mumbai . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 261 Swinder Kaur 16 Life of the Theyyam Artists of Kerala—Their Livelihood, Health Condition and Social Status . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 273 T. V. Keerthi and G. Dilip Diwakar 17 Marginalization, Migration and Urban Informal Sector—In-Depth Analysis of Cycle Rickshaw Pullers in Delhi . . . . 289 Naresh Kumar 18 Contractualization of Human Resource in Health and Quality of Services in India-Lessons from Selected Hospitals in Delhi . . . . . . 301 M. Santosh

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19 Need for Disaster Risk Reduction for Migrant Workers Amid COVID-19 in India . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 323 N. C. Sreekumar Part IV Health Inequalities—Marginalisation of Care Providers and Users 20 Persistent Inequalities in Health-Contextualising the Neglect of Ambedkar’s Contribution . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 341 Sanghmitra S. Acharya 21 Health Inequalities—An Embodiment of Caste-Based Inequalities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 363 Prachinkumar Ghodajkar and Krishna Kumar Choudhary 22 Excess Child Mortality Among Adivasis, Dalits and Other Backward Castes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 395 Bali Ram, Shefali S. Ram, Shyam Kartik Mishra, and Awdhesh Yadav 23 Sex-Selective Abortion and Women in Haryana—Social Identity Matters . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 417 Nisha Singh 24 Centrality of Village-Level Health Workers in Ensuring Reproductive Health—A Study of ASHA Workers in the District of Burdwan (West Bengal) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 439 Arindam Roy 25 Social Exclusion in Access to Maternal Health-Experience of Urban Poor Women in Delhi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 455 Sonali Sahni 26 Inequalities in Access to Water Supply and Sanitation Facilities—A Study in Bhubaneswar City, Odisha . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 475 Ajit Kumar Lenka

Editors and Contributors

About the Editors Raosaheb K Kale is an educationist of eminence. He taught at the School of Life Sciences, Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU), New Delhi and superannuated from there. He is a recipient of ICMR Award (1996) for his original contribution to the research in Radiation and Cancer Biology and other awards in recognition of his contribution to education. Apart from publishing more than 150 research papers in national and international peer-reviewed scientific journals of high repute, he has also written on social issues. His latest book entitled, Indian Higher Education: A Perspective from the Margin, showcases this. Professor Kale has served JNU in various capacities as the dean of Students, the chief proctor and the dean of Life Sciences. He has also served in the committees constituted by the statutory bodies, universities and institutions to develop the welfare policies for SCs and STs and their implementation. He has established the Central University of Gujarat, as its first Vice-Chancellor. He has also served as the chairman, India Institute of Dalit Studies, New Delhi, and the Board of Management, Indira Gandhi Delhi Technical University for Women, Delhi. Sanghmitra S Acharya is a professor in the Centre of Social Medicine and Community Health, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi. She was the director, Indian Institute of Dalit Studies, New Delhi, from 2015 to 2018. She was a visiting fellow at CASS, China; Ball State University, USA; UPPI, Manila, The Philippines; East-West Center, Honolulu, Hawaii; and University of Botswana. She was awarded fellowships and grants by UNFPA, Asian Scholarship Foundation, USEFI, ICSSR-CASS and SICI. She has chaired sessions and delivered keynote addresses in conferences, seminars and policy meetings in India and abroad. She has authored three books and about 50 articles on health and discrimination. Her recent work includes coedited books titled Marginalization in Globalizing Delhi—Issues of Land, Labour and Health; Health, Safety and Well-Being of Workers in the Informal Sector in India—Lessons for Emerging Economies, and Caste, COVID-19 and Inequalities of Care—Lesson from South Asia published by Springer. xxi

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Contributors Mashkoor Ahmad has a Ph.D. in Population Studies from Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU), New Delhi. He is currently Assistant Professor in the Department of Geography at Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh. He was also an Associate Fellow at Indian Institute of Dalit Studies (IIDS), New Delhi. He was awarded several national and international fellowships including Junior Research Fellowship by Council of Scientific and Industrial Research, Government of India; Sat Paul Mittal Fellowship by Indian Association of Parliamentarian on Population and Development, and University Grants Commission’s Research Fellowship. He was also awarded Fellowship by Government of Germany and was invited to work as Research Fellow at Centre of Economic Policy and International Economics, Technical University of Kaiserslautern (TUK), Kaiserslautern, Germany. He has also worked in different capacities in the projects sponsored by IDRC, Canada and University of London, UK. His research interests include but not limited to migration, urbanisation, education, ageing, religious minorities and marginalised communities. His research papers and articles have been published in journals and edited books of national and international repute. He has participated in several conferences, workshops, training courses in India and abroad. He has visited several countries including Sri Lanka, the UAE, Germany, France, Switzerland, Luxembourg, Nepal and Egypt. e-mail: [email protected] Jagannatham Begari teaches at Centre for Gandhian Thought and Peace Studies, School of Social Sciences, Central University of Gujarat, Gandhinagar India. He has pursued his Ph.D. from the University of Hyderabad, India. His interdisciplinary research interests include democracy, movements and marginality. He articulates the problems of subalterns in India. He has authored two books i.e. “Interrogating democracy and Human Rights: Telangana People’s Movement” (Rawat Publications, 2014); “Mapping Human Rights and Subalterns in Modern India” (Kalpaz Publications, 2016). He has travelled extensively Berlin (Germany), Denver, (USA), Manchester and London (UK) to participate and presents and chair the panels including the 25th IPSA World Congress of Denver, (Australia). He has published articles in edited books and reputed journals like Economic and Political Weekly and Indian Journal of Political Science. Dr. Begari also organised national and international seminars and completed ICSSR major research project. e-mail: [email protected] Rajshree Chanchal Assistant Professor, School of Education Studies, Ambedkar University Delhi. She has received her doctorate in Sociology of Education from Zakir Hussain Centre for Educational Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi. Her doctoral thesis focuses on issues of social access, school choice in an emerging school market context in contemporary India. She is researching on issues of social access, education policy, quality of education, and low-cost private schooling and urbanization, education and marketization, social mobility, equality, discrimination, and gender. e-mail: [email protected]

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Krishna Kumar Choudhary is Ph.D. Scholar at the Centre for Social Medicine and Community Health, School of Social Sciences, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi. He has post-graduate degree in social work, and has worked with different organsiations in his capacity as researcher. Currently, he is working on the intergenerational variation in adult health and its determinants among the different population group in Rajasthan where he is looking for the how the social inequality emerged through the social hierarchy based on the caste, affects social and biological wellbeing of the people. e-mail: [email protected] Stephen Christopher is engaged in two interrelated projects: one on casteism within Himalayan tribes and another on the rise of Tibetan Buddhism in East and Southeast Asia. He is currently a Marie Curie Postdoctoral Fellow at the University of Copenhagen. In 2019, he was a JSPS Postdoctoral Fellow at Kyoto University. He serves as the Himalayas editor at the Database of Religious History at the University of British Columbia. Stephen has taught anthropology, South Asian studies and academic writing at Beijing Normal University, Vietnam National University, University of Bremen, Pitt in the Himalayas, Syracuse University, Semester at Sea, and currently at Tokyo Metropolitan University and Denki-Tsushin University. He is the co-editor of the forthcoming volume Caste, COVID-19, and Inequalities of Care: Lessons from South Asia. e-mail: [email protected] Dilip G. Diwakar has done his M.Phil and Ph.D in Public Health from Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi and Masters in Social Work for Loyola College, Chennai. His research areas are food security, child nutrition and health, urban poor, and evaluation of government programmes. He is interested in studying intersectionality and marginalization across class, caste, gender, religion and ethnicity. He has more than 14 years of experience in teaching, and research in development sector. Currently he is working as Assistant Professor in the Department of Social Work, Central University of Kerala. He has also worked with national and international organisations/agencies like Indian Institute of Dalit Studies (IIDS), ActionAid, Aideet-Action, and Centre for Equity Studies. He has co-authored a book titled “Caste, Discrimination and Exclusion in Modern India”, published by Sage in 2015. He has published more than 25 research articles in both national, international peer-reviewed journals; and chapters in books. He has completed 11 research projects for government and other agencies. He has presented papers and been as a resource person for more than 30 national and international seminar and workshops. e-mail: dilipjnu@ gmail.com; [email protected] Prachinkumar Ghodajkar is Assistant Professor and teaches public health at the Centre of Social Medicine and Community Health, Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU) New Delhi. His areas of interest include Quality of Health Services, National Disease Control Programmes, Epidemiology, Health Inequalities, Health Systems Research and AYUSH. He teaches courses on Community Health and its organisation in India; rural health services; and research methodology including other courses. He has published in peer reviewed journals and has participated in seminars, conferences and workshops within the country and outside. e-mail: [email protected]

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P. G. Jogdand was Dean, Faculty of Arts, University of Mumbai, and served as Professor in the Department of Sociology. His research areas reflect on his intense passion for understanding inequality through Dalit Studies- Movement, Mobility, Politics and Empowerment; Reservation Policy, Human Rights of the Weaker Sections, Gender issues; and Globalization and Social Movements. He has taught courses on Sociological Traditions, Sociology of Weaker Sections, Population and Society, Gender and Society, and Sociology of Indian Society. He has served as Vice Chancellor’s nominee in the University on various committees. He was nominated by the University of Mumbai as Hon. Course Co-ordinator of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar Centre for Social Justice. He is a member of The Commission for the Protection of Child Rights, Government of Maharashtra. His publications include co-edited books like Globalization and Social Justice, Rawat Publications, 2008. Globalization and Social Movements: Struggle for Humane Society, Rawat Publications, 2003. New Economic Policy and Dalits (Edited) Rawat Publications, 2000. Dalit Women: Issues and Perspectives (edited), Gyan Publication, New Delhi, 1995. He is member of several committees in the government and universities. e-mail: [email protected] Ramesh Kamble is a Professor, Faculty of Arts, Department of Sociology, the University of Mumbai. He is an acclaimed sociologist whose work ‘Dalit Identity in Metropolis: Social, Occupational and Political Experiences of Dalits in Urban Setting of Mumbai’ contextualizes the issues of inequality in urban spaces. He has published extensively. He has been teaching experience: since 1985. He has delivered invited talks and engaged with academic assignments in India and abroad including London School of Economics and Politics, UK, 2000; University of Lancaster, UK, 2005–2006; University of Central Lancashire, UK, 2008–2009; University of Magdeburg, Germany, 2003. His research supervision and specialization areas include Ethnomethodology, Critical Theory, and complexity theory; Intersectionality debate; Theorizing Globalization, Culture and Identity; Critical Cultural Studies; cultural studies of science and technology, caste and gender studies; multilayered marginalization, vulnerability and subjectivity; Social movements, Identity Studies, critical studies on globalization, Complex Marginalities, Vulnerabilities and Multiples subjectivities, Cultural studies of science and technology (STS). e-mail: [email protected] Swinder Kaur is a working as a Development Professional in Social Sector. She has done Master of Social Work from the Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Mumbai. She has research experience in the field of Manual Scavenging, Menstrual Hygiene Management, Child Rights and Child Protection. She has participated in seminars, conferences and workshops in India and abroad. e-mail: swinder.suvi.kaur@gmail. com Archana Kaushik is Professor at the Department of Social Work, University of Delhi, India. Her areas of specialization and research interests include gerontological social work,empowerment of the marginalized communities, families and children, development administration, spiritual social work, and HIV/AIDS. She has published

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many books and research articles in the journals of national and international repute. She has conducted several research studies such as determinants of active-ageing, correlates and determinants of death amongindividuals, social, economic and environmental costs of death, caregiving issues, elder abuse and social support for the aged, vulnerabilities and empowerment of Dalits, forgiveness as a public health issue, testimonial therapy, etc. She has been a visiting faculty at NISD and NICFS. She has done evaluation studies with Planning Commission, various Ministries and other institutions in different capacities. She has presented papers and chaired sessions at several national and international conferences on various social issues and participated as an expert in many television shows and other platforms. e-mail: akaushik@ socialwork.du.ac.in T. V. Keerthi has done her Master in Social Work in Central University of Kerala, Kasaragod. Her research interests are women’s empowerment, community development and issues of marginalized communities. She is currently working as a personal relationship officer in Government Medical College, Kasaragod. e-mail: [email protected] Khalid Khan is Assistant Professor in Indian Institute of Dalit Studies. He obtained his Ph.D. degree from Centre for the Study of Regional Development, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi. His research interests are Economics of Education; and labour Economics with special focus on marginalised groups and social exclusion. His other research interest include methodological advances in Logit analysis, Panel Regression, Time series analysis and Measurement of inequality. He has worked in different research capacity at Oxfam India, Institute of Economic Growth, Giri Institute of Development Studies, Kirorimal College, Jindal Global University, and India Development Foundation. He has published academic articles on Economics of Education and Labour Economics with focus on inequality; and written journalistic columns for the Pioneer, Tehelka, the Quint and others. e-mail: khan.khalid7@gmail. com Kanhaiya Kumar is currently ICSSR Post-Doctoral Fellow. He obtained his M.Phil. and Ph.D. degrees from the Centre of Social Medicine and Community Health, School of Social Sciences, Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU), New Delhi. He was associated with the Centre for Social Equity and Inclusion (CSEI), New Delhi as Research and Advocacy Manager. He was Institutional Doctoral Fellow during 2013– 15 at the Institute of Economic Growth (IEG), under the aegis of Indian Council of Social Science Research (ICSSR), New Delhi. He is passionate about issues related to caste, gender and inclusion of marginalized sections in public policy. He has published research articles in peer-reviewed journals and contributed chapters in books published by reputed publishers. He has participated and presented papers in conferences, seminars and workshops. e-mail: [email protected] Vivek Kumar is Professor of Sociology and Chairperson of the Centre for the Study of Social Systems, School of Social Sciences, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, where he earned his Ph.D. He is also Professor in-charge of Dr. Ambedkar Chair in Sociology, constituted by Social Justice and Empowerment

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Ministry, Government of India and Coordinator of ‘Global Studies Programme’ formalized with Albert-Ludwigs University and Humboldt University (Germany), FLACSO (Argentina), University of Cape Town and Johannesburg University (South Africa), Culalongkorn University (Thailand) and JNU. He has been Visiting Professor in the Department of Sociology at Columbia University, New York, USA and at Humboldt University, Berlin, Germany. In 2018 Prof Vivek delivered inaugural, ‘Dr. B. R. Ambedkar Memorial lectures’ at University of British Columbia, Simon Frazer University, and York University, Canada. Prof Vivek has completed a research project on, “Social Status and Social Attitudes in India: A Study of Indian College Students,” with (Harvard) and University of British Columbia (2010). He participated in another programme on, ‘Building Global Democracy: Including the Excluded in Global Politics’ (2011) with The University of Warwick. Prof Kumar’s some of the famous books are ‘Caste and Democracy in India, India’s Roaring Revolution, Globalization and Voices from the Margins, and Dalit Leadership in India. Prof Kumar has published hundred papers in journals and books and supervised 75 M.Phil. and Ph.D. Students. e-mail: [email protected] Naresh Kumar is Assistant Professor & former Chairperson/In-charge, Centre for Diaspora Studies, Central University of Gujarat, Gandhinagar, India. He has been teaching & research in the centre since 2011. He has studied B.A. (H) Geography BRAC, University of Delhi, M.A., M.Phil. & Ph.D. Degree from CSRD-JNU, New Delhi. He is member of the CASR, Centre Board of Studies of CDS, CUG. He has been convenor of the three international conferences & webinar supported by the various reputed institution like ICSSR, MEA, RGI, JNU, BHU, IIPS, Mumbai, IGU-India on themes related to Migration, Diaspora, Development, Covid-19. He has published various research articles in national and international reputed journals. His research interest areas: Migration, Migration and Development, Indian Diaspora, Social-Demography, Marginality. Countries visited: South Africa, USA, U.K., Thailand, South Korea. Member of academic bodies: International Union of Scientific Studies of Population (IUSSP), Indian Sociological Society (ISS), International Geographical Union (IGU). NAGI (National Association of Geographers India). e-mail: [email protected] Ajit Kumar Lenka is currently a research associate at the Indian Institute of Health management and Research (IIHMR). He was research officer/coordinator in the National Commission on Women funded project on Alcoholism, Domestic violence and mental health. He completed M.Phil. and Ph.D. from Centre of Social Medicine and Community Health, School of Social Sciences, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi. With five years of experience, his major strength is in program management, capacity building and monitoring fieldwork, qualitative and quantitative research analysis and impact assessments. He has worked as a researcher at various institution, including Change Alliance Private Limited, and Samajik Sodh Network Santhan (SRNO). He has also worked as a researcher in various projects which has funded by University with Potential for Excellence (UPEO-II), Indian Council of Social Science Research (ICSSR) and University Grant Commission

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(UGC), New Delhi. He has published various research papers in international journals and edited books. His area of research is urbanization, provision of water and sanitation services and related issues in slums, livelihood, marginalisation and social exclusion and public health. e-mail: [email protected] Santosh Mahindrakar is a nurse by profession and has completed his postgraduation in community health nursing, and has a Master’s degree in Public Health (MPH). He is pursuing his doctoral research on the policy issues of human resources for health at the Centre of Social Medicine and Community Health, School of Social Sciences Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi. He has been part of national and international clinical and public health research projects and networks. For over a decade, he has engaged himself in building a team of nurses to address large public health issues, and nursing professionals’ rights around the profession and working conditions. He is currently Clinical Nurse at the Klinikum Mitte Hospital, Bielefeld, Germany. e-mail: [email protected] Shyam Kartik Mishra was Pt. Deen Dayal Upadhyay Chair Professor, Faculty of Social Sciences, Banaras Hindu University. He held M.A. and Ph.D. degrees in economics. He is the founder General Secretary of Uttar Pradesh–Uttarakhand Economic Association. He has published numerous papers in demography and gender economics. His monographs include Women Status and Empowerment (2012), Deen Dayal Upadhyay Thought Revisited in Contemporary India (2017), and Integral Humanism Revisited in Contemporary India (2019). e-mail: [email protected] Navin Narayan is a development professional works with ActionAid-an international anti-poverty agency based in New Delhi. He did Master in Social Work, M.Phil. in Social Medicine and Ph.D. from Centre for Social Medicine and Community Health, JNU, New Delhi-INDIA. He had been a researcher with Indian Institute of Dalit Studies. The research he was engaged in is now published as a book “Social Justice Philanthropy: Strategies and Approaches of Funding agencies in India” by Rawat Publication (2009). His interests of areas are issues related to poverty, exclusion, and marginalisation, access of health services, democratisation of public institutions, entitlement and full citizenship rights of marginalised and De-notified communities. He has presented articles in seminars and conferences written on these subjects. Some of them are published in magazines, journals and edited books. He is actively engaged with social movements. e-mail: [email protected] Bali Ram is Adjunct Professor, Sociology, Western University, Canada, and Adjunct Research Professor, Sociology and Anthropology, Carleton University, Canada. Formerly. He was Chief, Demographic Characteristics Section, and Senior Research Advisor, Demography Division, Statistics Canada. He received his M.A. in sociology from Western University, London, Ontario, Canada; M.A.S. in social work from Kashi Vidyapeeth, Varanasi, India; and Ph.D. in sociology from the Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio, U.S.A. He is a former President of the Federation of Canadian Demographers and the International Sociological Association’s Research Committee on Population. He has authored/co-authored over 40 journal articles and

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book chapters in various sub-fields of demography. His publications include a monograph, New Trends in the Family published by Statistics Canada. e-mail: bram42@ yahoo.com Shefali S. Ram is Research Manager, Bloomberg Faculty of Nursing, University of Toronto, Canada. Formerly, she was Research Manager, Women’s College Hospital, Toronto; Senior Analyst, Canadian Institute of Health Information, Ottawa; and Research Associate, Canadian Blood Services, Ottawa, and Cancer Research Institute, Queen’s University, Kingston. She obtained her M.Sc. in Community Health and Epidemiology from Queen’s University, Kingston, Ontario, Canada. She has published over a dozen articles in the field of epidemiology and public health and presented papers at national and international conferences. e-mail: s.ram@utoronto. ca Yagati Chinna Rao is trained in history, and currently Chairperson, Centre for the Study of Social Exclusion and Inclusive Policy, School of Social Science, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi. His research interests including: Dalit Studies, Social Exclusion and Discrimination, and History of Education. He held many academic and administration positions including: Member Secretary, Indian Council of Historical Research, New Delhi (2008); Visiting Professor at School of Humanities and Social Sciences, Jacobs University, Germany (2010); Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, South Africa, (2011); Mykolas Romeris University, Vilnius (2013); Sapienza Univerita di Roma, Italy (2016); Kaunas Technological University, Kaunas, Lithuania, (2017). His publications including: Writing Dalit History and Other Essays, (2007); Dalits’ Struggle for Identity: Andhra and Hyderabad, 1900–1950, (2013), [Second Edition]; and edited Perspectives on Social Exclusion: Essays in Honour of Professor Sabyasachi Bhattacharya, (2019); The Pasts of the Outcastes: Readings in Dalit History (edited with Sabyasachi Bhattacharya), (2017); Dimensions of Social Exclusion: Caste, Class and Gender (edited with Sudhakara Karakoti), (2015); Dividing Dalits: Writings on Sub-Categorization of Scheduled Castes in India, (Edited), (2009); Educating the Nation: Documents on the Discourse of National Education in India, 1880–1920, Co-edited with S. Bhattacharya et al., (2003); Development of Women’s Education in India, 1850–1921: Selections from Documents, Co-edited with S. Bhattacharya et al., (2001). e-mail: cryagati@gmail. com Arindam Roy is currently Associate Professor of Political Science at the University of Burdwan, West Bengal, India. He has worked on several government projects, which include among others, ‘Women at Panchayat’, ‘Developmentinduced Displacement’, ‘Impact Assessment Study of MGNREGA’, and Contemporizing Burdwan District Gazetteer’. He has several publications to his credit, the most notable being, ‘Impact of Globalization on City Government’, ‘Terrorism: The State is No Saint Either!’, ‘Medical Pluralism and Myopic Public Health: A Study of Memari Block’, ‘Empowerment Beyond Rhetoric: Intersectionality Perspective to Gender Inequality in Health’, ‘Making Sense of Multiculturalism’. The latest

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being “Privatizing the Pandemic-A Neoliberal Remedy?”, Pandemic and Administrative Rationality: Understanding Administrative Responses to the Pandemic (forthcoming). He has published a book entitled ‘Mapping Administrative Theories: Problems and Prospect’(2018). He did his Ph.D. from the University of Delhi on ‘Impact of Socio-Cultural Diversity on Delivery of Health Services in India: A Case Study in the District of Burdwan (West Bengal). His areas of interests include public administration and political theory. e-mail: [email protected] Sonali Sahni is freelance researcher and has worked with many national and international organisations. At present she has taken time off to complete her doctoral research on “Social Exclusion in Maternal and Child Health: A Case Study of a Government Hospital in Delhi” from Centre of Social Medicine and Community Health, School of Social Sciences, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi. During the M.Phil. Programme of study, she was awarded the prestigious Sheila Zubrigg prize for the Best Student for securing the highest grade ‘A only with a’ 7.25 FGPA. Her M.Phil. dissertation examined the ‘International Discourse on Social Determinants of Health’. Her research interest includes Social Determinants of Health; Social Exclusion in Maternal Health of Urban poor; Gender, Development and Health. e-mail: [email protected] Nisha Kumari Singh is a subaltern feminist. She obtained her doctoral and predoctoral degrees from Centre of Social Medicine and Community Health, JNU, New Delhi. She has worked as programme officer. She has managed project teams and contributed in team building. Her research interest include cultural plurality; equity and equality for deprived section of society; poverty as an outcome of resource crunch (opportunities, power and skills to use). She has participated in national and international seminars, conferences and workshops and presented papers. She participated in the Ewha Global Empowerment Program of the Asian Center for Women’s Studies, Ewha Womans University, Seoul, Korea. She has reviewed a book on disability, ‘A birth that changed a nation: A new model of care and inclusion’ edited by Mithu Alure which is published in Asian Journal of Women’s Studies. Her paper, “Unwanted Daughters: Exploring the Practice of Sex Determination and its Ramification in Haryana”, is published in a Korean book, “Our Voices 3: Women’s Body, Sexuality and Violence in Asia”, edited by Eun-Shil Kim, Myoung Sun Lee, Jieun Roh eds. Ewha Womans University Press, 2018. She has been engaged in working with subaltern women in Haryana. She is one of the founding members of Rashtriya Dalit Mahila Andolan (Dalit Women’s National Coalition) She is currently the Grants and Resource Manager at Avaazein Foundation, New Delhi. e-mail: nishu. [email protected] N. C. Sreekumar is Ph.D. Scholar at the Centre of Social Medicine and Community Health, School of Social Sciences, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi from where he also obtained his M.Phil. degree. His post-doctoral degree is in Social Work from Pondicherry University. His research interests include Health,

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Migration, Disaster and Livelihood. He has participated in seminar and conferences and presented papers. He also has some publications to his credit. e-mail: [email protected] William Waldron teaches courses on the South Asian religious traditions of Hinduism and Buddhism, Tibetan religion and history, comparative psychologies and philosophies of mind, and theory and method in the study of religion. His publications primarily focus on the Yog¯ac¯ara school of Indian Buddhism in dialogue with modern thought. Professor Waldron has been at Middlebury College since 1996. His ¯ monograph, The Buddhist Unconscious: The Alaya-vij˜ na¯ na in the Context of Indian Buddhist Thought, was published by Routledge Curzon in 2003. He is currently completing Making Sense of Mind-Only: A Cognitive Approach to Indian Yog¯ac¯ara Buddhism to be published by Wisdom Publications. e-mail: wwaldron@middlebury. edu Awdhesh Yadav is an independent researcher located in Noida, India. He obtained his M.Sc. (Statistics) from Banaras Hindu University, Varanasi, India, and M.Phil. and Ph.D. in Population Studies from International Institute for Population Sciences, Mumbai, India. He has worked as a researcher at various institutions, including Abt Associates, Save the Children, and Public Health Foundation of India. He has published over a dozen articles in health and mortality and presented papers at national and international conferences. e-mail: [email protected]

Chapter 1

Introduction—Marginalization in India—Matters of Inclusion and Access Raosaheb K Kale and Sanghmitra S Acharya

So long as you do not achieve social liberty, whatever freedom is provided by the law is of no avail to you. Dr. B. R. Ambedkar A man’s power is dependent upon… education, accumulation of scientific knowledge, everything that enables him to be more efficient than the savage… Dr. B. R. Ambedkar

This ‘power’, however, for some reasons, has remained the prerogative of a selected few while the others had to continuously struggle to prove their worth and efficiency. The efforts of this great visionary opened the confines and prompted the vulnerable to think, attempt and execute. Understanding inclusion and equality rests largely on the way ‘social exclusion’ has been conceptualized. In last three decades or so, disadvantages experienced by some social groups and their outcomes have illustrated social exclusion. Means to eliminate them have been the efforts of the governments and of the social reformers. By early 1980s, ‘social exclusion’ hinged on causes and consequences of deprivation. Poverty was conceded as consequence of different processes causing poor educational opportunities, low wages and insecure employment, which in turn, separately and collectively, led to poverty. The discourse on social exclusion evolved through the 1990s to illustrate it as a trait of individuals and as property of societies. As a trait of individuals, social exclusion focuses on the disadvantages people experience as they live their lives. Marginalized people are excluded and isolated. They lack social ties with family and community and institutions like voluntary associations, trade R. K. Kale · S. S. Acharya (B) Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU), New Delhi, India e-mail: [email protected] R. K. Kale e-mail: [email protected] R. K. Kale [superannuated] Jawaharlal Nehru University and Central University of Gujarat, New Delhi and Gandhinagar, India © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2022 R. K. Kale and S. S. Acharya (eds.), Mapping Identity-Induced Marginalisation in India, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-3128-4_1

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unions and state bodies. They have no or very little access to legal rights and therefore are unable to use them effectively. It affects their access to all other resources accentuating disadvantage. As a trait of societies, social exclusion is evident in basic institutional framework and systems. It restrains institutions and implementation of policies and programmes and influences human interaction leading to racial, sexual and other forms of discrimination. Caste-based social exclusion is concomitant with deprivation and discrimination faced in spheres such as market, where buying and selling of goods, particularly home-based, occurs (Thorat, et al., 2006); education where school children from privileged and underprivileged groups are made to sit separately for the eating the mid-day meal (Nambissan, 1996; Sabharwal, 2011; Borooah et al., 2014); and care providers are treated differentially depending on their caste (Verma and Acharya, 2017). There are evidences of differential treatment meted to underprivileged populations by the privileged groups across the country (Shah et al., 2006). The Commission on Social Determinants of Health (CSDH, 2008) recommended disparities based on social identities as an important component of the social determinant framework, meticulously illustrated by Nayar (2007). Social exclusion in health care is attributable to historical deprivation and barriers in access to opportunities, services and resources. It therefore became imperative to understand social exclusion of underprivileged groups, factors leading to their exclusion and strategies to end their exclusion. The present book is outlined to engage in discussion on theoretical aspects of inclusion, reeling from the understanding of social exclusion and discrimination, humiliation, marginalization and related concepts and the processes which initiate, execute and culminate in addressing unequal opportunities. It also engages with the discourse on social justice and affirmative action policies. In doing so, the endeavour has been to capture the social realities through situational analysis of the issues and concerns pertaining to education, health, occupation, dignity and self-esteem. To uphold these endeavours, the book has been organized in four sections: I. II. III. IV.

Theorizing exclusion in India-thoughts and perspectives on social identity Social justice and affirmative action—reality check Unequal opportunities in occupation and employment—dignity and identity Health inequalities and marginalization—issues of care providers and users.

Theorizing Exclusion in India-Thoughts and Perspectives on Social Identity Inclusion is a critical political agenda and a matter that affects different social groups (UNESCO, 2015). However, addressing inclusion remains a notable challenge. In South Asia, particularly in India, some social groups have experienced exclusion historically. They have been denied rights and access to resources. Therefore, while descriptions of their status and conditions are fairly abundant, analytical interpretation to direct towards the realms of inclusion is not many. Therefore, the urgent need to address inclusion from this perspective, theorizing it, locating it in the discourse

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and examining the mechanisms to materialize it, has been the endeavour in this section. This section opens with the paper by William S. Waldron which traces the intersection between Indian religious thought and social sciences. This intersection is conceptualized in a framework of identity and ‘evil’. The ‘self’ is developed during childhood through constant social interaction within the family network, which is part of the larger social and cultural milieu. Therefore, ‘self’ is constructed not only individually, but also determined socially and/or culturally. Waldron’s idea aligns with the Looking Glass Theory1 of Charles Horton Cooley (1902). Waldron argues that identity is associated with capacities, as well as developmental processes of growth, maturation and socialization of each individual as well. He explains that the consequences of constructing social, cultural and political identities are ‘complex, wide-spread, long-lived and disastrously disruptive’. He has traced the observations from the social sciences which resemble and resonate classical Indian notions of the construction of identity. The second paper follows the trail of social science perspective through sociological thought of a specific school on margins and marginalization. Eminent Sociologists who have engaged with the questions of social exclusion, P. G. Jogdand and Ramesh Kamble, have in the present paper, done a historical analysis of the development of Bombay School of Sociology and its cautious understanding of subaltern. Their observations and arguments suggest ‘institutionalized closure towards the Dalit social experience, the Dalit quest and movement for equal humanity and justice’. They have also consolidated systematically, the deliberate ignorance of Ambedkar’s contribution, made much before many prominent Indian sociologists like G. S. Ghurye and M. N. Srinivas, towards the making of sociology in India. G. S. Ghurye in his book, Caste and Race in India (1932), offers a comprehensive analysis of the then dominant theories about the relationship between race and caste. He partially agreed with the Dominant View of Herbert Risley that the privileged castes were Aryans and the non-privileged, non-Aryans. In 1957, M. N. Srinivas2 , based on his study a Coorg village, added another dimension to the understanding of caste. He inferenced those underprivileged castes emulate those belonging to the privileged caste so as to acquire a ‘higher ‘social position. Decades prior to both these eminent sociologist, B. R. Ambedkar3 presented his paper on castes in India at an Anthropological seminar in New York on 9 May 1916, which was later published in volume XLI of Indian Antiquary in May 1917. He highlighted the perils of castebased social hierarchy in which India was entrenched. He recognized the ills produced by such a system and therefore, was opposed to the theory of caste-based superiority 1

The looking-glass self is a social psychological concept. It states that a person’s ‘self’ grows out of interpersonal interactions and the perceptions of the others. People’s personality is developed on the basis of what other people perceive and confirm other people’s opinion of themselves. 2 Srinivas, M. (1957). Caste in Modern India. The Journal of Asian Studies, 16(4), 529–548. https:// doi.org/10.2307/2941637. 3 B. R. Ambedkar (1989b/1916). ‘Castes in India: their mechanism, genesis and development’, reprinted in Vasant Moon (ed.): Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and speeches, vol. 1 (3–22). Mumbai: The Education Department, Government of Maharashtra.

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and social discrimination. He considered caste as a system in which determination of position, rights and duties of an individual. In other words, the status of an individual is determined by birth, which triggered his tryst for annihilation of caste. This provides scope to argue that ‘sociological knowledge practice operating through institutional structures, made Dalit movement redundant’ (Jogdand & Kamble, 2013) in the sociological discourse, particularly in India. There are evidences of organized suppressing of the alternative ‘sociological knowledge’ that essentially treated Ambedkar’s scholarship in sociology as futile. Furthermore, while the Bombay School of Sociology contributed to the nationalist discourse, it overlooked the Dalit struggle for liberty from the oppression of caste and untouchability, as did the prevailing narrative of nationalism in India. This contention has been taken forward in the paper by Vivek Kumar, aptly titled as ‘How egalitarian is Indian Sociology?’ His contribution in the current sociological discourse from the alternative perspective is well acknowledged. This paper gives a new dimension to the observations made by Jogdand and Kamble in their paper. The silencing of the contribution of Ambedkar to the India sociological thought was meticulously groomed by the ‘so-called twice born castes men in the discipline of sociology in India, and its impact on the discipline as a whole’. A rigorous endeavour is exemplified in the argument put forth by profiling the legendary sociologists, institutions, committees and boards set up for various purposes, particularly pertaining to education. The contention is that the domination of men from the privileged castes, in the discipline of Indian sociology has ‘evolved erroneous concepts’ to comprehend the Indian society. These concepts fail to depict the complete social reality and therefore merit no reference. The idea of subalternity and Dalits’ exclusion is examined and explained by Yagati Chinnarao’s paper takes this discourse a step further. As the paper traces the most appropriate meaning of the term ‘subaltern’, through the postcolonial theories, the submission is that when the concept of ‘subaltern’ is applied to any particular society, the concept and its framework are reconfigured revealing the limitations of the theories, concepts and discourses. This paper explains the applicability of the concept to Indian society, particularly in social science research, through the processes of nature of marginality and exclusion of Dalits, and their locus in the subaltern discourse and its implications for understanding caste in postcolonial society. The background evolved by the preceding papers carved the path for specific analogies. Stephen Christopher’s paper titled ‘Tribal Misrecognition and Hali Spirituality in Himachal Pradesh’ initiates the analysis of tribal casteism, experienced by a Scheduled Caste (SC) group called Hali of Himachal Pradesh. Highly acclaimed for his work on the Gaddis of Himachal Pradesh, Christopher has made rigorous attempt to analyse how casteism creates structural impediments and shapes spirituality and religious belongingness. These ‘hazy margins between’, and ‘conjoint reinforcements of Hali Christianity’ and ‘Gaddi Hindu-tribal syncretism due to State’s ‘misrecognition’ of the existing social reality, are befittingly argued by the author. The arbitrary tribal status accorded to some of the groups like Gaddi Rajputs and Bhatt Brahmins and the SC status to the Halis, Sippis Badis, Rihares and Dhogris have inflicted ‘psychosocial pain. The sedentary traditional caste vocations of the

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Halis involve witchcraft, ploughing and hide tanning. Their untouchability restricts access to sacred high-altitude pasturelands and mountain passes, resulting in disproportionate wealth accumulation by the Gaddi Rajputs. Halis trail behind the Gaddi Rajputs with regard to education, wealth, landownership and status employment. Halis mostly live in less arable places and are restricted from entering some Gaddi temples and use Gaddi water taps. They are overlooked by Brahmin family priests. The author analyses the psychosocial pain of everyday tribal casteism which is channelled through Christian practice. Their polluting vocation, alienation from pastoralism and Protestant conversion reinstate a focus on healing. This has been captured through the richly crafted ethnographic account of a personal conversion testimony of a prophetess. The last paper in this section traces the trajectory of Dalits from a temporal and administrative framework. Authored by Kanhaiya Kumar, this paper takes on the challenges of understanding Dalits from this framework. Hinging on the sociological understanding of the differences and hierarchies within Dalits, the author offers a meaningful lens to tackle persistent inequalities. The chapter reiterates that Dalits should not be seen as a homogenous category. A sociological analysis highlights the differences within the castes as well as their inability to utilize the constitutional safeguards that pave the way for emancipation from keeping them downtrodden. The portrayal of Dalits in the socio-religious texts is used to discuss the major landmarks that led to classification of Dalits as an administrative category in the independent India. This paper also traces the evolution of various constitutional safeguards for the Scheduled Castes and presents the hierarchy and differences among Dalits from a sociological lens based on the fieldwork conducted in selected villages of Uttar Pradesh. The paper infers that there is a need to identify these differences for the holistic upliftment of Dalits. It also outlines the merits of understanding social reality of Dalits which reflects on the differences and inequalities among Dalits. This understanding of heterogeneity is imperative for the all-round development of Dalits.

Social Justice and Affirmative Action Policy—Reality Check India is perhaps the first country to consider affirmative action policies for the welfare of her underprivileged populations. The British colonial authorities took cognizance of the pathetic condition of those at the bottom of the social system—the untouchables. The government formulated programmes and policies for the benefit of the underprivileged. The ‘low status of caste’ was identified as a criterion for positive discrimination (Sharma, 1982). The untouchables were the logical target for the then British government, which subsequently in the independent India took the form of ‘reservation’ sanctioned by the Indian Constitution (Jafferlot, 2006). This was necessary because the Indian society has remained divided based on social hierarchy, dooming a bulk of its people to social degradation and sub-human life, creating social and economic disparities which are incompatible with democratic

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frame laid down in the Constitution. Ambedkar realized the importance of affirmative action to bring about social justice to all people without any discrimination. Thus, Ambedkar saw the need to ensure social justice through affirmative action policies in the spheres of education, employment and political participation. He fought to change the prevailing social order entrenched in divisive hierarchies and tried to infuse ‘social justice’ to eradicate caste system and untouchability, through human rights perspective. He advocated for liberty, equality and fraternity to create a compassionate and socially just society. He laid a lot of emphasis on education. This section dedicates itself to the understanding of Ambedkar’s role in providing for social justice through affirmative action policies. The first paper in this section establishes the connection between Ambedkar’s vision for education and its immense relevance for the underprivileged communities. With his rich experience in the institutions of higher education, RK Kale has reiterated the contentions of Ambedkar for the betterment of the underprivileged through education. He profiles Ambedkar’s educational and achievements and intensely traces the historical development of education in India. Tracing largely from the British times, he discusses the post-independence conditions of education and critically assesses the advancement of education for the underprivileged. He highlights the Brahmanical hurdles in the new education system implemented by the British, which was inclusive of the underprivileged. In this backdrop, he reflects on the endeavour of Ambedkar, who fought to protect the educational interest of the downtrodden and convinced the British to promote and finance it too. Consequently, Higher Education Commission (1948) and Secondary Education Commission (1952) were set up immediately after independence. The author further discusses Ambedkar’s keen interest in science and technology, especially for the students from the underprivileged communities. The author has argued for educating the underprivileged students using the vantage point of Ambedkar and his efforts which have yielded results. This paper established Ambedkar as erudite scholar as much as it reveals his passion and action to translate the restricted access to education, to an accessible opportunity for the underprivileged castes. The second paper, authored by Mashkoor Ahmad, examines how reservation and has helped the underprivileged populations—SCs and STs access employment in public sector. The author has illustrated isolation, exclusion, neglect and underdevelopment of SCs and STs due to geographical and cultural isolation. The author further explains their exclusion in various forms, like denial of access to resources which they need and displacement induced by economic development. Therefore, both SCs and STs have historically been denied their access to employment, education, resources and various opportunities, thereby leading to their exclusion in many economic and social spheres of life. Thus, the Government of India, keeping in view poor access of SCs and STs to employment, education and politics, initiated reservation policy to ensure their representation in these sectors by allocating a fixed percentage of number to ensure their representation. Besides, various concessions, scholarships, coaching centres, hostels and other schemes are also available to enhance their access to various opportunities so that their overall social and economic status can be improved.

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The third article in this section is an attempt to understand the issue of citizenship rights, poverty and exclusion among the denotified communities of India. Authored by Navin Narayan, who works with the community in more than one way, the paper traces the genesis of their citizenship-identity and classification, poverty—exclusion and deprivation in British Raj, during independence and thereafter. The author has profiled the DNTs and focusses on Kalbeliya community which lives in Rajasthan and popularly known as ‘Jogi’. They are one of the most neglected and discriminated communities among the schedule castes of Rajasthan. The author highlights that historically they are the snake charmers and earn their livelihood by performing the snake shows and dance. Their women folk dance in black outfit making similar body movement as snake. The name Kalbeliya is derived from their association with snake—a symbol of death ‘Kaal’. Their dance is enlisted as heritage art form by UNESCO. The paper brings their plight caused by their systemic exclusion before the general masses, government officials and civil society and the policy makers, which has resulted in their rampant poverty, discrimination, stigma and marginalization. These communities continue to face numerous disadvantages including exclusion from census enumeration, in the world’s largest democracy. In the paper by Khalid Khan, political economy of higher education has been examined. The author explains that higher education has increased considerably during the post reform period, as the Gross Enrolment Ratio in higher education has increased from 7.3 to 26.9% between 1995 and 2014. The most important concern vis-à-vis higher education is inequality in access still prevalent at worryingly high level in spite of increasing GER among disadvantaged groups. This paper argues that the shift in the political economic scenario resulted in private sector led growth, as is evident from trend in India. Apart from affecting the role of higher education, this change in political economic scenario has led to the increase of access to higher education as well as increase in the private sector, which may adversely affect the access of weaker section. Thus, this shift has ambivalent consequences as it is increasing the access of weaker section to higher education in quantitative terms it is reproducing inequality both in quantitative and in qualitative terms. The emerging scenario calls for increasing government role in higher education not only in terms of reducing unequal access in quantitative terms but also in qualitative terms. This is the way forward for the vision of Ambedkar. Role of government is indispensable in facilitating the production social knowledge needed for social change. Taking forward the issues flagged in the last chapter, Rajashree Chanchal in her paper ‘Marketization and Inequality in Education: A study of Low-Cost Private Schooling in an Unauthorized Colony in Delhi’ examines the impact of privatization and marketization on education. The paper captures the dynamic of low fee private schooling market through the experiences of parents who are sending their children to these schools in a low-income unauthorized colony of Delhi. Using Hirschman’s concept of ‘voice’ and ‘exit’, the paper uses field base data to suggest that underprivileged parents lack the agency to raise their ‘voice’ to improve the level of education in a private schooling market and ‘exit’ is the only option for them. The paper reflects on the adverse effect of marketization of education of the underprivileged sections

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of the society and points that it exacerbates the existing educational inequalities, proving the contentions of Ambedkar as real through her study. The next paper in this section ‘Annihilation of caste’ authored by Jagannatham Begari is a revisit to Ambedkar’s original work to examine its relevance in reclaiming social justice. This paper examines Ambedkar’s views on the social system in which caste is embedded and its impact on society, particularly underprivileged groups. Ambedkar’s views on caste-based inequalities and violence, socialism, religion and ideal society have been discussed in this paper. It also captures the divergent views of Gandhi and Ambedkar on caste. This paper accomplishes to focus on the point that ‘Annihilation of Caste’ is a principle which strives for egalitarianism and inclusive society. It is for the perseverance of universal humanism and to uphold the rights and freedom of all irrespective of caste, class, gender, region and religion. This section engages with the genesis of the idea and impact of social justice and affirmative action and illustrates the changes in the sphere of education and employment, by exploring the corresponding changes in social identity and their outcomes.

Unequal Opportunities The third section lends itself to the understanding of persisting unequal opportunities and the processes that lead to inequality, particularly in the sphere of occupation and employment. People often have misconceived attitudes towards inequality which a barrier to ameliorating one’s life. ‘When the playing field is levelled, people celebrate industriousness and discourage idleness’ (Pham, 2015, 6). Kanbur and Wagstaff (2014) divided inequality as ‘legitimate’ and ‘illegitimate’. Inequality caused by legitimate reasons is accepted by society. Roemer’s (2021) model determines how to level the ‘uneven playing field’. Religious legitimacy granted to caste hierarchy, on the one hand, illustrates ‘illegitimate inequality’, while on the other hand, positive discrimination based on the affirmative action illustrates ‘legitimate inequality’. However, the conservationist mindset may consider this in completely reverse form, whereby caste hierarchy becomes legitimate and the positive discrimination illegitimate. In contrast, ‘equality of opportunity’ takes into account preferences and resources (Roemer, 2021). Kanbur and Wagstaff (2014) attribute ‘preferences and resources’ in context of equality of opportunity to Dworkin’s (2001) egalitarian philosophy. Inequality due to denial to access to resources is unacceptable, while inequality due to preference is acceptable. People should choose their preferences and be willing to own and accept them. Therefore, preference and resource need to be understood separately to differentiate between legitimate and illegitimate inequality. Access to resources forms preferences. An opulent or meagre lifestyle is likely to be due to resources accessible through the life. Understanding the difference between resource and preference is important to ascertain the responsibility for preference (Pham,

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2015). Therefore, in the light of restricted access to resources, preferences will remain starkly different for the privileged and the underprivileged. The first paper in this section is on ‘labour bondage’ as a specific form of forced labour that is derived from debt. This has been explored by Archana Kaushik among the bonded labourers of Varanasi. The author explains that human slavery is still prevalent in many parts of India despite being legally abolished. The argument on discrimination in occupation builds as this paper delineates a case study of Belwa village of Varanasi, Uttar Pradesh, where several Dalit families, mainly Musahars, were caught into the shackles of labour bondage while working in the brick kilns of the upper-caste headman. It highlights the factors contributing to multi-layered vulnerabilities and pathetic conditions of bonded labourers. It presents the process of rescue, release and rehabilitation of bonded labourers of the village through the interventions of a civil society organization—PVCHR. The case study provides relevance for praxis and theorization of Dalit empowerment. Swinder Kaur’s papers take this argument forward through the discussion on those who engage in collecting human excreta—the Mahadalits who have little choice but to become the Manual Scavengers. The author points at the significance of the division of labour and pattern of work as linked with individuals’ caste. The paper is based on primary research undertaken with safai karamchari from 40 Rukhi and Balmiki households in Mumbai. It highlights the nature of exclusion and discrimination faced by them under the context of economic discourse (lack of social mobility), development discourse (limited knowledge and access to government schemes and caste certificates) and gender discourse (problems of women safai workers). The paper concludes that despite the lateral level of occupation mobility individuals are still locked in traditional and semi-traditional occupations with low paid jobs. The women safai karamchari are mainly engaged in contractual safai work with no social security, especially among Balmiki households. In the same vein, the paper on the Theyyam Artists in Kerala, authored by Keerthi T. V. and Dilip Diwakar G., examines their livelihood, health condition and social status. The authors explain that Theyyam is a popular ritual form of worship in the Northern Malabar region of Kerala. This is predominant in the Kolathunatu area consisting of present-day Kasaragod, Kannur, Wayanad and Kozhikode districts. This paper fills the gaps in the understanding of the life and health concerns of the Theyyam artists, who experience very specific vulnerabilities. This paper reiterates that these artists, despite their unique calibre experience exclusion. Their social status, socialization, their interaction with upper-caste people perpetuates their internalization of the status quo. This paper reflects on the nature of discrimination faced by them through mixed method approach. The paper displays that their income is very low, and they supplement their requirement by taking loan for their personal and health expenditure. Their art is also their work for which they wear costumes weighing heavy and are require to perform for long hours. They are required to fast before each performance because the complicated costumes obstruct the act of relieving themselves. There is a possibility of purity and pollution which is likely to be restricting the use of toilet during a performance. This paper brings out their various vulnerabilities related to economic prosperity, social power and health, largely caused due to such restrictions.

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The artists become physically weak at an early age because of extensive physical strain, inappropriate intake of food and alcohol consumption. The next paper brings in the dimension of economic vulnerability by examining the rickshaw-pullers, who may be termed as ‘drivers’, keeping the dignity of work in mind, rather than ‘pullers. They indulge in back-breaking job and need to be accorded the respect for their contribution. The paper points out that in India, the poor, landless, illiterate and unskilled agricultural labourers and small farmers from backward states often migrate to the cities in quest of better economic opportunities, more often than not, fail to give them gainful employment. The author traces the condition of the rickshaw drivers using the secondary data and corroborating it with the empirical evidences obtained from the field using qualitative methods. The paper puts forth that nearly 86% working population is in the unorganized sector and work under extremely deplorable conditions with scanty livelihood options. The rickshaw drivers are part of these unorganized sector workers. The author argues that maximization of profit should not be the sole aim of economic growth. In the framework that defines unequal opportunities, economic growth is one component of the larger whole access to resources for equitable development. Therefore, addressing social development is of utmost importance. Taking forward the discussion on unequal opportunities in occupation and employment among the workers which require no or very little training like bonded labourer, sanitation worker, Theyyam performers and the cycle rickshaw drivers, the paper ‘non-standard job and quality of health services’, authored by Santosh Mahindrakar establishes that vulnerabilities of inequality exist in skill occupations too. In the medical and healthcare occupations of doctors and nurses, laboratory technicians and pharmacists, psychiatrist and counsellors, for instance, which required skill and training; differential access to resources are fairly evident and lead to unequal opportunities. The author explains that the reforms of the 1990s enforced many a tool of new public management, such as autonomy, decentralization, franchise, contractualization allegedly to increase efficiency and effectiveness of the healthcare system. Using the snowball technique, the author has engaged with the health personnel in a set of institutions in Delhi and illustrates his thesis. He brings out the differences in content of the work package offered to a contractual worker as against the regular employee. There are differences in salaries, working hours, breaks and residential facilities. The paper reflects that the contractual workers are mostly from poor socio-economic backgrounds with its attached vulnerabilities. Most of them are in ancillary services like cleaning and laundry and hails from underprivileged backgrounds. This influences their decision to accept any work delegated to them, to avoid any confrontation which may cost them their job. The paper reflects on the adverse effect of contractualization on those coming from underprivileged group more severely than the others. The next paper in this section traces the need for disaster risk reduction for migrant workers during COVID-19. Authored by Sreekumar NC, it brings into the discussion the need for preparedness for health emergencies because the outbreak of this notified disaster had created havoc among humanity. Therefore, the author reiterates that government policies and initiatives, as well as individual efforts, are crucial to

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tackle the devastation caused by the outbreak. The migrant workers are vulnerable and neglected from the process of policies formulation by the government. Despite constituting a large section of the population, they are more prone to the risk caused by natural hazards. The author points out that the lack of proper data and few policies on migrant workers, most of whom are from underprivileged communities, had delayed the response of institutions amid the emergency. This paper tries to understand the challenges encountered by migrants due to the pandemic and the immediate obligation towards effective disaster risk reduction policies. It also brings on board the responsibility and accountability of the government for the current pandemic.

Health Inequalities—Marginalization of Care Providers and Users The fourth section and the last section deal with the inequalities in the sphere of health. The attempt is to examine the processes, issues and concerns of the care providers and users pertaining the unequal access to resources, services and opportunities. In the development discourse, inequality has been examined and understood from the lens of economic propensity and poverty. Inequalities in health, however, refer to the differences in the prevalence or incidence of health problems among people across social groups. Inequalities are socially unjust and therefore have the potential to be reduced through policy and programmes, across populations disaggregated by social, economic, demographic and geographical characteristics. Thus, in this backdrop, the last section seeks to examine the inequalities among the populations of India by understanding the trends and levels of health status in India through nutrition, morbidity and mortality among specific age groups, human resource in health, grassroots level workers. This section also argues for health inequalities as an embodiment of marginalization and attempts to explain social exclusion and discrimination in access to maternal and child healthcare services. To situate the inequalities, this section also brings in the contribution of Ambedkar in addressing the health in his varied capacities as an intellectual, policymaker, lawgiver, constitution makers and leader of the oppressed. This section, therefore, is preoccupied as much with health and well-being as with death, disease and despair. It is concerned with the disparities which allow access to some while denies to others. It connects the range of coverage with complexity of analysis to provide an intricate profile of spaces and personnel associated with the processes of health care. This section triggers the academic professionals to intersect with domains other than theirs and seize the opportunities offered through engaging with others knowledge sources. It presents a comprehensive analysis of social and spatial dimensions to understand the problems of health inequalities. It establishes health inequality as an embodiment of socio-economic conditions using illustrations. It also takes on board the design and evaluation of interventions, and different methodologies, both quantitative and qualitative, that can be applied in research for policy formulations.

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The first chapter opens with the narrative on social inequalities which led to denial of access to resources causing health inequality. Using the framework of sustainability of health, the paper corroborates the differentials in healthcare availability and utilization and patterns of morbidity across social groups. The paper, authored by Sanghmitra S. Acharya, profiles the public health system, proximate causes of the ill health, providing an insight into health infrastructure. In doing so, the paper rests upon the contribution of Ambedkar in the sphere of health observation of conditions, evolving strategies and proposing policies. The uniqueness of this paper lies in bringing into the discussion of health inequality, the impeccable role of Dr. B. R. Ambedkar, which is least discussed and often lost or superimposed on to his various other roles and contributions. The second paper ‘Health Inequalities: An Embodiment of Socio-economic Marginalization’ consolidates the arguments put forth in the previous paper. Authored by Prachinkumar Ghodajkar and Krishna Choudhary, the paper argues that identity-based marginalization leading to exclusion of significant sections of population from different social, economic political spheres of life has been documented time and again across length and breadth of the country. Exclusion from and discrimination in socioeconomic and political spheres of life has been so deeply entrenched that it has embodied itself and get reflected in the bodies of the excluded and discriminated communities is strongly argued and established by the authors. The health status indicators show the differential health status experienced by different social groups. The paper lucidly uses mortality, nutritional status and morbidity indicators from different data sets, like NSSO, 64th and 71st round, NFHS 1–4 rounds, NNMB surveys, DLHS survey, NHP report, National Health Accounts data, collected by different government agencies at different points of time to firmly establish that health status is reflective of socio-economic inequalities in the country and unequal access and utilization of health services and health related schemes. This is one of the few papers which establishes both proximate and distal impacts of inequalities on health through the selected indicators of nutrition, morbidity and mortality. The third paper in this section authored by Bali Ram, Shefali Ram, Shyam Kartik Mishra and Awdesh Yadav titled ‘Excess Child Mortality Among Adivasis, Dalits, and Other Backward-Castes’ brings out the significance of caste in India which continues to remain relevant despite having weakened a little over the past several decades. The paper attempts to assert convergence between privileged and underprivileged (forward and lower, in the words of the authors) castes on many social indicators, as it reflects on certain underprivileged castes who continue to experience social exclusion, untouchability, occupational vulnerability and chronic poverty. The authors agree that due to lower levels of educational attainment, most persons, particularly mothers from underprivileged groups, both Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, are not only less healthy and give birth to less healthy babies, but also, they tend to have unhealthy lifestyle. The paper also reflects that the underprivileged groups do not possess ‘knowledge of modern healthcare services’ available and continue to engage in ‘primitive and superstitious practices’ for addressing the health problems. Due to poverty, they are unable to afford appropriate nutrition, adequate medical help and live in segregated spaces not easily accessible to

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health workers. The paper also acknowledges that many of them are in engaged in hazardous occupations, mostly without any support. While the authors have established the inequalities in child mortality among the Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and the Other Backward Class as compared to the ‘Others’, they do not engage in explaining the processes which lead to such low levels of education, poor access to health services and very little knowledge of available services, for example. This is crucial in explaining legitimate and illegitimate inequalities as evident from Dworkin (2001) and Roemer (2021). This aspect has been discussed in detail in the papers by Acharya, Ghodajkar and Kumar and Sahni in this volume. The last paper in this section draws attention to gender disparity examined through the evidence from the sex ratio imbalance in Haryana. Authored by Nisha Singh, the paper titled ‘Sex Selective Abortion and Women in Haryana—Social Identity Matters’, discusses in detail the power that social norms exert in perpetuating the gender imbalance, which impact of the women of different social groups differently. The paper traces the economic development and social under development of Haryana to argue for the lowest sex ratio of Haryana since the first complete population census of 1881. To maintain their social and economic dominance, a few land-owning castes are known to have practised female infanticide in the past. The emergence of new reproductive technologies has enabled replacing infanticide with female foeticide in modern times affecting women across social groups resulting in the decline in female population. Though the state government is attempting to address the issue by implementing cash transfer schemes to extend financial assistance to the parents of girl children, it is vital to comprehend the genuine change, as the problem lies in social roots rather than economic hardship. This paper attempts to understand how cash transfer programmes are helping to improve women’s social status across social groups in the state, testifying that social identity matters in context of prevailing norms as much as they matter in access to the schemes of the government. The next paper in this section discusses gender in context of inequality in health. The paper titled ‘Women in Household Economy and Beyond: Reflections on gender inequality in health within households’, authored by Arindam Roy intends to make a departure from the popular discourses on gender inequality by casting some light on gender inequality in health. The author argues that due to systematic and systemic neglect of girl child since her birth by the patriarchal households the differential health outcomes between women and men are evident. The author argues that gender inequality in health has been overlooked and rationalized as fait accompli. The anatomical and epidemiological differences among gender have led to differential proclivity of diseases among gender. But this gender-driven epidemiological occurrence has nothing to do with the differences in life expectancy or morbidity status among genders. This new approach to gender disparities has unravelled the structural inequality embedded in society in order to deconstruct the fatalistic explanation of morbidity status of women. A Feminine Mystique is constructed to domesticate her. Therefore, the author emphasizes on the need to examine the status of women in household beyond the economic deprivation and to concentrate on her morbidity status to make sense of her secondary position within the household. This argument

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held for the gender disparity is fairly much replicable on the social identity-based disparities and also among women across different social groups. Sonali Sahni in her paper explores social exclusion in access to maternal health among urban poor women. She argues that the urban poor migrant workers are at the bottom-line of the pyramid of development. Among the urban poor, in the urban setting, it is the women with maternal and child health needs, who are at the heightened risk of vulnerability and exclusion. The dynamic intersectionality of the determinants of exclusion at all domains, structural, social and individual, plays out at every sphere of the women’s life. Dynamic determinants of exclusion operate in different forms at each sphere making the lived experiences of social exclusion among the women as a unique experience of feminization of vulnerability. The chapter brings into light the determinants of exclusion and processes that play out to shape their chances of access to maternal health needs in a government hospital of the national capital Delhi. The paper also bring out the additional vulnerabilities of women from underprivileged groups. The last paper titled ‘Inequalities in Access to Water Supply and Sanitation Facilities: A Study in Bhubaneswar City, Odisha’ is authored by Ajit Kumar Lenka. The paper captures the experiences of water-borne diseases suffered by people and the kind of government and non-government interventions made to improve water supply and sanitation condition in the city of Bhubaneswar. Both primary and secondary data have been used to present the arguments through qualitative and quantitative methods. The findings suggest that the majority of the slum dwellers practised open defecation because the toilets had no water supply facilities. The paper infers that the basic services provided to slum dwellers are poor, irregular, inadequate and of unacceptable quality. A marked residential difference is evident on the basis of the social composition of the slum dweller. The households belonging to underprivileged castes, usually with lower income, are located in spaces where very little piped water is received, and for limited duration. There is no garbage collection, and drainage is poor too. Thus, there is need to address this lack of basic facilities in the slums which provide basic essential services to the city dwellers.

Conclusion Caste, therefore, is a unique determinant of social stratification and discrimination and is often described by the form of social stratification and social restrictions. Stratification is based on hierarchy in the caste and within sub-caste and has created some boundaries of restrictions in everyday social life in every society. Theorizing appropriately is important. Only then can the robust evidences be properly analysed for any meaningful inference. Differential access to resources and opportunities cause problems for the marginalized populations, making them comparatively more disadvantaged and deprived and therefore marginalized than others. The Indian social structure has safeguarded and

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sanctioned the privileges for some and denied to the others. The custodians of safeguards and sanctions in academia have engaged with social inequalities through the lens of class, not caste, undermining the alternative narratives, much of which was coming out of the works of Ambedkar. It becomes extremely necessary, therefore, to inform the uninitiated as well as the purposeful ignorant about the magnanimous presence of one individual in the making of modern India. These untiring efforts not only gave a message to the underprivileged to educate themselves, but Ambedkar himself also established several academic institutions to spread the education among these masses which were denied the same for centuries. Therefore, it is evident that any discussion on the social identity-based exclusion will remain incomplete without a reference to the efforts of Dr. B. R. Ambedkar. This volume is strictly an academic exercise to reflect on the persisting inequalities embedded in historical deprivation. The terms denoting castes and religions are used to highlight the continuing differentials across populations and the unequal world in which the privileged and the underprivileged population groups are located.

References Dworkin, R. (2001). What is equality? Part 2 equality of resources (1st edn.). Routedge e-book published 30 Sept 2017. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315199795. In H. Mane (Ed.), The Notion of Equality (1st edn.). Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/978131519979 Jaffrelot, C. (2006). The Impact of affirmative action in India: More political than socioeconomic. India Review, 5(2), 173–189. https://doi.org/10.1080/14736480600824516 Nambissan, G. B. (1996, April 20). Equity in education—Schooling of Dalit children in India. Special article. Economic and Political Weekly, 21, 31(6–17), 2439–2450. Jogdand, P. G., & Kamble, R. (2013). The sociological traditions and their margins: The Bombay school of sociology and Dalits. Sociological Bulletin, 62(2), Special Issue on The Bombay School of Sociology: The Stalwarts and Their Legacies (May–August 2013) (pp. 324–345). Pham, T. T. (2015). Three essays on inequality of opportunity and intergenerational mobility. Senior Projects Fall, 33. https://digitalcommons.bard.edu/senproj_f2015/33 Roemer, J. (2021). Equality of opportunity. Harvard University Press. https://doi.org/10.4159/978 0674042872 Sabharwal, N. S. (2011). Caste, nutrition and malnutrition linkages. Economic and Political Weekly, 46(50), 16–18. Shah, G., Mander, H., Thorat, S., Deshpande, S., & Baviskar, A. (2006). Untouchability in rural India. SAGE Publications. Sharma, B. A. V. (1982). Development of Reservation Theory. In B. A. V. Sharma & M. K. Reddy (Eds.), Reservation policy in India (pp. 18–19). Light and Light Publishers. Verma, S., & Acharya, S. S. (2017). Social identity and perceptions about health care service provisioning by and for the Dalits in India (pp. 327–338). Received 30 June 2016, Accepted 21 August 2017, Published online: 13 September 2017.

Part I

Theorizing Exclusion in India—Thoughts and Perspectives on Social Identity

“Turn in any direction you like, caste is the monster that crosses your path. You cannot have political reform; you cannot have economic reform, unless you kill this monster.” Dr. B. R. Ambedkar

Chapter 2

Indian Thought and Social Science on the Travails of Self-Identity William S. Waldron

Abstract After the Cold War melted down, bitter ethnic and religious conflicts heated up all over the globe. Endless images of death and violence now flash daily across the globe, as the multiple faces of evil and suffering stare steadfastly into our own. Our task, our moral imperative is urgent. This essay is an attempt to understand the awful dynamics of human-inflicted suffering, of ‘man’s inhumanity to man’ in traditional parlance. Human beings make war and kill each other in a way that no other species does, that no other species could, that no other species would. Somehow, we must make sense of it all. We must be able to discern some patterns, some common dynamics, behind behaviour that is repeated so often, in so many different times and places. Keywords Religious thought · Social science · Socialization · Identity

Introduction After the Cold War melted down, bitter ethnic and religious conflicts heated up all over the globe. Endless images of death and violence now flash daily across the globe, as the multiple faces of evil and suffering stare steadfastly into our own. Our task, our moral imperative, if you will, is as urgent today as it was when Albert Camus (1971: 11) expressed it fifty years ago, just as many millions of murders ago: One might think that a period which, within fifty years, uproots, enslaves, or kills seventy million human beings, should only, and forthwith, be condemned. But its guilt must also be understood.

Adapted from “Common Ground, Common Cause: Buddhism and Science on the Afflictions of Self-Identity” by William S. Waldron, originally published in Buddhism and Science, edited by B. Alan Wallace. Copyright © 2003 Columbia University Press. Reprinted with permission of Columbia University Press. W. S. Waldron (B) Middlebury College, Middlebury, VT, USA e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2022 R. K. Kale and S. S. Acharya (eds.), Mapping Identity-Induced Marginalisation in India, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-3128-4_2

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This essay is an attempt to take this challenge seriously, an attempt to understand the awful dynamics of human-inflicted suffering, of ‘man’s inhumanity to man’ in traditional parlance. Human beings make war and kill each other in a way that no other species does, that no other species could, that no other species would. Somehow, we must make sense of it all. We must be able to discern some patterns, some common dynamics, behind behaviour that is repeated so often, in so many different times and places. As Camus intimated, such an understanding, however repugnant its details or unpleasant its conclusions, is a prerequisite for preventing them. Understanding, however, is not only what we require, it is also, what we must interrogate. For it is understanding itself, imperfect, wrong-headed understanding of our human condition, that lies deeply and malignantly behind these unholy dynamics. It is this mistaken understanding of ourselves—as individuals, as members of groups, and as a contingent, historical species—that we must address. We must understand not only the passions that drive men to evil but the confusion about our condition that makes such evil possible. The tenacity and pervasiveness of these tragic strains in the human condition, our ‘fallen state’, as it were, have been recognized and addressed by nearly all religious traditions. In seeking to understand the darker sides of human life in this essay, however, we shall draw upon the conceptual resources of one such tradition, classical Indian Buddhism, in dialogue with comparable areas of inquiry from the biological and social sciences.

Introduction. Indian Religious Thought According to the classical Indian religious traditions—particularly the yogic aspects of Hinduism, Buddhism and Jainism—the basic problem of human life stems from mis-identifying who we truly are and the misguided actions this mis-identification gives rise to. Rather than realizing that we are ultimately inseparable from a larger spiritual reality, variously conceived, we identify instead with our transient physical, emotional, social and religious selves. The actions that follow from these identifications thus become little more than attempts to preserve and protect whatever we imagine we are. But since whatever we usually identify with—our minds and bodies, our material and social worlds—are themselves complex constructs (sam . sk¯ar¯ah.) cobbled together out of ever-changing components, our attempts to preserve these identities are exercises in futility, inviting inevitable frustration and dissatisfaction, or duh.kha in Sanskrit. This does not, of course, stop us from trying over and over. Since we are always painfully aware of the precariousness of life, we always try to overcome it—nearly knowing that we can never truly succeed. This compulsive repetition of ineffective efforts to make impermanent things permanent, and dependent things independent, is the basic sense of sam . s¯ara, our going-around and around, repeating the same old behavioural patterns whether they work or not. In Western psychology, this effectively defines neurosis. Identity, in other words, is a neurotic compulsion.

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The traditional solution to the problem of compulsive behavioural patterns driven by false identification is a transformative awareness of the transient, constructed nature of whatever we identify with. This transformation releases the emotional energies and fixed ideas we had previously invested in constructing and preserving our identities, and which can now be freely directed towards more realistic and altruistic aims. In short, Hindus, Buddhists and Jains suggest that we are deeply ignorant of the constructive nature of our identities, and so remain trapped in a vicious cycle of futile actions, leading to frustration and dissatisfaction, to which we respond with further actions, etc. Overcoming this ignorance, however, and understanding the constructive processes we usually ignore frees us from our compulsive, distressing behaviours.

Connection with the Social Sciences In these terms, traditional Indian thought has much in common with the modern social sciences. The basis premise of most sciences is that things are not what they seem, that the ‘real’ causes and conditions that underlie phenomena are not readily apparent. Rather, we can only come to understand how things ‘really’ work when we analyse them through the methods of certain disciplines, such as biology, psychology and sociology. In other words, although we are not normally cognizant of the processes that structure our lives and identities and hence remain subject to them, we can free ourselves from these hidden influences through rigorous analytic understanding. The ameliorative aims of the social sciences are thus achieved through a ‘hermeneutics of suspicion;’ that is to say—as a matter of method—that we are suspicious of the appearance of things and must therefore look beyond or behind them in order to disclose their hidden structures. As anthropologist, Victor Turner observed: ‘What is structurally “visible” to a trained anthropological observer is psychologically “unconscious” to the individual member of the observed society’. (Turner, 1969: 176). This process of disclosing what was previously hidden illustrates two essential aspects of human identity-making which we shall examine below, both of which are highly congruent with traditional Indian analyses of the human condition. First, in various ways human beings are constantly engaged in the process of identity construction, traditionally called ‘I-making’ (aham-k¯ara). As empirical processes, these are eminently amenable to the causal analyses of the social sciences and have much in common with yogic philosophy. And, second, to enable ordinary identity to ‘work’, to carry out its positive functions, it seems that we must ignore or repress our own involvement in its construction, that we must take identity as a given, something independent, substantial, even sacred.

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Conceptual Framework Although these ideas have been clearly expressed in different traditions, the relationship between our misunderstanding of the human condition and the actions leading to dissatisfaction and suffering have been most clearly, directly and comprehensively articulated in the principles of classical Indian thought, particularly in its yogic traditions (since I am most conversant in the Buddhist idiom I will use Buddhist terms, although these basic ideas are common to the other Indian traditions). These principles are: 1.

2. 3.

4. 5.

that all ‘constructed phenomena’ (sam . skr.ta-dharma) wholly depend on various causes and conditions (prat¯ıtya-samutp¯ada) and hence lack any fixed or unchanging ‘essence’ (svabh¯ava); that what we are, rather, are assemblages of dynamic ‘constructs’ (sam . sk¯ar¯ah.), held together by craving and grasping (up¯ad¯ana); that we mistakenly take these assembled constructs as substantial ‘selves’ or fixed identities (satk¯ayadr.s..ti), which we appropriate, i.e. take as our ‘own’ (‘ad-proprius’); that in our efforts to fashion and secure such an identity we necessarily deny its contingent, constructed nature and actively strive to counteract it; and that these efforts, though ultimately futile, effectively channel our activities (karma) into repetitive behavioural patterns that, paradoxically, bring about even more suffering and dissatisfaction.

These activities, then, represent misguided attempts to deny dependence, to counteract transience and to attain true security for a substantial, yet inescapably temporal ‘self’—attempts, as Buddhists put it, to ‘turn reality on its head’.1 What we commonly think of as our essential ‘identity’ is actually a complex construct generated by misunderstanding, forged by emotional attachments and secured by appropriating activities. But since such identities are constructed and construed within a radically dynamic and interdependent world, they are necessarily unstable and insecure and thus require repeated reinforcement and protection to persist. We are caught, in short, in an unending, unhealthy feedback cycle consisting of repetitive, compulsive behavioural patterns, i.e. sam . s¯ara. This bears repeating. In the Indian yogic view in general, and the Buddhist view in particular, it is our misguided attempts to protect and sustain such constructed identities that lead to the preponderance of suffering caused by human actions, that lead, in a word, to evil. Evil and suffering are therefore the unintended yet inevitable consequences of our tendencies to reify relationships and processes into unchanging ‘things’, to abstract characteristics and qualities in terms of fixed ‘essences’ or ‘natures’, and, most egregiously, to identify ourselves as singular, substantive ‘selves’ in contrast to and standing apart from our encompassing environment. ‘Self-identity’ is thus not only a construct based upon an ultimately untenable dichotomy between ‘self’ and ‘other’, but it almost inevitably leads to attachment to ‘us’ and ‘ours’ at the expense of ‘them’ and ‘theirs’. And it is this dimension of identity in particular—the

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processes whereby the construction of group identity necessarily entails sectarian and communal conflict—that I wish to address.

Prospectus of the Paper Although the concepts of interdependence and identity construction are relatively straightforward, it requires considerably more thought—and more specifics—to fully appreciate their implications for human existence. We shall therefore draw upon various sciences to explicate the implications of these ideas, attaining in the process, we hope, a more compelling understanding of the dynamics of human evil than either Buddhists or scientists have yet to reach on their own. Our attempt to flesh out these views on the relation between self-identity and evil and suffering involves an unavoidably sketchy excursus through the social sciences, for it is only at the social and cultural levels that the uniquely human scale of evil occurs. We will briefly discuss evolutionary and developmental psychology, before moving quickly into the cultural, social and political spheres. We shall find overwhelming consensus that the construction, maintenance and protection of a secure identity—at the personal, social, cultural and political levels—are carried out with both increasing complexity and vulnerability, requiring ever more strenuous and artificial supports, which in turn lead to yet more complexity and vulnerability, etc. We are collectively caught in a vicious cycle of increasing and frightening intensity. And it is precisely these misguided efforts to secure a permanent and unitary identity in our complex, chaotic and pluralistic world that tragically leads to the preponderance of evil, of ‘man’s inhumanity to man’.

Identity as Interdependent Construct The distinction between ‘self’ and ‘not-self’, such as expressed in the processes of avoiding harm and absorbing nutriments, is essential to biological life and clearly informs and influences the more evolved cognitive and affective structures found in all higher life-forms. Although the self-consciousness of humans appears to be unique, it nevertheless represents an evolution of elementary cognitive capacities that all organisms enjoy. An acute awareness of ‘oneself in relation to others’ is already clearly present in our primate cousins and must surely have been a crucial selective factor in both primate and early hominid evolution. However, it may be conceived,2 a sense of ‘self’ is an indispensable part of the complex web of agency, organization and order that constitutes human identity. But it is the dynamic processes associated with this sense of identity—its evolved origins, its dependent development and its tenuous, often tortured, persistence—that are so problematic, so fraught with frailties, tensions and conflict. For what is unique about human beings is the extent to which our sense of order and identity is dependent upon the intersubjective world that arises out of the regularities

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of social interaction, and the shared, symbolic means we have of expressing, communicating and transmitting that world—i.e. culture.3 This world of social communication, however, is never simply ‘cultural’ as opposed to ‘natural’, for what is social and cultural has irrevocably configured human physiology: by most accounts our uniquely human brain structures evolved roughly simultaneously with the development of culture, which itself could only have developed based upon the cognitive capacities this evolving brain facilitated. Culture and human biology are thus inseparable, interdependent, coevolutionary phenomena. Culture, and the social relations that engenders it, are therefore not something added on or extraneous to human life; they are constitutive of human existence itself.4 And it is these cultural and social ‘worlds’ that, though inseparable from our biological endowment, provide the context and content of our constructed realities. As sociologists, Peter Berger et al., explain: To be human means to live in a world—that is, to live in a reality that is ordered and that gives sense to the business of living… This life-world is social both in its origins and in its ongoing maintenance: the meaningful order it provides for human lives has been established collectively and is kept going by collective assent. (Berger et al., 1973: 63)

But humans did not evolve, nor do we now live, in social groups in general. We have always been raised into specific groups and specific cultures, through whose particular social and cultural patterns we have received our understandings of reality, our implicit and usually unexamined worldview. It is only within this larger context of a meaningfully ordered reality provided by social life that we develop a sense of identity, one that is thus irredeemably individual and social at the same time. This sense of self is first and foremost forged during our prolonged childhood dependency through constant social interaction within the limited nexus of the family. According to developmental psychologists our sense of ‘I-ness’ develops in fairly specific stages during infancy. Piaget, for example, thinks that infants develop a conception of the ongoing existence of external objects which are temporarily out of sight (‘object permanence’) more or less at the same time they develop a conception of a separate self who is experiencing those objects. Both the distinction between self and non-self and their interdependence are therefore not only logical, but ontological as well—so they are intrinsic to the notion of self-identity from its very inception. And since the family can never be fully separated from the larger social and cultural contexts in which it too exists, our sense of self is not only individually, but also socially or culturally constructed. For inescapably social creatures such as ourselves, self-identity is never simply given; it is forged in the crucible of extended interaction with others. Identity is thus a product not only of the evolution of our speciesspecific capacities, but of the developmental processes of growth, maturation and socialization of each individual as well. It is ontogenetic as well as phylogenetic. As with the species itself, individual identity is a contingent and conditioned construct, a sam . sk¯ara in Hindu and Buddhist terms. Ludwig Bertalanffy (1968: 211f), the founder of general system theory, therefore argues: “I” and “the world,” “mind” and “matter,” or Descartes’s “res cogitans” and “res extensa” are not a simple datum and primordial antithesis. They are the final outcome of a long process

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in biological evolution, mental development of the child, and cultural and linguistic history, wherein the perceiver is not simply a receptor of stimuli but in a very real sense creates his world.... “Things” and “self” emerge by a slow build-up of innumerable factors of gestalt dynamics, of learning processes, and of social, cultural, and linguistic determinants.

This sense of ‘I’ as distinct from ‘other’ therefore depends not only upon an evolved, innate capacity for self-identity but also upon conceptions of identity that are culturally and socially acquired, which have undergone their own development, articulation and often conflicted expression. But this introduces an entirely new set of problems. As self-making, culture-creating, symbol-processing organisms, we require meaning and order at multiple levels—personal, social, cultural, etc. It is through these overlapping dimensions of identity that meaning and order coalesce and cohere. Identity thus serves important, perhaps indispensable purposes: it provides that continuous, predictable locus of experience, that sense of agency and organization, that allows us ‘to map and order the physical and social universe and our own place in it’ (Barkow, 1989: 110). But this very dependence on social interaction and cultural construction gives the lie to the assumptions of autonomy, unity and stability upon which our deepest sense of self depends. For identity is inherently unstable, its instability grounded in the very social and cultural nature of its origins: since we are always changing our minds and feelings, our modes of expression, our established patterns of interaction and our complex symbolizations of experienced reality, any cultural symbol system is necessarily fragile and vulnerable. Identities, meanings and shared symbols proliferate and disperse with distressing regularity, ever prone to differentiation, dissolution and decay.5 And it is precisely this tension between the sheer necessity for such overlapping levels of identity and the inherent fragility of all such constructions that drives the underlying compulsions behind humanity’s massive, engineered inhumanity. ‘Identities’, as Hindus and Buddhists remind us, are constructs designed to counteract the impermanent, restless and contingent nature of things, in short, to ‘turn reality on its head’ (vipary¯asa).1

Securing Identity by Constructing Evil How do human beings respond to this instability, to the inescapably provisional nature of our constructed identities? How do we shape and sustain these distinct personal, social and cultural dimensions of order and identity, constructed on such shifting sands? How do we ‘fixate’ our fundamental groundlessness in order to sustain stable, established modes of being? Identities at all levels are constructed and stabilized by establishing order and security within our irredeemably impermanent and interdependent world. Forging these group identities involves processes similar to those we have seen at the individual level—discomfort with disorder and insecurity, desire for self-perpetuation and denial of dependence. To create order in the world, we exaggerate the variations between peoples, create dichotomies between ‘us’ and ‘them’ and reify these into fixed and independent ‘entities’ set off from one another by supposedly intrinsic and essential differences.6 Fostering extreme yet flawed emotional attachments, these

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fixations supply the raw materials for intense identification with ‘our’ group and animosity towards the ‘other’.7 They virtually define reality for us. The definition of reality in which we are raised is so powerful and so ingrained that sociologists, following Durkheim, consider it the fundamental religious reality. That is, a culture’s definition of reality provides both the behavioural regularities required for meaning and order to appear in our chaotic and confusing world, as well as the shared symbol system that provides that compelling and enduring sense of reality, that aura of objective and eternal truth, that sacralized reality, within which we find our place in the cosmos, our ultimate identity.8 Cultural symbols thus embody ‘sacred’ meaning, order and permanence through whose mediation we, as mere mortals, may symbolically participate in something transcendent or immortal.9 As anthropologist Ernest Becker (1975: 64) so eloquently avows: All cultural forms are in essence sacred because they seek the perpetuation and redemption of the individual life... Culture means that which is supernatural; all culture has the basic mandate to transcend the physical, to permanently transcend it. All human ideologies, then, are affairs that deal directly with the sacredness of the individual or the group life, whether it seems that way or not, whether they admit it or not, whether the person knows it himself or not.

But the sacralized ‘realities’ and identities that culture provides are compelling and effective only insofar as they appear to be more than mere constructs, mere human fabrications. To the contrary, sociologist Peter Berger (1967, 33) avers, ‘the institutional order must be so interpreted as to hide, as much as possible, its constructed character’. Our culturally sanctioned realities are ‘sacred’ not in spite of but because they are obscured. They require mystification.10 These are by no means wholly evil processes, but neither are they incidental. They are essential and constitutive of identity formation itself. And they involve the same qualities individual ‘self-making’ does: they are eminently functional, yet nevertheless constructed, conflicted, and concealing. But while the direct consequences of individual identity construction are relatively simple, narrowly limited and shortlived, the consequences of constructing social, cultural and political identities are complex, wide-spread, long-lived and disastrously disruptive.

Sacralization of the Nation or Birth-Group In this modern world, our most effective ‘sacred reality’ has increasing come to reside in ethnicities, communal groups, nations and nation/states (note: although often used to denote political entities, ‘nation’—cognate with ‘natal’—more strictly refers to ‘birth-group’ or ethnicity). These groups have been ‘sacralized’ by the same processes through which individuals, societies and cultures are reified into separate selves or fixed entities11 : by creating boundaries that dichotomize the world into ‘us’ and ‘them’, enforcing homogeneity within and repulsing ‘foreignness’ without, all the while imbuing them with an aura of eternal truth and goodness that simultaneously sanctifies and obscures their contingent and constructed nature. In this way, we populate our complex, interdependent human environment with various imagined

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entities such as ethnicities, cultures and nations,12 even though, as anthropologist, Wolf (1982: 3) points out, Inquiries that disassemble this totality into bits and then fail to reassemble it falsify reality. Concepts like ‘nation,’ ‘society,’ and ‘culture,’ name bits and threaten to turn names into things. Only by understanding these names as bundles of relationships, and by placing them back into the field from which they were abstracted, can we hope to avoid misleading inferences and increase our share of understanding.

And it is this falsification—this reification of aggregated individuals into discrete, autonomous entities abstracted from their encompassing contexts—that provides the locus of identification necessary for sacralizing order and identity. The modern nation (in both senses) is a socially constructed ‘ultimate reality’ imbued with the implicit sacrality that all societies share: a cosmic order that provides ultimate meaning and purpose, to which we may offer the ‘ultimate sacrifice’. Thus, by creating order and purpose at the social and political levels, while simultaneously providing a locus of sacralized identity and belonging at the personal level, the nation is the modern sacred order par excellence. As Becker (1975: 113) so eloquently observes: We couldn’t understand the obsessive development of nationalism in our time—the fantastic bitterness between nations, the unquestioned loyalty to one’s own, the consuming wars fought in the name of the fatherland or the motherland—unless we saw it in this light. “Our nation” and it’s “allies” represent those who qualify for eternal survival; we are the “chosen people”. All those who join together under one banner are alike and so qualify for the privilege of immortality; all those who are different and outside that banner are excluded from the blessings of eternity.

We can now see how the animosities evoked by ethnic, cultural or national conflict draw upon the deepest dynamics of identity formation. ‘Others’ play an indispensable role in defining ‘us;’ they provide both the contrasting boundary by which we can distinguish who ‘we’ are and the common threat that unites ‘us’ in ‘our’ sacred cosmos.13 The attempt to establish and protect essential ethnic or national identities does not merely facilitate evil, it requires it.14 Identity is thus a tragically double-edged sword. It is the juxtaposition of the sheer fragility of any symbolic order with the magnitude of our need for it, the juxtaposition of our deep dependence upon a larger consensual reality with its constructed nature, and the concomitant threats to its integrity and validity, that helps explain the endless violence and warfare waged over sacred symbol systems. Sacred symbol systems proliferate, mix and mutate in the vast marketplace of competing and incompatible worldviews. But this radical pluralism is deeply disturbing and destabilizing. For when our sense of order and meaning is tied to the sacralized symbol system of specific cultures, ethnicities, religions or nations, then threats to its integrity are threats to our very existence. As Peter Berger (1967: 39) warns, ‘when the socially defined reality has come to be identified with the ultimate reality of the universe, then its denial takes on the quality of evil as well as madness’. The implications of this are obvious and ominous: when each particular ‘socially defined reality’ is sacred, then pluralism produces endless evil and madness. We need not merely imagine what this means.

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These processes have generated a vicious cycle of mind-boggling proportions and heart-numbing consequences. As indispensable institutions for sacralizing identity within an eternal sacred order that provides meaning, purpose and belonging, the modern nation has filled the vacuum created by the diminished influence of institutionalized religion in the early modern era.15 With its implicit promise of immortality, such cultural or national identities supersede one’s personal survival. Men are willing to fight and die so that their group, and thus themselves, may attain immortal life.16 Paradoxically, Otto Rank observed (cited in Becker, 1975: 65), ‘men seek to preserve their immortality rather than their lives’. It is this intense identification with groups larger than ourselves that sacralizes the massive, incalculable blood sacrifice at the altar of the nation, our modern secular, ersatz religion. Millions have died defending abstract symbols such as a flag or ideologies such as fascism, socialism, or democracy; millions more have killed in the name of the ‘fatherland’, ‘racial purity’ or even, most ironically, in the name of a loving God. As Duncan (1962: 131) declares, in this time of ideological warfare, ‘all wars are conducted as holy wars’. We have now reached the bloody paradox of our modern era. Our attempts to turn reality on its head results in the ‘paradox… that evil comes from man’s urge to heroic victory over evil’ (Becker, 1975: 136), from our ill-chosen means of constructing sacred identities whose very existence requires that we continuously create and vanquish opposing ‘evil’ entities in the world. Human beings make war and kill each other in a way that no other animal species does because no other species needs to collectively sacralize symbols of reality in order to make sense of their lives.17 No other species has the capacity, nor the need, to externalize identity out into the wide-open world where its fate, our fate, blows so helplessly in the wind.

Interdependence, Identity and Understanding In the aggregate, these observations from the social sciences not only resemble, but resound classical Indian notions of the construction of identity (aham-k¯ara) as the locus of self-grasping in the face of the radically transient and conditioned nature of the world. These ideas have provided a conceptual framework from which we may make some sense of the massive perpetration of evil and suffering we inflict on each other each and every day. We can see how the construction of identity, and attachment to our ‘selves’ at the expense of others, functions equally effectively, and nefariously, at the biological and individual levels, as well as at the sociocultural levels organized around shared symbol systems. At the individual level, our self-centeredness and ignorance are universally recognized to underlie many of the interpersonal problems in life and much of traditional religious or moral culture is geared towards mollifying their expression or ameliorating their excesses. These processes, however, are but the ground level, the bare prerequisites, of our human capacities towards evil. To understand how these are transmuted into the scale of violence and hatred unique to our species, we have examined the ‘sacralization of identity’ (satk¯ayadr.s..ti) and its results: how emotional attachments and erroneous beliefs about social, cultural

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and political constructions of reality necessarily lead to in-group\out-group discrimination, with all its exclusionary loyalties and attendant hostilities. Paradoxically, it is the constructive processes of identity itself that conduce to the unprecedented scale of violence characterizing our blood-soaked era. For built into the self\other dichotomy is the tragic blindness to our ontological interdependence, our reciprocally conditioned and contingent identities. It is this ignorance that facilitates our blind belief in independent, autonomous entities, whether individuals or groups, ethnicities or cultures, or, more recently, nations and religions, those apogees of belonging and belief in whose name has so much senseless suffering has been instigated and so many needless deaths decreed. Having gained at least some purchase on these unholy dynamics, we cannot avoid asking what can be done to ameliorate these ills, to circumvent these vicious circles. Indian thinkers have traditionally divided their ameliorative efforts into understanding the human condition and overcoming the baneful influences of our afflictive, self-centred activities. The abstract and theoretical analyses pursued above are not merely an academic exercise but offer potentially powerful tools for overcoming ignorance and attaining insight regarding the conflicted and constructed nature of human identity. Without such an understanding, we could hardly approach these issues in a comprehensive, constructive fashion. We can no longer fully appreciate the indispensable meaning-making functions that the construction of identity clearly does serve, without at the same time unreservedly interrogating the destructive dynamics into which the ‘sacralization of identity’ too readily degenerates. This Janus-face quality of human identity must be an explicit component of any serious attempt to understand our human condition. ‘Ignorance, thirst for illusion, and fear’, Ernest Becker (1975: 143) avers, must all be ‘part of the scientific problem of human liberation’. Such a science, he continues (162), ‘would share a place with historical religions: they are all critiques of false perceptions, of ignoble hero systems. A science of society, in other words… will be a critique of idolatry’. Such a science, in traditional Indian terms, would be a critique of our futile and frustrating efforts to ‘turn reality on its head’ by misconstruing the impermanent as permanent, the unsatisfactory as satisfactory, and what is not-self as self. The collective recognition of both our contingent and conditioned nature, and of the alienation that is aligned with all constructed identities, is thus an essential component of a new, and yet very ancient, mode of understanding ourselves and our place in the world. But understanding needs to issue in action. This is no easy task, nor is it to suggest that Buddhists or anyone else possess a panacea for all that ails our times. It is traditionally said that the Buddha taught 84,000 practices directed towards alleviating 84,000 kinds of afflictions. This traditional stock figure expresses the necessity of understanding the particulars of our complex world in order to address its multifarious ills. If, as we have argued above, we have the capacity to construct our ‘worlds’, then we also have responsibility for the kind of world we collectively construct. We have little choice but to exercise this weighty responsibility of ‘the knowledge of good and evil’ with intelligence and compassion, fully appreciative of its creative possibilities, fully cognizant of their demonstrated dangers. We have recently reached some consensus on both the grounds and causes of some of the most egregious of

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these dangers. If this hard-won understanding remains ensconced in the academy or the lab, then we may not survive to develop its more promising possibilities. Notes 1.

2.

3.

4.

This last phrase is close to the literal meaning of the four ‘inversions’ (vipary¯asa): regarding the impermanent as permanent, the dissatisfactory as satisfactory, the impure as pure, and what is not self as self. This formula is also found in Patanjali’s Yoga s¯utra II.5. We need to qualify Geertz’ (1979: 59) cautionary counsel about the various conceptions of ‘self’ in the world’s cultures—“the Western conception of the person as a bounded, unique, more or less integrated motivational and cognitive universe, a dynamic center of awareness, emotion, judgment, and action organized into a distinctive whole and set contrastively both against other such wholes and against a social and natural background is, however incorrigible it may seem to us, a rather peculiar idea within the context of the world’s cultures.” First, the Buddhists make a distinction between an innate sense of selfhood, which they consider universal, and explicit concepts of selfhood, which indeed vary from culture to culture and are the obvious target of Geertz’ remarks. However, one must infer from the experience of Buddhist thought in many cultures that even such “Western conceptions” of self and personhood can be found in other times and places. Throughout their history in classical India, for example, the Buddhists’ explicit arguments against a notion of essential self (¯atman), one that was remarkably similar to Geertz’ “peculiar idea”, consistently met with equally explicit, well-argued and often strident criticisms from opposing thinkers of many stripes. The Buddhist refutation of such a ‘self,’ moreover, met with puzzled and antagonistic responses nearly everywhere Buddhism has spread. In this respect, we should be as wary of a reconstructed exceptionalism couched in terms of cultural relativism as we need be of uncritical assumptions of cultural universality. Hans Mol (8f), the sociologist of religion, elaborates this important point: “Both in animals and in human beings, security is bound up with order… The need for identity (or for a stable niche in this whole complex of physiological, psychological, and sociological patterns of interaction) is very much bound up with continuous regularity…. Order means survival; chaos means extinction…. Identity, order, and views of reality are all intertwined…. The point is that an interpretation (any interpretation) of reality is necessary for the wholeness (and wholesomeness) of individual and society.” “There is no such things as a human independent of culture…. As our central nervous system—and most particularly its crowning curse and glory, the neocortex—grew up in great part in interaction with culture, it is incapable of directing our behaviour or organizing our experience without the guidance provided by systems of significant symbols… Such symbols are thus not mere expressions, instrumentalities, or correlates of our biological, psychological, and social existence; they are prerequisites of it. (Geertz, 1973: 49).

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6.

7.

8.

9.

10.

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Berger et al. (1973: 78) make the same point, intertwining themes of selflessness, impermanence, insecurity and a deluded belief in self-identity: “On the one hand, modern identity is open-ended, transitory, liable to ongoing change. On the other hand, a subjective realm of identity is the individual’s main foothold in reality. Something that is constantly changing is supposed to the ens realissimum. Consequently, it should not be a surprise that modern man is afflicted with a permanent identity crisis, a condition conducive to considerable nervousness.” Sociologist, Anthony Giddens (1991: 185), makes much the same point: “In the reflexive project of the self, the narrative of self-identity is inherently fragile. The task of forging a distinct identity… is clearly a burden. A self-identity has to be created and more or less continually reordered against the backdrop of shifting experiences of day-to-day life and the fragmenting tendencies of modern institutions.” Although the very notion of group identity implies relatively well defined boundaries, the world is seldom so neatly divided in practice. Identities, rather, must be forged through processes of abstracting qualities and categorizing classes. As the anthropologist, Douglas (1966: 4) argues: “Ideas about separating, purifying, demarcating and punishing transgressions have as their main function to impose system on an inherently untidy experience. It is only by exaggerating the difference between within and without, above and below, male and female, with and against, that a semblance of order is created.” Although we are necessarily classify, categorize and discriminate for eminently practical reasons, fixing boundaries between peoples, groups, cultures, etc. by labeling and stereotyping them is seldom simply neutral. “The maintenance of any strong boundary,” Mol (1976: 174, 11) observes, “requires emotional attachment to a specific focus of identity,” since “it is precisely through emotional fixation that personal and social unity takes place.” Mol (1976: 5f) defines sacralization as “the process by means of which on the level of symbol-systems certain patterns acquire the… taken-forgranted, stable, eternal, quality… Sacralization, then… [precludes threats to] the emotional security of personality and the integration of tribe or community…. Sacralization protects identity, a system of meaning, of a definition of reality, and modifies, obstructs, or (if necessary) legitimates change.” “The inherently precarious and transitory constructions of human activity are thus given the semblance of ultimate security and permanence…. The institutions are magically lifted above these human, historical contingencies… They transcend the death of individuals and the decay of entire collectivities… In a sense, then, they become immortal… [The modern individual] is what-ever society has identified him as by virtue of a cosmic truth, as it were, and his social being becomes rooted in the sacred reality of the universe…. Like the institutions, then, roles become endowed with a quality of immortality.” Berger (1967: 36f). This mystification, in the concept of reification, is basic to the sociology of knowledge. Berger and Luckmann (1966: 89f) make a distinction, similar to

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12.

13.

14.

15.

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the Buddhists analysis of self-identity, between two levels of reification of human culture, one implicit and unreflective and the other explicit and cultivated. Reification is “the apprehension of the products of human activity as if they were something else than human products – such as facts of nature, results of cosmic laws, or manifestations of divine will… Reification is possible on both the pre-theoretical and theoretical levels of consciousness… it would be an error to limit the concept of reification to the mental construction of intellectuals. Reification exists in the consciousness of the man in the street and, indeed, the latter presence is more practically significant. It would also be a mistake to look at reification as a perversion of an originally non-reified apprehension of the social world, a sort of cognitive fall from grace. On the contrary, the available ethnological and psychological evidence seems to indicate the opposite, namely, that the original apprehension of the social world is highly reified both phylogenetically and ontogenetically.” [Emphasis added] As the anthropologist Eric Wolf warns: “By endowing nations, societies or cultures with the qualities of internally homogeneous and externally distinctive and bounded objects, we create a model of the world as a global pool hall in which the entities spin off each other like so many hard and round billiard balls. Thus it becomes easy to sort the world into differently colored balls.” Wolf (1982: 6). “Nationalism depends upon a particular social definition of a situation, that is, upon a collectively agreed-upon entity known as a particular nation…. The definition of a particular group of people as constituting a nation is always an act of social construction of reality. That is, it is always ‘artificial’” Berger (1973: 167). Such sacralization, Carrithers (1992: 19) notes, is “also fully consistent with, indeed necessary to, the notion of cultures or societies as bounded, integral wholes. For once mutability and the vicissitudes of history are allowed, the notion of the integrity and boundedness of cultures and societies begins to waver and melt.” Becker (1975: 148): “The result is one of the great tragedies of human existence, what we might call the need to ‘fetishize evil,’ to locate the threat to life in some special places where it can be placated and controlled.” Benedict Anderson (11) eloquently describes the spiritual vacuum that nationalism came to fill in the early modern period: “In Western Europe the 18th century marks not only the dawn of the age of nationalism but the dusk of religious modes of thought. The century of the Enlightenment, of rationalist secularism, brought with it its own modern darkness. With the ebbing of religious belief, the suffering which belief in part composed did not disappear. Disintegration of paradise: nothing makes fatality more arbitrary. Absurdity of salvation: nothing makes another style of continuity more necessary. What then was required was a secular transformation of fatality into continuity, contingency into meaning.” “The hero is, then, the one who accrues power by his acts, and who placates invisible powers by his expiations. He kills those who threaten his group, he

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incorporates their powers to further protect his group, he sacrifices others to gain immunity for his group. In a word, he becomes a savior through blood” (Becker, 1975: 150). “Since men now hold for dear life onto the self-transcending meanings of the society in which they live, onto the immortality symbols which guarantee them indefinite duration of some kind, a new kind of instability and anxiety are created. And this anxiety is precisely what spills over into the affairs of men. In seeking to avoid evil, man is responsible for bringing more evil into the world than organisms could ever do by exercising their digestive tracts.” Becker (1975, 5).

References Anderson, B. (1983). Imagined communities. Verso. Barkow, J. (1989). Darwin, sex and status. University of Toronto Press. Becker, E. (1975). Escape from evil. Free Press. Berger, P. (1967). The sacred canopy: Elements of a sociological theory of religion. Doubleday. Berger, P., Berger, B., & Kellner, H. (1973). The homeless mind: Modernization and consciousness. Vintage Books. Berger, P., & Luckmann, T. (1966). The social construction of reality: A treatise in the sociology of knowledge. Anchor Books. Bertalanffy, L. V. (1968). General system theory. George Braziller. Camus, A. (1971). The rebel. Penguin Books. Carrithers, M. (1992). Why humans have culture. Oxford Univ. Press. Douglas, M. (1966). Purity and danger: An analysis of concepts of pollution and taboo. Routledge and Kegan Paul. Duncan, H. D. (1962). Communication and social order. Bedminster Press. Geertz, C. (1979). Local knowledge. Basic Books. Giddens, A. (1991). Modernity and self-identity: Self and society in the late modern age. Stanford University Press. Mol, H. (1976). Identity and the sacred: A sketch for a new social-scientific theory of religion. Basil Blackwell. Turner, V. (1969). The ritual process: Structure and anti-structure. Aldine Pub. Wolf, E. (1982). Europe and the people without history. University of California Press.

Chapter 3

The Sociological Traditions and Their Margins—The Bombay School of Sociology and Dalits P. G. Jogdand and Ramesh Kamble

Abstract Bombay School of sociology has contributed immensely to the development of sociology in India. G. S. Ghurye and his students and followers practised and popularized diverse sociological orientations illustrated in Indological, fieldwork and ethnographic approaches in India. Since Ghurye was the main architect of the discipline, it is necessary to unfold the different dimensions of the craft he and his students institutionalized over a period of time. Much has already been written about Ghurye’s contribution and the contribution of the Bombay School to the making of sociology in India. Yet there is no detail critical account either of his work or of the contribution of the Bombay School. As an initial step towards a critical evaluation of the contribution of the Bombay School, the present paper deals with the issues and concerns expressed in the works of Ghurye and others. Keywords Bombay School of sociology · Dalits · Indological · Ethnographic

Introduction It is beyond doubt that the Bombay School of sociology1 has contributed immensely to the development of sociology in India. G. S. Ghurye and his students and followers practised and popularized diverse sociological orientations illustrated in Indological, fieldwork and ethnographic approaches in India. Since Ghurye was the main architect of the discipline, it is necessary to unfold the different dimensions of the craft he and his students institutionalized over a period of time. Much has already been written about Ghurye’s contribution and the contribution of the Bombay School to the making This chapter first appeared as an article with the same title in the Sociological Bulletin, Vol. 62, No. 2, 2013. It is being reprinted with permission from the authors and the Managing Editor of the Journal (see Appendix I for details). P. G. Jogdand (B) Faculty of Arts, Department of Sociology, University of Mumbai, Maharashtra, India e-mail: [email protected] R. Kamble Faculty of Arts, Department of Sociology, University of Mumbai, Maharashtra, India © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2022 R. K. Kale and S. S. Acharya (eds.), Mapping Identity-Induced Marginalisation in India, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-3128-4_3

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of sociology in India. Yet there is no detail critical account either of his work or of the contribution of the Bombay School. As an initial step towards a critical evaluation of the contribution of the Bombay School, let us briefly review the issues and concerns expressed in the works of Ghurye and others. A basic feature of Ghurye’s sociology was its emphasis on what he identified as the fundamental institutions—family, kinship and religion, which he researched as central to social and cultural integration. Research interest was sustained by Ghurye’s students in the areas of caste, tribe and village by using ethnography and fieldwork tradition. Ghurye’s method was textual, but he was also an empiricist who thought that the ‘facts’ would speak for themselves (Upadhya, 2007: 217). His approach was Indological and he used texts extensively in his writings. Along with Ghurye, the arrival of A. R. Desai and the Marxist approach to understand Indian society can be said to be a marker of the Bombay School. With Desai, it is observed, there was a major shift in the practise of sociology in Mumbai. Hence, as Dhanagare has observed, ‘… the Bombay School has two separate legacies, and not a single legacy. The first is the one that has been associated with Ghurye’s style of research and his method of understanding Indian Society and social change … and other legacy is what had been developed by A. R. Desai—a “non-conformist pacesetter” and “modernizer” in Indian society’ (2011: 135). Desai developed his own legacy using a new theoretical framework, departing from Ghurye’s legacy. Rooted in Marxist framework, Desai developed a new stream of theoretical and methodological perspective to analyse Indian society that attempted to combine academics and activism. However, with the emergence of M. N. Srinivas, a student of Ghurye, as a proponent and advocate of field research and functionalist sociology, Desai’s work and approach became marginalized; the functionalist perspective became dominant in sociological knowledge production and knowledge transmission. The marginalization of Desai and the approach he followed is also, we wish to point out, reflected in other realms: the marginalization of Dalits as a source of sociological knowledge, silence about Dalit struggle, as well as, more importantly, systematic and institutional neglect of Dr. B. R. Ambedkar’s contribution to theorization of caste and the nature of Hindu (Brahmanical) social order. It is not to say that issues such as caste, social stratification and tribe did not form the concerns of sociology. Both the Ghurye’s functionalist sociology and Desai’s Marxist sociology, however, failed to develop a serious engagement with the issues of casteism, untouchability, social exclusion and exploitation that confronted the Dalits and other oppressed sections of Indian society. More specifically, the Bombay School remained indifferent to the glaring injustice and oppression the Dalits suffered, and to the struggles led by Ambedkar as well as his critical contributions to sociology and social anthropology.

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Bombay as a Context of Dalit Struggle Previous studies on the Dalit movement have shown that Bombay (now Mumbai) was at the centre of Dalit struggles. Beginning with 1924, Ambedkar lunched the Dalit struggle in Bombay. His efforts of social reform; his articulations of the broader politics of the oppressed, marginalized, peasant and working classes; the formation of the Independent Labour Party in 1936 and the All India Scheduled Castes Federation in 1942, which has articulated the notion of State Socialism (see Ambedkar, 1979) were all shaped by the Dalit struggle in the city. Moreover, the social consciousness realized in urban areas also led to radicalization of Dalits in rural society (Omvedt, 1994: 142). Thus, the rise of Bombay as an urban centre was a major context for social change and Dalit protest. This development, however, was lost on the scholarship of Bombay School. The School exhibited and meticulously practised cognitive blackout towards Dalit struggle. While Ghurye explicitly contributed to the elite-driven nationalist agenda, his scholarship not only ignored Dalit struggle and Ambedkar’s contribution to sociology, but also, whenever he made this category meaningful in sociology, it was as ‘stigmatized social identities’ (Kumar, 2005: 521). Studies on Dalits in the early phase of the Bombay School categorized them in terms of occupations they performed (see Ghurye, 1979: 306–36; see also Pradhan, 1938). Thus, the sociological literature is silent on the movements launched by Dalits for independence from the Hindu social order; when it made this category visible in sociology, it was in terms of stigmatized identities as mentioned above. The Bombay School of sociology thus exhibited cognitive blackout and practices of silencing, omission, distortion, and epistemic violence as regards the life world and critical knowledge engagement of Dalit struggle, in its Ambedkarian phase as well as in the later Dalit Panther movement, and the critique of dominant discourses (expressed in academic writings as well as Dalit literary contributions). The indifference towards the Dalit issues, and thereby marginalizing and ousting Dalit social world from sociological knowledge as well as constructing it as irrelevant in building sociology for India mark as a context of epistemic closure and violence against Dalits as social actors and knowledge producers. Furthermore, it also ignored the vibrant Dalit culture—folk songs, dance forms, art and literature—not only as sources for understanding Dalit social reality, but also as reflective of the diverse nature of Indian society. Hence, if the emergence of sociology in the Bombay School is seen by Patel (2011a) as a construct shaped as a part of ‘colonial modernity’, the omission and silencing of Dalit social experiences, their counter articulations of society and culture, and their struggles against caste order could be seen as ‘reverse colonial modernity’. This reverse colonial modernity was witnessed in the practice of organized cognitive blackout (exhibited in contributors to Indian sociology), towards a whole body of social, political and historical writings produced by thinkers such as Jyotiba Phule, Ambedkar, Periyar and others. For instance, Ambedkar’s theoretical work on caste and untouchability was neglected and sidelined in the dominant knowledge practices and discourses in Indian sociology. The dominant discourses of sociology in

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India thus practised and privileged a ‘perspective from the above’ as the most appropriate view to understand Indian society and articulated perspectives and concerns of the privileged as the appropriate knowledge engagements of sociology. Hence the demand for a ‘perspective from below’ on the part of Dalit scholars (see Oommen, 2005).

Dr. B. R. Ambedkar: The First Indigenous Attempt at Theorizing Caste, Untouchability and Brahmanical Social Order This section discusses Ambedkar’s contribution to making of sociological knowledge in India. This can be articulated in terms of his analysis of caste system and the practice of untouchability and his critical analysis of the Hindu social order. This discussion is warranted for various reasons: (a) to familiarize the students and practitioners of sociology with Ambedkar’s contribution to making of sociology in India, (b) to correct the cognitive blackout encountered by Ambedkarian sociological thought at the hands of institutional knowledge gatekeepers (especially, Ghurye and his sociological genealogy) and thereby (c) to reconstitute the historicity of sociology on India. But, before we delve into Ambedkarian sociology, it would be pertinent to briefly point out the broad intellectual and political engagements that constituted and guided Ambedkar’s thinking. How to reform the Hindu social order and resolve the problems of those who suffered extreme deprivation due to the specific organization of Hindu social order is the problematic with which Ambedkar was preoccupied and devoted most of his intellectual, social and political efforts during the period between early 1920s and mid-1950s. Although Ambedkar began his intellectual quest with the epistemological issues related to Hindu social order, in general, and the problems of ex-untouchables, in particular, in later years, he directed his efforts towards multiple issues related to nation-building and socio-economic reconstruction of modern India. Ambedkar adopted a unique and distinctive perspective about the restructuring of Indian society, economy and polity. In his writings, an alternative socio-economic and political framework emerges, wherein the pragmatic and the visionary aspects of his thinking meet on every ground. Ambedkar stood apart from his contemporaries in three respects. First, he had the distinction of being a great scholar, social revolutionary, and statesman—a combination that one rarely comes across. An intellectual giant and prolific writer, he had imbibed knowledge that was truly encyclopaedic. His erudition covered diverse fields such as law, economics, sociology, anthropology, politics, and comparative religion. The range of topics that he engaged with and the depth and sophistication of his analysis made him different from his contemporaries. Secondly, Ambedkar hardly ever wrote for literary purpose alone in his scholarly pursuits as in his political activities; he was driven by a desire to comprehend the

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vital issues of his times and to find solutions to the problems of Indian society. With this motivation, he intervened in shaping the social, economic and political development of the nation during its formative stage. There was hardly any issue that arose between the early 1920s and the mid-1950s to which Ambedkar did not apply his sharp analysis, whether it was the question of minorities, reorganization of states, partition, women’s empowerment (Hindu Code Bill), water policy, inclusive development model, abolition of caste, constitution, or the political and economic framework for an independent India. The third distinctive aspect of Ambedkar lies with the nature and kind of questions he delved into. What is probably most important in a thinker and intellectual is not so much the answers they provide but the questions they raise. Ambedkar raised questions that were simultaneously relevant and uncomfortable: relevant, as they were critical for the nation-in-making; uncomfortable, as very few were willing to acknowledge the existence of those issues, let alone address if not resolve them.

Ambedkar’s Sociology of Caste Ambedkar’s career as a sociologist of caste began when he attended Golden Weiser’s Seminar at the University of Columbia. In May 1916, Ambedkar presented a paper at that seminar that was published in Indian Antiquary under the titled ‘Castes in India: Their Mechanism, Genesis and Development’ (1989b/1916). In this article, he claimed to ‘advance an overarching theory of caste’. Along with these academic writings, his insightful works such as Annihilation of Caste’ (1989a/1936), Who Were the Shudras? How they Came to be the Fourth Varna in the Indo-Aryan Society (1990/1946), What Congress and Gandhi have Done to the Untouchables? (1990/1945), and The Untouchables: Who Were They and Why They Became Untouchables? (1990/1948) constituted his theorizing of caste in India. Before we move ahead with the discussion of Ambedkar’s theorizing of caste, it is necessary to mention that Ambedkar started investigating the origin of the caste system more than sixteen years before Ghurye’s Caste and Race in India (1979/1932) was published. While Ghurye is recognized as a ‘founding’ father of Indian sociology, Ambedkar has been ostracized from being a legitimate contributor to sociology! Not only Ghurye, but subsequent sociologists such as Louis Dumont and Srinivas, and most others who followed later, have ignored Ambedkar’s scholarship. Ambedkar began his investigation into the genesis of castes in India by critically reviewing the earlier scholarship on the origin of castes, produced by the western as well as Indian scholars (1989b/1916). While appreciating this scholarship, Ambedkar criticized the analysis of caste as presented by eminent authorities like John Collinson Nesfield, Herbert H. Risley, Emile Senart and S. V. Ketkar. According to Ambedkar, the analysis of caste by these scholars was incomplete as they highlighted only one of the characteristics of caste as the reason for its existence. For example, Nesfield defined caste with reference only to the absence of ‘intermarriage’ and ‘interdining’; Risley defined it only with reference to its occupational aspect. Ambedkar observed

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that these definitions were not altogether wrong, but they were incomplete. The second point of Ambedkar’s criticism was that all these scholars, except Ketkar, defined caste as an isolated unit by itself and not as a group within and with definite relations to the system of caste as a whole. For Ambedkar, ‘caste in the singular number is an unreality’ (ibid.: 7): caste exists only in the plural; a caste has to be seen only in relation to other castes. Thus, Ambedkar considered caste as a system. It is only with reference to the system of caste that the mechanism of caste operation becomes meaningful. Ambedkar agreed with Ketakar’s definition of caste which highlighted prohibition of intermarriage and membership by autogeny as two characteristics of caste. However, Ambedkar qualified this definition by pointing out that these two aspects of caste are ‘one and the same thing’: ‘If you prohibit intermarriage’, says Ambedkar, ‘the result is that you limit membership to those born within the group. Thus, the two are the obverse and the reverse sides of the same medal’ (ibid.). Ambedkar, therefore, concluded that endogamy is the only characteristic that is peculiar to caste. Ambedkar, however, observed that, considering the heterogeneous character of Indian population, it would difficult to accept the principle of endogamy as the basis of caste. He raised the question: how did the practice of endogamy become a rule, and maintained that the practice of endogamy was imposed from above and, to him, the superimposition of endogamy on exogamy created castes. Ambedkar further maintained that it was the Brahmin class which enclosed itself first by imposing the practice of endogamy on itself and became a caste. There was one caste to start with, and then classes became castes through imitation and excommunication. The notion of purity had compelled the Brahmins to go in for endogamy. Since endogamy became sacred, caste also became sacred. This explains the genesis of caste. Ambedkar identified six attributes of the caste system which form the system of governance, which had three interrelated elements: (i) fixed rights, (ii) graded division of social and economic rights and (iii) strong instruments of social and economic boycotts to sustain the rigid system with religious justification (i.e. the supposedly divine justification accorded to the Hindu social order). The manner in which the rules regarding the rights to property, occupation, education and dignity of labour were defined involved an element of discrimination and exploitation of the castes located at the bottom of the caste hierarchy. The caste system is not, Ambedkar argues, merely a division of labour but also division of labourers on the basis of their castes where there was no scope for social mobility (ibid.). Endogamy was the main practice or rule of caste and the caste system, according to Ambedkar. Linking caste and gender, he further suggested that the evils like the practice of sati, child marriage, and prohibition of widow remarriage were the outcomes of caste (ibid.: 13). If a caste closed its boundaries, other castes were also forced to follow suit. The Brahmins closing themselves socially first gave rise to the system of castes. Ambedkar continued to emphasize the endogamous practice of caste, but roped in other features such as the division of labour/labourers, absence of interdining, and the principle of birth. It is a hierarchy in which the division of labourers are graded one above the other. This division of labour is not spontaneous; it is not based on

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natural aptitudes or on choice. It is based on dogma of predestination. He also found that the caste name is an important feature which keeps the solidarity of caste intact. He argued that ‘graded inequality’ is the normative anchor of the caste system. Graded inequality restricts the reach of equality to members of the caste, at the most. The notion of ‘graded inequality’ was indeed Ambedkar’s main sociological finding (Jaffrelot, 2005: 35). Ambedkar thought caste as an essential feature of the Hindu religion. He found Gandhi subscribing to caste initially, and later opposing it, but upholding Varna instead. Ambedkar, however, felt that the principle underlying Gandhi’s conception of Varna is the same as that of caste, which is, assigning social agency on the basis of birth rather than worth. It led to upholding graded inequality and the denial of freedom and equality. The solution that Ambedkar proposed was the ‘annihilation of caste’ (1989a/1936). He suggested intercaste marriage and interdining. Further, he felt that hereditary priesthood should go and it should remain open to all. Ambedkar, however, felt that these suggestions would not be acceptable to Hindus. Ambedkar argued that the caste system was not imposed on society by Brahmins; instead, it evolved because Brahmins were imitated by other social groups which also opted for endogamy. Here Ambedkar draws his inspiration from the French psychologist Gabriel Tarde who characterized social imitation by two principles: (i) it is the subordinate who imitates the superior, never the opposite, and (ii) greater the social distance between the two groups, the more intense the effort at imitation. For Ambedkar, notions of caste spread through society via these two precepts, which were all the more powerful as Brahmins enjoyed sacred position. This emulation process also explains why other castes began to practice sati, child marriage, or ban on widow remarriage. In so doing, Ambedkar advanced the basis of one of the most used concepts in modern Indian studies, namely ‘sanskritization’. While the term ‘sanskritization’ was coined by Srinivas, the underlying process had been earlier described by Ambedkar. However, for Ambedkar, imitation was a key process in caste formation; for Srinivas, it was a process of mobility in the caste system (Jaffrelot, 2005: 33). Thus, in his sociological works, Ambedkar describes the genesis of caste, how it forms into a system, how it is perpetuated, and the way to abolish it. He was convinced that the caste system in India was not merely an historical accident. It was an indivisible part of the Hindu worldview. The religious scriptures and social institutions of the Hindus sustained this worldview and hence it was necessary to analyse these institutions and scriptures to develop a systematic critique of the caste system vis-à-vis the Hindu social order. It is this conviction that took Ambedkar to construct a methodical critique of the Hindu social order as a tool of his anti-caste crusade. He engaged himself in analysing the social institutions, religious scriptures and the historical–cultural traditions of the Hindus, and the result was his welldeveloped critique of the Hindu social order.

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Who Were Untouchables? The first challenge before Ambedkar was how to establish the distinctiveness of untouchables as a community in Indian society. In this connection, he raised three important issues: (i) the position of untouchables vis-à-vis other castes, (ii) the need for equal rights and (iii) the methods to ensure equal rights. Ambedkar’s position on this issue is well reflected in the memorandums submitted to the Southborough Committee (in 1919), the Simon Commission (in 1928) and the statements he made in the Round Table Conferences (during 1930–1933). All these efforts of Ambedkar reflect sociological insights to show that the untouchables were socially excluded people in Hindu society. Not only this, he suggested the ways and means to compensate for historical exclusion of the untouchables (Thorat & Kumar, 2008). Initially, Ambedkar tried to develop his thesis regarding the origin and development of the caste system in India. After this he propounded a theory that the untouchables had been Buddhists. In his works The Untouchables: Who Were They and Why they Became Untouchables? (1990/1948) and Who Were the Shudras? How they Came to be the Fourth varna in the Indo-Aryan Society (1990/1946), he examined the reasons leading to the position of the lower castes. Through these works, Ambedkar tried to show that the lower-caste people were not only the dignified and civilized people, but they were rulers, and followers of Buddhism. It was by sheer historical circumstances that they were pulled back, relegated to the status of the downtrodden. Ambedkar’s juxtaposing of Buddhism as an anti-thesis of Brahmanism, therefore, became an important strategy in the development of his anticaste discourse. Yashwant Sumant has observed that many people fail to understand that Ambedkar’s conversion to Buddhism was also an indivisible part of his anticaste discourse, which ‘contributed meaningfully to the politics of emancipation in general’ (1995: 65).

Ambedkar’s Critique of the Hindu Social Order Ambedkar regarded a systematic critique of the Hindu social order as crucial to his anti-caste discourse. He was of course not the first to attempt such a critique. In Maharashtra, it was Jotiba Phule (1827–1890) who first critiqued the Hindu caste system vis-à-vis the Hindu social order. Phule put forward his thesis of ‘Brahmanical conspiracy’ to explain the origin of the caste system in India. This thesis exposed the Hindu society and identified the role of Brahmin community in perpetuating the caste system as an eternal order and thereby securing all the privileges which the caste system offered them. Ambedkar’s attack on Brahmanism signified the carrying on of the Phule’s nonBrahminical legacy. Ambedkar not just carried forward this legacy, but he improved upon it. He, in a way transcended Phule’s thesis of ‘Brahmanical conspiracy’ as the root cause of the origin of the caste system. In his ‘Castes in India’ (1989b/1916),

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Ambedkar observed, ‘The spread and growth of the caste system is too gigantic a task to be achieved by the power or cunning of individual or of a class. Similar in argument is the theory that Brahmin created caste …’ (1989b/1916: 16). Ambedkar held Brahmins guilty of legitimizing the caste system. Thus, Ambedkar’s critique of Hindu social order, in general, and that of the caste system, in particular, his doctrine of constructing a distinct political community of the untouchables, and his embracing of Buddhism—all constituted the foundation of his anti-caste discourse, and a different sociology of caste.

The Bombay School and Dalits: Exploring a Cognitive Blackout In preceding sections, we saw that the historical analysis of the development of Bombay School of sociology suggests institutionalized closure towards the Dalit social experience, the Dalit quest and movement for equal humanity and justice, as well as silence about Ambedkar’s contribution, made much before those of the prominent Indian sociologists such as Ghurye, towards the making of sociology in India. There is scope to argue that the sociological knowledge practice operating through institutional structures made Dalit movement redundant to the imagination of sociology and practiced organized forms of silencing that practically treated Ambedkar’s scholarship in sociology as unworthy. Moreover, while the Bombay School contributed to the nationalist discourse, it remained apathetic towards the struggle Dalit struggle for freedom from the slavery of caste and untouchability, much like the elite, dominant narrative of nationalism in India. (Ghurye’s passing reference to the ‘problem’ of scheduled castes and scheduled tribes, shows his prescription (a condescending one, at that) of assimilating them—‘accommodating’ them—within the dominant Hindu society). This section attempts to investigate how and why the leading scholars of Bombay School, through organized, institutionalized knowledge practice contributed to such a closure. We draw on Michele Foucault’s articulation of knowledge/power to analyse this closure witnessed in the Bombay School’s knowledge engagement.

The Object and Subject of Knowledge: Invoking Foucault The detail systematic analysis of different modes of objectification of the human subject, through discursive practices, operating at the institutional knowledge structures has been at the centre of Foucault’s work. Foucault points out, ‘my objective … has been to create a history of the different modes by which, in our culture, human beings are made subjects’ (quoted in Robinow, 1984: 7). Analysing the processes of

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objectification of subject, he suggests three modes: (i) ‘dividing practices’, (ii) ‘scientific classification’ and (iii) the processes of ‘subjectification’—the ‘way a human being turns himself or herself into a subject’ (ibid.: 11). Elaborating on ‘dividing practices’—in his works such as Madness and Civilization, The Birth of the Clinic and Discipline and Punish—Foucault states that, in different ways, through use of diverse procedures, ‘the subject is objectified by a process of division either within himself or from others’ (ibid.: 8). That, in these processes of social objectification and categorization, human being receives both a social and personal identity. The ‘dividing practices’, therefore, are modes of manipulation that combines the mediation of and practice of exclusion. Furthermore, the ‘dividing practices’ are interconnected with formation of social sciences. There is also rationalization of these knowledge practices—modes of classification, control and containment—(developed through sophisticated conceptual apparatus and efficient analysis) as required for reform and progress. Another mode of objectification of subject is ‘scientific classification’. This mode of objectification results from the mode of enquiry which try to give themselves the status of sciences; for example, the objectivizing of the speaking subject in grammaire generale, philology, and linguistics … [or] the objectivizing of the productive subject, the subject who labours, in the analysis of wealth and economics. Or … the objectivizing of the sheer fact of being alive in natural history or biology (quoted in ibid.: 9). Foucault further shows—in his works such as The Order of Things—as to how ‘the discourses of life, labour and language were structured into disciplines; and how they achieved a high degree of internal autonomy and coherence, and lead to formation of the universals of human social life’ (ibid.). Elaborating this, Foucault states that various human experiences, such as madness or sexuality, become the objects of intense analysis and scrutiny. They are discursively (re)constituted within rationalist and scientific frames of reference, within the discourses of modern knowledge, and thereby made accessible for administration and control. Since the eighteenth century, there has been a discursive explosion whereby all human behaviour has come under the ‘imperialism’ of modern discourse and regimes of power/knowledge (ibid.). The task of the Enlightenment, Foucault argues, ‘was to multiply ‘reason’s political power’ and disseminate it throughout the social field, eventually saturating the spaces of everyday life’ (Best and Kellner 1991: 43). The mode of scientific classification realized through elaborate procedures and systematic analysis in human sciences thus leads to subjecting the subject to meticulous administration, manipulation and control and thereby constituting the subject. The mode of objectification of the subject to which Foucault draws our attention is seen in both the passive objectification and in the processes of ‘subjectification’— ‘way a human being turns him-or herself into a subject’. Unlike the other two modes of objectification, which render the subject as passive and constrained and subjected to manipulation and control, the third mode indicates processes of self-formation where the subject is active. Foucault analyses the techniques of an active self-formation draws attention to complicated genealogy, unfolding in ‘operations on [people’s] own

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bodies, on their own souls, on their own thoughts, on their own conduct’ (Robinow, 1984: 11). Foucault’s theory of subject thus articulates three major modes through which human subjects become either objects or subjects: the first two modes—‘dividing practices’ as well as ‘scientific classifications’—construct human subject as passive objects, meaningful only through discursive practices; and the third mode of subjectification, the way human being turn themselves in to subjects with self-formation and self-understanding also exhibiting the subjection to external authority expressed in scientific discourses. Thus, whereas the modern theories tend to see knowledge and truth to be neutral, objective, universal, or vehicles of progress and emancipation, Foucault analyses them as integral components of power and domination (Best and Kellner 1991: 43). This articulation of theory of subject offered by Foucault renders an inescapable character to subject under the modern condition. In his Order of Things: An Archaeology of the Human, Foucault describes emergence of the human sciences by engaging in analysis of the underlying rules, assumptions and ordering procedures present in renaissance, classical and modern eras and shows that under the modern era human being becomes the object of modern scientific investigation, a finite and historically determined being to be studied in its living, labouring and speaking capacities (ibid.: 46). This view of objectification of human subject analysed by Foucault, leads to the charge that his analysis denies politics (a capacity of resistance). However, Foucault also describes how modern philosophical construct of ‘man’ (as an object and subject of knowledge) exhibits a series of unstable ‘doublets’: the cogito/unthought doublet whereby Man is determined by external forces yet aware of this determination and able to free himself from it; the retreat-and-return-of-theorigin doublet whereby history precedes Man but he is the phenomenological source from which history unfolds; and the transcendental/empirical doublet whereby Man both constitutes and is constituted by the external world … In each of these doublets, humanist thought attempts to recuperate the primacy and autonomy of the thinking subject … (Ibid.). In the above paragraphs, we have described some aspects of Foucault’s theory of subject and alluded to his analysis of the discursive construct of ‘man’ for a number of reasons. First, it helps us to look critically at the practice of sociology in the Bombay School. Second, it helps us to investigate as to how the margins, in general, and Dalits, in particular, figured in this practice and also to analyse the sociological practices that exhibits both construction of Dalit knowledge subject by that practice, as well as Dalit knowledge subject critically becoming aware of the knowledge/power operating at the institutional settings of making of sociology. Third, Foucauldian perspective also helps us to understand the various attempts on the part of Dalit knowledge subjects in recuperating the primacy and autonomy of themselves as thinking beings and thereby intervening and attempting to reconstitute that practice.

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Sociology at the Bombay School: ‘Colonial Modernity’ or ‘Reverse Colonized Sociology? Introducing her edited volume Doing Sociology in India, Patel (2011a) draws attention to the link between colonialism and anthropology and sociology in India. Drawing on works of André Béteille, Jit Singh Uberoi and T. K. Oommen, she suggests that the division between sociology and anthropology emerged in the West and for pragmatic reasons, and that such a division was rooted in the political project of colonialism (Ibid.: xiv), and that, more specifically, in the case of anthropology, its research agenda, theories and methodologies were linked to the needs and policies of the colonial state (Ibid.: xv). Furthermore, extending this insight (knowledge/power) from the practice of anthropology, she raises questions about the development and practice of sociology in India as directed by the colonial anthropology. Looking at the close links with nationalism and sociological tradition in India, Patel asserts that ‘sociologists in India saw their project as that which analyses one’s own society (India) in one’s (indigenous) “own terms” without colonial and now neo-colonial tutelage’ (Ibid.: xxiv). The post-colonial development of sociology witnessed shift from the ‘book-view’ to the ‘field-view’ and fostered participant observation as an insider’s perspective of doing sociology (Ibid.: xxv). This brief review of development of sociology in India and in Bombay raises some fundamental questions. While sociologists were committed to the cause of nationalism, did they question or critique the nature of this nationalist fervour (as Ambedkar did)? Did they critically approach the articulation of nation as privileging of a few nations in nationalist struggle? Furthermore, was the project of analysing one’s own society, in one’s (indigenous) ‘own terms’, questioned the nature and characterization of ‘one’s own’? (In other words, what constituted the idea of ‘one’s own’?) Did this not lead to denying the diverse ‘one’s’ and the diverse notions of ‘society’, and thereby abrogating the space to define the nature and content of ‘one’s own’ and ‘society’? What constituted ‘insider’s perspective’ in doing sociology? Which ‘insiders’ were privileged to conceptualize the notion of ‘inside’ and to articulate the nature and validity of the ‘perspective’ emerging from that location? Whose conceptualization, or knowledge emerging from which social locations legitimately became ‘indigenous’ in character, and thereby articulation of a new direction in sociology? Whose voices, emerging from which social locations had prerogative of articulating the ‘new’ directions in sociology? Looking at the institutionalized practice of sociology in India and the key knowledge actors involved in producing and legitimizing sociological knowledge shows that this knowledge practice was exclusive domain of the upper castes, and the upper-caste knowledge actors were instrumental in laying down the rules and procedures in articulating appropriate ‘subject matter’, ‘sources of knowledge’, ‘methods of enquiry’, ‘forms of interpretations’ and producing objective knowledge about the ‘Indian’ social experience. Thus, the ‘objective’ sociology the privileged knowledge actors’ practice was, in fact, rooted in their experiences of the world, based on their assumptions, and ways of interpretations and validation

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rooted in that privileged social location. Let us illustrate this by looking at the practice of sociology in India. Critically investigating into the birth of sociology in Bombay, Manorama Savur (2011) has pointed out that Ghurye’s training in Sanskrit and Indology led to articulation of appropriate approach to sociology in India. She quotes Ghurye to show that, for him, ‘anthropological approach to sociology is the most appropriate’ and that his stress on anthropology as guiding development of sociology led to perpetuation of ‘anthropolized’ sociology in Bombay (ibid.:17). Savur also brings out another implication of Ghurye’s work and approach to formation of sociology which is important for our concern. She points out that ‘his major contribution is Aborigines—SoCalled—and Their Future, where one also sees his reactionary fears of Christian Missionaries, but fails to take note of the Hindu exploiters …’ (ibid.: 18). Moreover, despite being father of ‘Indian’ sociology, Ghurye practiced and propagated Hinduized sociology (a point strongly argued Oommen (2011)). It is only after Desai assumed charge of the Department of Sociology that sociology came into its own. Desai, a Marxist scholar-activist, took sociology, observes Savur, outside classroom, in people’s struggles and in his lectures ‘gave a broad sweep human history … he posed questions, raised issues, presented diverse view points and encourage one to think and choose … he spoke about massive slave labour, the galley slave to build the glorious civilisation’ (ibid.: 21), and that he trained students to integrate theory and practice and to participate in seminars and raise questions. Thus, with Desai came a radical engagement of theory and practice; he brought working classes and discussion of Marxism at the forefront of sociological analysis, which further led to sociology becoming a part of ‘public’ intellectual exercise. One glaring omission in this narrative of radical sociology practised by Desai (and his students) was the invisibility of critical analysis of caste and untouchability, and unconcern towards understanding caste and untouchability from the perspectives of those who were enslaved. The Dalit struggles against this slavery (both material and social), and later radical assertion by the Dalit Panthers, was all lost on the radicalized sociology in Bombay. Thus, if Dalits were (as sources for building sociological knowledge) unworthy candidates for Hinduized sociology of Ghurye, they and the struggles they waged were irrelevant for radical sociology championed by Desai.

Post-Colonial ‘Colonization’ of Sociology Patel (2011a) alludes to recognition on part of the anthropologists in the North that sees their discipline as firmly associated with the colonial project, and the nature of knowledge they created and organized, and the institutionalized practices they engaged in reflects ‘othering’, and thus anthropology becoming a ‘handmaiden of colonialism’ (ibid.: xiv). The making of social sciences in the colonial context in India thus reflects power/knowledge in its social relevance as well as the supremacy of western philosophical systems (ibid.: 77). The stress on study of India through scriptures—Indological approach—resulted in privileging Brahmins as ‘indigenous

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intellectuals’, and formation of sociology and anthropology mediated and constituted by these native intellectuals (ibid.: 78). The colonial modernity, therefore, led to ‘local colonialism’, or ‘colonialism of the upper caste locals’, as regards to setting up appropriate research questions, methods of enquiry, and proprieties of interpretations and validation of truth claims. Since the ‘Samaj was … conceptualised in Hindu, high caste gentry … terms’ (Sumit Sarkar, quoted in ibid.), the upper-caste perspectives constituted the ‘objective’ character of sociological and anthropological knowledge. The nature of objective knowledge about Indian society, the authentic knowledge of Indian society based on ‘insider’s perspectives’ arrived at through intensive fieldwork, the methodological and theoretical proprieties to pursue knowledge and advance knowledge claims were rooted in upper-caste experiences of ‘religion’, ‘community’, ‘caste’ and ‘class’ and their perspectives emerging from their social locations. The commitment to the principle of objectivity, the quest for insider’s accounts thus demanded commitment to uppercaste perspectives, and their reproduction, as authentic and appropriate sociological and anthropological knowledge practice. Patel’s critical appraisal of Srinivas’ anthropology/sociology illustrates this (see Patel, 2011b). Reviewing Srinivas’ work, especially his understanding of ‘varna’ and ‘jati’, ‘social change’ and ‘social mobility’, and the methodological shift in his work (‘field-view’ resulting from ethnography, as opposed to ‘book-view’ emerging from Indology), and the functionalist paradigm as an appropriate approach to the study of Indian society (which become prominent through prominence of Srinivas in academia), resulted in institutionalization of the Savarna vision of India (ibid.: 84). The practice of sociology and anthropology in India thus presents colonization of these disciplines by the upper castes in the post-colonial times by constituting uppercaste perspectives translating into authoritative (arrogant) account of knowledge of Indian society. Thus, doing sociology in India was to remain committed to and reproduce the upper-caste perspectives on Indian society. Moreover, under these pursuits of knowledge, though ‘caste’, ‘community’ ‘religion’, ‘culture’ and ‘nation’ were important categories and context of knowledge formation, those who suffered denial and violence on account of caste system and religion, or those who were denied the membership of human community through practice of untouchability, or those who did not count in articulation of nation were neither objects of this knowledge, nor their perspectives (on caste, community or nation) had any place in knowledge production.

Dalits as Objects of Knowledge and as Knowledge Subject-Actors The sociological and anthropological knowledge was built independent Dalits, their life experiences or their perspectives on their lived experiences. Thus, while Foucault’s theory of subject views objectification and constitution of subject through

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discursive knowledge practices, we are faced with a situation where Dalits were either irrelevant objects in understanding categories of caste, community and nation, or if they were ‘studied’ (few studies do make them ‘object’ of knowledge), they were viewed from the perspectives of the dominant upper castes. We should also note here that the possibilities of taking up Dalits as objects of knowledge became possible only when Dalit scholars, both as students and, later, as academics, had opportunity to gain entry into academia. This section attempts to discuss two issues: (i) the nature of sociological studies on Dalits by Dalit-Bahujan scholars and implications for understanding Dalit-Bahujan social experiences and (ii) the perspectives adopted by the Dalit-Bahujan knowledge actors in interrogating the dominant perspectives and their attempts to construct alternative knowledge of Dalit condition and, thereby, assume agency in knowledge production. Of course, it is not only Dalits who have advanced critique of existing dominant knowledge practices. Following Dalits’ attempts at critical knowledge engagements, other scholars writing on Dalit experiences and arguing for knowledge based on those experiences and addressing issue of epistemology, methodology and perspectives are important part of new scholarship that focuses on Dalit experience as the basis of producing critical knowledge. The last section of this paper will discuss these new efforts on part of both Dalit scholars and scholars who regard primacy of Dalit experience as necessary requirement for producing critical knowledge, which could be termed broadly as ‘Dalit Studies’. Before we delve into the question of Dalits as objects of knowledge and Dalits as subjective knowledge actors, it would be useful to describe four broad strands in Dalit scholarship:2 (i)

(ii)

(iii)

(iv)

Critical evaluation of the state policies in terms of the nature and processes of their (non)implementation and their impact on changing socio-economic conditions of Dalits. The nature and unfolding of Dalit movements, their historical trajectories, the issues they addressed, the ideological framework in which they articulated their struggle, and consequences of these movements in understanding the category ‘Dalit’. The question of Dalit Identities, both as representation and reclaiming witnessed in Dalit literature and serious studies of these as sources of knowledge and knowledge claims, even literature as a knowledge claim (see Punalekar, 2001). Critical assessment of existing methodological and theoretical proprieties their implications for understanding the category ‘Dalit’ leading to basic rejection of existing concepts (such as ‘de-brahmanization’, ‘de-sanskritization’) and recovery of Dalit-Bahujan social experiences and social practices as legitimate sources of building knowledge, raising the questions of epistemology and recovering Dalits as knowledge actors, as opposed to merely objects of analysis and theorization.

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Dalit Scholarship: Making Dalits as ‘Objects’ of Knowledge It is only though the entry of Dalit scholars, both as students and, later, as faculty members in academia, that Dalits and Dalit social and material experience became a matter of serious study, or object of study. Of course, this recognition of the Dalit as subject matter of knowledge, the legitimacy of the knowledge claims these attempts advanced, had to be rooted in the strong commitment to the methodological and theoretical proprieties determined by the existing knowledge practice. Thus, while Dalits did become objects of sociological analysis, their personal and social being had to be made sense of within the dominant framework of ‘objective’ knowledge proprieties, the institutional sites of which were dominated by the upper-caste knowledge actors, who were acting as both producers and regulators of ‘value neutral’, ‘objective’ knowledge practice. Within the framework of the value neutral, ‘objective’ social science (rooted in epistemological claims based on ‘measurement’ as a source of knowledge), the studies of by Dalit scholars have attempted to understand the nature of state policies and their impact on changing social and economic status of Dalits. The studies by Gaikwad (1996) and Wankhede (1999), for instance, attempt to critically evaluate the state policies and show that, while the policy of protective discrimination has been an important factor for mobility and social change among the scheduled castes, its implementation is not rigorous and effective. Both these studies are empirical in nature and have followed the conventional research practice and quantitative data as a source of critical understanding. Another study by Dahiwale (1989), also based on quantitative data, focuses attention not on the state policies and their impact but on the attempts of self-employment, initiatives of entrepreneurship on the part of ex-untouchables (four major scheduled castes in Maharashtra), and analyses social background of respondents and motivation for self-employment. A mention must be made of a study of new middle-class among the scheduled castes by Ram (1988). Recently, a study by Thorat and Newman (2009), though also based on conventional research practice of quantitative data drawn from large-scale surveys, shows the importance of extra-economic factors such as discrimination based on caste and attitudinal orientation based on caste as important factors in understanding poverty, inequality and access to basic resources to realize one’s human potential. It shows as to how social and economic exclusion leads to unequal access to business, wageearning, health status and educational attainments. Apart from critical studies of state policies, there have also been studies on the nature of Dalit social movement, their impact on Dalits’ social life and the challenge they have posed to the social universe of India. The study by Jogdand (1991) on Dalit movement in Maharashtra attempts to historicize Dalit movement and explore the nature of protest it waged. It also raises a sociological question: is Dalit movement a social movement within the framework of sociology of social movements? While this study is an important contribution to the study of Dalit movement, it draws on the theory of relative deprivation, which has been questioned strongly in contemporary times.

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The above short discussion shows that, while Dalits became legitimate objects of knowledge, such ‘visibility’ of Dalits in knowledge engagement also reveals commitment to the dominant theoretical and methodological proprieties as a necessary condition for introducing ‘Dalit’ as a category in academic knowledge. Thus, the Dalit knowledge subjects did help in bringing Dalit as a category for social science analysis; however, the primacy of the existing theoretical and methodological proprieties meant subjugation of Dalit knowledge subjects to the dominant epistemologies.

Dalit Scholarship: Dalits as Subjects and Knowledge Actors Studies undertaken since the last decade have marked a departure from the earlier attempts of bringing Dalit as a legitimate object of knowledge practice. These studies have viewed Dalits as subjects critiquing and transforming social practices and claiming universality. Dalits and Democratic Revolution by Omvedt (1994) rejects the characterization Dalit movement as merely ‘social’ in nature and highlights it as a political movement aimed at democratization of Indian society. Likewise, the study of untouchables’ attempts at challenging the practice of untouchability, by Karanth and Charlsley (1998) has brought into academic discussion the Dalit subjectivity in oppressive social spaces, and the need for new ways of theorizing Dalit social experiences. The prominence of the discourse and engagement with human rights has provided impetus to understand Dalits’ marginalization and deprivation within the universal framework of human right discourse. Apart from the above attempts at articulating Dalits as a category as subjective and critical, some recent studies have attempted to arrive at new methodological practices as basis of producing valid knowledge and have raised issues of politics of knowledge. Witnessed in these attempts is also a quest for new conceptualization of Dalit experiences. Kancha Ilaiah’s works—such as Why I am Not a Hindu: A Shudra Critique of Hindutva Philosophy, Culture and Political Economy (1996) and PostHindu India: A Discourse on Dalit Bahujan Socio-Spiritual and Scientific Revolution (2009)—make Dalit Bahujan experiences as basis of (valid) knowledge, and introduces the terminologies evolved in these experiences as concepts for understanding that experience. The quest for Dalits’ everyday social experiences of subordination, discrimination, as well contestations as basis of critical knowledge is present in Ramesh Kamble’s work on Dalits in urban context of Mumbai (). Kamble’s work also exhibits the quest for alternative concepts in understanding Dalit experiences of atrocities. He has articulated a new concept, ‘shame and rage’ as a tool to explain Dalits’ experiences of brutal violence by the dominant castes. A mention must be made to the Dalit Intellectual Collective, a forum of Dalit scholars that has brought to fore critical discussion on important issues such as the relationship among caste and class, the question of validity of using the term ‘Dalit’ as a universal category to examine social experiences of groups variedly known as Scheduled Castes, Pichade, Magas Jati, etc., the nature and relevance of Dalit knowledge in understanding not only Dalits’ social universe, but also the nature of Indian society.

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An important aspect and consequence of the recent Dalit scholarship has been the visibility of the category Dalit in pedagogical practice of sociology. Though the struggle to incorporate the category Dalit as an independent category to analyse social processes and to assert the importance of Ambedkar’s contribution to the making of the discipline of sociology has been challenging, today it is certain that the sociological knowledge and pedagogy is incomplete and even irrelevant without referring to the category Dalit and the contribution of Ambedkar. This paper is one such modest attempt to highlight and herald the Dalit arrival in sociology. Notes 1. 2.

We are using ‘Bombay School’ in a very generic way to mean a department of teaching and research established at the University of Bombay in 1919. We wish to make it clear that this is not an exhaustive or thorough description of Dalit scholarship. We are only mentioning some attempts to illustrate our concern of understanding this scholarship in terms of Dalits as objects of study and Dalits as subjective knowledge actors.

References Ambedkar, B. R. (1979/1947). States and minorities, reprinted in Vasant Moon (Ed.): Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and speeches (Vol. 1, pp. 381–449). Mumbai: The Education Department, Government of Maharashtra. Ambedkar, B. R. (1989a/1936). Annihilation of caste, reprinted in Vasant Moon (Ed.): Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and speeches (Vol. 1, pp. 22–96). Mumbai: The Education Department, Government of Maharashtra. Ambedkar, B. R. (1989b/1916). Castes in India: their mechanism, genesis and development, reprinted in Vasant Moon (Ed.): Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and speeches (Vol. 1, pp. 3–22). Mumbai: The Education Department, Government of Maharashtra. Ambedkar, B. R. (1990a/1948). The untouchables: Who were they and why they became untouchables, reprinted in Vasant Moon (Ed.): Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and speeches (Vol.7, pp. 231–382). Mumbai: The Education Department, Government of Maharashtra. Ambedkar, B. R. (1990b/1946). Who were the Shudras? How they came to be the fourth Varna in the Indo-Aryan society, reprinted in Vasant Moon (Ed.): Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and speeches (Vol. 7, pp. 1–227). Mumbai: The Education Department, Government of Maharashtra. Ambedkar, B. R. (1990c/1945). What Congress and Gandhi have done to the untouchables, reprinted in Vasant Moon (Ed.): Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and speeches (Vol. 9). Mumbai: The Education Department, Government of Maharashtra. Best, S., & Kellner, D. Postmodern theory: Critical interrogations. New York: Macmillan. Dahiwale, S. M. (1989). Emerging entrepreneurship among scheduled castes of contemporary India: A study of Kolhapur city. Rawat Publications. Dhanagare, D. N. (2011). Legacy and rigour: The Bombay School of sociology and its impact in universities of Maharashtra. In: S. Patel (Ed.) Doing sociology in India: Genealogies, locations, and practices (pp. 127–57). New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Dumont, L. (1966). Homo hierarchicus: The caste system and its implications. Oxford University Press. Gaikwad, S. L. (1996). Protective discrimination policy and social change: An analytical study of state action on scheduled castes in Aurangabad city. Rawat Publications.

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Ghurye, G. S. (1979). Caste and race in India. Bombay: Popular Prakashan. Ilaiah, K. (1996). Why I am not a Hindu: A sudra critique of hindutva, philosophy, culture and political economy. Kolkata: Samya. Ilaiah, K. (2009). Post-Hindu India: A discourse on dalit Bahujan socio-spiritual and scientific revolution. Sage Publications. Jaffrelot, C. (2005). Dr. Ambedkar and untouchability: Analysing and fighting caste. Permanent Black. Jogdand, P. G. (1991). Dalit movement in Maharashtra. Kanak Publications. Kamble, R. (2000). Untouchability in urban setting. In G. Shah (Ed.), Dalits and the state (pp. 171– 204). New Delhi: Concept. Kamble, R. (2010). Understanding Dalit movements: Trajectories and concerns, Occasional paper no. 7. Mumbai: Department of Sociology, University of Mumbai. Karanth, G. K., & Charlsey, S. (1998). Challenging untouchability: Dalit initiative and experience from Karnataka. Sage Publications. Kumar, V. (2005). Situating Dalits in Indian sociology. Sociological Bulletin, 54(3), 514–532. Oommen, T. K. (2005). Understanding Indian society: The relevance of the perspective from below. In S. M. Dahiwale (Ed.), Understanding Indian society: The non-Brahminic perspective (pp. 33– 50). Jaipur: Rawat Publications. Oommen, T. K. (2011). Scheduled castes, scheduled tribes and the nation: Situating G. S. Ghurye, Occasional paper no. 9. Mumbai: Department of Sociology, University of Mumbai. Omvedt, G. (1994). Dalits and democratic revolution: Dr. Ambedkar and dalit movement in colonial India. Sage Publications. Patel, S. (2011a). Introduction. In S. Patel (Ed.), Doing sociology in India: Genealogies, locations, and practices (pp. xi–xxxviii). New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Patel, S. (2011b). Social anthropology or Marxist sociology? Assessing the contesting sociological visions of M. N. Srinivas and A. R. Desai. In S. Patel (Ed.), Doing sociology in India: Genealogies, locations, and practices (pp. 72–99). New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Pradhan, G. R. (1938). Untouchable workers of Bombay city. Karnatak Publishing House. Punalekar, S. P. (2001). Dalit literature and Dalit identity. In G. Shah (Ed.), Dalit identity and politics (pp. 216–41). New Delhi: Sage Publications. Ram, N. (1988). The mobile scheduled castes: Rise of a new middle class. New Delhi: Hindustan. Robinow, P. (1984). The Foucault reader. Penguin. Savur, M. (2011). Sociology: The genealogy of the discipline in Bombay. In S. Patel (Ed.), Doing sociology in India: Genealogies, locations, and practices (pp. 3–28). New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Sumant, Y. (1995). Ambedkar’s anti-caste discourse, Occasional paper no. 5. Pune: Department of Politics and Public Administration, University of Pune. Thorat, S., & Kumar, N. (2008). B.R. Ambedkar: Perspectives on social exclusion and inclusive policies. New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Thorat, S., & Newman, K. (Eds.). (2009). Blocked by caste: An economic discrimination in modern India. Oxford University Press. Upadhya, C. (2007). The idea of Indian society: G. S Ghurye and the making of Indian sociology. In P. Oberoi, N. Sundar, & S. Deshpande (Eds.), Anthropology in the east: Founders of Indian sociology and anthropology (pp. 195–255). Ranikhet: Permanent Black. Wankhede, G. G. (1999). Social mobility and scheduled castes: Receding horizons. Rawat Publications.

Chapter 4

How Egalitarian is Indian Sociology? Vivek Kumar

Abstract The British, European and American domination, on the Indian sociology, have been well documented. But the domination of the privileged males, those who claim to be from the twice-born castes, in Indian sociology, has not been recorded. Therefore, this essay tries to analyse various levels of this domination in the discipline of sociology in India and its impact on the discipline as a whole. This domination of the so-called twice-born sociologists has impacted the subject of sociology as a whole. Four broader aspects of this impact have been probed in this paper. One, how a Meta-Hindu narrative is produced by this domination. Second, how erroneous concepts like Hindu Social Order, village, caste, class, Sanskritization, etc. have been produced. Third, because of twice born—caste domination cognitive blackout and reductionism of Dalits have taken place in the annals of sociology in India. The paper has also highlighted how has this domination made the subject of sociology in India unidimensional devoid of any emancipatory agenda for its students. In the same vein, its sophisticated and sanitized language has failed to sensitize the students and researchers about the wretched and contemptuous experiences of the marginalized groups. Therefore, the paper concludes that Indian sociology is inegalitarian, it lacks transience and rigour so that Indian society can be understood objectively and in full measure. Keywords Sociology · Sanskritization · Dalit · Marginalize

Introduction This essay argues that even after completing hundred years, Indian sociology is practised in the milieu of domination. The British, European and American domination, on the Indian sociology, have been well documented. However, the domination of the so-called twice-born castes males, in Indian sociology, has not been recorded. Therefore, this essay tries to analyse various levels of dominations of so-called twice-born V. Kumar (B) Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, India e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2022 R. K. Kale and S. S. Acharya (eds.), Mapping Identity-Induced Marginalisation in India, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-3128-4_4

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castes males in the discipline of sociology in India and its impact on the discipline as a whole. In doing so, the essay highlights the domination of twice-born castes at four levels—as members practising sociology in the universities, institutes and colleges; in the sphere of production of knowledge while writing chapters in the books, producing knowledge with the help of scriptural sources (book view), or producing knowledge from the data collected from the field or while teaching sociology in the classrooms. This domination of the so-called twice-born sociologists has impacted the subject of sociology as a whole. Four, broader aspects of this impact have been probed in this paper. One, how a Meta-Hindu narrative is produced by this domination. Second, how erroneous concepts like Hindu Social Order, village, caste, class, Sanskritization, etc. have been produced. Third, because of twice born—caste domination cognitive blackout and reductionism of Dalits have taken place in the annals of sociology in India. Last but not least, the paper has highlighted how has this domination made the subject of sociology in India one-dimensional devoid of any emancipatory agenda for its students. In the same vein, its sophisticated and sanitized language has failed to sensitize the students and researchers about the wretched and contemptuous experiences of the marginalized groups. Therefore, the paper concludes that Indian sociology is inegalitarian, it lacks transcendence and rigour so that Indian society can be understood objectively and in full measure. The subject of sociology in India has completed hundred years. However, ‘sociology’ as practised in Indian universities, institutes and colleges in the past and in the contemporary period has been practised in the milieu of different shades of domination. Sociologists have highlighted at least three shades of domination evident in the practice of Indian sociology. These are British, European and American. Highlighting British domination in Indian sociology Damle (1986: 101) has opined that, Sociology… was developed primarily by British rulers with a view to understand the customs, manners, and institutions of the ruled so as to govern Indians better and with less difficulty.

Bottomore had argued that …Indian Sociology, like other disciplines was intellectually dependent upon the British universities…Secondly, Sociology…does not flourish under authoritarian or colonial governments (1962: 98–99).

On the other hand, Singh (1986) emphasizes that ‘Pioneers’ Indian sociology were influenced by western sociologists—August Comte, Herbert Spencer, Karl Marx, Max Weber and Emile Durkheim. Similarly, American influence on Indian sociology has been highlighted by Bottomore (962: 102), Clinard and Elder (1965), and Kamla Visheswaran (2010) to name just a few. Quoting Hary Hancock, Vishveswaran tells us how Hancock emphasized American domination in the light of Ford Foundation projects which consolidated the civilizational focus for area studies in USA and official nationalism (Visveswaran, 2010: 138). However, Indian sociologists barring (Parvathamma, 1978, Oommen, 2007) few have been silent about the domination of ‘so-called upper-castes’ in Indian sociology for a century. Therefore, this paper attempts to understand and analyse the

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nature, dynamics and impact of domination of the so-called upper-caste males in the Indian sociology.

Two Caveats However, before I begin let me submit two caveats. One, I am not arguing that Indian sociologists at the time of inception of the subject of sociology have deliberately excluded other collectivities. Second, I am also not suggesting that they did not have capacity and capability of incorporating the issues of different sections in sociology. I am of the opinion that when the discipline is in its very inception its boundaries remain very narrow because the practitioners have to focus on certain pressing issues and demands that concern them the most. In turn, a number of other issues, which could have become part of the foundation of the discipline, get automatically neglected. In this sense, Indian sociology was no exception. However, as the discipline attains maturity, the members of the fraternity practising the profession become sensitive to the issues beyond their immediate concern. Practitioners of the profession consciously incorporate issues of various collectivities living in the society, especially issues of suffering and excluded people, to make the discipline more representative and inclusive. By doing this discipline gains more legitimacy and acceptability of the masses. However, it is ironical that instead of incorporating other sections of the society in the discipline, the Indian sociologists have enlarged the domination of one section of the Indian society. That is why Ahmad (1966) had long back lamented against this domination of Hindus and their religious traditions in the discipline of Indian sociology and reasoned, this has happened only because of their numerical dominance (Ahmad, For a Sociology of India quoted in Vishveswaran, 2010:140–41). Even today they show very little concern for including members of other sections of Indian society. That is why after hundred years of Indian sociology, one is forced to ask this question, ‘how egalitarian is Indian sociology?

Levels of Domination The domination of the so-called twice-born caste males in the practice of discipline of sociology at different levels can be analysed on the basis of mere casual observation. At the outset we can observe this domination in the form of number of people practising sociology from this social background. The domination is also reflected in the methodology, epistemology and pedagogy of the subject of sociology. There may be many levels of such dominations; however, here we will analyse four levels of domination. These are: 1.

The domination is reflected at the level of number of Sociologists drawn from this social background. This can be observed at the levels of different institutions,

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and thereby, it gets translated into production of knowledge in terms of research articles, monographs and books (both edited and general). It is evident from the types of sources they (both primary and secondary) use for evolving the subject matter of Indian sociology. The third level of domination of so-called upper caste can be observed in the form of data collected from the locale where the researcher live and out of which production of knowledge is associated. Last but not least, the domination starts unfolding in the sociology classrooms when the topics like ‘Hindu Social Order’, caste, family and other India-centric papers are taught.

Domination of Upper-Caste Professionals: Institutions and Production of Knowledge At the outset, let us observe the domination of so-called upper-caste sociologists in the profession. All the available evidence suggests that the Indian sociologists and Social anthropologists were predominately drawn from twice-born castes (Oommen, 2001:16). This domination is visible as the founders of institutions; writing chapters in the books, doing institutional research, teaching in universities and colleges or framing school curriculum. That is why it is no coincidence that the four important Centres of sociology namely Bombay (1919), Lucknow (1921), Delhi (1959) and Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU 1970) were either set-up or were dominated by them. For instance, Madan (2013) in his work ‘Sociology at the University of Lucknow: The First Half Century (1921–1975)’ has found only Radhakamal Mukherjee, Dhurjati Prasad Mukerji, Dharmendra Nath Majumdar and Awadh Kishore Saran were worthy enough to be identified with practice of sociology in Lucknow University. In some cases, they were responsible for setting up more than one centres or institution of sociology. In this context, it has been written about M. N. Srinivas that, during his long teaching career, he founded two new department of sociology –the first at Maharaja Sayajirao University of Baroda and second, University of Delhi. He helped build the new Institute for Social and Economic Change at Bangalore (Shah, 2000:692). Many of the practising sociologists from Delhi have revealed that it is because of their domination that the departments of sociology could not be opened beyond eight or nine colleges, even though today there are 80 colleges affiliated to Delhi University. In the same vein, this domination was quite evident when Indian Sociological Society was established in the 1951 and since then till 2011 most of the Presidents of the society were drawn from these Castes. In fact, G. S. Ghurye was president of society for 15 long years since its inception, i.e. 1951–1966 (collated from Sociological Bulletin dedicated to G. S. Ghurye and Shah, 2011: 416). Their domination was so powerful that Mukherjee (1889–1968) and G. S. Ghurye (1893–1984) were together declared as ‘Founding Fathers of Indian Sociology’ (Oommen & Mukherji, 1986).

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Further, the numerical domination of the twice-born Sociologists is then translated logically to the production of knowledge through different publications in the subject. For instance, ‘Sociology in India’ (1965), ‘Indian Sociology: Reflections and Introspections’ (1986), ‘Caste: Its Twentieth Century Avtar’ (1997), ‘Anthropology and Sociology in the East: Founders of Sociology and Anthropology’ (2007), ‘Doing Sociology in India: Genealogies, Locations and Practice’ (2011) to name just a few amply proves the point. To begin with, in the 1965 publications out of seventeen contributors 15 belonged to so-called upper castes. In these publications, the domination of so-called upper caste is writ large. In the publication on Indian sociology in the year 1986, out of fifteen contributors thirteen belonged to twice-born castes. Out of the other two one was Syrian Christian and another was a Jat Sikh. The domination of the so-called upper castes was again visible in the 1997 publication ‘Caste: Its Twentieth century Avtar’ edited by M. N. Srinivas. The book has twelve contributors. None of them belonged to Dalits or even Other Backward Community. Surprising aspect of this book is that the two contributors belonging to so-called uppers castes contributed two chapter each and that too on caste and reservation theme. If that was 1965, 1986 and 1997 in a recent work, ‘Anthropology and Sociology in the East: Founders of Sociology and Anthropology’ (Uberoi et al., 2007) the domination of the so-called upper castes in the discipline was further endorsed. In this publication, out of 12 Anthropologist and Sociologist who were declared as founders of Sociology and Anthropology except two, Patrick Geddes and Verrier Elvin, all others belonged to the so-called upper castes. Similarly, in ‘Doing Sociology in India: Genealogies, Locations and Practices’ (Patel, 2011) there are thirteen contributors but no one belongs to Dalit, Tribal or Muslim minority. There is unique relationship between the 1986 and 2007 publications that is out of thirteen writers of 1986 edition who hailed from the so-called upper castes, five were declared as ‘Founders of Indian Sociology and Anthropology’ in 2007 publication. Apart from this, in 2007 publications the two members L. K. Ananthakrishna Iyer (1861–1937) and S. C. Roy (1871–1942) were declared as ‘Founders of Indian Sociology and Anthropology’ in spite of the fact they had no formal training in the discipline and have not written anything beyond some tribal issues. I am mentioning this fact here because of three reasons. One, because Iyer’s contribution is hailed without taking into account any methodological training in the discipline which was already acknowledged by Srinivas in 1986. Srininvas and Panini (1986:23) had already written in the 1986 publication that, ‘During the first two decades of the twentieth century, two Indian scholars L. K. Ananthakrishna Iyer and S. C. Roy, made their mark in anthropology. Their achievement is all the more noteworthy as neither of them had had a formal training in the discipline’. Second, it becomes clearer that methodological training was not taken as a must criterion for getting accepted in the discipline. That is why I P. Desai a student of Ghurye had argued in 1930s that in his days methodology as a separate course was not learnt by any of the Sociologists. But Desai does not regard the earlier preoccupations of the founding fathers as ‘unsociological’ (Atal, 2003:121). The third reason is to highlight the contrast. The astonishing aspect of 2007 publication is omission of B. R. Ambedkar (1891–1956) a trained Anthropologist and

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Sociologist from Columbia University who has extensively written and published on sociological issues like caste, Varna, religion, democracy, nation, etc. and had highlighted sociological issues in critical and comparative perspective. His writings on ‘Who were the Shudra’, ‘Who were the Untouchables’, ‘Caste, its Genesis, and Mechanism’, ‘Philosophy of Hinduism’, ‘Religion and its function-along with Buddha and His Dhamma’, ‘Nation and Nationalism-Partition of India’, etc. have through methodological and epistemological content to be declared as sociological. And thereby he could be declared as one of the founders of Indian sociology. The irony is that Ambedkar’s first publication ‘Caste in India: Their Mechanism, Genesis and Development’ was first presented before the seminar of Anthropology of A. A. Goldenweizer at Columbia University, New York, USA in May 1916 and then later on published in the Journal ‘Indian Antiquary’, May 1917, Vol. XLI. Possibly the first Indian trained in Sociology and Anthropology from a foreign University and getting published his article from a foreign journal. Yet he is not worthy to be included in the list of founders of Anthropology and sociology in India. Another glaring omission was of C. Parvathamma (1927–2006) who did her Ph.D. under Max Gluckman from Victoria University Manchester and contributed immensely in the development of sociology in Karnataka, wrote extensively on religion of Shudras in Karnataka. In her pioneering ethnographic work and volumes on northern Karnataka villages, Prof. Parvathamma brought out with great sensitivity the power relations in village society and the oppression of landowning communities. Her writings, on Lingayats and on Virasaivism as an anti-Brahmanical movement in South India, are much acclaimed contribution in the subject of sociology.

Domination in the Production of Knowledge from Professional Organization ICSSR (Indian council of Social Science Research) continuously monitors trends of research in the subject of sociology and publishes a trend report. Its fourth report in the series was published in the year 2009. It was of course published under the chairmanship of a Sociologist who was not a university practising sociologist belonging to twice-born caste. The report under the title ‘Sociology and Social Anthropology in India’ has fourteen contributors including the editor. It was no surprise that among these fourteen not even one belonged to the Dalits, Tribals or even Muslim minority. Although there is one section on ‘Anthropological Studies of Indian Tribes’ authored by so-called upper caste, what astonishes is that, the trend report does not have a section on Dalits and Muslim. Other minorities are also excluded completely. Further, an analysis of randomly selected chapters of the report like—Introduction, Anthropological Studies of Indian Tribes, Political Sociology, Rural and Agrarian Studies, Urban Sociology, and Research in Sociology of Law did not have a single book

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length study either on Dalits or any book by Dalits. Such is the quantum of domination and in turn exclusion of marginalized communities in Indian sociology even in twenty-first century.

Domination at School Sociology The members of twice-born castes not only dominate the higher echelons of the discipline but dominate at the school levels also by participating in the production of knowledge through school text books. For example, take the case NCERT (National Council of Educational Research and Training), an organization which assists the governments at the centre and in states in the implementation of their policies for education. In the year 1986, this organization had to prepare a sociology text book for Class XII, namely ‘Indian Society’. In the committee for editing the book, there were sixteen members. On an enquiry by their names and because I knew them personally being in profession, I found that all the sixteen members of the committee including the editor of the book who participated in reviewing the manuscript belonged to twiceborn caste. Another example can be taken of ‘The National Curriculum Framework (NCF) 2005’ NCERT developed three textbooks ‘Understanding Society for Class XI’, ‘Introducing Sociology for Class XI’ and ‘Social Change and Development in India’ for Class XII. Each book had a ‘Textbook Development Committee’ with common Chief Advisor and Chairperson. These were sixteen, nineteen and twelve members respectively in these committees. That means in total there were forty-seven members but out of forty-seven members in the committee not even one belong to Dalit community. Nobody can complain about the dearth of Sociologists hailing from that social identity. But they were all excluded.

Sanskritic Sources and Domination After discussing the domination at the level of members practising sociology let us analyse the domination of these so-called upper-castes’ through the nature of sources used which gave birth to the subject matter of sociology in the formative years of the subject. Upadhaya (2002:28–57) argues that G. S. Ghurye, heavily relied on Sanskritic text for his sociology. That is why he went on to accept ‘Arya’ and ‘Dasa’ as two races. Ghurey also accepted Arya as fair in colour and Dasas were of dark complexion. This all emanated from his interpretation of ‘Varna’ as colour, which is erroneous. Imtiaj Ahmad has argued that A. R. Pillai, K. M. Kapadia, P. N. Prabhu and Irawati Karve provided an understanding of Indian institutions on the basis of researches in the Indian scriptures and legal historical documents (Ahmad, 1966:244). Analysing the nature of such data Clinard and Elder (1965:584) bring to our notice that, ‘Those who stress the unity and continuity of civilization sometimes

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view those written material as primary data from which analysis of contemporary Hindu society can be made.’

D. P. Mukherjee and His Insistence on Usage of Sanskritic Sources In the same vein, D. P. Mukherjee, who represented Lucknow School of Sociology— the second school of sociology in India, argued ‘all our shastras are sociological and Indian sociologists can acquire Indianity by taking sociological training in Sanskrit language in which tradition have been embodied’ (Oommen, 2001:17). This expression assumes more significance because he was speaking as the first president of the Indian sociological society in 1955. In the same vein, Clinard and Elder (1965:584) argue that D. P. Mukherjee was the most insistent in asserting that one cannot conduct high-quality sociological research without a through grounding in her history and classical language. This does not mean those present-day departments of sociology in India require Sanskrit for graduate degrees. But it is certain among Indian sociologists, there is a strong view that to understand present one must be thoroughly familiar with the literature and languages of India’s past. Here I am not suggesting that the knowledge content of the Shastras is good or bad. I am ready to give a benefit of doubt to the Indian sociologists that they had good intention to use this Shastric knowledge. But the question is how has it been used till date. All the available sources suggest that Indian sociologists in their formative years have used the scriptural knowledge without any critical understanding and reflexivity; in doing so they have treated the scriptures as infallible. For instance, we can see how ‘Purush Shukta’ Hymn has been used for construction of Hindu Social Order without any analysis of being functional or dysfunctional for the society. No sociologist critically evaluates that it is an unjust social order without any equality, liberty and fraternity. Then they have used Smritis for justifying the exclusion of the women and Dalits from certain rights and privileges.

Data from the Field and Domination This brings me to the third aspect of domination of the so-called upper castes in Indian sociology. Here the domination ushers because of the locale in which Indian sociologists stayed while conducting their fieldwork. The station of a researcher during the fieldwork has a bearing on the quality and quantity of data out of which further production of knowledge takes place. It has been found that while doing their fieldwork most of the researchers and founders of Indian sociology stayed in the so-called upper-caste localities. None of the founders of the Indian sociology

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stayed in Dalit localities like chamrauti, Cheirs, Maharwada, Madigawada, AdiDravidian colony, etc. for the collection of their data. Let us see few examples to prove our point. M. N. Srinivas, a disciple of Ghurye, said to be leader of the Delhi School of Sociology, did his fieldwork for 10 months in Rampura while staying in village headman’s house. In his own words, ‘I spent ten months in Rampura…the only village I could get a place to stay…The accommodation made available to me was…the headman’s house’ (Srinivas et al., 2006:20). If this was the locale from where the fieldwork was conducted, let us see how many days of fieldwork he conducted in the Dalit locality. Srinivas refers Dalits of course as Harijans which is not liked by them now. According to him, ‘one fine morning…I set out for the Harijan area…and started my house hold inquiries’. Srinivas did not write after this for how many more days and how many more times he visited the Dalit bustee to capture the socio-political realities of that area and people. In any case, it is a fact that Srinivas did not stay in the Dalit colony and he collected most of his data living in the so-called upper-caste colony. Similarly, Andre Beteille, a colleague of M. N. Srinivas, wrote about residence in the universe of his field work. According to him, ‘I did my field work in Sripuram while living with the people as one among them. I was permitted to live in Agraharam, in a Brahmin house. A privilege… I was identified with the Brahmins by my dress, my appearance, and the fact that I lived in one of their houses’ (Beteille, 1971:9–10). What was the impact of his locale on the data collected has been candidly revealed by Beteille himself. In his own words, ‘…consequently my data for the Adi-Dravidas and also to some extent, for the non-Brahmins are of a poor quality’ (ibid). He says that this mistake could have been rectified, ‘had I lived with the Adi-Dravidas’ (ibid). It is clear that the focus of the study would have been different. Continuing with the data from the fieldwork and residence of the researcher, let us see what A. M. Shah another colleague of M. N. Srinivas has to say about his stay and quality of his collected data from the field. In his own words, ‘The fieldwork I am describing here was my third… a three-year research project to study the Vahivancha Barots, a caste of genealogists and mythographers, as well a village in Central Gujarat…We were introduced to Radhvanj, a village…classified into twenty one castes…The headman and a few leaders …quickly found a house for our stay, a Brahman cook, and a maid servant…We had to vacate this house and find another, again we could not exercise our choice. The later house was located in the same ward as did the former, though in a different street. This ward was populated mostly by three upper castes, Brahmans, Rajputs and Patidars, and most of the village leaders, including headman lived there. Our living in this ward gave us certain advantages as well as disadvantages. The main advantage was that we could understand village politics more deeply. The main disadvantage was that we could not observe as closely as we liked the life of the lower castes, particularly the untouchables’ (Shah, 2006:29– 35). I appreciate the candid acceptance of lacunae in the data collection on the Dalits by researchers, but the fact is how authentic would have been the knowledge produced out of this field work. Can we call their studies objective and having total picture of the reality of the social structures which they were studying? Is it not their view

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which dominates the Indian society and hides much of realities? Hence, production of knowledge is contaminated with politics of knowledge.

The Rational of Self-Representation One can ask that why at all you need the self-representation of the erstwhile excluded communities at different levels of practice of sociology? What purpose does it serve if they are present from heads of Centres of Sociology, to writers of book chapters and in the curriculum development committees? Are the so-called upper castes not sensitive enough to include the aspirations and needs of the excluded communities into account and incorporate in the books, curriculums field data, etc.? The importance of self-representation of the excluded groups is that this society is still governed by consciousness of caste and not governed by consciousness of kind (Ambedkar, 1979). Each caste has its own interest and it is impossible that other castes are sensitive enough to represent the problems, concerns and wants of other castes and communities. Second, reason for self-representation is that how long will you make curriculum for the erstwhile excluded communities? This will make you as the ruler and reduce them as subjects. Therefore, they should be allowed to participate in these exercises so that they should not be reduced only as passive recipient of the wisdom shared by the elites. Third reason for their self-representation is that their inclusion in the process in general and in curriculum committees in production of knowledge, through book chapters, in professional researches and bodies, etc. in particular helps the whole profession because of diversity of experience brought by the members of the excluded groups. Their self-representation gives a different vantage point to the understanding the problems of society and evolving an effective methodology. Further their inclusion announces that they have also arrived. Last but not least, their inclusion is also a statement on the nature of the society because then it becomes that it is more open for the inclusion of the excluded groups.

Practice of Sociology in Classrooms and Domination The domination of the so-called upper castes in the subject gets further highlighted when the so-called ‘Hindu Social Order’ is taught in the undergraduate and graduate sociology classes independently or in the India-centric courses. In this context, one is forced to argue that ‘Hindu Social Order’ as taught in the sociology classes is taught as if it is real and given. However, it is a contested concept. Few sociologists have argued that it is a construct (Kumar, 2010). It has been carved out artificially because of consensus between Social Scientists and Sociologists drawn from the so-called upper castes. And yet it is taught as a real structure. It is because of their domination that they have successfully got Hindu Social Order incorporated in the curriculum of sociology and reflexivity and teach it as a real structure. In this context, we have

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six prepositions through which we can prove the point that Hindu Social Order is produced by artificial and deliberate efforts of the social scientists and sociologists drawn from so-called upper-caste background. However, this is not an exhaustive list there may be many other elements which might have contributed in making of Hindu Social Order as given to us. These prepositions are: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.

History of the term ‘Hindu’ versus Rig Veda Purushsukta Hymn Interpretation of Rig Veda Purushsukta Hymn: Indologists versus Indian sociologists Riddle of just four Varna and blackout of the others Riddle of metaphor fifth Varna Confusing Varna for Colour Is Hindu Social Order Pan-Indian?

History of the Term ‘Hindu’ Versus Rig Veda Purushsukta Hymn Fuller (1996:11–12) has argued that ‘…the very terms “Hindu” and “Hinduism” …the Persian word Hindu derives from Sindhu, the Sanskrit name of the river Indus (in modern Pakistan)…originally means a native of India the land around and beyond the Indus. When “Hindu” or “Hindoo” entered the English language in seventeenth century, it was similarly used to denote any native of Hindustan, but gradually came to mean someone retained indigenous religion and had not converted to Islam. “Hinduism” as a term for that religion became current in English in the early nineteenth century’ (Fuller quoted in Lorenzen: 2002). Therefore, it becomes amply clear that the term ‘Hindu’ came in the Indian sub-continent only in eighth century A.D. and entered in English language in seventeenth century with the specific connotation of geographical identity, then why did Indian sociologists attach the term to ‘Rig Veda’ which is approximately 3000 years old? What was the compulsion for Indian sociologists to attach a term originating in the eighth century and being used in the same sense for approximately for one thousand years, to a social construct of 3000 years old and spell out a ‘social order’—called Hindu Social Order? One can ask here whether they did it out of objectivity.

Interpretation of Rig Veda Purushsukta Hymn: Indologists Versus Indian Sociologists Vincent Smith argued that he used Colebrook’s translation of Purusha Sukta hymn because it is free from the effect of the prepossession of other translators, who, under the influence of Manu and his followers included other meanings. Colebrook’s translation goes like this, ‘His mouth became a priest (Brahman); his arm was made

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soldier (Rajanya); his thigh was transformed into a businessman (Vaishya); from his feet sprang the servile man (Shudra)’ (ibid) (Smith, 1986). In this translation, no Varna is born from any part neither the name of the Kshatriya Varna has been mentioned. However, let us see what Indian sociologists have say about the Rig Veda Purushsukta Hymn. For instance, Ghurye wrote, ‘…in one of the later hymns the celebrated Purushsukta a reference has been made to four orders of society as emanating from the sacrifice of the Primeval Being’ (Ghurye, 1979:44). Srinivas argues (1985:150–51) ‘…in the Rigvedic hymn Purushsukta the four Varna or Orders formed the limbs of primeval man (Purusha) … The Brahmins emerged from his mouth, the Kshatriyas from his arms, Vaishyas from his thighs and Shudras from the feet. The Untouchable Castes find no mention in the hymn’. By way of observation, we can see that the term ‘Kshatriya’ does not exist in the hymn, which forms the second Varna of the Hindu Social Order. The term which existed in the hymn is ‘Rajanya’ meaning ruler or king which is a secular term, because anybody could be a king. As we can observe ancient Indian history that from Mauryas, to Guptas there were kings from different Varnas. Therefore, a pertinent question in this context is from where and when, and with what motive this term ‘Kshatriyas’ was inserted in the Rig Veda hymn? Why is there a difference in the interpretation of Indian sociologists and Indologists?

Riddle of just Four Varnas and Blackout of Other Groups If the founders of Indian sociology overemphasized the presence of only four orders in the scheme of Hindu Social Order they deliberately or consciously blacked out the presence of number of groups, described in the Rig Veda. Mukherjee (1988:17–24) argues, ‘From the evidence in Rig Veda we find that besides the Rig Vedic people there were other autochthonous groups in society… of all the unfriendly groups the Arya came across, the Dasa/Dasyus appear to have engaged their foremost attention… this group seems to be most important as it has been referred about 50 times in the Rig Veda’. Further, she explains ‘… By the number of citations, the next relevant group seems to be the Rakshasas. They were mentioned nearly twenty times and one entire chapter was devoted to them in Rig Veda’. Mukherjee goes on, ‘The third group that the Aryans had to reckon with was that of Panis. They were referred to about 13 times in Rig Veda…The last group inimical to Aryans was that of the Asuras…their name occurred seven times in the Rig Veda…The Asuras also were wealthy people whom the Aryans wanted to conquer and kill’ (Mukherjee, 1988:106). Hence, we can safely conclude that the founders of Indian sociology deliberately blacked out the presence of these groups mentioned in the Rig Veda and there by the full picture of Indian society. We can only imagine the nature of hierarchy, had we known more about the culture and society of autochthonous groups like Dasas, Dasyus, Rakshas, Panis, Asuras mentioned in Rig Veda.

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Riddle of Metaphor Fifth Varna Let us now consider the ambiguous position of Dalits to prove the point that Hindu Social Orders is a mere construct. It is clear from Rig Veda Purushsukta Hymn that there are four Varnas in the Hindu Social Order. Manu Smriti which codified Hindu law also denies that there is any fifth Varna (Dumont 1999:66–67). Further the Hindu scheme is not just four Varna but Varana-Ashrama-Dharma. That means each Varna has been given specific duty (dharma) (Ghurye 1979:48–51) and also prescribed various socio-economic, political and religious activities in various stages of life called Ashramas (Kakkar 1982:8–9). Now the question is that if the sacred texts have denied the existence of the fifth Varna, then from where the metaphor fifth Varna comes in the subject of sociology? We know how selectively Ghurye (1979:307) has argued that, ‘Scheduled Castes formerly known as depressed classes …the fifth order of the four-fold society’. Then onwards we have heard in the sociology classes arguing, ‘there are four Varnas and there is fifth also’. Even if we accept the version of the sociologists that Dalits are the fifth Varna then few questions emerge. What will be its duty (dharma) and which Ashramas can its members follow? Is the metaphor ‘fifth’ Varna only an academic or political exercise, or there is any sociological explanation for this? Has it been carved out by Sociologists who dominate the profession in is formative years to meet the state agenda? No convincing and objective explanation is given by founders of Indian sociologists, and yet they treat Dalits as part and parcel of Hindu Social Order?

Confusing Varna for Race and Colour The way Indian sociologists confuse varna with race and colour also proves the point that Hindu Social Order is a construct. According to Ghurye (1979:46) and many other sociologists Hindu society can be divided into two races Aryans and Dasas. Moreover, Aryans were fair in colour; on the contrary the Indigenous Dasas were dark. The Aryans included fair coloured twice-born varnas like Brahmins, Kshatriya and Vaishya, while the Dasas were dark and constituted the ex-untouchable or today’s Dalits. However, this theory has been effectively refuted by Ambedkar (1979:48– 49), Thapar (2002:1:82) and Trautman (1997). Ambedkar while comparing Dalits of South India and Punjab argued what possible similarity both of them have. The Dalits from Punjab are fair in colour and Dalits from south India were dark. But both have been categorized as Dasa in the racial theory. Possibly there is more similarly between a Brahmin of a Punjab and Dalit of a Punjab. Thapar argues and quote, ‘theory of Aryan Race…begins to fade with information from archaeology and linguistics. The nation of an Aryan race has now been generally discarded in scholarship and what we are left with is essentially a linguistic category: the Indo-Aryan speaking people’ (Thapar, 2002:81–82). Trautman (1997) suggests, ‘The racial theory of Indian civilization was constructed by narrativizing the encounter of the polar opposites of

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Victoria racial thought, the fair skinned Aryan and the dark-skinned savage, and by finding evidence for their encounter in the Vedic texts. It was the work of sanskritists, the British sanskritists were at the forefront in its construction. The leading texts were those of Max-Muller…and John Muri’s original Sanskrit texts on the origin and history of people of India’ (1874–84). Trautman emphasizes that, ‘Complexion is not race in and of itself’ but it may be constructed as a sign of race. In this sense ‘Race is socially constructed’ that is why it is not objective but conventional and its historical characters are not enduring. However, when we come to India, we do not find people on the basis of their complexions as we find them in Britain and America. We find people on basis of their language, religion, caste and region. Hence, communities are made on the basis of language, religion and caste but not on complexion.

Is Hindu Social Order Pan-Indian? Another fact about this construction of fourfold social structure of Hindu Social Order is that it is found in its purest form only in the Indo-Gangetic plains. This social structure is not found in the Eastern, Western and Southern parts of India. There is presence of Brahmins and ex-untouchables, i.e. Dalits in every geographical area in the country but we will not find the Kshatriya and Vaishya of north in the other regions. That is why Vincent Smith has argued, ‘The Hindu theory that mankind is divided into four varna, or groups of castes—Brahman, Kshatriya, Vaisya and Sudra—was wholly foreign to the southerners. To this day Kshatriyas and Vaisyas do not exist among them’ (Smith 1986: 42–43). That means the Hindu social structure with fourfold Varna hierarchy as taught in classrooms is more of a North Indian phenomenon rather than pan-Indian. Therefore, from the above analysis, it can be easily argued that there is no pan-Indian concrete structure like ‘Hindu Social Order’ with fourfold ‘Varna’ hierarchy as given in the Rig Veda and being taught in the classrooms. It is just a construction.

Impact of the Domination of So-Called Upper Castes on Indian Sociology This domination is not end itself. Rather it has intended and unintended consequences. These are production of sometimes artificial and sometimes erroneous concepts to understand the Indian societies. Sometimes they have produced concepts, which are over dominated by their own values. Moreover, the domination has also led to reductionism or cognitive blackout of the marginalized and stigmatized categories from the curriculum. Further, because of such domination Indian sociology has lacked reflexivity. It has only pseudo-inclusivity of the erstwhile-marginalized castes. However, as the product it lacks transcendence and hence perpetuates the twice-born caste

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hegemony. There may be many such consequences; however, I listed here four major ones prevalent in Indian sociology. These are: a. b.

A meta-narrative of Hindu India is produced which renders other groups as referred The domination has produced erroneous conceptual categories in Indian sociology, through which Indian society is understood today. These are structures like caste, village, class and processes like Sanskritization, etc. through which Indian society is understood today. These are structures like caste, village, class and processes like Sanskritization.

c. d. e.

a.

Cognitive blackout or reductionism of the erstwhile excluded communities called Dalits. Lack of transcendence and hence perpetuation of dominant-caste perspective in the language and discipline of sociology. Reproduction of hegemony: In the midst of meta-narrative, erroneous concepts and processes, cognitive blackout, and lack of transcendence; because assertion of excluded groups in the society there have emerged, in the practice of the discipline processes like-forced availability, pseudo-inclusivity, and lack of reflexivity leading to reproduction of hegemony. A meta-narrative of Hindu India is produced which renders other groups as referred

With the artificial construction of Hindu Social Order, we have seen that how Indian sociology has been dominated by the so-called upper castes and because of which they could establish Hindu Social Order as real and the centre of the Indian society. With this they have evolved a Hindu centric curriculum which in turn has given birth to a meta-narrative or Grand Narrative that is Hindu ‘monolithic whole’. An undivided and undifferentiated pan-Indian ‘Hindu Social Order’. Therefore, there is a pronounced tendency among sociologists to equate Hindu society with India, though sometimes explicit, often remains unstated assumption (Ahmad, 1966). In doing so an identity of a majority community with a long history of civilization is produced, i.e. ‘Hindu’. Because of this meta-narrative of Hinduism, the other social groups assumed a minority status and became referred and Hindus the reference point. The result is that the culture, value, worldview, knowledge, etc. of non-Hindus are either subsumed under the rubric of Indian culture or relegated to periphery. The slogan of unity in Diversity as popularized by Indian sociologists (Dubey, 1992) never talks about hegemony in unity. This grand narrative ‘Hindu Majority’ creates fear among the members of other religions who are numerically less dominant. On the other hand, the through this narrative the Indian sociologists have been able to hide the internal differentiation and exclusion suffered by majority of the people which have been artificially incorporated in such identity. The practice of sociology has produced. Hence on the basis of analysis of the aforesaid six elements associated with Hindu Social Order, and its interpretation it can be argued easily that Hindu Social Order is a mere construct. It is handy work of twice-born caste social scientists and sociologists who have evolved a social structure

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by merging two facts, i.e. the term Hindu and Rigveda Purushsukta hymn—which are separated from each other for thousand years. This has happened precisely because of their domination in the discipline. It is because they readily accepted the ‘Spiritual Material’ in secular domain without any critical analysis and reflexivity. b.

Erroneous conceptual categories in Indian sociology through which Indian society is understood today

The second impact of the aforesaid domination of so-called upper-caste males in the discipline of Indian sociology is that they have evolved erroneous concepts to understand the Indian society at large. That means the concept do not capture the total social reality existing in the society. Four such concepts which have been defined and used by Indian sociologists those can be analysed to understand this anomaly. These are— (i) (ii) (iii) (iv)

Erroneous conceptualization of Indian village—Indian Village as a Functional Category Erroneous conceptualization of caste—Concept of Caste with its characteristics Erroneous conceptualization of class in India—Concept of Class in a casteridden hierarchical Society Erroneous conceptualization of process of Sanskritization—The concept of Sanskritization.

Let us analyse one by one (i)

Erroneous conceptualization of Indian village

Village community is most celebrated category of Indian society. It has been regarded as an ideal form of social organization to which there is no parallel anywhere in the world. Within it the Unity of village is further magnified by the Indian sociologists. While editing a volume of village studies 1950s M. N. Srinivas a leading Sociologist depicted this unity in Indian villages as a central theme in his works. He goes on to say that, ‘The unity of the village is a point made by many of the contributors of this series. A body of people living in a restricted area…all closely dependent upon each other economically and otherwise and having a vast body of common experience, must have some sense of unity…Village unity …is normally not visible, but some incident suddenly and strikingly reveals its existence. When the village is threatened with an epidemic or drought or floods or fire, or when the government press an order which villagers regard as an unjust, or on certain religious occasions, or in a fight with a neighboring village, the unity of the village reveals itself in an unmistakable manner’ (Srinivas, 1978:6–8). However against this structural–functional perspective on Indian village Dalits have totally opposite views. For instance let us see what Ambedkar has to about the Indian Village to gauge the dichotomy. Ambedkar depicts the reality of the Indian village. According to Ambedkar (1979:19–26). “The Hindu village is working plant of the Hindu social order. One can see there the Hindu social order in full swing…The Indian village is not a single unit. It consists of castes. But

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for our purpose, it is enough to say …The population in the village is divided into two sections…Touchables and Untouchables…What are the terms of associated life on which the Touchables and Untouchables live in an Indian Village? In every village the Touchables have a code which the Untouchables are required to follow. This code lays down the acts of omission and commissions which the Touchables treat as offences… Another important thing to note is that the punishment for these offenses is always collective. The whole community of untouchables is liable for punishment though the offence have been committed by an individual…The right to beg for food from the Touchable is now the principal means of livelihood for …untouchables in India…This statutory beggary as a means of livelihood for the Untouchables has been reduced to a system. The Untouchable families are attached to different Touchable families in the village…The Untouchables families attached to the Touchable families are at the command of the latter. This relationship has become so personal that one always hears a Touchable speaking of an Untouchable as ‘my man’ as though he was his slave. This relationship has helped to systematize the matter of begging food by the Untouchables from the Touchable households…This is the Village Republic of which the Hindus are so proud. What is the position of the Untouchables in this Republic? They are not merely the last but are also the least…This established order is a hereditary order both in status as well as in function…Once an Untouchable always an Untouchable…Once a sweeper always a sweeper…An Untouchable however superior he may be mentally and morally, is bellow a Touchable in rank, no matter how inferior he may be mentally or morally…Such is the picture of the inside life of an Indian village. In this Republic there is no place for democracy. There is no room for equality. There is no room for liberty and there is no room for fraternity. The Indian Village is the very negation of a republic. If it is a republic, it is republic of the Touchables, by the Touchables, and for the Touchables. The Untouchables have no rights…They have no rights because they are outside the village republic and because they are outside the so-called republic they are outside the Hindu fold.

In the same vein, Om Prakash Valmiki’s autobiography ‘Joothan’ reveals the real structure of an Indian village. The lived experience of a Dalit in a village deconstructs the ‘functionalist’ description of a village by an Indian sociologist. Let us observe the structure of Indian village via Dalit experiences. According to Valmiki, A Pond, … created a sort of partition between the Churas’ dwellings and the village … on the edges of the pond were the homes of the Churas. All the women of the village, young girls, older women, even the newly married brides, would sit in the open space behind these homes at the edges of the pond to take a shit … all the quarrels of the village would be discussed in the shape of a round table conference at this same spot. There was muck strewn everywhere. The stench was so overpowering that one would choke within minute. The pigs wandering in narrow lanes, naked children, dogs, daily fights this was the environment … we did all sorts of chores for the Tagas, including cleaning agricultural work and general labour. We would often have to work without pay. Nobody dared to refuse this unpaid work for which got neither money nor grain. Instead, we got sworn at and abused. They do not call us by our names … Older (person) would be called Oye Chure … younger or same age … Abe chure … untouchability was so rampant that while it was considered all right to touch dogs and or cows and buffaloes if one happened to touch a Chura, one got contaminated or polluted (Valmiki, 2003:1–2).

To add to this, Madhopuri (2010) takes a dig at the functionality of the Indian village as propounded by Indian sociologists. In his own words, The village appeared to be one, but every group had its own drinking wells…The Dalits were always to put in beggar.

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It is beyond anybody’s imagination that why this all was not visible to so-called upper-caste sociologists who did their field work in villages for months together. Ambedkar’s, Valmiki’s and Madhopuri’s, etc. to name just a few, portrayal of an Indian village presents a contrast with respect to the description of villages presented by the Indian sociologists. Hence, we can observe our self that the Indian sociologists have presented a totally one sided and biased picture of an Indian village. They even have failed to describe the different location in the villages where different jati groups live. Only a cursory observation will tell that the Dalits occupy a different ecological space. Each ecological space the village is named after the caste which lives there— like Camrauti, Bamnauti, Thakuraiya or Ghosiyana, Ahirana, Pasiyana, etc. That is why I call this conceptualization of Indian sociologists as erroneous. (ii)

Erroneous conceptualization of Caste

Apart from Indian Village, another structure through which Indian Society has been understood is Caste. It has been argued by sociologists that caste is a colonial construct (Dirks, 2004). It is a fact that the term Caste came with the Portuguese when they came to India in 1498 (Bougle, 1971). Hence, the term caste is in usage since fifteenth century. However, sociologists started using this term caste to define the practice of an institution, which is few millenniums old. Therefore, the moot question is which was the term used by the local people to define the institution which came to be known as caste (Kumar, 2014). The answer is Jati. Therefore, the term shapes our understanding and focuses our attention towards only those characteristics which the social scientists have included in the definition of the term. It is in this context that the term Caste is a reductionist concept. It hides much more than what it reveals. It does not reveal existential and experiential reality of different sections of the society especially the conditions in which Dalits and Hindu women live. We only know Segmental division of society, Hierarchy, Restrictions of feeding and social intercourse, Lack of unrestricted choice of occupation, Restriction on marriage as the main characteristics of Hindu society when it was ruled by the social philosophy of caste in India (Ghurye, 1932 (1979):2–28). However, Ambedkar refutes most of the aforesaid characteristics of caste given by the different sociologists. According to him, ‘Their mistakes lie in trying to define caste as an isolated unit by itself and not as a group within, and with definite relations to, the system of caste as a whole’ (Ambedkar, 1979:7). As far as ‘idea of pollution’ is concerned Ambedkar observes, …it may be safely said that it is by no means a peculiarity of caste as such. It usually originates in priestly ceremonialism and is a particular case of general belief in purity. Consequently, its necessary connection with Caste may be completely denied without damaging the working of caste” (ibid). Further Ambedkar emphasizes that, “The Idea of pollution has been attached to the institution of Caste, only because the caste that enjoys the highest rank is the priestly caste: while we know that priest and purity are old associates. We may therefore conclude that the ‘idea of pollution’ is a characteristic if Caste only in so far as caste has a religious flavor (ibid).

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As far as restriction of feeding is concerned, he was of the opinion that, Caste, being a self -enclosed unit naturally limits social intercourse, including messing etc. to member within it. Consequently, this absence of messing with outsiders is not due to positive prohibition, but is a natural result of …exclusiveness. No doubt this absence of messing originally due to exclusiveness, acquired the prohibitory character of a religious injunction, but it may be regarded a later growth (Ambedkar, 1979:8).

In the context of hereditary occupation as one of the essential elements is concerned. Ambedkar raises a specific question with regard to so-called untouchable castes. That is, ‘The filthy and unclean occupations which the Untouchables perform are common to all human societies. In every human society there are people who perform these occupations. Why are such people not treated as Untouchables in other parts of the world’ (Ambedkar, 1990:305)? This argument can be stretched to refute the argument that hereditary occupation (Bougle, 1971:27) or lack of unrestricted choice of occupation as the reason of origin of caste. One can argue most of the occupations performed by different groups in India also exist in other parts of the world but there is no caste system. Secondly, within India also even though individuals in the group leave the occupation and never perform the occupation for generations even then his caste name remains attached to him. This amply proves the point that occupation is not the basic characteristics of caste. That is why Ambedkar had argued that, Caste system is not merely division of labour. It is also a division of labourers. Civilized society undoubtedly needs division of labour. But in no civilized society is division of labour accompanied by this unnatural division of labourers into water-tight compartments. Caste system is not merely a division of labourers, which is quite different from division of labour – it is an hierarchy in which the divisions of labourers are graded one above the other. In no other country is the division of labour accompanied by this gradation of labourers. [Further] This division of labour is not spontaneous, it is not based on natural aptitudes, individual efficiency … capacity …it involves an attempt to appoint tasks to individuals … on the social status of parents … without … freedom … to (change) occupations. The division of labour brought about by the caste system is not a division based on choice … it is based on the dogma of pre-destination (Ambedkar, 1979:47–48).

As for hierarchy as an intrinsic characteristic, one has to understand the nuances of this attribute of caste as propounded by mainstream sociologists (Ghurye,1932 ( 1979); Bougle, 1971, Dumont, 1970). According to Dumont (1970:65), For modern common sense, hierarchy is a ladder of command in which the lower rungs are encompassed in the higher ones in regular succession”. Further, argues Dumont, (1970:6), “…we shall define hierarchy as the principle by which the elements of a whole are ranked in relation to the whole, it being understood in the majority of societies it is religion which provides the view of the whole and that the ranking will be thus religious in nature. … There is indeed in India a hierarchy other than that of the pure and the impure, the traditional hierarchy of the four varnas … whereby four categories are distinguished; the highest is … Brahmans or priests, below them the Kshatriyas or warrior, then the Vaishyas … mainly merchants, and finally, the Shudras, the servants or the have-nots … There is in actual fact a fifth category, the untouchables who are left outside the classification (Dumont, 1970:66–67).

Against this simple understanding and analysis of hierarchy of mainstream sociologists, Ambedkar the sociologist propounded a very different, original and much more

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nuanced analysis of hierarchy, of course in different words. According to Ambedkar (1979), ‘…the inequality in Hindu social order is not so simple that one is placed above the other’. For him, “… Hindu social order is based on the principle of graded inequality. … The social system based on inequality stands on a different footing from the social system based on graded inequality. The former is a weak system which is not capable of self-preservation … In a social system based on inequality; the low orders can combine to overthrow the system. None of them have any interest to preserve it. In a social system based on graded inequality, the possibility of a general common attack by the aggrieved parties is non-existent … In a system of graded inequality, the aggrieved parties are not on a common level. This can happen only when they are only high and low. In the system of graded inequality there are the highest (Brahmins). Below the highest are the higher (the Kshatriyas). Below the higher are those who are high (Vaishya). Below the high are the low (Shudra) and below the low are those who are lower (the untouchables). All have a grievance against the highest and would like to bring about their down fall. But they will not combine. The higher is anxious to get rid of the highest but does not wish to combine with the high, the low and the lower lest they should reach his level and be his equal. The high wants to over-throw the higher who is above him but does not want to join hands with the low and the lower, lest they should rise to his status and become equal to him in rank. The low is anxious to pull down the highest, the higher and the high but he would not make a common cause with the lower for fear of the lower gaining a higher status and becoming his equal. In the system of graded inequality there is no such class as completely unprivileged class except the one which is at the base on the social pyramid. The privileges of the rest are graded. Even the low is a privileged class as compared with the lower. Each class being privileged, every class is interested in maintaining the social system (Ambedkar, 1979:101–102).

In this way, the margins refuted the simplistic understanding of hierarchy as explained by mainstream sociologists. Then what are real characteristics of caste according to the margins of Indian society. In this regard, Ambedkar argues that endogamy, the essence of caste, and the cause of subjugation of women. For Ambedkar, … the absence of intermarriage – endogamy – the only one that can be called the essence of the caste when rightly understood … Caste in India means an artificial chopping off of the population into fixed and definite units, each one prevented from fusing into another through the custom of endogamy” (Ambedkar, 1979:8–9). However, to make his definition even anthropologically sound Ambedkar argued “… in the final analysis creation of castes, so far as India is concerned, means the superimposition of endogamy on exogamy” (ibid). However, for maintenance of endogamy, he regarded Sati and forced widowhood and girl-marriage as indispensable customs. In his own words, “Strict endogamy could not be preserved without these customs, while caste without endogamy is a fake (ibid:14).

In this way, Ambedkar highlighted tangentially the subjugated and exploited status of Indian women, because of caste system which gave birth to such exploitative customs of Sati, forced widowhood and girl-child marriage, which escaped the attention of the founders of Indian sociology. In a way endogamy is the practice to deprive the Indian women to choose a spouse of their choice. That means caste system debars Hindu women from the right to have freedom of sexuality, right to education and inheritance. It is said that the emergence of sati, child marriage and ban on widow remarriage are the shoots of caste system in India (Ambedkar, 1979). Hence, we can argue that the way caste has been defined with its intrinsic characteristics does

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not reveal the existential and experiential realities of the vast majority of the Indian population. That proves the point that the concept of caste is an erroneous concept to understand the total reality of the Indian social structure. (iii)

Erroneous Conceptualization of Class in Indian Society

The Sociologists have applied the concept of ‘Class’ to measure the economic status of the people in general. Beteille (1971) was perhaps the first Indian sociologist who tried to apply the concept of Class to understand the Indian reality that too in a village. However, he was aware that, ‘One may question the legitimacy of applying concepts such as class to the study of societies in which economic relations have been governed by traditional obligations and inherited status’ (Beteille, 1971:7). Beteille also argues that, ‘While market forces seem to have played a relatively unimportant part in the traditional system of Sripuram, they cannot by any means be ignored today. The existence of such forces, which bring about changes in the distribution of property, makes it necessary to study the class system as a thing itself, governed by properties which are part of independent of caste’ (1971:7–8). Therefore, he tries to understand the class system through a typology of landowners, tenants and agricultural labourers in his study of caste, class and power. Taking clue from Beteille (1971) it can be argued that in most of the cases the concept of ‘class’ ‘as a thing itself’ is defined exclusively related to economic status of individuals without any description of its association with social aspects like castes and religion. However, in a hierarchical and caste-ridden society where rights and privileges were ascribed on the basis of caste it will not be untrue to say that caste and religion also played a dominant role in deciding economic status of individuals and groups. Religion and caste play a dominant role in establishment of social and economic status of an individual or group this can be easily argued on basis of the fact that Caste in Hindu religion accounts for occupational freedom as discussed earlier. Secondly, religion and caste have in the past, prohibited certain castes to own the property. Moreover, how Caste and Religion are intrinsically linked with each other can be analysed through a comparison of the poor in the so-called upper caste and poor among the Dalits. Though there is a general understanding that all the poor are equal it can be easily argued that the poor of the so-called upper castes and poor of socalled lower caste are not equal on at least on two accounts-one on account of the causes of their poverty and two the social status they enjoy. We can observe that the objective causes of poverty of Dalits and so-called upper castes are different and depend on their structural location in the social structure. The structural location of the individuals decides their various types of-economic, social and political, rights and relationships with the other groups. For instance, Dalits (untouchables) were not allowed to own property, take education or forced to perform stigmatized occupation. Together these forced them to remain poor and brought them disrespect and stigma. Even if a hard-working Dalit wanted to change his occupation in the village he is/was punished for breaking the caste rules. Secondly, that occupation may not be accepted as legitimate by the other castes located higher up in the caste hierarchy because of innate caste prejudice. Dalit will not be allowed to open an eatery shop in the country side even today. Even if he opens it the so-called upper castes would not buy goods

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from him. This amply proves that caste do determine the life chances and mobility in hierarchical society. On the contrary the causes of poverty of so-called upper castes are different. They were never denied different-economic, political, religious and educational rights etc. However, they only wanted to perform clean occupation where the physical labour was not required. They only wanted to work with the mind. The Brahmin wanted only to teach, preach, officiate at religious ceremonies and in the modern times he entered in bureaucracy because it was below his dignity to take any other occupation. Similarly, a Rajput or Kshatriya landowner never ploughed his land even though he was economically broke because he will lose his caste. Yes, now with the advent of Tractors things have become different but even now how many Kshatriyas can afford to have tractors. Hence, Kshatriyas had land not because they had acquired because of their wisdom rather they were allowed to on land because of caste status. As for the social status and respect enjoyed by poor of different caste is concerned. Even poorest of the poor penury-stricken Brahman even though begs but has power to shower blessings for the donor. On the contrary a Cobbler who polishes shoes with his labour or a Sweeper who cleans the excreta is treated with contempt and usually people throw money at them for their services lest their touch will defile them. Likewise, the richest industrialist goes and bows at the feet of a Brahman in Kasi or Haridwar. This proves the point how caste affects the economic activity of Individuals and groups and there by the formation of classes in the Indian society. Hence ‘classes’ cannot be treated independent category ‘as a thing itself’. There is no pristine and pure form of class in Indian society. It is more so because social scientists have not been able to specify the contribution made by caste into the making of a class. If they want to study Indian society through class they will have to evolve a scale which can measure and specify the percentage of contribution made by a caste in the making of a class. Till then the concept of class will be a misnomer in the study of Indian society. (iv)

Erroneous Conceptualization of the Process of Sanskritization

Apart from structures, Indian sociologists have erroneously conceptualized ten processes of social change in India socially also. These concepts lacked objectivity. One such process is Sanskritization. According to the process of Sanskritization, The caste is far from rigid system in which the position of each component caste is fixed for all time. Movements has always been possible, and especially so in the middle regions of hierarchy. A low caste was able, in a generation or two, to rise to a higher position in the hierarchy by adopting vegetarianism and teetotalism, and by Sanskritizing its rituals and pantheon. In short, it took over, as far as possible, the customs, rites and belief of the Brahmins and the adoption of the Brahmanic ways of life be a low caste seem to have been frequent though theoretically forbidden (Srinivas, 1997).

The problems with the concept are many, but very few sociologists have been able to articulate this. At the outset according to Parvathamma (1978:93) finds this preposition problematic because she thinks Srinivas has not been objective in practice of his sociology as a whole. According to her,

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A degree of subjectivism is inevitable in all Social Sciences writings; Srinivas’s point of view is that of a South Indian Brahmin and it is important to understand how this influences his work. One senses that the theoretical ideal of Brahmin superiority is basic to his subjectivism … Srinivas’s Brahmin and Brahminical values extend their influence … when he describes the Veera Shaivas of Karnataka as agents of Sanskritization, a most questionable (Parvathamma, 1978:92–93).

In the same vein, Leach E. R. also criticizes Srinivas’s ‘Brahmo Centricism’ in his analysis of Sanskritization. According to him, For … Sriniavas there are aspects of Hinduism in general and Brahminism in particular which he knows from the inside …But is this an advantage or a disadvantage from the viewpoint of Sociological analysis? … his … concept of ‘Sanskritization’ … should be seen as arising from … a specifically ‘Brahmocentric’ point of view! If … Srinivas had been of Shudra origin he would this have coloured his interpretation? (Leach, 1992 as quoted in Srinivas, 1997:148).

In this manner we can observe that both the aforesaid sociologists and social anthropologists have highlighted the biased interpretation of social change in India. It is infested with so-called upper-caste Brahmanical values which have been declared as universal. Further, historians have also highlighted glaring mistake in the conceptualization of the concept of Sanskritization. According to them in the process of Sanskritization there is a tendency to argue that caste people are trying to imitate the Sanskritic values of the upper strata. In turn they tend to forget the movement of the other side. In this context, it would be worth mentioning Romila Thapar. She argues, In the process of articulation, the perspective is generally limited to that of the Sanskritization of the latter. It might be historically more accurate on occasion to view it as the reverse, as for example in the cult of Viththala at Pandharpur or that of Jagannatha at Puri. In such cases the deities of tribals and low caste groups become for reasons other than the purely religious, centrally significant and Brahmanism has to adapt itself to the concept of such deities…The focal of such cult takes on a political dimension as well as well in the nature of the control which it exercises, quite apart ritual and belief (Thapar, 2002:65–66).

The Process of Hygienization When the author argues that the caste system is far from rigid system and specially in the middle ranges of the hierarchy a low caste was able to rise higher in the caste hierarchy by adapting cultural traits of Brahmins and other twice-born castes the author is not bothered to delineate what are exact cultural traits of the so-called lower castes. Although the author delineates the cultural traits of the Brahmins and other twice-born castes, he is not bothered to shed any light on the cultural traits of the Dalits and Shudras. Is this a lapse on the part of researcher who hails from a particular social background or is it a deliberate attempt on his part. The second problem with this concept is that can we say that drinking alcohol, eating carrion; sacrificing animals, etc. were prescribed and codified cultural traits of Dalits and Shudras. Or put differently on what basis can we argue that living without non-vegetarian food, not drinking alcohol, not sacrificing animals to their deities becomes imitation of Sanskritic values. If this is not true, then it must have been only a coincidence

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that these stigmatized cultural traits became a part of the Dalit life and culture at a particular point in time which nobody has specified yet or they were forced on Dalits by the dominant castes at a particular point in time of history. And therefore, it is logical that any collectivity faced with ‘cumulative domination’ when attains economic mobility and develops some social consciousness would like to live a hygienic life leaving unhygienic food, drinking alcohol and stigmatized occupations. Therefore, one can argue that the whole process is not actually the imitation of the Sanskritic values of the so-called twice-born rather it is a process of leading hygienic way of life. So why can’t we call it the process of hygienization instead of calling it as a process of Sanskritization (Kumar, 2010)?

The Process of Dalitization The third problem with this conceptualization is that the researcher is concerned only with the movement of the lower castes upwards in the caste hierarchy in the Hindu Social Order by imitating the Brahmins and other twice-born castes on the basis of few case studies. But why did he remain silent or why could he not see so many Brahmins and other twice-born castes taking non-vegetarian food or not performing the rituals in day-to-day life, etc. It is a fact that they were not imitating it in the form of a movement but just because of share number of Brahmins and other twice-born castes who are taking non-vegetarian food, drink alcohol and seldom bother to follow rituals related to their day-to-day life prescribed in the sacred texts of Hindu society can it not be argued that it has taken the shape of a movement. Can’t we opine that this process is the process of imitation of cultural traits of the so-called lower castes because drinking alcohol, eating non-vegetarian food, non-performance of rituals, etc. have been associated with the Dalits and Shudras. Therefore by logic can we argue that at cultural level it is process of downward mobility for the twice-born castes, i.e. it is a process of Dalitization (Kumar, 2010:370) though structurally the so-called twice-born castes maintain their higher status in the caste hierarchy? c.

Cognitive blackout and reductionism the other communities specifically the erstwhile excluded communities called Dalits

At the outset the exclusion of Dalits in the subject matter in sociology takes the shape of ‘Cognitive blackout’. It is a well-known fact that description of Dalit’s Society, their Icons, their movement, worldview or contribution of their labour in the annals of Indian sociology is a rarity (Kumar, 2010). Dalits have their own vibrant culture and literature. The Dalits have their own folk songs and dance and art forms, but all has been blacked out in the annals of sociological discussions and literature. This has been eloquently portrayed by Oommen. He writes, There has been a cognitive black-out in Indian social science, until recently, as far as knowledge regarding the life- world of Dalitbahujans. The fact the life-styles of upper castes and Dalitbhujans vary dramatically in terms of food habits, worship patterns, or gender relations is tacitly acknowledged. But instead of squarely recognizing these variations and explaining

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why they exist, the dominant tendency in Indian Sociology, at least until recently, has been to suggest that the Dalibahujans are abandoning their way of life in favor of the life- styles of caste Hindus. This is what sanskritization is all about. In this perspective, not only the norms and values of caste Hindus are privileged but they are also christened as norm-setters and value-givers for the society as a whole. Conversely, the norms and values of Dalitbahujans are knocked out, ignored, stigmatized and de-legitimized (Oommen, 2001:21).

In this context, long ago Gough had argued that there is difference between the cultures of untouchables and Brahmins. According to her, there is tacit opposition between the inhibiting ‘culture’ of the Brahmins and the free ‘nature’ of the untouchables. Both differ in their attitudes towards sexuality, and aggression towards elders and pears. Engaged in the practical business of earning a living through manual labour, the low castes care more for health and prosperity in this life (Gough, 1956:846). However, Indian sociologists have failed to record all this. The indexes and bibliographies of books and references of different articles would also suggest that Dalits and their society have been blacked out. Apart from blackout there has also been the process of reductionism practised by the so-called upper-caste sociologists with regard to Dalit leaders, icons, movements, etc. A survey of available literature on Dalits produced by the so-called upper castes (Gupta, 2005) and their question in seminar and discussions (see Kumar, 2005) will clearly prove the point that there exists the process of reductionism of Dalit icons and Dalit movement in the subject of sociology. For instance, B. R. Ambedkar has been reduced to a Dalit leader although he has played wider role on number of fronts. Specifically, his role as main architect of Indian Constitution. Moreover, sociologists have also labelled Dalit movement and political parties as divisive in nature and spreading caste-ism and division on the basis of caste-based reservations. In fact, Ambedkar should have been analysed as a nation builder. Similarly, Dalit political movement has been analysed as one which has strengthened Indian democracy and there by nation (Kumar, 2014). d.

Indian Sociology and the question of Transcendence

Indian sociology is now more than a century’s old; however, even today the subject matter of Indian sociology (curriculum), its language and pedagogy has failed to engage with issues of a number of castes and communities. Hence, it has remained exclusionary in nature. Therefore, the excluded groups allege that Indian sociology cannot help individuals and students to understand their own culture and life world effectively. Further, it also does not help them to transcend their caste/class position to understand effectively the life world and culture of other social groups. Education is considered to be emancipatory because it empowers individual’s capacity to transcend and transform their caste, class, gender, racial, national, etc. identities and understand life world and culture of other societies or communities with the help of their education. However, this can happen only when, either individual while undergoing educational training participates in lives of the others, observe them closely and experience their social, economic and political life. Secondly, it also can happen when students are engaged with objective and value free curriculum. But that is not the case in Indian sociology. Its curriculum and pedagogy is biased and value loaded.

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One is forced to argue that Indian sociologists have produced a curriculum which is dominated by their own community’s life world, institutional mechanism, cultural traits and value system. It is this curriculum they call universal and representative of whole Indian society. For instance, whether knowledge produced with the help of Hindu scriptures (Hindu Social Structure or Varna), or via data collected from the field from the so-called upper-caste colonies or from ex-untouchables colonies (description of Indian Villages or process of Sanskritization); the subject matter of Indian sociology is dominated by the so-called upper-caste values. This has made Indian sociology one-dimensional. That means knowledge of Hindus and that to Hindu upper-caste males has dominated Indian sociology curriculum. Under these circumstances with one-dimensional knowledge, it cannot empower students to transcend their primordial positons and understand life world of others castes and communities? Second, the reason why Indian sociology cannot be emancipatory to understand specifically the life world and culture of stigmatized and excluded communities is its language. Here comes the role of pedagogy also. The Dalit creative writers and Sociologist have complained that language of Indian sociology, used in the classrooms by the teachers, is very sophisticated and sanitized to describe and explain the reality of Indian society. It is not capable of revealing the socio-political reality which is crude, abusive, contemptuous, cruel, heinous, violent and humiliating for certain section of the Indian society like Dalits, Tribals, Religious Minorities, OBCs and Indian women. That is why if we narrate the social reality in its real terms in the classrooms, it can be only done at the cost of out raging decency of the class. Therefore, Indian sociologists use a very sophisticated and sanitized language in the classrooms in the process the nuances of crudeness, and abusiveness of the phenomenon is lost. Therefore, students fail to capture and grasp the content of experiences of the other side. Because of lack of an effective language the students have failed to appreciate the real situation in which marginalized communities live (their exclusion, exploitation, atrocities on them, etc.). That is why whenever we discuss something, which is not observable through the naked eyes the students do not believe that such type of phenomenon exists at all. For instance, most of students belonging to so-called twice-born castes deny the existence of caste discrimination or caste or untouchability in contemporary India society (in both rural and urban areas). Hence on the one hand we have biased curriculum content with one-dimensional social reality and on the other hand we have a sanitized language then how can we hope that students and researchers will be able to transcend their primordial statuses and understand values, life world, culture, exclusion and sufferings of other communities or societies. Domination of erroneous concepts and perspectives in the Indian sociology is the third reason why Indian sociology cannot be emancipatory and help students to transcend their primordial existence to understand the social realities of other communities and societies. For instance, ‘Functionalist’ perspective with which Indian sociologist has produced knowledge about Indian society has dominated the Indian sociology since its inception. Although we cannot rule out the practice of Marxist perspective in Indian sociology but that has also not helped the cause of the

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marginalized. If ‘Functionalist’ perspective has hidden the exploitative characteristics hidden in the different Indian Institutions (Caste, Jajmani, Village Family), the Class analysis of Marxist Sociologists has not able to capture the real nature of Caste exploitation of Dalits and Women. e.

Reproduction of Hegemony

Pseudo-Inclusivity First of all there is/was cognitive blackout of the Dalits form the Sociological curriculum however because of the heightened intensity of Dalit assertion and marketability of the Dalit literature there is now acceptance of Dalit sociological literature. The point in this context is that the teacher of other background had nominally included Dalits in their course. Now it has become a ritual to keep a topic on the Dalits in a book which discusses other themes on India but they will be given a place in the end of the book. In all the probability, the write-up will be by a Dalit Scholar. If the subject matter on Dalits is available and is accessible then we have to analyse the nature and manner in which it has been included in the curriculum taught in the classroom. Does the teacher have a reductionist attitude towards the Dalits as the subject matter? Look how Dalits have been included in the curriculum. They have been understood through the vantage point of reservation, atrocities, educational status, poverty, etc. Seldom has contribution of their labour in running the economy and polity of this country been understood. They have been reduced to the status of dirty, drunkard, devoid of any merit, Sarkari Brahmins, burden on this earth, etc. The process of reductionism of the Dalit Society has been noted by Viswanathan who writes, ‘The privileging of Gandhi as an emblem of non-partisan feeling has, as its inverse, the demonization of Ambedkar as a purveyor of sectarian politics. The view that ‘the national hagiography in India has rarely conceded a space for Ambedkar alongside Gandhi’ is borne out by amazing excision of Ambedkar from several well-known literary works about untouchability’ (Viswanathan, 2001:220). Lack of Reflexivity There is lack of reflexivity on the Dalits as subject matter in the sociology because the subject matter has not been treated seriously. From definition of the term Dalit, the language used to describe them (Kumar, 2005:520–521), issues about them, etc. is all tentative. We have yet to find a concrete definition of the term Dalit to be sure for which collectivity we are talking. Some Sociologists usually define Dalits without taking any difference of caste, gender or class into account. Therefore, their definition of Dalits includes all the economically poor persons. Most of the times they include Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes, Other Backward Castes, and also women of both general and Dalits. I have read research proposals without any concrete definition of collectivity called Dalits. The whole approach towards evolving a clear-cut definition of Dalit is very casual. Who so ever wants can explain the term ‘Dalit’ in whatever manner he/she deems it fit to define. Moreover, how much students retain the subject

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matter related to Dalits taught in the classroom is another level of enquiry in analysis of lack of reflexivity. It has been observed by me that the students do not have much interest in the topics related to Dalits. They do not actively participate in the discussions on the topic and more or less remain passive or indifferent in the classrooms. Further the teacher do not ask questions on the related topic if they ask it they ask in optional which students can easily skip. Reproduction of hegemony The aforesaid processes of cognitive blackout, forced availability, pseudo-inclusivity, lack of reflexivity, chequered availability lack of transcendence are the processes which should not be treated as ends in themselves. Rather they are means to an end or ends. That end is reproduction of hegemony of the so-called upper castes in the discipline of social sciences. The practice of social science establishes the worldview, social structure, icons, movements and other values and processes of the so-called upper-caste society. At the centre of every analysis, these are the elements and traits which are then treated as national or universal. For instance, their icons are treated as national icons, their movements are national movements, and their values are universal values. In turn the icons, movements and values of the Dalit society are relegated to the periphery representing only a cross section of the society. They are considered to be parochial in nature. This process further enforces exclusion or retards the process of incorporation of the Dalits, their issues, and their worldviews in the social sciences curriculum. In this process of reproduction of hegemony of the so-called upper castes, the social sciences in India have lost their effectivity as an agent of emancipation of the suffering masses in a hierarchical and caste-ridden society like India. In this society, two hundred and fifty million Dalits and Adivasis have been exploited for millennia. From principles of universal psychology in economics, individualizing laws of history and the functionalist perspective of sociology, etc., Indian social sciences have not been able to evolve effective subject matters or curricula which can help Indians in general to move beyond their caste, class, region, religion and other primordial identities. With the help of the self designed curriculum and sanitized language of the social sciences, the general practitioners of Indian social sciences have not been able to answer the existing problems of the masses. Rather, it is nothing but reproduction of their hegemony because they use the same perspectives and frameworks whose foundations are based on values and worldviews of the so-called upper castes. The process reproduction of hegemony has been explained by Apple (2004) at length in another context. In this context therefore one is forced to infer that Indian social sciences lack a substantial emancipatory agenda for a progressive society. It is still steeped in status-quoism and reproduces so-called upper-caste Hindu hegemony.

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Conclusions This essay has tried to analyse that Indian sociology is inegalitarian and exclusionary in nature. For describing this fact, the essay has highlighted two main issues. One, how has sociology been practised in the milieu of domination of so-called upper-caste males? Second, what has been the impact of this domination? With regard to domination, this paper has identified at least four broad levels of so-called upper-caste males. First level of domination is the number of sociologists practising sociology, in university, colleges and research institutes. The numerical domination as human resource is then logically translated into methodology, epistemology and pedagogy of the sociology in India. Specifically, the paper has analysed the domination of so-called upper castes in their choice of resources for the foundation of knowledge and curriculum of Indian sociology. How, religious literature and Brahmanical values are made part of secular curriculum without any reflexivity and question. Moreover, the third level of domination of so-called upper caste was also visible when their sociologists went to collect field data. They collected their most of the data while living in so-called upper-caste colonies (Bastis), i.e. Agraharam and Bamnauti. No study was conducted from the colonies where Dalits lived. Hence, the data excluded the views of other excluded categories. The fourth level of domination was analysed in the paper with regard to teaching of sociology in the classrooms. Within this specific level the paper further identified six ways in which consolidation of domination of so-called upper castes has been actualized. In this regard, we have analysed how artificially ‘Hindu Social Order’ was constructed with Brahmin Centric interpretation of the Rigveda—Purush Sukta hymn. The astonishing aspect of this artificial construction of Hindu Social Order is that the sociologists have brought together two prepositions, temporarily differentiated for millennium— Hindu and four groups mentioned in the Rigveda Purush Sukta and produced Hindu Social Order. Secondly, the sociologists artificially and deliberately blacked out other Varnas mentioned in the Rigveda—the Dasas, Dasyus, Rakshas, Pani, Nishads, etc. Further, they consolidated their domination not only by declaring possibility of only just four Varna but also by artificially declaring a fifth Varna—the ex-untouchables as part of Hindu Social Order. Later, they declared Hindu Social Order as pan-Indian phenomenon although it existed only in the North India. A second issue that this paper analyses and discusses is that whether the so-called upper-caste domination in the subject of sociology is end in itself or is it means to an end. To analyse this issue, we have tried to assess the nature and impact of this domination. Four broader aspects of impact have been registered in this paper. One, a meta-Hindu narrative has been produced undermining the importance of the existence of other groups. A related aspect of this meta-Hindu narrative is a Brahmans have also acquired centre stage in the subject. The second impact of this domination is erroneous concepts like village, caste, class and Sanskritization to name just a few have been produced through which Indian sociology has been analysed till now. However, by highlighting alternative perspective on these concepts this paper has made an attempt that the existing categories are neither final nor exhaustive. They

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are all contested categories. A third impact of this domination analysed in this paper is cognitive blackout and reductionism of erstwhile excluded categories in the subject matter of sociology. We have observed that because of Dalit assertion there is pseudoinclusivity of the Dalit issues. However, this inclusion lacks reflexivity and critical engagement with the subject matter in which Dalits and other marginalized groups have been incorporated. More specifically, if there is an engagement of this type then that leads to process of reductionism of Dalit icons, movements, worldview and in turn Dalit community as a whole. Last but not least, the fourth impact of this domination has been that the subject matter of sociology and language lack an emancipatory agenda. The curriculum is, because of domination of so-called upper-caste values, scriptural and field data that it has become one dimensional and hence is not able to help students, researchers and common man to transcend his/her primordial identity and identify with other sections of the society. Further, the language of sociology is so sanitized and sophisticated that it is not able to explain to students and researchers the crude, cruel, abusive, heinous, contemptuous, violent, humiliating, etc., reality lived and experienced by the Dalits in the society. The net result of this whole domination is reproduction of upper-caste ‘hegemony’ in the subject of sociology. Therefore, one is forced to emphasize—‘How egalitarian is Indian sociology? (Kumar 2016)’. Note: An earlier version of this essay was presented as special lecture at the South Asian Institute, Columbia University, USA; in the capacity of Visiting Associate Professor as Fulbright teacher’s fellow in May 2012. I thank United States-India Educational Foundation, New Delhi for grant Fellowship. Also, a shorter version of this essay was published in Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. LI, No. 25, in 2016.

References Ahmad, I. (1966). Note on sociology in India, The American Sociologist, 1(5), 244–247. Retrieved on February 22, 2012, from www.jstore.org/stable/27701213 Ambedkar, B. R. (1979). Annihilation of caste. In Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar Writings and Speeches (Vol. I), Education Department, Government of Maharashtra. Ambedkar, B. R. (1990). The untouchables: Who were they and why they became untouchables? In Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar Writings and Speeches (Vol. 7), Education Department, Government of Maharashtra, Mumbai. Apple, M. W. (2004). Ideology and curriculum. Rutledge and Kegan Paul and New York. Atal, Y. (2003). Indian sociology: From where to where. Rawat Publication. Beteille, A. (1971). Caste, class, and power-changing patterns of stratification in a Tanjore Village. University of California Press. Bottomore, T. B. (1962, June). Sociology in India. The British Journal of Sociology, 13(2), 98–106. Retrieved on February 23, 2012, from www.jstore.org/stable/587886 Bougle, C. (1971). Essays on the caste system. Cambridge University Press. Clinard, M. B., & Elder Joseph, W. (1965, August) Sociology in India: A study in the sociology of knowledge. American Sociological Review, 30(4), 579–589. Retrieved on February 24, 2012, from www.jstore.org/stable/2091349

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Damle, Y. (1986). In T. K. Oommen & P. M. Mukherji (Eds.), Indian Sociology: Reflections & Introspections. Bombay: Popular Prakashan Private Limited. Dirks, B. (2004). Castes of mind: Colonialism and the making of modern India. New Delhi: Permanent Black. Dumont, L. (1970). Homo hierarchicus: The caste system and its implications. New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Dubey, S. C. (1992). Indian society. New Delhi: National Book Trust. Ghurye, G. S. (1932 (1979)). Caste and race in India. Bombay: Popular Prakashan. Gupta, D. (2005). Caste and politics: Identity over system. Annual Review of Anthropology, 34, 409–427, Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25064892 (down loaded on 17-01-2015). Kumar, V. (2005). Situating Dalits in Indian sociology. Sociological Bulletin, Special issue on South Asia, Vol. 54, No. 3 September–December 2005, New Delhi (pp. 514–532). Kumar, V. (2010). Teaching Hindu social order. In M. Chaudhuri (Ed.), Sociology in India (pp. 360– 379). Rawat Publications. Kumar, V. (2014). Caste and Democracy in India: Perspective from Below. Gyan Publishing House. Kumar, V. (2016). How Egalitarian Indian sociology? Economic and Political Weekly(24), 33–39, Mumbai. Leach, E. R. (1992) quoted in M. N. Srinivas, Social change in Modern India. Bombay: Orient Longman (p. 148). Lorenzen, D. N. (2002). Bhakti religion in north India: Community identity and political action. New Delhi: Manohar Publishers and Distributors. Madan, T. N. (2013). Sociology at the University of Lucknow: The first half century (1921–1975). Oxford University Press. Madanipour, B. (2010). Chhangiya Rukh (in Punjabi), against the night: An autobiography (Translated from Punjabi by Tripti Jain). Oxford University Press. Mukherjee, P. (1988). Beyond the four varnas: The untouchables in India. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass. Oommen, T. K. (2001). Understanding the Indian society: The relevance of perspective from below. University of Pune, Pune. Oommen, T. K. (2007). Knowledge and society: Situating sociology and social anthropology. Oxford University Press. Oommen, T. K., & Mukherji, P. M. (Eds.). (1986). Indian sociology: Reflections & introspections. Bombay: Popular Prakashan Private Limited. Parvathamma, C. (1978). The remembered village: a brahminical odyssey. In Contributions to Indian Sociology (NS) (Vol. 12 No. 1, pp. 91–96), New Delhi. Shah, A. M. (2006). Studying the present and the past: A village in Gujarat. In M. N. Srinivas et al. The fieldworker and the field: Problems and challenges in sociological investigations. New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Shah, A. M. (2000). An interview with M.N. Srinivas. Current Anthropology, 41(4), 629–636. www.Jstore.org/stable/https://doi.org/10.1086/317389 (downloaded on 23/03/2012). Shah, A. M. (2011, September–December). Indian sociological society: From learned society to a professional association sociological bulletin (Vol. 60, No. 3, pp. 388–418). Sharma, K. L. (1986). Indian society. National Council of Educational Research Training, New Delhi. Singh, Y. (1986). Indian sociology: Social conditioning and emerging concerns. Vistaar Publications. Smith, V. A. (1986). In P. Spear (Ed.) The Oxford history of India. New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Srinivas, M. N. (Ed.). (1997). Caste: Its twentieth century Avta. New Delhi: Pengine. Srinivas, M. N. (1985). Caste in modern India and other essays. Media Promoters & Publishers Pvt. Ltd. Srinivas, M. N. (2006). The fieldworker and the field: A village in Karnataka. In M. N. Srinivas et al., The Fieldworker and the Field. Oxford University Press, New Delhi.

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Srinivas, M. N., & Panini, M. N. (1986). The development of sociology and social anthropology in India. In T. K. Oommen & P. M. Mukherji (Eds.), Indian Sociology: Reflections & Introspections. Bombay: Popular Prakashan Private Limited. Thapar, R. (2002). Interpreting early India. Oxford University Press. Trautmann, R., & Thomas. (1997). Aryans and British India. Vistar Publications. Uberoi, P. (Eds.). (2007). Anthropology in the East: Founder of Indian sociology and anthropology. New Delhi: Permanent Black. Upadhya, C. (2002, March). The Hindu nationalist sociology of G. S. Ghurey. Sociological Bulletin, 51(1), New Delhi. Valmiki, O. P. (2003). Joothan: A Dalit’s life. Translated by A. P. Mukherjee, Samay, Kolkata. Viswanathan, G. (2001). Outside the fold: Conversion, modernity, and belief . New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Visweswaran, K. (2010). Un/common cultures: Racism and the reconstruction of cultural difference. Duke University Press.

Chapter 5

The Idea of Subalternity and Dalit Exclusion in India Yagati Chinna Rao

Abstract In the post-colonial theories, the term ‘subaltern’ refers to the lower classes and the ‘lower’ social groups, who are at the margins of a society. In the postcolonial terms, everything that has limited or no access to the cultural imperialism is subaltern—a space of difference. ‘Many people want to claim subalternity…they are least interesting and the most dangerous’ say some theoreticians. But when one applies, the very concept of subaltern to any particular society, the concept and frame is reconfigured substantially and reveals the limitations in terms tended to be carried away available theories, concepts and discourses. This paper is organized into three parts. Firstly, on the concept of subalternity, as a concept, a trend, and as a school of thought in social sciences; secondly on the applicability of the concept to Indian society in general, and social science research in particular and thirdly the paper would deal with the processes of nature of marginality and exclusion of Dalits in various spears of life, social, economic and political level. Eventually to explore what is the locus of the Dalit in the subaltern discourse and its implications for understanding caste in post-colonial society. Keywords Post-colonial · Subaltern · Dalit · Social · Political · Economic

Introduction In the post-colonial theories, the term ‘subaltern’ refers to the lower classes and the ‘lower’ social groups, who are at the margins of a society. In the post-colonial terms, everything that has limited or no access to the cultural imperialism is subaltern—a space of difference. ‘Many people want to claim subalternity…they are least interesting and the most dangerous’ say some theoreticians. But when one applies, the very concept of subaltern to any particular society, the concept and frame is reconfigured substantially and reveals the limitations in terms tended to be carried away available theories, concepts and discourses. This paper is organized into three parts. Y. C. Rao (B) Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, India e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2022 R. K. Kale and S. S. Acharya (eds.), Mapping Identity-Induced Marginalisation in India, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-3128-4_5

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Firstly, on the concept of subalternity, as a concept, a trend, and as a school of thought in social sciences; secondly on the applicability of the concept to Indian society in general, and social science research in particular and thirdly the paper would deal with the processes of nature of marginality and exclusion of Dalits in various spears of life, social, economic and political level. Eventually to explore what is the locus of the Dalit in the subaltern discourse and its implications for understanding caste in postcolonial society. The subaltern or the subalternity is simply understood as an adjective ‘lower in rank’ or ‘of inferior position or rank’ and as a noun ‘a person who has a subordinate position’. A manifesto of a group of Puerto Rican historians in the early 1970s felt that ‘we face the problem that the history presented as a ours is only part of our history…what of the history of the ‘historyless’, the anonymous people who, in their collective acts, their work, daily lives, and fellowship, have forged our society through the centuries?’1 At the same time a leader of the ‘Dar es Salaam School of history’ voiced a similar dissatisfaction with the received version of national histories in newly independent African countries felt that ‘we would end with the singularly useless ‘history’, celebrating individuals, narrating their biographies and heroic acts or, at the most, erecting monuments for valiant tribes. These would leave the large mass of our people out of history, without history.2 In describing ‘history told from below’, the term subaltern is derived from Antonio Gramsci’s work on cultural hegemony, which identified the groups that are excluded from a society’s established structures for political representation and therefore denied the means by which people have a voice in their society. Lucien Febvre first used the phrase ‘history seen from below and not from above’ (histoire vue d’en bas et non d’en haut) in 1932.3 However, it was E. P. Thompson’s essay History from Below in The Times Literary Supplement (1966) which brought the phrase and ‘people’s history’ to the forefront of historiography from the 1970s.4 A people’s history (otherwise known as social history) is the history of the world that is the story of mass movements and of the outsiders. Individuals not included in the past in other type of writing about history are part of history-from-below theory’s primary focus, which includes the disenfranchised, the oppressed, the poor, the nonconformists, the subaltern and the otherwise forgotten people. This theory also usually focuses on events occurring in the fullness of time, or when an overwhelming wave of smaller events cause certain developments to occur. The terms subaltern and Subaltern Studies entered post-colonial studies through the works of the Subaltern Studies Group, a collection of south Asian historians who explored the political-actor role of the men and women who comprise the mass population—rather than the political roles of the social and economic elites—in the history of south Asia. Marxist historians had already been investigating colonial history as told from the perspective of the proletariat, using the concept of social classes as being determined by economic relations. In the 1970s, subaltern began to denote the colonized peoples of the Indian subcontinent and described a new perspective of the history of an imperial colony as told from the point of view of the colonized rather than that of the colonizers. In the 1980s, the scope of enquiry of Subaltern Studies was applied as an ‘intervention in South Asian historiography’.

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As a method of intellectual discourse, the concept of the subaltern is problematic because it originated as a Eurocentric method of historical enquiry for studying the non-Western people of Africa, Asia, and the Middle East. From its inception as an historical-research model for studying the colonial experience of South Asian peoples, subaltern studies transformed from a model of intellectual discourse into a method of ‘vigorous post-colonial critique’. The term ‘subaltern’ is used in the fields of history, anthropology, sociology, human geography and literary criticism. The fact that the ‘history from below’ or ‘people’s history’ in a broader sense has deep roots going very far back in Europe.5 Hobsbawm mentions that a new approach to history developed in the intellectual interactions of a group of Marxist historians who first got together in 1946 to re-edit the celebrated People’s History of England (1938) by A. L. Morton: ‘there is little doubt that the rise of ‘social history’ in Britain as a field of study, and especially of ‘history from below’ or ‘history of the common people’ owes a great deal to the work of the members of the group’.6 At this point it may be useful to take a look at the problems and prospects of this new kind of history, call it people’s history, or ‘history from below’ or history of ‘oppressed’ in our country. We are witnessing a great burst of energy in many directions—Hobsbawm has created research interest in social banditry, Gereth Stedman Jones7 and Louis Chevalier in the urban outcastes and ‘dangerous classes’,8 are also equally addressed to similar questions without owing inspiration from exemplars of ‘history from below’. Given such diversities, it is possible to have a meaningful discussion only if we delimit discussion to one set of problems. I propose to limit myself to one research area in which I am interested now, the history of Dalits. The mainstream historiographical trends, with regard to the outcaste history, are ambiguous and elusive in nature as majority of the mainstream historical works suffer from apathy to the Dalit consciousness and manoeuvrings in different parts of the country during the colonial period. Many works, dealing with the stratification of the Indian society, do give a chapter or a section on the Dalits of a particular region or of the country as whole as historical antecedents. Yet there are not many exclusive studies on the historic movement of the Dalits. However, this is not to rule out the immense significance of a few analytical and comparative studies on the subject. Frequently, the acts of the outcastes have been categorized as ‘parochial’ elements. For instance, only censorious references to them appear in ‘nationalist’ historiography, a narrative of the ‘struggle’ for freedom. This narrative does not recognize non-elite and non-Brahmin contributions towards the national movement. Likewise, the Cambridge historiography, though it contests the ideological basis of the nationalist narrative, does not initiate a dialogue with the social periphery and projects the ‘lower’ castes as mere passive followers of elite leaders. Marxist historians, working within the rigid class perspective, have shown reluctance to address the issues related to caste. Finally, the Subaltern school of thought that emerged in the 1980s has postulated an alternative framework but their research suffer from the same limitation of what Marxists have done. Because they too have failed to raise the fundamental issues related to the historical experience of the outcastes. However, such distortions or flaws of historicism is not unique to the Indian historiographical tradition but is

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related to the challenges emerging within the discipline of history itself that emerged as a scientific discipline in the modern period. The crucial significance of history in post-colonial societies lies not only in the ‘retrieval of the past but also in constructing identities’.9 Historical enterprise in our country is thus confronted with an apparent crisis in the very selective appropriation of the past. Thus ‘historyless’ communities pose a challenge both in terms of history writing and reconstitution of a broader social base for rebuilding the nation state. Thus, the study of such excluded groups is of immense relevance on account of the inherent radical democratic identity of their movement that offers a critique to the project of the nation state. Also, available scholarship on these oppressed communities suffers from the lack of historical and written documentation. Writing the history of the ‘untouchables’ is beset with immense challenges given the acute shortage of direct evidence about the realities of the Dalit social life. Dalit history is mired in a myth and largely disparaged and, mystified by the essentializing approaches to explain the experiences of the Dalits. Recent initiatives to reconstruct Dalit history generally draws from traditional historical sources like archival material, census reports, commissions and committees and gazetteers. This is despite the fact that there are many biographical and autobiographical writings of organic Dalit intellectuals available besides literature in the form of poems, novels, dramas, contemporary press reports and caste-association activities, though in the vernacular. At the same time, we have to note that the identity of untouchables has also become complex overtime, unlike any other communal identity given their cultural, legal reconstructions. A neologism evolving within specific historical periods, embedded in the cultural dynamism, however, signifies the fluidity and opens up possibilities for delineating the interconnection and linkages of social and political processes both during the colonial and post-colonial periods. The creation of a label or nomenclature to identify the untouchables has added new a salient dimension to the Dalit identity. It is useful to understand the evolution of these multiple identities/nomenclatures in a historical context.10 In addition to their caste or sub-caste (or jati) identity, the homogeneous categories, expressing generic identity of untouchables, cutting across regional and intra-untouchable distinctions, have been deployed by various agencies during the colonial period.11 However, the focus of this paper will be the neo-identities evolved by the untouchables of India and its ramifications on their identity and caste politics. These can be divided in two categories, each pertaining to different periods. One belongs to the early decades of the twentieth century, with the emergence of the with ‘Adi’ ideology, such as the Adi-Andhra in the Telugu-speaking regions of the Madras Presidency and Adi-Hindu in the Nizam dominions.12 The second generic identity is the concept known as the ‘Dalit’13 that came into vogue towards the later decades of the century in 1972 in Maharashtra with the formation of the Dalit Panthers Movement. Available studies on Dalit movement in the country suffer from lack of historical and written documentation, providing scope for ambiguity. Owing to their extremely dehumanized and unique position in our society, the Dalits have been a subject of interest for missionaries and social anthropologists.14 Studies on the Dalits started as

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early as the late nineteenth century, though at the early stage they were sporadic and fragmentary in nature. Mostly, they emerged as the outcome of missionaries’ travel records15 and personal accounts,16 histories of evangelical groups,17 accounts of caste by Christianity,18 conversion movements,19 memoirs of various missionaries20 in addition to missionary journals, newsletters and pamphlets, district gazetteers, ethnographic notes, census reports and such sources. These accounts provide invaluable accounts of certain aspects especially religious practices, beliefs and culture of the Dalits21 The missionary documents provide insights into the conditions of the untouchable communities and are useful to grasp the phase of transition. The debates on caste issues, education, conversion and reform that the missionary records dwell on add substantially to the otherwise dull chronology of events in colonial official documents. The value of missionary accounts can be evaluated when the textual sources of precolonial period are examined. Even a cursory glance at the history of the Telugu literature, particularly the medieval texts, would reveal how literature was mainly confined to zamindar darbars and scholarly gatherings. Until the mid-seventeenth century, writers, predominantly Brahmins, tried to display their command over language (Sanskrit or Sanskritized Telugu), and to score over their rivals, while the nineteenth century imperialist history shrouded India’s past in darkness, denuded its history of any evidence of change and achievement with permanent marks of inferiority.22 The concept of subaltern, subalternity or subaltern studies got imported to India through upper-caste, Western-educated intelligentsia, but one find hardly applied the concept, method, or approach to real subalterns of the Indian society. Although voluminous work that was produced under the banner one find it difficult find the ‘real-subaltern’ of Indian society for them neither as a subject nor as an object. Common understanding of the social exclusion is the denial of equal opportunities imposed by some groups of society on certain group, leading to a state of inability of an individual to participate in the basic political, economic and social functioning of society. The term ‘social exclusion’ is so evocative, ambiguous, multidimensional and expansive that it can be defined in many different ways. Yet the difficulty of defining exclusion and the fact that it is interpreted differently in different contexts at different times can be seen as a theoretical opportunity.23 Rather than putting forward a single definition of exclusion, it is interesting to understand the disputes surrounding the term ‘exclusion’ and its usage in different contexts, by tracing the history of the idea and decoding the multiple meanings of the term in a variety of national contexts. In Europe, the term ‘social exclusion’ emerged in the late twentieth century as a key concept among analysts and policy-makers seeking to understand and formulate directives of approaches to alleviate some of the negative social effects of economic restructuring. Thus, the term has an evident appeal for politicians and policy analysts. In Western Europe, those meanings are embedded in the emergence of the term in French political rhetoric and the specific institutional history of the European Union. The term, social exclusion was originally coined in France in 1974 to refer to various categories of people who were unprotected by social insurance at the time but labelled as ‘social problems’ identified as—‘mentally and physically handicapped, suicidal

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people, aged invalids, abused children, substance abusers, delinquents, single parents, multi-problem households, marginal, asocial persons and other social misfits.’24 However, in the 1980s, this stigmatizing and narrow view of social exclusion was superseded as the term became central to French debates about the nature of the neopoverty associated with technological change and economic restructuring.25 Social exclusion in this context was not simply equated with poverty, but was broadened to refer to a process of social disintegration, in the sense of a progressive rupture of the relationship between the individual and society, which was occurring due to increasing long-term unemployment, particularly focused on unskilled workers and immigrants, the inability of young people to enter the labour market, greater family instability and isolated single-member households, increasing numbers of homeless people, and rising tensions and periodic violence in the low-cost housing settlements on the periphery of cities (banlieues). This dissipation of the social fabric of society seemed to be a consequence of the result of long-term process of transformations in the structure and organization of economic life. Addressing social exclusion requires a holistic approach which promotes involvement of excluded populations in community life, ensures access to all basic services, promotes behavioural change, increases income, and addresses other key elements of exclusion.26 Discrimination is clearly a particular kind of exclusion and it can take on either an active or passive form. Active exclusion through discrimination will see agents systematically refusing to hire or accept the participation of members of a social group despite their formal qualifications (or even over-qualification), while routinely favouring members of groups who are equally or even less qualified. The consequences of discrimination can lead to deprivation indirectly, through passive discrimination in which discouragement and lower self-confidence results in poor performance, or through direct routes that limit access to income or education that is mobility enhancing. In social science literature, there is general agreement on the core features of social exclusion, its principal indicators, and the way it relates to poverty and inequality. Social exclusion is the denial of equal opportunities imposed by certain groups of society upon others which leads to inability of an individual to participate in the basic political, economic and social functioning of the society. The developments in social science literature indeed enable us to comprehend the meanings and manifestations of the concept of social exclusion, and its applicability to caste and ethnicity-based exclusion in India. The manner in which it has been developed in social science literature, the concept of social exclusion, thus, essentially refers to the processes through which groups are wholly, or partially, excluded from full participation in the society in which they live. It emphasizes two crucial dimensions involving the notion of exclusion, namely the ‘societal institutions’ (of exclusion), and their ‘outcome’ (in terms of deprivation). In order to understand the dimensions of exclusion, it is necessary to explore the societal interrelations and institutions, which lead to exclusion of certain groups and deprivation in multiple spheres—civil, cultural, political and economic. Thus, for a broader understanding of the concept of exclusion, the insight into the societal process and institutions of exclusion are as important as the outcome in terms of deprivation for certain groups. Amartya Sen27 therefore refers to various

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meanings and manifestations of social exclusion, particularly, with respect to the causes or the processes of discrimination and deprivation in a given society. Exclusion could occur through direct exclusion, violating fair norms of exclusion (that is, unfavourable exclusion), or through inclusion, but under unfavourable conditions, again violating fair norms of inclusion (i.e. unfavourable inclusion), or through deliberate government policies (i.e. active exclusion), and through unintended attempts and circumstances (passive exclusion), or exclusion caused through inability of some persons when compared to other persons (constitutive relevance). The mainstream economists have further elaborated the concept of discrimination that operates particularly through markets. Social exclusion can indeed arise in a variety of ways, and it is important to recognize the versatility of the idea and its reach.

Social Exclusion in Indian Context In India, exclusion is embedded in societal interrelations and institutions that exclude, discriminate, isolate and deprive some groups on the basis of group’s identities like caste and ethnicity. The nature of exclusion revolving around the caste system particularly needs to be understood and conceptualized. The fundamental characteristics of caste system fixed civil, cultural, and economic rights for each caste, with restrictions for change implying ‘forced exclusion’ of one caste from the rights of other caste, or from undertaking the occupations of other castes.28 Exclusion and discrimination in civil, cultural and particularly in economic spheres such as occupation and labour employment, is therefore, internal to the system, and a necessary outcome of its governing principles. In the market economy framework, the occupational immobility would operate through restrictions in various markets such as land, labour, credit, other inputs and services necessary for any economic activity. Labour being an integral part of the production process of any economic activity, would obviously become a part of market discrimination.29 The caste identity, however, has been dominant factor in the discourse of social exclusion. The social stigmatization of the Dalits, the unique characteristic of the caste identity, makes them more vulnerable to social exclusion in multiple realms of the society. They suffer the most from unequal assignment, entitlement of rights and opportunities: physical and social segregation, denial of freedom, restricted social participation and deprivation of many social privileges. In the course of fulfilling their rights and privileges, they very often experience caste-based discrimination and violence. These human rights violations have been endemic feature of the Indian society and have initiated a lot of debates and discussions in contemporary India. In the light of the above, the caste and untouchability-based exclusion and discrimination can be categorized in the economic, civil, cultural and political spheres as the exclusion, and the denial of equal opportunity in economic spheres would necessarily operate through markets and non-market transactions and exchange. Firstly, exclusion can be practised through the denial in labour market in hiring for jobs; in capital market through the denial of access to capital; in agriculture land market through the

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denial in sale and purchase or leasing of land; in input market through the denial in sale and purchase of factor inputs; and in consumer market through the denial in sale and purchase of commodities and consumer goods.30 Secondly, discrimination can occur through what Amartya Sen would describe as ‘unfavourable inclusion’, namely through differential treatment in terms and conditions; of contract, one of them would reflect in discrimination in the prices charged and received by discriminated groups. This can be inclusive of the price of factor inputs, and consumer goods, price of factors of production such as wages for labour, price of land or rent on land, interest on capital, rent on residential houses, charges or fees on services such as water and electricity. Discriminated groups can get lower prices for the goods that they sell, and could pay higher prices for the goods that they buy, as compared with the market price or the price paid by other groups. Thirdly, exclusion and discrimination can occur in terms of access to social needs supplied by the government or public institutions, or by private institutions in education, housing and health, including common property resources like water bodies, grazing land, and other land of common use and Fourthly, a group (particularly the untouchables) may face discrimination from participation in certain categories of jobs (the sweeper being excluded from inside household jobs), because of the notion of purity and pollution of occupations, and engagements in so-called unclean occupations. To sum up this argument, the major fields or agents through which the Dalit face social exclusion: (1) in the civil and cultural spheres, the untouchables face discrimination and exclusion in the use of public services like public roads, temples, water bodies and institutions delivering services like education, health and other public services; (2) in the political spheres, the untouchables face discrimination in use of political rights, and in participation in decision-making process; (3) due to the physical (or residential) segregation, and social exclusion on account of the notion of untouchability (or touch-me-not), they suffer from a general societal exclusion; (4) since there is societal mechanism to regulate and enforce the customary norms and rules of the caste system, the untouchables generally face opposition in the form of social and economic boycott, violence, and act as a general deterrent to their right to development. Amartya Sen draws attention to various meanings and dimensions of the concept of social exclusion. He draws a distinction between situations where some people are kept out (or left out), and where some people are included (forcibly) on deeply unfavourable terms. The two situations are described as ‘unfavourable exclusion’ and ‘unfavourable inclusion’. Sen argues that it is important to distinguish between ‘active exclusion’—fostering of exclusion through deliberate policy interventions by the government or by any other willful agents (to exclude some people from some opportunity), and ‘passive exclusion’, which works through the social process in which there are no deliberate attempts to exclude, but nevertheless may result in exclusion from a set of circumstances. Sen further distinguishes the ‘constitutive relevance’ of exclusion from that of ‘instrumental importance’. In the former, exclusion or deprivation have an intrinsic importance of their own. For instance, not bring able to relate to others and to take part in the life of the community can directly impoverish a person’s life, in addition to the further deprivation it may generate.

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This is different from social exclusion of ‘instrumental importance’, in which the exclusion in itself is not impoverishing but can lead to impoverishment of human life. The World Development Report (2006) recognizes inequality of opportunity as disadvantageous to development.31 It therefore makes the case for equity to take centre stage in the development discourse to attain the goals of empowerment of marginalized groups. The Human Development Report (2006) of the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), similarly, focuses on equity as well as the institutional climate to enforce rights for all. However, in India, there have been specific concerns about various government programmes aimed at protecting the needs and interests of different sections and which have not had the desired effects for all. This has necessitated analyses of group-specific factors that hinder access to public services and other opportunities. Among the marginalized groups, although the Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes (STs) are worse off in terms of deprivation, caste identity, in particular, has predominantly worked against the SCs in many spheres of social life in mainstream society. Unlike the STs, the SCs mostly live in mixed-caste villages in mainstream society, and remain vulnerable to discriminatory practices based on group identity. Despite the constitutional safeguards and specific legislative measures to address the issue of discrimination based on caste identity, the exclusionary nature of social relations continues to persist as far as the SCs are considered. The prevalence of caste-based discrimination and other related oppressive behaviours often restrict their access to opportunities, and push them into the morass of a socially excluded life. There are numerous research evidences and experiential accounts to suggest that the lack of equal access to essential public resources and services among the SCs is not always accidental but an outcome of active social discrimination at the societal as well as institutional level.

Types and Indicators of Social Exclusion The caste system is based on the division of people in to social groups in which civil, cultural and economic rights of each individual caste are predetermined or ascribed by birth and made hereditary. The assignment of civil, and economic rights is, unequal and hierarchical and the most important feature is it provides for regulatory mechanism to enforce social and economic organizations through the instruments of social ostracism and the caste system is reinforced further with justification and support from philosophical elements in the Hindu religion.32 Caste at the top of the social order enjoys more rights at the expense of those located at the bottom of the caste hierarchy and have fewer economic and social rights. The untouchables who are at the bottom of the caste hierarchy suffered the most from unequal assignments and entitlements of rights. The untouchables suffered from social exclusion and discrimination involving certain rights which include civil, cultural, religious and economic rights and particularly the notion of untouchability, which is unique to the

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untouchable caste only they are considered impure and polluting and unfit for social association and inter relation with castes above. The indicators of social exclusion can be traced by a suitable situation described by Dr Ambedkar in his paper ‘Annihilation of caste’ in which he points that under the rule of Peshwas in Maratha country the untouchables were not allowed to use the public streets if a Hindu was coming along lest he should pollute the Hindu by his shadow the untouchable was required to have a black thread either on his wrist or neck as a sign or a mark to prevent the Hindus from getting themselves polluted by his touch through mistake. In Poona the capital of Peshwas the untouchable was required to carry, strung from his waist, a broom to sweep away from behind the dust he treaded on lest a Hindu walking on the same should not be polluted. In Poona the untouchables was required to carry an earthen pot, hung in his neck were ever he went for holding his spit lest his spit falling on the earth could pollute a Hindu who might unknowingly happen to tread on it. Interestingly, most of these practices are continues even in the twenty-first century and even after seventy years of India’s independence, either overtly or covertly. Discriminations in schools take the form of denial of access to education and the skill development among the Dalits children. This reduces the quality of human resources and employability for quality jobs and force them to fall back on low earning manual wage labour in farming and non-farming activities. Denial of education leads to high rate in illiteracy, low functionally literacy and high dropout rates and limited skill development, discrimination in education may cause high representation in menial jobs, low wages, low income and ultimately high poverty.33 Through denial of admission in the primary health centre through discriminatory access to primary health centres and private health providers which may take following forms. Denial to visit Dalits home, denial of giving information about health facilities, lack of care leading to requirement of private medical attention and loss of income, delay in complication delivery leading to private medical attention.34 In the political spheres, the Dalits are denied to practice their political rights such as rights and means to participate in the exercise of political powers and denial of justice, freedom of expression, rule of law. The constitution of India has made certain provision to empower the Dalits politically but the exclusion has made them to think for political participation. Giving representation to the weak candidates from the Dalits community for election by pertaining political parties. Actually, at the reserved political constituency where the deciding people will not be the Dalits himself but the upper-caste voter who purposefully elect a candidate who can represent the upper caste not for the Dalits. Due to this, the Dalits can’t elect they representative who can participate on their behalf in the policy making. The impact of exclusion has made the Dalits as vulnerable community since from the Vedic time. The process of social exclusion system has made the Dalits dependable on the others so-called upper communities. In the contemporary scenario due to the impact of exclusion of Dalits they are subjected to social, economically and politically exclusion. A study of 2006 on untouchables rural in India covering 565 villages in 11 states has revealed the extent to which untouchability and social exclusion is practised in spite of officially banned by the constitution of India.35

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In spite of constitutional guaranteed mandate for social justice various local institutions in India facilitates and practice untouchability 37.8% of the villages Dalits students are made to sit separately in government schools. 27.6% of the village’s Dalits are prevented from entering police stations. 25.7%of the village Dalits are prevented from entering ration shops. 33% of the village public health workers refuse to visit Dalits homes.36 About 14.4% of the villages Dalits is not permitted to enter panchayat building; 12% of the village Dalits is forced to form separate lines at polling booths. 48.4% of the Dalits are denied to access to water sources. In market access, 35% of village Dalits banned from selling produced in local market. 47% of village milk cooperatives prevent Dalits from selling milk and 25% from buying milk. About 25% of village Dalits paid lower wages than non-Dalits, work longer hours and have more delayed wages and suffer from verbal and physical abuse. 37% of the village Dalits workers paid wages from a distance to avoid physical contact. In religion and rites 64% of Dalits restricted from entering Hindu temples and more than 50%of village Dalits prevented from accessing crimination grounds.37 In private spheres 73% of village’s Dalits not permitted to enter non-Dalits homes. 35.8% of Dalits denied entry in to village shops. Crimes against Dalits According to official Indian crime statistics averaged over the period 2001–2005. 27 atrocities against Dalits every day. 13 Dalits murdered every week. 5 Dalits homes burnt every week. 6 Dalits kidnapped or abducted every week. 3 Dalits women raped every day. 11 Dalits beaten every hour and a crime committed against a Dalits every 18 min.38

Concluding Remarks The question remains as to why the Dalits have poor access to all resources which directly and indirectly determine the level of income and capabilities to secure other sources of income? Why the ownership of agricultural land and non-land capital assets is low compared with non-SC/ST? Why are the unemployment rates high particularly among the Dalits compared with non-SC/ST? Why are the daily wage earnings of SC/ST in non-farm activities low compared with non-Dalits? Why the literacy rate and education level are much lower when compared with non-Dalits? What one perceives from the foregoing discussion it may conclude that the concept of social exclusion is a process of blocking the development of the marginalized communities disintegrating people and communities in to mainstream of development, with a series of institutionalized social systems. The most affected population is Dalits who lag in all spheres of developmental activities. Dr. Ambedkar therefore with his visionary mission provided a comprehensive framework for development of people in general and Dalits in particular. Given the complexity and crucial relevance of these issues to large groups of people, the issue we are presently discussing assumes great significance. The establishment of social exclusion programmes of study in various institutions holds promise of more specialized knowledge to overcome the challenges posed to government, especially in the post-colonial era. Even if government action is tardy, as it

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often is, such knowledge matters, because exclusion from the domain of knowledge has got the means of preserving exclusion. Notes 1.

2. 3. 4.

5.

6.

7. 8. 9. 10.

11.

Angel Quientero Rivera, Workers’ Struggle in Puerto Rico: A Documentary Study, (New York, 1976), pp. 6–7, cited Sabyasachi Bhattacharya, “Presidential Address”, Modern Indian History Section, Indian History Congress, 1982, pp. 1–2. Issa G. Shivji, Class Struggle in Tanzania, (New York: 1976), p. 55. Lucien Febvre (1878–1956) was a French historian best known for the role he played in establishing the Annales School of history. Jeremy Black and Donold M. MacRaild, Studying History, (Palgrave Macmillan, 2007), p. 113, mentions that “E. P. Thompson’s essay, ‘History from below’, in the Times Literary Supplement (1966), was the real starting point, not only of the term, but of attempts to define it, to intellectualize about it, and to give it a coherent agenda…”. Raphael Samuel (1934–1996) was a British Marxist historian, has published genealogical tree of ‘history from below’. For details see People’s History and Socialist Theory (London: 1981). This group includes Hilton, Hill, Rude, E. P. Thompson, Hobsbawm, Raphael Samuel etc. For details see Eric J. Hobsbawm, “The historians’ Group”, in M. Cornforth (9th ed.), Rebels and their Causes: Essays in Honour of A. L. Morton, (London, 1978), p. 44. Gareth Stedman Jones, Outcast London: A Study in the Relationship between Classes in Victorian Society, (Oxford, 1971). Louis Chevalier, Labouring Classes and Dangerous Classes in Paris during the First Half of the Nineteenth century, (London, 1973). Priyadarshini Vijaisri, Recasting the Devadasi: Patterns of Sacred Prostitution in Colonial South India, (New Delhi: 2004), Introduction. For instance, various classifications like Depressed Classes, the Harijans, and Scheduled Castes were political responses to multifarious compulsions ranging from official documentation necessitated by the colonial structure to the cultural movements by the caste Hindu and untouchable communities. This dynamic reinvention of identities, as indicated by the nomenclature, is more characteristic in the untouchables’ history than that of any other social category in India and it is intertwined with the intellectual developments in a wider milieu. For details see Y. Chinna Rao, “Change in Nomenclature: A Historical Note” in Ambrose Pinto (ed.), Dalits: Assertion for Identity, (New Delhi: 1999). Broadly four major categories of nomenclatures can be discerned historically. First their own caste identities or jati, such as Jatav, Chamar, Mala, Madiga, Mang, Mahar and so on, emanate from a lore of their community traditions or mythical lore like the caste legends, explaining their origins and status. Second is their structural exclusion and inferior status indicated by Brahminical

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13.

14.

15.

16.

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texts as for instance Atchut, Asprishya, Antyaja, Chandala, Asuras, Dasas, or Dasyas, Raksasas Pariah ‘Harijans’ and Panchamas etc. Third category of nomenclatures was a result of the administrative and political policies of the colonial and post-colonial states, and had a decisive impact in terms of political and social discourse, e.g. Depressed Classes, Exterior Castes and Scheduled Castes and so on. In the modern period European visitors to India noted the existence of despised groups, and the Tamil word Pariah caste lent its name to the English vocabulary as a synonym for an outcaste. For them, Pariah means a person of low caste, or of no caste or socially outcaste. See A. S. Hornby, Oxford Advanced Learners Dictionary of Current English, (Delhi: 1985), (8th impression), p.608; see Yagati Chinna Rao, Dalit Studies: A Bibliographical Handbook, (New Delhi: 2003), Introduction. Similar identity movements also are found in other regions including AdiDravida in the Tamil speaking regions of the Madras presidency, and “AdiHindu” in the United Province, Bhumi-Putra in Maharashtra and so on. For details see Gail Omvedt, Dalits and The Democratic Revolution: Dr. Ambedkar and The Dalit Movement in Colonial India, (New Delhi: 1994); Gail Omvedt, Dalit Visions: The Anti-Caste Movements and The Construction of an Indian Identity, (Hyderabad: 1995); Yagati Chinna Rao, Dalits’ Struggle for Identity: Andhra and Hyderabad, 1900–1950, (New Delhi: 2003). The Dalit literally means trampled, squeezed crushed or broken, or reduced into pieces, and politically is a symbol of change and revolution. A new antinomianism saw the birth of radical ex-untouchables. A Dalit, who believe in humanism, rejects the existence of God, rebirth, soul, sacred books that teach discrimination, fate and heaven. Therefore, Dalit is of more secular identity than any other category. Originally it denoted a class, than a caste identity, but currently it is being used politically as a synonym for all those ex-untouchables in the debates and discourses among the academia. Yet for administrative purposes, in regard to government records and correspondence they continue to be referred to only as the Scheduled Castes. See Molesworth’s Marathi English Dictionary, 1975, (Reprint of 1831 edition), cited in Eleanor Zelliot, From Untouchable to Dalit: Essays on Ambedkar Movement, (New Delhi: 2005), (First Published in 1992). These set of scholars both during the colonial and post-colonial period, either missionaries or census operators, colonial administrators, and invariably of foreign origin. This including Gail Omvedt, Eleanor Zelliot etc. Perhaps first in its kind was of Abbe Jeane Antoine Dubois, a French missionary’s experiences of the early decades of the nineteenth century of Indian people, society and culture. Chapter five of his work contains one of the earliest documented descriptions of the ‘untouchables’. This was originally written in 1815, translated by Henry K. Beauchamps. See J. Abbe Dubois, 1953. For details see Abbe J. A. Dubois, Hindu Manners, Customs and Ceremonies, London, 1953 (Third Edition 1906). This was originally written in 1815, translated by Henry K. Beauchamps.

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17.

Here is a list of a few published sources that are easily available, and that either they deal with one region or the other of what presently known as Andhra Pradesh or an all-India study that contains part or chapter on the Telugu speaking regions. See David Downie, The Lone Star: The History of the Telugu Mission of the American Baptist Missionary Union, (Philadelphia: 1892); Paul D. Wiebe, Christians in Andhra Pradesh: The Mennonites of Mahaboobnagar, (Madras: 1988); J. M. Thoburn, India and Malaysia, (Cincinnati: 1893); Robert Hunter, History of the Missions of the Free Church of Scotland in India and Africa, (London: 1873); Alexander Duff, India and Indian Missions, Delhi: 1988), [First Published in 1839]; E. Daniel Potts, British Baptist Missions in India 1793–1837, (Cambridge: 1967); Brian Stanley, The History of the Baptist Missionary Society 1792–1992, (Edinburgh: 1992); Eugene Stock, History of the Church Mission Society: Its Environment, Its Men and Its Work, 3 vols., (London, 1899); Andrew Gordon, On Indian Mission, (Philadelphia: 1888); Sushil M. Pathak, American Protestant Missionaries in India: A Study of their Activities and Influence 1813–1910, unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation submitted to the University of Hawaii, 1964; G. A. Oddie, Social Protest in India: British Protestant Missionaries and Social Reforms, 1850–1900, (New Delhi: 1979); A. W. Carmichael, Things as They Are: Mission Work in Southern India, (London: 1903); G. G. Findlay and W. W. Holsworth, History of Wesleyan Methodist Missionary Society, 5 vols., (London: 1925); J. Richter, A History of Missions in India (Tr. Sydney H. Moore), (Edinburgh and London: 1908); C. F. Andrews, The Renaissance in India: Its Missionary Aspect, (Edinburgh: 1912); M. A. Sherring, The History of Protestant Missions in India: From their Commencement in 1706 to 1881, (London: 1954); Stephen Neill, A History of Christianity in India, 2 vols., (Cambridge: 1954); John Craig, Forty Years Among the Telugus: A History of the Mission of the Baptists of Ontario and Quebec, Canada to the Telugus, South India, 1867–1907, (Toronto: 1908); Jocob Chamberlain, In the Tiger Jungle and Other Stories of Missionary Work among the Telugus of India, (Edinburgh and London: 1897); P. Y. Luke and John B. Carman, Village Christians and Hindu Culture: Study of a Rural Church in Andhra Pradesh, South India, (London: 1968); G. E. Phillips, The Outcastes’ Hope or Work among the Depressed Classes in India, (Edinburgh: 1913); and Y. Chinna Rao, “Sub-subaltern Histories and Missionary Sources” in Kakatiya Journal of Historical Studies, Vol. 1, No. 1, (May 2006). H. P. Hughes, Social Christianity, (London: 1893); Christian Missionary Society, Mass Movement Surveys, India, [a series of Pamphlets], (London: 1927); Duncan B. Forrester, “Indian Christians’ Attitudes towards Caste in the 19th Century”, Indian Church History Review, vol. 8, no. 2, (1974); J. F. Burditt, Work among the Depressed Classes and the Masses, Bombay: 1893); E. Asirvadham, “The Depressed Classes and Christianity”, National Council of Churches (India) Review, December, (1935); Duncan B. Forrester, Caste and Christianity: Attitudes and Policies on Caste of Anglo-Saxon Protestant Missions in India, (London: 1980).

18.

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19.

20.

21.

22.

23.

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George Smith, The Conversions of India, (London: 1873); E. A. Annett, Conversions in India: A Study of Religious Psychology, (Madras: 1920); O. C. G. Hayter, “Conversion of Outcastes”, Asiatic Review, no. 26, (1930); J. Waksom Pickett, Christ’s Way to India’s Heart, (London: 1933) and Christian Mass Conversion Movements in India: A Study with Recommendations, (New York: 1938); Anthony Copley, Religions in Conflict: Ideology, Cultural Contact and Conversion n Late-Colonial India, (Delhi: 1997); D. Kooiman, Conversion and Social Equality in India, (New Delhi: 1989); Manickam Sundararaj, Social Setting of Christian Conversion in South India, (Wiesbaden:1977); G. A. Oddie, “Christian Conversion Among non-Brahmins in Andhra Pradesh: with Special Reference to the Dornakal Diocese, C. 1900– 36”, in G. A. Oddie (ed.) Religion in South Asia; Religions Conversion and Revival Movements in South Asia in Medieval and Modern Times, (New Delhi: 1991), [First published in 1977]. John Noble, A Memoir of the Rev. Robert Turlington Noble, (London: 1867); J. N. Oglivie, The Apostles of India, (London: 1915); M. M. Thomas, The Acknowledged Christ of the Indian Renaissance, (London: 1969). Some early writings of the census officials have contributed in furnishing a very rich account of the ethnic background, occupational pattern, and customary habits and practices of almost all important communities belonging to different regions of the country of the late-nineteenth and early-twentieth centuries, including H. H. Risely, The Tribes and Castes of Bengal, 4 vols., (Calcutta: 1891), also see his, The Peoples of India, (Calcutta: 1909); William Crooke, “Chamars” in Census of India, vol. 1, India: Ethnographic Appendices, edited by H. H. Risely, (Calcutta: 1903), pp.167–175 and also see his, The Tribes and Castes of the North-Western Provinces and Oudh 4 vols., (Calcutta: 1906); Reginald Edward Enthoven, The Tribes and Castes of Bombay, 3 vols., (Bombay: 1920–22); Mathew Atmore Sherring, Hindu Tribes and Castes as Represented in Benaras, 3 vols., (Calcutta: 1872–1881); The Tribes and Castes of the Madras presidency, (London: 1909); Edgar Thurston and K. Rangachari, Castes and Tribes of Southern India, 7 vols., (Madras: 1909); Horace Arthur Rose, A Glossary of the Tribes and Castes of the Punjab and North-West Frontier of Provinces, 3 vols., (London: 1911–1919); Robert Vane Russel, The Tribes and Castes of Central Provinces of India, 4 vols, (London: 1916); L. Anantha Krishna Iyer, The Cochin Tribes and Castes, 2 vols, (Madras: 1909–12); The Mysore Tribes and Castes, 4 vols, (Mysore: 1928–36); and The Travancore Tribes and Castes, 3 vols, (Trivandrum: 1933–41). Yagati Chinna Rao, “Medieval Telugu Literature and the Untouchables in Society”, in S. Jeyaseela Stephen (ed.), Literature, Caste and Society: The Masks and Veils, (Delhi: 2006), pp. 103–118. W. B. Gallie, “Essentially contested concepts”, in Aristotelian Society Proceedings, (No. 56, 1956), cited in Hillary Silver “Reconceptualizing social Disadvantage: Three paradigms of social exclusion” in Gerry Rodgers, Charles Gore and Jose B. Figueiredo (eds.), Social Exclusion: Rhetoric, Reality,

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24.

25.

26. 27. 28.

29.

30.

31. 32.

33.

34. 35.

36. 37.

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Responses, (Geneva: International Institute for Labour Studies, International Labour Institute, 1995), pp. 57–80. Hillary Silver “Reconceptualizing social Disadvantage: Three paradigms of social exclusion” ibid. p. 63. Also see Hillary Silver, Social Solidarity and Social Exclusion: Three Paradigms, (Geneva: International Institute for Labour Studies, 1994), Discussion Paper Series, No. 69, p. 18. Charles Gore et al. “Introduction: Markets, Citizenship and Social Exclusion”, in Gerry Rodgers, Charles Gore and Jose B. Figueiredo (eds.), Social Exclusion, op. cit., pp. 1–2. Robert Jenkins and Eimar Barr, “Social Exclusion of Scheduled Caste Children from Primary Education in India”, (New Delhi: UNICEF, 2006), mimeo, p.16. Amartya Sen, Social Exclusion: Concept, Application, and Scrutiny, (Manila: Asian Development Bank, 2000). B. R. Ambedkar, “The Hindu Social Order—Its Essential Features”, in Vasant Moon (ed.), Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar Writings and Speeches, (Bombay: Government of Maharashtra, 1987), vol. 3, pp. 1–34. Sukhadeo Thorat, “Caste, Ethnicity, and Religion: An Overview Paper on Exclusion/Discrimination and Deprivation”, Concept paper for DFID, Delhi, (May 2003); also see his other writings on this theme including “Caste, Social Exclusion and Poverty Linkages: Concept, Measurement and Empirical Evidence”, 2005, mimeo. S. K. Thorat, “Caste, Untouchability and Economic and Market Discrimination: Theory, Concept and Consequences”, Artha Vighyan, Journal of Gokhale Institute of Politics and Economics, Vol. XLIII, Nos. 1–2, (2001). Also see, S. K. Thorat and R. S. Deshpande, “Caste and Labour Market Discrimination”, Indian Journal of Labour Economics, Conference special number, (November, 1999); S. K. Thorat, “On Economic Exclusion and Inclusive Policy”, The Little Magazine, Vol. VI, Nos. 4–5, (2006). For details see, World Development Report, Equity and Development, (Washington DC, OUP, The World Bank, 2006). B. R. Ambedkar, Annihilation of caste, (Bombay, 1936), also reprinted in Vasant Moon (ed.), Ambedkar Writings and Speeches, (Bombay: Department of education, Govt. of Maharastra, 1990). S. K. Thorat and Nidhi Sadhana Sabarwal, “Caste and Social Exclusion Issues Related to Concept, indicators and Measurements”, Working Paper Series, Vol. 2, No. 1 (2010). Ibid. For details see Ghanshyam Shah, Harsh Mander, S. K. Thorat, Satish Deshpande and Amita Baviskar, Untouchability in Rural India, (New Delhi, Sage, 2006). “India’s Not So Silent Apartheid: Dalit Boy Refused Access to School Hand pump, Drowns In Well”, The Citizen, (16August 2016). For details, see Press Statement of National Campaign on Dalit Human Rights Press Statement on European Parliament Resolution on Caste Based Discrimination, dated 10th October, 2013.

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“Caste an Eye on the Dalits of India”, International Dalit Solidarity Network, (accessed on 18th August 2016). http://idsn.org/uploads/media/CastAnEye. pdf.

Acknowledgements An earlier version of this paper was presented at a national seminar on ‘Dalits in India: Debating Subalternity and Exclusion’ held at Banaras Hindu University (28–29 November 2015). I am thankful to Professors T. K. Oommen, Gopal Guru, Ghanshyam Shah, K. L. Sharma, Ajit K. Pandey, Eshanul Haq who had been a part of the seminar and Keshav K. Mishra and Priyadarshini Vijaisri for the comments.

Chapter 6

Black Magic and Hali Spirituality in Himachal Pradesh Stephen Christopher

Abstract This chapter analyses how tribal casteism, black magic torment and state misrecognition shape Christian experience among a Scheduled Caste (SC) group called Hali. The lowest status group among Gaddis, a mixed-caste Scheduled Tribe (ST) in Himachal Pradesh, Halis face unique structural barriers as tribal-aspiring Dalits. They statistically trail high-caste Gaddis with respect to wealth, landownership, educational attainment and status employment. Denied ST reclassifications in Kangra, they are systematically outperformed in Himachal Pradesh’s overly competitive SC quota. In several Chamba villages, they are residentially segregated on less arable and symbolically inferior downside land. They are prevented from entering some Gaddi temples or retaining lineage-based Brahmin family priests (kul purohit) to officiate over lifecycle and communal rituals. Thousands of Halis exist in bureaucratic limbo as officially registered Aryas, a legacy of early twentieth-century Arya Samaj conversions that not only failed to obliterate casteism but unintentionally stripped Halis of constitutionally mandated SC benefits. Hali traditional caste vocations—ploughing, removing animal carcasses and performing exorcisms—were hierarchically slotted as inferior to Gaddi Rajput shepherding. This led to communal restrictions on herding in sacred high-altitude Dhauladhar pasturelands dividing Chamba and Kangra. Compounding the absence of flock wealth, Halis lived subordinate to Gaddi Rajputs and Bhatt Brahmins within a system of unfree agricultural bondage (h¯aliprath¯a). Keywords Scheduled Tribe · Dalit · Casteism · Himalayan ethnicity · Spirituality · Christianity

S. Christopher (B) University of Copenhagen, Copenhagen, Denmark e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2022 R. K. Kale and S. S. Acharya (eds.), Mapping Identity-Induced Marginalisation in India, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-3128-4_6

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Tribal Inequalities The intersectionality of tribal Dalits—called ‘Scheduled Tribal Dalits’ (STD) by grassroots advocates—has received little scholarly attention. Colonial theorization about the discreteness of tribe and caste, and the supposed egalitarianism of the former, has bled into post-independence government scheduling and academic commitments to the tribe-caste continuum (Dev, 1997). Rather than theorizing tribes as absorbing into caste society (Bailey, 1960; Bose, 1941; Sinha, 1965), we must consider how Dalits and low-caste groups are awkwardly situated within tribes or petitioning the government for tribal inclusion.1 The obscured existence of tribal Dalits not only disrupts tribe-caste teleological thinking; it also opens up conceptual space for theorizing the interdependent practices of tribal casteism and burgeoning tribal multiculturalism (Christopher, 2020). At a time when ‘tribalism’ in western discourse connotes affective partisan polarization, in India, it gestures towards the conceptual broadening of tribes to be caste plural, socially hierarchical and more inclusive towards low-status groups existing in the tribal margins. The Halis of Himachal Pradesh typify this dynamic. They are designated as a Scheduled Caste (SC), the lowest status group in the socio-cultural orbit of the Gaddi tribe. While Gaddi Rajputs are renowned for their tribal vocation as transhumant pastoralists—often conjured in the popular imagination wearing an offwhite woollen cloak, smoking hookah and tending flocks in the summertime highland pasturelands—Halis are comparatively unknown. Their sedentary traditional caste vocations involved spirit healing, ploughing and hide tanning. Their untouchability contributed to barred access to sacred high-altitude pasturelands and mountain passes. Consequently, flock wealth disproportionately accumulated to Gaddi Rajputs. Halis also lived subordinate to Gaddi Rajputs and Bhatt Brahmins within a system of unfree agricultural bondage (h¯aliprath¯a). Halis continue to trail Gaddi Rajputs with regard to education, wealth, landownership and status employment (Pattanaik & Singh, 2005). Compounding these inequalities, Gaddi Rajputs in Kangra were awarded ST status in 2002 (Kapila, 2008), while Halis, who often identify as Gaddi, remain in the overly competitive SC quota. Indian reservation is designed to encourage equal participation and compensate for majoritarian discriminatory practices (Galanter, 1984); however, in the Gaddi case, it has unintendedly ratified emic casteism against partially integrated Dalit groups. Although most Halis identify as Gaddi and share aspects of Gaddi dress, dialect, cuisine, customs and spirituality that constitute a commonsensical notion of culture, their SC status further reinforces their distance from tribal life. In quotidian village life, Halis often inhabit less arable and symbolically inferior 1

Few scholars have noted the intersectionality of tribal Dalits. Notable exceptions include Townsend Middleton’s (2016, 98) reference to the petition for Gorkha tribal inclusion among Scheduled Caste groups in Darjeeling; Ravina Aggarwal’s (2004, 168) analysis of casteism among Ladakhi tribals; and Bhattacharya’s (2017, 59) analysis of state discourses framing Lahauli Dalit women. The overall paucity of literature on the subject reflects an assumption within Indian sociology that tribes homogenously assimilate into mainstream Hindu caste life en masse.

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downside properties, have ongoing restrictions to enter some Gaddi temples and use Gaddi water taps, are overlooked by Brahmin family priests (kul purohit) who are essential to officiating communal rituals and cannot stand for ST-reserved elections. These dynamics of tribal casteism and misrecognition shape vernacular Christianity among Halis, the subject of this chapter. In the face of compounding, intersectional forms of discrimination, we see how Hali Christians make ‘efforts at selfmaking, self-naming, reformulation and reorientation’ as tribal Dalits (Wimbush, 2008, 26). Based on ethnography from a Hali house church, I analyse how the psychosocial pain of everyday tribal casteism is sublimated through Christian practice. I argue that markers of Hali exclusion—their role as exorcists, their polluting caste vocations and their alienation from pastoralism—are resignified through Protestant conversion and a hermeneutic focus on healing. This resignification is evident in the Hali prophetess’s personal conversion testimony—which is a composite of an official recording used for proselytizing and extended interviews with her over several months. It is also borne out through an analysis of a public Christmas performance about the dangers of witchcraft, the ineffectualness of exorcists (cele) and the protection of believers under Jesus Christ (Ye´su Mas¯ıh). By imbuing Protestantism with indigenous meaning, partly in response to the material and spiritual alienations of tribal casteism, Halis gain spiritual agency and contingent social power.

A Kangra House Church The Hali house church (kal¯ısiy¯a) is in the low-lying plains of Dharamsala. Most congregants take the bus to the nearest stop and walk the last 2.5 km. The house is partitioned: on one side, a mechanical grinder for processing corn; on the other, a space for conducting services. The kal¯ısiy¯a is organized around the Prophetess, Situ, whose personal testimony, charisma and evangelizing efforts remain the spiritual ballast of the community. As the first Hali convert, she is the figurehead of the church, an indigent Mary Magdalene-like figure of sin, freedom from demonic possession and redemption. Rahul, the bespectacled youthful pastor, renders the Bible accessible to mostly non-literate members through weekly sermons. The community of about sixty believers (vi´shv¯as¯ı) is primarily composed of Halis, who share extended kinship (bir¯adar¯ı) and caste ties, and a notable minority of Chamars.2 The house church receives theological training by Agape Christian Mission, a South Indian evangelizing non-profit. Focused on tribal conversion and uplift, Agape donates Hindi language worship books; supports pastor training and community outreach strategies; funds biblical dissemination through audio devices, rendering the Bible available to non-literate believers on audio devices in Gaddi, Jhandhari and Hindi; and funds the translation of the Bible into Gaddi dialect.

2

Due to the secrecy of house churches, no demographic count exists; 150 Hali Christians is a conservative estimate.

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Although men have leadership roles, the demographics of the kal¯ısiy¯a heavily favour women, lending a sense of feminine inclusion hovering over the daily interactions and intimacies of the community. Situ,3 the Prophetess and motivating force for most congregants, is the primary carrier of the Holy Spirit. During Sunday services, at prescribed times during the formal preaching (vacan) by the male pastor, she falls into a trance and speaks in tongues, often prophesying to the community of believers or voicing God’s disappointments about the lack of conviction, regular church attendance or private prayer. In both style and content, her spiritual reveries conform to conventions of Gaddi spirit possession channelling indigenous, Hinduized deities.

The Testimony of the Prophetess Situ always begins her conversion testimonial by describing her childhood susceptibility to her family deity, the goddess Kali. In a crowded marriage or ritual space, even among friends—whenever Kali’s name was uttered—she fell into uncontrollable paroxysms. This ‘traditional playing’ (p¯aramprik kheln¯a) made her a noted carrier of Kali, respected in her Chamba village as a spiritual intermediary (cel¯a). However, parallel to this were uncontrollable bouts of possession, physically and mentally deleterious, of sinister origin. ‘It was always applied by an enemy (du´sman). It was black magic (opare r¯ı s´ik¯ayat)’.4 The more receptive she became to Kali Ma, the more vulnerable she became to black magic. Nevertheless, she maintained a conceptual separation between Kali’s munificence and the malign spiritual forces of black magic directing her. Situ shifted to Kangra after getting married and misfortune drove her closer to Kali Ma. Her brother fell to his death while cutting (cangan.a¯ ) the topmost branches of an imposing tree for animal fodder; in sheer agony, sobbing and disconsolate, she laid atop his corpse, embraced him (put.h¯ı pa¯ı ga¯ı) and became ensanguined with his bloody departing spirit. ‘You see, my horoscope is very sensitive, and his shadow must have gotten attached to me’. After his death, Situ fell into despair and loneliness. ‘I loved him so much’, she tearfully recounted. On Rakshabandan, when women across India tie protective bracelets around the wrists of their brothers, Situ’s despair overwhelmed her. ‘He was gone, and I was lost in sadness. So I dedicated (cad.h¯an¯a) a beautiful bracelet (r¯akh¯ı) to Kali Ma in his place. I had such affinity (lag¯av) for her. I believed in her so much; she was my life (j¯an pr¯an.). After the dedication, she fused with me. Kali Ma mixed into me; we began to live together as one. Whenever I would receive her possession, she would tell the truth through me about anyone or anything’. 3

All names are pseudonyms to protect anonymity. Himachal Pradesh’s 2006 Freedom of Religion Act vaguely prohibits allurements to religious conversion and creates a culture of fear among recently-converted Protestants. 4 Situ’s testimony is a mix of Gaddi dialect and standard Hindi. Because of the ambiguous origins of spiritual affliction, there is often an emic interchangeability of ‘witchcraft’ and ‘black magic’.

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At the time, Situ was living with her in-laws, who have a different set of family deities. Her sister’s husband (j¯ıj¯a), desiring unreciprocated sex with Situ, exploited the connection she shared with Kali Ma. ‘He began to worship her just like I did. He began to adore (¯ar¯adhn¯a) her just as I did. He even did sacrifice to her. And then I began to rip myself to pieces (nocne lag¯ı)’. Situ’s testimonial, both the official recording and in personal renditions, emphasizes how Kali Ma was helpless to do her enemy’s bidding. ‘Before she was on my side, but after my j¯ıj¯a got hooked into her… He was without any religious sense (mazhab)… He began to attack me through her and she was helpless’. Her brother dead, her long-lasting trust in her family deity broken, Situ was left with nothing but physical violence. ‘I fought my j¯ıj¯a and beat him with a stick so badly that I broke open his head. News of this even reached the police and newspapers!’ In response, her enemy increased his spiritual stranglehold on Kali Ma, Situ’s only repose. ‘I will watch you’, he said menacingly. ‘He put me in his complete control and drove me crazy’. Situ recounts how Kali Ma’s appropriation led to her initial torment, but as the months progressed, her envious j¯ıj¯a began to put Gaddi evil nature spirits (pahariy¯a) on her as well. These were male-gendered evil spirits found in Gaddi cosmology— Mama and Banveer. ‘They would come to me especially when I was sleeping, both at night and during daytime naps. There were men wearing all white and a woman with black hair, and they would sit at the end of my bed. It seemed that Kali Ma and pahariy¯a had joined forces (ekt¯a ho gae)’. To remove the evil spirits, Situ required the service of her distant relative, a charismatic Hali cel¯a with a beehive of decomposing dreadlocks tied atop his head, the latest scion in a lineage of tantrics. He performed costly treatments for the eradication of the tormenting family deity and associated evil nature spirits. This required a variety of necessary ritual objects, including a cock, sheep and goat—all donated by Situ. ‘I gave him a whole sack of stuff, and at midnight he went into the cremation ground (´sam´sa¯ n gh¯a.t) and performed the exorcism’. No result. Situ tried another Hali cel¯a in a nearby village. No result. Then another, this time a non-Gaddi Dalit cel¯a—‘Harijans have very dangerous (khatarn¯ak) magic’—from whom she received treatment for one and a half years. No result. Desperation mounting, she sacrificed two chickens on two occasions to Sidh Chano Baba and Baba Kataknath, legendary ascetics of renown in Himachal Pradesh. ‘I went anywhere I could find treatment. Whenever someone mentioned a place, I went’. No result.5 As Situ’s possession lasted fifteen years, she had a deep reserve of shocking and dismaying accounts of the manifestation of evil in her life. It systematically destroyed everything—her social and intimate relationships, her natural beauty, her reputation. Fifteen years of shaking and screaming (c¯ınd.a¯ pand¯ı), of fainting over hot coals in the mud stove while preparing bread, of vivid nightmares and daytime hallucinations, of vomiting up sanctified food, whole and fresh, which carried the malign spiritual intent of her enemies. Her experience is congruent with analysing spirit possession as ‘any complete but temporary domination of a person’s body, and the blotting of 5

In contrast, Sax (2014) describes the therapeutic possibilities of faith healers compared with psychiatry.

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that person’s consciousness, by a distinct alien power of known or unknown origin’ (Gold, 1988, 35). Situ and other Halis describe spirit possession as a painful affliction and the diminution of well-being. Such a view is consistent with other analyses of sorcery victimization in India (Desai, 2008; Nabokov, 2000). Hiralal, Situ’s husband, spent large portions of his salary as a corn grinder in dogged pursuit of efficacious treatment. ‘In my fate (mukaddar) there was no happiness’. At times, Situ described feeling inhuman. I would sit around and think to myself ‘I want to eat someone.’ My teeth were itching (lukie pende). Just imagine how far I had gone that I was chomping my teeth and thinking about how delicious someone’s hands or feet might be! Then I began to throw stones and fight with people. One time my husband went to harvest the field, and I told him ‘I’m okay, I feel some weakness but otherwise I’m okay.’ And I went to sleep, and a man in white clothes came and sat on the bed and gazed on me, and I started to shiver (kampan), and I went outside and the balcony was on fire, and my maternal aunt (m¯as¯ı) was there looking at me. I ran into the village, and all the people made a ruckus and someone called my husband and told him I was going crazy. I was possessed and nobody could touch me. I put a scarf on my head and ran to the bus stand in ripped clothes with crazy big eyes, and got on a bus and everyone seated around me…got up and emptied their seats. I don’t know what I was doing. I was probably mashing my teeth. The conductor came to get money and just looked at me like, ‘What happened to you?’ Those times I could observe everything, I could see reality clearly, but I couldn’t control myself. I was being controlled by Kali Ma. Sometimes I would just get on and off buses; sometimes I would get off and be in a random place and just lay on the ground and sleep. And my husband would be running around following me. He would get some other guys to try and grab me, but they couldn’t get me. I was just laid out on the ground, and people recognised me and said, ‘What happened to this nice Gaddi girl?’ There were some ladies trying to help me, but they came to know I was possessed by Kali Ma and they ran away from fear.

Situ exhausted the local network of faith-healers, those Hali men who practice exorcism (tantra-mantra) as part of a family profession (khandani pesa). In desperation, she tried Christianity.6 Her neighbours, themselves Hindu but at their wits’ end over her intractable affliction, invited a local priest (p¯adr¯ı). He entered Situ’s home, and his prayer was met with fierce reprisal. ‘For four hours I was gyrating all around the room, my long hair was going wild, and I couldn’t get a moment’s rest. Kali Ma was screaming through me, ‘I won’t go, I won’t go.’ And the gents evil spirits were screaming through me, ‘I won’t go, I won’t go” [using gender-inflected verbs]. Situ’s conversion neither happened that day nor happened in successive meetings with the p¯adr¯ı. ‘I saw the changes coming into believers’ lives, the miracles and healings. I knew that through Ye´su people can get healed, but somewhere I couldn’t break the bondage (band.han) of my family deities, of my Kali Ma. I still loved her so much despite her possessing me’. Situ kept her distance from the community of Christian believers. ‘What could I do? I had to be separate from them. They told me to come to Ye´su, but I replied, ‘Look at how powerful my M¯at¯a is, how big my deities are. I was brought up in the family (kul). I can’t change my religion”. Despite Christianity’s appeal, Situ went on 6

Spiritual pragmatism is the norm among Indians who, in pursuit of healing, experiment with the similar “ritual grammar and narrative motifs” among different religions (Flueckiger 2015, 199).

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the Manimahesh pilgrimage several times seeking relief. ‘We Gaddis believe Shiva is the biggest god for us, so I spent so much money on the pilgrimage just to ask Shiva, ‘Please remove the evil spirits. Do it for my children! These evil spirits are not allowing me to sleep, to eat, to live.’ But the more I prayed to Shiva, the more an evil soul controlled me. Slowly, slowly I lost Shiva. He is no longer in my eyes’. Recounting these and other stories of spiritual torment transported Situ back to a time she wishes to forget. Meeting my eyes with quiet compassion born from anguish, tears smudging dark bands of kohl down her cheeks, she said, ‘I rarely give my testimony so deeply. When I give it like this, it weakens me. When I have to explain, everything becomes fresh. I feel like I’m digging something up (khurd¯an¯a)’. We had reached the nadir of her torment: having lost faith in Shiva, unable to renounce Kali Ma, trapped in an abusive relationship, the enemy within, she turned to suicide. She ate small quantities of poison but vomited them up each time. She coiled a rope around her neck but lost resolve. ‘I didn’t want to live that kind of life any longer’. Although Christianity seemed like a way out, abandoning her family deities seemed a worse alternative than death. Central to Situ’s conversion narrative is her fastening adoration for her kul dev¯ı. There is a sense of bewilderment—how could such a powerful deity be so easily co-opted? How could such impassioned devotion create insecurity and vulnerability? The goddess Kali, prominent in Hinduism, concentrically overlaps with Gaddi cosmology, especially the deities Marali and Gasni. As such, Situ’s testimony, circling around themes of family betrayal, highlights the conceptual slippage between possession by benign deities and malign forces (Gold, 1988, 35). How is it that, in the absence of reneging on a reciprocal promise (sukhan.), Halis find themselves alienated from Gaddi deities, pushed out of the family as it were? Halis and other SC Gaddis consciously articulate their grievances of social oppression: ritual and socioeconomic exclusion propped up by unbending marriage endogamy. These grievances are articulated in the idiom of equal recognition as aspiring ST Gaddis and as humans more generally. However, Hali spiritual torment, when precipitated by family deities, expresses an unconscious sense of intimate betrayal—that Gaddi cosmology cannot accommodate Dalit devotees. Analysing the mutually reinforcing domains of the social and spiritual is neither an theoretical overreach which ‘explain[s] away suffers’ experiences’ nor a reductionist ‘what’s really going on explanation’ (Gustafsson, 2009, 130). Just as the legacy of war is the context for spiritual illness in Vietnam, I argue that social marginalization and political dispossession is the context for Hali spiritual torment in the Western Himalayas. What is the place of Halis in Gaddi cosmology and, by extension, the place of Halis in Gaddi society writ large? Through this lens, spiritual torment among Halis is an idiom of distress, a sociocultural ‘means of experiencing and expressing distress in local worlds [indexing] past traumatic memories as well as present stressors, such as anger, powerlessness, social marginalization and insecurity […]’ (Nichter, 2010, 404–405). Such factors shape the culturally specific expression of Hali distress, both coping mechanisms for ongoing Gaddi exclusion and indicators of ‘psychopathological states that undermine individual and collective states of well-being’ (Nichter, 2010, 405). Both registers

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are operative among Halis. Conversion testimonials and hermeneutic emphases on spiritual protection highlight the ways in which Protestantism helps to mitigate and regulate the variable expression of idioms of distress. Situ’s narrative typifies the jarring psychological impact and spiritual vertigo Halis experience as they realize that their family deities are afflictive. Like a lover unable to leave an abusive partner, Halis must recognize that they have to extirpate their spiritual ballast that has linked them not only to their ancestral village in Gadderan but also to a generative sense of Gaddi belonging. Situ describes the continued difficulty, long after Christian conversion, of eradicating such a wellspring of psychospiritual belonging. Until the teaching of Ye´su was completely felt inside me, I remained open to evil spiritual attack. For a whole year after conversion, I was getting harassed by evil spirits. You see, I was still feeling deep love for Kali Ma! And I couldn’t leave her. Christians were continuously praying for me, but I kept on seeing Kali Ma. I realised that although I was going to church my soul was still living for Kali Ma. God (Prabhu) told me, ‘Three spirits are tormenting you in which you continue to believe: Kali Ma, Chanu Baba, and pahariy¯a [Gaddi nature spirits]. Your enemy has also sacrificed a chicken on your name for Chanu Baba.’ Then I realised all this. Before there was fear of all these things, but on that day they all appeared through my body. I was possessed by each one…shaking…and one by one the spirits cried through me and asked for repentance. They begged Prabhu, ‘Don’t burn us! It’s not our fault, we didn’t come by ourselves, an enemy put us on her! After today we will never come back into her life.’ They were afraid of Prabhu. And that was the end. Prabhu wanted me to realise that my love for these deities was the cause of all my sorrow. In front of Prabhu, Kali Ma conceded to him. She begged for forgiveness. She realised that she is below Prabhu, that she is demonic (´set¯an) and Prabhu is beneficial (gun.k¯ar¯ı) and full of merit. Once Kali Ma realised this, then I realised it as well, and my belief became determined. And from that day, it can’t be beaten.

Situ’s Christian conversion story is long and byzantine, beginning with forays into and retreats out of church life. Her spiritual torment was infamous; her reputation was in disrepute; and concerned neighbours and believers from several faiths approached her for healing. Situ remembers that once a Christian ‘sister’ came to her home and told her, ‘If you don’t come to the Christian community, you will die. You don’t need to adopt Christianity, just come and have a look’. As she dragged Situ out the door, her mind was preoccupied with anxious thoughts about the postponed (pa¯ure hin) p¯uj¯a materials she needed to deliver to a cel¯a—a sheep and some cocks. ‘Don’t worry about that, just wait; have a look, have a look’, the Christian sister reassured her. But a deeper anxiety settled in Situ’s mind. Through the r¯akh¯ı, she had established a bond between Kali Ma and the spirit of her departed brother. What if Ye´su could pacify the tormenting spirits and as a result forever sever their sibling bond? Situ needed to marshal the courage to fight against Kali Ma, even at the risk of losing her brother’s other-worldly presence. In this way, Situ’s spiritual disorientation gave way to larger anxieties about the social fallout of conversion. All Christian Halis face similar internal struggles about how to shift from Gaddi to Christian cosmologies without crumbling the social edifices of their lives, without losing their sense of who they are—as siblings, as former residents of Gadderan, as Gaddis.

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The Christian community intensified their efforts to remove Kali Ma. ‘The p¯adr¯ı began to come to my house for three hours at a time. Kali Ma would possess me and through me scream, ‘I won’t go! I won’t go!” Her husband Hiralal jokes that before she was possessed by Kali Ma, and now, she is shaking for Ye´su. Situ, assailed by her family deity, two male nature spirits, extorting cele and solicitous Christian believers, withdrew into solitary prayer. But during an explosive bout of possession, someone anonymously called a pastor from a nearby military cantonment. When he tried to enter the home, Kali Ma violently ejected him from the doorway. He fought to get inside. Situ’s exorcism would last three days. On the third day, while away on duty, the pastor’s wife placed a Bible on Situ’s lap. Situ gripped it and prayed, ‘God, if you are there, help me to live. Otherwise, I will kill myself now. I hate this life’. As she is non-literate, she sat with the unopened Bible on her lap. A shadow of light began to extend from the binding, snaking out down her legs and over her chest. I grabbed the Bible and held it to my breast. I couldn’t see Prabhu, but I felt the Bible talking to me. I hadn’t read it, but I felt something. I closed my eyes and felt that my soul went out of my body, and I became numb. And there was light, and it was touching me wherever I put the Bible, like this [grabbing a nearby Bible and placing it on her head, arms, legs]. And my body became very light. And the shadow left me, and the tightness (jhak¯ad¯a) left my body. I felt like wherever I put the Bible the devil couldn’t touch me. And I had a vision of Prabhu. Normally when the p¯adr¯ı touches a sick person, they fall unconscious. But I did this to myself. I fell by myself. From that day to today I have belief. At the time I got miraculous healing (cang¯a¯ı) I was totally alone! Prabhu told me to ask for forgiveness for my sins. I was crying and said I am helpless. Then after I got the pure spirit. Whenever the devil attacks me, the pure spirit fights back. After healing, they gave food in the kal¯ısiy¯a and in the community. They gave a big celebration. I climbed a stage to give my first testimony…I got all choked up and could say nothing. But then I rested the Bible on my lap, and I could talk freely. After this, people began to believe so much in the Bible. Because the Bible is sacred and there are teachings of God in it. I am non-literate (anpad.h). It is through the pure spirit that I can understand these teachings. Prabhu told me what was in the Bible; I can’t read. When the pure spirit came into me, I felt like it was my own—my own life, my own brother. I felt like Ye´su gave me a new life. My soul was satisfied, purified.

Situ’s account closely parallels Dalit emphases on the material Bible as indexical of spiritual power; her emphasis on the power of oral interpretation closely parallels how Dalits wrest scriptural power from the Hindu elite literati and create vernacular interpretive practices. (Clarke, 2008, 101). Protestant conversion has given Situ a renewed sense of possibility. In fulfilment of prophesy received during her exorcism, she now travels throughout Kangra and Chamba selling women’s cosmetics and accessories door to door. Whenever possible, she gives her miraculous testimony to customers. ‘I want to write my testimony. If only I were educated! Prabhu has done so many miracles in my life. I know that through my story many will be saved. Everyone who comes to Ye´su, they are suffering like I did with black magic and evil spirits. They are possessed; they go crazy, like I did: throw things, beat people, break things, and shake like crazy’. Situ now instructs possessed Halis about the false allure of local cele. ‘They can remove black magic for only a few days, never permanently. And be careful! They can take it away, but they can also give it!’ She warns about the money wasted on treatment and how Ye´su heals freely. She now holds a prominent

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place among Hali Christians as a prophetess. ‘It doesn’t matter if literate, if smart, if whatever, it doesn’t matter if I’m a fool, I am with Ye´su and I can’t be stopped. Gaddi society thinks I’m useless (tucch), even some of the pastors think I’m useless because I’m not qualified. But I know that Ye´su is with me’. In a video recording for local distribution, Situ’s testimonial is explicitly framed as a Gaddi narrative. It opens with Situ sitting beside her husband Hiralal, who is instructed by the interviewer, ‘Okay, praise God! Put on the cap!’ Hiralal affectedly places the Gaddi cap on his head and repositions it according to local Gaddi taste. By doing this, he is overtly signalling his Gaddi identity—much is made in local fashion about the difference in caps between Gaddis and Pahadis, not to mention the ways in which the angle of the cap signals both caste affiliation and personal attitude. He then introduces himself. ‘My name is Hiralal. This is my wife; in 1995 we were married. After our marriage day we never had any good days. After a few days we were getting ill. For fifteen years disease never left us. We were left helpless after worshipping certain deities (ian dane devte puji paji kari na bui churi). These deities (dane devte) never helped us’. Situ’s recorded testimony follows in attributing her ‘broken heart’ to malicious deities and avaricious cele. The video concludes with the interviewer flatly stating, ‘This brother and sister belong to the Gaddi caste. You have heard how an evil spirit grabbed them and how they found freedom in Ye´su. Ye´su Mas¯ıh is working among the Gaddi castes…among all the castes. We praise God for we are seeing him in our community. Thank you!’. Situ’s conversion story is unique in its intensity. As the next section explores, however, Hali spiritual torment is a pervasive idiom of distress, a way articulating marginalization and providing spiritual coping mechanisms for ongoing exclusions—by afflictive Gaddi deities, by casteist Gaddi neighbours and by state misrecognition.

A Performance of Healing The 2015 Christmas celebration, the first done by a Hali house church independent of the larger Dharamsala Christian community, placed the issues of spiritual torment and exorcism front and centre. Easily the highlight of the event—enjoyed by all and leading to rousing laughter and shouts of affirmation—was a skit about the miraculous power of Ye´su Mas¯ıh to heal the spiritually afflicted. It opens with three women discussing the treatment options for their brother, who has fallen violently ill. One woman proposes a cel¯a, the other a doctor, and the third insists that there’s no benefit in either the doctor, who will misdiagnose a spiritual condition, or the cel¯a, who will milk the afflicted for money and give nothing but a head massage of incense. After promoting the church in Q as an alternative, the woman exits the scene. ‘She doesn’t know, but look at her giving us advice! She is telling us to leave our deities. We cannot leave them’. The second scene opens with the two women seated in front of a traditional healerdiviner. Amid bellows from the audience, he is roasted as a charlatan. While dangling

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ritual peacock feathers he casually asks himself, ‘Shall I give a full treatment or just do it halfway?’ This statement echoes a Hali complaint that cele intentionally drag out treatments to maximize profit and manipulate the victim. He instructs the sister of the afflicted to bring ritual ingredients, a chicken, 5100 rupees and a bottle of wine. ‘Make sure it’s English wine, not local stuff’. He gives her ashes (bhabut) and instructs her to place it under her brother’s bed for temporary relief. Time passes, and the ladies return with the possessed brother and a bundle of requested ritual ingredients. ‘Where’s the bottle? I am not seeing it’, the cel¯a asks anxiously. ‘Okay, okay, I see it now under this stuff’, and the exorcism commences. He affectedly burns incense, prays to a m¯urti and rubs his hands together. ‘The treatment is finished. Now go home. You don’t know how I did it, but you will feel better. If not, come again and bring another bottle of wine’. The crowd roars! His clients leave, and the cel¯a breaks into diabolical laughter: ‘Aha! Today I’m enjoying a bottle of wine and a chicken! If these kinds of people keep coming, I’ll soon be rich!’. The next scene opens inside a doctor’s office. The women reframe the spiritual torment of the afflicted brother as biophysical pain, possibly from drinking too much alcohol. This too garners head shakes from the women in the audience who suffer with alcoholic husbands and (predominately male) kin. The doctor ignores her completely. ‘May I first decorate my office a little? I’ve just opened shop’. He takes his time cleaning and performing a lengthy Hindu p¯uj¯a, while the afflicted brother distractedly slumps on the ground. Eventually, he takes an X-ray and concludes that there’s nothing visibly wrong with his health. Nevertheless, he prescribes medicine and sends them away. The audience is left with the sense that the rational modernity of Western medicine is tainted by the infusion of Hindu practices, the apathy of doctors and their inability to properly diagnose spiritual afflictions. In the last scene, the women accidentally bump into the woman who suggested they go to the house church. ‘You have spoiled your time and money, given cocks and wine and gotten nothing’, she chides them. The next day is Sunday, and they all enter the house church. Pastor Rahul greets them, ‘Jay Mas¯ıh ki!’ The women explain the man’s sickness, switching between spiritual and physical models of health, suggesting both black magic and alcoholism. Pastor Rahul responds, ‘I’ll pray for you. You must believe that Parmeshvar is the giver of healing (cang¯a¯ı). He alone can change our condition, can give us relief. Come, let’s pray: Heavenly father and living God, we thank you. We pray that you give healing for our son here. Whatever the sickness, whatever its cause, we pray that it leaves his body in your name. May your peace and love come upon him. In Ye´su’s name we pray, amen’. The sick brother suddenly wakens from his slumped insentience, ‘Hey hey, what is happening to me? I am feeling a little better!’ ‘God has healed you’, Pastor Rahul replies. The doctor comes onto the stage, stethoscope draped around his neck, waving a health chart. ‘How have you been healed? I see nothing’. The brother now boldly exclaims that he went to church and received healing. Pastor Rahul, breaking the fourth wall, is heard from behind the backstage curtain joking: ‘Doctor, close up your shop!’ He joins the healed brother on stage, along with all the other actors, and the skit ends with an exhortation. ‘You have all seen that whatever illness comes

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from evil spirits cannot be removed by doctors and cele. It took only one prayer to Parmeshvar for total healing. No other god can give us healing like Ye´su can. And today we are celebrating his birthday’. Immediately following the completion of the skit, a church congregant stood and delivered his own testimonial about being possessed by Baba Balik Nath. Visibly nervous, he nevertheless described his torment and how Ye´su saved him from certain suicide. Shortly thereafter, a visiting pastor spoke about the affliction of evil spirits and the ‘backwardness’ of Hindu exorcism rituals that rely on bird feathers and animal sacrifices. Christianity alone provides full protection; in these ‘modern times’, he assures the audience.

Protestant Futures The modernity of Christianity is a thematic often stressed among church congregants. Blandine Ripert (2002, 50–53) analyses the individualization of Tamang Christians in Nepal, their transformation from near-autarky to a culture of economic migration; from reliance on esoteric Buddhist knowledge and spiritual intermediaries to open spiritual teachings freely available for the uninitiated; and from dependence on traditional healers and animal sacrifices to the rise of rationality, the secularization of knowledge and the distrust of perceived superstition. As the skit highlights, Hali Christians are also struggling to replace traditional sources of authority, such as village elders and spiritual healers, with modern sources of spiritual authority. Jabs at the chicanery and alcohol-fuelled buffoonery of such traditional authorities are commonplace, contrasted with the moralizing Christian sermons against intoxicants. Whereas elders may speak only in Gaddi dialect, which is coded as pejorative and backwards, church services are mostly held in Hindi, a language linked with modern aspiration. Hindi unites Gaddi-speaking and Pahari-speaking church congregants, although it is also the default language of sermons and worship even when the present congregants are all native Gaddi speakers. From institutional practices to self-reported aspirations among congregants, Christianity is understood to be more efficacious, its theology more rational, its essence more infused with the perceived advances of Western technology than Gaddi cosmology and the legitimacy of traditional healer-diviners. This is symbolized by Pastor Rahul’s plastic thick-rimmed reading glasses, a visual reminder of his literacy among a community of largely non-literate believers. As the skit highlights, Hali Christians are similarly struggling to replace traditional sources of authority, such as village elders and spiritual healers, with modern sources of spiritual authority. Jabs at the chicanery and alcohol-fuelled buffoonery of such traditional authorities are commonplace, contrasted with moralizing Christian sermons against intoxicants. Moreover, through links to domestic and foreign NGOs, Christianization hooks Halis into a sense of national integration and global belonging. It allows them to affectively link up with Gaddi tropes such as pastoralism while stridently rejecting Gaddi cosmology and the Hindu sanction of caste. From this culturally recognizable

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foundation, both a space of social aspiration as Dalits seeking tribal recognition and a spiritual stronghold against affliction, Halis transcend their parochial lives. They link up with universalizing themes of redemption, individual value and direct modes of intercession reinforced with new forms of technology, such as audio devices, websites and technologies of documentation such as cameras, audio recorders and microphones. The Hali affliction of Gaddi nature spirits and family deities suffuses Hali vernacular Protestantism. I have argued that such afflictions are indexing communal distress among Kangra Halis as awkwardly positioned within the Gaddi cultural orbit but outside of Gaddi tribal recognition. It is my intention to neither reduce spiritual torment through family deities to an expression of Hali social alienation, nor reduce Hali social liminality to an outcome of spiritual torment. I want to flag the parallelism between the spiritual domain of Gaddi belonging and the social liminality of Halis as tribal Dalits.

Conclusion: Rituals of Caste Equality On the first Sunday of every month, the community of believers meets for a special communion service called ‘God’s feast’ (prabhu bhoj). All those baptized are encouraged to share the transubstantiated juice and bread as the blood and body of Ye´su. On one of the last Sundays of a drenching monsoon season, congregants sit tightly pressed together on the floor of the house church. Afraid to attract the unwanted attention of neighbours, the door is closed and windows are only slightly ajar; a power cut has killed the rotating floor fan and cast the room in shadow and heat. ‘Today we drink the sacred grape juice and flour bread in remembrance of how Ye´su Mas¯ıh gave his disciples (cele) his own blood and body’, Pastor Rahul intones. His voice tapers off and is replaced by the sonorous wailing of congregants. Hallelujah, hallelujah, dhanyav¯ad, dhanyav¯ad. Situ’s voice rises above, ‘We have done so much wrong, but you are the Forgiver (Ksham¯a Karne V¯al¯a). Whatever sin we have done, we must repent now for it’. For twenty minutes, believers turn inward to purify themselves for communion. When the house church first organized, communion was administered using one and a quarter inch stackable plastic cups, the kind typical in American churches. These diminutive cups gestured towards the intrinsic value of each individual believer. However, one day, Pastor Rahul was dismayed to discover that the Christian message of social equality was going unheeded by Halis, some of whom had barred a Harijan believer from entering the church kitchen and touching the congregational utensils. Such caste practices remain common between SC groups, a ‘subtle fusion of resistance and collusion [which] deflects some of the implications of hierarchy and appropriates hierarchy for use by the low-caste person, transforming it into something that can be mastered and exploited’ (Parish, 1996, 207–208). In response, Pastor Rahul replaced the individual plastic communion cups with a single, metal chalice,

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forcing congregants to practice transcending caste differentiation every month until it becomes genuinely felt. Holding the chalice to his forehead, Pastor Rahul prays out, ‘Drop by drop (ek ek chod¯a), we will all be equal. From one cup, together, we drink his blood. Come, be present in this moment’. He drinks deeply and hands the chalice to his assistant, who moves throughout the crowd administering communion and wiping the rim after each drink. Some congregants appear uneasy and rotate the chalice looking for unsullied surface; others lightly glance it with puckered lips. But, most believers draw the metal ridge into their mouths with complete disregard for who drank before them and to which caste they belong. This ritualization of caste equality affirms a commitment to human dignity that resists instrumentalization and gives moral heft to Hali appeals for tribal inclusion. Acknowledgements Aspects of this chapter come from my Ph.D. dissertation Tribal Margins, defended in 2018 at Syracuse University in the USA.

References Aggarwal, R. (2004). Beyond lines of control: Performance and politics on the disputed borders of Ladakh, India. Duke University Press. Bailey, F. G. (1960). Tribe caste and nation: A study of political activity and political change in highland Orissa. University of Manchester Press. Bhattacharya, H. (2017). Narrating love and violence: Women contesting caste, tribe and state in Lahaul, India. Rutgers University Press. Bose, N. K. (1941). Hindu method of tribal absorption. Science and Culture, 7, 188–194. Christopher, S. (2020). ‘Scheduled tribal dalit’ and the emergence of a contested intersectional identity. Journal of Social Inclusion Studies, 6(1), 1–17. Delhi: Indian Institute of Dalit Studies. Clarke, S. (2008). Transforming identities, de-textualizing interpretation, and re-modalizing representation: Scriptures and subaltern subjectivity in India. In V. Wimbush (Ed.), Theorizing scriptures: New critical orientations to a cultural phenomenon (pp. 95–104). Rutgers University Press. Dev, N. (Ed.). 1997. From tribe to caste. Shimla: Indian Institute of Advanced Study. Galanter, M. (1984). Competing equalities: Law and the backward classes in India. Oxford University Press. Gold, A. G. (1988). Spirit possession perceived and performed in rural Rajasthan. Contribution to Indian Sociology, 22(1), 35–63. Gustafsson, M. L. (2009). War and shadows: The haunting of Vietnam. Cornell University Press. Kapila, K. (2008). The measure of a tribe: The cultural politics of constitutional reclassification in North India. Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, 14, 117–134. Middleton, T. (2016). The demands of recognition: State anthropology and ethnopolitics in Darjeeling. Stanford University Press. Nichter, M. (2010). Idioms of distress revisited. Culture, Medicine and Psychiatry, 34, 401–416. Parish, S. (1996). Hierarchy and its discontents: Culture and the politics of consciousness in caste society. University of Pennsylvania Press. Pattanaik, B. K., & Singh, K. (2005). Socio-economic conditions of Gaddi tribals: Findings from a survey in Kangra district, Himachal Pradesh. Social Change, 35(2), 13–24.

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Ripert, B. (2002). Improbable globalization: Individualization and Christianization among the Tamangs. In G. Toffin & J. Pfaff-Czarnecka (Eds.), Facing globalization in the Himalayas: Belonging and the politics of the self (pp. 45–62). Sage Publications. Sinha, S. (1965). Tribe-caste and tribe-peasant continua in central India. Man in India, 45(1), 57–83. William, S. (2014). Ritual healing and mental health in India. Transcultural Psychiatry., 51(6), 829–849. Wimbush, V. L. (Ed.). (2008). Theorizing scriptures: New critical orientations to a cultural phenomenon. Rutgers University Press.

Chapter 7

Persistent Inequalities and Challenges Among Dalits—A Sociological Analysis Beyond Temporal and Administrative Framework Kanhaiya Kumar Abstract The present paper traces Dalits from a temporal and administrative framework to understand inequalities. It hinges on the sociological understanding of the differences and hierarchies within Dalits and cautions that the Dalits should not be seen as a homogenous category. It is a sociological analysis highlighting the differences within the castes as well as their inability to utilize the constitutional safeguards that pave the way for emancipation from keeping them downtrodden. The portrayal of Dalits in the socio-religious texts is used to discuss the major landmarks that led to classification of Dalits as an administrative category in the independent India. This paper uses empirical evidence from the selected villages of Uttar Pradesh to infer that there is a need to identify these differences for the holistic upliftment of Dalits. Keywords Inequalities · Dalits · Sub-castes · Socio-religious · Administrative category

Introduction The word Dalits refers to those who have been historically oppressed, exploited, deprived and denied basic rights that other members of society are entitled to. As per the varna system, those placed at the fourth level had the least privileges and most submissive. They were depressed, oppressed and subjugated and initially designated as ‘depressed classes’. Administratively, they are now a category of castes that fall under the ‘Presidential List of Scheduled Castes’ and commonly referred as Scheduled Castes. Despite the existing constitutional safeguards, they continue to remain at the margins and their lives have not changed much when compared to those placed above them in the varna system. According to Ambedkar (1948), Dalits are those people, who are born in specified caste and due to birth; they are facing social and economic exploitation. Mahatma K. Kumar (B) Centre of Social Medicine and Community Health, School of Social Sciences, Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU), New Delhi, India e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2022 R. K. Kale and S. S. Acharya (eds.), Mapping Identity-Induced Marginalisation in India, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-3128-4_7

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Gandhi called them Harijan (son of God). The contemporary intellectuals, however, discourage using these words, as they sound demeaning, derogatory and paradoxical. They rather prefer and promote to use the word ‘Dalits’ signifying the historical oppression and struggle against exploitation. The word ‘Dalit’ was used for the first time during 1920s–30s. However, its usage became more frequent from 1970s when Dalit Panthers movement popularized it. It is entirely an Indian concept, and it can be defined as ‘those people, who experience inhuman behavior, injustice, exclusion, marginalization, discrimination, social vulnerabilities, social exploitation, and political and economic deprivation from a long time’ (Kamble, 1982). This chapter traces the trajectory of Dalits from a temporal and administrative framework and the challenges of understanding the issues pertaining to Dalits from such a framework. It, however, suggests that a sociological understanding of the differences and hierarchies within Dalits offers a useful lens to tackle persistent inequalities. The chapter revolves around the argument that Dalits may not be seen as a homogenous category. A sociological analysis, however, goes one step further and brings forth the differences within these castes as well as their inability to utilize the constitutional safeguards that keep them downtrodden. There is a need to identify these differences for the holistic upliftment of Dalits. This chapter is divided into four sections. The first section highlights the portrayal of Dalits in the socio-religious texts. The second section discusses the major landmarks that led to classification of Dalits as an administrative category in the independent India. This section also traces the evolution of various constitutional safeguards for the Scheduled Castes. The next section presents hierarchy and differences among Dalits from a sociological lens based on the fieldwork conducted in selected villages of Uttar Pradesh. The last section discusses the merits of understanding social reality of Dalits and how it may prove useful in highlighting differences and inequalities among Dalits. This understanding of heterogeneity is imperative for the all-round development of Dalits.

Dalits in Socio-religious Texts This section depicts the way Dalits1 have been portrayed in the socio-religious scriptures and texts. Such writings have historically been used to discriminate Dalits. This section by referring to these texts attempts to highlight the humiliation and exploitation experienced by Dalits from times immemorial. The same sets the context for the current situation of Dalits in the country as some Dalits still experience discrimination and subjugation mentioned in these scriptures despite the constitutional safeguards. In ancient times, Dalits were treated as untouchables and had no social status or rights in the society. They lived in the outskirts, engaged in menial jobs, had many 1

The Scheduled Caste is an administrative category listed in the ‘Presidential List of Scheduled Castes’. In this chapter, the Scheduled Castes are referred to as Dalits. The use of this term takes cognizance of changing nomenclatures and notions through history.

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social restrictions and were called Chandala. The Gautama Dharma Sutra (7 BCE) explained that progeny born out of the union of a male Shudra and a Brahmin woman, born in the indirect order or pratiloma Vivah (Pandey, 1966), was dharmahina or without religion and therefore, chandalas. Later, the Chhanadogya Upanishad (8BCE) used the word Chandala to describe ‘those persons, whose actions were low’, they would be penalized through ‘an evil birth, the birth of a dog or a hog or a Chandala’ (Swami, 1975). Thus, justifying the oppressed persons as ‘evil’ equalized to a dog or a hog, whose proximity through touch, speech, sight or shadow was contaminating (Apastamba Dharma Sutra). Purification of this contaminated impurity through touch was suggested by ‘a dip into water’. If contamination has occurred through speech, that is on talking to him, then a conversation with a Brahmin was the solution. And, on seeing a chandala, one was to look at the luminaries of the sky such as the sun, the moon or the stars (Sutra, 1960). The. Manu Smriti, written in 2 BCE, stipulated that the Chandalas were to live outside the village. On the basis of Varnashram Dharma, it designated four Varnas—Brahmin, Ksyatriya, Vaishya and Sudra. The first three Varnas are called Dvija, the born twice and hence the ‘superior ones’, since the Sudras are born ‘only once’ (Manu Smriti cited in Michael, 2007a, 2007b). It propagated that for the prosperity of the ‘samsara’, the creator (God) created four castes from different parts of his body, from mouth— Brahmin, arm—Kshatriya, thigh—Vaishya and feet—Sudras, and assigned them work accordingly. The mouth, arms, thighs and feet signify knowledge, which is expressed by speech or mouth; power, which dwells in the arms; wealth, which is obtained by trade and, travel, undertaken by the thigh or walking and; submission as the feet goes as driven by the other parts of the body (Jhunjhunwala, 1999). The Manusmriti also stipulated that the untouchables cannot own any property, must only engage in manual labour arts and crafts to serve the Dvijas (Manu Smriti cited in Michael, 2007a, 2007b). According to the Bhagwat Gita, ‘the four Varna were created according to the division of Guna and Karma’ (Bhagwat Gita cited in Michael, 2007a, 2007b). The Sudras due to their ‘gunas’ and ‘karmas’ (made to) remained poor and economically dependent upon the dwijas. The theory of divinity and Karma ensures all forms of social, economic and political discrimination and deprivation are faced by them. They are compelled to keep away from partaking in religious rites and rituals due to the prejudicial impurity inflicted on them. The Varna-based hierarchy also influences the legal system of society that the traditional pattern of social stratification in India has a certain unique characteristics, which have attracted and fascinated many scholars all over the world. The present structural and cultural characteristics of stratification in India have deep roots in the past.

Dalits in Recent History In the pre-independence period during 1930s, Dalit Bandu (friend of Dalits) the first newspaper focusing on them and their struggle to break the shackles of caste hierarchy

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was published from Pune (Pradhan, 1986). Dr B. R. Ambedkar in ‘The Untouchables’ (1948) also called them ‘Broken men’. Later, using the ‘neo-Buddhist’ perspective, the term was explained as working people, the landless and poor peasants, women and all those who are being exploited politically, economically and in the name of religion (Omvedt, 1995). During the colonial period, census of India gave enumerative and descriptive analytical framework for defining Dalits. The 1881 census enumerated castes on Varna categories, in which Dalits were at the end of the list. The subsequent census held in 1891 identified them based on traditional work, public opinion and visible exclusion. The 1921 census named them as Depresses Classes and were called ‘exterior castes’ in the next census. Finally, the Government of India Act, 1935, determined four forms of deprivation, to characterize the ‘oppressed castes’. They were low position in the Hindu social structure; low representation in government services, trade, commerce and industry; social and physical isolation from the rest of the community; and lack of educational development.

Safeguards for Dalits In colonial period, census mainly saw caste as a religious element of Indian Hindu social organization. This is also supported in contemporary literature, which shows caste-based discrimination and social structure of society. Dr Ambedkar had also testified it, before the Simon Commission in 1928 that the Bombay Labour Unions required to maintain caste distinctions because of the oppressive norms of the Hindu social order. At Bihar Depressed Classes Conference, in 1937, Babu Jagjivan Ram too reiterated that members of the Kisan Sabha, mostly privileged castes, were exploiters of the Dalits (Webster, 1994). These observations, during that time period, brought Dalit perspective in the mainstream discussion, and more attention was directed towards the caste-based issues since social realities evidenced that ‘Caste was much more powerful than class’. After independence, Dalits were incorporated in the Constitution of India as Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (The Constitution of India, 1950). Ever since the enactment of this act, a list of castes and tribes was prepared to be incorporated in the schedule. Given the underdeveloped conditions of the SCs and the STs, the constitution focused on their development safeguarding their rights to address discrimination and exclusion under the Article 341. The Article 341 authorizes the President of India to specify the castes to be notified as SCs, in consultation with the governor of the concerned state. Subsequently, the new inclusions are promulgated by the parliament. For achieving these goals to remove the social disabilities and to guarantee certain minimum rights for every citizen, the constitution has laid down some duties of the state for the socio-economic development of the Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes (STs). The rights

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are guaranteed under fundamental rights which are contained in Part III of the constitution, and the duties of the state are mandated in the Directive Principles of State Policy, Part IV of the constitution. The Article 46 provides that: The State shall promote with special care the educational and economic interests of the weaker sections of the people, and, in particular, of the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes, and shall protect them from all social injustice and all forms of exploitation.

To ensure this, certain safeguards and protective measures have been notified under Articles 366(24) and 341. Some of the acts are passed to safeguard their rights are— The protection of Civil Right Act 1955 and 1977, The SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act 1989 and 1995, The bonded Labour system (abolition) Ordinance 1975 and The Empowerment of Manual Scavengers and Construction of Dry latrines (prohibition) Act 1993. All Dalits fall under the umbrella term—The Scheduled Castes, as per the listing in the constitution on the assumption that all Scheduled Castes constitute a homogenous category. In contemporary India, from the perspective of existing affirmative action provisions, the society is thus broadly categorized into two categories—(a) reserved and (b) non-reserved category (Rao, 2009). It is, however, useful to note various amendments in the constitution by various states as we trace the trajectory of affirmative actions for sub-qotas within Scheduled Castes in independent India. Scholars do not have a consensus about the provision of sub-quotas within Dalits. Several state governments over the years, guided by the political motives, brought amendments to the law to selectively pass the benefits of the reservations in direct recruitment to government services, to the selected castes within the list of SCs. This practice is referred to as providing ‘quotas within quotas’ (Jodhka & Kumar, 2009) and has been critiqued for its merits and demerits. The sub-categorization was first introduced in Punjab in 1975 for reaching approximately 25% of state population, and Dalits were categorized Balmikis and Mazhabi Sikhs. The categorization was based on the idea that the first preference be given to these two caste groups among the Dalits in the recruitment to government services. After that, various states such as Haryana, Andhra Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar and Tamil Nadu also initiated or implemented such reservations (Rao, 2009). Some scholars, however, argue that these dynamics uncover the inequalities within Dalits. The evidence from Haryana suggests that the share of certain categories of SCs that could avail such benefits increased substantially as the amendment was introduced. A study of all such changes thus has a potential to give interesting insights about the issues of inequalities within the list of SCs and should not be merely looked as vote-bank politics (Jodhka, 2009). In the year 2014, a Supreme Court bench gave the judgement that any sub-grouping by the state is unconstitutional, and only parliament is authorized for the same. The latest development has been a revisit to the 2014 judgement in the year 2018 that acknowledged the disparities with the SC and ST groups (Yadav, 2020). The differences in perspectives on sub-quota within Dalits among scholars appear to emerge from their disciplinary training. Sociologists and social anthropologists are mostly

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interested in understanding the ways inequalities operate, while political scientists see it mostly from the vantage point of their discipline. The sub-categorization of castes among Dalits has focused mainly on the political dimension. Desai (1976) in his work ‘Untouchability in Gujarat’ used the sociological lens to understand untouchability among the Dalits. It is, however, important to note that not all scholars understand this issue from a siloed approach. Here, it is important to mention that my own positionality has shaped the perspective from which I have attempted to understand and explore the various patterns of inequalities among Dalits. My disciplinary training in sociology and public health has largely shaped my choice of methods in the research conducted in villages of Uttar Pradesh, with necessary fine-tuning of methods of data collection as per the nature of research questions. The next section is based on empirical research conducted in selected villages of Uttar Pradesh and discusses the challenges posed by sub-caste inequalities.

Understanding Dalits from a Sociological Lens: Challenges of Sub-caste Inequalities There are around 3000 castes in India, out of which 779 are SCs. Sociologically, each caste within SCs may be divided into many sub-castes (Rao, 1981). However, from an administrative framework, they all fall under the category of Scheduled Castes. It is pertinent to note here that this categorisation, though useful to address the challenges of inequalities among Dalits, and non-Dalits seem to be oblivious of the fact that there are hierarchies and differences within Dalits, i.e. at sub-caste level. Gupta (1991) explains that stratification is not only about categorizing people into different strata but also providing an analytical base for understanding social order and mobility. That means, stratification also informs about the social statics and social dynamics where hierarchy depicts statics, while differences show the dynamics within that static social order. A sociological analysis, thus, helps in bringing forth the social reality whereby the dynamics of social order within Dalits may be understood within each caste and how that results in discrimination and deprivation among a particular caste, albeit all classified by the constitution as a Scheduled Caste. The social reality is even more complex as the differences resulting from the intersections of social order within Dalits along with gender, age, economic status, numeric strength and political power, level of education, to name a few, result in discrimination and deprivation of varying orders. This chapter is confined to the sub-caste levels of differences, particularly at the level of education, land ownership and their reported experiences of discrimination and deprivation in everyday life. A study conducted in the Ambedkar villages of Sonbhadra district in Uttar Pradesh was revelatory as it highlighted the differences that exist at the sub-caste level in access to various provisions and schemes meant for SCs (Kumar, 2010). The findings of this study led to another study wherein a sociological understanding of various patterns

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of discrimination at the sub-caste level helped in a nuanced understanding of the way hierarchies and differences operate among the Scheduled Castes. The discrimination and deprivation at various development indicators such as access to safe housing, water and sanitation facilities, ability to secure education and employment and everyday discrimination by one sub-caste towards another within Dalits leading to humiliation and perceived ‘undignified’ ways of life (Kumar, 2018). This chapter builds on the findings of this study conducted in selected villages of Sonbhadra district and highlights the hierarchies and differences at the sub-caste level among the three Scheduled Castes: Chamar, Dharkar and Baiswar. The study was conducted in two villages of Myorpur block of Sonbhadra district to understand the differences and social order among sub-castes of three castes, mentioned-above listed as Scheduled Castes. The selection of villages was based on the secondary data sources. The selected villages had households from other castes listed under the SCs, but three Dalit castes, namely Chamar, Dharkar and Baiswar had sufficient number of households with various sub-castes in the selected villages. A total of 290 households from three Dalit castes, namely Chamar, Dharkar and Baiswar was selected. The sub-castes within each Dalit castes from the selected village were identified. The respondents from the Chamar caste reported their sub-castes as Chamar, Ravidassia Chamar and Dhusiya Chamar. Those belonging to Dharkar caste reported Benbansi, Bansphor, Lakharhara and Kharush, while Khandait, Rautia and Sohagpuria were the sub-castes among the Baiswars. A total of thirty households from each sub-caste was selected for the present study except for Kharush sub-caste. Twenty households from Kharush sub-caste were selected on account of meeting the selection criteria for the study (Table 7.1). Both quantitative and qualitative data were collected during the fieldwork. The tools and techniques used during the fieldwork included a household survey schedule, semi-structured interview schedule, checklists for conducting focus group discussions. Other than that, the case study method was also used during the study. Observations were noted in the form of field notes, and a case diary was also maintained during the course of fieldwork. The data analysis suggests the differences in sub-castes on certain sociodemographic and economic indicators of the households such as land ownership, income and occupation. This chapter discusses these intra-caste differences. The Table 7.1 Distribution of selected households across various castes and sub-castes Village

Caste

Major sub-castes (30 each)

Number of households

Village A

Chamar

Chamar, Ravidassia Chamar, Dhusiya Chamar

90

Dharkar

Benbansi, Bansphor, Lakharhara, Kharush*

110

Baiswar

Khandait, Rautia, Sohagpuria

90

Village B Total number

290

*Note There were only 25 households of Kharush in the study village, and among them, 20 fulfilled all the selection criteria, so 20 households of Kharush were selected for the study

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data on experiences of discrimination in everyday life due to sub-castes as reported by the research participants is also discussed in brief.

Castes and Sub-castes in the Selected Villages The classification of castes and their corresponding sub-castes discussed here comes from how research participants identified themselves. For instance the Chamars identified themselves as Chamars, Ravisadiya Chamaras and Dhusiya Chamars. Similarly, among the Dharkars, the sub-castes, namely Bentbansi or Banbasi, Bansphore, Lakarhara and Kharush were identified. Baiswars had three sub-castes, namely Kandait, Bannait and Sohagpuria. Spatial segregation, a typical characteristic among different castes, was also observed across different sub-castes. Chamar and Ravisadiya Chamaras with more than 100 households each stayed in a close vicinity to each other in the selected village, while Dhusiya Chamars lived in a different tola. Bentbansi or Banbasi and Bansphore also lived together in a specified area in the village, while the households from the Lakarhara sub-caste lived in an area different to those of Banbasi and Bansphore. A total of 25 households belonging to the Kharush sub-caste was also found in the selected village. The geographical segregation among the sub-castes of Baiswars was easily visible in the village as those belonging to three sub-castes lived in the village at three different tolas.

Perception About Caste and Sub-caste An attempt was made to understand the perception of the selected respondents about the caste and sub-caste. The respondents often reported their understanding about the caste and sub-caste while keeping their own caste and sub-caste identities as the reference point. The respondents frequently identified various castes among the Dalits on the basis of their hereditary occupations and the social hierarchy. As regards the social identity of the respondents, they were asked questions regarding their understanding of caste and sub-caste. Thus, the identification of the respondents belonging to a particular caste and sub-caste used in the study evolved from their perceived as well as reported social identity during the household survey. The respondents were asked questions such as what they meant by caste and subcaste. The respondents largely reported caste as well as the sub-caste in terms of various characteristics. Some of the responses regarding caste included caste as a classificatory device that divided the society, determined occupation and economic status, responsible for discrimination and restricting social relations. Some of the respondents also reported caste as an administrative category. Their notions about sub-caste restrictions of varied nature and the concepts of ‘purity and pollution’ that

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operated in everyday life clearly suggest that there were hierarchies and differences within each of the sub-castes. The responses regarding the sub-caste suggested that the sub-caste was often referred to as Biradri. It was believed to be a division of Jati/Jat. Some of the respondents in their narratives even used the two together as Jat-Biradari. The membership to each caste and sub-caste was determined by birth in a specific caste/sub-caste. The respondents’ perceptions about various sub-castes were centred around the restrictions related to food culture, marriage, rituals as well as the skills specific to a particular sub-caste. Other than the socio-cultural aspects of discrimination, lower levels of education, landlessness and lack of status or power were other markers of inequality within each caste group.

Education The intercaste distribution of the selected respondents as regards their education level as shown in Table 7.2 suggests that the prevalence of illiteracy was very high among the Dharkars (86%) and the Baiswars (87%) as compared to Chamars (59%). The percentage of illiterate respondents within the Chamar caste (63–73%) was relatively lower compared to those within other two castes (about 60%). Among the Table 7.2 Distribution of education by caste and sub-caste among Dalits Dalit caste

Level of education attainment (in completed)

Caste

Sub-caste

Illiterate

Primary

Middle

10th

10 + 2

Chamar

Chamar

15 (50.5)

4 (13.3)

5 (16.7)

5 (16.7)

1 (3.3)

Ravidasiya

16 (53.3)

4 (13.3)

8 (26.7)

2 (6.7)

–

30 (100)

22 (73.3)

8 (26.7)

–

–

–

30 (100)

53 (58.9)

16 (17.8)

13 (14.5)

07 (7.7)

1 (1.1)

90 (100)

24(80)

6 (20)

–

–

–

30 (27.3)

Bentbansi Banbasi-Bansphor

25 (83.3)

5 (16.7)

–

–

–

30 (100)

Lakarhara

28 (90)

2 (6.7)

–

–

–

30 (100)

18 (90)

2 (10)

–

–

95 (86.3)

15 (13.63)

Kharush Total Baiswar

–

20 (100)

–

110 100)

Khandait

23 (76.6)

5 (16.7)

2 (6.7)

–

–

30 (100)

Bannait

27 (90)

3 (10)

–

–

–

30(100)

Sohagpuria Total

30 (100)

Dhusiya Total Dharkar

Total (n with %)

28 (93.4)

2 (6.6)

–

–

–

30 (100)

78 (86.7)

10 (11.1)

02 (2.2)

–

–

90 (100)

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Chamars, the education levels were lowest for the Dhusiya Chamar with more than 73% illiterates followed by approx. 53% illiterates among Ravidasiya sub-caste. A little over half (50.5%) the participants among Chamars were illiterate. Further, the data on education levels suggests that the highest level of education among Dhusiya participants was the primary level, while the same for the Ravidasiya participants was standard 10th. Only one research participant from the Chamar sub-caste had the highest level of education (class 12th). It is notable that none of the respondents among any of the sub-castes, both in case of Dharkar and Baiswar, were educated beyond primary level. Among the Dharkar, the Bentbansi had most respondents (20%), and among Baiswar, the Khandait (17%) had completed primary level. The latter also had two respondents who completed middle level of education. It is thus evident that all the selected castes among Dalits show high levels of illiteracy. Very few respondents (about 8%) belonging to the Chamar caste have attained education till the matriculation level. The percentage of respondents with a primary level of education among both the Dharkar and Baiswar castes was below 15%. The corresponding percentage of respondents among the Chamar caste was about 18%. This analysis thus suggests that there are differences in levels of education attained not only across castes but within sub-castes too.

Land Ownership Land ownership is a significant marker of inequality in rural India. The distribution of landownership by caste and sub-castes as shown in Table 7.3 suggests that very few respondents (about 3%) from the Chamar caste owned land, while about 25% of respondents from the Baiswar caste owned land. Within the Baiswar, however, as many as about 73% respondents belonging to the Khandait sub-caste owned land. The data shows that though the respondents across all the castes did not own land, some of the respondents had patta and leased land. Landlessness is the highest among Sohagpuria (77%). All other sub-castes are landless ranging between 13 and 45% except Bannait (60%) yet another sub-caste of Baiswar caste.

Experiences of Discrimination in Everyday Life The narratives of various research participants belonging to different sub-castes reflect the discriminatory food practices and the notions of ‘purity and pollution’ that set the context for understanding the way social order operates among different sub-castes. For instance the norms of sharing food during the private dining within various sub-castes clearly reflect that members of a particular sub-caste consider themselves above the members of other sub-castes. Among Chamars, the sub-castes

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Table 7.3 Distribution of land ownership by caste and sub-caste Sub-caste/caste

Chamar

Nature of land ownership Landless

Leased (L)

Patta (P)

–

07 (23.3) –

Owned (O)

P+L

P+O

02 (6.7)

13 (43.3)

08 (26.7)

Total number (%) 30 (100)

Ravidasiya

04 (13.3)

02 (6.7)

10 (33.3)

–

08 (26.7)

06 (20)

30 (100)

Dhusiya

06 (20)

01 (3.3)

10 (33.3)

01 (3.3)

07 (23.3)

05 (16.7)

30 (100)

Total Chamar

10 (11)

10 (11)

20 (22)

03 (3.3)

28 (30.8)

19 (20.9)

90 (100)

Bentbansi

06 (20)

15 (50)

–

–

07 (23.3)

02 (6.7) 30 (100)

Bansphor

07 (23.3)

09 (30)

09 (30)

–

05 (16.7)

–

30 (100)

Lakarhara

08 (26.7)

01 (3.3)

15 (50)

–

06 (20)

–

30 (100)

Kharush

09 (45)

05 (25)

06 (30)

–

–

–

20 (100)

Total Dharkar

30 (27.3)

30(27.3)

30(27.3)

–

18(16.36)

02 (1.7) 110(100

Khandait

–

–

–

22 (73.3) –

08 (26.7)

30 (100)

Bannait

18 (60)

–

12 (40)

–

–

30 (100)

–

Sohagpuria

23 (76.7)

07 (23.3) –

–

–

–

30 (100)

Total Baiswar

43(47.8)

17 (18.9) –

22(24.5)

–

08(8.8)

90 (100)

Chamars and Ravidasiya perceived themselves to be superior over the Dhusiya subcaste. Chamars and Ravidasiya could thus share food with each other but not with members of Dhusiya sub-caste. However, the members of Ravidasiya sub-caste were found to be predominantly vegetarian and hence could only take vegetarian food from the members of Chamar sub-caste. The perceived superiority associated with vegetarians and other notions of ‘purity and pollution’ are evident in the following verbatim of a research participant belonging to the Ravidasiya sub-caste: Dhusiyas eat non-vegetarian food. How can we eat with them? Moreover, they are so dirty. Among the Dhusiyas, humans and animals share a common space. (R, 45 years old, Ravidasiya, Daily wage labourer)

Even during the focus group discussions, both Chamar and Ravidasiya research participants pointed out that they considered Dhusiyas dirty as they lived with their animals. Jahan unke Jeev-janvar hain, wahin Marhaiya hai aur charon taraf gandagi hai (Their animals live around their huts, and it is dirty all around).

The two ‘upper’ sub-castes belonging to the Dharkar castes, namely Baintbansi and Bansphor, similarly, informed that they could share food with each other and considered themselves superior over the other two sub-castes, namely Lakarhara and Khadush. One of the research participants belonging to the Bentbansi sub-caste

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reported that both Bentbansi and Bansphor share a common lineage and engage in occupations related to bamboo as; Hamara aur bansphor ka ek hi vansh hai. Hum dono veer vanshi hain, veer mane baans briksh aur hum logon ka mukhya dhandha baans briksh hi hai, tab hum log toh ek dusre ke yahan kha sakte hain. Ab hum Lakarhare ya kharush ke yahan nahin khate hain (B, 58, Bentbansi, Cane maker) (we and bansphor both share common ancestors. We are Veervanshi. The word Veer means bamboo tree, and our chief occupation is related to Bamboo. So, both of us can eat at each other’s’ place. We however cannot eat along with Lakarhara and Kharush)

It is clear from the above narrative that as observed among the Chamars, both Bentbansi and Bansphor share commensal relations with each other. Similarly, among the Baiswar, Khandaits also perceive themselves to be superior over other sub-castes, but unlike Chamars and Dharkars, they did not take food from any of the other sub-castes, as one of the respondents narrated; Ab jaise hum log kheti karte hain, humare paas jameen hai, humara kaam dhandha unse accha hai toh hum kaise unke saath kha sakte hain? Ek toh jungle-2 ghoomta hai, doosra janwar charaata hai, unke yahan na hum khate hain, na unka pani peete hain (M, 38, Khandait, Cultivator) (Since we (Khandaits) cultivate and own land, our occupation is superior to their occupations. How can we eat with them? (Referring to Bannaits and Sohagpuria) One roams around the forest (Bannait) while the other (referring to the Sohagpuria), grazes animals. We neither eat nor dink water from them).

Thus, we find that the ideas regarding the sub-caste ‘purity’ are also associated with the nature of occupation and living standards and in turn determine the food practices across various sub-castes. It is thus evident that the ideas of ‘purity’ exist even at the level of sub-caste, and certain sub-castes discriminate against the others by not accepting food or water from them on account of their perceived superiority over the other sub-castes.

Intergenerational Differences in Experience of Discrimination The differences in the experiences of availing different services across different generations of the members of household, where available, belonging to a particular sub-caste seem to suggest that there have been some positive changes. One of the first-generation research participants from the Bannait sub-caste reported that those from their caste would cut their hair themselves. They were not allowed to avail the services from the village barber. The second-generation research participant from the same household shared that they would get the haircut from the barber but were often made to wait for long as he catered to those from the other castes. The thirdgeneration research participant shared that some form of discrimination prevailed at the barber’s shop as, despite their being in the queue, another person from the higher caste could avail the services before them on account of his engagement in other

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activities. Thus, the above narrative suggests that some form of discrimination is still prevalent as regards availing services in the village. However, there is a positive change whereby they can now avail the services of a barber. Similarly, the first-generation research participant from the Sohagpuria sub-caste shared regarding availing the services of the tailor as; The tailor would hesitate in taking the measurements while stitching the clothes. He would often say that it is his work and that he did not need to take body measurement to stitch clothes. If anyone insisted on taking measurements, he would take measurements in such a manner that avoided touch. So, most people would not insist on taking measurements. (R, 76 years, illiterate, Rehta)

Both the second as well as the third-generation research participants shared their experience of getting clothes stitched from the tailor and reported that no such discrimination was observed as the tailor measured without any hesitation. The thirdgeneration research participant from the Sohagpuria sub-caste further informed that he could get stitched any design or pattern as per his wish. Thus, it is evident from the above narratives that the nature of discrimination, while accessing services of a tailor was extreme for the first-generation research participants as untouchability was practised then. The second- and third-generation research participants, however, reported no such discrimination. Practices related to sharing of food were discriminatory. Commensality was a characteristic feature of the sub-castes that considered each other of the same level. The socio-spatial distribution of various sub-castes also suggests segregation. Further, the prevalence of caste-based occupation among various sub-castes also indicates the lack of alternative employment. The landlessness among the ‘lower’ sub-castes was also an indication of the economic inequality among the sub-castes. Thus, this section portrayed selected experiences of discrimination and deprivation among the sub-castes of selected Dalit castes and argues that the heterogeneity within Dalits needs to be addressed. The sociological or social anthropological lens is useful to understand the social norms. The linkages of the same with caste-based occupation and land ownership patterns help in getting a holistic understanding of the patterns of discrimination and deprivation.

Discussion This chapter traced the situation of Dalits from a temporal and administrative framework and attempted to highlight the challenges associated with understanding the issues of Dalits from an administrative framework. The temporal framework highlights that the historical injustice, discrimination and exploitation Dalits have experienced. Acknowledging these limitations, the administrative framework though has carved the path for a change by the provision of constitutional safeguards for these marginalized sections. The complexity of the social reality, however, demands that the heterogeneity within the Dalits be acknowledged. This chapter details a sociological analysis of the social order, norms and experiences of discrimination by members

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of various sub-castes and draws attention that there are hierarchies and differences within each of the castes that results in unequal access to education, land and assets, ensuring that the inequalities persist. It is now widely accepted that the inequalities acquire different forms due to intersections of caste/sub-caste with gender, economic status, access to and affiliation with those in position of power, life stage and other structural features. This chapter focuses on addressing the challenges of seeing Dalits as a homogenous category and argues that acknowledging Dalits as a heterogenous group is the first step towards demanding a conducive environment and a dignified life for various strata within Dalits. Undoubtedly, the constitutional safeguards with the intention to ensure equity and justice have been a landmark step in the struggle of human rights and dignity of Dalits. There has already been some success in minimizing the degree of exclusion for some of the marginalized sections among Dalits, and the recognition of differences within various castes among Dalits is neither a panacea nor a Pandora’s box but the foremost step towards an inclusive society for all. Not only from the perspective of human and Dalit rights but also from the perspective of Sustainable Development Goals (SDG), we must rethink as to how best can we ensure that the benefits of development reach all sub-castes within Dalits and we ‘leave no one behind’. We need more interdisciplinary research and communication across disciplines not only to understand the complexity of the issue but also to find the solutions for making an inclusive society for all. Acknowledgements This chapter is based on the unpublished Ph.D. thesis submitted to and awarded by Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, in 2020. The tables are based on the data from the fieldwork done for the doctoral research.

References Ambedkar, B. R. (1948). The untouchables: Who were they and why they became untouchables Dr. Bababsaheb Ambedkar—Writings and speeches (Vol. 5) Complied by Vasant Moon (January 2017, p. 18. First edition by Education department, Government of Maharashtra 14 April 1989. Reprint by Dr. Ambedkar Foundation, Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment, GoI New Delhi http://www.ambedkarfoundation.nic.in/ 2014, 2017. Desai, I. P. (1976). Untouchability in rural Gujarat. Popular Publication. Gupta, D. (Ed.). (1991). Social stratification. Oxford University Press. Jhunjhunwala, B. (1999). Varna Vyavastha: Governance through caste system. Rawat Publications. Jodhka, S. S., & Kumar, A. (2009). Initiating sub-classification of scheduled castes: The Punjab story of quotas within quotas. In Y. C. Rao (Ed.), Dividing Dalits (pp. 51–62). Rawat Publications. Kamble, N. D. (1982). The scheduled castes (p. 17). New Delhi: Ashish. Kumar, K. (2010). Health of Dalit women: Issues of development and deprivation in Ambedkar villages of Sonbhadra District, Uttar Pradesh (Unpublished Master of Philosophy Dissertation). Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, India. Kumar, K. (2018). Patterns of discrimination between sub-castes among dalits—Understanding the consequences on access to resources, services and opportunities in Sonbhadra District, UP. (Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis). Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, India.

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Michael, S. M (2007a), Dalits In Modern India; Vision and Values, Sage publications, p-76. Michael, S. M. (2007b). Dalits in modern India: Vision and values. SAGE Publications India. Omvedt, G. (1995). Dalit visions: The anti-caste movement and the construction of an Indian identity (p. 72). Hyderabad: Orient Longman. Pandey, Umesh Chandra (trans.). (1966). Gautama dharma sutra. Varanasi: The Chowkhamba Sanskrit Series Publications. The Kashi Sanskrit Series No. 172, (IV.15.23). Pradhan, A.C. (1986). The emergence of the depressed classes (p. 125). Bhubaneshwar: Bookland International. Rao, U. (1981). Deprived castes in India. Chugli Publications. Rao, Y. C. (2009). Dividing Dalits. Rawat Publications. Sutra, A. D. (1960). Translated by A. Srinivasaraghavacharya, Mysore: Mysore University Oriental Institute (II.1.2 8–9). Swahananda, S. (trans.). (1975). Chhandogya Upanishad (Vol. 10, p. 7). Madras: Sri Ramakrishna Math. The Constitution of India Part-1 (Schedule Caste/Schedule Tribes) Order. (1950). Webster, J. C. B. (1994). The Dalit Christians: A history (2nd edn., p. 127). New Delhi: ISPCK. Yadav, Y. (2020). India needs SC-ST sub-quota. And the Supreme Court just removed one key roadblock. The Print. Published on September 20, 2020. Retrieved on January 15, 2021, from https://theprint.in/opinion/india-needs-sc-st-sub-quota-and-supreme-court-removed-roadbl ock/498913/

Part II

Social Justice and Affirmative Action Policy—Reality Check

“Justice has always evoked ideas of equality, of proportion of compensation. Equity signifies equality. Rules and regulations, right and righteousness are concerned with equality in value. If all men are equal, then all men are of the same essence, and the common essence entitles them of the same fundamental rights and equal liberty… In short justice is another name of liberty, equality and fraternity.” Dr. B. R. Ambedkar

Chapter 8

Ambedkar’s Passion for Education—Overcoming Historical Deprivation and Ensuring Provision for the Deprived Raosaheb K. Kale Abstract Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar is one of the greatest leaders and intellectuals of India. Although, extensively contributed in social, political and religious spheres of nation, he was conveniently ignored by the academic and reduced him into merely Dalit leader. In the changed time and circumstances, as thoughts, writings, speeches and work of Dr. Ambedkar increasingly becoming relevant, the great deal of interest is being shown by the present scholarship worldwide, in his life and mission. Dr. Ambedkar, a crusader of social justice, while fighting for Dalits to get their rightful place in society with equal status and progress, gave message to educate themselves and their children to liberate from social slavery. Importantly, out of sixty-five years of life span, Dr. Ambedkar spent almost forty years in education as a researcher, scholar, teacher, academic administrator and builder of educational institutes. Dr. Ambedkar severely criticized the educational policy of British, it being socially exclusive and of which benefits remained confined to small section of society particularly urban elites and upper caste. He pleaded for education of Dalits and asked the British to take special measures to protect their educational interest. Importantly, at the same time, he also pleaded with the British for free and compulsory primary education for all. Keywords Ambedkar · Education · Deprivation · Dalit · Social justice

Introduction Dr. B. R. Ambedkar, called Babasaheb in reverence, is one of the greatest leaders and intellectuals, a social revolutionary, architect of constitution of India and most educated among his contemporaries, perhaps even in the entire world, who changed the course of Indian history. He also revived the Buddhism which almost vanished from the Indian soil, the place of its origin. Apart from contributing to social, economic, political and religious spheres, he has extensively spoken and written in the R. K. Kale (B) (superannuated) School of Life Sciences, Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU), New Delhi, India e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2022 R. K. Kale and S. S. Acharya (eds.), Mapping Identity-Induced Marginalisation in India, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-3128-4_8

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fields like anthropology, sociology, philosophy, law, political science and economics, and generated a wealth of knowledge and enriched the academics. However, the Brahmanical scholarship ignored and academically boycotted Dr. Ambedkar and his work and reduced him into merely the Dalit leader. Vivek Kumar (2016), while probing the ‘sociology’ of Indian sociology, as part of commemorating the completion of 100 years of this frontier subject of social science, he analysed ‘the nature, dynamics and domination of twice-born castes’, and showed therein, ‘Indian sociology as an inegalitarian and exclusionary in nature’ with continued ‘domination of upper castes’ at all levels including ontological, epistemological and pedagogical dominations, ‘ensuring to reflect only partial reality of Indian society’. This study of Vivek Kumar (2016), a milestone in the history of Indian sociology, unveiled the Brahmanical hegemonic approach neglecting Dr. Ambedkar, ‘a trained anthropologist and sociologist from the Columbia University,’ who had perhaps deep knowledge and better understanding of Indian society than many other sociologists and anthropologists including the ‘Founding Fathers of Indian Sociology’ (Oomen and Mukherji, 1986) and ‘Founders of Indian Sociology and Anthropology’ (Oberoi et al., 2008). Dr. Ambedkar not only enriched the Indian sociology but also reformed the society. The critical evaluation of contributions and achievements of the Bombay School of Sociology, since its inception, carried out by Jogdand and Kamble (2013) reflected the similar views as those of Vivek Kumar (2016) and confirmed the Brahmanical approach in teaching and research, as well as dependency on the western scholarship, ignoring the Indian thinkers like Dr. Ambedkar and Mahatma Phule in academic discourse. While describing the ‘margins’ in ‘sociological traditions’, Jogdand and Kamble (2013) questioned ‘the stalwarts and their legacies’. Both these studies had let the cat out of the bag. The same prejudice, mindset, exclusiveness and Brahmanical hegemony is evident in the other subjects of social sciences and humanities too. The mindset of some of conservatives and traditionalists who prefer to live in the past; the secular and progressive thinkers who preach others; and the up-starter intellectuals who worship Marx and Marxism, were not very different. From their respective social and ideological locations, the Indian academics kept themselves busy either in glorifying the past, or understanding the socio-economic issues through the prism of class, assuming the caste as super structure. Refusal or failure to liberate their mind from such enslavement immensely harmed the processes of inquiry, questioning and creativity on campuses. The single tracked vision did not see and appreciate the alternative narrations, particularly of Dr. Ambedkar. They remained mainly the consumer of knowledge created by the western scholars, which was read, learned and recited in the classrooms and outside. Being the descendants of beneficiary of British education, like their forefathers, they successfully kept the education confined to themselves and did not allow to be democratized. The care was also taken by them not to allow the writings of Dr. Ambedkar to permeate into Indian education system. Undeniably, Dr. Ambedkar had written on almost every event experienced by our country during his life time. In the changed time and circumstances, as thoughts, writings, speeches and work of Dr. Ambedkar increasingly became relevant, a great deal of interest is being shown

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by the present scholarship in India and worldwide, in his life and mission. Interestingly, many Indian intellectuals belonged to the upper castes and elite class who ignored or criticized Dr. Ambedkar suddenly adapted to the changed environment and began to accept him and his thoughts, perhaps, for their own academic survival rather than out of realization. Dr. Ambedkar, a crusader of social justice, while fighting for Dalits to get their rightful place in society with equal status and progress, called upon the depressed classes to educate themselves and their children in order to liberate themselves from social slavery. Importantly, out of sixty-five years of his life span, Dr. Ambedkar spent almost forty years in education as a researcher, scholar, teacher, academic administrator and builder of educational institutions. Even in his last days, with fragile health, he wrote the ‘Buddha and His Dhamma’, and ‘Revolution and Counter Revolution’. During the same time, he also wrote the constitution of the Republican Party of India which he wanted to launch and bring all the likeminded progressive leaders and people under its umbrella. I have heard from persons like Nanak Chand Rattu1 and others in meetings that when he breathed his last in sleep, on 6th day of December 1956, some of the papers on which he was working were found on his bed. Thus, till the last stage of his life’s journey, Dr. Amdedkar kept on writing and remained active. Apart from enriching the Indian scholarship through his extensive writings, Dr. Ambedkar contributed greatly to educational policies and their implementation before and after the independence. He not only gave the message to the downtrodden to educate, he established several academic institutions to spread education among the downtrodden who were denied any access to education for centuries. With this backdrop, an attempt has been made to understand Dr. Ambedkar’s passion for education, overcoming the social deprivation and his exemplary academic pursuits and accomplishments.

At Columbia University Dr. Ambedkar came to know that Maharaja Sayajirao Gaekwad of Baroda, had a plan to offer scholarship to students for the post-graduate studies in the USA. When the Maharaja was in Bombay (now Mumbai) he approached him and appealed for the scholarship. The Maharaja, next day, personally interviewed Dr. Ambedkar and offered him scholarship for three years (1913–1916) (Khairmode, 2002). Importantly, most of contemporary national leaders sailed to England for higher studies, the scholarship gave Dr. Ambedkar opportunity to study in the USA. However, it appeared that the Columbia University was his choice and would be quite interesting to know how and why!

1

Nanak Chand Rattu, born in 1922, in village Sakruli, in Hoshiarpur District of Punjab was the Private Secretary to Dr. Ambedkar for over 17 years, from January 3, 1940 up to Dr. Ambedkar’s death on December 6, 1956.

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Dr. Ambedkar was in Columbia University from 1913 to 1916. He opted for wide range of courses some beyond his prescribed subjects. As the university library seemed to be a mine of knowledge to him, he wanted to explore it to the maximum extent, because of the limited time he had at his disposal. He was the first to enter and last one to come out of the library. During his stay in the Columbia University, he got an opportunity to interact with many inspiring teachers and great scholars like Prof. John Dewey, Prof. Edwin Seligman, Prof. Alexander Goldweisser, Prof. James Shotwell and Prof. James Harvey Robinson. Dr. Ambedkar was deeply influenced by Prof. Dewey, a renowned philosopher. Still a research scholar then, Dr. Ambedkar participated in the conference on the anthropology organized by Prof. Goldweisser; and presented the classic paper, on 9th May 1916, entitled, ‘Castes in India: their mechanism, genesis and development’ wherein he reflected his deep knowledge and understanding of Indian society, even at that young age. Dr. Ambedkar, after studying in the Columbia, had keen interest in getting a doctoral degree in Economics from the University of London. He also wanted to study law, and practice on returning to India. This was to enable him to pay back the scholarship amount received from the Baroda State instead of serving the Maharaja for ten years after completing studies. As his scholarship was to end on 14th June 1916, he wrote to Maharaja of Baroda with request (in February, 1916) to extend it for two years which would enable him to pursue the doctoral study in the University of London and also the law. The Officer of the Department of Education and the Diwan of the Baroda State, perhaps on their own, turned down his request. Dr. Ambedkar shared his disappointment with Prof. Edwin Seligman, who advised him to request once again. Accordingly, he wrote along with strong recommendation from Prof. Seligman. However, Dr. Ambedkar was already determined to realize his dream, if necessary, on his own. Therefore, without waiting for the response from the Maharaja of Baroda (Khairmode, 2002), on receiving the MA degree in 1915, and completing all the mandatory requirements of Columbia University for the Ph.D. degree, except submission of the thesis (Krishnamurthy, 2020), in 1916, he boarded the ship to England. With a letter of introduction from Prof. Henry Rogers Seager to Prof. Edwin Cannan, and another from Prof. Edwin Seligman to Prof. Sidney Webb, he sailed out in the last week of May, 1916, and reached Liverpool in June, 1916. Two days after reaching London, he received the information that Maharaja initially granted one year extension and decision for one more year would be considered later on (Khairmode, 2002).

At the University of London and Gray’s Inn (1916–1917) Dr. Ambedkar joined the London School of Economics in October 1916 and Gray’s Inn in November the same year. As the Baroda State turned down the request to extend the scholarship for another year, and instructed him to return and join the Baroda State administration as per the agreement of scholarship, Dr. Ambedkar had no choice but return to India. He appealed to the authorities of the University of London on 12 June

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1917, that the ‘interruption in his studies be excused’. The Senate of the University in its meeting held on 18th July 1917 considered his request along with a letter (16th June, 1917) from the London School of Economics, and passed the resolution that Ambedkar ‘be excused the interruption for the period not exceeding four years from October 1917’ as well as ‘be exempted from attendance for one more term’ (Hartog, 1917). The Gray’s Inn also granted permission on similar line (Khairmode, 2002). Dr. Ambedkar boarded the ship on 27th July and reached Bombay after a journey of almost a month. He joined the administration of Baroda State on 31 August, 1917; however, the social hostility compelled him ‘to leave Baroda and return to Bombay, after staying there for only eleven days (Moon, 1993). During the following three years, Dr. Ambedkar undertook several upliftment activities including awakening and uniting Dalits to fight for justice. He also started Mooknayak, a fortnightly newspaper on 31 January 1920 to voice their grievances and spread the message to educate themselves to liberate from the social slavery. He criticized the British Government for neglecting the social justice and political rights of the downtrodden and testified before the Southborough Committee on 27 January, 1919. His zealous efforts while pursuing higher education in the interim time, and a speech delivered as a young research scholar of around 30 years of age, in the Conference of Untouchables held at Mangon on 21 March, 1920, impressed Shahu Maharaj. He saw in him as a ‘saviour’ of untouchables of India and declared him as one, in the same conference. Dr. Ambedkar began his journey (on 5th July, 1920) to London in pursuit of his unfinished dream. In the second inning (1920–1923), he continued his study from where it was discountinued at London School of Economics and Gray’s Inn. Subsequently he was awarded M.Sc. (1921) and D.Sc. (1923) by the University of London, and Bar-at-Law (1920) by the Gray’s Inn. After highest academic accomplishment from the USA and Britain, Dr. Ambedkar returned and soon emerged as a leader of the downtrodden, who fought in his entire life for their rights, including education. While awakening and mobilizing the masses for social struggle, he asked them to send their children to schools. The message of Dr. Ambedkar for education spread with the lighting speed, even in that era of primitive communication technology. He made the downtrodden people realize that education was the panacea of all their problems and could empower them to liberate from age-old social slavery. In recognition of his services rendered to the society in various ways including the drafting of the Indian Constitution, the Columbia University (1952), his alma matter, and the Osmania University (1953) honoured him with doctoral degree. The Columbia University also established a Chair in honour of Dr. Ambedkar in Indian Constitutional Law with the endowment from the Government of India (2010), at its Law School. The university organized the special academic functions to celebrate the completion of 100 years of his joining the university. Further, 125th birth anniversary of Dr. Ambedkar was celebrated at the headquarters of United Nation in New York. It is significant that the vision of Dr. Ambedkar to achieve social justice and equality finds resonance in the core message of 2030 Agenda of the United Nations Development Programme (The Hindu, Sunday, April 10, 2016) which recognized that combating inequality within and among countries, creating sustained,

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inclusive and sustainable growth and fostering inclusion are interdependent. United Nations Development Group Chair and Administrator of the United Nations Development Programme Helen Clark gave keynote address, wherein while describing Dr. Ambedkar as a global icon for marginalized people, she voiced the commitment of United Nations to work closely with India to help to realize his vision of empowerment, and social and economic equality (The Hindu, and The Indian Express, New Delhi, 15th April, 2016). Back home, Dr. Ambedkar is one of the very few Indian leaders after whom many universities and academic institutions have been named in recognition of the service he rendered to the society and country. His struggle for education and his achievements are exemplary as well as unparalleled in the social history. As mentioned earlier, Brahmanical hegemonic approach neglected Dr. Ambedkar and his contributions till the recent time. However, mid-1970s onward, the gradual increase of the presence of Dalit intellectuals on the campuses made a significant difference because of their active involvement in an anti-hegemonic discourse. Since then, many have been working on the life and mission of Dr. Ambedkar including his contribution to the sphere of education and also liberating the academics from the clutches of Brahmanical scholarship. While some milestones have been reached, a lot of distance still needs to be covered. The information on Dr. Ambedkar’s thought on education, his efforts for emancipation of Dalits through education, and democratization of education, remained buried and scattered in a number of institutions and institutional documents such as the proceedings of Bombay Legislative Council, Council of Governor General, Constitution Assembly, Parliament. His efforts are indicated in the evidence before the University Reform Committee, in memorandums submitted to Indian Statutory Commission and many other forums. His ideas have been visible in the newspapers including those which he himself published- right from the Muknayak to Prabudh Bharat. There is a lot of his unpublished work which needs to be published and publicized. Apart from this what awaits consolidation, is a good amount of Dr. Ambedkar’s work which is available in the volumes published by the Government of Maharashtra and reprinted by the central government. These and other sources are needed to be studied and researched to understand the contribution made by Dr. Ambedkar to Indian education, its relevance and long-lasting impact on society.

Universal Educator Dr. Ambedkar has immensely contributed to the Indian education. According to him, education needed to be brought within the reach of everyone. The political, social and economic democracies are equally important for the progress and prosperity of people and in turn the development of nation, which could not be achieved without the even-spread of education among the masses. These views and efforts are clearly reflected in the lifelong mission, writings and speeches of Dr. Ambedkar. Considering his efforts towards the democratization of Indian education and educating India, it

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would be appropriate to call him as an universal educator. This aspect is discussed in some details by Tomar (2015). Dr. Ambedkar was for free and compulsory primary education for the all and pleaded with the British for the same. He pursued this demand with great interest and vigour. The importance given to primary education for all was evident from its inclusion in the manifesto of the Independent Labour Party (1936), established by him. Dr. Ambedkar was, perhaps, the first national leader who recognized the need for the spread of primary education and made it part of the manifesto of his party. This was first incidence in the electoral history. No such importance, till then, was accorded to primary education by any political party. It was Dr. Ambedkar who gave it place in his party’s manifesto. Almost a hundred years ago, in a conference held on 31st May 1929 at Mahabaleshwar, Dr. Ambedkar, mentioned the importance of the democratic spread of primary education among the masses which subsequently provides the base for the national development. Therefore, Dr. Ambedkar had been very critical of slow progress in spread of primary education among masses, during the British period (Moon, 2014a). After independence in 1947, Dr. Ambedkar contested and won the election and entered the Constituent Assembly. He was keenly interested in primary education, and was convinced of its necessity for the future of the country. Therefore, as the Chairman of Drafting Committee, he made provision in the Constitution under the Directive Principles for free and compulsory education for the children of aged 06– 14 years. The Article 45 of the Constitution deals with this provision, and reads as, ‘The state shall endeavour to provide, within a period of ten years from the commencement of the Constitution, for free and compulsory education for all children till they complete the age of fourteen years’. This article was sole contribution of Dr. Ambedkar, who long back on 12 March 1927, while speaking in the Bombay Legislative Council on the grants for education, he said, ‘The objective of primary education is to see that every child that enters the portal of a primary school does leave it only at a stage when it becomes literate and continues to be literate throughout the rest of his life’ (Moon, 2014a). In this context, the meaning of the ‘literate’ is obviously not limited to just recognition of words, and ability to sign and write one’s own name. Literacy, for Dr. Ambedkar, meant enlightenment and elimination of the ignorance from within a person. The government took almost fifty years to implement this provision when it passed the Right to Education Act (RTE) in 2009 and implemented it in 2010. This delay continued to benefit the descendants of beneficiaries of the British education-the elites and urban rich which constituted a small section of the society, but adversely affected the progress and prosperity of majority of population, and in turn development, progress and prosperity of nation. The reference has already been made to the contribution of education to the progress of Japan, elsewhere (Kale, 2018). It is one of the smallest countries having strong primary education system, which was nurtured way back in Meiji era (1868–1912), and has achieved high level of literacy even higher than Europe including Britain. The progress of elementary education in Japan occurred rapidly, mainly during 1906–11. Subsequently, it worked as the rock bed for secondary and higher education, which played vital role in rebuilding Japan after the Second World War. However, on the

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other hand, India received very small and weak education system from the British when they left in 1947. It did not expand by design. Consequently, the country could not progress rapidly and remained a ‘developing country’ due to lack of required human resource. Had we implemented the vision of Dr. Ambedkar, the primary education would not have been in the present crisis like situation, and our country would have, perhaps, been different!

Educational Interest of Downtrodden and Its Linkages with Progress of the Nation It was quite evident from the Compulsory Primary Education Act, 1923 (Bombay Act No. IV of 1923) that the British had decided to withdraw from the responsibility to provide education to the masses. The primary education had been under the control of Provincial Government. However, this Act shifted its control to the Local School Boards. This Act was detrimental to the educational interest of downtrodden. Therefore, Dr. Ambedkar was against the Act, and termed it as ‘a fraud on the untouchable castes’. According to him the transfer of education in the hands of local people belonging to the upper castes meant making the primary education non-accessible to the untouchables. The ‘locals’ as members of the education boards, and coming from among the ‘beneficiaries’ of the British, were not enlightened enough to understand the necessity of education for the untouchables. They were being the mental slaves of the religion, customs and traditions, never allowing the untouchables to learn. Even many educated and elected representatives, including some friends of Bal Gangadhar Tilak, opposed providing education to the untouchable children (Constable, 2000; Rao, 2016). Gokhale and Bhandarkar (1904), (Nanda, 1974) criticized these educated and elected nationalist representatives for opposing the admissions of untouchable children in regular schools. Thus, for access to education, the untouchables had some hope with British but none with upper-castes Hindus belonging to their own religion. Therefore, there was no other option for Dr. Ambedkar, but to oppose the compulsory Primary Education Act, 1923. He demanded to abolish the Act and transfer the primary education back to the School Boards under the Provincial Government to protect the interest of downtrodden. A detailed statement concerning the state of education of depressed classes in the Bombay Presidency, was submitted on behalf of Bahishkrit Hitkari Sabha, by Dr. Ambedkar on 29th May 1928 to the Indian Statutory Commission. It was evident that Dr. Ambedkar was not against the compulsory primary education but he wanted the shifting of its control to the Local School Board, for the reasons stated above. Dr. Ambedkar was deeply involved in the building of nation after independence. As mentioned earlier, he became member of the Constituent Assembly and subsequently the Chairman of its Drafting Committee. Dr. Ambedkar contested and elected from the constituency in East Bengal which went to Pakistan on partition of the country. As a result, he lost his seat in the Constituent Assembly. However, he

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was subsequently re-elected unopposed from the Bombay Province. There is no scope to discuss in this paper, how the same Party which, unsuccessfully, did everything to defeat Dr. Ambedkar in the East Bengal constituency, was compelled to get him elected unopposed from the Bombay Province. While shaping the future of the country, Dr. Ambedkar safeguarded the interests of Scheduled Castes and Tribes by making several provisions in the Constitution. Apart from providing the reservations in services, legislation and education, Article 46 was incorporated in the Constitution, which reads as: ‘the state is required ‘to protect with special care of educational and economic interest of weaker section of the people, and particular of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes and protect them from social and all forms of exploitation’. As mentioned earlier, Dr. Ambedkar was of the opinion that providing the education to masses particularly to Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes was the responsibility of the state, which is well reflected in the aforementioned Article. Had Dr. Ambedkar not been there in the Constitution Assembly, the structure and content of the Constitution of independent India would have possibly been very different. Certainly, the reservations for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes would not have found place therein. In the absence of constitutional safeguards, these castes and tribes would have been completely at the mercy of upper castes in the political, economic, social and religious spheres. Their humiliation, exploitation and suffering would have continued as before. Most importantly, education would have become very difficult to access, keeping them ignorant, and devoid of the voice to resent and revolt against suppressive and oppressive Brahminical society.

Tuition Fee in Education Dr. Ambedkar was against the high fees for education and criticized such practice. He considered charging the high fees as a business, and lamented the educational institutes running on commercial line. It is noteworthy that Dr. Ambedkar was not against the privatization of education but he opposed its commercialization. The high fees and commercialization make education non-accessible to the socially and economically backward castes. Such concerns raised by Dr. Ambedkar then were not addressed by the policy makers while formulating and implementing the education policies in independent India. Instead, as mentioned earlier, the state encouraged privatization of education which mainly caters to the educational needs of rich, upper castes and elite section of the society, who can pay very high fees charged by the private institutes. In addition, inadequate and delay in release of funds by the government, and the need for resources generation, consequent to new economic reforms ushered in 1991 has forced the state universities and aided colleges to introduce selffinancing courses to meet their expenses. The deteriorating quality of education and lack of funds have started to result in the closer of schools in public sector.

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Science and Technical Education The science and technology played vital role in human development. The countries which invested in science and technology progressed and flourished. Recently, Erik Brynjolfsson and Andrew McAfee (2014) have termed the present time as ‘the second machine age’ in their book with the same title wherein they described four phenomena which were taking place in unprecedented manner. First, the new technologies being developed in a geometrical proportion; second, rapid innovations being carried out in unprecedented manner; third, new gadgets being manufactured with combination of technologies; and fourth the disappearance of atoms and molecules, that is, digitization. It appeared that the future of the world would be determined by the advancement and creation of new scientific knowledge as well as their applications and development of new technologies in the changed time. In the historical past, some countries like Spain and Portugal became centres of economic power, which was probably the result of acquiring and mastering the knowledge of ship buildings, navigation, prediction of weather, water currents, reading and using the locations of the stars in the sky, development of geography and other allied sciences for sending out missions in the search of new lands of opportunities. This was evident from Columbus reaching America in1492, and about six years later, Vasco De Gamma reaching India in 1498. In the course of time, the Britain emerged as an economic power which could be attributed to the industrial revolution, an off shoot of development in science and technology. This change in the centre of economic power is referred as Mediterranean to Atlantic shift. Thereafter, another shift occurred, and the USA became number one economy as it invested in science and technology as well as attracted the talent from all over the world. In 1945, it controlled 70% gold and foreign exchange, 40% industrial output (learned from personal discussion with Prof. Chintamani Mahapatra). Thus, the country which remained ahead in this race of science and technology, also became and/or continued to be economic power. Dr. Ambedkar gave immense importance to the science and technology in the life of a country. It is reflected in his statement that he made while addressing the Technical Training Scheme Advisory Committee in Calcutta (now Kolkata) on 24th August 1944 in the capacity of Labour Minister—‘No plan for future development of the country can be deemed to be complete, which does not provide for technical and scientific training. This is an age of machine, and it is only those countries in which technical and scientific training has arisen to the highest pitch, that will survive in the struggle that will commence when the war is over, for maintaining the decent standard of living for their people’ (Moon, 2014b). It is significant that these views of Dr. Ambedkar were highlighted by the Government of India in its country paper entitled, ‘Higher Education in India’ presented in the UNESCO World Conference of Higher Education in the 21st Century, held from 5 to 9th October 1998, in Paris. It indicated that the thoughts of Dr. Ambedkar influenced, at some stage, education, as well as science and technology policy of India. It is also significant that the above observations of Dr. Ambedkar made during Second World War and those of Brinjolfsson and McAfee (2014) are complimentary. Most interestingly these

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authors and Dr. Ambedkar, are separated by more than 70 years in time, they used similar terms ‘machine age’ and ‘age of machine’ respectively and carried the same meaning and message. Even though the world changed with time due to advancement in science and technology, the thoughts of Dr. Ambedkar have remained relevant. Dr. Ambedkar was of the opinion that the countries would struggle for their survival in post war time. Therefore, for development of a nation technical and scientific training needed to be provided to generate the required human resource. It means being the age of machine, the world would be dominated by the presence of sophisticated scientific equipments and technological gadgets, resulting in improvement in the living standards and prosperity of people. The countries which could adopt to the new situation could also invest in science and technology, create the human resource, develop new technologies and emerge as self-sufficient. They would become economically strong, and they progressed and prospered. The war ended in 1945 and India became independent in 1947. To build the independent India in post war time, attempts were made to industrialize the country by importing the technologies. At the same time, the IITs, National Laboratories and other institutes were established to develop technologies indigenously and become self-sufficient. However, these institutions could not develop required technologies and make India self-sufficient. We still import around 50% technology and use it without any change, another 45% technology we import, and after making some cosmetic changes use it. Remaining five per cent only we develop, make or manufacture, and then use (Kulandai Swamy, 2005, refers to observation of Dr. P. Rama Rao). In the scientific research too, we remained far behind. Our contribution to world science in 2007 was 2.3% compared to USA 23.20, UK 30.00, and China 20.10%. The situation is continued to remain almost the same. Even now, when the pandemic is surging, India’s contribution to global research on COVID-19 is about 7%. The university campuses should be made main centres of scientific research activities. However, in course of time, we neglected universities by not providing the adequate and timely grants and allowed them, by default, to collapse and indirectly encouraged privatization of higher education. In the private sector no priority was accorded to the scientific research. As a result, we could not provide scientific and technical training to young minds to get the required human resource to remain competitive in this world of machine age. India is one of the poorest countries in terms of technical and scientific human resource. As regards Scientific Researchers per million population, Finland has 7681, Sweden 6139, Singapore 5713, USA 4651, Denmark 5277 and Japan 5546. In case of India, it is just 140 per million population (DST Report, 2007–2008). No significant improvement could be seen in this situation in last 10– 12 years. According to the World Intellectual Property Organization, Statistics on Patents, 42,281 Indians (8841 Residents and 33,450 Non-Residents) filed patents in 2011 compared to 5,26,412 by Chinese (4,15,829 Residents and 1,10,583 NonResidents). India awards only over twenty thousand Ph.D. degrees per year whereas China and the US award more than 40,000 and 60,000, respectively. Further, as per the UNCTAD, Technology and Innovation Report, India published 18,194 scientific research papers and China published 56,806 in 2007, which was almost three times more than India. From these facts, it appeared that in India Science and Technology

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has not progressed to extend it should have. Instead, some scientists and technocrats progressed, prospered and flourished. At the societal level, the benefit of scientific and technical education, like general education, remained confine to small and privileged section of the society (Kale, 2018). Thus, in the context of observations and suggestions of Dr. Ambedkar, our development plan is still not complete.

Dalits: Sciences and Technical Education On becoming a member of the Governor General’s Council, Dr. Ambedkar had written the memorandum in 1942, ‘on education and other grievances of Scheduled Castes’. Although, the progress was slow, the Scheduled Castes, at that time, were taking education almost exclusively in subjects of faculties like arts and law. However, education in the fields of arts and law was not very useful for the Scheduled Castes to get employment. The science, engineering, medical and other professional courses were beyond their reach. Poverty and caste were the main hurdles for them. The colleges were located in the big towns and cities. For the eligible students it was difficult to migrate, stay and maintain a living in the cities, apart from meeting other academic expenses. Further, the artificial caste barriers were also erected. For example, the knowledge of Sanskrit was one of the eligibility criteria for the admissions in Medical Colleges in the Madras Province, which was stricken off by the Justice Party on forming its government in 1920 (Veeramani, 2015). Was it impossible to study the medical course without Sanskrit? Was it not a design to shut the doors of Medical Colleges for ‘vast majority of population including those who belonged to the untouchable castes despite being talented and educationally accomplished’? The answers to both the questions are more than obvious. While on the one hand, Sanskrit was made and eligibility criteria for admission in medical colleges, on the other hand, the socially backward castes were not allowed to learn Sanskrit. Dr. Ambedkar himself could not take Sanskrit, instead he had to opt for Persian during his early education. It is quite interesting to note that in the Bombay Province and many other places, the higher castes, particularly Brahmins, protested against the establishment of Medical Colleges, considering it as anti-religion. However, later on, when they found that these institutions ensured a bright future, financial gain and social status, Brahmins joined the medical colleges in large numbers and shut the doors for the downtrodden (Kumar, 2016). It would be relevant to mention that the majority of Scheduled Caste students, even in the present days, ‘continued to go in for general education (83.1%) which is less expensive, less competitive and easy to access’ that too, in government or government aided colleges (Wankhade Govardhan, 2016).

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Dalits: Skill Development Dr. Ambedkar gave equal importance to the skill development. He firmly believed that the technical training enhances the employability and help in ‘raising the economic condition’ compared to ‘literary education’. He believed that without the technical training, economic conditions of the Scheduled Castes would not be improved Therefore in the Educational Grievances, submitted to the Governor General, Dr. Ambedkar suggested an easily implementable system of apprenticeship for the Scheduled Caste students in the public sector undertakings, run or controlled by the Government of India’ like railway workshops and Government Printing Press. On completion of the training in various occupations, they could be appointed in appropriate vocations. If implemented effectively, the apprenticeship scheme, according to Dr. Ambedkar, would revolutionize the economic condition and status of the Scheduled Castes. This idea of Dr. Ambedkar of skill development has great significance in the present days. India is facing acute shortage of tradesmen such as plumbers, electricians and carpenters and is more so in modern instrumentation and gadgets. As mentioned earlier, this is an era driven of smart gadgets, instruments and other heavy or light machines. In such changed circumstances, India does not enough skilled human resource to maintain such old and new gadgets, small or big. Recently, the ‘skill deficiency’ was estimated to be more than 220 million in 22 sectors. Several efforts are being taken to generate more than 550 million to meet the need. At present, the slogan ‘Skill India’ is heard every day, everywhere and National Skill Development Mission has been launched. However, the proportion of formally skilled workers in India is as low as 4.69% of total workforce, compared to 24% in China, 52% in the USA, 68% in the UK, 75% in Germany, 80% in Japan and 96% in South Korea.2 Therefore, much still needs to be achieved, as one could see more shadow than substance! In 1942, in his memorandum to the Governor General, Dr. Ambedkar highlighted the relative futility of education in the areas like arts and law mainly in terms of the redundancy of the course in ensuring employment for Scheduled Castes. He expressed his concern about non-accessibility of science and technical education to them. Probably, keeping this in mind he suggested to the University Reforms Committee (1924) to have the faculties of Engineering and Technology along with other subjects, in the Bombay University, ‘to make it as complete university’. In the then prevailing social climate and education system, Dr. Ambedkar saw no opportunities for the Scheduled Castes to access the science and technical education, without the support from the British government. Therefore, among other things, he pleaded therein with the British Government to provide the scholarships to the Scheduled Caste students to study these subjects in the country and abroad, otherwise the science and technical education would never become open to them. He appealed to make the 2

Rajesh Shukla, Megha Shree and P. Geetha Rani (2019) Explained: Gap between Skill India goals and current status https://www.financialexpress.com/opinion/skill-india-why-there-isa-gap-between-current-status-and-goals-explained/1520633/ Updated: March 19, 2019 7:14 AM Accessed on 26 June 2021.

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provision of an annual grant of Rs two lakh for scholarship for SC students to study the science and technical courses in India. In addition, he also asked to make provision for an annual grant of Rs one lakh for scholarship to SC students to go abroad to take the science and technical education in Europe and the USA. Dr. Ambedkar himself, as mentioned earlier, was a beneficiary of the scholarship which enabled him to go to the USA and then London for higher education. After completion he came back and changed the course of history. He acknowledged the potential of higher education and therefore argued for the provision of scholarships. He saw this necessary for ensuring access to education the students, and retaining them in the system enabling them to complete education successfully. He gave an example of the School of Mines, Dhanbad, to prove his point, where out of 97 students none was from the Scheduled Caste communities. The fees charged, was also very high, outside the economic propensity of the Scheduled Castes students. He demanded reservation in admissions and services. It may be mentioned that Dr. Ambedkar reminded the British, in his ‘Memorandum of Grievances’ of 1942, the section 150 (2) of the Government of India Act, under which the financial support could be given to Scheduled Castes for their ‘advanced education at home and abroad’. He further pleaded that apart from other institutions ‘outside the Centrally Administered Areas’, under the same Act Aligarh Muslim University and the Hindu University of Benaras were given Rs. 3 lakh per annum. According to him the grants made to these universities were really grant made to the Muslim and Hindu communities. He saw no reason why the central government should not provide similar grant of Rs. 3 lakh annually to promote higher education among the Scheduled Castes. As the British had often proclaimed to be fair in their duty to raise the status of the Scheduled Castes, he asked the government to make budgetary provision for their higher education. This memorandum of Dr. Ambedkar had a desired effect. For the first time 8.2% reservation in services was provided for the Scheduled Castes. Also, about 12 or 13 students, were sent abroad for the higher studies in the first batch.

Summary Dr. B. R. Ambedkar spent 40 out of 65 years of his life in education in various capacities. He was the most educated not only among his contemporaries, but even today. The passion for education landed him in the USA and the Britain. He received MA (1915) and Ph.D. (1927) from Columbia University, and M.Sc. (1920) and D.Sc. (1923) from the University of London (1923), and the Bar-at-Law from Gray’s Inn (1920). This educational journey abroad for Dr. Ambedkar, was thorny, painful and full of struggle. Maharaja Sayajirao Gaekwad awarded him the scholarship for the period of three years to study in the USA. With no saving or other source of income, he used to earn just enough to manage a daily two meals for the family of 10–12 members. Therefore, on request, Dr. Ambedkar was given three months scholarship in advance, out of which he kept some amount for the family members before leaving for the USA. Although, the scholarship amount was just enough to pay

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for the boarding and lodging, he continued to send some money home every month to support the family back in India. During the vacation time, occasionally did odd jobs, to lessen the financial burden. His desire to obtain doctoral degree in the economics from the University of London and also to study the law took him to London despite the financial crises. He wanted to practice law when he returned to India, so that he could pay back the scholarship amount he received. He reached England after receiving the MA degree and completing the mandatory requirements for Ph.D. at the Columbia University. He had just enough money to pay for the fare between New York and Liverpool. So, he travelled to London by train without ticket. Two days after reaching London, he received the information that he was granted extension of one year for the scholarship, by Maharaja Gaidwad. The extension to the second year was to be considered subsequently. Dr. Ambedkar joined the London School of Economics in October 1916 and Gray’s Inn in November the same year. But after a year, he returned to India because the scholarship was not extended. Bound by the scholarship clause, he joined the administration of Baroda State but has to soon leave and return to Bombay driven by social hostility, after an extremely short period of eleven days only. In the following three years, Dr. Ambedkar engaged with the upliftment through awakening and uniting Dalits to fight for justice. Later, with some savings, and financial assistance from Shahu Maharaj and loan from the friends, he began his journey to London to pursue his unfinished dream. During 1920 to 1923, he resumed his studies at London School of Economics and Gray’s Inn and was subsequently awarded M.Sc. (1921) and D.Sc. (1923) by the University of London, and Bar-at-Law in 1920 by the Gary’s Inn. Dr. Ambedkar returned to India and resumed his work in the upliftment of the underprivileged Dalits. He soon emerged as a strong and sincere leader of downtrodden, who fought in his entire life for their rights, particularly for education. He pursued the British and then the Government of India to make education accessible to downtrodden, provide scholarships to study, particularly, science and technology, both in India and abroad. He also emphasized for their skill development by imparting the technical training. As Chairman of the Drafting Committee, Dr. Ambedkar made several provisions in the Constitution of Independent India to protect the educational interest of underprivileged sections of the society like SC, ST and OBC, as it linked with that of the nation. Dr. Ambedkar strongly believed that education is needed to be evenly spread among all sections of society to make India prosperous and become a developed nation. He pleaded the British to make primary education free and compulsory to all the children of relevant age group and, made the provision for the same in the Constitution of Independent India. Dr. Ambedkar’s passion for education, overcoming the social deprivation and exemplary academic pursuits and accomplishments, have been and would be inspiring and guiding the generations to contribute to make Indian society inclusive, progressive and prosperous as envisioned in the preamble of our constitution. It was his passion which has enabled the underprivileged sections of society access an avail education and its resources.

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References Brynjolfsson, E., & McAfee, A. (2014). The second machine age: Work, progress, and prosperity in a time of brilliant technologies. WW Norton & Company. Constable, P. (2000). Sitting on the school verandah: The ideology and practice of ‘untouchable’ educational protest in late nineteenth-century western India. The Indian Economic & Social History Review, 37(4), 383–422. Jogdand, P. G., & Kamble, R. (2013). The Sociological traditions and their margins: The Bombay school of sociology and Dalits. Sociological Bulletin, 62(2), 324–345. Kale, R. (2018). Indian higher education: A perspective from the margin. Aakar Books. Kumar, V. (2016). How egalitarian is the Indian sociology. Economic and Political Weekly, 51(25), 33–39. Khairmode, C. B. (2002). Dr. Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar (Vol. 1, 5th edn., pp 72–92), (Marathi), Sugawa Prakashan. Kulandaiswamy, V. C. (2005). Reconstruction of higher education in Indian Universities (Vol. 43, No. 27, pp. 6–11 & 15). University New. Moon, V. (Ed.). (1993). Waiting for the visa. In Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and Speeches (Vol. 12, pp. 661–691, Part I), Bombay: Education Department, Government of Maharashtra. Moon, V. (2014a). Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and speeches (Edit), Reprinted and Published by Government of India (Vol. 2). Moon, V. (2014b). Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and speeches (Edit), Reprinted and Published Government of India (Vol. 10, pp. 181–187). Nanda, B. R. (1974). Gokhale, Gandhi and the Nehrus: Studies in Indian nationalism. George Allen and Unwin Limited. Uberoi, P., Sundar, N., & Deshpande, S. (2007). Anthropology in the East. Ranikhet: Permanent Black. Oommen, T. K., & Mukherji, P. N. (Eds.). (1986). Indian sociology: Reflections and introspections. Popular Prakashan. Tomer, R. S. (2015). Dr. Ambedkar as an educator: A study; M.Phil Dissertation (pp. 47). Submitted to the Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi. Veermani, K. (2015). Torchbearer of reform, The Hindu, Thursday, November 19, 2015, https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/columns/the-justice-party-torchbearer-of-reform/articl e7892747.ece Wankhade, G. (2016, February 6). Higher education and scheduled castes in Maharashtra. Economic & Political Weekly, 51(6), 12–15.

Chapter 9

Effect of Reservation Policy on Employment of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in Public Sector Mashkoor Ahmad

Abstract Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes (STs) have been the two most socially backward, excluded and economically disadvantaged social groups in India. They have suffered cultural and geographical isolation. Both SCs and STs have historically been denied their access to places of worship, decent employment, education, resources and various opportunities, thereby leading to their exclusion in many economic and social spheres of life. Thus, the Government of India, keeping in view the little access of SCs and STs to employment, education and politics, initiated reservation policy to ensure their representation in these sectors by allocating a fixed percentage of seats to ensure their representation. Besides, various concessions, scholarships, coaching centres, hostels and other schemes are also available to enhance their access to various opportunities so that their overall social and economic status can be improved. Thus, the present paper examines how reservation policy has helped SCs and STs to access the employment in public sector of the country. Keywords Caste · Reservation policy · Employment · Public sector

Introduction Being based on the principles of purity and pollution Indian caste system has historically stratified the Hindu society into different groups called castes which are marked with unequal social, economic and religious rights based on birth. This caste system has been the mechanism of social, economic, cultural and religious life of Hindu society since ages (Thorat, 2007; and Papola, 2012) and has led to social and economic inequalities characterised by social oppression and economic exploitation (Selvam, 2007) of the lower castes called the Scheduled Castes (SCs). Thus, the Scheduled Caste has been one of the most socially backward and excluded and economically poor communities in India. They were assigned dirty or menial occupations such as scavenging, disposing of garbage, skinning the animals and so on M. Ahmad (B) Aligarh Muslim University (AMU), Aligarh, India e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2022 R. K. Kale and S. S. Acharya (eds.), Mapping Identity-Induced Marginalisation in India, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-3128-4_9

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that made them untouchable, thereby denying their access to places of worships, common water resources as well as educational institutions, etc. Another social group called Scheduled Tribes (STs) has also been socioeconomically backward and excluded group in India. Their backwardness has been related to remote habitation, the geographical isolation and primitive way of life that has kept them away from the mainstreams in the country. Their backwardness is very much visible through their widespread illiteracy, poverty, unemployment, housing, malnutrition, infant mortality rate, etc. Thus, STs have suffered from isolation, exclusion, neglect and underdevelopment due to their geographical and cultural isolation. Their exclusion can take several forms, including the denial of right to resources around which they live and displacement induced by economic development (Thorat, 2005). Therefore, both SCs and STs have historically been denied their access to employment, education, resources and various opportunities, thereby leading to their exclusion in many economic and social spheres of life. Surprisingly, even after seven decades since Independence, they are still discriminated against in many aspects. In consequence to the discrimination and exclusion, both SCs and STs have remained one of the poorests, the least educated and backward social groups in the country. However, efforts were made to address the issues of SCs and STs. Mahatma Gandhi, Baba Saheb Ambedkar, Mahatma Jyotiba Phule, etc., struggled a lot for the cause of these communities. Thus, the Government of India, keeping in view the little access of SCs and STs to employment, education and politics, initiated reservation policy to ensure their representation in these sectors by allocating a fixed percentage of seats. Besides, various concessions, scholarships, coaching centres, hostels and other schemes are also available to enhance their access to various opportunities so that their overall social and economic status can be improved. Thus, the reservation, to a certain extent, has helped Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes to obtain jobs in public sector and education in the public institutions as well as their access to central and state legislative bodies. However, still their representation is not up to the mark in employment, especially in the top category of jobs, and thus, majority of SCs and STs remained concentrated in low categories of jobs. Further, it is to be noted that reservation’s benefits are limited to the government sector employment only while the private sector where more than 90% of Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe workforce is employed, remains without reservation and protection against caste discrimination. Moreover, in the country, the new economic reforms, which were aimed to encourage privatization and government’s reduced role in employment sector, have further narrowed and compressed the little space that the discriminated groups had gained till now (Jogdand, 2007; Thorat & Senapati, 2006; Thorat, 2004). In fact, reservation was thought to be one of the measures for bringing about national integration, social harmony and equated economic development in the country by uplifting those left behind (Rana, 2008). Apart from the benefits of the reservation to SCs and STs in getting employment, education, politics and other socio-economic opportunities, there are various other advantages of reservation policy that are of significant importance for the nation and the society as a whole. For instance, reservation can help in a diversified and integrated society at work places

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and educational institutions as well as in legislative bodies, etc., thereby leading to increased peace, harmony and interaction among communities. Reservation in employment can help in the reduction of poverty and inequalities, improved living standard as well as equal access to resources and other opportunities for the poor sections of the society. Besides, the reservation of the marginalized groups in the selection committees and boards of various departments can reduce the discrimination of SCs and STs as well as can stop unfair selection of higher caste candidates by higher caste officers.

Objectives of the Study This study has been designed to evaluate the effect of reservation policies on employment of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in public sector in India. The study especially aims to investigate the status of employment of SCs and STs vis-à-vis non-SC/STs in public sector comprising government jobs, public sector undertakings (PSUs) and the nationalized banks. Special attempts have been made to fulfil the following objectives: 1.

2. 3. 4.

To examine the level and trend of employment of SCs and STs vis-à-vis nonSC/STs in public sectors (government jobs, public sector undertakings and nationalized banks) in India. To show the representation of SCs and STs vis-à-vis non-SC/STs by category of jobs in public sectors. To find the annual growth rate of employment of SCs, STs vis-à-vis non-SC/STs in public sector. To analyse the effect of reservation policy on different categories of jobs in public sectors in India.

Database and Methodology To achieve the above-mentioned objectives regarding the level and status of employment of SCs and STs vis-à-vis non-SC/STs, data from multiple sources like annual reports of Ministry of Personnel, Public Grievances and Pensions; Public Enterprises Surveys, Ministry of Heavy Industries and Public Enterprises and Ministry of Finance has been employed to deal with various aspects of employment of SC and ST population. Besides, the data from other sources including Census of India has also been utilized in the present study. Simple statistical methods have been used to analyse the data. To ascertain the status of employment of SC/STs as well as non-SC/STs in public sector, analysis has been done to see the employment conditions in the central government services, public sector undertakings and nationalized banks. The value of employment for the category non-SC/STs has been calculated by subtracting

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SC and ST employment from the total employment. Decadal employment in absolute number as well as change in the percentage and growth rate of employment for Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and non-SC/STs has also been calculated. The share of Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes as well as non-SC/STs has been explored in various categories of jobs, namely group A, group B, group C and group D, in each type employment. Besides, annual growth rate has also been worked out for different types and categories of jobs.

Social Group-Wise Share in Reservation When direct recruitment is done, the reservation to SCs, STs as well as OBCs is provided in each group of posts in central government employment, public sector enterprises and public sector nationalized banks. In case of direct recruitment by open competition at the national level, the reservation to SCs, STs and OBCs is given at 15%, 7.5% and 27%, correspondingly. On the other hand, when all India basis recruitment is not done by open competition, the respective percentage of reservation for SCs, STs and OBCs is 16.66%, 7.5% and 25.84%. Apropos of direct recruitment in groups C and D posts which generally attracts local and regional candidates, the percentage of reservation of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes is fixed in proportion to their population in respective states or union territories, while reservation for OBCs in such cases is fixed keeping in view of their proportion in the population of the state or union territory and that it is not more than 27% and the total reservation for SCs, STs and OBCs does not exceed the limit of 50% vacancies (Annual Report, Ministry of Personnel, Public Grievances and Pensions, 2012–13). Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes can also enjoy a corresponding reservation of 15 and 7.5% in promotions by non-selection methods in all groups of services. When the promotion is made by selection method, Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes can avail reservation up to the lowest rung of group A and the quantum of reservation for them in such cases is the same as in the case of promotion by non-selection method. But they can not avail reservation in promotion to the grades of post or services in which the element of direct recruitment, if any, exceeds 75%. Besides, different kinds of relaxations and concessions are also provided to SCs and STs so that their share may be raised in government employment. The SCs and STs can also avail relaxation in the upper age limit and unlimited number of chances within the relaxed age limit ascertained for appearing in the competitive examinations. They are also exempted from payment of examination fee and the relation in the suitability. The SC/ST/OBC candidates appointed on their own merit are adjusted against unreserved vacancies (Annual Report, Ministry of Personnel, Public Grievances and Pensions, 2012–13).

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Effect of Reservation Policy Realizing the socio-economic backwardness, untouchability, discrimination, exclusion and atrocities on SCs and STs, efforts were made to address these issues as the country got independence in 1947. To eliminate the untouchability and discrimination of SCs and STs, the main hurdle was exclusion and the lack of interaction between these castes and other communities, because SCs and STs were having very little access to interact with the upper-caste people. Therefore, it was thought that reservation would help in the integration and inclusion of SC/STs with non-SC/ST communities. Besides, the reservation of seats as well as promotion in employment, admissions to government educational institutions and reservation in central, state and local legislative bodies would bridge the gap in the social and economic status of different communities in the country. Recently, various studies have established that reservation of SC and ST has brought considerable positive changes in their social and economic life though there is enough space for further improvement. Pais (2007), in his study, found that as a result of reservation in employment there has been social mobility which is evident in the amicable social relationship of the lower-caste people with upper-caste people in their residential neighbourhood and work places. However, caste-based relationships, indicating the social discrimination, have also been observed. Similarly, Borooah et al. (2007) have found that reservation has helped SCs and STs in raising their share in regular salaried employment, and on the other hand, Muslims face the discriminatory bias as they do not enjoy such reservation policies. Various studies have been conducted to see how reservation has helped the marginalized groups. Reservation is a national necessity, for ensuring equitable, and invincible development of the nation. It is an exonerating compensation of the past wrong done to these communities. It aims at putting them to a parity level (Rana, 2008). Reservation in employment has helped in the social mobility of SCs and STs through their individual mobility (Jogdand, 2007. Absorption of a large number of Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe people in the public employment has multiplying impact in the upward social mobility of the marginalized group. Reservation not only uplifts them educationally and economically but culturally as well, thereby leading to social equalities in the country (Rana, 2008). Overall, the reservation policies have effectively helped in access of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes to education and employment resulting in their individual and collective political empowerment (Haq, 2012). Thus, keeping in view the marginalization, socio-economic exclusion and discrimination of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, the government intervention in the form of reservation enables these communities to cross the barrier in their upward economic and social mobility, thereby leading to overall development. However, the benefits of the reservation could not reach all the people of such communities.

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Composition of Scheduled Caste Population in India According to Census of India 2011, the total Scheduled Caste population was 201.4 million which comprised 16.63% of the total population of India. The SC population was very unevenly distributed between the rural and urban areas of the country. Slightly, more than three-fourths of the total SC population was distributed in rural areas and only around one-fourth was living in urban areas. The share of Scheduled Castes population to the total population significantly varied across various states and union territories in the country. The largest percentage of SC population was found in Punjab (31.94%) and was followed by Himachal Pradesh (25.19%), West Bengal (23.51%) and Uttar Pradesh (20.70%). It is important to see that in 13 states and union territories, the percentage of SC population to total population of the state or union territories was above the national average of 16.63%. On the other hand, the lowest percentage of SC population to the total population was reported in northeastern part of the country that may be attributed to higher share of ST population in this region. Surprisingly, the share of SC population in Meghalaya and Mizoram was as low as 0.58% and 0.11%, respectively. Besides, the analysis of state-wise share in the total Scheduled Caste population of the country revealed that in as per Census of India 2011, Uttar Pradesh contributed to about one-fourth of the total SC population in India followed by West Bengal (10.66%), Bihar (8.23%), Tamil Nadu (7.17%), Andhra Pradesh (6.89%) and Maharashtra (6.59%). Thus, nearly 60% of the total SC population of India was concentrated in these six states. This shows that SC population was very unevenly distributed across various states in India. The share of Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, Karnataka, Punjab, Odisha, Haryana and Gujarat each varied between 2 and 6% in the total SC population of the country, and thus, these states collectively contributed to around 30% of India’s total SC population, while remaining 10% of SC population was distributed in other states and union territories. Thus, it demonstrates that the distribution of SC population was very uneven across various states and union territories in the country.

Composition of Scheduled Tribe Population in India According to Census of India 2011, the total population of Scheduled Tribes was 104.3 million which contributed to 8.61% of the total population of India (Table 9.1). Nearly, 90% of ST population concentrated in rural areas while only around onetenth was distributed in urban areas all over the country. Thus, in comparison with SC population, a major proportion of ST population concentrated in rural area of the country. A higher concentration of Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe population in rural areas of the country also indicates that they have low awareness and access to different socio-economic opportunities, thereby leading to their exclusion in the social, economic and political spheres. The percentage of ST population in

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Table 9.1 Trends of Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe population in India from 1961 to 2011 Census Year

Population in million

SC population

Percentage to total population

Total

SC

SC

ST

ST

1961

439.2

64.4

30.1

14.7

6.9

1971

547.9

80.0

38.0

14.6

6.9

1981a

665.3

104.8

51.6

15.7

7.8

1991b

838.6

138.2

67.8

16.5

8.1

2001c

1028.6

166.6

84.3

16.2

8.2

2011

1210.6

201.4

104.3

16.6

8.6

Note a Excluding Assam in 1981, b excluding Jammu and Kashmir in 1991 and c excluding the Mao Maram, Paomata and Purul sub-divisions of Senapati district in Manipur Source Calculations based on Census of India from 1961 to 2011

the total population varied significantly across the states and union territories. In 18 states and union territories, the proportion of Scheduled Tribe population was above the national average of 8.61%. In the north-eastern region, the percentage share of Scheduled Tribe population was very high in the total population of respective states. For example, in Mizoram, ST population constituted about 94% of the total population followed by Nagaland (86.48%), Meghalaya (86.15%), Arunachal Pradesh (68.79%) and Manipur (35.12%). Among the union territories, the highest percentage of ST population was found in Lakshadweep (94.80%) followed by Dadra and Nagar Haveli (51.95%). Besides, in Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, Odisha, Madhya Pradesh, Gujarat and Rajasthan also STs comprised a significant share in the total population of respective states. The ST population was very unevenly distributed among various states and UTs of India. For example, Madhya Pradesh and Maharashtra, respectively, comprised 14.69% and 10.08% of total ST population of India. Nearly, 9% of the India’s total ST population was found in Odisha followed by Rajasthan (8.86%) and Gujarat (8.55%). Thus, more than half of the total Scheduled Tribe population confined in the abovementioned five states, while slightly less than half of the total ST population was distributed among a large number of other states and union territories of the country. It is important to see that though in the north-eastern states the percentage of Scheduled Tribe population to the total population was very high, but their share in the total ST population was very low as they collectively contributed to about 10% of the total Scheduled Tribe population in the country.

Reservation of SCs and STs in Employment As discussed earlier, the constitution of India has ensured the reservation in the government services for the weaker section of the society such as SCs, STs, OBCs

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and persons with disability so that they can have their access to the employment in government sector so as to get a gainful, dignified and decent livelihood. The provision of such reservation has been made to increasing the representations of these communities in government services as well as other public opportunities from which they have historically been excluded. However, how successful has been the impact of reservation policy to enhance the representation of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in public sector employment has been discussed below.

Representation of SCs and STs in Central Government Jobs The share of SCs and STs was very low till India got independence because government employment was almost dominated by the higher caste Hindus. Thus, SCs and STs remained excluded from the government employment, especially in the higher categories of jobs. So, seeing the miserable conditions of SCs and STs in the government employment, the Government of India intervened and ensured the legitimate participation of SCs and STs in the government services and other opportunities in the public sector. To achieve this objective, there was need for protective discrimination of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. And, today, we have the government policies ensuring it (Khan, 1994). Thus, the reservation policy’s implementation has helped SCs as well as STs to have their access to the government jobs; otherwise, their representation would have been much lower due to discrimination against them. As per the available data as on first January 2011, in 71 out of 73 ministries/departments, the representation of SCs and STs in the government jobs (including Safai Karmacharis) stood at 17.21% and 7.38%, correspondingly, while the share of non-SC/STs was reported to be about 75.41% (Annual Report of Ministry of Personnel, Public Grievances and Pensions, GoI, New Delhi, 2012–2013). Table 9.2 demonstrates the representation of various social groups in the central government employment from 1960 to 2010. From the table, it is clear that the share of SCs in the government employment was 12.24% in 1960 which increased to 15.67% in 1980 and further increased to 16.05% in 2000. The share of SCs was found to be 16.36% in 2010. Similarly, the share of STs increased from about 2% in 1960 to nearly 4% in 1980 and subsequently increased to 6.23% and 7.19% in 2000 and 2010, respectively, while the percentage share of non-SC/STs has declined over the year since the reservation policy was implemented in the central government employment. As evident from the table, the percentage of non-SC/STs reduced from 85.74% in 1960 to 80.34% in 1980 and subsequently declined to 76.45% in 2010. Thus, the present analysis illustrates a positive outcome of reservation policy. It is hoped that such policies will help SCs and STs to further improve their socio-economic conditions if implemented properly. Though, presently, the share of SCs is slightly above and that of STs is slightly below the stipulated quotas in the central government employment. However, in order to have proper understanding of reservation policy, it is imperative to see the share of SCs and STs in higher group jobs which has been discussed in the subsequent sections.

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Table 9.2 Central government employment by social group (in%), 1960–2010 Year as on January 1

SC

ST

Non-SC/ST

Total

1960

12.24

2.02

85.74

100

1969

15.24

2.98

81.79

100

1970

11.66

2.41

85.93

100

1979

15.12

3.89

80.99

100

1980

15.67

3.99

80.34

100

1989

16.41

5.03

78.56

100

1990

16.97

5.33

77.70

100

1999

16.70

6.17

77.13

100

2000

16.05

6.23

77.72

100

2009

16.53

6.96

76.51

100

2010

16.36

7.19

76.45

100

Source Calculations based on Annual Reports of Various Years, Ministry of Personnel, Public Grievances and Pensions, Government of India, New Delhi Note In 2009, 16 ministries/departments, and in 2010, 6 ministries/departments could provide information about employment as on first January, 2008

The decadal annual growth rate of employment in central government for SCs, STs and non-SC/STs has been exhibited in Fig. 9.1. It is seen from the figure that for SCs the annual growth rate during 1960–69 was found to be 5.18% which slightly increased to become 5.40% during 1970–79. In the subsequent decades the growth rate for SCs declined very sharply as it was registered only 0.03% during 1990–1999, while during 2000–09, the value of growth rate for SCs was recorded in negative (−2.10%). Similarly, the growth rate for STs increased from 7.17% during 1960– 69 to 7.99% during 1970–79 but declined to 1.86% during 1990–99 and further

Fig. 9.1 Annual growth rate in central government jobs by social groups in India, 1960–2009. Source As in Table 9.2

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declined to −1.21% during 2000–09. On the other hand, during 1960–69, for nonSC/STs, the annual growth rate was recorded only 2.11% which slowly declined in the subsequent decades, and during 2000–09, they registered the lowest annual growth rate (−2.59%) among all the social groups.

Job Category-Wise Share of Social Groups in Central Government Employment The above analysis shows that in consequence to reservation policy SCs have been able to achieve the employment in government services slightly above their stipulated quotas while the representation of STs is still slightly below their stipulated quotas in 2010. But it should be noted that government employment is not a homogenous category; rather, it is classified in different categories of jobs: A, B, C and D categories. A and B job categories are regarded as high categories of jobs, while C and D job categories are considered as low categories with low pay and low dignity. Here, an emphasis has been given to investigate representation of SCs and STs in different categories of jobs in relation to non-SC/STs. Table 9.3 exhibits the job category-wise percentage of SCs and STs as well as non-SC/STs in central government employment from 1965 to 2010. Table 9.3 demonstrates that in 1961 the share of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in group A jobs was as low as 1.64% and 0.27%, respectively. Such a low proportion of these social groups in the highest category of jobs clearly reveals their exclusion and discrimination in higher level jobs. Thus, almost all the A category of jobs were hold by higher caste people. However, in the subsequent period the share of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes increased slowly. In 1981, the corresponding share of SCs and STs was recorded as 5.56% and 1.12%. The share of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes further rose to 11.60% and 4.50%, respectively, in 2010, but still, it is below their stipulated, while the share of non-SC/STs was 98.09% in 1965 which reduced to 83.90% in 2010. Thus, it indicates that in spite of the reservation policy SCs and STs are still unable to have their access to group A jobs in proportion to their reservation, therefore, this category of jobs is still dominated by non-SC/STs. Therefore, special efforts should be made to properly implement the reservation policy in the group A jobs so that SCs and STs can have their share in group A jobs. Likewise, in group B jobs too, the share of SCs and STs in 1965 was very low tuning at 2.82% and 0.34%, respectively, and on the other hand, non-SC/STs captured 96.84% of the jobs. Thus, like group A jobs, SCs and STs remained excluded in group B jobs too. Subsequently, the share of both SCs and STs increased slowly to become 15.27% and 5.72%, respectively, in 2010. Thus, in the group A jobs, the share of SCs reached around their stipulated quotas, while the share of STs again is much below their stipulated quota of 7.5%.

1.12

2.53

5.46

1981

4.50

11.60

2010

88.37

83.90

85.00

100

100

100

100

100

100

2.82

15.27

12.82

11.82

8.42

4.06

0.34

5.72

3.70

2.35

1.31

0.43

79.01

83.48

85.83

90.28

95.51

96.84

Non-SC/ST

100

100

100

100

100

100

Total 8.88

15.95

16.25

15.65

12.95

9.59

7.43

6.46

4.98

3.16

1.67

1.14

ST

Group C SC

76.62

77.29

79.36

83.9

88.74

89.0.98

Non-SC/ST

100

100

100

100

100

100

Total

17.75

18.59

17.89

21.24

19.35

18.37

7.17

6.81

6.82

5.07

3.65

3.39

ST

Group D SC

Source Annual Reports of Various Years, Ministry of Personnel, Public Grievances and Pensions, Government of India, New Delhi

3.58

9.09

11.42

1991

2001

93.42

97.01

98.09

0.27

0.41

1.64

2.58

1965

ST

Group B SC

Total

ST

Non-SC/ST

Group A

SC

1971

Year

Table 9.3 Job category-wise distribution of employment in central government services by social groups in India (In%), 1960–2010

74.24

75.3

71.94

75.57

77.98

78.86

Non-SC/ST

100

100

100

100

100

100

Total

9 Effect of Reservation Policy on Employment of Scheduled Castes … 165

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M. Ahmad

In group C categories of jobs too which are considered as low categories of jobs with low pay, the corresponding share of SCs and STs was only 8.88% and 1.14% in 1965 which increased to 15.95% and 7.43%, respectively, in 2010. Thus, share of SCs in group C groups in slightly above and that of STs slightly below their stipulated quotas. The group D jobs are considered as the lowest categories of jobs among all the categories of jobs, and in 1965, in this category, the share of SCs was 17.75%; however, still in this category of jobs too, the share of STs was only 3.61%. In 2010, the share of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes increased 18.59% and 7.17%, respectively, while the percentage of non-SC/STs slightly declined from 78.86% in 1965 to 74.24% in 2010. Thus, the above analysis clearly indicates that in India before the implementation of reservation policy all the categories of jobs in central government employment were mainly dominated by non-SC/STs population. Only in group D jobs which are considered as the lowest category of jobs, the share of Scheduled Castes was slightly more than their proportion in total population. In group A and group B jobs, almost all the jobs were under the control of non-SC/STs. After implementation of reservation policy in central government employment, the share of SCs and STs increased slowly. However, still in group A jobs which are considered as the highest category of jobs in central government employment, the share of both Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes is significantly lower than their assigned quotas. The share of SCs in all categories of jobs except group A jobs was slightly above, while share of STs remained below their stipulated quotas in all the categories of jobs.

Reservation in Public Sector Enterprises In India, the government owned corporations are called as public sector undertakings (PSUs), and these are mainly controlled and managed by central, state or local government. The PSUs comprised of Public Sector Enterprises (PSEs) and Public Sector Banks (PSBs). This section focuses on the representation of various social groups in the PSEs. It is to be noted that the numbers of jobs in PSEs has declined after 1999. In the absence of reservation quota in the private sector, this may seriously affect the access SCs and STs to job opportunities in the country.

Employment Composition by Social Groups in PSEs, 1971–2013 Table 9.4 represents the share of different social groups in employment in PSEs. The data reveals that in the PSEs corresponding share of Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe employees was only 7.42 and 2.25% in 1971 while non-SC/STs hold about 90% of the total jobs. However, after the implementation of reservation policy, share of

9 Effect of Reservation Policy on Employment of Scheduled Castes …

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Table 9.4 Share of employment by social group in public sector enterprises in India (In%), 1971– 2013 Year as on January 1

Social Group SC

ST

Non-SC/ST

Total

1971

7.42

2.25

90.33

100

1979

16.90

7.66

75.44

100

1980

17.44

7.60

74.96

100

1989

19.51

9.78

70.71

100

1990

19.58

9.88

70.54

100

1999

17.45

7.91

74.65

100

2000

18.00

8.09

73.91

100

2009

18.61

8.28

73.11

100

2010

18.09

7.43

74.47

100

2013

18.19

10.24

71.57

100

Source Calculations based on Annual Report, Volume 1, Public Enterprises Survey, Ministry of Heavy Industries and Public Enterprises, 1978–1979, 1988–1989, 1989–1990, 1990–1991, 1991– 1993, 2000–2001 to 2013–14

both SCs and STs rapidly increased. The respective share of SCs and STs was found to be 16.90% and 7.66% in 1979 which increased to 19.58% and 9.88% correspondingly in 1990. The percentage share of both Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes kept on fluctuating in subsequent years and was found to be 18.19% and 10.24, respectively, in 2013, while the share of non-SC/STs declined to 71.57% in 2013 from 90.33% in 1971. Besides, from time to time, special recruitment drives have been attempted to fill up the backlog vacancies reserved for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes through direct recruitment and also through promotion. These can be observed in the slight increase in percentage share of SC and ST employees in the respective years. Thus, the overall representation of both SCs and STs improved over the year, a further detailed analysis into group-wise share of SCs and STs would reveal whether this improvement is taking place in an equitable manner across all the categories of jobs. This analysis has been made in the subsequent sections. Various studies have discussed the dismal status of SCs and STs in government employment till late 1970s. Ramaswamy (1974) in his study has found that even in urban areas the reservation is not properly implemented as a few of the reserved seats have been filled. Similarly, in most of PSE Board of Directors, there was no SC and ST member. Also, there is no reservation policy for Board of Directors members (Asian Centre for Human Rights, 2013). Thorat and Senapati (2007) in their study have discussed that though the reservation has been beneficial for SCs and STs in improving their access to government jobs, but the higher echelons are still out of reach for these communities. The decadal annual growth rate of employment for various social groups in the PSEs can be analysed from Fig. 9.2. It seen that during 1971–79, the annual growth rate was found 28.41%, 35.03% for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes

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Fig. 9.2 Annual growth rate of employment by social groups in PSEs in India, 1971–2013. Source As in Table 9.4

in comparison with only 13.27% for non-SC/STs, respectively. However, the growth rate declined very sharply in the subsequent decade for SCs, STs as well as nonSC/STs. The corresponding annual growth rate of Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe employment was recorded as 3.27% and 4.88% as compared to 1.33% for nonSC/STs. During the subsequent decades, the annual growth rate became negative for all the social groups, and during 2010–13, the annual growth rate for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes was found to be −12.59%, −2.91%, respectively, while the growth rate stood at −13.91% for non-SC/STs.

Composition of Employment by Categories of Jobs in PSEs As discussed earlier, in the PSEs though as a whole the share of SC and ST communities is higher than the stipulated reservation quota, however, further analysis revealed that the distribution across the four categories of jobs is skewed. The present section deals with composition of employment across different categories of jobs. Table 9.5 illustrates the composition of employment in different category of jobs in PSEs. Table 9.5 shows that in group A jobs of PSEs in 1971 the percentage share of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes was as low as 0.52% and 0.17%, respectively. Thus, the combined share of both Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes was less than 1%; on contrary, non-SC/STs were having their control over 99% of the group A jobs in PSEs. Such a low share of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in higher category of jobs clearly indicates their exclusion and discrimination due to lack of any reservation. However, after implementation of reservation policy in PSEs, the share of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes increased slowly over the period of time. In 1981, percentage share of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes grew to 3.18% and 0.69%, respectively, which further increased to 10.76% and 3.03% correspondingly in 2001.

99.31

79.90

80.12

86.20

92.05

96.13

100

100

100

100

100

100

1.54

14.59

14.90

11.52

9.05

6.12

0.16

7.80

6.47

4.61

2.53

1.52

77.61

78.64

83.87

88.42

92.36

98.30

Non-SC/ST

100

100

100

100

100

100

Total 5.49

19.71

19.18

18.94

19.20

18.15

10.77

8.76

8.81

9.02

7.92

1.29

ST

Group C SC

69.52

72.06

72.25

71.78

73.94

93.22

Non-SC/ST

100

100

100

100

100

100

Total

15.96

20.40

20.35

22.89

30.79

20.89

15.20

11.81

11.28

19.73

11.29

5.94

ST

Group D SC

64.40

67.84

65.83

49.48

67.82

78.09

Non-SC/ST

100

100

100

100

100

100

Total

Source Public Enterprises Survey, Annual Report, Volume 1, Ministry of Heavy Industries and Public Enterprises, 1978–1979, 1988–1989, 1989–1990, 1990–1991, 1991–1993, 2000–2001 to 2013–14

5.48

14.63

2013

3.03

5.35

10.76

14.53

1.55

2001

6.41

1991

0.17

0.69

2011

0.52

3.18

1971

ST

Group B

Total

SC

Non-SC/ST

SC

ST

Group A

1981

Year

Table 9.5 Percentage share of social groups job category-wise in public sector enterprises in India (excluding sweepers), 1971–2013

9 Effect of Reservation Policy on Employment of Scheduled Castes … 169

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The share of both Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes further grew to 14.63% and 5.48%, respectively, in 2013. However, still in group A jobs of PSEs the share of both SCs and STs is below the prescribed quotas, though as whole their share is above the stipulated quotas in PSEs. On the other hand, the share of non-SC/STs reduced to 79.90% in 2013 from 99.31% 1971. Likewise, the share of both Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in group B jobs also was very low which kept on increasing slowly over the year. In 2013, the share of SCs with 1.59% share was slightly below their stipulated quota and that of STs with 7.80% share was slightly above their assigned quotas. Thus, before the reservation policy, the share of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in both group A and group B jobs stood at very low indicating their exclusion and discrimination in high salaried and dignified jobs. Even in group C jobs, the representation of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes was only 5.49% and 1.29%, respectively. The representation of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in group C jobs increased rapidly and became 18.15% and 7.92%, respectively 1981. In 2013, the respective share of SCs and STs increased to 19.71% 10.77% in group C jobs. However, in the PSEs, the group D jobs being lowest grade jobs comprised relatively higher representation of both Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. In 1971, in group D jobs, the share of SCs with 15.96% was slightly above and that of STs with 5.94% was below their stipulated quotas. In this group of jobs, the share of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes kept on fluctuating over the years and was found to be 20.40% and 15.20%, respectively, in 2013.

Representation in Public Sector Banks The reservation policy for SCs and STs in jobs of public sector banks was implemented in 1969. In public sector banks, the reservation quota for SCs and STs is subject to applicable in 19 nationalized banks (Annual Report, Ministry of Finance, GoI, 2004–2005). Initially, reservation for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes was applicable through the direct recruitment only, and later on, the Department of Banking (now Banking Division of the Department of Economic Affairs) on 3112-1977 instructed all the nationalized and public sector banks to apply reservation orders to promotion posts also. In 2010, a Madras High Court judgement instructed all public sector banks to apply the reservation rule at all Officers’ levels from scale I to scale VII (The Economic Times, 2010). In India, the public sector banks comprise the State Bank of India along with its associate banks, Reserve Bank of India, Industrial Investment Bank of India for Agriculture and Rural Development, Export Import Bank of India, Industrial Development Bank of India as well as National Housing Bank and Small Industries Development Bank of India.

9 Effect of Reservation Policy on Employment of Scheduled Castes …

171

Table 9.6 Employment share of social groups in public sector banks in India (In%), 1978–2011 Year

SC

ST

Non-SC/ST

Total

1978

10.19

1.56

88.25

100

1980

11.61

2.05

86.34

100

1988

13.80

3.62

82.58

100

1990

14.39

4.23

81.37

100

1999

15.15

4.90

79.95

100

2000

16.12

4.91

78.97

100

2009

18.73

5.82

75.45

100

2010

18.17

6.66

75.17

100

2011

17.98

6.97

75.05

100

Source Calculations based on Annual Report, Ministry of Finance, Government of India, 1978 to 2011–12

Employment Composition in Public Sector Banks Table 9.6 illustrates share of SCs, STs and non-SC/STs in public sector banks from 1978 to 2011. The data shows that in 1978 the share of Scheduled Castes stood at 10.19%, while the share of Scheduled Tribes was only 1.56%, much below their respective share in the country’s total population. In 2000, in public sector banks, the respective share of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes increased to become 16.12% and 4.91%. In 2011, the share of SCs with 17.98% was above the stipulated quotas while the share of STs with 6.97% was still below their assigned quotas. Thus, the trend of data indicates that in public sector banks in consequence to implementation of reservation policy the share of SCs and STs increased over the year while that of non-SC/STs declined from 88.25% in 1978 to 75.05% in 2011.

Job Category-Wise Share of Social Groups in Public Sector Banks (1978–2011) In public sector banks, the jobs have been divided into three categories, viz. officers, clerks and sub-staffs. The officer-level jobs are considered as higher category of jobs followed by clerks and sub-staff. The data indicates that the share of SCs and STs was very low, especially at officer and clerk level, however, has been increasing over the year. Mankidy (1976) has pointed out that most of Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe employees were mainly concentrated in the lowest category of jobs of public sector banks due to the inability of SC/ST candidates to perform well in the qualifying examination for clerical and officer level which was further associated with their deprived background. Therefore, committee on the welfare of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (2010–11) in response to the grim situation whereby

6.59

17.19

2011*

4.31

9.56

13.04

1991

2001

0.17

97.79

76.22

82.65

87.45

95.25

100

100

100

100

100

10.32

-

15.17

14.19

12.57

-

4.81

4.50

2.38

1.82

ST

-

80.02

81.31

85.05

87.86

Non-SC/ST

100

100

100

100

100

Total

Sub-staffs

18.84

24.80

21.83

17.57

16.25

SC

7.38

6.43

5.74

3.55

2.09

ST

73.78

68.77

72.43

78.89

81.67

Non-SC/ST

100

100

100

100

100

Total

data for officers and clerks for 2010 and 2011 Source Computed from Annual Reports, Ministry of Finance, GoI, 1978 to 2011–12 Note The figures are for reference dates, 31 December till 1988 and for January 1 from 1990 as given in the Annual Report, Ministry of Finance, Government of India

3.00

0.88

2.04

3.87

1978

* Combined

Total

Clerks

Non-SC/ST

SC

ST

Officers

SC

1981

Year

Table 9.7 Job category-wise distribution of employment in public sector banks by social groups in India (In%), 1978–2011

172 M. Ahmad

9 Effect of Reservation Policy on Employment of Scheduled Castes …

173

the Board of Directors in Punjab and Sind Bank, a public sector bank, did not have any SC/ST member, recommended that the government should provide reservation on appointment and promotion of officers in higher scales so that SC/ST officers may also get an opportunity to become functional directors of the banks. Considering the present status first, in 2011, SCs and STs constituted 17.19% and 6.59% of total officers and clerks (combined data) and 18.64% and 7.38%, respectively, of total sub-staff. The data revealed that the highest concentration of SC and ST employees was recorded in the sub-staffs followed by the clerks while in the officer’s category their representation was the lowest. It is important to see that the representation of STs is still slightly below their stipulated quotas in the public sectors banks. Within each category (officers, clerks and sub-staffs), non-SC/STs represented a higher share in officers and clerks (76.22%) compared to their share in sub-staff (73.78%). The share of non-SC/STs has declined in each category of jobs. In 1978, the percentage share of Scheduled Castes was 2.04% while that of Scheduled Tribes was just 0.17% indicating their exclusion in the officer grade jobs in the public sector banks. In 2001, the percentage share of Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe employees was found to be 13.04% and 4.31%, respectively. In 2009, the share of SCs in the officer category with 16.62% increased above the stipulated reservation share of 15% while the share for STs (5.91%) still lagged behind. In 2011, the percentage share of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in officers and clerk grads jobs (combined) increased to 17.19% and 6.59%, respectively. At the clerk category of jobs too, both SCs and STs were under represented as evident from the data that in 1978 SCs constituted 10.32% and STs comprised just 1.82% of all the jobs in clerk grade. In 1991, the representation of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes grew to 14.19% and 4.50%, respectively, and their corresponding share further increased to 15.17% and 4.81% 2001. In 2009, the share of SCs share was found to be 17.03% and that of STs 5.14%, while share of nonSC/STs declined to 77.83% in 2009 from 87.86% in 1978. Thus, in clerk grade jobs also, the share of STs remained much below their stipulated quotas while that of SCs was slightly above their assigned quotas. In public sector banks, the sub-staff grade jobs are considered to be the lowest category of jobs. These jobs being the low-paying jobs comprised a relatively higher share of SCs (16.25%), but still in these jobs, the share of STs was as low as 2.09% in 1978. In the subsequent years, the percentage of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes grew further, and in 2001, their respective share was found to be 24.80% and 6.43%. However, in 2011, the share of SCs declined to 18.84% and that of STs increased to 7.38%. Thus, in this category of jobs too, STs could not touch their assigned quotas while the share of SCs was found to be above their stipulated share in public sector banks. On the contrary, share of non-SC/STs has decreased to 73.78% in 2011 from 81.67% in 1978 (Table 9.7).

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Conclusion The above analysis of data of various categories of public sector employment indicates that in India the share of SCs and STs has increased with varying degree after the implementation of reservation policy. As far as the central government employment is concerned, the share of both SCs and STs increased slowly over the year. In central government jobs, the share of Scheduled Castes was recorded to be above the assigned quotas while in case of STs though considerable improvement has been found but still their representation is below their stipulated quotas. Furthermore, it is important to see that the central government employment is not homogenous; rather, it consists of different categories of jobs, viz. group A, group B, group C and group D. Group A jobs are the higher ranking jobs, while group D are the lowest ranking jobs in the hierarchy of central government jobs. It is interesting to know that the share of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes was reported to be very low in higher ranking jobs, i.e. group A as well as group B jobs, before the implementation of reservation policy. Therefore, most of Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe employees were confined in lower categories of jobs, especially group D jobs. But it is very depressing to see that the representation of both SCs is still considerably below their stipulated quotas in group A jobs in central government services. Likewise, though the representation of STs has improved in each category of jobs of central government services, yet they are underrepresentation in each category of job of central government services. The underrepresentation of Scheduled Tribe in both higher categories of jobs, i.e. group A and group B, is very unacceptable and thus needs special attention so as to increase their share in higher ranking jobs. Apropos the representation of various social groups in PSEs, the analysis revealed that though in the total employment the representation of both Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribe is well above the stipulated reservation quota, yet, their share in group A services is still lower than the reservation quota, and moreover, in group B jobs also, the share of Scheduled Castes could not reach the prescribed quotas which indicates that they are still not adequately represented in the higher categories of jobs in PSEs. However, in group C and group D jobs which are regarded as the lower categories of jobs, the representation of both Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes was fairly above the prescribed reservation. In public sector banks and financial institutions, the share of SCs, STs and nonSC/STs has witnessed considerable changes during the last three decades. However, the number of Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe employees has registered much faster growth as compared to non-SC/ST and the share of SCs is a little above while the share of STs still remains below their respective stipulated reservation. At the beginning of the study period, the composition of the higher echelons of public sector bank employment; i.e. group A was heavily skewed towards non-SC/STs. Due to the benefits of reservation policy, the scenario has improved over the years in favour of SCs and STs. As discussed earlier, in public sector banks, there are three categories of jobs, namely officers, clerks and sub-staff. The share of SCs among officers and clerks (combined data) was above while that of STs still remained below

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their stipulated shares. At the sub-staff level too, the share of SCs was above but that of STs was found to be slightly below their assigned quotas. It is, thereby, necessary to increase the share of Scheduled Tribe in public sector banks so that they can have their access to employment opportunities in proportion to their reservation. To conclude, the reservation policy has been very significant in the inclusion of marginalized SC and ST communities in the government employment in which they largely remained excluded, especially in the higher categories of jobs. However, still in some of the higher categories of jobs, the representation of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribe is below their stipulated quotas. It is, therefore, necessary to properly implement the reservation policy in all the categories of employment. The access of SCs and STs to higher category of jobs in government employment may help to achieve higher social and economic status of these communities. At the same time, the inclusion of SCs and STs in all categories of jobs will lead to social diversity at work places.

References Annual Report. (1994–1995). National Commission of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. Asian Centre for Human Rights. (2013). India’s unfinished agenda for inclusion: A study on denial of reservation to the tribals in the government services and posts. New Delhi. Borooah, V. K., et al. (2007). The effectiveness of jobs reservation: Caste, religion and economic status in India. Development and Change, 38(3), 423–445. Brochure on Reservation of SC, ST and OBC in Services. (2011). Available at http://persmin.gov. in/DOPT/Brochure_Reservation_SCSTBackward/Ch-01_2014.pdf Haq, R. (2012). The managing diversity mindset in public versus private organizations in India. The International Journal of Human Resource Management, 23(5), 892–914. India Today. (2009, January 29). Downloaded from http://indiatoday.intoday.in/story/Arjun+Singh+ retreats+on+IIT+faculty+quotas/1/26614.html Indian Express. (2013, December 22). Downloaded from http://archive.indianexpress.com/news/ ncsc-seeks-bbau-reply-on--harassment--of-sc-teacher/1210437/ Jogdand, P. G. (2007). Reservation policy and empowerment of Dalits. In S. M. Michael (Ed.), Dalits in Modern India: Vision and Values (pp. 315–335). Sage Publications, New Delhi. Khan, M. A. (1994). Reservation for Scheduled Caste: Gaps between Policy and Implementation. Uppal Publishing House. Mankidy, A. (1976). Scheduled caste entrants into banking industry. Economic and Political Weekly, 11(9), M11–M16. Pais, R. (2007). Scheduled caste, employment and social mobility. In S. M. Michael (Ed.), Dalits in Modern India: Vision and Values, Sage Publication, New Delhi. Papola, T. S. (2012). Social exclusion and discrimination in the labour market, ISID Working Paper 2012/04, Institute for Studies in Industrial Development, New Delhi. Ramaswamy, U. (1974, July). Scheduled caste in Andhra: Some aspects of social change. Economic and Political Weekly, 9(29), 1153–1158. Rana, M. S. (2008). Reservation in India: Myths and Realities. Concept Publishing Company. Selvam, S. (2007). Sociology of India and Hinduism: Towards a method. In S. M. Michael (Ed.), Dalits in Modern India: Vision and Values (pp. 181–203). Sage Publications, New Delhi. The Economic Times. (2010, March 12). http://articles.economictimes.indiatimes.com/2010-0312/news/27627603_1_public-sector-banks-psbs-psu-banks

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Thorat, S. K. (2004). On reservation policy for private sector. Economic and Political Weekly, 39(25), 2560–2563. Thorat, S. K. (2005). Affirmative action, India, Policy Brief 14, Inter-Regional Inequality Facility, ODI, London. Thorat S. K., & Senapati C. (2006). Reservation policy in India: Dimensions and issues. In IIDS Working Paper Series (Vol. I, No. 2). Thorat, S. K., & Senapati, C. (2007). Reservation in employment, education and legislature-status and emerging issues. In IIDS Working Paper Series (Vol. II, No. 05). Thorat, S. K. (2007). Ambedkar’s Interpretation of caste system, its economic consequences and suggested remedies. In S. M. Michael (Ed.), Dalits in Modern India: Vision and Values (pp. 287– 301). Sage Publications, New Delhi.

Chapter 10

Citizenship, Chronic Poverty and Exclusion of De-notified Communities—A Case Study of Kalbeliya of Rajasthan Navin Narayan Abstract This article is an attempt to understand the issue of citizenship rights, poverty and exclusion among the de-notified communities of India. The paper traces the genesis of their citizenship-identity and classification, poverty-exclusion and deprivation in British Raj, during independence and thereafter. Presently, more than 150 million invisible people are living in across the country approximately in numbers of 1500 communities probably identified as nomadic and semi-nomadic tribes with 198 listed as de-notified tribes. Kalbeliya is one such de-notified community lives in Rajasthan and popularly known as ‘Jogi’. They are one of the most neglected and discriminated community among the Scheduled Caste communities of Rajasthan. Historically, they are snake charmers and earn their livelihood by performing the snake show and dance. Their women folk do dance in black outfit as similar body movement as snake. The name Kalbeliya is derived from their association of snake, a symbol of death ‘Kaal’. Their dance is enlisted as heritage by UNESCO. The broader objective of the article is to bring out their plight before the general masses, government officials, civil society and finally the policy makers, about their rampant poverty, discrimination, stigma and exclusion these communities continue to face in this biggest democratic country called India. Keywords De-notified tribe · Kalbeliya · Poverty · Discrimination · Stigma · Exclusion

Introduction Kalbeliya of Rajasthan is listed as a de-notified and nomadic tribes (DNTs) and is culturally and socially integral part of Rajasthan state and society. Across the country, DNT’s are the most neglected, discriminated and excluded section in the Indian society. Their problems are deeply rooted in history. Although few ethnographic N. Narayan (B) Centre for Social Medicine and Community Health, JNU, New Delhi, India e-mail: [email protected] Programme Manager, ActionAid India, Rajasthan, Jaipur, India © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2022 R. K. Kale and S. S. Acharya (eds.), Mapping Identity-Induced Marginalisation in India, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-3128-4_10

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studies have been conducted on some of them, they are finding some mention in academic and popular discourses (Bokil, 2002). But, the attention is primarily on their culture and lifestyle. But, it is not on the issues of violation of human rights, poverty, exclusion and deprivation. Each DNT is not primarily an endogamous group. However, they are termed as tribes; for all practical purpose, they were treated as separate castes named primarily borrowed or based on their occupation and type of performance in the traditional rural society. That is why as a result, they would have been understood as separate castes and tribes having restriction on interdining and intermarriages and which is somehow prevailed due to separation and isolation grouping of entertainer. The nomadic groups were heavily dependent upon various types of natural resources and wild animals for their survival. The growing environmental concerns have heavily impacted their livelihood option. They used to rear and train various types of animals domestic and wild animals probably like boars, deer and bluebell, lizards and sand lizards, mongooses, snake, hares and monkey that are for their livelihood option being entertainer. That is why as entertainers, they frequently moved from one village to another so does not has any permanent place to live. Now, fully implementation of Wildlife Protection Act 1972 pushes them to settle down, by any means. Traditionally, they were traveller so did not even has land. By the virtue of being wanderers or nomads, now they are out of list of beneficiary of all welfare schemes. Absence of residential proof is one of the biggest hurdles in availing any schemes, education or citizenry rights.

From Criminal Tribes to De-notified Communities The British administration took a number of steps to retain law and order. One of the first attempts came from the Punjab and Northwest Provinces, where the itinerant communities—‘wandering tribes’—were beginning to be deemed criminal by the middle of nineteenth centenary (RadhaKrishna, 2008, p. 27). As a result, Criminal Tribe Act of 1871 came into existence. Although the earlier legal provision found in regulation No. XXVI of 1793. ‘Confession of a Thug’ a fiction by Phillip Taylor created a popular imaginary of criminal tribe in early nineteenth century (Taylor, 2015). A separate ‘Thuggi and Dacoity Department’ had been created by the British Administration in 1830. Power of summary trials and execution had been given to this department for controlling the activities of these tribes to during travelling. Even Indian Penal Code 1860 has somehow consolidation of criminal laws and Criminal Procedure Code 1898 sections having attention of regulating criminal tribes and nomadic communities. Both codes have lots of unwanted pressure on traditionally wonderer. The infamous Criminal Tribe Act 1871 came into the picture and left no room for discussion on the subject. Stringent amendment had also been made to curtail any social discourse of these communities to any other community restricted at the level necessary for human being and even till the mobility necessary for a human being. They had been kept forcefully isolated, discriminated and excluded beyond imagination. Traditionally, communities were either pastoralists and huntergatherers nomads (shepherds such as Raibari and Raika) and small game hunters

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like Bavaria, Bagari, Dhangers, Kuruba and Pardhis or goods transport and service nomads (black smith like gadia lohar, ghisadi, stone dressers like Vadars, transport and salt traders like the Banjaras, Labana, roof-thathers like the chapparband, Oad) and entertainers (acrobats and jugglers like the Nat, Bhand, Bhat, Dombaris, snake charmer like Kalbeliya, Sapera and Jogis) and religious performers (like Arathi, Barathi and Joshi) and that is why having different nomenclature as per language of political states (Bokil, 2002). In 1947, a report had been submitted by a committee which was constituted by United Province Government after examining of functioning of Criminal Tribes Act. During the period before its repeal in 1952, two private bills in the year of 1946 and 1949 were also introduced in Central Legislative Assembly to repeal the CT Act 1871. Notable is that the first bill was lapsed after its introductory stage, while the second bill did not proceed further after an assurance given by Honourable Minister of Home Affaires that an enquiry committee would be set up for understanding of functioning of CT Act in the provinces and also for whether the act would be modified or repealed. The appointed committee known as Ayyangar committee recommended repealing of Criminal Tribe Act and with all other provisions which declares an individual a criminal based on the basis of his caste or birth in a particular gang or class. As a result, in 1952, Jawaharlal Nehru, first prime minister of independent India, after five years of independence repealed the Act by saying that ‘The monstrous provisions of the Criminal Tribes Act constitute a negation of civil liberty. No tribe [can] be classed as criminal as such and the whole principle [is] out of consonance with all civilised principles’. On one hand, the independent government repealed the CT Act which was contrary in nature of the Constitution of India, and on the other hand, the government brought a new act known as Habitual Offenders Act based on the 1947 committee report which is somehow having the same prejudice against the wanderers and nomads as was in Criminal Tribes Act, whereas there was/is a felt need to settle down to live a life of other Indian citizens. It proposed that ‘efforts should be made under sanction of law to settle them and teach them a life of industry and honest calling as against idleness, prostitution and crime to which their conditions of existence make them prone’. Therefore, again with the same pre-independence intention, the committee paved way of enactment of Habitual Offenders and Vagrant Act in 1952 to deal with same kind as was previously by putting them with following connotation; 1. 2. 3.

Because of depraved environments particularly family traditions and associations become criminal as per custom of their group and family. Vagrants without any settled occupations lead a life towards crime prostitution and idleness. In spite of good environments becomes habitual criminals.

These connotations are in line of the earlier definition of criminal tribes. Correctional activities such as teaching honest livelihood rehabilitation and diagnosis of pathological and psychological abnormalities have been sought as remedies of their humanitarian confinement not similar to gaol. With regard to ‘vagrant’ or wonderer

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communities, the committees took the view that policy of restricting them to settlements and rehabilitation and other such as industrial or agriculture should continue in the administration of these settlements and colonies. The committee further pen down that ‘we do not merely with the aim of protection of society from an outbreak of crime, but in the interest of the settlers’ reform itself’. Practically, the previous act was as CT Act remained in force despite its repeal by first independent government in 1952. Therefore, NT/DNT are those communities which were notified as criminal tribes during the British rule under Criminal Tribe Act 1924, and later same were repealed by independent govt. under Criminal Tribe Act (repeal) 1952 with effect from August 31st, 1952. Kalelkar Commission was appointed on January 29th, 1953, for backward class, highlighted the word ‘de-notified communities’ in its report by saying that the erstwhile ‘criminal tribes’ should not be called ‘tribes’ nor should the names ‘criminal’ or ‘ex-criminal’ should be attached to them. They should simply be called ‘de-notified communities’.

Census, Constitution and Commissions: ‘Backward Classes’ to ‘Notified/De-notified Tribes’ Let us examine the history of special welfare programmes for the deprived and marginalized people in India in order to gain an understanding as to how ‘criminal tribes’ and ‘nomads’ missed the opportunity of the formation of the modern Indian state, society and polity. It may be traced back to 1885 when the Madras government formulated the infamous ‘Grant-in-Aid Code’ to regulate financial aid to educational institutions, providing special facilities for students of depressed classes. The second major step in this direction was taken by the Maharaja of Mysore in 1918. Sir L. C. Miller, the then Chief Justice of Mysore, had been asked to recommend steps for adequate representations for non-Brahmins in the services of state. Education and recruitment in state services had been adopted by the Govt. of Mysore in 1921 after Miler committee report. In the same year, 1921, the Madras State Legislative Council passed a resolution in favour of increasing the representation of non-Brahmin in government services. In 1927, the said scheme was expanded by dividing all the communities in the state into five broad categories and earmarking separate quota for each category. Next example comes in 1928 from the Government of Bombay, which instituted Mr. O. H. B. Starte to identify backward classes and recommend special provisions for their advancement. This committee classified the backward classes into three categories, i.e. depressed class, aboriginal and hill tribes and other backward classes and recommended special facilities regarding education and recruitment in govt. services. The first systematic attempt for political empowerment of ‘depressed classes’ was made with the introduction of Montague-Chelmsford Reforms of 1919, when separate representation on a number of public bodies was given to members of these classes. Dr B. R. Ambedkar himself in his book ‘The Untouchable-who were they and why they became untouchable’ published in 1948 classified three types of

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the depressed classes. These are (a) the criminal tribes, (b) the aboriginal tribes and (c) the untouchable. Their numbers that point of time were 20, 15 and 50 million, respectively. Commissioner of Census Operation in 1931, J. H. Hutton, prescribed some possible tests to be considered by superintendents of census operation instead of providing a rigid definition of ‘depressed classes’. These tests were follows: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.

8.

9.

Whether the caste or class in question can be served by the clean Brahmans or not. Whether the caste or class in question can be served by the barbers, water carriers, and tailors etc., who serve the caste Hindus. Whether the caste in question pollutes a high-caste Hindu by contract or by proximity. Whether the caste or class in question is one from whose hands a caste Hindu can take water. Whether the caste or class in question is debarred from using public convenience, such as roads, ferries, wells or schools. Whether the caste or class in question is debarred from the use of Hindu temples. Whether the ordinary social intercourse a well-educated member of the caste or class in question will be treated as an equal by high-caste men of the same educational qualifications. Whether the caste or class in question is merely depressed on account of its own ignorance, illiteracy or poverty and but for that would be subject to no social disability. Whether it is depressed on account of the occupation followed and whether but for that occupation, it would be subject to no social disability.

He further writes that the criteria for identification of depressed castes as ‘No specific definition of depressed castes was framed and no more precise instructions were issued to the superintendents of census operations, because it was realized that conditions varied so much from province to province, that it would be unwise to tie down the superintendents of census operations with too meticulous instructions. The general method of proceeding prescribed was that of local inquiry into what castes were held to be depressed and why and the framing of a list accordingly. It was decided that Muslims and Christians should be excluded from the term ‘Depressed Class’ and that, generally speaking, hill and forest tribes, who had not become Hindu but whose religion was returned as Tribal, should also be excluded and in the numbers of the exterior castes given below these principles have been followed’. The commissioner of census 1931 issued general guidance which only covered the social oppression arising out of practice of untouchability which can only be presented in village settings, while wanderers nomads were out of the villages. That is why guidance unable to point out other form of social oppression such as stigma of criminality and chronic social exclusion, deprivation and cruellest form of atrocities with invisible nomad communities. Thus, the variation of the social reality in different parts of Indian Territory prevented the identification of ‘depressed’ and ‘exterior castes’ on the basis of a set of rigidly defined criteria.

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Similarly, constitution concentrated only on the social prejudice towards the ‘tribes’ and ‘untouchables’ and missed social stigma and prejudice which was put on criminal tribes. As a consequence, the existing social prejudice with the ‘criminal tribes’ could not get attempt into the arena of constitutional provisions. Therefore, rest of the population (then of the depressed classes) was treated as ‘poor’ under ‘socially and economically backward classes’ in the constitution. The Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribes got the special protection under the Constitution of India, while the backward classes remained uncovered. The aboriginal and the untouchable both communities get place in schedule of constitution and became Scheduled Tribes and Scheduled Caste, respectively. ‘Criminal tribes’ upon independence, though forming a discrete set of people, the criminal tribe did not get differentiated from other untouchables, isolated forest communities and socially backward communities (OBC). Consequently, they were arbitrarily distributed among the Scheduled Caste (SC), Scheduled Tribe (ST) and Other Backward Classes (OBC) categories, ending up constituting the bottom-most layer in all three. (Radhakrishna, 2008, p. 202). On January 29th, 1953, first Backward Class Commission had been appointed under the chairmanship of Kaka Kalelkar. In its report, commission pointed out many things about the plight of these communities and came up with suggestion to exterminate the deprivation and for promotion of their absorption in main stream. But, the proposed policy guideline emasculates the democratic rights of de-notified communities and fully unseen their entitlement to protective discrimination as guaranteed to SC and ST. The commission recommendation was not accepted by the govt. due to difference of opinion about whether caste should be the basis for defining backwardness. Also, an advisory committee was constituted in year 1965 for revision of Scheduled caste and Scheduled Tribes list by Govt. of India under the chairmanship of Mr. Lokur. However, Lokur committee remarked on de-notified and nomadic tribes. It observes that it would be more scientific to refer them as communities. And further writes that ‘members of de-notified and nomadic tribes’ posses a complex combination of tribal characteristics, traditional untouchability, nomadic traits, and an anti-social heritage. It is also Lokur committee furthermore observed that their ‘discussion with the state governments’ reveal that the type of developmental schemes usually designed for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes have not benefited the de-notified and nomadic tribes to any significant extent because of their relatively small numbers, and their tendency to be constantly on move. It is also clear that while these communities may possess some of the characteristics usually associated with the Scheduled Cates and Scheduled Tribes, the dominant factors which govern their life are their anti-social heritage and tendency to move from place to place in small groups. The Lokur committee was so convinced about the distinct characteristics of the de-notified tribes and nomads that it felt ‘it would be in the best interest of these communities if they are taken out from the lists of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes and treated exclusively as distinct group, with development schemes specially designed to suit their dominant characteristics’. Furthermore, the Lokur committee had observed, some of these communities who shared characteristics akin to the SCs and STs were also been classified in the official lists of states and union territories. However, some communities left as unfit into these constitutional categories

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so been put under ‘educationally and socially backward’ communities. On issue of classification and identification of ‘educationally and socially backward’ communities, the Kalelkar commission also given extensive description of communities to be considered for this purpose like such categories described here are: 1.

2.

Those owing to long neglect have been driven as a community to crime. This group is now resolved into those belonging to SC those belonging to STs—the remaining will be considered as belonging to ‘Other Backward Classes’. Those nomads who do not enjoy any social respect and who have no appreciation of a fixed habitation and are inclined to doing mimicry, begging, jugglery, dancing, etc. for a living.

In 1978 due to political hitch-hop, then Prime Minister Mr. Morarji Desai announced formation of another Backward Classes Commission under the chairmanship of B. P. Mandal, which submitted its report to the President of India Shri Neelam Sanjiva Reddy on December 31st, 1980. In 2005, the United Progressive Alliance (UPA-1) government under its Common Minimum programme announced a NT/DNT commission under the chairmanship of Mr. B. S. Reneke. The commission submitted its reports in 2008 to Govt. of India. The report made numerous recommendations with regard to the problem these communities are facing. It calculates around 10–12 crore of population, almost without any distinctive recognition (Reneke, 2008, p. 115). The recommendations given by the commission are mainly: identification and a separate list, considering them a separate target group among their respective category and welfare measures (BPL, ration card, voter card, sanitation and housing, IAY, JNNURM) should be insured to them. The importance of this commission is that DNT has been separated from previously backward classes’ commission and recognized them a ‘historically disposed and excluded community’. The present National Democratic Alliance government has announced the formation of a new commission under the chairmanship of Dada Saheb Idate to look into the matter of these excluded communities with a fresh framework and perspective. However, it is still a long way to go.

Deprived of an Identity, Citizenship, Rights and Entitlement Citizenship can be described in different ways according to the emphasis that is given to its various elements. As liberals see it, a legal status based on nationality that is conferred by a state at birth or through naturalization and which also confers specific rights and responsibility in relation to that state (Marshal, 1992 as cited by Nash, 2009). In more republic terms, citizenship enables opportunities for political participation by means of formal procedures of voting, lobbying and standing for office or in more spontaneous ‘acts of citizenship’ and political mobilization of civil society. In any case, citizenship also involves identity (Nash, 2009). Citizenship is a basic human right in our world of nation states. Citizenship is the direct link between an individual and the state in which he or she lives. Although state

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and individual have mutual responsibility towards each other, the state has responsibility to provide for its citizens, and the citizen has the responsibility to defend the sovereignty of the state. Citizenship legitimizes people’s access to public resources and allows their participation in public life. Yet, millions of people are deprived of this relationship with the state, and this has a devastating impact on their daily lives. The largest category of people who are affected by discrimination regarding citizenship rights is NT/DNT communities. The architect of the Indian Constitution, Dr B. R. Ambedkar in his famous writing, evidence before Southborough Committee in 1919, elaborated that citizenship is a bundle of rights such as (1) personal liberty, (2) personal security, (3) rights to hold private property, (4) equality before law, (5) liberty of conscience, (6) freedom of opinion and speech, (7) right of assembly, (8) right of representation in a country’s government and (9) right to hold office under the state. And further explains that the untouchability of the untouchables puts these rights far beyond their reach. In a few places, they do not even possess such significant rights as personal liberty and personal security, and equality before law is not always assured to them (Ambedkar, 1990). This is still true in case of most of the India’s 150 million—with the exception of the NT/DNT community even after the 70 years of enactment of the Constitution of Independent India. DNT’s are ‘historically dispossessed’ communities. From a sociological perspective, the enjoyment of rights is never simply a matter of legal entitlement; it also depends on the social structure through which power, material resources and meanings are created and circulated. Lockwood on relationship of citizenship and human rights argues that the actual enjoyment of rights depends on two interlinked axes of inequality: the presence or absence of legal, bureaucratic rights and possession of moral and material resources, which generally operate informally (Nash, 2009, p. 1070). In this framework of citizenship in ‘sociological perspective’, the status of de-notified communities on both these grounds is poor. Many of these communities continue to live in shanty huts camps at outskirts of villages or gazeboes in urban areas where basic amenities are not available. The lack of any official documents such as ration cards, voter card or others even residential proof resulting difficulty in getting caste certificate ensures that they are officially non-existent and hence ineligible for any benefits (Editorial, EPW, 2008). Therefore, despite being included in protective list of SC or ST category, they are unable to enjoy the citizenship rights, general entitlement, and other welfare measures meant for SC/ST/OBC communities are of little use considering their one kind of backwardness. They form the group of most historically excluded communities. Their issues of discrimination and exclusion are peculiar. The DNTs are not just a neglected section, and their problems are complex. The identification is big time problem. Many of these communities are homeless as they have been moving from place to place for generations, and pitch their temporary habitations on government or private land and then move on. This is partly because being nomadic till very recently, or being still nomadic, they do not have a permanent address, and so no way of identifying themselves to the authorities. They have suffered injustices at the hands of both polity and society, but the same are not sufficiently addressed. But, a complex one even after the independence not any significant rehabilitation work initiated in this direction.

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Living in Shadow of Inhuman Laws, Chronic Poverty and Exclusion ‘Restriction of Habitual Offenders Act 1952’ miserably failed in redressing age-old prejudice against the nomads and de-notified tribes. The state policy on these new social strata is found to have two major aspects, i.e. legislative measures to control and regulate them and ‘welfare’ measures. The welfare measures planned is found to be always concomitant to the reasons for which they are brought under control and regulatory regimes. Ayyangar committee recommended several steps towards the amelioration of the erstwhile criminal tribes after the repeal of the act. The social and economic deprivation was believed to be the reasons for their recklessness. Also, there was a fear that without welfare activities, these malevolent syndromes may regenerate. The committee wrote, ‘members of criminal tribes have been labouring under manifold disabilities over a long period. As a class, they are socially backward and economically depressed. It is, therefore, essential to help them to improve their conditions and also to see that those who had criminal propensities in the past but are reformed now, do not revert to crime on the repeal of the Criminal tribes Act’. The welfare angle of the state policy was ensured by putting them in list of Scheduled Caste, Scheduled Tribe and backward classes. They are the lowest rung community among their list. Though these communities were incorporated into the schemes of special protection and attention under the Constitution of India, they somehow missed the attention in the national debate to eradicate the worst forms of social prejudices that had resulted into centuries of exploitation, exclusion and subjugation. The nature of their issues and historically living situation of these tribes could not result in the advancement of their life. The ‘Scheduled Castes’ and ‘Scheduled Tribes’ though got special protection under the Constitution of India, the Other Backward Classes remained uncovered. Those ‘criminal tribes’ and ‘tribes’ who did not fall in the category of SC/ST were left in lurch continuing their fight against the ageold prejudices. As Kalelkar committee recommended that ‘these groups may be distributed in small groups in towns and villages where they would come in contact with other people, and get an opportunity for turning a new leaf. This would help in their eventual assimilation in society’. The Kalelkar commission tried to end the isolation and promoted their assimilation into the mainstream. It also takes special note on ‘wandering communities’ as there are a large number of small communities but fully invisible eke out an unjustifiable existence at corner and roadside in the whole country. They do not have place of residence and still move on from location to another location place in search of food or employment by doing anything like beggary, selling balloon, waste picking, etc. They live in thatched sheds or unliveable tents, and some of them move on in groups and perform as entertainer in semi-urban and ghettos. Because of the insecurity of their life, some of these communities are assumed crime. Prime responsibility of democratic government is to give them a settled liveable life as other citizen. Report also pointed out that the ‘traditional beggars’ or ‘religious vagabonds’ who were mostly covered under Prevention of

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Bagging Act 1959. It considers that the problem of baggers in India is a social and religious malice and legislation is not an effective tool to solve this. The plight of India’s millions of population tagged as de-notified and nomadic tribes (DNT) rarely figures in public discourse. Majorly DNT has been classified as Scheduled Caste (SC), Scheduled Tribe (ST) or comparatively more as Other Backward Classes (OBC), and some of them are also not in any categories and still invisible and lost their existence. To complicate matters, the same community is classified differently in different states. For example the Banjaras are classified as ST in Andhra Pradesh, Gujarat, Orissa and elsewhere, SC in Karnataka, Himachal Pradesh and in few states as OBC such as in Uttar Pradesh and Rajasthan. It is also in continuation with other de-notified tribes like Sapera, Jogi, Berad, Kaikadi, Bagri, Pardhis, Sansis, Budhuks, Bagria, Vadara and so on and the nomadic tribes alike the Gondhalis, Garuds, Chitrakathis, Kalbeliya, Bazigars, Nats, Madaris, Kanjars, etc. (Editorial, EPW, 2008).

Background of Kalbeliya Community in Rajasthan Traditionally Kalbeliya community in Rajasthan has been involved in two kinds of jobs—snake charming, and the other is stone grinding. And in the pursuance of this means of livelihood, they have been wandering from villages to villages and have been entertaining villagers, and in response, they have been receiving food (generally leftovers) and other needs, like clothing—worn. In practice, whole family (in group) migrates from one place to another; therefore, they do not have any permanent residence. With the change in societal forms of entertainment, these days the traditional means of entertainment are losing their audience in society by the introduction of other means like T.V and movies, etc. This shift is affecting them in two ways firstly by forcing them to leave this occupation and secondly by reducing them to beggary. As a result, they are now trying hard to settle down and avail other forms of settled livelihood. But, things have not been conducive at material as well as societal front. At one hand, the community is struggling with poverty, and on the other, it is facing stark discrimination and untouchability keeping them completely impoverished and without any access to community resources. And on top of it, they are also victim of the state’s indifference. This discriminative attitude of the society and indifference of the state create hurdles in their way to fight with issues of poverty and discrimination. The development indicator likes—education, food security, housing, access to health facility, employment, etc., are all abysmally low in their case. It was revealed in a study that this community owns no basic citizenship rights, and even though they have been staying in the country through generations, they are still devoid of the basic citizenship rights. The reason for this is quite obvious for any villager (other caste) as they say—Kalbeliyas are supposed to be wandering around; they do not ever stay at a place. And because they traditionally have never possessed a piece of land anywhere;

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all the civil and political rights largely enshrined on the basis of one’s place of settlement are not granted to them. Even though the pattern of living has changed in recent years—they have begun living in small settlements at the outskirts of villages—their settlements have not been legalized by the local governance system largely because the authorities are still pre-occupied with the same ‘conditioning’ that Kalbeliyas are not supposed to live at a place.

The Study Methodology This paper is based on the findings (sample from Barmer district) of a larger study. A household survey was carried out in fifteen district of Rajasthan in the year 2010, to study Kalbeliya’s present ‘situation of living’ and the ‘issues they are facing’. These districts have been selected based on the interaction with community fellow by asking residency of their relatives and known. A list of volunteers was prepared, trained for this purpose. Information was collected by a group of community members and volunteers of civil society organizations at both Dere and Dera level. The Hindi word ‘Dera’ originated from the verb ‘Dera Dalna’ meaning stopped at a place for sometime, otherwise constantly moving. This migration happens in groups. Therefore generally, one family is considered as one ‘Dera’. ‘The plural of ‘Dera’ is Dere—cluster of ‘Deras’. To understand in our terminology, ‘Dere’ would be similar to village and ‘Dera’ as household. The objective of the study is to assess the level of deprivations and poverty faced by the community as a whole in terms of basic provisioning and discrimination and exclusion, identity crisis, level of achievement and deprivation faced by them at household level. For this paper, data for Barmer district only has been used as this community mostly resides in the western part of the state, predominantly the desert area known as ‘Thar’. Roughly, their population would be an half million in Rajasthan. Barmer is located in western part and a desert district which shares international border with Pakistan. It is the second biggest district of Rajasthan. The population density is very sparse. A total of 1271 households was studied in all the seven blocks of the district (Annexure A). A team of community members and volunteers administered the research tools to collect the information on the Dere (hamlets) and the Dera (households). The data collection was done from seven Dere in seven Gram Panchayats (GPs) in Sindhari Block; 29 Dere in 26 GPs of Shiv, five Dere in three GPs in Chaultan Block; 21 Dere in 15 GPs in Barmer Block; seven Dere in seven GPs in Dhaurimana Block, six Dere in five GPs in Baitu Block; nine Dere in eight GPs in Balotara Block; three Dere in three GPs in Shivana Block. The findings are based on a small sample; therefore, the standard error is likely to be high. Nevertheless, the findings reflect the historical and situational deprivation of the studied groups.

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Table 10.1 Population size and characteristics of Kalbeliya Population characteristics

Male

Female

Rural

Urban

Rural

Urban

Total

%

Population size

34,479

5055

31,019

4565

75,118

100

0–6 years age group population

8990

1257

8730

1270

20,247

26.95

Literates

6676

825

1664

236

9401

12.51

Non-workers

20,123

2895

21,981

3590

48,589

64.68

Source: census of India 2001 Note Our interactions with community lead us to the of guesstimate one million population. The community is mainly concentrated in Barmer, Jaisalmer, Jodhpur (western part), Bhilwara, Pratapgarh, Udaipur (southern part) and Ajmer, Sikar, Jhunjhunu (northwest)

Barriers to Citizenship It is worthy to point out here about the different nomenclatures frequently used for the same community. Generally, this community is known as Kalbeliya and Sapera who are listed as Scheduled Castes (SC). They are also known as Jogi who are listed as Other Backward Class (OBC), and Kanipa Nath (who are not list in any such category). Due to different nomenclatures, the community is more excluded by the government machinery than included. This is also evident in population censuses. As evident from the 2001 census, the official population size of the Kalbeliya community is given in Table 10.1. It is evident that more than a quarter of Kalbeliya population is children between 0 and 6 years of age, and only 12% are literate, and 65% do not work. In this backdrop, how will these children be going to schools and what are the provisions for improving literacy are important concerns for policy making. Without work, their propensities for accessing all resources are constrained, and the benefits due to them remain elusive.

Impact of Lack of Citizenship In this section, the data has been analysed in broader context of citizenship to understand the ground situation of the community. The information primarily is related on two accounts— ‘Dere’ and ‘Dera’ level. Multiple questions have been asked on both accounts. The information has been clubbed as information related to ‘Dere’ and ‘Dera’, minimum basic amenities available in ‘Dere’ and ‘Dera’, extent of the discrimination faced by members of Kalbeliya community and on some basic questions to understand the situation of human development indicators among Kalbeliyas. These questions gave a lead to their conditions reporting them to be living as far away as 15 km from a village. It is also evident that older the Dera, farther away it is from the nearest village Table 10.2).

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Table 10.2 Difficulties faced while living in Dere/Dera Issues

Average

Min

Max

Yes (%)

Distance of the Dera from the main village (in Kms)

25

0.5

15

–

Number of Deras

11

1

60

–

Since when the Deras exist (in years)

31

3

80

–

Migrants (in search of livelihood)

–

–

85.5

Ever threatened to vacate the land/place where live

–

–

Place of burial of the dead bodies (in Kms)

4.5

1

6

31

Opposition/resentment faced during burning dead bodies

–

–

–

41.5

Sources Field Survey, Number of Observations 55

The Kalbeliyas are staying in ‘Dera’ in the outskirt of the villages. Even if they are vagabond communities, in course of time, they have adopted a settle lifestyle. It is found that on an average, the Deras are situated around 11 km away from the main villages. The minimum and maximum distances of the Deras from the main villages are 0.5 to 15 km. The number of Deras varies from 01 (one) to 60 (sixty) in a village site. Kalbeliyas have been staying in some Deras since last 80 years. Around 85.5% Kalbeliyas migrate in search of their livelihoods. It is reported that around 31% villages Kalbeliyas are often getting threatening to vacate the land where they have been staying from powerful people. Not only a significant percentage of Kalbeliyas are landless, but also they do not have a cremation ground to bury their dead bodies. They have to take the dead bodies average 4.5 km away from their village for cremation. In 41.5% Dera, Kalbeliyas are often facing opposition during burring. It is expected that after 60 years of independence, all the villages and hamlets are having the basic minimum facilities. However, the present study shows that it is not true for the Kalbeliya hamlets/Deras. There is no electricity connection in 61.8% of the Deras studied. Around 89.1% of Dera is not having the safe drinking water provisions. Schooling is major problems with the Kalbeliyas. It is reported that 76.4% Deras are not having a primary school. Similar percentage of Deras is not having inside connecting road. In only 16.4% Dera, children are fortunate to have the facility of Anganwadi centre (Table 10.3). Table 10.3 Dere and minimum basic amenities

Basic amenities

No (in percentage)

No electricity

61.8

No drinking water facilities

89.1

No primary school

76.4

No inside connecting road

76.4

No Anganwadi centre

83.6

Sources Field Survey, Number of Observation 55

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Table 10.4 Extent of discrimination reported by the Kalbeliyas Experience of discrimination

(in %)

Village people practice untouchability with them

83.6

Are allowed to enter the village temple

16.4

Have equal access to drinking water sources

20.0

Kalbeliya persons are allowed to sit with the villagers during any meeting

47

Allowed to work in the field of the villager

74.5

Getting the actual wages

49

Village barber cuts the hair of Kalbeliya persons

27.3

Sources Field Survey, Number of Observation 55

The data from the survey reveals that untouchability is still practised against the Kalbeliyas communities, as reported by 83.6% of the respondents in the sample Dera. Kalbeliyas are not allowed to enter into the village temple in 84% of sample villages. They do not have even equal access to the drinking water provisions provided in the villages. It is reported that in 80 percentage villages, they do not have equal access to drinking water sources. Studies reported that the Scheduled Castes are not allowed to sit with the other caste communities during any village-level meeting. It is also true for the Kalbeliyas as reflected in our study. The villagers provide them employment in their field; however, they very often get less than the actual amount of wage for their work. The barber denies cutting the hair of the Kalbeliyas. It is reported that in 73% sample villages, the barber refuses to cut the hair of Kalbeliya person Table 10.4). Identity is a major issue the Kalbeliya communities have been facing for a long time. Their identity is always defined in terms of their vagabond lifestyle, as snake charmers and as good dancers. They do not have any legal identity. It is reported that around 23.8% households do not own a house. Those 76.2% households reported of owning a house, out of them, 76% do not have the Patta of their home stead land. As such, their houses are just like a temporarily shelter place. Even if some of them own a house, still 64.6% households reported of living a vagabond life. A majority of households depends on begging for their food and well as clothes (81%). Even though 84.6% of the sample households are having a ration card, 56% households out of them are identified as non-poor (as they are having APL card). Even if these households are living in abject poverty, still 38% household does not have a job card. Around 25% households do not have the voter card which excludes them from exercising one of their important fundamental rights. Around 86% households do not have their caste certificates. Around 80% households reported that they are facing problems while requesting for caste certificates Table 10.5). Caste is less as compared to the other caste in terms of human development index. Similarly, the human poverty index shows the higher level of deprivation of the Scheduled Caste compared to the other caste (Table 10.6).

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Table 10.5 Kalbeliyas and issue of identity and access to resources Identity and access

Yes

No

Ownership of house

–

23.8

Live a vagabond life

64.6

–

Have the Patta of your homestead land

–

76

Own some agricultural land

–

80.6

Any member of the family goes for begging 81

–

Possess a ration card Types of ration card possessed

44

Out of that 44% are having (AAY + BPL)

Have job card in the family (any member)

–

38

Have a voters card

–

25 86

Have caste certificate Face any problem while applying for caste certificates in the name of Kalbeliya caste

80

–

Sources Field Survey, Total Number of Observations = 55, Figures are in percentages

Table 10.6 Human development indicators of Kalbeliyas Selected indicators

Yes

No

Can write one’s name

78.9

Children go to schools

66

Children get free educational kits from the school

91

Infant mortality reported

15

Under-five mortality (reported)

16.2

Complete immunization of children

53

Immunization of pregnant women

57.2

Safe/Institutional delivery

58

Number of clothes/clothings possessed

Less than and equal to 2 (89%)

Source (s) of clothes/clothings procured

Using old cloth given by some body = 62 (%)

Collect food through begging

84

Begging for food items by the young and the old in the family

73.9

Sources Field Survey, Total Number of Observations = 55

Human development and human poverty define the levels of achievement and deprivation of any community/groups or region. It is estimated that the level of achievement of scheduled.

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The findings of the present study strengthen the estimation of their deprivation based on their historical place in society and its attitudes towards them. The human development as well as human poverty indicators of the Kalbeliyas is equally depressing. It is estimated that around 79% households’ heads are not in a position to write their name. It speaks about the level of literacy among the Kalbeliya. Around 66% households reported that their children are not going to schools. More than 91% households reported that they did not get free educational kits from school. Infant mortality and under-five mortality are two most important deprivation indicators used for the construction of human poverty index. It is reported that IMR and CMR are among the Kalbeliya community. The infant mortality is 137 per 1000 life birth when collated from available sources. These figures are very high as compared to the Scheduled Caste of Rajasthan. Around 53% households reported that their children did not get complete immunization. In the times when governments have put a lot of emphasis on maternal and child health, only 57.2% pregnant women from this community had access to any immunization or antenatal care. More than half of their women (58%) were giving birth at home and mostly in absence of any trained medical assistance. It is well known that unsafe deliveries are a major risk for the life of the mother and the new born. Clothes possessed by the people in the community is a proxy measure of their capacity to spend. It is reported that 89% households had two or less than two clothes or clothings per person. It may be noted that these clothes were old clothes given away by people. Around 62% households reported that they used old clothes given by others. Usually when the young and old members of the Kalbeliya families go to beg for food items, they are also given discarded and worn-out clothes.

Observational and Situational Analysis of the Community As evident from the empirical data, the Kalbeliyas are highly deprived of access to resources of all kinds. They are excluded from the administrative processes of enumeration and listing in the official documents. This also becomes an important reason for their exclusion from other programmatic and policy provisions. Their access to basic facilities for education and health and employment is incumbent on their poor propensities—both social and economic. They are usually deprived of any piece of land for settlement even; they reside at the outskirts of main village, generally in an open field without any basic facility on the mercy of the village power holders. They do not have any residential proof; therefore, they are often deprived of ration cards as well as other govt. schemes and facilities—denying them the basic rights and entitlements like Public Distribution System (PDS), Integrated Child Development Scheme (ICDS), Mid-day Meal (MDM) and social security pensions for old age and widowhood.

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They are deprived of voting rights and other civil and political rights; they are stigmatized and are hardly ever enabled for assimilation into the larger frame of policies and programmes and social structures. Even the economic and social rights are never made available to them—the recent example has been of National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (NREGS). Though the work has started in most of the areas, they are not benefited as they are not aware of the provision of NREGA and are forced to stay out by the main panchayat. A majority of their children do not go to school even today. Issues of identity documents play an important role in this exclusionary process. There are no school till date which are in the vicinity of their settlements, which are mostly on the outskirts. There is no access to electricity and water supply in their areas. Hardly has a Kalbeliya family been the beneficiary of any government programme, ever. Women folk and children still to go to village for alms. They are often forced to do unpaid work. There are evidences of their facing acute discrimination and untouchability. Most men of the community are leaving their traditional occupations as—snake charmer and working as a labourer, where they face numerous difficulties in getting jobs and performing them too, due to vast differences between their social backgrounds and hostility of their adopted spaces.

Proposed Immediate Course of Action Given this scenario, it is imperative to propose some urgent response to amend the errors of the ‘inclusive measures’ of the governments, which have persistently neglected the notified/de-notified communities. Based on the reflections from the lived experiences of the Kalbeliyas living in the western district of Barmer, the following are the suggestions for implementing and executing the inclusive measures for reducing their deprivation and marginalization: 1.

2. 3. 4. 5. 6.

All de-notified/nomads be included in government records with its showable identity like issuing electoral card, job card, ration card, caste certificate, etc. giving them an identity and basic civil and political rights. All the de-notified/nomads community family be included in BPL list and the accompanying benefits. All the de-notified/nomads community families to be given housing under Indira Awas Yojana and Pradhan Mantri Grah Awas Yojana (PMGAY). Patta (certificate of possession of land) be given to community members wherever they are living for more than a suitably stipulated period of time. Basic facilities like—safe drinking water, electricity, health facility, school and Kharanja (bricked access road) be provided in all the habitants De-notified/nomads community be mainstreamed by giving emphasis on opening new schools and promotion of dignified employment conducive to their skills and provided for training in alternative skills and employment.

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7.

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A package is required to bail out the community from the grip of exclusion, atrocities and severe poverty. Brain storming at different levels of understanding, formulating and implementing the package be urgently envisaged.

Conclusion The finding of the study leaves no doubt in suggesting that the Kalbeliya community is the ‘most neglected, discriminated and poverty ridden community of Rajasthan’. Broadly, the DNTs are one of the most subjugated sections of Indian society who have been the victims of their culture, occupation and social stigma attached to them. The emergence of territory and rule of law in the name of state and nation theory under the British complicated the matter and forced a big section of the society to remain at the margins with the tag of criminal and anti-social cliché. British played a role in institutionalizing stigma and criminality attached with community and not with the person. The independence of country could not make any significant change in the minds of policy maker as they still treated them with the same notion of criminality and advanced their plight and vicious circle of poverty, exclusion in name of Protection of Wildlife and Habitual Offenders Act one side and treating them with the same eye at another side. As a result, DNTs continue to remain poor, marginalized and powerless communities as highlighted in the case of Kalbeliya community. Unfortunately, their case has not been sufficiently attended to by democratic polity and civil society. There will be no change in their life until unless the same point of view will not be changed or without seeing them in the framework of humanity— human dignity and human value. For these varying reasons, there is a need to make concerted efforts towards their citizenship rights, education and development by having new research, policy intervention, advocacy and finally a political sense of equality among the members of these communities. Acknowledgements Without the help of a dedicated team, this study would not have materialized. I am grateful to many people especially Dr Motilal Mahamalick, IDS, Jaipur, for helping in preparation of survey tools, Bhanwar Meghwanshi, Ratan Nath Kalbeliya and DAGAAR team (Bhilwara); Madan Panwar, Rekha Nath Kalbeliya and LAN team (Barmer); Budh Nath Kalbeliya, Tulsidas Raj and DAN team (Jodhpur), for conducting the survey. Pappu Kumavat from PUCL, Jaipur, for data entry, Mukesh Goswami, Parasram Banjara and Kamal Tak for additional support. A big thankyou to Vijaylakshimi Joshi, my colleague at ActionAid Office, Jaipur, for encouraging and providing me the support necessary to work on this issue. I am also indebted to Aruna Roy, Kavita Srivastava, K. B. Saxena, Annie Raja and many others for helping my colleagues and me in organizing Kalbeliya community sammelans at Barmer (2008) and Jaipur (August 2010) which led the government to form a NT-DNT Board. I would like to place my gratitude to Dr. L. David Lal, Doctoral fellow at CSDE/JNU—now Asst. Professor in IIIT Guwahati—for encouraging me to convert the experience in form of this article.

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Annexure A List of the Villages Block

GP

Village’s name

Sindhari

Sanpa

Sarpa

Sarnu

Sarnu

5

5

Nausar

Nausar

16

16

Dandali

Dandali

20

20

Sanjta

Sanjta

10

10

Koslu

Koslu

10

10

Chawa

Chawa

15

15

Kharamahecha

Khara

10

10

Sindhari

Sindhari

15

15

Payla

Payla

10

10

Redana

Redana

4

4

Balewa

Balewa

15

15

Jahidu

Jahidu

15

15

Siyani

Shiv

No. of household Household covering 30

30

Siyani

15

15

Hatthi Singh ka gaon Matuja

50

50

Shiv

Shiv

25

25

Gunga

Gunga

30

30

Kotra

Kotra

10

10

Dharvi

Dharvi

20

20

Arang

Arang

10

10

Arang

Chochra

Dharvi Kala

Dharvi Kala

Kanasar

Kanasar

5

5

Oondu

Oondu

35

35

Bariyada

Bariyada

10

10

Jhanpli

Jhanpli

10

10

Jhanpli

Nagnasar

15

15

Swami ka g

Kanata

20

20

Shiv

Joranada

2

2

Bhiyand

Bhiyand

20

20

Mokhab

Mokhab

20

20

Nagarda

Nagarda

10

10

Bothiya

Bothiya

60

11

Bhadkha

Jaisaldhora

16

14

5

5

10

10

(continued)

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N. Narayan

(continued) Block

GP

Village’s name

Nimbla

Nimbla

No. of household Household covering 10

10

Bhadkha

Bhadkha

7

7

Chohtan

Ratasar

Ratasar

15

15

Barmer

Mapuri

Mapuri

15

15

Chohtan

gangasara

gangasara

10

10

Chohtan

Dhok

Dhok

5

5

Chohtan

Dhok

Ghoniya

5

5

Barmer

Ramsar

Ramsar

5

5

Chohtan Barmer

Bhajpar

Bhajpar

15

15

Setrau

Setrau

5

5

Chadi

Paradiya

5

5

Chohtan

Chohtan

95

95

Chohtan

Antiya

5

5

Akoda

Sanwlor

17

17

Dudhwa

6

6

Akoda

6

6 6

Taratra

Taratra

6

Ranigaon

Ranigaon

5

5

Balau

5

5

Marudi

Marudi

5

5

Daruda

Daruda

10

10

Balera

Juna Patrasar

2

2

Bachhrau

Bachhrau

25

25

Bachhrau

Sodiyar

5

5

Jakhron ki dhani

Jakhron ki dhani

4

4

Bishala

Bishala

15

15

Bhadres

7

7

Sura

3

3

Nand Dhorimana Dhorimana Bamerla

Baitu

2

2

Dhorimana

27

27

Bamerla

12

12

Loharva

Loharva

25

25

Mangta

Mangta

10

10

Araniyali

Araniyali

10

10

Guda

Guda

20

20

Sindhasawa

Sindhasawa

20

20

Kawas

Kawas

25

25 (continued)

10 Citizenship, Chronic Poverty and Exclusion of De-notified Communities …

197

(continued) Block

Balotra

Sivana

GP

Village’s name

Bandra

Bandra

No. of household Household covering 4

4

Chokhla

Chokhla

4

4

Chhitar ka par

Chhitar ka par

6

6

Baitupanji

Baitupanji

15

15

Baitu

10

10

Pachpadra

Pachpadra

25

25

Khardi

Khardi

10

10

Pariyala

10

10

Balotra

Balotra

30

30

Nevari

Tirsingari

10

10

Nevari

Nevari

20

20

Klayanpur

Klayanpur

10

10

Akadli

Akadli

15

15

Dudavata

Araba Uron

10

10

Asotra

Asotra

25

25

Moothli

Moothli

5

5

Samdari

Samdari

Total number of house hold

20

20

1271

1220

References Ambedkar, B. R. (1990). Ambekars Wrtings and Speeches (Vol. 7). Nagpur: Ministry of Education, Govt. of Maharastra. Bokil, M. (2002, January 12). De-notified and nomadic tribes—A perspective. Economic and Political Weekly (pp. 148–154). Editorial, EPW. (2008, October 4). Branded for life. EPW (pp. 6–7). Nash, K. ( 2009, December). Between citizenship and human rights. Sociology (Vol. 43. No. 6, pp. 1067–1083). RadhaKrishna, M. (2008). Dishonoured by history. New Delhi: Orient Longman. Radhakrishna, M. (2008, October). Stratification among the disadvantaged: Identifying the rockbottom layers. Indian Journal of Industrial Relations, 201–208. Reneke, B. ( 2008). National commission for denotified, nomadic and semi nomadic tribes (Vol. 1). Delhi: Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment. Taylor, P. M. (2015, March 15). Public library.UK. Retrieved on March 15, 2015, from http://pub lic-library.uk/ebooks/23/53.pdf

Chapter 11

Political Economy of Expansion of Higher Education Implications for Unequal Access in India Khalid Khan

Abstract The higher education has expanded dramatically during the post reform period in India. The gross attendance ratio (GAR) increased from 7.3 to 26.9% between 1995 and 2014. The most important concern vis-à-vis higher education is in terms of inequality in access, still prevalent at a worryingly high level in spite of increasing GAR among the disadvantaged groups during the recent period. The global trend suggests that higher education both in aggregate and at group levels increased only after the emergence of knowledge-based economy which resulted in massification of higher education. It is to be noted that transition of higher education from elitism to massification was accompanied with the changing role of higher education which is shifting from production of social knowledge to market knowledge. This shift is result of the changing global political economy from interventionism to laissez-faire leading to the dominance of free market forces. This paper argues that the shift in the political economic scenario resulted in private sector-led growth in India also. This led to the expansion of higher education as well as increased role of the private sector in higher education, which may adversely affect the access of the weaker section. This shift has ambivalent consequences as it is increasing the access of the weaker section in quantitative terms and reproducing inequality both in quantitative and in qualitative terms. The emerging scenario calls for increasing government role in higher education not only in terms of reducing inequality of access in quantitative terms but also in qualitative terms. The increased role of the government is indispensable in facilitating the production of social knowledge needed for social change. Keywords Political economy · Higher education · Knowledge · Inequality · Social change

K. Khan (B) Indian Institute of Dalit Studies, New Delhi, India e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2022 R. K. Kale and S. S. Acharya (eds.), Mapping Identity-Induced Marginalisation in India, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-3128-4_11

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K. Khan

Introduction During the post-economic reform period, expansion of higher education remained an important policy target in India. This is no doubt owed to the changed economic policy particularly after the adoption of neoliberal reforms. The increased demand for skilled labour force has worked as a catalyzing force for expanding higher education. Indeed, higher education has expanded dramatically during the recent period everywhere including India. This transition led by transformation of production function has turned higher education from privilege to right. In such circumstances, accessing higher education has become far more indispensable than before. The expansion of higher education, however, could not break the structural bottlenecks for achieving equal access (Mc Cowan, 2007). The massive expansion, no doubt, has provided opportunities for historically underprivileged groups, as higher number of every group are enrolled in higher education institutions than before. However, the benefit of expanding access is largely appropriated by students coming from the privileged socio-economic background. Over the years, the significance of private sector has overwhelmingly increased which created cost barrier in availing equal opportunities in access to higher education. The aim of this paper is to analyse the political economic factors leading to this shift. The paper is divided into six sections. After introduction, it discusses the recent change in global political economy and its impact on higher education. The third section examines the explanations for expanding higher education. Fourth section examines the role of private sector in expansion of higher education. Fifth section discusses that increased access of weaker section in India reflects the process of diversion instead of inclusion. Finally, in the conclusion, it is argued that the benefit of expanding higher education will be accrued to the weaker section only if proper safeguards are provided to them. The government’s intervention is important in order to facilitate the production of social knowledge in higher education for social change.

Higher Education for Market The interventionist approach which dominated economic policy-making worldwide during 1960s and 1970s led to the belief in state-regulated capitalism. During the post-1970s, the idea of neo-liberalism dominated the realm of economic policymaking in USA and UK followed by most of the third-world countries including India. This led to the belief in unregulated market at the cost of interventionist Keynesianism. The shift in policy emanating from the changing global political economic scenario created favourable ground for privatization in every sphere including higher education. The contribution of neoclassical economics in terms of providing explanation for the role of education in increasing economic growth through increasing labour productivity (Mankiw et al., 1992), innovative capacity (Lucas, 1988; Romer, 1990) and as determinant for the adoption of technology (Benhabib & Speigel,

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1994; Nelson & Phelps, 1966) is worth mentioning. This trend primarily emanated from Schultz’s (1961) recognition of expenditure on education as an investment which leads to the formation of human capital. But the recognition of human capital provoked the debate of social versus private rate of return in education. The proponents of privatization viewed that higher education should be financed by the students as they themselves get return from such investments in terms of higher wage. The justification for minimizing governments’ intervention has been embedded in the theoretical foundations of neoclassical economics, wherein expenditure on education was regarded as a rational decision with the expectation of private return. The alternative view on the role of government, however, treats higher education as a public good. The proponents of this viewpoint argue that higher education satisfies both the two features of a public good, viz. non-excludability and non-rivalry. It is argued that it yields both public and private benefits. Knowledge as well as higher education and research satisfies all the conditions of non-excludability since it is equally available to everyone without incurring extra cost once it is produced. Further, it has externalities because the consumption of benefits from education cannot be confined to a small section of the population. Further, the extent of benefits received by some is not affected by the level of benefits received by others (Stiglitz, 2000; Tilak, 2009). Notwithstanding this, private financing suited larger political economic context after the emergence of fiscal crisis of welfare state. The state almost everywhere sided with big business, favouring measures to increase stability and improving condition for profit-making. More than a change in the financing mechanism, this has shifted the values attached to education, as the emerging scenario has made higher education an investment decision based on cost–benefit analysis at micro level and an important sector to earn revenue through knowledge-based services at macro level. This shift has changed the role of higher education radically. With this changed notion of higher education, universities are losing the important function of creating public goods like social knowledge needed for social change. The shift due to fiscal crisis of the welfare state has turned societal relevance of universities into being relevant to business and industry (Lorenz, 2012).The traditional industry–government relations are being mediated by universities which are redefining the relation among university, industry and government (Ertkowitzetal et al., 2000). Universities are emerging as an enterprise, academics as entrepreneurs and knowledge as commodity due to the changed academic culture of university (Schugurensky, 2006). This change has affected higher education from the viewpoint of both access and financing. Traditionally, the government ensured of the autonomy of university. However, in the contemporary education system, the government no longer preserves universities’ autonomy but incentivize them to respond to the market demand by aligning with labour market needs. The governance of universities are also becoming highly centralized in favour of the board and trustees. The senior administrators are increasingly functioning as chief executive officers. The convergence in the governance of universities with the other institutions is being observed without recognizing the distinctive character of universities. The decision-making is solely guided by competitiveness, efficiency and cost-effectiveness. The experience from this shift has been

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mixed. In some instances, this practice has been successful, while in other, it has been disastrous. Specifically, this practice has been successful in instances where learning mission of the institutions is not connected such as bookstores or food services while it has disastrous impact in the spheres where the learning goal of the institutions has been jeopardized. Similarly, practices such as responsibility-centric budgeting and user fee may adversely affect students from particular groups, department or program. The faculties also are incentivized to treat their teaching, research and services as commodities to be sold for profit, thereby reducing the burden of their salary on institutions. (Gumport, 2000; Marginson & Considine, 2000). In India like elsewhere, this trend started from 1990s to manoeuvre universities according to the external socio-economic demands which led to a paradigm shift in higher education. The renewed government concern towards expansion of higher education, however, is not motivated by the traditional social and cultural motives; rather, it is based on the growing government concerns on knowledge-based growth where education and skills are supposed to play a pivotal role in successful competition in the global supply chain (Hall, 2015, 26). So, the efforts have to made to establish a close alignment between higher education and labour market demands of the sector based on the knowledge creation (De Weert, 2011; OECD, 2008).

Political Economy of Expanding Higher Education It is to be noted that not only transition from elite to mass higher education (Trow, 1973, 2007) but also from public to private domain is a global phenomenon. The replacement of the Keynesian order by free market has witnessed dramatic increase in access to higher education almost everywhere. India has witnessed this shift in post-1991 which British Higher Education has already witnessed during 1960s and 1970s. In fact, the urge to maximize growth has pushed India into a competition which advanced capitalist countries followed by East Asian countries have already witnessed. Indeed, this has benefited in terms of expansion of higher education as enrolment has already crossed threshold of universal access in most of the advanced capital countries. The emerging trend in China also shows its focus on higher education expansion along with expanding economy. In India, the GAR as measured by percentage of students attending higher education in the age group 18 to 23 years has increased from 7 to 27% during 1995 and 2014, bulk of this increase took place between 2007 and 2014. There are multiple explanations for expanding higher education worldwide. The conventional understanding is that economic development leads to the expansion of higher education. Such shift can be explained by two factors: first increasing social demand for university education and second the rising demand for skilled labour force. The rise of the mass production of consumer durables has given rise to demand for skilled and educated labour which attached premium in labour market with level of education leading to enormous increase in demand for higher education which is reflected in the increased attendance rates. In a nutshell, the expansion of higher education is outcome of the broader global economic shift

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which influenced Indian economic policy also after the adoption of neoliberal reform. However, some empirical researchers do not subscribe to this view point since the effect of economic development or industrialization on education is not that strong. Further, the rapid expansion of higher education in many countries during 1960s did coincide with labour demand that required rapid expansion of higher education. The expansion of higher education may be controlled by the powerful groups to reduce the opportunities available for competing groups. The cases of communist countries are often cited to justify this explanation. During the post-war period, the communist countries were confronted with trilemma of party control over society, representing privileged working class and the rise of a new class of highly educated people. The communist countries chose party control and restricted further expansion of higher education (Baker et al., 2004; Schofer & Meyer, 2005). The expansion of higher education is also attributed to the changing model of governance worldwide. Prior to the World War II, higher education was elite in nature. The goal of the higher education was limited to creating aristocratic class needed for the ruling elites. So, higher education was supplied in accordance with the need of civil servants and school teachers, doctors, lawyers and priests. However, the old-world view withered away over the time. A new trend emerged during the postwar world where higher education is believed to create human capital which benefits both individuals and society. However, the expansion afterwards went through ups and downs. In 1960s, the debate of over education emerged, particularly in USA, which led to the belief that more graduates than required were being produced thereby leading to the wastage of the resources (Schofer & Meyer, 2005). Since the late 1960s and 1970s, a new trend emerged wherein expansion of higher education disconnected with labour market demands prompted fear of over education. The governments, particularly in advanced capitalist economies, created vocational education and higher education with professional orientation to respond to the labour market demand. Iversen and Stephens (2008) distinguished three systems of higher education. The liberal-market economies (USA, UK, Australia, Canada and Ireland) have high level of enrolment financed by students substantially but public subsidy also exists. The high demand for private higher education survives due to high premium associated with higher education due to weak trade union. In Nordic countries, the participation rate is high but there is not much difference in the earning of graduates and the upper secondary education. In continental Europe, the enrolment rate is low and tuition is free. High wage rate in some advanced sectors is coexisting with low wage rate in other sectors. In egalitarian liberalization, wage inequality is constrained and investments in education are spread across schools, colleges and universities. The tuition fees charge is low. However, the participation rate in tertiary education is high in countries like Japan and Korea but the political dominance of conservative exists. The public subsidy is low, while tuition fee is higher. The private sector plays a dominant role in the providing of higher education.

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Privatization and Skewed Expansion of Higher Education Privatization of higher education is repercussion of the larger political change; it is due to crisis of welfare state and rise of neoliberal ideology in the policy-making across world. It disseminated market values to every sphere and constructed human beings and relations in economic terms. The knowledge and education have also been in terms of capital investment and appreciation (Ballerin, 2016). In neo-liberalism relation between the state and the citizen are largely determined in economic rather than legal terms. The economic motive rather than the rule of law plays very important role in determining the role of the state. So, the state emerges as a shareholders’s states. The manifestation of reformulation of relation between the state and citizens is witnessed in higher education also. The role of higher education in the society is determined by the return from it. As discussed above, the human capital approach itself led to the methodological contribution towards calculating the private return to investment in higher education; it resulted in the debate of social versus private return. The claim of higher private return than social return led to the policy prescription that public subsidization of higher education has regressive income distribution implications (Psacharopoulos, 1994, 2004). The privatization of higher education has gradually become an international norm. Similar trend is observed in India. The share of private unaided institutions has reached nearly 33% in total higher education attendance in 2014 (NSS, 2014). The policy documents recognized private sector as an important player for expansion of higher education. The impact of such shift is witnessed from the fact that the share of private sector is higher in states where GAR in higher education is higher. The GAR and share of private unaided institutions is higher in states like Himachal Pradesh, Kerala, Tamil Nadu, Telangana (Fig. 11.1).

Fig. 11.1 Relation between share of unaided institutions in total attendance and GAR in higher education. Source Based on 71st round National Sample Survey on social consumption, education, 2014

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Table 11.1 Distribution of states based on GAR and availability of private unaided colleges (per lakh enrolment in high education) GAR/privatization

Low availability of private unaided High availability of private unaided colleges colleges

Low GAR

Bihar, West Bengal, Jharkhand

Karnataka, MP, Chhattisgarh, Gujarat

Higher GAR

Jammu & Kashmir, Uttaranchal, Uttar Pradesh, Tamil Nadu

Telangana, Andhra Pradesh, Kerala„ Rajasthan, Maharashtra, Haryana„ Punjab, Himachal Pradesh, Goa

Source Data on GAR is based on NSS, 2014, and private colleges is based on AISHE, 2015–16

In other states with high GAR like Telangana, Andhra Pradesh, Kerala and Tamil Nadu,nearly half of the total students are attending private unaided institutions, though less than 20% of students in low GAR states like Bihar, Jharkhand and West Bengal are attending private unaided institutions. Thus, association between GAR and privatization is evident as south Indian states has higher GAR and share of private unaided institutions, as against low GAR and share of private unaided institutions in East Indian states. North Indian states like Himachal Pradesh, Uttaranchal and J&K do not fit into this access-privatization association as high GAR is coexisting with low share of private unaided institutions. Based on per lakh availability of private unaided colleges and GAR, states can be divided into four types as shown in Table 11.1. It is to be noted that in nine out of twenty major states high GAR is coexisting with high availability of private unaided colleges, while both GAR and availability of private colleges are lower than all India level in three states. However, high availability of unaided colleges does not necessarily lead to high GAR in four states and GAR is high despite low availability of private colleges in the remaining four states. Thus, high availability of private unaided colleges is existing with high GAR in most of the states, and all these states are economically well off also.

Increasing Access: Inclusion or Diversion? The functionalist understanding on education apparently holds in case of the interstate disparities in the expansion of higher education. The pattern reflects the impact of the economic reform on higher education as most of the states with high GAR are the beneficiaries of neoliberal reform also. However, most of the states with low GAR and low availability of private unaided colleges have been starved of the benefit of economic expansion happened due to the economic reform. Thus, high GAR in higher education indicates that the overall benefit to a large extent is attributed to the market-led reform. The state-wise picture unambiguously reveals that economically better off states are way ahead of backward states in terms of GAR. For example, GAR

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Fig. 11.2 Relation between per capita income and GAR in higher education. Source Based on 71st round National Sample Survey on social consumption, education, 2014

in Himachal Pradesh, Kerala, Tamil Nadu and Uttaranchal is above 40%; the GAR in Telangana, Maharashtra, Andhra Pradesh and J&K is also high. Economically backward states like Bihar, Odisha, Jharkhand and Chhattisgarh have low GAR. Figure 11.2 shows the association between per capita income and GAR in higher education, as GAR is higher in state with higher per capita income. In a nutshell, it can be said that access to higher education is higher in economically better off states, and private sector is playing key role in this regard. This is to note that most of the states where GAR is low despite high availability of private unaided colleges are also backward states, while states with high GAR despite low availability of unaided institutions are well off states. This is indicative of the fact that private sector played an important role in increasing access in the better off states. The data reveals that group-based inequality in higher education has remained unabated despite increased access of the weaker section. For example, the GAR of STs, SCs, OBCs and Muslims in India has increased notably over the time. This confirms Trow’s (1973) view point that massification is accompanied with the recognition of the marginalization of underprivileged groups. But this increase has not been uniform; socio-economic affiliation has become privilege for some and impediments for many. This is reflected from the empirical evidence that GAR among SCs, STs and Muslims is far lower than that of privileged section of the society as the figure is 15% among Scheduled Tribes (STs) and Muslims, 20% among Scheduled Castes (SCs), 29% among Hindu Other Backward Castes (OBCs) and 43% among Hindu Higher Castes (HCs). It is apparent that expansion has not included all segments of the population equally; rather, it has benefited the privileged groups more (Khan, 2015, 2017; Thorat & Khan, 2017). The important explanation for expansion of higher education emanates from the idea of education being a social status. The competition among groups and individuals exists intensively for success in education. This leads to the expansion of education beyond the functional requirement. This explanation of expansion has linkage with the continuing inequality of opportunity for

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Table 11.2 Attendance in higher education by level of education: 2014 Level

ST

HSC

HOBC

HCH

Muslim

Rest

Total

Diploma HS

12.3

11.3

11.4

8.8

10.8

13.9

10.7

Diploma graduate

8.3

7.6

8.3

10.4

8.3

9.6

8.9

Graduate

66.2

70.1

67.8

63.4

69.6

62.6

66.6

PG and above

13.3

11.0

12.5

17.5

11.3

13.9

13.8

Total

100

100

100

100

100

100

100

Source 71st round NSS data on education, 2014

higher education as well. It argues that elite groups not only focuses on their children’s success but perpetuate their status-group culture also (Boudieu & Passeron, 1977). The important aspect of the inequality of higher education in India is that the unequal access is not limited to the quantitative aspects only, but it is reflected in quality of higher education as well. Based on the NSS data (2014), stratification in higher education can be examined for two educational outcomes: inequality in the level of education pursued and inequality in course attended. The attendance of socio-religious groups by level of education in higher education can be divided into four levels, diploma at higher secondary, diploma at graduate level, graduate level and postgraduate and above level of education. The share of students attending postgraduate and above level is highest among higher castes followed by STs, OBCs, Muslims and SCs, while the share of graduate level is highest among SCs followed by Muslims, OBCs, STs and Higher Castes. Even in diploma courses, higher share of students coming from weaker background joins diploma courses at higher secondary level while students from privileged background joins diploma courses at graduate level (see Table 11.2). The disaggregation of attendance by courses shows that higher share of SC students are attending humanities followed by STs, Muslims, OBCs and higher castes while the share of higher castes is highest in commerce followed by STs, OBCs, Muslims and SCs. The share of science courses is highest among OBCs followed by STs, Muslims, SCs and HCs. Engineering and ITI also constitute notable share of attendance in higher education. The share of engineering courses is highest among OBCs followed by HCs, Muslims, SCs and STs. However, the share of short duration job-oriented courses is higher among students from the underprivileged background than those from privileged background. The share of ITI, a short duration job-oriented courses, is highest among STs followed by Muslims, SCs, OBCs and HCs (see Table 11.3). Thus, the group-based inequality is existing despite expansion of higher education. In spite of increasing access of weaker section, the exclusion in higher education continues to prevail as students from weaker background are likely to be served as unmet demands rather than a potential human capital to be enrolled at higher level and in elite courses with high returns. Mere enhanced opportunities in post-secondary higher secondary do not increase the level of human capital stock as type of course determines the entry and success in labour market.

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Table 11.3 Attendance in higher education by courses: 2014 Course

ST

HSC

HOBC

HHC

Muslim

Rest

Total

Humanities

44.0

47.2

33.9

32.3

40.2

25.9

35.9

Science

14.7

12.2

17.2

12.1

14.7

11.3

14.2

Commerce

14.9

12.6

12.8

17.8

12.7

17.6

14.6

Medicine

2.3

1.9

2.6

2.6

3.3

7.8

2.8

Engineering

7.6

10.4

17.8

16.6

11.4

15.3

15.1

Agriculture

0.89

0.26

0.37

0.35

0.39

0.58

0.39

Law

0.20

0.49

0.40

0.76

1.04

0.51

0.57

management

0.79

1.8

2.5

3.6

3.2

5.3

2.9

Education

2.8

3.5

2.4

1.9

1.4

2.3

2.3

CA

0.40

0.24

0.60

2.3

0.40

1.2

1.1

IT

3.0

2.9

3.4

5.3

3.2

6.3

4.1

ITI

5.9

3.6

3.6

2.9

3.7

4.0

3.5

Other

2.5

3.1

2.5

1.7

4.3

2.0

2.5

Total

100

100

100

100

100

100

100

Source 71st round NSS data on education, 2014

The enrolment of marginalized groups reflects the process of diversion, as they are diverted from elite opportunities and are channelled to less attractive courses and institutions (Brint & Karabel, 1989). The social origin of student plays an important role in determining the type of tertiary education attained (Triventi, 2013). Given that the private institutions play a crucial in the expansion of higher education, it may further accentuate the group inequality in higher education through the increasing cost burden.

Conclusion The dramatic expansion of higher education and increasing role of private sector are related with the changed political economic scenario. The above analysis leads to the conclusion that the changing political economic scenario has implication vis-à-vis unequal access as follows: First, the dominance of neo-liberalism has increased the role of higher education. It has also provided justification for privatization of higher education. The expansion of higher education is due to increasing demand for university education as well as increase in demand for skilled labour in the labour market. The pattern of expansion of higher education in India follows the global trend. The private sector is playing everincreasing role in the expansion of higher education. The states where the presence of private institutions is not prominent, the overall GAR is also low. However, the benefit of high GAR led by private sector is confined to economically better states. This

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itself is compatible with the larger political economic scenario since the benefit of the neoliberal reform also has been confined to the better off states. However, the political economic reason behind the expansion cannot be ruled out. In countries, where wage gap across different sector is high, the high enrolment for higher education despite high tuition fee, low subsidy and presence of private sector. The expansion of higher has increased the access of weaker section in quantitative terms but reproduced unequal access in qualitative terms, as increasing access of weaker section reflects the process of diversion instead of inclusion. Thus, merely expansion of higher education will not lead to equity, since students from weaker background cannot afford the expensive course, and even if they succeed to get enrolled in higher education, a large section will be confined to the courses with lower subsequent value (Mc Cowen, 2007). Expanding higher education would continue to serve relatively privileged groups unless proper safeguards are provided to the weaker section. However, the challenge emerging from this new trend goes beyond the numerical underrepresentation of deprived groups. There is no doubt that weaker section are still lagging in terms of access. During the previous two decades, the justification for the expansion of higher education has shifted. Conventionally, its purpose has been producing social knowledge to cognitive problems and resolve social problems. However, the most important goal of higher now is production for profit (Buchbinder, 1993). Further, teaching–learning process is increasingly becoming producer–consumer model which will provide absolute sovereignty to the customers, thus turning higher education into customer responsive production process. With emerging link of job education, the demand for job-oriented courses would keep increasing. However, another important role of the higher education, i.e. producing social knowledge, cannot be supported by the free market which works on the principle of cost and benefit. Thus, proactive role of government to protect this function of higher education is urgently needed in this regard.

References Baker, D. P., Köhler, H., & Stock, M. (2004). Socialist ideology and the contraction of higher education: Institutional consequences of state manpower and education planning in the Former East Germany, 1949 to 1989. Max Planck Institute for Human Development. Ballerini, V. (2016). Global higher education trends and national policies: Access, privatization, and internationalization in Argentina. Policy Reviews in Higher Education, 1(1), 42–68. Benhabib, J., & Spiegel, M. M. (1994). The role of human capital in economic development: Evidence from aggregate cross-country data. Journal of Monetary Economics, 34(2), 143–174. Bleiklie, I., & Kogan, M. (2007). Organization and governance of universities. Higher Education Policy, 20(4), 477–493. Bourdieu, P., & Passeron, J.-C. (1977). Reproduction in education, society, and culture. Sage. Brint, S., & Karabel, J. (1989). The diverted dream: community colleges and the promise of educational opportunity in America, 1900–1985. Oxford University Press. De Weert, E., (1999). Contours of the emergent knowledge society: Theoretical debate and implications for higher education research. Higher Education, 38(1), 49–69.

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Etzkowitz, H., Webster, A., Gebhardt, C., & Terra, B. R. C. (2000). The future of the university and the university of the future: Evolution of ivory tower to entrepreneurial paradigm. Research Policy, 29(2000), 313–330. Gumport, P. (2000). Academic restructuring: Organizational change and institutional imperatives. Higher Education, 39, 67–91. Hall, P. A. (2015). How growth regimes evolve in the developed democracies. In: 22nd International Conference of Europeanists. Paris. Iversen, T., & Stephens, J. D. (2008). Partisan politics, the welfare state, and three worlds of human capital formation. Comparative Political Studies, 41(4/5) Khan, K. (2015). Disparities in access to higher education in India. Journal of Social Inclusion Studies, 1(2), 168–178. Khan, K. (2017). The impact of privatization among social and income groups. ArthaVijnana, 59(1), 34–54. Lorenz, C. (2012). If you’re so smart, why are you under surveillance? Universities, neoliberalism, and new public management. Critical Inquiry, 38(3), 599–629. Lucas, R. E. (1988). On the mechanics of economic development. Journal of Monetary Economics’, 22, 3–42. Mankiw, N. G., Romer, D., & Weil, D. (1992). A contribution to the empirics of economic growth. Quarterly Journal of Economics, 107(2), 407–437. Marginson, S., & Considine, M. (2000). The enterprise university: Power, governance and reinvention in Australia. Cambridge University Press. McCowan, T. (2007). Expansion without equity: An analysis of current policy on access to higher education in Brazil. Higher Education, 53, 579–598. Nelson, R. R., & Phelps, E. (1966). Investment in humans, technology diffusion and economic growth. American Economic Review, 56(2), 69–75. OECD. (2008). Tertiary education for the knowledge society. Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development. Psacharopoulos, G., & Patrinos, H. A. (2004). Returns to investment in education: A further update. Education Economics, 12(2), 111–134. Psacharopoulos, G. (1994). Returns to investment in education: A global update. World Development, 22(9), 1325–1343. Romer, P. (1990). Endogenous technological change. Journal of Political Economy, 99(5, pt. II), S71–S102. Schofer, E., & Meyer, J. W. (2005). The World-Wide Expansion of Higher Education in the Twentieth Century, Working Paper, Centre on Democracy, Development, and The Rule of Law. Stanford Institute on International Studies, Number 32 Schugurensky, D. (2006). The political economy of higher education in the time of global markets: Whither the social responsibility of the University? In R. A. Rhoads & C. A. Torres (Ed.), The University, State, and Market: The Political Economy of Globalization in the Americas, Stanford University Press Schultz, T. W. (1961). Investment in human capital. The American Economic Review, 51(1), 1–17. Stiglitz, J. E. (2000). Contribution of the economics of information to twentieth century economics. Quarterly Journal of Economics, 115(4), 1441–1478. Thorat, S. K., & Khan, K. (2017). Private sector and equity in higher education: Challenges of growing unequal access. In N. V. Varghese, N. S. Sabhrawal, & C. M. Malish (Ed.), India higher education report 2016: Equity (pp. 92–128). SAGE Publications. Tilak, J. B. G. (2009). Higher education: A public good or a commodity for trade? Prospects, 38, 449–466. Triventi, M. (2013). Stratification in higher education and its relationship with social inequality: A comparative study of 11 European Countries. European Sociological Review, 29(3), 489– 502. Accessed from https://academic.oup.com/esr/article-abstract/29/3/489/463114?redirecte dFrom=PDF

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Trow, M. (2007). Reflections on the transition from elite to mass to universal access: Forms and phases of higher education in modern societies since WWII. In J. J. F. Forest, P. G. Altbach (Eds.), International Handbook of Higher Education. Springer International Handbooks of Education, vol 18. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4020-4012-2_13 Trow, M. (1973). Problems in the Transition for Elite to Mass Higher Education. Carnegie Commission on Higher Education, Berkeley. Accessed from http://files.eric.ed.gov/fulltext/ED091983. pdf

Chapter 12

Marketization and Inequality in Education—A Study of Low-Cost Private Schooling in an Unauthorized Colony in Delhi Rajshree Chanchal Abstract India has seen rapid privatization and marketization in the field of education since 1990s which has impacted the access to better educational opportunities for underprivileged sections of the society. It is argued that schools should be allowed to run on market principle where the parents have the freedom to ‘voice’ and ‘exit’ if they are not happy with the school. The paper based on an exploratory study tries to capture the dynamic of low-fee private schooling market and the experiences of parents sending their children to these schools in a low-income unauthorized colony of Delhi. The paper utilizes Hirschman’s concept of ‘voice’ and ‘exit’ which says that in a marketplace consumers can raise their ‘voice’ to demand ‘quality’ improvement in a product or service or else they can ‘exit’ to understand parental decision-making in private schooling market. The finding of the study suggests that underprivileged parents lack the agency to raise their ‘voice’ to improve the level of education in a private schooling market, and ‘exit’ is the only option for them. It can also be said that there are serious implications of marketization of education for the underprivileged sections of the society, and it leads to exacerbate the existing educational inequalities. Keywords Market · Choice · Voice and exit · Caste · Underprivileged sections · Private schools · Family · Low income

Introduction In India at elementary education level, the schooling is provided by the government as well as by private sector. These schools include government schools, private-aided, private-unaided and private-unaided unrecognized schools. The private schooling market is heterogeneous, and it caters to a range of population varying from elites to the low-income groups. The tuition fee of the private schools varies from Rs.150 to more than 10,000 per month. The period from 1990s onwards has seen a rapid increase in private schools in India. At elementary level of education, DISE data R. Chanchal (B) Dr. B. R. Ambedkar University Delhi, Delhi, India e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2022 R. K. Kale and S. S. Acharya (eds.), Mapping Identity-Induced Marginalisation in India, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-3128-4_12

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(2017) shows that at elementary level of education in year 2015–16, the percentage of private schools was approximately 23, where the private-aided schools’ share is just 5%. It shows that 19 percent of schools are unaided.1 Within the private sector, there has been a rapid increase in the number of unaided and unrecognized private schools in the country especially in semi-urban and rural areas. These schools are now branded as ‘low-fee’ (a term coined by Srivastava, 2006) private schools and are operating as small-to-medium-sized business enterprises of individual owners, in homes or a few in larger buildings specifically built for the purpose (Biard, 2009; Harma, 2009). These schools are also called as ‘Low cost’, ‘Budget schools’ by different scholars. These schools mostly remain unrecognized by the government as they do not meet the norms set by the government and have no legal status. There is no official/reliable record for the exact number of unrecognized schools. However, it is acknowledged that there has been a rapid increase in the number of unaided unrecognized schools2 in last two decades. In 2002, the 7th all India educational survey (NCERT, 2006) reported that the share of unrecognized schools to total schools is around 10% at elementary level. The PROBE revisited (2006) survey conducted in seven Indian states reports that around 70% of private schools have come up between the year 1996 and 2006.

Educational Inequalities: Role of Caste and Gender The education markets are projected relatively ‘free’ from bias, but ability to afford private schools is not the only factor which determines parental decision-making. There is very limited research on how SCs and STs navigate the private schooling market. In India from last three decades, the state sponsored universalization of elementary education has provided access to schooling to majority of underprivileged caste groups but subtle form of caste and gender-based discrimination persist in schools. The socio-historical marginalization, exclusion and discriminatory experiences of SCs in the state schooling system are well documented (Constable, 2000; Nambissan, 1996, 2020; Ramachandran & Naorem, 2013; Wankhede, 2013). Social antagonism exists between the upper castes and Dalits when it comes to allocation of resources such as natural, social, political and educational. There is a long history of marginalization of lower caste in various realms of life ranging from participation in social process, education, employment (especially the non-manual, non-polluting jobs) and political institutions (Ajit, Donker and Saxena, 2012; Wankhede, 2013). Given the history of caste-based discriminations, the lower castes remain excluded and marginalized in terms of access to better education and rewarding paid jobs. 1

The unaided schools are privately managed and self-funded school. It is essential for these schools to be recognized by the government to run legally and issue market and transfer certificates. 2 A number of organizations have also estimated the number of unrecognized private schools in different parts of the country. For example, a group called social jurist (2008) estimated that there would be around 10,000 unrecognized schools in Delhi.

12 Marketization and Inequality in Education—A Study of Low-Cost … Table 12.1 Percentage enrolment of boys and girls by social category at elementary level 2017–18

215

Social category

Boys (%)

Girls (%)

Total (%)

General

25

24

25

SC

19

19

19

ST

10

10

10

OBC

44

45

44

Source U-DISE flash statistics 2017–18

Wankhede (2013) argues that issues of caste, casteism and untouchability are the main barriers to access education and are also responsible for the huge economic disparity existing in the country. Ramachandran and Naorem (2013) in a study of the condition of Dalit and tribal children in six states of India reveals that Dalit and tribal children face stark discrimination in the government schools of Rajasthan. Decisions about schooling have significant social dimension and remain embedded in the larger cultural and social norms. Ramchandran and Saihjee (2002) in their study on District Primary Education Programme (DPEP) demonstrate that ‘general household characteristics like income, caste, occupation and educational level of parents continue to determine access, attendance, completion and learning achievement’ (cited in Vaid, 2004:3928). Viad (2004) based on statistical analysis of National Election Study (NES), 1996 data found that girls face inequality in education although general caste boys and girls are far better in terms of accessing education than the backward castes. If we look at the latest data available as shown in Table 12.1, we can say that Boys and Girls from SC and STs Communities lack behind the OBC and general caste in terms of enrolment at elementary level of education. It can be said that SC and ST groups lack behind in accessing elementary level of education. Only 19% of SC boys are enrolled at elementary level of education as compared to 25% of boys from general category. Similarly, only 19% of SC girls are enrolled at elementary level of schooling than their counterpart General category girls whose enrolment percentage is 24. Within social categories, the enrolment of girls is at par with the boys. Despite different social, cultural and economic changes in Indian society girls are still being given limited space in the social sphere. Jha and Jhigran (2002) argue that the traditional image of women poses a more serious constraint than the economic condition and the status of girls become grim when coupled with the caste, class and religion. Girls have to bear the initial discrimination in terms of early enrolment in any kind of school as reported by Jha and Jhigran (2002). Table 12.2 demonstrates the overlapping relationship between caste and gender in terms of the share of girls in population and enrolment in the age group of 6 to 13 years. Table 12.2 demonstrates that girls have a lower proportion of only 46.5% in the total population in age group of 6–13 years while their share in school enrolment is much low. Here we can see the difference in enrolment of girls among different social groups. Girls from uppercaste Hindu groups have higher chances to get enrolled in schools than the girls of other social groups like SCs, STs and Muslims.

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Table 12.2 Share of girls in population and enrolment Social group

Percentage of girls in population (6–13 years)

Percentage of girls in enrolled (6–13 years)

UCH

55.2

52.9

OBC

50.9

48.7

SC

44.7

41

ST

44.5

35.9

Muslims

41.3

41.1

Total

46.5

42.6

Source Jha and Jhigran (2002) (Table 8.1) UCH Upper-caste Hindu; OBC Other Backward Caste; SC Scheduled Caste; ST Scheduled Tribe

The gender-based inequalities accentuate when we look at the enrolment of girls in private schools. Out of 100 girls enrolled in different schools’ majority (80.5%) attend government school. Only a small proportion of girls are able to make it to private school. The percentage enrolment of girls is 11.5 in private-aided school and 8 percent in private-unaided schools, respectively (GoI, 2002). The proportion of girls in unrecognized schools is very low as compared to their share in government schools. The cost of schooling is considered high for girls and parents prefer to send their daughters to government school owing to the dominant belief that one day girls have to leave their natal place, and they will not contribute to the natal household income. The likelihood of girls to be enrolled in private schools is less than boys in all social groups, but Dalit and ST girls are placed at higher level of disadvantage when compared to upper caste Hindu girls. Relatively well-off Hindu girls can access private schools for attaining better marriage prospects ‘Dalit girls have to suffer multiple burdens of poverty, caste and gender’ (Rao, 2009). They have to struggle hard even to go to government schools as they have to shoulder household chore before going to school. Hence, studies suggest that there is discrimination between girls and boys in the choice of schools by families. The body of scholarship on low-cost/low-fee private schools is growing, but researchers appear to be following certain fixed agendas either to establish the legitimacy of low-cost private schools or to focus on the issues of choice, demand for private schooling, household income and affordability of these schools. At present available research on private schooling is fragmentary as it does not capture the range of unrecognized schools available to different sections of the society. Certain areas especially the low-income pockets in metro cities like Delhi, Hyderabad and Mumbai are sites that have been researched, and it is reported that lower end private schools are providing education to the poor and disadvantaged sections of the society (Baird, 2009; Tooley & Dixon, 2006). However, the experience of parents sending children to a range of unrecognized schools remains under researched in the context of local schooling markets. There is a range of unrecognized schools in terms of fee charged catering to different income groups. It is not very clear whether fee paying parents accessing these schools feel exploited or empowered enough to raise their ‘voice’

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(Hirshman, 1970). The present paper tries to explore the kind of ‘choice’ of schools available to parents with low income and their agency to excise the options of ‘voice’ and ‘exit’ and how caste and gender mediates the schooling decisions.

Theoretical Background A number of arguments have been given in favour of introduction of market principle in the field of education, especially at the elementary level. The advocates of ‘lowfee’ private schooling argue that if there is an open market for schools, the number of schools will expand and they will have to compete with each other to establish their merit. It is suggested that the open market will make schools more accountable towards fee paying parents. In case schools are unable to perform according to the expectations of the parents or unable to provide ‘quality service’, they will have to be closed down. The concept of ‘exit’ and ‘voice’ given by Hirschman (1970) is attractive and scholars have used it to pose that ‘market knows the best’ and the application of market principles ultimately leads to better quality services. In the field of education, also it is argued that parents who are conspicuous about the quality of education are going to choose private school. According to Hirschman (1970:4) if the quality of any product or service deteriorates, two alternative routes are available for the customers: (1) (2)

Some customers stop buying the firm’s product or some members leave the organization: this is exit option. The firm’s customers or the organization’s members express their dissatisfaction directly to management or some other authority to which management is subordinate or through general protest addressed to anyone who cares to listen: this is the voice option.

In the education market parents can raise ‘voice’ to pressurize schools to improve the quality and if the schools are unable to fulfil the parental demand for quality education they can ‘exit’. The other suggested benefits of ‘market’ are that parents can choose between government schools and ‘low-fee’ private schools on the basis of quality of education provided. This will give parents a better chance to select ‘quality’ schooling for their children. Under this theoretical backdrop, the present paper based on an exploratory study tries to analyse the extent up to which the ‘lowfee’ private schooling market acts as a fare place to provide relevant information to parents before and after choosing a private school and to what extent parents feel empowered to raise their ‘voice’ is also looked into.

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Research Setting and Respondents’ Profile The data for the present study was collected from the low-income colony of Sangam Vihar located in South Delhi. Sangam Vihar a ‘low-income’ settlement is situated at the periphery of South Delhi touching the border of the neighbouring state of Haryana. The settlement provides shelter to approximately 40,000 people (Census, 2001). It is an unauthorized3 colony. The settlement stretches over an area of 150 acres. The ‘low’ cost of land and ‘cheap’ house rents in Sangam Vihar attract people who have migrated from the different states like Uttar Pradesh, Haryana, Rajasthan, Bihar and other parts of the country. Majority of the population of Sangam Vihar belongs to unskilled labourers like construction workers, masons and other daily wage workers, while bus drivers, auto drivers, vegetables and fruits sellers, street hawkers are also present in large numbers. Some people also own small business-like stationary shops, general stores and medical stores (Residents Interviews, Sangam Vihar, February, 2011). In Sangam Vihar, two ‘blocks’ were identified and the unrecognized schools were mapped out. After the mapping of schools, a few unannounced visits were made to eight ‘unrecognized’ schools. In most of these schools, the owner of the school was the principal. They were requested to spare some time and talk about different aspects of school and education. The selection of schools was based on the willingness of the school authorities to reveal information. Only three school principals/owners gave their consent to give the in-depth interviews. The schools are named by the researcher as Angelic public school (A.P.S), Happy Public School (H.P.S) and Green Valley Public school (G.P.S). For ethical reasons, the real names of the study participants have been replaced by the pseudonyms. Parents of children going to these schools were purposively selected and interviewed to know from them their experiences of these schools. Observations and in-depth interviews with open-ended questions were used. The fieldwork was carried out in the month of February and March 2011. A total of 16 parents were interviewed by putting questions to them in Hindi by the researcher. From the observation of the houses of the residents, it can be said that majority of population lives in one room houses having an area of approximately 50 square feet. Being an authorized colony, Sangam Vihar is deprived of many basic facilities which a city colony should have. It lacks proper facilities of water supply, sanitation, health and education. Interviews with individuals residing in the colony for many years revealed that Delhi Jal Board does not own the responsibility of supplying water to the colony so people have to make their own efforts to get water. The main source of water is private pumps. Some people have fitted bore wells. These private pumps are owned by one person, and water is given to the residents at different prices.4 A few 3

Unauthorized colonies are usually those settlements in the cites which are not developed by the municipal or other governing authorities and come up due to settlement of migrants and other people on available vacant land. The government authorities consider them as illegal. 4 Based on the discussions with a shopkeeper living in the colony for 30 years and watchman ‘gate keeper’ of the colony who is living in Sangam Vihar for past twenty years.

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parents said that the quantity of water and frequency to operate the pump depends upon the amount of money paid. Water is also supplied through tanks which came to the colony once in a week. Besides this the colony also lacks other facilities like proper sanitation and garbage disposal.

Demographic Characteristics: Social category, Duration of Urban Residence, Educational level of respondents The respondents of the study reported to belong to different social categories, seven household were SC, six were from OBC community and three from general caste. Most of the families are ‘first-generation urban’ dwellers as defined by Drury (1993:55) ‘These are those families in which the informant had brought wives, children or other dependents to live in the city for the first time’. It may also be said that one-fourth of the total studied families have shifted to Delhi quite recently, while rest of the families have been residing in the colony for over two decades. These families can now be treated as permanent settlers of the colony and thereby of Delhi. Most of the children in these families have been born and brought up in here.

Occupation and Income As is the case in both urban and rural areas of the country and also in the colony under study, the male members of the family are the only bread earners. They are engaged in running small business-like general stores, fruits shops and electrical shops, steel workshops, etc. While some are employed in courier agency, salesman, accountant in private firms and lower grade government job, a few are daily wage workers engaged in works like masonry, construction and distribution of LPG cylinders, etc. Interestingly, the women in these families are only housewives and do not work outside their homes. Similarly, a majority of the respondents fall into the category of ‘low income’, ranging from Rs. 3000 to 7000 per month. While one-fourth of the respondent’s income in the range is of Rs. 7000–10,000 per month, only two have income of above Rs. 10,000 per month.

Education Level of Household In the present time, children’s education is said to be the responsibility of not only the school, but the parents or other family members also have to play a vital role in guiding them and clearing their doubts in their study at home. This is possible only if the parents or other members in the family are educated. Keeping this in mind, we

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Table 12.3 Education level of the parents Educational level (level completed)

Social group

Fathers (no.)

Mothers (no.)

Total

Non-literate

SC

0

8

8

Primary

SC

4

2

6

Middle

SC

3

3

6

Matriculation/secondary

OBC

4

0

4

Sr. Secondary/intermediate

OBC

2

0

2

Graduate

GEN

2

2

4

Post-graduate

GEN

1

1

2

16

16

32

Total Source Field Data 2011

have tried to know the educational level of our respondents and their spouses. As expected, and can be seen from Table 12.3, the educational level of parents of school going children in Sangam Vihar is quite low, with few exceptions. Fifty per cent mothers mainly from SC category did not have any kind of school education and were illiterate. Two mothers had received education till primary level, and three had completed middle school. The highest level of education completed by two mothers was graduation and post-graduation, respectively. But the fathers had received some level of schooling, the lowest level being primary school, while the highest level was graduation and post-graduation. However, it is important to note that fathers belonging to SC community have relatively lower level of education when compared to OBC and General categories.

Access to Schools: The Family Unrecognized ‘low-fee’ private schools are present in large numbers in Sangam Vihar colony. Anyone can locate an ‘unrecognized’ private school in the streets of Sangam Vihar as there are many small bill boards placed on the road side poles showing the name and address of the school. There exists heterogeneous category of unrecognized schools in terms of infrastructure as well as fees. There are schools running in rented buildings, and few houses have been converted into schools. Within unrecognized private schools, there is a category of schools which are ‘registered’ under a ‘society’ or ‘trust’ and those which do not have any kind of registration. Only the ‘registered’ schools can apply for recognition from the Delhi government.5 On an average, each studied families has two children, in the age group 5–12 years, going to a ‘lowfee’ private school. All the children are of the first generation in terms of attending ‘English medium’ private school. Besides private schools, a number of children 5

Under the Delhi School Act, 1973 it is essential for every private school to be run under some society or trust.

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also go to government schools. But, interestingly, out of 38 children covered for the purpose of our study, 34 were going to private schools and only 4 to government schools. It is pertinent to mention that the children’s access to schooling is a complex phenomenon. Only the physical presence of schools is not sufficient to ensure that all children would equally participate in the schooling process. Participation in the process of schooling is governed by income, social and cultural position of the family. From the available schooling options, parents make the selection of schools in a very complex manner. There exists a hierarchy when it comes to choose a school in terms of income as well as social category. Even within a family, there exists a variation in the kind of school selected for educating the children. Depending upon the income, children from a single family are attending government school, ‘higher’ fee charging private school and slightly ‘lower’-fee-charging private schools. The most apparent criteria taken into account to send children in different types of schools appear to be the income of the family. However, the selection of school is also influenced by the number of schools going children in the family. Usually, in families having 4–5 school going children, parents prefer to send the elder children (13–14 years) to government schools at the upper primary level. We have found in our study that a few elder children in three families belonging to Schedule Caste were unable to access neither government nor private school. The first reason given by the parents is the non-availability of government schools in the locality. The second important reason for dropping out at the upper primary level is the steep increase in the ‘fee’ charged by the private schools. Poor Dalit parents are unable to bear the high cost of private schooling and also cannot afford the travel expenses incurred in sending the children to nearest government school at upper primary level in Tughlaquabad extension (a distance of about 4–5 km).

Choosing a School Parents have a variety of sources from where they come to know about a particular school, which they select for schooling their children. Six out of 16 parents have revealed that they are living in the area from a very long time, so they know about the schools. On the other hand, a few parents (03) have said that the school teachers came to their home and asked them to get their child admitted in the school. As one of the mothers Meera has said that, ‘when the Angelic public school was started teachers of the school came to our home and told us about the school’. Besides, there are certain other means of information like the work place, tuition teacher and land lady through which parents came to know about the school. As one of the fathers, Subhas also has said that, ‘I am having my building material shop near the school (Angelic Public School) that is how I came to know about the school’. When parents were asked how they have selected a particular school for enrolling their children, all the parents said that they did not collect any information about any ‘other’ school in the locality before choosing the particular school where the child is enrolled presently. As one father Karan sending his children to Happy Public School

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(H.P.S) has mentioned that, ‘we have not made enquiry about other private schools. We got our children admitted in this school’. The ability of parents to send their children in different schools in the vicinity largely depends upon the economic status of the family, stated earlier. Five parents have said clearly that they are sending their children to a particular school because the school is within their ‘budget’ and they can afford to bear the monthly fee and other expenditures incurred. One of the mothers Neeraj has explained that ‘the A.P S school is good according to our income. It is in our budget. Other ‘good’ schools are expensive’. Karan, father of three school-going children, has said, ‘we have selected the HP school on the basis of our budget. In this school the expenses are low (is school me kharcha thoda kam hai)’. Another mother, Sapana has said that, ‘the fees of this school (A.P.S) is low and we are not in a position to send our children to some other school due to economic problems’. Similarly, Seeta, wife of an auto driver and mother of five school-going children, has said, ‘the fee of this school (H.P.S) is ‘low’, so I have admitted my child there’. She has further stated, ‘I went to the school on my own. There I asked about the fee charges of the school. I told madam that we are poor people and I have to admit my child in the school. She (madam) said that put your child in our school. We would charge the fees accordingly (hisaab se paise le lenge)’. Even though parents may have not visited any other school in the area, they have a general sense about the schools in the locality charging different amount of fee. They are also aware of the schooling market and the purchasing power they have. For instance, one mother (Meera) has said ‘everything depends on money. I have to put my child in this school because of poor economic condition of my family’ (H.P.S.). Shashi Mohan, father of a schooling child, seems upset about his poor income and says that, ‘everything depends upon money. If you have enough money then you can provide good education to your children, otherwise, you have to send them to such schools (small unrecognised) as in Sangam Vihar’. The schools are also aware of the economic conditions of the parents, and there is competition among schools to retain students. The schools are flexible in terms of giving some extra time to parents for the payment of school fees. A few parents from Schedule Caste disclosed that they are in contact with the school principal, and if they are unable to pay school fee on time or for few months, then also the child can go to school without any hurdle. Parents can pay the fee when they have money. Subhash, the father of three children, said that ‘the school principal is helping. If I am unable to pay the school fee on time, then also my children can go to school without any interruption’. In addition to the amount of fee charged by the private schools, other expectations by the schools like bringing variety of ‘lunch’, different colour school uniforms for different days and other expenditure (such as asking children to bring craft paper or some other material) in school appear to have been considered by the parents while opting for a school to get their children admitted. One mother (Preeti, SC) was very critical about the fees and other expenses of the school. She also indicated that there were certain other things which made her to send her children to Green Valley Public school. In her words, ‘We do not have to give different types of lunch to children. In

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other schools, they check the tiffin box of the children… But there is nothing like that in this school and it has only one dress’. The selection of school for admission of the child is also influenced by the distance of school from home and the age of the child. If the child is very young and cannot go on her/his own to the school then parents preferred to put her/him in the nearby private school. As one of the mothers Neeraj has said, ‘the school (A.P.S) is near our home and it is alright for young children (choote bachchon ke liye theek hai)’. Discipline and strictness on the part of the teachers was also a factor which parents (4) liked about the school. Parents also said that principal’s good command over the school and his/her ability to control and make teachers teach properly was other factor, which they like about the school. In fact, parents were happy with the fact that the school principal does not allow teachers to waste time in gossiping. Dinesh, a lower class government employee, has said, ‘here in G.P.S the principal is strict. He keeps teachers ‘tight’’. The regular homework given by the teachers was also a feature for parents to choose a particular school. Mobina a mother of three children was concerned about teacher’s giving homework. She said ‘teachers of this school (H.P.S) teach in the classroom and give homework daily and check it next day’. It is found that Dalit parents are at greater disadvantage as they are forced to choose ‘lowest fee charging’ school among the low-fee schools in the area.

Information about Recognition Status of the School It has been argued that to make rational ‘choice’ in a marketplace, an individual is required to have some kind of previous experience or information about the products. He/she should have the ability to collect information, analyze and compare it with other available options, so that he/she can be saved from the danger of being cheated by the false advertisements of the market (Wells & Crain, 1992). Emphasizing the difficulty to collect the information in a competitive market, Arrow (1987) argues that ‘all knowledge is costly even the knowledge of price’ (cf. Wells & Crain, 1992:74) and it is very difficult to make a rational choice with very limited knowledge. In the present study, where the schooling arena is highly marketized, only four parents had some information about whether the school where their child was enrolled was ‘unrecognized’. Fifty per cent parents did not have any information regarding the status of recognition of the school. Similar finding is reported by Harma (2009) in a study of private schools in rural area of Uttar Pradesh. She has mentioned that most of the parents in the sampled village did not know that the particular school where their child is enrolled is ‘recognized’ or not. In case of our study, a few parents were aware of few ‘recognized’ schools in the Sangam Vihar colony and had some information about few recognized schools, which they considered ‘good’ but expensive. However, they were not sure about the recognition status of the particular school where their child was enrolled. Sometimes, the parents were sceptical about the information given by the school regarding its recognition status, as one father Karan has said,

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‘sometimes the school may have contact with some other ‘recognized’ school and it declares itself as recognized’. It may not be out of context to mention here that the parents had limited sources of information to know exactly about the recognition status of the school in which their children were enrolled or were to be enrolled. They could not check and verify the information given to them by the private schools. The schools also have the tendency to provide incorrect information or hide it from parents. As Preeti whose children were going to G.P.S has explained ‘we do not know anything about the recognition of the school. The school can write anything on its signboard. When we ask about this, the school may lie to us’. An instance of a school providing false information regarding its recognition status was also mentioned by a few parents. For instance, Karan said, ‘the pervious school in which my children were going lied to us about its recognition status. Later, when I wanted to shift my children from that school, it did issue transfer certificate. Then only I came to know that actually the school was actually not recognized but had some contact with some other recognized school’. He also acknowledged that even at present, he does not know whether the school is recognized or not. He said that ‘we are poor people so we are unable to get the correct information’. Another mother (Uma) said, ‘I do not know about this and the school (Happy Public School) has concealed it and at the time of admission the teachers did not tell her anything about the ‘recognition’ status of the school’. Later on she said, ‘now I know that the school is not having any ‘value’ (ab pata chala ki school ki ‘value’ nahi hai)’. Few parents appeared to be indifferent about seeking information regarding the recognition status of school due to various reasons. Many a times, parents put young children in nursery classes in nearby private schools and think that for such young children it is not very important to ask about the recognition, as they have to shift the child to other school within one or two years. Further, three mothers have said that they are likely to go back to their native place in future, if something happens at home or if their husbands would not get the suitable job in Delhi. Their temporary stay in Delhi seems to be one reason for not being concerned about the recognition of the school.

Schooling Market, Choice and Question of Caste and Gender In the private schooling market besides parental income, caste and gender also play important role in determining the school choice. Table 12.4 demonstrates the enrolment of children in different schools on the basis of households’ social category. Access to schooling further depends on the decision of parents to send their sons and daughters to different kinds of schools. It is clear from Table 12.4 that their inequitable access to schooling is across different social categories. Out of total 38 children, four from SC community are attending government school, while none of the children from OBC and general category are going to government school. The access to low-cost private schools in the study area can be said hierarchical as SC

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Table 12.4 Enrolment of children in different schools on the basis of social category of the household (in numbers) Social category Government H.P.S** Fee G.P.S Fee range A.P.S Fee range Grand total range 150–300* 130–550* 130–300* SC

4

5

3

2

14

OBC

0

3

4

6

13

Gen

0

2

4

5

11

Total

4

10

11

13

38

Source Field Data 2011 *Per month fee ranging from Nursery to class VIII **HPS is only till primary level

children are enrolled in HPS School which charges comparatively ‘lower’ fee per month and is only till primary level. Children from OBC and General category are going to relatively ‘higher’ fee charging schools which are seen to provide better ‘quality’ education. There is ample evidence from various studies that private schooling is gender biased (De et al., 2002; Harma, 2009). According to all India Education survey (2002), 56% boys and 43% of girls are enrolled in unrecognized schools in urban areas at primary level (NCERT, 2006). In Sangam Vihar also among the families covered in the study at primary level, only 13 girls were able to attend private schools against 21 boys. Interestingly, no boys but 4 girls all from SC category were admitted to the government school. This indicates the biasness of parents across social category towards their sons in selecting a school. However, different reasons were given by the parents for sending their sons and daughters to private and government schools, respectively. The first reason given by some SC parents (3) for sending girls to government school was their ‘low’ income and also, they felt that they have to spend twice on daughters, first on their education and later in their marriage. As Roshni (a mother) said, ‘first we have to spend money on our daughters’ education then we have to give dowry in their marriage. We are very poor, so cannot afford such huge expenses’. The son will stay with parents. Hence, the sons of the family were attending private schools. More aspirations and hopes are associated with the ‘good’ education of sons. For instance, Roshni (having five daughters) further said, ‘I am having only one son. I want to educate him in a ‘good’ school (private school) so that in future he will get some good job’. Another mother, Seeta, belonging to SC community, having four daughters and one son said that they were unable to sustain their entire family in Delhi. So, she decided to send her two elder daughters to her sister-in-law’s house in a U.P. village, and both the girls attend government school there. She has put her other two daughters in government (MCD) school and her son in a ‘low-fee’ private school of the locality. When asked why she put her daughters in government school she replied, ‘my husband has taken an auto- rickshaw on rent and we have to give certain fixed amount of rent to the owner daily. Hence, our income falls between Rs. 4000–5000

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per month with such a small income, it is very difficult to support five family members and send children to fee charging private school’. Different incentives provided by the government are also cited as one of the reasons for sending girls to government schools. Two parents belonging to SC community said that they are sending their daughters to government school because government is giving financial support. A mother Roshni as said, ‘I am sending my all daughters to government school because no fee is charged in the school and also the government is providing financial support by giving scholarship’. Another mother Pinky who is sending her son to Green Valley Public School while her daughter goes to the local government school has said, ‘I am sending my daughter to government school because the government is running ‘Laadali Scheme’ for the education of girls’. A few parents (two from general category and one OBC) are sending both their sons and daughters to private schools, but the ‘quality’ of selected private schools varies. Usually, girls are put in those private schools which are graded ‘lower’ in the locality and are not recognized, while boys are preferably sent to a recognized private school or to a ‘better’ ‘low-fee’ unrecognized private school. For instance, Subhash (father of three children—two sons and one daughter) is sending his elder son to a recognized private school, while his daughter studies in an unrecognized school. Another mother (Usha) has three daughters and two sons. She is sending her elder daughter to government school and her two younger daughters are going to A.P.S private school. She is planning to send her sons to a school considered as a ‘costly’ and recognized private school in the locality. Defending her decision, she has said, ‘I have waited for 15 years to see the face of my first son and now I want that my both sons should get education from a ‘good’ school.’ There are certain other barriers associated with education of the girls. As stated earlier, when children reach to the upper grades, the fees and other school expenditures increase sharply even in ‘low-fee’ unrecognized private schools. Under such condition, poor parents especially Dalits decide to either put their daughters in government school or to put an end to their education. In case of a few families, low income compels the parents to compromise on the education of their elder children. This evident from the fact as two parents have revealed that they have educated their daughter up to class V in a ‘low-fee’ private school, but now they do not have money to spend more on her further education as they have to take care of education of their other younger children. One of the above-mentioned families has 4 children (three daughters and one son). Two younger daughters and the son go to a ‘low-fee’ unrecognized private school, while the elder daughter who had completed education till class V, is at home helping her mother in the household chores. When asked, her father said, ‘I am a poor man having very uncertain job. After class V, all schools in Sangam Vihar charge ‘high fee’ and other school related expenditures also increase. Since I have to educate my other children also, I have decided not to send my elder daughter to school’. The social access to private schools is differentiated in two ways—the access to schools is limited by economic factors and the preference given to sons. Chanana (2001) argues that family is a primary agency providing ideological justification for

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the discrimination in terms of material resource allocation to boys and girls. She further elaborates that females from marginalized communities remain segregated at the lower end educational institutions in both government and private sector. De et al. (2002) argue that parents with low and uncertain income find it very difficult to sustain the cost of private schooling. There exists a ‘sacrifice mentality’ (Srivastava, 2006:509) among these parents, as they spend less on other necessary commodities to keep the child in the process of schooling. Harinath and Gundemeda (2021) in a study of school choice among the Dalit parents in urban and rural area of Warangal district, Telangana conclude that there is a hierarchy of private schools where the girls are sent to either government or low-cost private schools while boys are attending relatively better quality private schools. The present study also finds that there are different ways through which parents willingly or unwillingly discriminate between their male and female children in providing them education. Girls have to face a triple discrimination in terms of gender, caste and poor economic condition of parents in achieving education in spite of the fact that schooling facilities are provided by the state as well as the market.

Shifting of Schools There is frequent shifting of children from one school to another. More than fifty per cent parents (9) had shifted their children from one school to the other after the child had studied for one or two years in a particular school. Parents gave a variety of reasons for this frequent shifting of school in which the economic reason was the most crucial one. As three parents had said, they were unable to bear the total expenditure of education of two or three school-going children because they thought that when their children go on to higher classes (like V or VI), the monthly tuition fee and other expenses (books, stationery and dress material) of the school would increase to a great extent. It is a fact that the tuition fee and other expenses of the schools increase sharply after class 3. With a single earning member in the family, parents find it difficult to meet the school expenditure in sending their children to a particular private school charging high fee. So, they decide to withdraw their children from that school and put them in some other private school where the fee is ‘low’. Further, due to increasing fees and other demands of the private schools, parents try to put their children in a government school as soon as possible or put them in some other ‘low-fee’-charging private school. A mother (Usha, SC) said that, ‘earlier my two daughters were going to Jagrati Public School (one of the ‘recognized’ schools of the locality). My elder daughter got admission in government school in Tughlaquabad extension and I had to withdraw my second daughter from the school because the school asked quiet big amount for giving admission in class IV and the fee was increased’. As mentioned, there is a hierarchy among the low-cost private schools, the schools, having slightly better reputation in the locality, charge ‘higher’ monthly tuition fees. They also charge high admission fees and there is a steep increase in monthly tuition

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fees when a child reaches to the next class. The cost of books and other material is also high at the upper grades. Hence, the increasing tuition fees and other expenses compel parents to shift their children from a slightly better private school to other private school charging ‘low fee’. Karan a father (belonging to SC community) doing a private job said that, ‘earlier children used to go to Vijay Bharti Public School which was very expensive. When the children reached to the next class, the school asked me for the payment of the full amount of admission fee and other charges (cost of stationery and books) before admitting my children. At that time, I did not have the required amount, so, I decided to withdraw my children from that school’. Thus, the parents having limited resources and no extra source of income have to compromise with the ‘quality’ education of their children. If the number of schoolgoing children in the family is more than two or three, it becomes difficult for parents to bear heavy educational expenses and other needed family expenses of food and clothes. Poonam, a mother, explained that, ‘my husband has to support the whole family and we do not have any other source of income. I have three children who were studying earlier in Vijay Bharti Public School. The fee of that school was very high and we were unable to sustain it. So, my husband decided to put children in Happy public school’. Certain other factors related to the ‘quality of school’ also play important role in decision-making of parents to change the school for their children’s education. For instance, school not giving proper attention towards children, frequently changing teachers, teachers not teaching properly and not giving homework for many days or repeating the same homework daily were also taken into consideration by the parents while shifting their children from one school to another. A few parents were also not happy with the fact that the school threw out ‘good’ and ‘educated’ teachers who taught children ‘well’. As one mother said, ‘earlier my children were studying in Neha Public School which provided ‘good education’ (acchi padhai) for few months. Then, the good teachers were thrown out and children were not getting any kind of homework for more than fifteen days. So, we thought it’s better to take out our children from there’. Here we can see that economic condition of parents highly influence the continuity of children in one private for two years or more. The ‘quality’ of education provided in these schools also forces parents to shift their children from one private school to other. This is quite similar to the observation made by De et al., (2002:5234) in a study of private schools targeting disadvantaged sections of the society in three districts of Haryana (Bhiwani), U.P (Rampur) and Rajasthan (Dhaulpur) that ‘… parents are disillusioned with private schools and moved helplessly from one to the other…’.

Parental ‘Voice’ Srivastava (2006) using Hirschman’s concept of ‘voice’ and ‘exit’ had argued that if parents are not able to bring improvement in the quality of ‘low-cost’ schools by using ‘voice’ or do not find the schooling of the child satisfactory, then they have the

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option of ‘exit’. In Sangam Vihar, the dynamics between schools and parents was found much complex which could not be interpreted simply in terms of ‘voice’ and ‘exit’ to bring ‘quality’ change in the schooling process. As discussed earlier, most of the parents across social groups find themselves caught between different private schools. After changing one or two schools, parents come to know that frequent changing of the schools has negatively affected the learning of children. Thus, they lose confidence and are confused about the quality of private school. As one father, Karan has said, ‘…who knows the other private school (low fee) is even worse than this one (kya pata dusra private school aur bhadda ho)’. In the ‘low-fee’ private schools, the rate of teacher turnover is very high. The teachers look at teaching job as a temporary option and leave the job when some other better opportunity comes to them. Many parents were aware of this tendency of teachers and have said that the frequent changing of teachers also affects the children’s learning capability. Children are left in confusion with the new teacher every time. But parents cannot raise ‘voice’ against this because many of them are not able to pay the school fee on time and schools give them relaxation by giving some extra time to pay the fee. In between their children are allowed to attend the school without any interruption. These parents think that they might not get such relaxation in other school. As the school is private, its management is completely under the control of a single person its manager or owner. The parents did not feel apt or empowered enough to give any suggestion or complain against the school. In the words of a father, Subhash (whose children go to G.P.S), ‘it is their job to manage the school efficiently. I cannot suggest them to bring change as I do not have any authority over the school.’ Parents were also apprehensive about the fact that if they would complain against the school or the teacher, the owner might say that you can withdraw your child. Another father, Shashi Mohan said that ‘…if we will complain against the school, they might say you can take away your child from this school.’ However many noneducated/poorly educated parents were not conscious about the fact that they could raise their ‘voice’ against the school, if they felt that the school was not paying attention towards their children. They have, in fact, the tendency to remain silent by saying that, ‘who has time to listen to their voice’. The ability to exercise one’s ‘voice’ regarding schooling of the child or any other related problem largely depends upon economic status and the level of education and awareness on the part of the parents. Only a few parents felt that as they are paying for the education of their children they have the right and can raise their ‘voice’ against the school if they have any problem. They can ‘complain’ against the teachers also, if they feel that the latter are not serious about the teaching and are not teaching properly. For instance, Geeta said, ‘yes, principal of G.P.S pays attention to the complaints. If there is any complain he calls the ma’am (teacher) and ask her to pay proper attention towards the child. (haa, sir puri baat sunte hai, koi shikayat ho toh ma’am ko bulakar bolte hai ki ache se dhyaan do)’. A sharp contrast is visible between the ability of the educated and non-educated mothers to use their ‘voice’. On one hand, two graduate mothers could check and monitor the teacher as whether she had corrected ‘properly’ the test copy of the

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child and also go to school to enquire about it. One such mother Neeraj said, ‘Once the teacher did not check the test copy properly and my child got low marks (‘kam number’), I went to the school (A.P.S) and asked the teacher to check the test copy again’. On the other hand, lack of education sometimes make mothers feel shy and hesitant to go to school and complain about anything regarding the studies of their children. They also do not want to be ashamed off in front of the teacher on the ground of their being illiterate. Seeta a non-literate SC mother (whose children go to H.P.S) has explained, ‘…what will I complain in the school. I cannot question them because I myself do not know how to read and write. If I question them, they can ask the child to write something in front of me. Since I am not literate, how will I know what is written by the child is correct or not. So, what is the point of asking them? To be true on my side, I will be ashamed off for being illiterate. Being an illiterate how can I say anything to the teacher?’.

Conclusion Education in India is marked by sharp inequalities based on caste and gender. The emergence of education markets has further complicated the issue of access to education for majority of underprivileged sections of the society. Access to private schooling is inequitable across social groups as well as within the household also. The findings of the study suggest that within the low-cost schooling market, SC children are further marginalized and parents have to contend with the ‘lower’-feecharging private schools. Many parents are sending children to private schools in ‘utter necessity’ (mazburi) as ‘good’ schooling at the primary level is not available in the local government school. The low-fee schooling market, which is posed as fare place and empowers the parents to raise ‘voice’ or provides the option of ‘exit’, if they are not satisfied with the quality of education, seems problematic. Parents fail to excise their agency in the private schooling market. As many parents covered in our study have said, ‘the person in need is always under pressure’ and they have to educate their children. They feel helpless to raise any kind of ‘voice’ against the school. Hence, the applicability of the concept of ‘voice’ and ‘exit’ from the private schools on the ground of their low-quality education is far more complex. The findings of our study reveal that poor parents are not equally empowered to raise their ‘voice’. Those who are not able to pay the school dues on time are forced to ‘exit’, and thereby, the opportunities for raising ‘voice’ against such education do not exist given the economic vulnerability of many parents. This is quite similar to the observation of Harma (2009). The option of ‘exit’ also pushes parents and their children to a disadvantaged position in losing out both on money and time. Going by the recent trends, it may be said that the parents across social groups prefer to send their children especially boys to private schools because they think that more attention is given to children in these schools at lower level of education, compared to government schools. Also, the early private schooling is believed to give a solid academic foundation (‘mazbut buniyaad’, ‘mazbut jad’) to the children based

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on which they can survive and cope up with the pressure of upper primary/secondary education. It has been observed that the children studied earlier in private schools have better chances to qualify for good government schooling at secondary level (De et al., 2002). In the case of ‘low-fee’ private schools operating in a market context, poor illiterate parents, who do not have any previous experience of schooling, would find it quite difficult to collect and analyze information about ‘low-fee’ unrecognized schools and make a ‘choice’. For a few parents, it is not the ‘best choice’ which they really wanted but, under the limited financial and educational resources they have to compromise and send their children to those schools which they find affordable. In the arena of ‘low-fee’ private schooling, children in general and girls in particular have to suffer most due to social and economic factors. Dual standards are used by parents in selecting private schools for boys and girls. Within the ‘low-cost’ schools, the girls are sent to the schools with the ‘lowest’ quality of education. Another serious constrain faced by girls is of the ‘marriage market’. The primary concern of parents remains to provide education to girls only up to that level which they consider appropriate for her to find a suitable match. It tends to produce segregation within the family as well as in the society at large. It can be concluded that caste-based hierarchy coupled with hierarchical and segregated nature of low-cost private schooling hardly provides any space for ‘collective action’ to parents. In the private education markets, underprivileged parents are forced to ‘exit’ due to a variety of economic and social factors. Other serious complication attached to private schooling is the serious limitation posed to the access of upper primary education due to the sharp increase in fees and other related expenditures. It is important to note in spite of the growing education market, SC groups are still dependent on government schooling system and incentives such as scholarships. The paper argues that the context in which ‘low-fee’ private schooling market is growing needs more focus and clearer understanding of socio-economic position and institutional organizational location of the underprivileged section of the society which is employed in the unorganized sector of economy. Unlike the elites and middles classes, the underprivileged sections of the society neither have the option of ‘voice’ nor ‘exit’ to navigate the educational market and ensure success for their children. Hence, it can be said that marketization of education is having serious ramifications for poor and underprivileged caste groups of the society and tends to exacerbate the existing educational inequalities. Acknowledgements This chapter is based on the unpublished MPhil dissertation submitted to and awarded by Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, in 2012.

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References Ajit, D., Donker, H., & Saxena, R. (2012). Corporate boards in India blocked by caste? Economic and Political Weekly, XLVII, 31, 39–43. Baird, R. (2009). Private schools for the poor: Development, provision, and choice in India. A Report for Gray Matters Capital. Constable, P. (2000). Sitting on the School Verandah: The ideology and practice of ‘untouchable’ educational protest in late Nineteenth-Century Western India. The Indian Economic and Social Review, 37(2), 393–422. Chanana, K. (2001). Introduction sociology of women’s education: Dealing with difference’, in Interrogating women’s education: Bounded visions, expanding horizons. Rawat Publication. Drury, D. (1993). The iron school master: Education, employment and family in India. Hindustan Publishing Corporation. De, A., Noronha, C., & Samson, M. (2002). Private schools for less privileged: Some insights from a case study. Economic and Political Weekly, 37(52), 5230–5236. GoI. (2002). Education for all: National: Plan of Action India. Department of Elementary Education & literacy, MHRD. Harinath, S., & Gundemeda, N. (2021). Dalits and choice of schools a sociological study of private schools in Telangana State. Sociological Bulletin, 1–18. Harma, J. (2009). Can choice promote education for all? Evidence from growth in private schooling in India. Compare: A Journal of Comparative and International Education, 39(2), 151–165. Hirschman, A. O. (1970). Exit, voice, and loyalty responses to decline in firms, organisations, and States. Harvard University Press. Jha, J., & Jhigran, D. (2002). Elementary education for the poorest and other deprived groups. Center for Policy Research. Nambissan, G. B. (1996). Equity in education? Schooling of Dalit Children in India, Economic and Political Weekly, 31(16/17), 1011–1024. Nambissan, G. B. (2020). Caste and the politics of early ‘public’ in schooling: Dalit struggle for an equitable education. Contemporary Education Dialogue, 17(2), 126–154. NCERT. (2006). Seventh All Indian Educational Survey 2002. PROBE Team. (2011). Probe revisited: A report on elementary education in India. Oxford University Press. Ramachandran, V., Saihjee, A. (2002). The new segregation: Reflection on gender and equity in primary education. Economic and Political Weekly, 37 (17),1600-13. Ramachandran, V., & Naorem, T. (2013). What It means to be a Dalit or tribal child in our schools: A synthesis of six-sate qualitative study. Economic and Political Weekly, XLVIIII(44), 43–52. Srivastava, P. (2007). For philanthropy or profit? The management and operation of low–fee private schools in India. In P. Srivastsavta, & G. Walford (Ed.), Private schooling in less economically developed countries: Asian and African perspectives, Symposium Books. Srivastava, P. (2006). Private schooling and mental model about girls’ schooling in India. Compare: A Journal of Comparative and International Education, 36(4), 497–514. Tooley, J., & Dixon, P. (2006). ‘De facto’ privatization of education and the poor: Implications of a study from Sub-Saharan Africa and India. Compare, 36(4), 433–462. U-DISE Team. (2020). U-DISE Flash Statistics 2017–18. NIEPA. Vaid, D. (2004). Gendered inequality in educational transitions. Economic and Political Weekly, 39(35), 3927–3938. Wankhede, C. G. (2013). Caste and social discrimination: Nature, forms, and consequences in education. In G. B. Nambissan & S. S. Rao (Eds.), Sociology of education in India: Changing contours and emerging concerns (pp. 182–198). Oxford University Press. Wells, A. S., & Crain, R. L. (1992). Do parents choose school quality or school status? A sociological theory of free market education. In P. W. Cookson, Jr., (Ed.), The choice controversy. Corwin Press, Inc.

Chapter 13

Revisiting ‘Annihilation of Caste’ and Quest for Justice Jagannatham Begari

Abstract The paper endeavour to revisit, to understand the relevance of B. R. Ambedkar’s ‘Annihilation of caste’ and to examine how the text enhance to contribute to reclaiming of justice. In view of this, the paper proposes to examine Ambedkar’s views on social system, caste, and its impact on the society in general and marginalized groups, in particular. In addition, it evaluates and interrogates the standpoints of Ambedkar on socialism, religion, ideal society and democracy with apt caste violence cases that have occurred in the recent past in India. Keywords Reclaiming justice · Marginalized groups · Annihilation of caste

Introduction B. R. Ambedkar during his lifetime has fought and written against all forms of discrimination and violence based on religion, caste, class, gender and so on. Even after the seventy-five years, same with even more worst forms of discrimination persists and the people of the deprived sections are still facing the same but in a more organized, sophisticated and in modern form. Modern form of discrimination is more explicit in rural areas, and in urban areas, it is more implicit. Even in the educational institutions, administration and the other modern institutions have places of discrimination. It is found that in most of the cases, similar forms of discrimination could be seen but conceivably it is invisible, and in most of the cases, it is difficult to express, narrate and resist against it. It is to note that B. R. Ambedkar during his lifetime fought and written against the different kinds of violence. Even after the ninety years of annihilation of caste text, same with even more worst forms of discrimination persisting and the people of the deprived sections are facing the same. Modern form of discrimination is even can be seen in rural urban areas. Ambedkar faced caste discrimination from his childhood itself based on his caste. He faced caste discrimination in every phase of his life: as a child, student, employee, J. Begari (B) Central University of Gujarat, Gandhinagar, India e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2022 R. K. Kale and S. S. Acharya (eds.), Mapping Identity-Induced Marginalisation in India, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-3128-4_13

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lawyer, lecturer, social activist and politician and statesman. Simultaneously, he was also resisting social discrimination. Later, he started theorizing the caste question. As a result of his profound interest in the question of caste, we can see his deeper intellectual probe in understanding of caste in his paper ‘Castes in India: Their Mechanism, Genesis and Development’. It is to note that in the beginning of his social activism, he started a Marathi fortnightly Bahishkrit Bharat in the year 1927 and The Janata, a weekly in December 1930. In the same year, he founded the Samaj Samata Sangh, and in December 1927, Ambedkar participated in a Satyagraha to ensure civil rights of ex-untouchables to draw water from Chavdar Lake, a public tank at Mahad, Kolaba district in Maharashtra. He further organized Satyagraha to demand the right of the untouchables to enter the Kalaram temple at Nasik. He started several social and political organizations and institutions as well. (Zelliot, 2013). Notwithstanding these, Ambedkar had submitted the report to South Borough Committee constituted under the Montague Chelmsford Report in 1919 and had put forward three important principles that guided future course of his political strategy in the report. They are as follows: unless the depressed classes got their own political representatives, it would be difficult to eradicate untouchability, the depressed classes representatives in the council should be nominated by the government and not by the majority members of the council because at present they were the main adversaries of the untouchables and to ensure their free political development, the untouchables should be given separate electorates. Thereafter, he continued his efforts constantly in continuous of his historical text, i.e. Annihilation of Caste, by starting the Independent Labour party, the Scheduled Castes Federation, All India Association of Depressed Classes, the Scheduled Caste Federation, The People’s Education Society (in 1945), the Buddhist Society (in 1953) and the Republican Party of India (in 1956) tried to build the society based on the equality, liberty, fraternity and morality (Zelliot, 2013:). All these initiatives of Ambedkar remind us of his greater relentless efforts to end the caste discrimination and social discrimination. In the view of this context, it is prerequisite to revisit annihilation of caste, its core concerns, importance and its relevance in the present context.

Revisiting Annihilation of Caste Jat-Pat-Todak Mandal organization was led by Hindus but was striving to reform Hindu society. It was not that Ambedkar had opted consciously to accept to preside the Annual Conference. He had agreed with the hope that his presidential address may help in annihilation of the caste despite of their different approach towards social reform from that of Ambedkar. However, initially, it was found that for Ambedkar it was difficult to agree their invitation as he understood that they are not in agreement with him on account of his difference of opinion. Therefore, when the Mandal first approached him, initially he had declined their invitation to preside over the conference. After their pursuance, he gave consent to chair the conference was to be organized at Lahore. Despite their formal invitation, Jat-Pat-Todak Mandal had

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cancelled the Annual Conference. Prior to that, they requested and tried to convenience Ambedkar to change some points written in his speech regarding Hindu religion and the evils that are embedded in it. B. R. Ambedkar published the text on his own as the Conference was cancelled. In the light of this, it is prerequisite to revisit annihilation of caste once again to assess its relevance and reclaim justice.

Ambedkar on Caste Violence and Social Inequalities The caste violence has been conceptualizing, theorizing, analysing and resisting continuously since pre- and post-independence and at present as well. State tried its best to end the caste discrimination with the help of protective measures. Even the Constitution of India is clearly and profoundly emphasized in its preamble and fundamental rights to end socio-economic and political discrimination. Despite of that, due to deleterious approach of the state, unwillingness of the political elites who are at the helm of political and an administrative affair and their presence and domination, the marginalized sections tend to face social and other forms of discrimination. It became distant dream to annihilate the caste system. In the context of this, revisiting of annihilation of caste is highly relevant and appropriate to strive to accomplish justice. Ambedkar had referred some cases of caste violence as reference to expose and analyse the caste violence in the text. Ambedkar referred few cases which were evident under the Peshwas of Maratha country. He found that ex-untouchables are denied basic rights. He observed that Balias must not live the life that they want under the Peshwas, and they should not wear Dhotis and barred from walking through land owned and surrounded by Hindus. As a result, Balias had no access to their own field. Another case is the incident of Kavita in Gujarat. In this case, Kavita was asked by few Hindus not to send her children public school. Kavita had to resist against this humiliation and had to send her children. In another case, when untouchable women started fetching water in metal pots from well, the Hindus looked upon the use of metal pots as insolence. (Moon, 2016, 15). The other case is: Chikwara village in the state of Jaipur where untouchable man desired to host dinner with meat and eat. Against this, the armed Hindus went to the spot, sullied the food and attacked men. It is found in this case that an untouchable should not use ghee despite of them afford to buy it. (Moon, 2014, 16.). These are the cases that conveys that in India there was worst form of discrimination against the marginalized communities in pre-independence when the people of India fighting for independence and freedom from the British. However, during the same period, a large proportion population faced socio-economic, political and cultural discrimination. On the one hand, India was fighting for the rights, and on the other hand, there was the violation of rights of marginalized sections in India during the same period. Even in the modern India where we witness science and technology, globalization, modern state, yet still it is seen, and witness discrimination based on caste.

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In this context, it is to note that even after hundred years of ‘annihilation of caste’, discrimination based on caste, class and gender continues. Not only had the traditional forms of discrimination but witness in the modern and liberal state, but also the modern discriminatory forms which are more sophisticated and an organized manner. Most of the cases are invisible and difficult to comprehend systematically. Some of the caste violence cases on Dalits and Dalit women in recent past can be analysed to probe the seriousness of caste violence in modern India despite of the Constitution and welfare policies of the state since independence. However, during the same period, a large proportion population had to face socio-economic, political and cultural discrimination and fighting for the rights and justice. It is to note that even after independence and in the era of modern state caste discrimination persists in both the field view and text view, organized and unorganized, traditional and modern. The caste discrimination has been institutionalized and even spread the across the globe due to the larger mobility of Indians to abroad. (Mosse, 2018: 423).

Mapping Caste Violence and Atrocities on Dalits in Modern India The theoretical interventions of scholars are as evident from the work of Gopal Guru who argues that the dynamics of social life shakes these social elite from humiliating the social divisions that which regulate feudal society. The same social elites in modern times be liable to replicate structures, both institutional (state) and moral (friendship), that cause and renew the occurrence of degradation. The reorganization of modern society was largely based on the division between the private and public sphere accompanied by misrecognition, degradation and humiliation. Transgression of the boundaries between the private and the public spheres was considered as the context for humiliation (Guru, 2009: 1–2). S. K. Thorat has posited that there is not merely social discrimination, but also economic discrimination in the modern era. The people from Scheduled Castes have been excluded from access to agricultural land, and it is found that many atrocities against Dalits are mainly connected to the land. It is due to landlessness; Dalits continues to face discrimination. The predominance of market discrimination against certain social groups creates adverse consequences for their economic growth, income distribution and further can lead to inter-group conflict. Market discrimination leads to income inequalities, and there is severe deprivation of the discriminated groups and further induce inter-group conflict (Thorat, 2008: 14). It is found that discrimination, humiliations and atrocities on Dalits and the cases of rape on Dalit women by the upper castes appear to be regular phenomenon in India. It is rather painful that atrocities on Dalits and the consequent denial of justice in many cases are the reality in India presently. There is gap between constitutional pronouncements and the actual practice on the ground level regarding abolition of untouchability and all its forms. Dalit issues receive little or no attention even in the

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media coverage (electronic and print). Some of the atrocity cases such as Mirchpur (Haryana), Bantha (Gujarat), Jait (Madurai), BathaniTola and Laxmanpur Bathe (Bihar) became an evident (New Social Initiative, 2010: 23). There are many such incidents took place. Few instances are given here to understand the caste violence better. On 13 April 2013, in Pabnava village of Kaithal district of Haryana State, a Dalit youth Suryakant (24) broke the caste rules and married his classmate, Meena (aged 22 years), a Rod-Maratha girl. The Rods were unable to digest this transgression and threatened the family of Suryakant to divorce Meena. Suryakant did not agree to this suggestion. As a result, the parents and families of Dalits in the village were attacked by the Goons belonging to Rod community. However, there was no substantial response from the police and the administration. In another case Dalit pada (hamlet) was burnt (Lathore village), Khaprakhol Balangir district, Odisha (2012). There are many such cases: Kamadhenukote village of Dhenkanal district of the state (2012). Karamchedu incident, Chundur massacre and Laxmipet in Andhra Pradesh and Kharlangi massacre in Maharashtra are some cases which are also evident. The gruesome brutal murder of four Dalits in the same family in Khairlanji village of Maharashtra disturbed the nation. In a few cases (Karamchedu and Tsundur), victims went up to the higher Courts and Supreme Court; however, there was no considerable justice done to the Dalit victims. Even there was no cooperation from the higher authorities and the police to the advocate who represented Dalit victims in the Court. The result was severe expulsion from the villages, humiliation and killings of Dalits. This is largely because of the assertions of Dalits, emergence of an educated class due to their access to education, employment, electoral politics, etc. (Balagopal, 1991: 2399–2405). All these cases and acts are the evidence of the caste atrocities committed on Dalits in modern India. The similar cases of caste violence have been witnessing every year. B. R. Ambedkar conceptualized few such cases in his ‘Annihilation of Caste’ in 1935 itself. These cases and tragic examples hurt and wound the constitutional and democratic values that Ambedkar tried to uphold and protect. In the view of this, it is essential to conceptualise Ambedkar’s views of socialism.

Ambedkar and Socialism B. R. Ambedkar had questioned the political minded Hindus when the socialists and orthodox Hindus were attempting merely to bring in political reforms but ignoring social reforms. He argued that even in the modern era, the underprivileged sections continue to face social discrimination despite constitutional protections. Hence, Dr. Ambedkar maintained that the socialistic interpretation of economic empowerment does not solve social problems that the underprivileged sections are facing since centuries (Moon, 2014, 41). B.R. Ambedkar argued that economic status, religion, social status and property serve as the bases of power. Ambedkar recognized the economic interpretation of history, and equalization of property is the only real reform and essential for the validity of the socialist contention, but it must precede

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everything else (Moon, 2014: 46). Therefore, resisting caste discrimination was his priority. Ambedkar had reminded the socialists are not fit to rule the country as they are not allowed their own people to use common places where every individual intends to get respect and use them as spaces and eat food like those untouchables. Thus, Ambedkar advocated for social reform rather economic reform and economic interpretation of history. (Moon, 2014: 16 and 24). In this regard, it is worthwhile to mention to refer the views of Ambedkar as has he stated: ‘The path of social reform like the path to heaven at any rate in India, is strewn with many difficulties. Social reform in India has few friends and many critics’ (Moon, 2014: 13.) Ambedkar further noted: ‘I am sure no sensible man will have the courage to give an affirmative answer. In this connection it is necessary to make a distinction between social reform in the sense of the reform of the Hindu Family and social reform in the sense of the reorganization and reconstruction of the Hindu Society. The former has relation to widow remarriage, child marriage etc., while the latter relates to the abolition of the Caste System’. (Moon, 2014: 16.). Ambedkar said every aspect in India is linked with caste, i.e. As caste killed public spirit, public opinion is impossible, loyalty is restricted only to his caste and there is no appreciation of the meritorious and charity and sympathy begins with caste and ends with caste (Moon, 2014: 31.) therefore, Ambedkar advocated for social reforms and argued that unless kill caste (monster), one cannot have economic and political reforms. (Moon, 2014: 21.) Ambedkar further noted ‘any civilized society undeniably needs division of labour. But he raised a question that in no civilized society is division of labour accompanied by this unnatural division of labourers into watertight compartments’ (Moon, 2014: 21.). Ambedkar further said ‘caste System is not merely a division of labourers which is quite different from that of division of labour—it is a hierarchy in which the divisions of labourers are graded one above the other. Not merely inequalities but they are graded inequalities. Each caste has been categorized as one above the other. Every caste person thinks that her/his caste is superior to the other caste and discriminate the lower grade than their caste’. In no other country, the division of labour is accompanied by this gradation of labourers. This division of labour is not spontaneous. It is not based on natural aptitudes. Social and individual efficiency requires an individual to develop the capacity to the point of competency to choose and to make his own career. This principle is violated in the caste system in so far as it involves an attempt to appoint tasks to individuals in advance, selected not based on trained original capacities, but on that of the social status of the parents. The division of labour brought about by the caste system is not a division based on choice but individual sentiment. There is no individual preference in it. It is based on the dogma of predestination. (Moon, 2014: 21.) Caste is a harmful institution as it subordinates the natural powers of man and abide by social rules. Caste does not result in economic efficiency, but it has completely disorganized and demoralized the Hindus. Caste system is not division of labour, but it is division of labourers as the division is not based on choice but based on caste. There is no space for individual sentiments and preferences. Instead, it is based on the caste. Caste prohibits persons belonging to different from intermarrying

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(Moon, 2014: 23.). Caste, in fact, still exists in all domains in the modern times too in a different modern, sophisticated and refined form. These modern forms of discrimination are more erudite and dangerous than earlier forms of discrimination. Ambedkar put forward three propositions to end the caste system: (i) abolition of subcastes, (ii) inter-caste marriages and (iii) and inter-dining (Moon, 2014: 42.) These are necessary requirements, but ultimately there should be a change of mindset. If one assumes that the class is a category which is based on the exploitation, and it is true that within the category of class, caste exists. Even worker from the upper caste thinks that he/she is socially superior and gets all the social privileges. The worker from lower strata faces the discrimination based on his class category but also faces discrimination based on caste/social category. The important leadership in the major political parties in India has been dominated by the upper-caste social elites. It is to note that there is hardly difficult to emergence of top leadership from the socially underprivileged sections. If there is anybody from Dalits who occupy important positions in the political party or government or institutions, it is to note that either they are not free to take decisions, or they are nominal, or they are under tremendous pressure. Communist parties and organizations are not exempt from this trend as if one observes their top leadership since decades together hardly one finds the emergence of leadership from underprivileged sections. In revolutionary parties and organizations is found cadre from the lower strata and leadership at the national level and state level from the upper caste. Even the person belongs to lower caste, study higher education, occupy higher administrative, academic and other important positions tend to face or feel caste discrimination in their day-today activities some point or other. One could see this discrimination in the form of psychological, economic, social and political. Many cases are limelighted in the press and theorized by the scholars that physical attacks on Dalits. Even one can found this trend in power sharing, allocation of resources and funds as well. Even one could find that India’s people are stratified based on the caste and religion in the streets of India’s cities and towns. The state and non-state actors, in many cases, priorities are given in their respective institutions based on the caste, communities and religion. There are numerous instances where there is bias based on caste in the recruitment process in the academic and non-academic institutions. In the light of this, it tends to argue that social equality more important than economic and political equality. Economic and political equality should precede social equality as Ambedkar mentioned in annihilation of caste. However, there is no such substantial and positive move towards achieving social equality. Even obstacles are created by social, ideological and economically rich elites. There are many cases where it is found that many faculty positions are left vacant and justify it by saying that ‘no suitable candidate was found’, especially when they must fill SC/ST positions. The approach towards the employees from the underprivileged sections by the administration is also contested and biased. If anybody from the lower strata theorize social inequalities and raise their concerns are in many cases, are they either targeted or mute their voice by the authorities and few social elites in the administration. If anyone observes or conducts a study, it is visible that all main conventional political parties, their leadership and the way they function, command,

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control, administer and develop leadership and provide new leadership are based on the caste. All the top leaders and leadership of these parties are from the upper caste. No leadership has been emerged from the marginalized communities emerged as an active and substantial leader in those parties. It is to note that the leaders who are in the forefront either they are socially privileged or belong to certain reputed family backgrounds. Now, I, based on this conceptualization can argue that social identity or caste identity is primary reasonable for their emergence and command politics. Not many from the marginalized and subaltern background are leading the political parties. It is also to note that since early 1980s or RPI and few other parties from Maharashtra, there are many political parties in India which have been established by the weaker sections and marginalized communities. For instance, BSP and Rastriya Janata Dal and so on and formed the government. This trend informs us that there is upper-caste domination in every domain. Even one can find out similar trend in the administration. In the light of this realistic trend, it is to note that social democracy is essential not socialism in India’s social problems. Therefore, political equality and political rights or political power are not merely enough, but social democracy, social equality and social reforms are essential and prerequisite to enjoy political democracy. Therefore, objective and efforts of the Ambedkarite movement and democratic and subaltern movement should be towards attaining social democracy and social equality. Therefore, it is necessary to differentiate between anti-caste movements or assertion movements and Dalit politics or subaltern politics. Political reforms do not merely help in reforming society unless it precedes by social reforms. Not the political power but social equality is essential to see just society. (Moon, 2014: 29.)

Ambedkar and Religion, Reason, Rationalism and Principles Ambedkar said in his annihilation of caste that Hindu society does not exist as such, and it is only a collection of castes, and each caste is conscious of its existence. The survival of caste is the be-all and end-all of its existence. Castes do not even form a federation as each caste endeavours to segregate itself and to distinguish itself from other castes. Each caste not only dines among itself but marries among itself. Each caste prescribes its own distinctive dress. Therefore, he said, the Hindus cannot be said to form a society or a nation. He further says: ‘The Caste System prevents common activity and by preventing common activity. He said further that caste has been a powerful weapon for persecuting the reforms and for kill reforms. Ambedkar further said that Hindu religion ceased to be a missionary religion as when the caste system grew up among the Hindus and caste is inconsistent with conversion. He further noted that if caste remain, Hindu religion cannot be made a missionary religion and Shudhi will be both a folly and a futility. When shudhi is not possible, sangatan is also not possible, as Ambedkar said. (Moon, 2014: 25). In other words, Ambedkar argued that a Hindu is not free to use his reason and cannot resort to rational thinking and do not act according to reason and a Hindu should only follow the texts of Veda. All the same, Ambedkar says: ‘it must be recognized that

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the Hindus observe Caste not because they are inhuman or wrongheaded, but they observe caste because they are deeply religious’. ‘People are not wrong in observing Caste’. Therefore, anti-caste fight should not be against individuals but the religion that preaches him. Therefore, based on the above statement, B. R. Ambedkar had resolved to believe, argue and fight against the discrimination and intolerance based on the religion which is not based on reason and rationalism. (Moon, 2014: 47). Ambedkar was not against the religion, and he did not give a call to destroy religion as whole. He said that one must draw a distinction between principles and rules. He said the distinction is real and important. Rules are practical, and they are habitual ways of doing things according to prescription. However, he said, principles are intellectual. They are useful methods of judging things. Rules seek to tell an agent just what course of action to pursue. Principles do not prescribe a specific course of action. Rules do tell just what to do and how to do it. A principle, such as that of justice, supplies a main head by reference to which he is to consider the bearings of his desires and purposes, and it guides him in his thinking by suggesting person the important consideration which he/she should bear in mind. This difference between rules and principles makes the acts done in pursuit of them different in quality and in content. Ambedkar did not hold the opinion that there is no necessity for a religion. In contrast, he argues that religion must mainly be a matter of principles only. It cannot be a matter of rules. The moment it degenerates into rules, it ceases to be religion, as it kills responsibility which is the essence of a truly religious act. Thus, it is to argue that any religion which should be based on the principles, but not based on the rules. Therefore, Ambedkar has said that there no hesitation to say that if a religion is not based on scientific principles, it must be destroyed. There is nothing irreligious in working for the destruction of such a religion. On the contrary, he has agreed with Burke and said true religion is the foundation of society, the basis on which all true civil government rests. (Moon, 2014: 49–50). Indeed, Ambedkar was convinced of the necessity of religion. Therefore, he argued for reforms in religion as fundamental for humanity. He strongly argued for reforms in Hinduism as it must be more inclusive and allow every individual into its fold. Ambedkar suggested the reforms as follows: (a). there should be only one standard book of Hindu religion which is acceptable and recognized by all Hindus, (b). abolition of priesthood among Hindus. Whoever professes to be a Hindu should be eligible for being a priest and should be provided by law. He argued that no Hindu shall be entitled to be a priest unless he has passed an examination arranged by the State; (c) ceremony should not be performed by a priest who does not hold a sanad. He shall be deemed to be valid in law, and it should be made penal for a person who has no sanad to officiate as a priest; (d) a priest as to consider as the servant of the State and the disciplinary action can be taken by the State if he go against the rules of the state in matters like his morals, beliefs and worship, in addition to his being subject along with other citizens to the ordinary law of the land, and (e). the number of priests should be limited by law according to the requirements of the State as is done in the case of the I.C.S. (Moon, 2014: 51.). Based on the suggestions, it is very clear that Ambedkar wanted religion that should be based a doctrinal basis, i.e. in

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consonance with liberty, equality and fraternity, which are the basis of ideal society or democracy that Ambedkar believed.

Ambedkar and Gandhi Interface Ambedkar had challenged M. K. Gandhi’s objections to the annihilation of caste in the form of review in his Harijan. He replied straightforward and questioned Gandhi’s twofold approach in this regard. Ambedkar understood that from a perusal of Gandhi’s review that Gandhi completely disagrees with his views that he had expressed about caste. He said that the M. K. Gandhi has entirely missed the issues that he had raised and said the principal points which he tried to make out in his speech was not to provoke Hindus, but he had raised important limitations to Hinduism. They are catalogued as follows: caste has ruined the Hindus, the reorganization of the Hindu society based on Chaturvarnya is impossible because the Varnavyaastha is like a leaky pot or like a man running at the nose. It is incapable of sustaining itself by its own virtue. It has an inherent tendency to degenerate into a caste system unless there is a legal sanction behind it which can be enforced against every one transgressing his Varna; the reorganization of the Hindu Society on the basis of Chaturvarnya is harmful, because the effect of the Varnavyavastha is to degrade the masses by denying them opportunity to acquire knowledge and to emasculate them by denying them the right to be armed; the Hindu society must be reorganized on a religious basis which would recognize the principles of liberty, equality and fraternity. To achieve this object, the caste and Varna must be destroyed only by discarding the divine authority of the Shastras. Therefore, Ambedkar had argued that the questions raised by the Gandhi are absolutely beside the point and show that the main argument of the speech was lost upon him. (Moon, 2014: 60). If one examines the substance of the points which made by Gandhi was that the texts cited by Ambedkar are not authentic. But Ambedkar confessed that he had no authority on this matter. But he stated that the texts cited by Ambedkar are all taken from the writings of the late Mr. Tilak who was a recognized authority on the Sanskrit language and on the Hindu Shastras. His second point which Gandhi has raised that the Shastras should be interpreted not by the learned, but the saints and as the saints have understood them, the Shastras do not support caste and untouchability. As regards the first point, Ambedkar asked Gandhi was that what does it avail to any one if the texts are interpolations and if they have been differently interpreted by the saints? The masses do not make any distinction between texts which are genuine and texts which are interpolations. The masses do not know what the texts are. They are too illiterate to know the contents of the Shastras. They have believed what they have been told, and what they have been told was that the Shastras do enjoin as a religious duty the observance of caste and untouchability. With regard to the saints, one must admit that howsoever different and elevating their teachings may have been as compared to those of the merely learned they have been lamentably ineffective. They have been ineffective for two reasons. Firstly, none of the saints ever attacked

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the caste system; they never carried on a campaign against caste and untouchability. They were not concerned with the struggle between men, and however, they were concerned with the relation between man and God. They did not preach that all men were equal, and their teachings of the saints proved ineffective because the masses have been taught that a saint might break caste, but the common man must not. Ambedkar said, a saint, therefore, never became an example to follow. Other aspect that raised by M. K. Gandhi was that a religion professed by Chaitanya, Jnyandeo, Tukaram, Tiruvalluvar, Rarnkrishna Paramahansa, etc., cannot be devoid of merit as is made out by Ambedkar and that a religion has to be judged not by its worst specimens but by the best it might have produced. In response to Gandhi’s questions, he gave possible answer that a religion should not be judged by its best followers because they have been made to worship wrong ideals. Their worship was not based on the reason. Ambedkar’s critique of Gandhi was based on rationality, propound evidence appropriate practical propositions and that too they are scientific. (Moon, 2014: 62.) The argument of M. K. Gandhi that Hinduism would be tolerable if only many were to follow the example of the saints is mistaken. Ambedkar had argued that Gandhi’s approach is unscientific and argued that broadest and simplest form is that Hindu society can be made tolerable and happy if there is fundamental change in its structure and if all the high-caste Hindus can be persuaded to follow a high standard of morality in their dealings with the low caste Hindus. Ambedkar had noted that he can respect those of the caste Hindus who try to realize a high social ideal in their life. Without such men, India would be a fouler and a less happy place to live in than it. Personal character of individual caste Hindu is not enough to turn into better men by improving their personal character as Ambedkar said that it is wasting of energy and bugging an illusion. Ambedkar questioned that how one can accept personal character to make a man loaded with the consciousness of caste, a good man but rather one must take the entire basis of his/her relationship to his/her fellow beings. The best of men cannot be moral if the basis of relationship between them and their fellows is fundamentally a wrong relationship. Thus, he argued: a society based on Varna or Caste is a society which is based on a wrong relationship. In the context of unscientific approach, he contradicted M. K. Gandhi’s critique of the annihilation of caste. (Moon, 2014: 62–63.) Ambedkar further opposed Gandhi’s view that caste system was better than class system on the ground that caste was the best possible adjustment of social stability. Ambedkar said if the adjustment of social relationship based on caste, it is the worst possible kind inasmuch as it offends against both the canons of social adjustment— namely fluidity and equity. Some might think that M. K. Gandhi has made much progress inasmuch as he believes in Varna and does not believe in caste. As defined by the Mahatma, Varna becomes merely a different name for caste for the simple reason that it is the same in essence—namely pursuit of ancestral calling. Varna and caste are two very different concepts. Varna is based on the principle of each according to his worthwhile caste is based on the principle of each according to his birth. (Moon, 2014: 65.). Ambedkar has said that it is not merely the failure of the Hindus and Hinduism which has produced in him the feelings of disgust and

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contempt with which Ambedkar had argued that ‘If he had disgusted with Hindus and Hinduism, it was because he was convinced that Hindus cherish wrong ideals and live a wrong social life. His quarrel with Hindus and Hinduism is not over the imperfections of their social conduct. It was much more fundamental. It was over their ideals’. Ambedkar said that people and their religion must be judged by social standards based on social ethics. No other standard would have any meaning if religion were held to be a necessary good for the well-being of the people. Ambedkar stated that ‘Hindu society seems to me to stand in need of a moral regeneration which it is dangerous to postpone. The question is who can determine and control this moral regeneration? Obviously, Ambedkar said only those who have undergone an intellectual regeneration and those who are honest enough to have the courage of their convictions born of intellectual emancipation’. (Moon, 2014: 68.)

Ambedkar and Ideal Society Ambedkar envisaged a good society based on the principles of liberty, equality and fraternity. Democracy, as he saw it, was both an end and the means for achieving this ideal. It was the end, because he considered democracy as coterminous with the realization of liberty, equality and fraternity. Democracy was also the means through which this ideal was to be attained. For Ambedkar, Democracy”. for him, ‘it is not merely a form of government and democratic government. It is much more to him. It was a way of life. It is primarily a mode of associated living, of conjoint communicated experience. It is essentially an attitude of respect and reverence towards one’s fellow men. (Moon, 2014: 32). Ambedkar’s understanding of democracy was geared to social transformation and human progress. In an inspiring definition of the term, he described democracy as ‘a form and a method of government, whereby revolutionary changes in the economic and social life of the people are brought about without bloodshed’. B. R. Ambedkar’s passion for democracy was closely related to his commitment to rationality and the scientific outlook. At an obvious level, rationality is necessary for democratic government, since public debate is impossible in the absence of a shared adherence to common sense, logical argument, critical enquiry and rational thinking. He further says that science can have an influence in human affairs. The delights of scientific enquiry can be universally shared irrespective of race, nationality, religion or other identities. Ambedkar felt that morality was indispensable for the realization of liberty and equality. In the absence of morality, he thought there were only two alternatives: anarchy or the police (Moon, 2014: 32). His understanding of morality was well integrated with his commitment to rationality and the scientific spirit. Morality was always subject to rational scrutiny. Ambedkar’s vision of democracy encompassed ‘political, social and economic democracy’. As he saw it, ‘political democracy alone could not be expected to go very far, if glaring economic and social inequalities remained’ (Moon, 2014: 41). The apprehensions of Ambedkar are proved correct as

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still we can find tremendous gaps and contradictions in socio-economic and political life of the people.

Ambedkar and His Propositions to Annihilate Caste In the search of and revisiting annihilation of caste, no doubt, in my opinion as Ambedkar opinioned that unless one changes his/her your social order one can achieve little by way of progress. As Ambedkar said rightly that one cannot build anything on the foundations of caste. One cannot build up a nation, no one can build up a morality. Anything that build on the foundations of caste will crack and will never be a whole (Moon, 2014: 41.). In the view of this deeper critical analysis, Ambedkar had advocated to annihilate and reform the caste system which is to abolish sub-castes, inter-caste dinners and real remedy inter-caste marriage. He further believed that fusion of blood can alone create the feeling of being kith and kin. Therefore, the real remedy for breaking caste as Ambedkar had proposed was inter-caste marriage as he strongly believed that nothing else serves as the solution to end caste discrimination as Ambedkar rightly stated that caste is a notion, it is a state of the mind. The destruction of caste does not therefore mean the destruction of a physical barrier. It means a notional change through which caste discrimination can be end (Moon, 2014: 46.)

Conclusion Annihilation of caste is not merely text as like other texts, but it is the text which strive for egalitarianism and inclusive society. The text is not written merely for the purpose of a community and individual but for the perseverance of universal humanism and uphold the rights and freedom (social economic and political) of all irrespective of caste, class, gender, region and religion. It was written in response to inhuman religious practices, social inequalities and alternative ways for the people to build the world based on the equality, liberty, fraternity, morality with the scientific scrutiny. His views on religion, particularly Hinduism, revealed the exclusionary process of ex-untouchables that are embedded in it and denied the social, economic and political rights of ex-untouchables. The propositions to annihilate caste that Ambedkar advocated are abolition of sub caste, inter-dining and inter-caste marriage and significantly notional change are highly appropriate. Every individual need to follow and practise to annihilate caste. The state needs to implement them rigorously with the support of protective and constitutional measures. Ambedkar’s other vital aspect in annihilation of caste is socialism. It is very clearly emphasized that unless and until we Indians reform social system it is difficult to bring political and economic reforms. The methods, efforts, initiatives and ways of democratic movements can and should bring social reforms as in India caste is reality, and based on this, certain

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sections have enjoyed all privileges and certain sections are deprived the same. It is to note here that Dalit movements in India need to be united rather than fragmented. Their efforts should be not merely political power but should be social reforms and social equality. To attain the egalitarian principles and rights, education (Tritiya Ratna) is the only weapon to end all forms of discrimination and annihilate caste system which Ambedkar believed in and strived to educate masses till his least breath.

References Balagopal, K. (1991). Post Chundur and other Chundures, Economic and Political Weekly, Vo. 42. Guru, G. (2009). Introduction: ‘Theorizing humiliation: Claims and context. Oxford University Press. Moon, V. (2014). Dr. B. R. Babasaheb Aambedkar: Writings and speeches (Vol.1). Government of India. Mosse, D. (2018). Caste and development: Contemporary perspectives on a structure of discrimination and advantage. World Development, 110, 422–436. New Socialist Initiative. (2010). Atrocities on Dalits. Economic and Political Weekly, XLV (4). Teltumbde, A. (2014). Persistence of caste. Navayana publications. Thorat, S.K., & Kumar, N. (2008). BR Ambedkar: Perspectives on social exclusion and inclusive policies. Oxford University Press. Zelliot, E. (2015). From untouchable to Dalit. Manohar publications. Zelliot, E. (2013). Ambedkar’s world: Making of Babasaheb and Dalit movement. Navyana Publications.

Part III

Unequal Opportunities in Occupation, and Employment

“We must begin by acknowledging that there is a complete absence of two things in Indian Society. One of these is equality. On the social plane we have an India based on the principles of graded inequality, which means elevation for some and degradation for others. On the economic plane we have a society in which there are some who have immense wealth as against many who live in abject poverty.” Dr. B. R. Ambedkar

Chapter 14

Freedom from Labour Bondage—A Case of Dalit Empowerment from Varanasi, Uttar Pradesh, India Archana Kaushik

Abstract Labour bondage is a specific form of forced labour that is derived from debt. This human slavery is still prevalent in many parts of India despite being legally abolished. This paper delineates a case study of Belwa village of Varanasi, Uttar Pradesh, where several Dalit families, mainly Musahars, were caught into the shackles of labour bondage while working in the brick kilns of the upper-caste headman. It highlights the factors contributing to multilayered vulnerabilities and pathetic conditions of bonded labourers. It presents the process of rescue, release and rehabilitation of bonded labourers of the village through the interventions of a civil society organization—PVCHR. The case study provides relevance for praxis and theorization of Dalit empowerment. Keywords Labour bondage · Marginalization · Dalits · Social exclusion · Empowerment · Conscientization

Introduction The United Nations Special Rapporteur, on International Slavery Day, 2nd December, 2008, has warned that ‘Slavery is not history’ and there have been insufficient efforts on the part of the international community to eradicate modern day slavery. Though different sources, government or private, have claimed varying rates of slavery, it does exist in the world today as a big blot to humanity. The Global Slavery Index (2016) has estimated that 45.8 million people are into slavery in some form or the other in 167 countries. It further calculates that 58% of the enslaved people are found in five countries—India, Bangladesh, China, Pakistan and Uzbekistan, and in terms of highest absolute numbers of people in slavery, India is ranked first with more than 18 million. It is further corroborated by the International Labour Organization (2001) and the Walk Free Foundation (2013) that also rank India as number one country with

A. Kaushik (B) Department of Social Work, University of Delhi, Delhi, India e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2022 R. K. Kale and S. S. Acharya (eds.), Mapping Identity-Induced Marginalisation in India, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-3128-4_14

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the largest number of bonded labourers, estimated to be 13,300,000 and 14,700,000 people in slavery.

Bonded Labour in India Bonded labour system is a stark reality in India and it is intertwined deeply to caste system. Gupta (2004) notes that caste system as a unique aspect of Indian socio-cultural milieu that govern varied range of personal and social interactions and relationships. Traditional Hindu society in India is stratified into four major caste groups where Brahmins (considered as priests and educators), Kshatriya (warriors) and Vaishya (traders) are considered upper caste. The present day Scheduled Castes or ‘Dalits’ form the Shudra group, being at the lowest rung of the social hierarchy. Believed to be born from the feet of the God-deity, Sudras were meant to serve the upper caste and do menial tasks like washing, cleaning, labouring in the agricultural lands, and such others. The caste status is ascribed, on the basis of birth in a specific family lineate with no upward mobility in this rigid system. Caste stratification perpetuates economic, educational and social deprivations among Dalits, resulting into their abuse, exploitation, marginalization and social exclusion. In India, 17% population (170 million) are estimated to be Dalits.

A Case of Belwa The present chapter highlights the successful efforts of People’s Vigilance Committee on Human Rights (PVCHR)—a civil society organization—that has been working, since 1992, in the villages of Varanasi district of Uttar Pradesh. The case depicted here is of Belwa village where Dalit inhabitants, particularly, Musahars were in abject poverty, facing starvation deaths, forced to work in brick kilns as bonded labourers and struggling each day of their life for survival. With PVCHR’s concerted interventions, several bonded labourers were rescued and rehabilitated. This success story also has implications for praxis as it theorizes model for Dalit empowerment, particularly, rescue and rehabilitation of bonded labourers. Vulnerability dimensions of Dalits in labour bondage in Belwa village may be looked into, which also represents the typical situation of Dalits in rural India. Belwa, with a population of about 5300 people, is a heterogeneous community where in the centre reside the upper-caste groups including Brahmins and Thakurs and at the periphery are the ghettos of lower caste groups like Musahars, Nats, Rajbhars, Chamars, etc. All the community resources like health centre, schools, anganwadi centre, panchayat ghar, are located at the central part of the village in close proximity of the upper-caste houses. The upper-caste rule the village, have occupied positions of decision-making in village panchayat and the Dalits have remained the powerless, passive, exploited and marginalized. There were two brick kilns in

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the outskirts of the village that belonged to the Surpanch and many Dalit families, particularly Musahars, used to work there as bonded labourers. This apart, many Dalit families were into agricultural labour and several children had been working in lock and key factory in the nearby town. It may be reiterated that all those in labour bondage were Dalits, chiefly, Musahars. Findings of the Gandhi Peace Foundation and the National Labour Institute survey (1979) also bring out that 87% of bonded labourers are from communities of Scheduled Caste or Scheduled Tribe. And, contractors, government officials and employers of bonded labourers invariably are from the upper caste. It confirms that labour bondage lies heavily upon feudal nature of social relations and the caste system.

Situational Analysis of Belwa Situational analysis of the families engaged in labour bondage in Belwa reveals that poverty and illiteracy have been the drivers of their marginalization. In dire needs of money, poor Dalits have to take loan from moneylender, who is often the upper-caste rich. To repay the loan amount, a Dalit starts working with his wife and children for the moneylender/employer either in his agricultural fields or at brick kiln. The labourer is unaware of modalities of loan and interest and with heavy deductions from his earnings, he hardly gets enough to sustain his family, what to say of saving for the rainy day. Before he could repay the loan, one more expenditure, either illness of family member or marriage of daughter/sister, turns up and the indigent has to beg again for another loan amount to his employer. This vicious cycle continues, preventing him coming out of shackles of poverty and indebtedness. So, even if a meagre amount is taken as loan, a bonded labourer exhausts his/her entire life to repay the same.

Indebtedness This indebtedness primarily leads to labour bondage. Breman (2010) has assessed that about 10% (nearly 50 million) of the total population working in unorganized sector get caught into indebtedness. In Belwa, Dalits get trapped into the vicious cycle of indebtedness and labour bondage due to several structural factors, salient ones are: 1.

Dalits, especially Musahars do not have regular source of income. Those working in the brick kilns struggle hard to meet survival needs as during monsoon season, brick kilns are closed for about four months. Several cases of hunger deaths are reported, largely among children. In the absence of any food grain at home, many are found searching for harvested corn fields for collecting

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the unnoticed scraps fallen or chasing rats to their burrows for scraping out stored grains. In harsher times, they even wash undigested grains from cow dung for curbing their hunger. Despite provisions of schemes such as Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA), most Dalits do not enjoy Right to Livelihood as upper-caste decision-makers do not let them avail job cards. The sarpanch was fearful that if Dalits start availing benefits of MGNREGA, he will not find cheap and pliable labour to work in his brick kilns. The Dalits were denied food security under Targeted Public Distribution System (TPDS) as their names were not included in the Below Poverty Line (BPL) list, which is a prerequisite to avail subsidized food grains under the scheme. Further, though outlawed by the Indian Constitution, Musahars have been facing ‘untouchability’ and various forms of discrimination resulting in their social exclusion. Their children were devoid of the benefits of the education system due to physical as well as social distance; two schools were within the vicinity of the upper-caste residential area and teachers as well as students would practice untouchability against the Dalit children. Health workers like ANM and Anganwadi workers would not visit the Dalit ghettos; as they would not ‘touch’ Dalit women and children, institutional deliveries and immunization were not accessible to poor Dalit families.

In Belwa and many other villages in Varanasi district, there are some Musahar families who have been in labour bondage since the past three to four generations. Further, several bonded labourers had been working with their entire families at brick kilns and, though not intergenerational, the employer–labourer relationship is exploitative enough to be termed as labour bondage. This newer form of bondage is of shorter duration.

Intergenerational Labour It may be noted that in traditional form of intergenerational labour bondage, there was an element of patronage, which provided certain degree of social security and protection for the labourers. Traditionally, the employers, though exploited their bonded labourers, but ensured that they do not die of hunger. Employers would secure basic minimum survival needs of their bonded labourers. In contrast, newer forms of bondage lack the patronage aspect but retain the exploitative nature. The employer, today, is unconcerned and does not intervene even if the bonded labourer is in the state of complete destitution or dying of starvation. In myriad of ways, it provides the worst of both the feudal and capitalist worlds. This new form of labour bondage is vividly visible in Belwa. There were frequent starvation deaths in Musahar families working as bonded labourers at Sarpanch’s brick kilns. Indifferent State: A strong legislative action was taken in India through the enactment of Bonded Labour system abolition Act (BLA) in 1976 that has principally

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outlawed labour bondage. It calls for making bonded labourers free from all debt obligations and ensuring their rehabilitation, coupled with punishment to the perpetrating employers. Yet, like many other legislations, BLA also has been emasculated by an apathetic and corrupt bureaucratic system. Consequently, government functionaries keep on denying existence of labour bondage and perpetrators or employers are hardly punished. Living conditions: The workers at the brick kilns live in small jhuggis (huts), usually in five feet area, a thatched structure with piled-up bricks, mud and straw, totally incapable to protect the inhabitants from sun or rain. The huts are like hovels through which one has to almost sit for entering in or coming out. Even standing upright is not possible in such thatched houses. In one such small room, the worker family has to manage the kitchen and to keep their belongings. In such a room, workers cannot even stretch legs, while sleeping and if there are more than 2–3 family members, it becomes all the more difficult to manage. Pregnant women often experience terrible pain in entering the hut or coming out and even in sleeping in such minimal space, which may even lead to miscarriages. Civic amenities: Basic amenities like drinking water, toilets, drainage, lighting, ventilation, are grossly absent in the habitation sites of brick kiln workers. The workers have to defecate in the open and females too have private space for bathing. Lack of enough privacy, mainly for married women workers add to their psychological distress. Often there is only one hand pump catering to the population of 350–400 workers and their families. Condition of Women: Women constitute almost a half of the workforce in a typical brick kiln, they are often paid less than their male counterparts for the same duration. Pregnant women have to work till the beginning of labour pains and join back within 15 days of delivery. They are devoid of statutory services and assistance such as maternity benefits, crèche facilities, fixed hours of work, etc. They are often the hidden work force and their records are not kept or displayed officially. Hence, they cannot avail the benefits of schemes like Janani Suraksha Yojana. Pregnant women are often subjected to verbal abuse; often ridiculed for working slow on account of their pregnancy and their remuneration is deducted on the pretext of ‘not putting as much labour as required’. Furthermore, women are generally forced to work as sex slaves. At brick kilns and factories, clerks and owners sexually abuse women. And, on sharing such incidents to their spouse, they are subjected to abuse and violence. Men disguise their inability to protect their wives from sexual abuse in domestic violence. Women suffer in multiple ways, physically, sexually, psychologically and socially. Children: The situation of young children whose parents work in the brick kiln, is quite damaging. They are coerced into work in the name of helping their parents; they are found keeping bricks in the Sun, gathering improperly moulded and broken bricks and soon work at the furnace too. In the tenancy system, followed by exploitative employers, women and children, invariably, are not included and counted as workers, making them hidden workforce. In the labour bondage system, children pay heavy price by losing out on education, nutrition, health care, and other opportunities for growth and development. They

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Fig. 14.1 Factors contributing to labour bondage

remain illiterate and ignorant, malnourished and unskilled, suited to continue the vicious cycle of poverty-indebtedness-labour bondage. The schema presented in Fig. 14.1 are the variables that contribute to labour bondage. These interrelated factors are categorized into three groups—structural factors, state’s apathy and intrinsic factors.

Theoretical Base In this backdrop, following are the disempowering factors that hasten marginalization and exclusion among the Dalits in labour bondage: Inequitable distribution of power and resources: People belonging to uppercaste control resources and decision-making power whereas the powerless Dalits invariably lack access to opportunities and resources (economic, political, social, education, etc.). This powerlessness leads to low self-worth among the Dalits as they consider themselves responsible for their fate, their impoverishment and for the oppression and exploitation from their oppressor. Illiteracy is a driver of marginalization, which leads to lack of information and awareness among the bonded labourers. They, being ignorant and powerless, are not able to comprehend and communicate their sufferings in a vivid manner.

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Abuse and Exploitation The abuse and exploitation, violence and torture make the victims feel powerless, defenceless and incapable. There is a deep sense of defeatism, spinelessness and lack of control over life situations. This leads to pessimism and lack of inner driving force to take any step to improve their situation. They have internalized the negative self-worth and pessimism. It may be inferred that powerlessness is the outcome of two broad domains— psychological and structural. The structural domain entails factors leading to poverty, lack of opportunities, unresponsive welfare administration system, abuse, exclusion; whereas psychological domain cover internalized worthlessness, sense of fatalism, apathy and consequent inaction.

Social Exclusion Keeping the deprived away from the resource sharing and decision-making leads to their social exclusion where they remain uninformed and ignorant of their rights and benefits and uninterested and aloof to participate in decisions that influence their lives. Empowerment: It is a complex and multidimensional notion and a process in which the Dalits gain control, as a collective, over self and ideology, knowledge and material resources that determine power-relationships in a society (Rajan, 2011). Conscientization: Friere (1973a) claims that the critical and significant step in the process of empowerment of the oppressed would be to overcome the ‘oppressor within their own heads’. Once the oppressed identify the unjust, limiting social norms and ideologies, which have resulted in their powerlessness and deprivation, they get ‘conscientized’. Critical thinking and reflexivity are inherent in empowerment in practice. Consciousness raising is implicit in the process. Conscientization begins the process of analysis of causes and consequences of oppression. And then, instead of accepting and internalizing the ‘negative scripts’ provided by dominant culture about their inferiority, the oppressed class transforms its sense of self through raising awareness and consciousness. This is the beginning of positive self-worth and heightened self-esteem, leading to positive self-identity. The Dalit learn, through the process of conscientization that as per the Constitution of India, they deserve equal rights and equal access to resources. After this knowledge, they explore the reasons for violation of their rights and are motivated to take action to get their rightful share in the society. In fact, once an individual starts having positive self-worth, a longing to rectify things develops leading to motivation to act. For Freire, too, the product of critical awareness, or conscientization, is action. System accountability: The onus of empowerment of the powerless does not lie completely on the oppressed, marginalized and victimized community. Rather, it is the role of a responsive and conscious state. Indian State, being a welfare state has

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the obligation to provide every individual citizen services, goods, opportunities for growth and development and security against contingencies of life. Making the state machinery responsive and accountable was a crucial step in intervention.

Interventions Under the Bonded Labour Abolition Act, the first step is to identify the bonded labourers, as they are often hidden by the employers. Any person can inform the government about the identified bonded labourers, and then the government gets them released after verification. This seemingly easy process, in reality, is quite challenging. Two most prominent challenges encountered by the PVCHR in rescue and release of bonded labourers were: 1.

2.

It is assumed that the state machinery, that is, police would be responsive and prompt enough to verify the matter and release the labourers. However, police refrain from taking action against the employer, either due to caste-solidarity or bribe and corruption. If the police system, whose role is to protect the law and the victim, serves for the perpetrators/employers, the first step of intervention gets jeopardized. Rampant and intense violence is perpetrated on the workers to threaten, frighten, control and demoralize them. Reflected through many testimonies are the manifestations of cruelty of employers at brick kilns. ‘When we had tolerated enough, we decided to run away…the goon of the owner came to know…and one of our fellowman was thrown in the furnace in front of our eyes…his screams till date shiver me….’ Told Gangu, a brick kiln worker. Torture and organized violence rob off the worth and integrity of the victims. They lose courage to raise voice against their perpetrators. This goes in favour of the employer as if ever any attempt is made to rescue them the bonded workers would not dare to open their mouth against him.

To counterfoil the above strategies of propagators of bonded labour system, PVCHR took the following steps:

Awareness and Conscientization At Belwa, PVCHR did the baseline survey and during this process a good rapport and credibility was established with the Dalits in the village. Seeing the consistent work of PVCHR in the village and establishment of a non-formal school for Dalit children, bonded labourers, who remained aloof for years, gradually started trusting the social workers and began sharing their plight. Slowly and subtly, awareness generation on Bonded Labour Abolition Act was done and structural inequalities were presented before them so as to develop critical thinking among them.

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Awareness was created when Musahars and other Dalits working as bonded labourers were in Belwa, during the lean period when brick kilns were closed. Otherwise, while they were working at kilns and factors, contacting them would have been an uphill task. Bonded labourers, at the sites of work, like brick kilns and factories, were ‘caged’ under the clutches of their employer. Virtually in slavery, they were kept in ‘control’ through ‘violence’, not allowed to talk to any outsider. Despite established credibility, conscientization was not an easy task. They were repeatedly told that their existing plight is not because of their past karmas but due to the inhuman oppressive practices adopted by their employer, the Sarpanch. After months of persuasion, they gained courage to fight against the injustice and exploitation incurred on them. They were motivated to stop tolerating exploitation and oppression and take action. Despite several responsive labour laws, the conditions of unorganized workers, and particularly bonded labourers, are full of plight and exploitation. Brick kiln owners illegally run their business ventures and forge records of staffing to prevent claims of workers under labour laws. They exploit vulnerabilities of bonded workers for profits. Nexus with police and government officials help the employers exercise extreme exploitative practices, while enjoying impunity.

Legal Intervention To rescue the labourers in bondage, legal advocacy and intervention was of critical importance. The bonded labour system is sheer violation of human rights. So, PVCHR decided to rope in Human Rights Institutions, particularly, the Uttar Pradesh State Human Rights Commission and the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) in the intervention. With the consent of bonded labourers, complaints in prescribed formats were filed against the employer. Thereafter, this complaint along with cover letter was sent to competent government authorities like the District Magistrate, Senior Superintendent of Police, in the vicinity and to NHRC and its state branch. For each complaint-case of labour bondage, PVCHR collected more information and filed Urgent Appeal to Forum Asia and international organizations and UN mechanism such as Anti-slavery International, ILO, UN special rapporteur, etc., by email and informed them about the incidences of human slavery in India. These cases were also highlighted in social networking sites like blogspots, and Facebook and local and national media were involved in advocating for the abolition of bonded labour system. Prompt responses of Urgent Appeals and petitions from these organizations were received. This created immense pressure on the government to act against the perpetrators of human slavery. PVCHR rigorously followed up for the cases with police and district administration. Wherever required, query for action taken was filed under Right to Information (RTI) Act. With administrative, legal and media advocacy, PVCHR was able to break the nexus between employers of labour bondage and

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bureaucracy and police. At times, social workers discretely carried out sting operations by video shooting the brick kilns thereby smashing the false claims of the employers on numbers of workers and workplace facilities provided, etc., on the basis of which they were denying entitlements under labour laws.

District Vigilance Committee on Bonded Labour In accordance with the guidelines of the Ministry of Labour and Employment, the state governments are expected to constitute bonded labour vigilance and monitoring committees at the state, district and tehsil/block levels. These committees are meant to identify, release, and rehabilitate bonded labours in their locality. Non-government organizations are also roped in for identifying bonded labourers. In the year 2002, the CEO and founding person of PVCHR was appointed as member of Varanasi District Vigilance Committee on Bonded Labour by the Governor of Uttar Pradesh. This speeded up the efforts to rescue the workers in bondage.

Rescue of Bonded Labour The collective and concerted impact of these multilevel interventions gave positive results. In response to the petitions of individual cases NHRC and SHRC put force on the police and district administration to verify complaints and rescue people in bondage. Forum Asia and international human rights institutes accelerated the pressure on the state for prompt action on the complaints. Rescue teams, comprising of police officials, civil society representatives and officials from the district administration and labour department raided many brick kilns and factories. As a result, 243 bonded labourers were rescued and released within a period of two years (20,012– 14). These efforts had ripple effect and soon in nearby blocks and districts families into labour bondage gained courage to fight for their rescue and release. And in the next five years, PVCHR could release more than three thousand bonded labourers in eastern part of Uttar Pradesh alone. The Bonded Labour Abolition Act not only has provisions for the punishment for coercing people into labour bondage; it declares everyone free, prohibiting and nullifying contractual agreements. Thus, the freed worker does not have any financial obligation towards his/her employer. This minimizes the possibilities of getting trapped into debt bondage again, provided needed support is promptly offered to them. The ‘Release Certificate’ was issued by the District Collector to each of the released labourer and financial assistance was provided. Each of the released bonded labourers is entitled to receive a sum of Rs. 3000/- by way of interim relief out of which Rs. 500 are paid simultaneously with release and rest of the amount (Rs. 2500/-) is paid within two weeks from the date of release. Release certificate is a

14 Freedom from Labour Bondage—A Case of Dalit Empowerment … COMPONENTS OF INTERVENTIONS TO LIBERATE BONDED LABOURERS

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Rescue, Release and Rehabilitation

Fig. 14.2 Components of interventions to liberate bonded labourers

legal document not only signifying the physical release of survivors of bondage but it is also a statement of dignity. Mundu (name changed), a bonded labourer, after obtaining release certificate from the ADM (administration), Varanasi, after a sigh of relief, uttered, ‘Now, I will not die as a bonded labour…’. The schema in Fig. 14.2 shows the strategies used by the PVCHR to liberate the bonded labourers:

Post Release Support Mere rescue and release of bonded labour is not sufficient. If remain unsupported, implications of extreme poverty may trap the survivors into the vicious cycle of poverty and debt bondage. In addition, many rescued and released victims need medical help, psychosocial support. Many others, after sustained torture and violence, need to reintegrate their self-worth and validate their social acceptance. For this, PVCHR provided counselling services, medico-legal aid, referral services to the rescued and released bonded labourers and facilitated them in accessing and availing food security (TPDS), livelihood security (MGNREGA) and related services. This apart, viewing the possibility of the perpetrators trying to restore their lost power and control over the released and rehabilitated bonded labourers, efforts were made to prepare and protect the survivors. PVCHR developed a solid network of human rights defenders in the villages. These human rights defenders along with PVCHR staff gather information about the hidden areas having possibility of locating bonded labourers, provide the needy ones safety and protection against the threats and actual exploitation by the perpetrators. They make plans to rescue victim labourers and escort them to police stations and courts. They stay along with victims so as to protect them from the wrath of perpetrators. They relocate rescued victims to safe places, away from the reach of perpetrators. They issue public appeals at frequent intervals. They work closely with judicial administration for the welfare and wellbeing of bonded labourers.

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Conclusion Bonded labour system is an age-old exploitative practice of human slavery. However, its forms are changing with newer economic and social systems in the present world. Bonded labourers, though mostly seen in agricultural setting, are also seen in nonagricultural activities like brick kilns, bidi workers, carpet makers, fishermen, forest labourers, stone quarries, sex workers, head-loaders, weavers, and children in match stick making and firework factories. More than 93% of the workforce in India is in the unorganized sector, characterized by low pay, no job security and majorly remain out of the pail of protective social legislations and labour unions. Bonded labourers, though a small proportion of this informal labour-force, are the most deprived and exploited lot. They are landless and asset-less. They are voiceless and passive in the socio-political milieu. Bonded labour system is one of the cruelest manifestations of caste system in India. With imparting knowledge and conscientizing, and fostering solidarity with the value of ‘one for all and all for one’, hundreds of men, women and children entrapped into debt bondage were liberated. These interventions led to psychosocial and economic rehabilitation of survivors of bondage and gave social work practitioners and academicians the insight and foresight to models and strategies of eliminating the menace of labour bondage.

References Breman, J. (2010). Outcast labour in Asia: Circulation and informalization of the workforce at the bottom of the economy. Oxford University Press. Freire, P. (1973). Pedagogy of the oppressed. Seabury. Gandhi Peace Foundation and National Labour Institute. (1979). National Survey on the incidence of bonded labour: Preliminary Report: An Action Research Project of Gandhi Peace & National Labour Institute. The Institute. Gupta, D. (2004). Caste in question: Identity or hierarchy? Sage. International Labour Organization. (2001). Stopping Forced Labour: Global Report under the follow up to ILO global declaration on fundamental principles and rights at work. Retrieved on January 2, 2018 from http://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/---ed_norm/---declaration/documents/pub lication/wcms_088490.pdf Kaushik, A., & Nagvanshi, S. (2016). Margins to Centre-stage: Empowering Dalits in India. Frontpage. Rajan, A. K. (2011). Empowerment of Dalit: The Constitutional and Instrumental Analysis. International Referred Research Journal, III(26). Retrieved on August 12, 2014 from http://www.ssm rae.com/admin/images/5e61014342d37f8ea9c36c0b525d64e2.pdf The Global Slavery Index (2016) Retrieved from 21st December 2017 from https://www.globalsla veryindex.org/findings/, p.1 Walk Free Foundation. (2013). Global slavery index 2013 (p. 7). Retrieved from December 21, 2017 from http://globalslaveryindex.org/report

Chapter 15

The Social Exclusion Faced by Urban Sanitation Workers from Rukhi and Balmiki Community in Mumbai Swinder Kaur

Abstract In India, picking up human excreta is handled by Mahadalits or manual scavengers. This signifies that the division of labour and pattern of work is highly linked with individuals’ caste. In today’s context, urban sanitation work undertaken by communities traditionally identified as manual scavengers is equally degrading and humiliating as traditional manual scavenging. The paper is based on primary research undertaken with safai karamcharis from 40 Rukhi and Balmiki households in Mumbai. It highlights the nature of exclusion and discrimination faced by them under the context of economic discourse (lack of social mobility), development discourse (limited knowledge and access to government schemes and caste certificates) and gender discourse (problems of women safai workers). The paper concludes that despite the lateral level of occupation mobility in these 40 households, individuals are still locked in traditional and semi-traditional occupations with low paid jobs. Only 15% of the 40 respondents possess Caste certificate rest do not have their caste proof. The women safai karamcharis are mainly engaged in contractual safai work with no social security, especially among Balmiki households. Out of 127 women in 40 households (respondents, siblings of respondents and daughters of respondents), only 3% are doing non-safai work. Keywords Social exclusion · Caste · Sanitation workers · Occupation

Introduction In India, ‘The identification of the communities and their listing has a long genealogy starting from the early period of our history, with Manu. Mediaeval chronicles contained a description of communities located in the different parts of the country. Listings in the colonial period were taken out extensively after 1806. The process gathered a momentum in course of the census from 1881 to 1941’. (Singh, 1993: xi). After independence when the constitution was formulated, special protection S. Kaur (B) Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Mumbai, India e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2022 R. K. Kale and S. S. Acharya (eds.), Mapping Identity-Induced Marginalisation in India, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-3128-4_15

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was given to them. Article 341 and 342 of the constitution of India provide that the ‘President of India may by Public notification specify such castes and tribes which shall for the purpose of the constitution be deemed to be Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes (STs) in each state/union territory’. In this manner, every state and union territory has identified and prepared a list of communities as SC and ST. These communities have suffered social stigmas for a very long time. They are frequently identified concerning caste. ‘The Scheduled Caste communities have followed a wide range of traditional occupations. Prominent among the traditional occupations are skin and hide work, carrying carcasses, scavenging, drum beating, playing music and singing’. (Singh, 1993: 8). Manual scavenging is the removal of excreta (night soil) manually by using brooms and plates. The excreta is handled using a basket and the basket is carried on the head. The definition of a manual scavenger has always been a controversial topic. The Employment of Manual Scavengers and Construction of Dry Latrines (Prohibition) Act, 1993, defines a scavenger as ‘a person engaged in or employed for manually carrying human excreta’. The definition has been modified and improved to a great extent but still, it has limitations. The Prohibition of Employment as Manual Scavengers and their Rehabilitation Act, 2013 defines scavenger as ‘a person employed or engaged, at the commencement of this Act or at any time thereafter, by an individual or local authority or an agency or a contractor, for manually cleaning, carrying, disposing of, or otherwise handling in any manner, human excreta in an insanitary latrine or in an open drain or pit into which the human excreta from the insanitary latrines is disposed of, or on a railway track or in such other spaces or premises, as the central or a state government may notify, before the excreta fully decomposes, and the expression manual scavenging can be constructed accordingly’. This definition does not involve the individuals cleaning, carrying, and disposing of human excreta with some additional equipment. Those who deal with excreta manually are a part of this definition. So, a wide range of individuals working in the slums to clean dirty toilets, roads, railway tracks, and public facilities have been excluded from the definition of scavenging. The sanitation workers are not a part of this definition though their occupation is seen as equally degrading. Therefore, the research paper was derived from a mixed-method study undertaken over 2012–2014 to showcase the plight of urban sanitation workers. A total of twenty households each from Rukhi and Balmiki were approached through snowball sampling and forty respondents (fifteen female and twentyfive male) were interviewed. The safai karamcharis involved in cleaning public toilets (hospitals, government agencies, railway stations, airports, Employees of Bombay Municipal Corporation etc.), sweepers cleaning lanes/road tracks and removing/carrying/disposing excreta from roads, male scavengers cleaning manholes and female and male karamcharis engaged in private buildings or government offices on contract basis comprise of the working definition for sampling.

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Urban Sanitation Workers The Rukhis are Gujarati’s and are usually notified as Bhangi in Gujarat (Singh, 1993). The Balmikis are spread over Punjab, Delhi, Chandigarh, Uttar Pradesh and Haryana. Maharashtra and especially Mumbai attract a wide range of Balmiki populations from different states for employment opportunities. The literature on the overall situation of safai kamgars in Mumbai highlights that ‘In Mumbai, there are safai kamgars originating from various parts of India. There are Maharashtrians, Gujaratis, Haryanvis, Upiites, Punjabis and Tamilians among others. Their colonies are to be found in all parts of Mumbai city. The safai kamgars mostly live-in separate congregations on the outskirts of the main slum areas. Some live-in separate slum colonies such as ‘Bhangi Pada’, ‘Bhangi Chawl’, ‘Anna Basti’ and ‘Balmiki Basti’, located at Mulund, Andheri, Malad and Sion, Chembur, respectively. The areas of major concentration of the safai kamgars are in Colaba, Matunga, Bandra, Andheri, Malad, Borivali and Bhandup. A little more than two-thirds of the totals of one lakh safai kamgars do not have regular or regulated employment. Around 20,000 are employed permanently by the Municipal Corporation of Greater Mumbai in its conservancy section, and about 10,000 personnel were with the corporation irregularly on a ‘daily’ basis. A small number are employed in organizations like the railways, airports, state government establishments, big companies and private offices. The rest of the safai kamgar working population, which forms the majority, falls in the informal sector; they work in private cooperative housing societies, private individual bungalows or industrial estates. But this work being only of part-time nature, they have, of necessity, to take employment in a number of societies and factories’ Vivek (2000). The following excerpt from the interview with a leader from the Balmiki community describes that how does he feels about private safai work—‘We do the dirty work and clean the office. Once the office and toilets are clean people step into the office’. The discontent among the safai kamgar working in the informal sector is high due to the constant lack of social security, no appreciation, and no job promotions. The women in the community are more helpless as the percentage of women engaged as private safai-kam is high. In an interview with a 37-year-old widow from Chembur (private sweeper and cleaner), she pointed out that the contract lasts for 6–7 months. There is an office in Sion, Ghatkopar where the employers register the requirements. Every six months, she takes down a new address and contacts a suitable employer. The next sections highlight the difficult working conditions, lack of social mobility and problems faced by women safai kamgars.

Caste and Occupation A total of twenty-eight occupations and twenty workplaces were identified among the three generations in 40 households. The occupations identified are cleaning toilets, cleaning chocked manholes/drains, Gharkam (Housekeeping), cleaning

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roads/railway tracks, helper at airport, supplier with a private company, dental work, technician, Thanedar, ward boy, auto-rickshaw driver, hawking, salesperson, beautician, cable operator, electrician, manager in bank, poultry farming, guard, clerk, farming, mutton cutting, Ved/doctor, teacher and chartered accountant. The places of work identified in the research are Municipal Corporation of Greater Mumbai (MCGM), private housekeeping, open drainage on roads, Bharat Petroleum Corporation Limited, bank, private company, school, airport, police station, hotel, hospital, Oil and Natural Gas Corporation Limited, Bombay Municipal Corporation (BMC), Maharashtra Housing and Area Development Authority (MHADA), parlour, railway authorities, shopping mall, private shop, military establishment, Tata Institute of Social Sciences (TISS), Panvel Mahanagar Palika. Table 15.1 highlights that a total of thirty-one respondents (77.5%) were doing or had done safai work (10% of respondents were retired from BMC) while nine respondents (22.5%) were identified as a special case of mobility. Among Rukhis 55% were employed with BMC, 10% of Rukhis were engaged in cleaning manhole, and 20% of them were doing private safai work. On the other hand, 70% of the Balmiki community were private contractual workers and rest 30% were engaged non-safai work. Rukhi being employed by BMC are cushioned by security as they can pass the job to their children as compared to the Balmiki community which is dependent on private jobs. Table 15.1 Distribution of respondents as per nature of work and sub-caste Occupation

Rukhi

Balmiki

Total

Cleaning toilet

1 (5.00)

0 (0.00)

1 (2.50)

Cleaning roads and drainage work

1 (5.00)

0 (0.00)

1 (2.50)

Manholes

2(10.00)

0 (0.00)

2 (5.00)

Roads

5 (25.00)

0 (0.00)

5 (12.50)

Ghar kam

2 (10.00)

10(50.00)

12 (30.00)

Building mein safai ka kam

1 (5.00)

4 (20.00)

5 (12.50)

Cleaning roads and toilets

5 (25.00)

0 (0.00)

5 (12.50)

Total safai workers as respondents

17 (85.00)

14 (70.00)

31 (77.50)

Mutton cutting

0 (0.00)

1 (5.00)

1 (2.50)

Helper at airport

0 (0.00)

1 (5.00)

1 (2.50)

Dental

1 (5.00)

0 (0.00)

1 (2.50)

Technician

0 (0.00)

1 (5.00)

1 (2.50)

Sales person

0 (0.00)

2 (10.00)

2 (5.00)

Manager

1 (5.00)

0 (0.00)

1 (2.50)

Clerk

0 (0.00)

1 (5.00)

1 (2.50)

Hawking

1 (5.00)

0 (0.00)

1 (2.50)

Total

20 (100.00)

20 (100.00)

40 (100.00)

Source Fieldwork

15 The Social Exclusion Faced by Urban Sanitation Workers … Table 15.2 Distribution of number of people covered as per generation

Generation

Individuals

265 Frequency

G1

Parents of respondents

80

G2

Respondents and siblings

112

G3

Sons and daughters of respondents

Total

101 293

Source Fieldwork

The routine of safai kamgar was captured in qualitative data collected from interviews. BMC employees sign in at 6:30 AM and most of them are allotted particular areas. Their jobs are transferable to their children. On the other hand, individuals cleaning drains and manholes are more vulnerable. Their income is not fixed as they set the price between Rs. 500–1500 per assignment. They use iron rods to clean the drain. The gloves they wear make it difficult to handle the rod. So, quite frequently, they work without wearing gloves.

Social Mobility The concept of mobility is developed keeping the respondent as the point of focus. The paper has covered both inter and intra-generational mobility. Three generations were considered to derive the mobility pattern. Among all the selected respondents, nine represented special cases as they moved to non-safai work. A total of 127 females were part of the study (G1, G2 and G3) and mobility of forty families has been analysed in this paper (Table 15.2).

Education Mobility Table 15.3 shows the level of education of the family members of the respondents. In the first generation G1 (father and mother), more than 50% of the parents are illiterate. This has decreased over G2 among males though in the case of females, i.e. respondent’s sisters, more than 50% are illiterate. This signifies that education might not permeate equally among all the family members as the girl children are more prone to drop out or not avail education facilities. Overall, the G2 has achieved relative upward educational mobility; this implies that they are using the educational facilities (Table 15.3).

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Table 15.3 Percentage distribution of G1 and G2 by their education qualification Qualification G1 range

Father

G2 Mother

Total

Respondent Brothers

Sisters

Illiterate

25 (62.50)

33 (82.50)

12 (27.50)

6 (14.00)

38 (56.00)

114 (50.00)

1st–4th

5 (12.50)

3 (7.50)

9 (22.50)

6 (12.00)

9 (13.00)

32 (14.00)

5th–9th

6 (15.00)

2 (5.00)

11 (27.50)

18 (42.00)

18 (26.00)

55 (24.00)

10th

2 (5.00)

2 (5.00)

5 (12.50)

10 (23.00)

1 (1.00)

20 (8.00)

10th above

2 (5.00)

0 (0.00)

3 (7.50)

4 (9.00)

2 (4.00)

11 (4.00)

Total

40 (100.00) 40 (100.00) 40 (100.00) 44 (100.00) 68 (100.00) 232 (100.00)

Source Fieldwork

Occupational Mobility There has been lateral level occupation mobility across G1, G2 and G3. In the first generation G1, more than 50% of mother and father are engaged in safai kam and the same holds for G2. In the case of the third generation G3, 60% of sons and 57% of daughters have moved out of safai kam. Out of 127 women in 40 safai karamchari households (G1, G2 and G3), only 3% are doing non-safai work. A further breakdown of data showcased that even the daughters of the third generation, G3 (respondent’s daughters), i.e. up to 54% are not working and staying at home. Among this, 80% were observed educated above the 5th standard (42%: 5th– 9th, 13%: 10th and 25% above 10th standard). This signifies that educational mobility might not cause occupational mobility all the time (Fig. 15.1).

Fig. 15.1 Percentage distribution of occupation among the three generations. Source Fieldwork data

15 The Social Exclusion Faced by Urban Sanitation Workers … Table 15.4 Average income as per the work profile

267

Place/nature of work Average income (Rs.) Safai work

BMC

10,941

Drains and manholes

7500

Private work

4857

Non-Safai work Jobs identified under 13,000 special cases Source Fieldwork

The average salary of BMC employees is almost equivalent to the average salary of individuals doing non-safai work. Therefore, occupational mobility might not always translate into economic mobility (Table 15.4). In an interview, a manhole cleaner has summarized the cycle of continuation of safai work among generations—‘I open the chocked drainage. My father used to do the same work and as a child, I would accompany him. I have always liked the drainage work. I got influenced by my father’. The continuation of the same occupation needs to be addressed when three to four generations remain in the same occupation and face similar discrimination.

Caste Certificate and Access to Government Schemes Caste Certificates Only 15% of respondents possessed caste certificates and the proportion of Rukhis possessing caste certificates is higher as compared to Balmikis. The diagram clearly shows that a higher percentage of male respondents (20%) possessed the certificates as compared to their female counterparts (6.7%). In the interview narrative from Balimiki safai kamgar, he mentioned that to make a caste certificate the authorities ask for identity proof of the first generation after independence. He felt that if they a get caste certificate, it will be easy for them to apply for government jobs (Table 15.5, Fig. 15.2).

Table 15.5 Percentage distribution of caste certificate by sub-caste

Caste certificate

Rukhi

Balmiki

Total

Yes

4 (20.00)

2 (10.00)

6 (15.00)

No

16 (80.00)

18 (90.00)

34(85.00)

Total

20 (100.00)

20 (100.00)

40 (100.00)

Source Fieldwork

268

S. Kaur

Fig. 15.2 Percentage distribution of caste certificate by sex

Knowledge About Government Schemes The schemes considered in the study are prematric scholarship for Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe children, post-matric scholarship for Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe children, National Scheme for Liberation and Rehabilitation of Scavengers and their dependents (NSLRS) (operational from 1992 to 2007) and Self-Employment Scheme for Rehabilitation of Manual Scavengers (SESRMS) launched by National Safai Karamchari Finance and Development Corporation (NSKFDC).The table shows awareness of respondents about these schemes (Table 15.6). The table shows that respondents were not aware of their entitlements initiated by the Government of India. Under NSKFDC the respondents are eligible to a receive loan for income-generating projects but only three of them knew about the Mahatma Phule Loan (implementation of SESRMS is done by Mahatma Phule Backward Class Development Corporation). Table 15.6 Awareness of respondents about different schemes

Scheme

Per cent of respondents who know about scheme

Pre-matric scholarship

0 (0.00)

Post-matric scholarship

0 (0.00)

NSLRS

0 (0.00)

NSKFDC (SESRMS)

3 (9.70)

Source Fieldwork

15 The Social Exclusion Faced by Urban Sanitation Workers …

269

Problems Faced by Women Safai Karamcharis Nearly, 80% of women were performing private contractual safai work and 20% of them were working with BMC. The vulnerability of being in private contractual jobs and low-income range make women safai karamcharis prone to discrimination. 66.7% of them earned in the range of Rs. 500–5000 monthly. Women had a reservation that education and a good job can change their degrading status. One respondent shared, ‘I go in clean attire but by the end of the day I am dirty physically and disturbed mentally as everyone addresses me as Jhaddowali in the apartments’. The respondents were asked if they think education will improve their status in society, all of them gave an affirmative response. Most of them want their children to do better than their parents. The layers of discrimination become thick as women work on a contractual basis with no sense of security. When they challenge the system, they have to bear the consequences by being terminated from the job. ‘I am working in Chembur on contract for 11 months. Every year the contract is renewed and currently, I am fighting a case against the agency as my contract is not being renewed. They didn’t want to increase the wages so we revolted. They didn’t let me continue the work and terminated the contract. They are trying to prove in the court that I was not an employee with them’.

Conclusion The findings in the study as highlighted in the research paper suggest that among nine special cases of mobility among Rukhis and Balmikis only five of them have moved to respectable occupations of teaching, working in bank and sales. The stereotyping of individuals from the scavenging community does not end with social mobility. The historical identification with this occupation is felt across generations as children from this community often hear that ‘yeh bhangi ka beta manager kaise ban gaya’ (How come the son of a Bhangi has become a manager). The rest of the cases of mobility are still confined to occupations such as supplier, auto-rickshaw driver, technician, helper at the airport, cable operator, electrician, guard and Disc Jockey (Dj) player. This immobility or limited mobility has contracted their socio-economic development. The similar findings were reported by Takashaki Shinoda in 1991, among 288 urban sweepers in Gujarat. He had identified that the major employers of the sweepers are local central bodies and state government. Besides, a considerable number of sweepers were working on contract basis in factories, private residential complexes and, other organizations. Further, Shinoda had found that occupations other than sweeping consisted of clerical, teaching, technical and other miscellaneous works. Although these occupations come under clean work, only teaching and clerical work can be termed as honourable among these.

270

S. Kaur

Therefore, taking into consideration the overall position, there is no substantial evidence of very high or upward mobility in these two social groups. However, looking at the total strength of the population (40 households), there had been some members from among these 40 families who have achieved some lateral level of mobility in terms of change of occupation. The data shows that 70–75% of members from these households have been in a different occupation other than safai work. The average salary of BMC employees is almost equivalent to the average salary of individuals doing non-safai work. In spite of the change in their occupation, they are still addressed as Bhangi at the workplace and there has been no significant economic mobility. There has not been a substantial change in the living standard of these communities over a period of time although the respondents have mentioned that they find city life to be better than their native villages. The findings are substantiated by the research undertaken by Dr. Shailesh Darokar in 2009 regarding scavenging communities in Maharashtra, ‘Their dwelling units have been in the slums and in segregated chawls. But in the city, they have also been ghettoized in the labour camps and chawls’ (Darokar, 2009:108). The state agencies have been working on the issue of scavenging for a long time but ‘the central government has always followed a top-down developmental approach of providing grants to the state government for sanitation reforms, these reforms were encountered with indifference by the state government’ (Chaplin in Shah, Ghanshyam (ed.) 2002: 207). Excreta disposal in the urban and rural context can be systemised using cost-effective techniques. The removal of manual scavenging must get equal attention along with the promotion of sanitation, hygiene and removal of open defecation.

References Ambedkar, B. R. (2002). Caste and class. In V. Rodrigues (Ed.), The essential writings of B. R. Ambedkar (pp. 99–105). Oxford University Press. Attewell, P., & Thorat, S. (2007). The legacy of social exclusion: A correspondence study of job discrimination in India’s Urban Private Sector. Economic and Political Weekly, 42(41), 4141– 4145. Baviskar, A., Deshpande, S., Mander, H., Shah, G., & Thorat, S. (2006). Untouchability in Rural India. Sage publications. Beteille, A. (1971). Race, caste and ethnic identity. International Social Sciences Journal, 23(4), 519–535. Beteille, A. (1983). The idea of natural inequality and other essays. Oxford University Press. Creswell, J. (2009). Research design: Qualitative, quantitative and mixed method approaches. Sage Publications. Darokar, S., & Beck, H. (2006). Socioeconomic status of Scavengers engaged in practice of manual scavenging in Maharashtra. The Indian Journal of Social Work, 66(2), 223–236. Darokar, S. (2009). Social exclusion, ghettoisation and identity. Critical Inquiry, II(1), 98–111. De Haan, A., Kabber, N. (2008). Social exclusion: Two essays. Critical Quest. Deshpande, A. (2011). The grammar of caste: Economic discrimination in contemporary India. New Delhi. Ghurye, G. S. (1961). Caste, class and occupation. Popular Book Depot.

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Harris, W. B. (2004). India working: Essays on society and economy. Cambridge University Press. Isaacs, H. R. (1965). India’s ex-untouchables. Asia Publishing House. Klass, M. (1980). Caste: The emergence of the South Asian Social System. Institute for the Study of Human Issues. Kotz, D. M., Mc Donough, T., & Reich, M. (1994). Social structures of accumulation: The political economy of growth and crisis. Cambridge university Press. Kumar, V. (2013). Towards an epistemology of social exclusion: A critical Perspective. In A. Saxena (Ed.), Marginality, exclusion and social justice. Rawat Publications. Malkani, N. R. (1969). Clean people and an unclean country. Harijan Sewak sangh. Newman, K., & Thorat, S. (2009). Blocked by caste. OUP India. Narula, S., & Macwan, M. (2001). Untouchability the economic exclusion of Dalits in India. International Council on Human Rights Policy. Ramaswamy, G. (2005). India stinking: Manual scavengers in Andhra Pradesh and their work. Navyana publications. Rao, C. Y., & Karakoti, S. (2010). Exclusion and discrimination: Concepts, perspectives and challenges. Kanishka Publishers. Singh, K. S. (1993). People of India (vol. 36). Anthropological Survey of India. Srinivas, M. N. (1962). Caste in modern India and other essays. Asia Publishing House. Sen, A. (2000). Social exclusion: Concept, application and scrutiny. Asia development bank. Shah, G. (2002). Dalit and state. Concept Publishing. Shinoda, T. (2002). The structure of stagnancy: Sweepers in Ahmadabad District. In G. Shah (Ed.), Dalit and State. Concept Publishing. Shyamlal. (1984). The Bhangis in transition. Inter India publication. Sharma, R. (1995). Bhangi: Scavenger in Indain society, marginality, identity and politicization of the community. M D Publications. Vivek, P. S. (2000). Scavengers: Mumbai’s neglected workers. Economic and Political Weekly, 35(42), 3722–3724. Zaidi, A. (2006). India’s shame. Frontline, 26(28), 1–9.

Chapter 16

Life of the Theyyam Artists of Kerala—Their Livelihood, Health Condition and Social Status T. V. Keerthi and G. Dilip Diwakar

Abstract Theyyam is one of the popular ritual forms of worship in the erstwhile Kolathunatud area, presently consisting of Kasaragod, Kannur, Wayanad and Kozhikode districts. The study was conducted to fill the gaps in the available literature on understanding the life and health concerns of the Theyyam artists at Kerala. This study also attempted to examine the social status, socialization, their interaction with upper-caste people and the nature of discriminations faced by them. Mixed method was used to collect the data. Quantitative data was collected through semi-structured interview schedule and case studies were used to collect qualitative data. The finding of the study shows that their income level is very low and they have taking loan to meet their personal and health expenditure. They have to wear costume weighing heavy and perform for long hours continuously. They have to undergo fasting before the performing day and cannot go for toilet after they wear costume till the end of the performance. This has resulted in various health problems like hypertension, back pain, rheumatism, urinary infection and eye sickness. The artists become physically weak at an early age because of extensive physical strain, inappropriate intake of food and alcohol consumption. Keywords Theyyam artist · Health problems · Livelihood · Education · Living condition

Introduction Theyyam is a ritualistic folk dance of northern Kerala. Theyyam has been coined from Theyyattom it means dance of the god, where ‘Deyvam’ means god and ‘aattom’ means dance. Theyyam was very famous in Kolathunadu, the erstwhile feudal kingdom that comprised of the present Kasaragod and Kannur districts; few taluks of Wayanad (Mananthavady), and Kozhikode (Vadakara and Koyilandy) (John, 2015). It has been said in the folklore stories that the people of north Malabar T. V. Keerthi · G. D. Diwakar (B) Department of Social Work, Central University of Kerala, Kasaragod, India e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2022 R. K. Kale and S. S. Acharya (eds.), Mapping Identity-Induced Marginalisation in India, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-3128-4_16

273

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T. V. Keerthi and G. D. Diwakar

region got the right from Parusurama to perform Theyyam, he endorsed the people of northern Kerala to celebrate the festival of Kaliattam, the worship of goddess Kali, and this has led to the emergence of Theyyam (Gill, 2016). It is believed that this ritual dance creates a trance over the onlookers where the performers bring the immortal sprits and mythical figures into their body and perform the dance. It is an adept amalgamation of various religious beliefs, art, dance, musical instruments and vocals coming together. Theyyam is not just a dance but an art form that stands upon the twin pillars of art and religion. The unique features of Theyyam is, it is performed by indigenous communities such as Vannan, Malayan, Kopalan, Mavilan, Velan, Anjoottan, Pulaya and Vettuvan (John, 2015). They belonged to the lowest strata of the society belongs to Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe; they have the exclusive rights to conduct Theyyam. Theyyam is conducted in ‘Kavu’ (sacred grove) and ‘thanam’ (community centres) or in ‘Tharavadu’ (courtyards). Instead of stage or curtain or other arrangements, Theyyam is conducted in shrines near the sacred trees in Kavu. The dancer accompanied by fold musical instruments and recites the ritual songs which describes the myths and legends of their deity (John & Jacob, 2015). Theyyam involves colourful costumes, a skirt/waist dress and an elaborate head gear. Usually, the skirt/waist dress is made of coconut fronds/bamboo splices covered with red cloth. These extra ordinarily decorative headdresses with flaming torches along with colourful face painting combined with the playing of musical instruments, vocal renditions, and dance can create fantastic forms which surpass human imagination and even sometimes raises fear in the air (Bharadvaj, 2004; John & Jacob, 2015). Generally, Theyyam is performed by male artists but in some exceptional cases even the younger girls below the age of 10 years and women above 40 years also perform (John & Jacob, 2015). Only very specific types of Theyyam like Devakkutt are performed by women (Anju, 2014) and Thekkumbad Koolam Kavu ‘Lady Theyyam’ at Kannur District (Jacob, 2015). It is usually performed by a team, along with the sacred dance performer, singer, drummer and other instrumentalists, costume decorator, the face painter, makeup man, craft maker, lamp carrier a total of twelve to fifteen members are part of the team (John & Jacob, 2015). There are more than 450 varieties of dances depicting various deities such as Gulikan, Padikuttiyamma, Puthiya Bhagavathi, Agni Kandakaran, Mangott Amma are performed, but the most popular deity of Theyyam is Sree Muthappan. Though there is no official data of Theyyam dancer, it has been estimated that a total population of 1,02,860 Theyyam dancers are in Kerala (John, 2015).

Livelihood, Health Problems and Social Status of the Theyyam Artist Theyyam, being an art form, which is a monopoly of the marginalized was a counterhegemonic discourse that stood against a caste infested society. To resist and to fight

16 Life of the Theyyam Artists of Kerala—Their Livelihood, Health …

275

back against the unjust social system it is used as an effective tool and weapon. However, it has provided a platform between upper castes and SC/ST for interaction, positive relationships and cooperation. Seth points out a special aspect of Theyyam that it ‘gives voice to the downtrodden and as an outlet through which in trance, they could speak of the injustice inflicted on them by the higher castes. This was an opportunity that saved as a sort of social equalizer bringing together people of all classes and tribes through religious participation’ (Bharadvaj, 2004). The Theyyam artist performing in the kavu progressively ‘metamorphoses’ into the particular deity of the shrine. During the ritual, the dancer is considered as the god and this shuns the caste relationships in the sense that the people from upper caste, who refused to touch or inter-dine with the lower caste comes to receive the blessings from the Theyyam performer (Dalrymple, 2011). This argument of Theyyam being a social equaliser is severely critiqued, as the Theyyam performers returns to their original socio-cultural positions of being ‘the shunned and insulted Dalits’ as soon as the ritual is over. Only during the time of performance, their social degradation had been eliminated and they are treated like god. But, once the performance is over and they remove their costumes, they are no longer treated like gods but, once again, like untouchables: ‘In the presence of persons of the upper castes’, he writes, ‘Dalits are still expected to bow their heads and stand at a respectful distance’. So the status that the Theyyam artist assumes during the performance is an oscillatory, temporary difference in caste dimensions. Moreover, certain performances like Marri Theyyam are not allowed to perform inside the temple premises, as it is performed by the Pulaya community, considered as the lowest even among the SCs. This clearly elicit the existing untouchability within Theyyam performace (Vijisha & Raja, 2016). Theyyam dance performers are affected by serious occupational health hazards. A Theyyam performance can last for twelve to twenty four hours; during this period, the dancer cannot have food or water which can cause incredible strain in his body. The continuous day and night work for weeks in Theyyam season can lead to hypertension. Common occupational hazards include arthritis, eyesight problems, stress induced by overworking, rheumatism, etc. Most of the dancers go to other odd jobs during the off season to maintain a livelihood and come under a lot of pressure when out of employment. This has been seen as a serious contributing factor to the problem of alcohol addiction among Theyyam dancers. Certain Theyyams are particularly risky; for example, an Ottakolam Theyyam performer has to enter fire heaps more than hundred times. Puthia Bhagavathi Theyyam dancer repeatedly walk on the hot coal during the performance (John & Jacob, 2015). The minimum standard of living is not achievable for most Theyyam artists as the earning from the professions remains abysmally low. As a result, to complement their scanty income from Theyyam performance, the artists are obliged to involve in other activities. Majority 89% Theyyam dancers are the main breadwinner of the family, therefore they engage in part-time jobs during daytime and off season. This has contributed to the burden of mental and physical health problems of the performers (John, 2015).

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Methodology Though Theyyam is one of the most popular art form in Kerala, only very few studies were conducted. Even those studies are sociological in nature, they have not explored their health condition. Moreover, there is no study tried to link their socio-economic condition, health problems and treatment by upper caste. This study aims to understand the inter-linkages between their livelihood, social and economic condition, health status and the social status of the Theyyam artists at Kerala. A total of 50 respondents were interviewed 25 respondents each from Payyannur, Kannur District and Nileswar municipalities, Kasaragod District. The descriptive research design with mixed research method was used to collect data. Semi-structured interview schedule was used to collect the quantitative data, and case studies were collected to acquire qualitative information. Theyyam male artists above the age group of 30 years and having a minimum of 3 years of experience in performing Theyyam were selected for the study. As they are not located in one specific locality, snow bowling technique was used to identify the sample.

Major Findings The key findings of the paper are presented in five sections. In the first section, the socio-demographic profile of the respondents such as age, caste, education, income, expenditure and other details is presented to get an understanding on the background of respondents. Second section examines their entry into the profession and its effect on education. The third section explores the typology of Theyyam performance and their earning. The fourth section examines the effects of Theyyam performance on their health condition. Fifth section will bring out the discrimination faced by Theyyam artist. (i)

Socio-Demographic Profile of the Respondent The study was carried out in two districts, Kannur and Kasaragod, of Kerala. The respondents were selected from Payyannur block of Kannur District and Nileswar block of Kasaragod District. From each district, 25 respondents were interviewed, and only the male performers were interviewed. Table 16.1 shows that majority 50% of the respondents are above 50 years. Only about 4% of the respondents are less than 30 years. About 46% respondents are in-between the age of 30–50 years. It clearly indicates that the younger generation are not much engaged in the Theyyam performance; mostly, the middle age people are engaged in the performance. All the respondents belonged to Scheduled Caste. About 50% of the respondents are from Malaya community, 44% from Vannan community and only 6% from Anjoottan community.

Though Kerala has high literacy rate in India, the education level of the people, especially the marginalised section, is very poor. Education level of the respondents shows

16 Life of the Theyyam Artists of Kerala—Their Livelihood, Health … Table 16.1 Age of the respondents

Particulars

277

Frequency

Percentage

2

4

Age of the respondents 61

10

20

22

44

Caste name Vannan Malaya

25

50

Anjooottan

3

6

Education level Primary

5

10

Middle

15

30

High school

16

32

Higher secondary

8

16

Graduation

6

12

Ration card type APL

29

48

BPL

31

52

Total

50

100

Source Field work data

that 10% of them have studied only up to primary level, 30% up to middle and 32% up to high school education. Only about 16% of then have attained higher secondary and 12% have received graduation. It clearly shows majority 72 respondents have dropped out from studies before they reached higher secondary. About 10% have discontinued their studies because of disinterest and they got failed. Majority 76% of the respondents have stopped their studies because of poor financial condition and had to take up work to support their family. About 48% of the respondents are in APL category and remaining 52% of the respondents are in BPL category. The housing data of the respondents shows that about 32% of the respondents did have own house and they are staying at rented house. This is not a common phenomenon in the rural part of Kerala, as the land cost is less; even the poor people prefer to have their own house. Even among the respondent, having own house about 50% has semi-pacca/thatched roof house. It shows the poor economic condition of the Theyyam performers (Fig. 16.1). Figure 16.1 shows the monthly household income and expenditure of the respondents. Apart from the Theyyam, they were engaged in other occupation like agricultural sector, government sector, private sector and self-employment sector. Majority 42% of the respondents monthly house hold (HH) income is Rs.20001–30,000. About

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T. V. Keerthi and G. D. Diwakar

Fig. 16.1 Monthly household income and expenditure. Source Fieldwork data

32% of the respondents are monthly HH income is Rs.10001–20,000. Sixteen per cent of the respondents monthly HH income is below 10,000 and remaining 10% of the respondents are in the highest income bracket earning above Rs. 30,000 per month. The average monthly household income of the respondents is Rs. 21,960 and the average monthly expenditure is Rs. 16,380. Though the average income is more than the expenditure, about 46% of the respondents have taken loan for various reasons like marriage, health problems, house hold expenditures, children education, etc. The average amount of loan drawn by the respondents is Rs. 1,87,000. It clearly shows majority of them are indebted and they have to pay huge interest every month; this was not included in the expenditure data. Only 39% of the respondents have loan less than 1 lakh rupees and remaining 61% have taken loan more than one lakh rupees. Only one respondent had 50 cent land; other than him, none of them had agriculture land. (ii)

Entry into the Profession and it Impact on Education Table 16.2 shows that about 52% of the respondents got engaged in Theyyam performance at a very early age, before they attain 10 years. Mainly the children were engaged in adivedan and Karkadara theymma; they start performing at the age of 4 years. Nearly about 26% of the respondents got engaged at the age of 11–15 years and 22% at the age of 16–20 years. A further analysis shows it has affected their studies and about 34 were reported absenteeism to school and about 48% reported it has affected their quality of studies and concentration.

About 70% of the respondents have reported the major reason for engaging in the performance at a very early age because it is their family traditional occupation. The poverty and financial constraint of the family also pushed them to engage in their traditional occupation at a very early age. Apart from this reason, the other factors contributed to engage in this profession were their religious belief; as a livelihood option and love for the art, it was reported 12%, 14% and 4%, respectively.

16 Life of the Theyyam Artists of Kerala—Their Livelihood, Health …

279

Table 16.2 Age of entry into the profession and it effect on education Particulars

Frequency

Percentage

Less than 10 years

26

52

11–15 years

13

26

16–20 years

11

22

Total

50

100

Absenteeism to school

17

34

Could not concentrate on studies

2

4

Affected quality of education

8

16

Affected concentration and quality of education

14

28

Total

41

82

Family tradition

35

70

Religious belief

6

12

Livelihood

7

14

Love of art

2

4

Total

50

100

Age at which you involved in Theyyam performance

Effect on education

Reasons for choosing this profession

Source Fieldwork data

(iii)

Typology of Theyyam Performance and their Earning The respondents reported that they have performed Theyyam organized by the community, joint families, individual families and outside Kerala. So we can say that, they get chances to perform at four levels. Almost all the respondents have performed at Theyyam organized by the community; however, there was variation in their number of performances.

Only 38 respondents performed at the Theyyam organized by joint family, 29 respondents got opportunity to perform at Theyyam organized by individual family and only 7 performed outside Kerala. In the last one year, on an average, each respondent did 20 performances organized by community, 13 by joint family, 7 for individual family and outside Kerala less than one performance (Fig. 16.2). It clearly indicates the community organizes more Theyyam and provide them more employment opportunities. There is huge variation in the amount of money received by the respondents for each performance; for the performance organized by community and joint family, they have received Rs. 500–3000 for each performance. In case of individual family performance, the renumeration paid ranged between Rs. 500–5000; however, in case of performance outside Kerala and India, they were paid renumeration that ranged between Rs. 10,000 and 75,000 (Table 16.3). On an average for each performance, the

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T. V. Keerthi and G. D. Diwakar

Fig. 16.2 Respondents’ participation in various types of Theyyam performance. Source Fieldwork data

Table 16.3 Money received for the performance Amount received 10,000 or lesser amount

Community

Joint family

Single family

Outside Kerala

frequency

(%)

frequency

(%)

frequency

(%)

frequency

(%)

14

28

7

18.4

10

34.5

2

28.6

10,001–20,000

13

26

11

28.9

9

31

0

0

20,001–30,000

3

6

3

7.9

5

17.2

0

0

30,001–40,000

8

16

8

21.1

4

13.8

1

14.3

40,001–50,000

1

2

2

5.3

1

3.4

1

14.3

Above 50,000

11

22

7

18.4

0

0

3

42.9

Total

50

100

38

100

29

100

7

100

Source Fieldwork data

renumeration received varied by type of performance; for performance at community, they received Rs. 1590, joint family Rs. 1947, individual family Rs. 1810 and outside Kerala received Rs. 37,285. It clearly shows performance outside Kerala is very renumerative. But only few got the chance to perform outside Kerala, only the experienced and have some repute/fame got the chance. Table 16.3 shows that almost one quarter of the respondents have earned less than Rs. 10,000 in the last one year. Another 25% have earned Rs. 10,000–20,000 and 30% have earned Rs. 20,000–40,000 last year, except community and outside Kerala. Of the performers who have earned above Rs. 40,000, 24% each performed at community and joint family and 56% have performed outside Kerala. Average total income earned by the performer at the community, joint family, individual and outside Kerala was Rs. 32,000, Rs. 31,487, Rs. 20,569 and Rs. 59,428, respectively.

16 Life of the Theyyam Artists of Kerala—Their Livelihood, Health … Table 16.4 Alternative occupation of the respondent

S. No.

Occupation

Frequency

281 Per cent

1

Agriculture labour

13

26.0

2

Private salaried

3

6.0

3

Self- employment

21

42.0

4

Government salaried

13

26.0

Total

50

100.0

Source Fieldwork data

The Theyyam was performed only 5–6 months in a year; even during those periods, they will not get chance to perform regularly. Secondly, the money they earn of Theyyam performance is also very less, and it was not sufficient to meet their household necessities. Therefore, they engaged in other jobs to meets their household needs. Table 16.4 shows, 42% of the respondents are engaged in selfemployment, 26% as agriculture labour and 6% as private companies. Surprisingly, 26% are working in government sector, majority of them are at clerical level, as it is their tradition they perform on weekends and on important occasion. (iv)

Theyyam Performance and it Effect on Health Figure 16.3 shows that about 48% of the respondents perform Theyyam continuously for less than 5 h, 42% for 6 to 10 h and 10% for more than 11 h. On an average, they perform Theyyam for 6.30 h continuously. Therefore, it is evident that they require better physical and mental stamina to perform continuously for hours. Moreover, to do the makeup, it will take 3–5 h depending on the type of Theyyam. Since it is performed for god, the performer has to undergo a very strict food regime. Mostly, they will not eat before the day of performance and will eat only after the end of the performance. They cannot go to toilet

Fig. 16.3 Hours of performance. Source Fieldwork data

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T. V. Keerthi and G. D. Diwakar

Table 16.5 Health problems of the respondents Duration of illness

Eye illness duration

Hypertension duration

Back pain duration

Urinary infection duration

Rheumatism duration

Leg pain duration

Less than 2 years

4

7

7

4

2

8

3–4 years

15

15

15

8

3

13

5–6 years

7

2

6

5

1

8

7–8 years

2

0

2

0

1

1

9–10 years

0

0

2

0

0

0

More than 11 years

0

0

1

0

0

0

Total

28

24

33

17

7

30

Source Fieldwork data

as it requires dismantling of all the dressing and makeup. All these leads to different types of health problems. Table 16.5 shows the respondents have faced different health problems. Almost 98% of the Theyyam artist have reported that they have or the other illness. About 10% of the respondents reported to have all the six types of health problems, others had more than 2–3 health problems. Only one respondent reported he did not have any health problems. Further disaggregation of the data shows, about 56% of the artists have the eye sickness because of the eye makeup and sleeplessness; the elder generation uses the natural colour like rice powder, turmeric powder and so on. Nowadays, the artists are using chemicals it increase the intensity of eye sickness. Around 46% of the respondents have hyper tension; this is because the fasting they undertake 11–12 h before the performance; especially, it is required in the case of Kathivanurveeran, Vettakkorumakan, Wayanattu Kulvan, etc. Secondly, they cannot go for toilet for many hours, holding it also creates lots of tension and stress among the artist. About 66% of the respondents have back pain because of the Theyyam Table 16.6 Social norms and the forms of discriminatory practices

Social practices

Yes (%)

No (%)

Will they enter your house

14

86

Are you allowed to enter their house

32

68

Eat food at your house

0

100

Eat food at their house

60

40

Will they attend your function

100

0

Are you invited for their function

56

44

Do you perform their final rituals

100

0

Are you paid fully in cash

96

4

Source Fieldwork data

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costumes; it is very heavy and it is tied to different parts of their body. The 34% of the respondents reported having urinary related problem like appendicitis and other urinary tract infection. About another 60% of the respondents have reported having leg pain and the remaining 14% of the respondents having the problem of rheumatism because the Theyyam artists required high physical ability and have to stand for long hours with carrying lot of weight. More than 75% of the respondents have reported that they have these illness for more than 3 years. Back pain is one problem reported by majority of the respondents, and it was the long recurring problem. About 15% reported to have back pain for more than seven years. In case of nature of illness, about 48% of the respondent told their health problem is chronic in nature and have to take medicine regularly. Another 48% reported they have acute illness. The data of expenditure on illness in the last one year shows that on an average, each respondents have spent Rs. 20,428. They are economically backward their average annual income in the last year is Rs. 21,960. So, it is very clear that the health problem have a significant role in pushes them into poverty. About 53% had spent less than Rs. 15,000, 18% spent between Rs. 15000–30,000 and 26% have spent more than Rs. 30,000 on their illness (Fig. 16.4). A further exploration on their health seeking behaviour and utilization of health services in Fig. 16.5 shows that majority 76% of the respondents have taken treatment from the private hospital. This has increased their health expenditure on treatment. Especially in case of leg pain 94% and rheumatism 100% of the respondent received treatment from private hospital. (v)

Social Norms and Discriminatory Practices at the Community About 28% of the respondents have reported that they were not allowed to enter into the temple. Especially in the Kattumurthy and Marri Theyyam, they were not allowed to enter the temple and perform. Because these Theyyam were performed by the pulaya and other lower caste invoking their god, so they

Fig. 16.4 Medical expenditure of the respondents. Source Fieldwork data

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Case study 1: Theyyam artists with serious health problems Krishna, 52 year old Theyyam artists, he had eye problem and also undergone surgery for urinary infection. He hails from Cheruvathur Kasaragod district. He has over 35 years of experience in performing Theyyam. He belongs to the Malaya community he had started performing Theyyam at the age of 17. Because of financial problems he discontinued his studies during 7standard. He was also given a title ‘Panikkar’ for his outstanding contribution in the field of Theyyam. Unfortunately, three years back during the time of “Pottan Theyyam” performance he met with an accident. The Pottan Theyyam needs 5 to 6 years of preparations. They have to undertake fasting before performance, it starts at night and it ends only in the early morning. In the morning the performer has to enter fire bed and sleep in the fire coals. The costume of Pottan Theyyam is mainly made of coconut leaf, his whole body got burnt with the fire. This incident adversely affected his whole body especially the head, eyes and blood circulation was decreased. Now he is not performing but he supports other artists. At present he is driving auto to meet his daily needs.

Fig. 16.5 Type of illness and place of treatment. Source Fieldwork data

were not allowed to perform in the temple. Though during the performance, they were respected by the upper caste but after the performance in the normal day when they interact with the upper caste their attitude and behaviour is indifferent, they disrespect and humiliate them. Figure 16.6 shows the treatment received by the respondents from upper caste in normal days. Even though, Kerala is one of the most literate state and lot of social transformation has happened but still the respondents faced varying form of discrimination. About 68% of the respondents faced some form of discrimination by upper caste on normal days. About 48% of the respondents reported they were humiliated by the upper caste on various instances. Secondly, about 20% of the respondents’ were called by their caste names or by using bad words in an abusive manner by the upper-caste people. Remaining 32% of the respondents reported that

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Case study: 2 Social Treatment Kesavan age 60 year old Theyyam artists from Payyannur Municipality of Kannur district. He belongs to Pulaya Community (Scheduled Tribe). He has over 50 years of experience. Because of his old age he is not performing Theyyam anymore. While he performed Kattumoorthy Theyyam (gods of tribes), he was not allowed to perform inside the temple because of the practice of untouchability in that village. The higher caste people respect while performing Theyyam, they see them as God and touch their hands for getting “Prasadam”. But on normal days they were treated untouchables and have to walk at a distance when they pass through upper caste people. The upper castes people will not eat food at their house. The upper castes people treat them separately at the time of functions in their house.

Fig. 16.6 Social treatment of Theyyam artist by upper caste. Source Fieldwork data

were did not faced any discrimination and they were treated properly by the upper caste. Almost all the respondents have responded that they have friends from upper caste. But they were not close friends in terms of going to their houses, sharing food and participating in each other functions. About 82% of the respondents have told that the restrictions were mainly because of the existing caste system, another 16% told because of religious belief and remaining 2% told they are not interested to become too close with them. All the respondents told that the upper-caste person visits their house but only 14% of the respondents told that they enter their house. The remaining 86% told that they will not enter their house, because of the existing caste norms. About 32% of the respondents told they were allowed to enter the upper-caste person house. The remaining 68% of the respondents told that they were not allowed to enter the house of upper caste. Similarly in case of having food, none of the upper caste will have food from their house. In case of any function, if it is arranged in a community hall then they will have food otherwise they will not. In case of the respondents, about 60% told

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that they eat food at the upper-caste person house, but they were not served food inside their house, usually it was served outside their house. The respondents invite the upper-caste friends for their functions and usually they come and attend their function. However, only about 56% of the respondents were invited for their uppercaste friend house functions. Mostly, they will not invite them for the functions conducted at their house, if they conduct the function in a common place or party hall then they will invite them. The respondents told that all the last rituals at the upper-caste household are performed by them. However, they were not paid any money. About 96% of the respondent told they were not paid in cash but they give some food items, sometimes dress, in a plate after the rituals are finished.

Conclusion Theyyam is the cultural heritage of the Malabar region; it is part of their tradition and it has been passed on from one generation to the another. However, the number of people performing the art is reducing because of various reasons. When we tried to understand the reasons for the decrease in the number of performers, the performers were engaged at a very young age. They discontinued their studies. However, they get very less income from the performance; they could not meet all their expenses, so they are forced to take up other jobs to meet their needs. Secondly, it affects the lives and the health condition of the performer. They face many health problems both acute and chronic; most of their problems are known health hazards of the Theyyam performance. They major health problems they faced are back pain, leg pain, urinary tract infection, hypertension, eye problems and rheumatism. They get these health problems because they have to undergo fasting the previous night, perform continuous for more than 5 h, wear heavy costume and makeup. It was found that only certain community from Scheduled Caste are performing the art and it is very closely related with caste structure. Though during the performance, they were seen as god, but after the performance they face humiliation and discrimination as like other SC person. So, it is clear that it did not brought any changes in their social status, they were continued to be seen as low and untouchable. This also demotivates the younger generation to take this as their profession; on contrary if they continue their education, they can get better job with better social status. Moreover, the tradition is slowly eroding because of the less importance given to Theyyam which results in fewer opportunities for the performers. Theyyam artists are quite vulnerable to various economic uncertainties and health problems; however, there is no support system available for them especially at the end of their career. Therefore, some social security measures like pension, health insurance, medical facility, children education, etc. are prerequisite for them. Kshema Nithi is the only programme specifically targets the Theyyam artist; because of the existing difficulties in the programme, only 14% have received some benefit. About 20% of the respondents have received support from their community association.

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Therefore, more programme for Theyyam artist to support their livelihood, education and health is required to improve their status. Theyyam is a seasonal activity; it provides livelihood only for 5–6 months. So, there is a need for livelihood support programme during the off season and they can be provided with some vocational training and marketing support. As of now, there is no proper documentation on the rich tradition, rituals and customs of Theyyam. There is no provision for training of new artist, generally the knowledge is passed on from one generation to the another. A proper documentation informs the people about the rich tradition of Theyyam; this will attract more people to support this tradition. A training for the new artist will help them to improve their skills, reduce their work pressure and exhaustion to avoid unnecessary health problems. This will help the tradition of Theyyam to continue to the future generation. As the artist are still facing some form of discrimination, that needs to be addressed to make an inclusive society. Acknowledgements The authors would like to thank all the respondents for giving their valuable time and information. Also like to thank Visakh Viswambaran for his support on writing literature review. There is no conflict of interest and all the usual disclaimers apply.

References Anju, M. (2014). Devakkut: Women representation in ritualistic art performance in Kerala. Research Scholar—an International Refereed e-Journal of Literary Explorations, 2(1), 290–301. Bharadvaj, R. (2004). Bringing heaven to earth—Theyyam of Kerala. Interview. Narthaki. Retrieved from http://www.narthaki.com/info/intervw/intrvw74.html Dalrymple, W. (2011). Nine lives. In Search of the Sacred in the Modern India. Vintage. Gill, B. (2016). Theyyam Divine speak, Rail Bandhu. Retrieved from http://railbandhu.in/theyyamdivine-speak/ John, J. (2015). Socio-economic and health problems of Theyyam dancers belonging to scheduled castes of Kerala. Working Paper Series. Kerala Development Society. John, J., & Jacob, M. (2015). Dalit art forms and tourism promotion: Case study of Theyyam dance. Atna Journal of Tourism Studies, 10(2), 1–15. https://doi.org/10.12727/ajts.14.1 Lakhani, M. (2016). The living gods. Retrieved from http://withmanish.com/the-living-god/ Vijisha, P., & Raja, E. K. G. V. (2016). Existence of untouchability towards Maari Theyyam—A traditional art form of Kerala. Open Journal of Social Sciences, 4, 260–263. https://doi.org/10. 4236/jss.2016.43032

Chapter 17

Marginalization, Migration and Urban Informal Sector—In-Depth Analysis of Cycle Rickshaw Pullers in Delhi Naresh Kumar

Abstract The aim of this paper to explore the nature, determinants and associated vulnerability in case of In-migrant cycle rickshaw pullers occupation in Delhi’s urban labour market. Out of the total sampled population (N = 450) across different administrative locations shows that 93.5% migrants come from the rural areas of neighbouring states of Delhi. They were out-migrated from the states of Bihar, Uttar Pradesh and West Bengal by place of birth primary data. Most of them have left their place of origins or villages due to economic adversity as reasons and to find some instant sources of livelihood after arrived in Delhi. Out of total respondents, 78% of the respondents were belonged from to the socio-economic deprived sections (Scheduled Caste and Other Backward Caste) of the Indian society. They have opted cycle rickshaw pulling as occupation because no other means of jobs available for them for sustaining their families. The small relative size of remittances has relatively more significant for sustain for them and left-behind family members at the place of origins. In last conclude that low wage, irregularity of jobs, unemployment and poverty compel them to come to Delhi in search of livelihoods and they had found cycle rickshaw pulling as an only instant sources of occupation in urban informal labour market where they could earn livelihood and provide economic security for sustaining the families’ members at the far places. Keywords Migration · Marginalization · Informal sector · Rickshaw puller

N. Kumar (B) Centre for Diaspora Studies, Central University of Gujarat, Gandhinagar, India e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2022 R. K. Kale and S. S. Acharya (eds.), Mapping Identity-Induced Marginalisation in India, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-3128-4_17

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Introduction The National Commission for Enterprises in the Unorganised Sector (NCEUS)1 declared that 836 million Indians remain economically marginalized. The commission’s recent report entitled ‘Reports on the Conditions of Work and Promotion of Livelihood in the Unorganized Sector’ puts forth that 86% working population belong to the unorganized sector and work under extremely deplorable conditions with scanty livelihood options. The commission’s chairman Arjun Sengupta states that maximization of profit should not be the sole aim of economic growth. It is very genuine to expectations of marginal communities living in the rural areas that mobility may bring changes to their socio-economic status after migration towards urban areas or towns or cities. It is now evident that many marginalized or subaltern communities are living in the countryside areas do not possess the agriculture land, highly illiterate, economically not well off and more socially deprived in various states of India. Mobility becomes an important marker to bring changes in their life at various levels such as to improve socio-economic, cultural and social networks and strong ties with their left-behind families or relatives. After migration, they can get involved in the various sectors available in urban space as per their skills. Urban space is known for more modern, liberal in terms of occupation, the scope of assimilation, where caste identities and hierarchies less sharp than villages. Many marginalized communities get employment opportunities and will live life with dignity. Most of the rickshaw pullers in Delhi are seasonal migrants and they choose this occupation because it requires minimum resources and ensures an easy flow of income. Most of the migrants are not well educated and skilled; therefore, they get employment in the informal sector as unskilled or semi-skilled workers. As a result, they are bound to be engaged in ill-paid or low-paid jobs like rickshaw pulling, street vending, petty trades, shoe polishing, small manufacturing, construction work and so on. Meagre income compels these unfortunate migrants to reside in slums or informal housing in extremely deplorable conditions. According to the estimate by the Planning Commission, in 1999–2000, Delhi had 8% population living below the poverty line. Most of the rickshaw pullers do not enjoy benefits from any kind of social security schemes available to the workers in India. Rickshaw pullers who possessed very low income, unhygienic living and working conditions make them more vulnerable towards the vicious cycle of diseases and poverty.

1

NCEUS, 2007, Reports on Conditions of Work in the promotion of Livelihood in the unorganized sector New Delhi.

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Review of Literature Study on rickshaw pullers cannot be done in isolation without having a thorough understanding of urbanization, migration, growth of the informal sector and conditions of urban poor in Indian cities. Oberai & Chadha (2000) has worked out the percentage of urban population living in slums in different states of India between the years of 1981–1991. He has pointed out that most of the slum dwellers work in the informal sector as domestic workers, petty hawkers and daily wage employees, labourers in small industrial units or in the construction sector. According to Census 1991, 15.4% of the total urban populations in India lived in slums under deplorable conditions. Srivastava (1998)2 has pointed out that uneven regional development and rural backwardness are the main reasons behind the out-migration of labourers from rural to urban areas. He has identified four types of mobility, e.g. permanent, semi-permanent migration, labour circulation and commuting. Most of these migrant labourers get jobs in the informal sector and face hardship as well as discrimination in the workplace. They often must work longer, hardly get the benefit of any type of social security and receive lower wages than that of their non-migrant counterparts. Bhowmik (2000)3 has discussed the various issues related to hawkers, especially those of the civic authorities and hawkers themselves. The author has critically reviewed the municipal laws, government policies that affect their livelihood and police atrocities towards the hawkers. He has emphasized the proper study of urban plans, maximum usage of the public spaces, mapping of hawkers’ stalls and organizations and has conducted a thorough study of the socio-economic conditions of hawkers and perception of consumers. Kundu and Sarangi (2007)4 have discussed the pattern of migration in urban areas and its socio-economic correlates. The paper is based on the National Sample Survey Report of Employment and Unemployment, which provide information on migration. They have found that economic deprivation is the most critical factor behind migration even for seasonal migration. The authors point out that rural -urban migrants have a greater risk for being below the poverty line than the urban–urban migrants. Migration is a means of escaping poverty for economic betterment. Whitelegg and Williams (2010)5 deal with the importance of non-motorized transport with reference to developing countries. They have discussed about the links between environmental, non-motorized transport and poverty issues. This paper highlights the significance of non-motorized transport in terms of pollution reduction, income generation or maintenance of the poor and providing transport for vulnerable groups within the general context of sustainable development. This 2

Srivastava, R. 2003, An overview of migration in India, its impacts, and key issues. Paper prepared for the Regional Conference on Migration. Development and Pro-Poor Policy Choices in Asia. 22–24 June, Dhaka, Bangladesh. pp 1–13. 3 Bhowmik, K.S., 2000, A Raw Deal? Seminar 491– July. pp 20–25. 4 Kundu & Sarangi (2007). Migration, employment status and poverty: An analysis across urban centres. Economic and Political Weekly, 42(4), 299–306. 5 Whitelegg, J., & Williams, N. (2010). Non-motorized transport and sustainable development: Evidence from Calcutta. Local Environment, 5(1), 7–18.

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paper also mentions the rickshaws in Calcutta. The author believes that if rickshaws disappear from Calcutta’s streets there would not only be a significant increase in air pollution but also a substantial increase in the number of people living below the poverty. Objectives: This paper is mainly an attempt to understand the following objective1. 2. 3. 4.

To understand the importance of urban informal labour sector to provides the livelihood of many in-migrants population from the various states of India. To identify and understand the social-economic and demographic characteristics of the in-migrant’s rickshaw pullers in Delhi. To identify the different reasons of in-migration in Delhi about cycle rickshaw pullers in Delhi. To understand the importance of remittances and savings aspects in their life and jobs satisfaction attitude towards this occupation.

Research Questions This article endeavours to answers of the following questions: 1. 2. 3. 4.

Does the decision of rickshaw pullers to migrate exhibit a reflection of compelling push factors at the place of their origin? Do they belong to the marginalized communities (Scheduled Caste, Scheduled Tribe, Other Backward Caste, etc.) in this reference occupation? What are different visible layers which shows that they suffered most in the urban metropolises city (Delhi)? How do their income, saving pattern and remittances become an important strategy for survival getting livelihood in Delhi?

Data Sources and Methodologies The Indian Census does not provide detailed data on the occupation of migrants. The NSSO provides more detailed data on the non-motorized transport in India, but this too has limitations. The socio-economic aspects of the workers in the nonmotorized transport sector have been neglected. Not only that, neither the urban local bodies (ULBs) nor any welfare organizations have collected reliable secondary data on rickshaw pullers, because their actual number is far higher than what is recorded in official documents of rickshaw pullers. Therefore, this study is solely dependent on data generated from the primary survey. The total number of respondents was 450 and the purposive sampling technique had been used for the collection of data. Data was collected from the different MCDs Zones through the interviews with the respondents. Quantitative (tabulation, percentage), as well as qualitative methods

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(case studies, FGDs and Key informants’ interview), have been used to analyses primary survey data.

In-Migration in Delhi The employment scenario of Delhi is not much different from that of the other metropolitan cities. Migration in Delhi is highly male selective. A significant proportion of this migrant population gets employment in the urban informal sector in the cities and their activities vary remarkably. They work in construction works, brick kilns, quarries, mines, small scale manufacturing units, rickshaw pulling, food processing plants, small hotels, or motels, roadside dhabas and shops. All these activities have a significant contribution in Delhi’s economy, but their contribution is highly underestimated and underutilized. Among them, rickshaw pullers are one of the highly neglected segments of workers.

Rickshaw Pullers in Delhi The field data clearly shows that the highest percentage rickshaw pullers (43.3%) belong to Bihar followed by Uttar Pradesh (31.8%) and West Bengal of (13.1%). Delhi has been recorded as the place of birth and the place of enumeration by 4.2% of the respondent only. Some people from Nepal too are plying rickshaws in Delhi, and they contribute 2.4% of the total sample population. Out of the total surveyed rickshaw pullers, 93.6% of respondents came from rural areas and only 6.2% came from urban areas. The states like Bihar, UP and West Bengal push young male migrants from their rural areas. Poor landless labourers come to Delhi in search of a better economic prospect, but their destiny compels them to take menial jobs like rickshaw pulling. Those who have stated themselves as the permanent residents of Delhi are too poor to invest money for any other occupation except rickshaw pulling and most of them belong to Below Poverty Line (BPL) card holders’ group. The reasons for out-migration from the places of their origins have been captured from the respondents with the help of the primary survey. It has pointed out that migration from rural areas is generally motivated by both pushes and pulls factors. However, the magnitude of rural–urban migration is affected by push factors like, no agricultural land limited opportunities of employment in the agriculture sector and higher employment opportunities in the urban modern industrial sector. Rickshaw pullers are no exception. Most of them have left their villages due to economic adversity. The scarcity of agricultural land and low productivity in the agricultural sector drive out young males from villages towards big cities like Delhi. During the survey, rickshaw pullers have given various reasons behind their migration. Most of the rickshaw pullers are seasonal migrants (23%) who come to Delhi during the lean season of agriculture and go back to villages at the time of harvesting

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and sowing. Out of the total respondents, 23% have come to the city due to the low wage rate and irregularity of jobs in the agricultural sector. Moreover, 16% of respondents reported they do not possess agricultural land; 15% of them have small and marginal landholdings which are unproductive for cultivation, and 07% have left their rural homelands due to natural calamities like severe floods or droughts which have destroyed their lands and properties. This is evident from the following narrative‘I’ll pull rickshaw for a few months in Delhi before returning to my native village in winter. We work in the farms during winter and store grains for the rest of the season. I have a small piece of agricultural land, but it does not yield sufficient income to feed my extended family where my old parents, four little kids, wife and one unmarried sister are directly dependent on me. As I am the sole bread earner of my family, I have to work in others’ farms. During the lean period when I do not get job in farms, I come to Delhi and earn at least Rs. 4000–5000 per month’,—(Jagat Ram,6 a 33-year-old Scheduled Caste, rickshaw puller from the district Badaun, Uttar Pradesh, October 2009).

Socio-economic and Demographic Profile of In-Migrants Rickshaw Pullers In Delhi, most of the rickshaw pullers are seasonal migrants from the neighbouring states, they generally come from impoverished agrarian households or poor artisan families. More or less all of them have the same saga of rural impoverishment, arrival in Delhi in search of economic betterment and ultimately finding rickshaw pulling as the only way of earning a livelihood. Mainly, young rural male migrants take this profession and with the increase of age they have to find out an alternative way of income because it needs physical fitness. Another obvious outcome of the survey is that most of the rickshaw pliers belong to Scheduled Castes and Other Backward Castes who are generally considered as the socially deprived section of Indian society. Moreover, illiteracy and low level of education keep this segment of unorganized workforce unaware of their own well-being. Out of the total 450 rickshaw puller respondents, 78% belong to Hindu community subdivided into Scheduled Castes, Other Backward Castes and general castes. Another 20.4% belong to the Muslim community and only 1.5 respondents belong to Sikh and Christian communities. On the other hand, caste also become one of the major aspects chosen rickshaw as an occupation. Even in the twenty-first century, caste still plays a crucial factor in choosing an occupation, especially in those areas where traditional socio-cultural set up is still prevalent. Caste mainly indicates a person’s social status as well as economic affluence. Thus, without a detailed study of the rickshaw pullers caste composition, one cannot identify the major socio-economic and demographic features of these poor people who provide cheap and quick transport in our everyday life. Out of the total respondents (450), 49.8% of respondents are Scheduled Castes, 34.7% are from Other Backward Castes and only 14.9% are general caste people. It is generally 6

Pseudonym. Due to ethical reasons the names have been changes.

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considered that manual work is not for the so-called upper-caste people. The general caste rickshaw pullers are indulged in physical work at distant places and by doing so they want to maintain their caste supremacy as well as social status in their villages. The educational-level aspects of the rickshaw pullers we found that most of them (more than 60%) are illiterate, only 13.3% have completed primary level of education and only 20% of them have studied up to the middle level (i.e. up to Class VIII), while only less than 8% have completed matric or higher levels. Most of the illiterate rickshaw pullers are from Scheduled Castes and Other Backward Castes. However, some rickshaw pullers with basic education enjoy the social status equivalent to a middle-class family. Due to poverty and lack of awareness, most of them could not afford to have basic education and have no option other than taking to menial jobs like rickshaw pulling for sustaining their families. The rickshaw pullers live in hope, fighting despair. Thousands of them consider their rickshaw as an ‘ATM’. This is an instant source of money because they can pick it up and start pulling it anytime they wish to. It serves them even during emergency. Therefore, the tricycle is not only a humble vehicle to them but a priceless asset that rescues them from abject poverty. Sunil and Manoj introduced Prakash to Parson Ram, the forty years old rickshaw thekadar who owns more than a hundred rickshaws. Prasun Ram agreed to rent him a second-hand rickshaw based on Rs. 35 per day. Since that day Prakash started rickshaw puling in the City Zone. Though he does not have a valid licence for rickshaw pulling, the thekadar manages the situation by paying bribes to police and MCD officials. Prakash is satisfied with his income. He earns more than Rs. 5000 per month and every month send money order home through a local courier service. His widowed mother, younger siblings are completely depended on his income. Therefore, he considers rickshaw as his most prized and priceless possession that provides him money during an emergency.

Working and Living Environment of Cycle Rickshaw Pullers According to Census of India (2011), India’s 5.4% of the total population lives in the slum area. Andhra Pradesh stood first position with maximum (12%) of total country population and Assam has lowest minimum (0.6%) population. Being the National capital of India, Delhi has 10.7% population of India lived in the slum areas, in which mostly reside in unauthorized colonies and slums. These sections face severe challenges in earning livelihoods. The city also has many horseless or floating or street population including the aged, homeless, destitute, beggars, vagabonds, handicapped, diseased people, neglected women and children, who hardly find shelter in institutions or night shelters. Rickshaw pullers, street vendors and people earning their livelihood through menial jobs initially cannot afford to rent rooms and many of them sleep in the open. They are mainly the new migrants to Delhi. The story of Jai Prakash (name changed) illustrates this as follows.

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I stay in Old Delhi railway station during the nights with other fellow rickshaw pullers. Though I prefer to take a nap on my vehicle only but during the rainy season we have to arrange for temporary shade with plastic sheets. My rickshaw is my home; I keep my humble belongings at the back of the rickshaw. Delhi is too expensive to have a rented room here and I have to send remittances back home. replied Jai Prakash, a young migrant rickshaw puller from Bihar. He further stated that I prefer to go for open-air defecation because the public toilets take charges and have bad odors. Though once in a week I have to pay for washing my clothes and bathing, but usually, I choose open spaces for toilets.

Income and Savings with its Determined Factors of Rickshaw Pullers Rickshaw pullers do not have a fixed income; it varies from person to person and from one season to another. Their income depends on various factors like their age, fitness, family burden, weather condition, location or place where they ply their rickshaws and so on. This was the most difficult question asked to them and the answer varied across the different MCD zones. The survey was conducted during prewinter seasons (October to December 2009) and 450 rickshaw pullers were asked about their average daily income. Location or the place where rickshaw pullers ply rickshaws often determined their income. Rickshaw Pullers of Delhi University Campus earn more than the rickshaw pliers plying rickshaws in various residential colonies because, the number of commuters is much higher in the university area than in other parts of Delhi. Similarly, rickshaw pullers who can work throughout the day, earn better wages than the person who plies rickshaws for half a day. Therefore, physical strength, which is directly depending on a person’s age, affects their income. Of the total sample population studied, 62% respondents earn Rs 150–199 per day; 18% earn Rs 200–250 per day; 16% earn Rs 100–149 per day and only 3.1% earn Rs 250 per day. The average daily income is around Rs. 100. Earning also depends on the age and family pressure of the rickshaw pullers. During their youth, they possess greater stamina and less responsibility towards family, because either their parents or siblings add extra income to the family. But, when they get married, they generally have to take the responsibility of their wife and children, and therefore need to earn more money. So, they work for longer duration in a day so that they can earn more. This is well illustrated in the following narrative. Rickshaw pulling is such a business, in which you can earn according to the time spend in rickshaw pulling. I work hard to earn money so that I can send some remittances to my home. Though I wish to bring my family to Delhi, but in this expensive city I will not be able to sustain, retorted Jagat 35-year-old Scheduled Caste rickshaw puller from Araria, Uttar Pradesh.

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Remittances and its Utilization and Significance in their Life Generally, it could be seen that in case of migration research has two types of remittances, namely economic and social remittance. The size of economic remittance (money, goods, etc.) is playing more pivotal role in case of unskilled migrant rickshaw pullers in Delhi. Rickshaw pullers are the migrants who left their homes for earning a better livelihood. Therefore, they have to send a portion of their income to their home. Out of a total 450 rickshaw pullers, 344 respondents admitted that they send a portion of their income to their families as remittances. Empirical results show that about 39.5% of the total respondents send Rs 2000–3000 per month to their home, 27% of them stated that they send about Rs 3000–4000 and 15.7% send Rs 1000–2000 to their families back home, it was found that 12% send less than Rs 1000 per month to their villages in comparison to and only 6.4% of the respondents who send more than 4000 per month to their home. Thus, it is evident that the amount of money sends as remittance reduces with the income of the rickshaw pullers. Rickshaw pullers mainly send their remittances through some friends or relatives in this case -friends and relatives carry the ‘remittances who are going back to their villages or nearby villages. When they visit their home during festive occasions, they bring their extra income along with various gifts. Sometimes, rickshaw pullers use private courier service that charges 5% per 100 rupees. The money order is another means through which rickshaw pullers sent money to their villages. Their families depend on these remittances for fulfilling their necessities, repayment of loan, children’s education as well as for the occasional purchase of productive assets like agricultural land and so on. ‘Rickshaw pulling is such businesses where you will earn according to your time spend in rickshaw pulling. I work hard to earn money because I have to send remittances to my home. Though I wish to bring my family in Delhi, but in this expensive city I cannot sustain’, retorted Jagat (SC) 35 years Araria (Bihar), July 2009.

Savings Behaviour of Rickshaw Pullers It has been found that most of the rickshaw puller cannot try to save money from their income. Out of the total surveyed population, about 52% of respondents can save money after meeting all expenses. On the other hand, about 48% of respondents cannot save very little money because they earn very little. Primary data shows how much money rickshaw pullers can save in a year after meeting all their necessities. It was found that 34.5% of the respondents stated that they can save Rs 1001–3000 in a year, 28% of them can save above 5000 in a year, but most of them save between Rs 3000–5000. Some rickshaw pullers (6.5%) earn too little to save, they cannot afford to save even one thousand rupees. The savings of the rickshaw pullers are affected by various factors such as the rickshaw rents, house rents, illness, bribes to police and MCD authorities for ply rickshaws in no-entry zone and other such items.

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Immovable Assets of Cycle Rickshaw Pullers at Place of Origin Possession of immovable properties indicates the economic prosperity of the respondents. In this study, questions were asked on what type of immovable and movable properties respondents possess in their villages. Out of the total sample, 47.8% of the migrant respondents have houses in their villages, but 94.7% stated that they have only the land but cannot afford to construct a house on it for themselves. It was also found that 52.4% of the respondents do not have any home and even some of them do not have (5.3%) land for building houses even in the future. About 42% of non-migrants as against about 48% migrant rickshaw pullers have their own houses. It was also found that 58% of non-migrants as against 52% migrant rickshaw pullers did not possess any house. Majority of them admitted that they own land, where they desire to build their own houses in the future. Out of the total, 63% of non-migrant and 94% of migrant respondents’ own land in their native places.

Size of Land Holdings The possession of land is not only valued as a factor of production but as a continuous source of income and security in rural areas. The pressure of the population resulting in a high man-land ratio has been widely hypothesized as one of the important causes of out-migration. In an economy where most people earn their livelihood from the land, its possession is very likely to remain one of the significant variables affecting out-migration. Primary data shows that out of the total 450 respondents, 54% of the rickshaw pullers were landless, while only 32% possessed small and marginal land holdings (0.01–0.99 acres) which were not cultivable. Only 14% have more than one acre of agricultural land in their villages. Rickshaw pullers from Bihar and Uttar Pradesh blamed natural calamities like floods and droughts for low productivity. Districts of the north Bihar lie in the flood plain region where severe floods damaged crops every year and some districts of Uttar Pradesh face extreme drought conditions, also harmful for agriculture. Therefore, small, or marginal landholdings yield little income and productivity decreases further during the extreme seasons. Lack of irrigation facilities cumulative economic loss and people have no other choice but to migrate to the cities in search of alternative ways of earning their livelihood.

Attitude of Respondents Towards Rickshaw Pulling During the survey, questions were asked on respondents’ attitudes towards rickshaw pulling as an occupation. Out of the total respondents, 64.4% were doing better as rickshaw pullers as compared to them. Earlier occupation as they could secure three

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square meals a day for themselves and their family, while 35.5% were unhappy with their present job. Among those who were content with their present occupation, 45% answered that rickshaw pulling provided livelihood and regular flow of income to their families. They were mainly illiterates or less educated men with little capital in their hands that barred them from entering any other occupation other than rickshaw pulling. It was found that 28.6% of respondents replied that they did not find any other suitable job for themselves and 14% stated that rickshaw pulling offered an easy entry for all. Another12% replied that they have acquired no other sophisticated skills, so this was their only option.

Conclusion An overview of the socio-economic, demographic condition, reasons of in-migration, entry into this occupation, role of remittances and its significance have been overviewing in this article. Poor migrants from impoverished agrarian families come to the city in search of livelihood and take to rickshaw pulling as their only option of earning money. More than half of the rickshaw pullers who form the study population, are illiterate and they hail from Scheduled Caste, Scheduled Tribes and Other Backward Classes. Those who are not completely illiterate are mainly school dropouts; they could not finish their education due to lack of accesses resources of their parents and discrimination faced by them at the school. The economic situation of these migrants is not satisfactory. Therefore, indebtedness, meagre income and burden of remittances are the indispensable parts of their lives. From the primary data analyses, it has been found that majority of the respondents earn between Rs. 3000 and 4500 monthly on an average and only a few earn above Rs. 6000 per month. Their daily income hardly goes above Rs. 250. Meagre income compels many of them to practice some side businesses like vegetable selling, tea making, domestic services and other informal activities to sustain their families. A lion’s share of the income of these poor rickshaw pullers goes for remittances send to their families, rickshaw hiring charges and room rents. Remittances rescue many impoverished agrarian families from abject poverty. In villages, they buy agricultural lands for themselves and their economic prosperity encourages other fellow villagers to come to Delhi. Therefore, they cannot spend much on their health and hygiene. Analysis of their previous occupations and reasons behind migration and choosing this job show that most of them earlier worked as agricultural labourers, factory workers and construction workers in various places. Low wage, irregularity of jobs, unemployment and poverty compel them to come to Delhi in search of livelihoods and find rickshaw pulling as an only avenue of escaping poverty. Easy entry into this occupation needs a friend who can introduce the new migrant to the rickshaw owners, and if the person is physically fit, he starts earning instantly. A significant proportion of respondents have stated that they still work as agricultural labourers during the period of harvesting and sowing. Some of them have agricultural lands in the villages, but the small landholdings do not yield adequate income throughout the year.

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References Bhowmik, K.S. (2000). A raw deal? Seminar 491 July, pp. 20–25. Census of India. (2011). Analysis slum population, NHRC, GoI. Kundu & Sarangi (2007). Migration, employment status and poverty: An analysis across urban centres. Economic and Political Weekly, 42(4), 299–306. Oberai, A. S., & Chadha, G. K. (2000). Job creation in urban informal sector in India: issues and policy options. In: Papers & proceedings of the national workshop on strategic approach to job creation in urban informal sector, 17–19 February 2000. Whitelegg, J., & Williams, N. (2010). Non-motorized transport and sustainable development: Evidence from Calcutta. Local Environment, 5(1), 7–18.

Chapter 18

Contractualization of Human Resource in Health and Quality of Services in India-Lessons from Selected Hospitals in Delhi M. Santosh Abstract The reforms of the 1990s enforced many tool of new public management, such as autonomy, decentralization, franchise, contractualization allegedly to increase efficiency and effectiveness of the healthcare system. Health has been turned into a business and patients into consumers. Contracualization has become a single solution for all the problems of health systems. Health workforce within the public sector was informalized to improve the efficiency and effectiveness of services. Initially, in 1970s safai karmachari (cleaning) services were first recruited on daily wages, followed by hospital assistants. Today, their services have been outsourced to a third party in almost all the states. Various agencies, such as Sulabh International, Bedhi and Bedhi company are providing these services in hospitals. In the late 1980s, nurses and paramedic were recruited on fixed-term contract basis because of the shortage of eligible candidates to fill the permanent vacancies. In recent past there have been instances of contracting out of nurses and paramedics within public health institutions. The present paper examines this process of contractualization and its impact on providers as well as services. Keywords Contractualization · Health service · Private company · Inequality · Health workers

Introduction Healthcare services are provided through the means of different models of healthcare delivery systems. These systems are aimed to be effective, efficient, acceptable, affordable, and safe. Health workers play vital role and are at the centre to deliver of health services. More than half of the public health finances are spent on the wages of health workers and rest are spent through them. Shortage of healthcare providers is a global phenomenon and in particular to the rural areas. Experts have proposed many methods to develop an efficient and cost effective health workforce and retain M. Santosh (B) Klinikum, Bielefeld, Germany e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2022 R. K. Kale and S. S. Acharya (eds.), Mapping Identity-Induced Marginalisation in India, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-3128-4_18

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them, such as financial incentive, rural doctors training, task shifting, different skill mix, and various models of public private partnerships. World Health Organization acknowledges shortage of qualified and motivated health workforce essential for adequate health service provision. The shortages in particular to the rural area demands to improve the performance of these health workers. Their performance is defined through the availability, retention and they being competent, productive and responsive to people and community needs. As a part of the impacts of neoliberal globalization, workers are experiencing stress and insecurity. There were many factors effecting the retention and performance and were classified as1. 2. 3. 4.

Factors related to personal and lifestyle it also includes living circumstances; Work-related factors: related to preparation for work during preservice education; Health system-related factors: human resources policy and planning; Job satisfaction which is influenced by health facility factors (financial considerations, working conditions, management capacity and styles, professional advancement and safety at work.)

These factors also impact the motivation of health workers and hence quality of health services. The reforms of the 1990s enforced many a tool of new public management, such as autonomy, decentralization, franchise, contractualization allegedly to increase efficiency and effectiveness of the healthcare system. Health has been turned into a business and patients into consumers. But over a decade contractualization has become a single solution for all the problems of health systems. Health workforce within the public sector was informalized to improve the efficiency and effectiveness of services. Initially, in 1970s safai karmachari (cleaning) services were first recruited on daily wages, followed by hospital assistants. Today, their services have been outsourced to a third party in almost all the states. Various agencies, such as Sulabh International, Bedhi and Bedhi company are providing these services in hospitals. In the late 1980s nurses and paramedic were recruited on fixed-term contract basis because of the shortage of eligible candidates to fill the permanent vacancies. In recent past there have been instances of contracting out of nurses and paramedics within public health institutions. Development of informalization of health workers created; 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

A complex situation within the dynamics of health services delivery and has a negative impact on a team approach. Contractual staff were considered to be sub-standard because their recruitment did not follow the required selection process. Corruption in various posts with the use of direct selection by walk-in interview. Job insecurity, high turnover rates, lack of motivation. Lack of responsibility, ownership of the institutions.

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Table 18.1 List of the interviewees of this project Sl. No

Designation

Number

1

Delhi nurses federation leader

1

2

Delhi nurses union leader

1

3

Delhi state contractual nurses and paramedical leaders

3

4

Permanent nurses

8

5

Female contractual nurse

3

6

Employees welfare association leaders

6

7

Contractual nursing orderly

4

8

Contractual hospital assistant

4

9

Administrative staff

4

10

Contractual laboratory technician

2

11

Permanent laboratory technician

2

12

Contractual nurses

2

Source Fieldwork

This pilot study is an attempt to understand the informalization of health workforce in the public health sector and to develop a tool to assess the impact of this process on the quality of health services.

Methodology The present pilot study adopted a qualitative method to achieve the defined objectives. As briefed above there were many public health institutions administered by state, municipality and union. The present study selected three hospitals run by the State of Delhi. Snowball technique was used to select the leaders and vocal contractual health workers within the selected public health institutions. Selective sampling is adopted to select permanent health workers from selected hospitals (Table 18.1). Individual in depth interviews and three focused group discussions were carried for each of the following cadres: nurses, laboratory technicians and support staff (Nursing Orderly and Hospital Assistant also called service providers or support staff).

Public Health Facilities at Delhi—A Bird View Delhi is a city and also a union territory, with a high population density of 11,320/km2 . It is administered by the Government of the National Capital Territory of Delhi, and

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M. Santosh Public Health Institutions at Delhi

Central Government MOHFW Union Labour Ministry Railway Ministry Defense Ministry

State Government Delhi State Hospitals

Municipalities NDMC and MCD

Fig. 18.1 Overview of healthcare institutions administration serving Delhi population. Source Author

further subdivided into two Municipal authorities, namely the Municipal Corporation of Delhi and the New Delhi Municipal Corporation. Health services are rendered by all these three administrations along with hospitals and dispensaries of the central government under the Ministries of Labour (ESI hospitals and dispensaries), Railways, Defence and Health and Family Welfare (Fig. 18.1).

New Delhi Municipal Corporation (NDMC) Public Health Department of NDMC includes sanitation, vector/water borne diseases control, health licencing, vital statistics, veterinary services, health education, and water quality testing of the New Delhi Municipal Council area. The department carries out planning and implementation of preventive measures in coordination with other departments. These services are provided through hospitals, polyclinic, dispensaries, and physiotherapy centre, and maternity, child and welfare centres. The list of public institutions administered by the NDMC is provided in Appendix 1.

Municipal Corporation of Delhi (MCD) The Public Health Department of MCD provides Preventive and Promotive Healthcare Services to citizens in the area under its jurisdiction. These services are provided through a network of departments. They are providing policy guidelines and logistics support to the Zonal Health Department. Each of the three Zonal Health Department (North, South and East) includes 12 Municipal Zones. Zones are responsible for carrying out all measures as per directions issued from the head quarter. Four health institutions are enlisted in the three zonal departments, among then South and East share two institutions. Following are the institutions:

18 Contractualization of Human Resource in Health … Zone

Name of the institution

North

Mrs. Girdhar Lal maternity hospital

305

Kasturba hospital South/East

Hindu Rao hospital

East

Swamy Dayanand hospital

Delhi State Hospitals There are 38 hospitals administered by the Government of NCT of Delhi. These are tertiary-level hospitals that include general hospitals, multispecialty hospitals (GB Pant Hospital and ILBS) and special centres such as Sadara Vallabh Bhai Patel TB hospital. Institute of Liver and Biliary Sciences and Rajiv Gandhi Cancer Hospitals are autonomous bodies run as public private partnership (PPP) initiatives (Table 18.2).

Central Government or Federal Health Institutions Delhi as a union territory and capital of India has a complex health structures. In addition to the institutions run by the municipalities and state government, there are various public health institutions administered by the central/federal government. These include: four Employee State Insurance Corporation (ESI) hospitals, two railway hospitals, four tertiary-level hospitals and one cantonment hospitals administered by Labour Ministry, Railway Ministry, Ministry of Health and Family Welfare and the Defence Ministry, respectively. The Ministry of Health and Family Welfare Hospitals are: Ram Manohar Lohia (RML) Hospital, Lady Hardinge Medical College and Hospital (LHMCH), Safdarjung Hospital and Kalavati Saran Children’s Hospital. In addition, the Ministry of Health and Family Welfare runs Central Government Health Scheme Dispensaries (list is provided in Appendix 1).1 The Ministry of Defence has a 100 beds hospital with the entire range of specialties. In addition to the two railway hospitals, the Ministry of Railway has more than ten dispensaries.

1

Central Government Health Scheme provides out-patient medical care to central government employees and pensioners enrolled under the scheme.

306 Table 18.2 List of the hospitals under Delhi NCT government

M. Santosh Sl No.

Name of the institution

1

Aruna Asaf Ali govt. hospital

2

Acharyaashree Bhikshu hospital

3

Attar Sain Jain hospital

4

Baba Saheb Ambedkar hospital

5

Bhagwan Mahaveer hospital

6

Babu Jagjivan Ram hospital

7

Central Jail hospital

8

Chacha Nehru Bal Chikitsalaya

9

Dadadev mother and child hospital

10

Deen Dayal Upadhyay hospital

11

Deep Chand Bandhu hospital

12

Delhi State Cancer institution

13

Dr. Hedgewar Arogya Sansthan

14

Dr. N.C. Joshi hospital

15

Govind Ballabh Pant hospital (G.B.P.H.)

16

Guru Govind Singh Govt. hospital

17

Guru Nanak eye center

18

Guru Teg Bahadur hospital (G.T.B.H.)

19

Institute of liver and biliary sciences (I.L.B.S.)

20

Institute of human behaviour and allied sciences (I.H.B.A.S.)

21

Janakpuri super speciality hospital

22

Lal Bahadur Shastri hospital (L.B.S.)

23

Lok Nayak hospital

24

Maharishi Balmiki hospital

25

Pt. Madan Mohan Malviya hospital

26

Maulana Azad Institute of dental sciences

27

Poor House hospital

28

Rajiv Gandhi Super Speciality hospital

29

Rao Tula Ram Memorial hospital

30

Sardar Vallabh Bhai Patel hospital

31

Satyawadi Raja Harish Chandra hospital

Employee State Insurance Corporation (ESI) Delhi The Employees’ State Insurance Act is social security legislation. It provides medical care and cash benefits in the contingencies of sickness, maternity, disablement and death due to employment injury to workers. The benefits are linked to employment.

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The range of services provided covers preventive, promotive curative and rehabilitative services (list of facilities is provided in Appendix 1). Besides outpatient services through dispensaries, in-patient services is provided through ESI Hospitals or arrangement with other hospitals. There are more than 50 ties up hospital to provide Super Specialty hospitals. These include both private and public health instructions and these services are provided through cashless system. The medical care expenditure is shared between the ESI Corporation and the Government of NCT of Delhi in the ratio of 7:1. In addition to public institutions, there are a large number of private and corporate hospitals along with NGO and philanthropic institutions that serve the population of Delhi.

Health Workforce and Informalization WHO, 2006 defines that health worker to all people engaged in actions whose primary intent is to enhance health (Fig. 18.2). Further, there are different classifications of health workforce. One of the categorization on the basis of the level of autonomy and skills, health workers are classified as professionals, paramedics and support staff. The Indian Public Health Service standard classifies the health workforce as medical, nurses and paramedic, administrative staff and group D (supportive staff). Indian Public Health Standards of District Hospitals defines health workers as specialists, nurses and paramedic, and administrative staff. These standards reports that hospital support services such as gardener (mali), laundry (dhobi), waste handler, aya, peon, OPD attendant, ward attendants, parking attendant, plumber, electrician, mistry, vehicle drivers, security and sanitary workers, etc. are simply outsourced (see

Fig. 18.2 Representation of the health workers. Source Working together, WHO, 2006

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Appendix 2). Public Service International has categorized the forms of informalization faced by the health workforce into five broad categories. However, as the employment changes have happened in an unregulated fashion, it has led to the creation of nuanced characteristics even within these broad categories depending on the country, the administrative structure of the health system, the particular facility and the model of public–private partnership followed among other factors. The categories are as follows: • Fixed-Duration Contracts—Workers who are hired directly by the hospital management through fixed-duration contracts. These contracts establish a direct employer–employee relationship but are characterized by their short duration of employment. Workers receive their salaries directly from the hospital management. In the ILO’s nomenclature, they would fall under ‘temporary employment’ with possibly ‘ambiguous employment relationships’. • Contract Work—Workers supplied to the hospital management by contractors. These workers maybe hired through the labour contractor by the management for varying lengths of time. The payment of wages is made to them by the contractor who receives it from the hospital management. This is also called as ‘contracting in’. In the ILO’s nomenclature, they would fall under ‘temporary employment’ with ‘ambiguous employment relationships’. • Daily Wagers (Daily wage earners)—These are workers who are hired for a day’s work and have no formal relationship with the management, the informal relationship is directly with the management. • Outsourced Departments—Involvement of a third-party agency that takes over an entire department in the hospital. The agency is given autonomy over the running of the department including fixing and payment of wages and work hours. Thus, the workers here are in a direct relationship with the third-party agency even though they might work within the hospital premises. This has been called as ‘contracting out’, or as ‘triangular relationship’. • ‘Volunteerized’ Workers—Workers that are not formally recognized by the Government/Ministry as part of the health workforce despite the expectation that they will provide their time and skill regularly towards certain tasks and jobs. They might not have regular and fixed working hours or wages. In some instances, they might have a more structured remuneration and work profile. The common element is the stand from the employer that though a relationship exists, it is not of the nature of employee–employer relationship. Duggal (2008) reveals that criterions to contract-in are: to improve efficiency levels of services, make management of services more effective, and conserve scare resources by cutting the costs and try out innovative approaches to improve efficiency and effectiveness. Contracting out will be adopted in the areas that are difficult to manage for government agencies in the health sector, especially in remote and inaccessible areas, where utilization of services and performance levels are consistently low due to non-availability of staff.

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Table 18.3 Different types of health workers on contractual basis Category of HW

Approx. number

Category of HW

Approx. number/%

Telephone operators

10–20

Administrative staff

30–60

OT technicians

30–40

OT assistants

30–40

Dietitians

10–20

Plaster assistants

15–20

ANM

50–200

X Ray technicians

40–60

Laboratory technicians

50–60

Medical officers

100 + (- SR & JR)

Nurses

1300 + 1000 (CGH)

Assistant professors

20

Contracted out

Hospital attendant (HA), Nursing orderly (NO), Security guard, Laundry, Solid waste management

Note These numbers are approximated by the union leader from a hospital under the Delhi NCT Government, with a bed-strength of around 300 beds. Source Fieldwork (Reported by the health workers association leaders)

Contractualization of Health Workforce in Delhi Contractual employment is entrenched at all levels of administrative structures. It is predominant at the front level and filed workers. Today, contractual employment is structurally inbuilt within the system and applicable to all cadres, from doctors, office staff and to the Karmacharis. The common issue among these workers is the lack of job security, that acts as a factor that increases mental pressure, work pressure and has an impact at individual and community, institutional and systemic level (i.e. at level of the health system). Within an existing complex structure where various kinds of public health institutions are administered by varied authorities, informalization further creates complicated dynamics within health teams.2 This in turns affected the faith of patients in the individual health workers, as the visible face of a structurally dysfunctional system. A senior leader of Delhi Contractual Employees Association narrated that ‘in our hospital, all cadres, from assistant professor to data entry operators, are affected by contractual employment. Support staffs, (nursing orderly, health assistant, security guard and safai karmacharis) are recruited by third parties’ (Table 18.3). There has been a continuous struggle among the nurses and paramedic hired on contractual basis than those recruited on third party. Paramedics and nurses on contractual could raise their voice for their rights because they are recruited directly by the state government and they are abiding to the existing state rules. Health workers recruited through outsource or third party. They are not abiding to any state rules with weaker regulatory framework. Organizing or unionizing the health workers recruited by the third party or though outsourcing is not only making the leaders vulnerable but 2

Fortuna & Mishima and Fortuna (1999) identify three distinct concepts of team work, emphasizing results, relationships and interdisciplinary, respectively. They argue that a fundamental aspect to all three is that all health workers should have defined job descriptions and interact within the team in order to provide the expected services.

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also a systematic refusal from employment. Any attempt to organize and question their terms of employment can lead to being fired.

Characteristics Among Various Health Cadres Health worker as a member of a health team has his/her own defined role and importance in the process of delivering a service. There is abundant literature presenting the characteristics of specific group of health cadres based on class, caste or other socio-economic background. In this pilot study the same has been acknowledged (Table 18.4).

Support Staff/Service Providers (Mostly) Hospital Attendant (HA) and Nursing Orderly (NO) In the health care service delivery system supportive staff confront the major infectious agents while cleaning the institution or while delivering patient care. In the organization chart of any given institution, they will be at the end of the ladder. Matriculation (10 years of education) and post matriculation (10 + 2 years of education) are the minimum criteria for eligibility as hospital attendant and nursing orderly, respectively. A hospital attendant said—‘there is no use of any education in this country, I have completed graduation from Allahabad University and lack in English so I am here with this job. In this competitive world we need English, hope I learn it soon and get better opportunity’. Another nursing orderly (female) says—‘I have completed my degree from the open university and working here since few months. It’s safe to be within institution and we get the regular salary. My parents are also happy with my work’. Another old age (45–50 years) stated—‘I was working in the Delhi Metro Rail Corporation (DMRC) and was having hard work and salary were not regular but this is safe and easy work to do’. Majority of them were from the close by districts of the neighbouring state. Majority of them belong to low or middle socio-economic background and firstgeneration educated members of the family (those who completed 10 years of successful education). Majority of the young workers in this group chose this as a transition job. One of the senior nursing orderlies narrates that ‘most of the people in my locality know that I am working in the hospital as a helper so they come to me for the minor ailments and injury and I provide them the services. I feel good for being in this work’. In all the hospitals these posts are outsources to the third private party to overlook their regular supply. Table 18.5 enlists the few of the third-party private company who supply the service providers in hospitals.

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Table 18.4 Characteristics of different contractual health cadres Category

Characteristics

Support staff /service providers (such as HA, NO)

Majority of them have migrated from close by districts of the states neighbouring Delhi They reside in poor housing and environmental conditions This job is seen as ‘far better’ than physical work – which stands as the alternative employment option. This job is allowing for a social transition for the majority of the young educated population from lower and lower middle-class family – social mobility There is scope to learn the basics of health services, which improves their status in the neighbourhoods where they live Regular salaries are better than the more exploitative private sector Their services are out sourced to third parties, and they have to abide by multiple hierarchies, including follow orders of all the other staff

Paramedic and nurses

Migrated population from other states Majority of the laboratory technicians are from Bihar and Jharkhand Majority of the nurses are from Kerala and Rajasthan, followed by Manipur Both husband and wife are working Key issues they face are job insecurity, heavy workload, family issues arising from working conditions, conflicts with permanent employees, either higher or lower within the health workforce hierarchy.

Administrative staff

They are the children of grade B, C and D permanent employees Most of them are females, unmarried and those who are married see it as ‘a light job’

Source Fieldwork Table 18.5 List of third-party private company supplying Health workforce in various hospitals

Name of the company HLL (Hindustan life care limited) Sulabh international Bedi and Bedi Bharat Vikas Group (BVG) Vayudoot Sudarshan Source Fieldwork

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Administrative staff: There are hierarchical positions within each department varying from office assistant to the office administrators. Secondary and tertiary hospitals have different administrative departments such stocks, medicine, engineering, accounts, and computer’s facility and so on. These departments provide an enabling environment and facilitate health workers in performing direct patient care. After NRHM, there are many such posts in the three-tier healthcare system of rural India. The staffs in these departments require sound academic qualifications to perform the various jobs. The departments are headed by permanent employees and the subordinate jobs are recruited on contractual basis. Majority of these contractual based jobs are filled by direct walk-in interviews; others are as per the requirements. One of the senior administrative staff who was terminated from the hospital said— ‘when I was selected for this administrative post, the director had promised me that I will be promoted soon to the higher post and will be permanent but after eight years of services I have been terminated without any prior information. There was not even a single grievance against me in the hospital, yet they took this decision’. It was also reported that many of these contractual posts are filled by the children of permanent employees as an opportunity for extra income for the family and experience for future employment. Women are often recruited prior to marriage. After marriage they leave job and shift to their permanent place. The office boys and office attendants were also often recruited from the relatives of the permanent employee. The contractual staffs are either in collusion with the higher authority or caught in a relation of dependence that impede them to raise their voice against injustice or harassment. Few of them are under watch from the hospitals authority, and if they ask any questions or raise their voices, they risk to be terminated on the shallow allegation of few mistakes. A contractual human resource manager who served for more than four years said—‘I initiated the process of institutional rules and regulation book for all the staff and highlighted the corruption issues within the institution so they charged me with the corruption charges and terminated without any prior grievances committee’. Doctors: This includes the medical officers at the urban health units; they may be from allopathic and/or other AYUSH systems. In tertiary hospitals junior resident (Registered MBBS doctors) and senior residents (completed Post Graduation in different specialty) are contractual employees; the period of contract varies from 89 days to three years. MCD clinic medical officers are also employed on contractual basis. Central government institutions are conducting written test to select candidates, whereas Delhi state hospitals select them on walk-in interview basis. Senior residents and Junior residents get a specified pay scale. Their salary structure varies between administrations, such as central government institutions—for instance All India Institute of Medical Sciences (AIIMS) has a fixed pay scale, or the State Delhi had fixed salary. Medical institutions have also employed contractual assistant professors, for instance in Guru Teg Bahadur Medical College and AIIMS. There are varied responses from this cadre, some of them were satisfied with the contractual system because of they are less accountable for many of the activities they perform and

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moreover they can do private practice during the non-official hours. Legal responsibilities or ownership are diluted. One of the doctor said ‘most of my friends are looking for a government job, but the only jobs available are contractual and with minimal accountability. This gives us a motive to do extra work after the duty hours to serve needy population’. For health professionals, the ability to have an independent practice makes that they prefer to work on contractual basis and explore the spaces to practice privately. Working in the public sector gives them access to a pool of patients who can be invited to visit their private clinic. Moreover, the lack of accountability within the work setup and is convenient for doctors who are preparing for their higher education. Nurses: In any health institution nurses will comprise to 40–60% of total health workforce. They provide round the clock services to the patients in an institution.3 The supervisory cadre among them will own the various hospital properties and are legally responsible for damages and missing property. Among the hospitals administered by the Delhi Government there are more than 1000 nurses recruited on contractual basis. The first recruitment was in the year 1998 followed by 2002, 2005, 2008 and 2010. Delhi State initiated Delhi Subordinate Selection Board (DSSB) in late 1990 to recruit the human resources to various departments and review the policies and procedures. During the first batch of nurse’s recruitment via this board, there were not enough staff that could fulfil the eligibility criteria but the vacancies were huge and forced many of the existing staff to do extra duties including night shifts. The government decided to hire staff on contractual basis till the newly permanent staff could be recruited. The same was done on the following years. Over that period, there was an increase number of nursing institutions, yet the government continued contractual appointments. In 2008, the state administration terminated all the contractual staff nurses despite that they had completed more than 3–4 years of services and few had even completed a decade. They reached out to the Delhi Health Director office and demanded for the continuation of their contract. The male nursing staff from different hospitals united and mobilized for the same. The state administration agreed to continue their contracts and issued an order to post them in the institutions where there were vacancies. However, there was resistance from the permanent employee leader who worried of the recruitment process. One of the leaders states that ‘we would not have allowed these contractual staff to join our institutions as they have not fulfilled the necessary requirements’. There were worries that some would have paid bribes or have influence rather than skills and knowledge, which would in turn affect the quality of healthcare services. Collective efforts of the health secretariat officials and contractual health worker organizations forced the hospital administration to employ them with due process (Table 18.6). 3

Nurses have positions known as sister grade 1, ward sister in-charge, assistant nursing superintendent, deputy nursing superintendent and chief nursing superintendent. The nomenclature may vary between states.

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Table 18.6 Time line of the events of contractual nurses and paramedic Year

Description

1998

More than half of the regular post were not filled by DSSB due to lack eligible candidates and there was a huge scarcity and moreover new units were opened within tertiary hospitals

2002

Case was filed by Plaster and OT assistants for equal pay for equal salary in CAT, but these male staff were terminated with a false case of sexual harassment to the female colleagues

2007

Second time the contractual nurses were selected due to delay in DSSB process

2007

Samyukta Sangharsh Committee to high the salary of the contractual health workers and they succeeded to increase from 6000–11000 and age relaxation for those who have crossed the age limit while serving as contractual employee

2009

New DSSB recruitment so more than 80 staff nurses and paramedics were terminated overnight (without proper notice period)

2009–2010

Protest and meeting officials to recruit them vacant posts and renewal of the contract. There were more than 20 demonstrations various places demanding salary, non-financial benefits issues.

2011

Candle march and followed by three days hunger strike

2012

Emergence of Kejriwal’s party and his promise to regularization

2012–2016

Emergence of many an association and unions of contractual workers and earned the money and lost the strength to do collective bargaining

Source Fieldwork

Conclusions: Emerging Issues Contractualization Versus Increase Number of Health Workers In late 1990s nurses and paramedics were recruited on contractual basis for a lack of availability of the eligible candidates according to DSSB criteria. Delhi government and central government recruit persons from across the country so by the year 2005, there were more than 1200 nursing institutions across the country supplying registered nurses, even then they have recruited nurses on contractual basis. This raises the question of the reasons for the administration of the state to employ staff on contractual basis. Currently there are around 4000 nursing institutions (Diploma and Bachelor) producing enough number of nurses. A contractual nurse narrates that ‘40% of the contractual post are filled by either direct political influence or the administrative authority or other via corruption’. Opportunities for clientalism makes this practice entrenched and harder to challenge. In this neoliberal world the state is imposing many measures to cut short the public health expenses. As shown in recent report of PSI (Basu 2016, booklet No 2), the process of contractualization runs in parallel with the neglect of public institutions

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that has contributed to the growth of the private sector. On the one hand, contractualization is a part of cost cutting measures, on the other hand it contributes to weakening public heath institutions and deteriorating the quality of healthcare services.

Informalization Versus Education Standard New education and health policy along with need of the developed countries for the human workforce, many private health personnel education institutions emerged across the country, particularly in the southern part of India. There were reported incidents of malpractice of these health personnel’s entrance, teaching and practice standards and evaluation but hardly there were some measures to control them. Medical Council of India’s president is filed with the case of crore of corruption, the same story follows in case of Indian Nursing Council. There is high proportionate increase in the private nursing and medical colleges than government. Currently more than 90% of nursing institutions are private. A senior nursing leaders said—‘Our work is based on skill which are learnt while practising so there will not be much difference in the quality of care provided these private education institutions have attached hospital but in general the standards of all the courses (MBBS, Nursing, Paramedics and other) are deteriorated’. A paramedics’ association leader stated—“middle and lower income family are spending lot of their income in children education. Their children select courses which could provide immediately jobs. Nurses are needed everywhere and could get job easily. But due to limited number of government nursing institutions they land up in private institutions”. It is evident from the statements that in lower quintiles, job opportunities are minimal but these courses created a ray of immediate with decent salary in the institutions. This was used as a commercial strategy by the institutions to run substandard education institutions. Most of these students family borrowed bank loans from private banks and some of them sold their land and property. This educational loan among these groups is another factor to accept the job to get the experience to migrate to other countries, as public institutions are not an option. To patch up this transition time nurses accepted to work for meagre or no salary and got the certificate. Supreme Court gave a order that institutions should not hold the certificated of their employees as this makes them akin to bonded labour.

Informalization Versus Team Approach Healthcare service delivery is a team approach. Each personnel has his/her own defined job as a team members. If it’s not acknowledged by all the members of the team, then the work culture will distort. Informalization of health worker force in the team widens the existing hierarchical structure and creates a unequal power

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structures. A nursing orderly who is posted there in the hospital through a third private party informed—‘we are supposed follow the orders of all the staff and do all the work’. Another contractual nurse says that ‘We work more than permanent nurses and we are compelled to be first to care patients. We are considered with poor knowledge and lack of experiences’ a nurse on contractual follows that ‘We are closer with the treating surgeons than permanent nurses’. All these above statements depict that contractual worker does not have voice in the delivering the healthcare services and they are subordinates of the others. It also assists to divide contractual and permanent staff by senior officials or physicians. There were many conflict situations enlisted by these contractual health workers by their colleagues and other permanent staff.

Emergency of New Association and Union Versus Its Strength A public heath scholar says that oppression is centralized and responses are scattered. Administration and authority always take opportunity or creates an opportunity to divide the unity and rule the majority. After the emergency of the Aam Admi Party (AAP), many of the people stated to be apolitical in their views started to join the APP and supported for a change. This political party development included many of the normal man demands in their portfolio; one among them was regularization of the contractual workers across all the sectors. A contractual employee’s association leader says that ‘inclusion of regularization in the APP election lead an increased number of associations and many leaders this made our work more complex and this is exploited by the politicians’. A senior government nurse’s union leader says that ‘In last decade we have seen that government is not bothered of our protest. They can run the hospitals in our absence too. This is easy for the government to divide and rule’. Most of the time, these two types of workers (permanent and contractual) are not having same demands and needs a separate procedures or two different officials within same department. A nurse’s leader on contractual narrates that ‘We want to be part of the regular employees protest but our demands are not given importance’ in contradictory to this permanent employee senior leaders says that ‘We cannot move the contractual workers’ demands with regular employee. There are different department to deal the issues but workers do not understand’. Emergence of new leaders within the contractual workers created a divide and a political affiliation to political parties weakened the movements. Over that other larger movements of the regular health workers were suppressed or weakened by running the hospitals with available contractual staff. If these contractual staff do not support then it will be used to exploit them in the working places or may be terminated.

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Informalization Versus Migrant Health Worker Problem Delhi is a union territory and capital city of India where people across the country come in search of jobs and reside. It’s also surrounded by larger states like Uttar Pradesh with low employment rates. Majority of the nurses and paramedics are migrated from other states. Hospitals at Delhi also provide services to neighbouring district of other states. In case of nurses, majority of the couple are nurses and working in the same or different institutions, rearing the children and managing their duties creates family conflict and will not allow a peaceful life. They also need to do the night duties which vary from 4–8 days depend on the regular and informal contract, respectively. A nurse narrated ‘After night duty I was tired and my daughter was irritating. He (husband) was getting late for the evening duty so I put off the pressure from the cooker. But while opening there was a pressure and boiling water fell on lower abdomen and legs. He did not take emergency leave because he was a contractual worker at the hospital’. There are many such stories in each and every individual family makes their life complicated. One of the lab technicians said—‘since 2002, I hardly been to my native. Its difficult to get the leave if we have then in the confusion whether to spend with my wife and children or go back to village be with family and friends’. A nursing orderly says that ‘we three stay in a single room with a double cot facility, all three working in the hospitals in same job. We could arrange our duty so only two of us are there in night so other two can sleep well’. These individual, family and societal problems of the contractual workers create a pressure in their daily, which in turn affects their work and health status.

Working Conditions Historically burning out of the front workers were well established arguments. In the situation where there is apathy of the government to not recruit the new health workers on the regular basis has worsened the condition of the not only the permanent workers but hiked the exploitation of the contractual health workers. Job security, meagre salary, unequal pay for the same work under the same roof hampers the morale of the workers and disturbs the work culture. Contractual health workers varied response in the following paragraph narrates their experiences in the field. A lab technician says that ‘I prefer to go back to my village and continue agriculture job and side by side I can also treat the normal ailments in my village’ another contractual health workers say that ‘Six days I work in this institution and Sunday complete the family work. I think contractual workers have more energy and will not get sick’ followed by ‘We get the leaves once all the permanent staff decide their schedules’.

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There are various kinds of the problems varying from the number of leaves to the work culture. A contractual health worker from southern part of India says that ‘I am from South India, I visit my hometown once or twice in a year. Even then administration is not ready to give my Earned Leave and Casual Leave for more than 15 days’. The problems of the female contractual health workers need a special attention and more analysis. There were only few of the females contractual health workers involved in the major struggles and in the patriarchal society they have their restrictions. A female nurse on contractual job says that ‘With lot of efforts we could get maternity leave equal to the regular staff but if individual or leader of the hospitals are not strong then administration will not allow these benefits’. Perception of quality of care Public health institutions standards are new phenomena. In the process of commodification and marketization of health services and care, standardization and quality of care became a major component. In the majority of the cases the quality of care is defined through the quantity of health workers and infrastructure than the quality of the health workers and their skills to provide the comprehensive holistic care. A senior permanent employee leader responds to that ‘Providing care is a skill so contractualization does not affect the quality. But there knowledge level is poor than regular employee who qualify the exam’. A contractual health workers leader responds that ‘10–20% of the contractual employees are not eligible for this post so we have given instructions to all our members that if there any negligence or mistreatment, an individual is responsible. We can find such staff among regular but number may be less’. Many of the association and union leaders are speechless on quality of the services. A permanent employee narrates that ‘Contractual workers are from poor economic status or nuclear family staying away from their parents and friends. So they are more worried, stressed and ready to do any work and listen to anything by anyone. There may only few who can question other colleagues and team members’. Another one continues ‘anyone one who is under job security threat and family problems and working all the days can provide his full services?’. These questions seem to be individualistic but impact the health services which they provide. There is a need for the development of rigorous methodology to do understand the impact of contractualization on the quality of care.

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Appendix 1 List of public institutions Type

Name of the institutions

List of public institutions administered by NDMC Hospitals

Charak Palika Hospital Palika Maternity Hospital

Poly clinic

Chest Clinic

Dispensaries

Chest Clinic Palika Kendra Allopathic Dispensary Community Hall Allopathic Dispensary Baird Lane Allopathic Dispensary Babar Road Allopathic Dispensary HCM Lane Allopathic Dispensary Golf Link Allopathic Dispensary Lodhi Road Allopathic Dispensary Kidwai Nagar Allopathic Dispensary Sarojini Nagar Allopathic Dispensary Netaji Nagar Allopathic Dispensary Rohini Allopathic Dispensary Bapu Dham Allopathic Dispensary Dharam Marg Allopathic Dispensary

Maternity child and welfare centres

MCW Centre Reading Road MCW Centre Shishu Kalyan Kendra MCW Centre Babar Road MCW Centre Sarojini Nagar MCW Centre Kidwai Nagar MCW Centre Golf Link MCW Centre Palika Health Complex

Physiotherapy centre

Physiotherapy Centre Babar Road Physiotherapy Centre Sarojini Nagar

List of the institutions under ESI, in Delhi Institutions

Number

ESI Dispensaries

23

ESI Hospitals

4

Diagnostic Centre

2

ESI Dispensaries

32 + 1 Mobile Dispensary

AYUSH facilities

12 Ayurvedic Centres (continued)

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(continued) 27

Yoga Facilities List of the institutions Under CGHS, in Delhi Zone

Number of dispensaries

Central

27

East

16

North

22

South

33

Appendix 2 Cadre and Strength Cadre

100 beds 200 beds 300 beds 400 beds 500 beds

Hospital Administrator

1

1

1

2

2

Housekeeper/manager

1

2

3

4

5

Medical Records Officer

1

1

1

1

1

Medical Record Asstt

1

2

3

3

3

Accounts/Finance

2

3

4

5

6

Administrative Officer

1

1

1

1

1

Office Assistant Gr I

1

1

2

2

2

Office Assistant Gr II

1

1

2

3

4

Ambulance services (1 driver + 2 Tech) 1

1

2

3

3

Total

15

21

26

29

12

Note Manpower for the services which are outsources are not shown here, i.e. services like Mali, Dhobi, Waste handler, Aya, Peon, OPD Attendant, Ward Boys, Parking attendant, Plumber, Electrician, Mistry, Vehicle drivers, Security and Sanitary workers etc Source Indian Public Health Standards (IPHS): Guidelines for District Hospital p 37)

References Anand, S., & Bärnighausen, T. (2012). Health workers at the core of the health system: Framework and research issues. Health Policy, 105, 185–191. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.healthpol.2011.10.012 Bennett, S., & Mills, A. (1998). Government capacity to contract: Health sector experience and lessons. Public Administration and Development, 18, 307–326. https://doi.org/10.1002/(SIC I)1099-162X(1998100)18:4%3c307::AID-PAD24%3e3.0.CO;2-D

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Dieleman, M., & Harnmeijer, J. W. (2006). Improving health worker performance: In search of promising practices. World Health Organization. Duggal, R. (2008). Public-private partnerships acritical review from Maharashtra and Mumbai. Health Action 19–29. Frenk, J., Chen, L., Bhutta, Z. A., Cohen, J., Crisp, N., Evans, T., Fineberg, H., Garcia, P., Ke, Y., Kelley, P., Kistnasamy, B., Meleis, A., Naylor, D., Pablos-Mendez, A., Reddy, S., Scrimshaw, S., Sepulveda, J., Serwadda, D., & Zurayk, H. (2010). Health professionals for a new century: Transforming education to strengthen health systems in an interdependent world. The Lancet, 376, 1923–1958. https://doi.org/10.1016/S0140-6736(10)61854-5 Garg, S., Singh, R., & Grover, M. (2011). Bachelor of rural health care: Do we need another cadre of health practitioners for rural areas? National Medical Journal of India, 24, 35–39. Indian Public Health Standards(2012) Indian Public Health Standards (IPHS) Guidelines for community health centres revised 2012. DGHS, MOHFW. Kumar, P., Mehra, A., Inder, D., & Khan, A. (2014). A study of human resource policies and practices for primary health care system in Delhi. International Journal of Medicine and Public Health, 4, 430. https://doi.org/10.4103/2230-8598.144124 Mills, A. (1998). To contract or not to contract? Issues for low and middle incoe countries. Oxford University Press, 12, 32–40. Pantoja, A., Lönnroth, K., Lal, S. S., Chauhan, L. S., Uplekar, M., Padma, M. R., Unnikrishnan, K. P., Rajesh, J., Kumar, P., Sahu, S., Wares, F., & Floyd, K. (2009). Economic evaluation of public-private mix for tuberculosis care and control, India. Part II. cost and cost-effectiveness. The International Journal of Tuberculosis and Lung Disease, 13, 705–712. Purohit, B., Maneskar, A., Saxena, D. (2016). Developing a tool to assess motivation among health service providers working with public health system in India. Human Resource Health, 14. https:// doi.org/10.1186/s12960-016-0111-1 Singh, D., Negin, J., Otim, M., Orach, C.G., Cumming, R. (2015). The effect of payment and incentives on motivation and focus of community health workers: Five case studies from lowand middle-income countries. Human Resource Health 13. https://doi.org/10.1186/s12960-0150051-1 Soeters, R. (2003). Improving government health services through contract management: A case from Cambodia. Health Policy and Planning, 18, 74–83. https://doi.org/10.1093/heapol/18.1.74 Vujicic, M., Weber, S. E., Nikolic, I. A., Atun, R., & Kumar, R. (2012). An analysis of GAVI, the global fund and world bank support for human resources for health in developing countries. Health Policy and Planning, 27, 649–657. https://doi.org/10.1093/heapol/czs012 Willis-Shattuck, M., Bidwell, P., Thomas, S., Wyness, L., Blaauw, D., Ditlopo, P. (2008). Motivation and retention of health workers in developing countries: A systematic review. BMC Health Service Research 8. https://doi.org/10.1186/1472-6963-8-247 World Health Organization (Ed.). (2006). Working together for health. The world health report. World Health Organisation, Geneva.

Chapter 19

Need for Disaster Risk Reduction for Migrant Workers Amid COVID-19 in India N. C. Sreekumar

Abstract COVID-19 pandemic had impacted mobility of migrants worldwide. The outbreak of this notified disaster had created havoc among humanity. Government policies and initiatives, as well as individual efforts, are crucial to tackle the devastation caused by the outbreak. The availability of resources and effective strategies are pivotal to minimize the damage. Migrant workers are part of vulnerable groups often neglected from the process of policies formulation by the government. Despite constituting a large section of the population, they are more prone to the risk caused by natural hazards. The lack of proper data and few policies on migrant workers had delayed the response of institutions amid the emergency. Hence, this paper tries to understand the challenges encountered by migrants due to the outbreak of pandemic along with the immediate requirement of disaster risk reduction policies. Keywords COVID-19 · Internal migrants · Vulnerability · Disaster risk reductions · Policies

Introduction Migration is a livelihood strategy in the informal labour sector. People often migrate in need of a better life, education and protection from hazardous situations. This phenomenon of migration is well depicted in historical accounts too as people had migrated in search of livelihood, economic stress, as a response to the environmental shock, and religious persecution (IOM, 2020). Moreover, better transport facilities, communication and economic opportunities facilitate increased mobility (UNDP, 2009). Migrants constitute a floating and invisible population. They oscillate between the source and the destination area yet remain at the periphery of the society. Migration is a vital component of the economic growth of any country. As per Census 2011, internal migrants add up to 450 million people and are 30% higher than 2001 census (Dandekar & Ghai, 2020, 28). The prime source of origin of N. C. Sreekumar (B) Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, India e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2022 R. K. Kale and S. S. Acharya (eds.), Mapping Identity-Induced Marginalisation in India, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-3128-4_19

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migrant populations in India is Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, followed by Madhya Pradesh, West Bengal, Odisha, Assam, Punjab, Rajasthan, Uttarakhand, Jammu and Kashmir. The prime destination areas are Delhi, Maharashtra, Tamil Nadu, Gujarat, Andhra Pradesh and Kerala (Dandekar & Ghai, 2020, 28; Maji et al., 2020:7). Data shows that around 77% of total workforces in India are indulged in vulnerable employment (World Bank, 2019). Seasonal migrant workers indulged in temporary migration are the largest and vulnerable workforce in India (Sahas, 2020). The pandemic had impacted the lives of millions of people but the devastation created by it in the lives of migrant workers in India is beyond imaginations. The sudden outbreak of COVID-19 pandemic had increased the vulnerabilities of migrant workers by manifolds. Derose et al., (2007) pointed out that ‘vulnerability is shaped by many factors including social marginalization and lack of socio-economic and societal resources’ (Derose, 2007, 1258). With already existing vulnerabilities among migrant workers, the outbreak of coronavirus had created severe long-term implications. It led to the forceful movement of millions of migrants from urban areas to their native origin in hope for survival. Out of those, some encounter death and rest survive this tremendous situation. Due to the extent of devastations, it had caused within the lives of people and to combat it effectively, the Government of India had notified it as a disaster on 24 March 2020 (GOI, 2020d). The lack of risk reduction strategies for migrants had created a perplexing state among the authorities and pushed migrants towards more vulnerable conditions. This paper attempts to understand the need for disaster risk reduction approaches for internal migrants in India during a disaster.

Vulnerabilities of Migrant Workers Migrant workers had to confront many challenges in their host society due to their different cultures and customs. The problem is encountered across different domains in their lives. Kumar, 2011, 5) illustrates that ‘vulnerability of the migrant arises because of living in a place which is different in culture, language, social locations, no legal protection, lack of entitlements, different consumption habits from their native place and the loss of the traditional support system they enjoyed before migration’. Studies had emphasized the process through which the identity of migrant workers plays a major role in their exclusions. By making them a victim of the process of ‘othering’, it enhances their exclusion from various domains such as the sociopolitical and economic spheres (Remesh, 2016). Thus, vulnerabilities of migrants depend on their status in the destination areas as it further determines their access to health and social services (Chatterjee, 2006, 3). Li & Rose, (2017) had pointed out ways through which the mental health of migrant workers is adversely associated with the practice of social exclusion (Li & Rose, 2017, 27). Hence, these discriminatory practices impact both physical and psychological health of migrants.

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Further studies had highlighted the lack of proper drinking water, toilet facilities and electricity as other key issues in addition to the absence of proper working conditions and social securities (Acharya & Reddy, 2016, 17). Poor living conditions and working conditions lead to various health issues as a result of an individual choice of occupation as well as the standard of living (Chatterjee, 2006, 17). These circumstances make them more prone to contagious diseases. Health issues are further influenced due to lack of accessibility to health services along with the practice of exclusions. Moreover, due to existing vulnerabilities, migrants are the most exposed group to urban disasters and epidemics too. Dreze and Sen (1991) point out that the crises, natural, and man-made disasters create hardships for the poor, who are chronically vulnerable in terms of their access to resources, entitlements and livelihood support (Dreze & Sen, 1995). The lives of people in the hazard-prone regions, particularly the poor, are almost completely insecure. Like many other vulnerable populations such as the elderly, children, and people with mental or physical disabilities, migrant and seasonal farmworkers are at a great disadvantage when facing natural disasters (Hoffman, 2009, Gare & Montz, 2014, 39). Their vulnerability can be attributed to a range of social and economic factors, including the lack of adequate social networks and having little political voice to draw attention to their disadvantages. Language barriers also play a larger role (Phillips et al., 2013). Present pandemic had increased their vulnerabilities to several folds as the fear of spreading the diseases and subsequent nationwide lockdown in an attempt to control it had brought unrest in the lives of millions of migrant workers indulged in the informal sector.

Challenges Encountered by Migrant Workers During COVID-19 Coronavirus caused by SARS-COV2 is of unprecedented global public health concern. The spread of this virus from the epicentre of Wuhan in China to worldwide is attributed to migration and mobility of people. To control the infectious disease, experts had suggested mandatory restrictions on mobility through a lockdown and maintaining social distance (Bhagat et al., 2020:3). Thus, intending to combat this virus, the Government of India had imposed a sudden nationwide lockdown in March 2020. It was done to break the chain of the deadly virus, but this sudden restriction on the mobility of people around the world had bought unprecedented breakdowns of the social and economic system (ibid:4). This, in turn, had impacted millions of people as many of them had lost their jobs. The government’s sudden enforcement of the lockdown seemed hastily prepared and immediately disadvantaged for an already vulnerable population especially informal migrant workers in India (Lancet, 2020). Due to sudden lockdown as a measure to combat COVID-19, limited employment opportunities, impending fear of unknown future and financial crisis, thousands of underprivileged people and workers started to migrate back to their native places and

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home states (Mukhra et al., 2020). The mass exodus of migrant workers had raised concerns about starvation among people working in the informal economy. Moreover, the implementation of public health measures is more difficult in overcrowded places with poor living conditions and inadequate hygiene and sanitation. (Lancet, 2020). COVID-19 pandemic had turned into a humanitarian crisis. It had exposed the vulnerability of migrants by fostering situations forcing them for reverse migration to their native place. These strenuous situations are having immediate consequences for their health and livelihood. Moreover, the imposition of lockdown had forbidden all types of mobility across the country. The sudden ban on all economic activities had led to the ceasing of all sources of income. This situation of losing daily wages can make it difficult to arrange even basic food items (Gopalan & Misra, 2020: 758). The empirical studies conducted by different organizations amid COVID-19 last year, had revealed the majority of the migrant and daily wage labourers are insecure in the informal sector. The lockdown period has created a situation of joblessness and it gradually led to the condition of starvations. Thus, many surveys point towards the miseries of migrant workers that had forced them for reverse migration to their native places, despite the act prohibited by the government. Migrant workers were unable to follow the mandatory guidelines prescribed by the government as precautionary measures owing to social exclusion and inability to timely access the services are prescribed as major challenges (Choudhari, 2020). Centre for equity studies (2020) conducted a survey, and it reveals that around 92% were faced with job loss, which is irrespective of gender, social group, migration status, nature and location of occupation (Centre for equity studies 2020:43). The study conducted by stranded workers action network (SWAN) confirmed that during the first 21 days of nation lockdown, around 89% of stranded workers did not receive their daily wages and around 74% just received less than half of their wages (SWAN, 2020). Further, around 85% of migrants did not have any source of income, and about 30% had borrowed money and 8% had sold their assets (Gramvaani.Org, 2020). The situations turn alarming as even after raising concerns and protesting the plight of migrant workers went unheard. According to Migrants workers solidarity network (MSWN), around 158 protests were done by migrants from March 2020 to July 2020. In around 123 protests, labourers had raised the demand for returning safely to their respective native places (Mswn.in 2020). Another survey reported that migrants were lacking food or cash, and around 50% have wanted or tried going back home during the lockdown. Around 80% have walked back barefoot, cycled, or hitched rides on trucks, under precarious conditions back to their hometown (Gramvaani.Org, 2020). Several surveys conducted on migrants provide crucial insight into the challenges encountered by them in the pandemic. As immediate challenges brought up by the lockdown were related to food, shelter, loss of wages, lack of employment, loss of residence permits, limited or no access to health care and social support, stigmatization and xenophobia, fear of getting infected and anxiety (Bhagat et al., 2020; IOM, 2020, 5). During reverse migration, many migrants lost their lives either due to hardship on the way, hunger, accident or comorbidity and some even committed suicide (Bhagat et al., 2020, 3). It is shocking that during the period of 45 days of the

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lockdown more than 60% of workers from the study sample of the centre for equity studies (2020) had mentioned that they were hungry for entire days ranging from a period of one to seven days. It was also revealed that interstates migrant workers along with daily wage workers were more vulnerable (Centre for Equity Studies, 2020). As per a public database, during the process of reverse migration, around 970 non-COVID deaths had taken place due to lockdown. Further, more than 380 deaths took place due to a range of reasons such as starvation, suicides, exhaustion, road and rail accidents, police brutality and denial of timely medical care from March 2020 till July 2020 (Thejeshgn, 2020). Besides these, terrific situations of migrant workers had impacted them and hindering in following the guidelines prescribed by the government to control the pandemic. Only around 28% of migrants stayed in the quarantine centre and the rest others had self-quarantined themselves (Jansahas, 2020). Loss of wages has put the workers in an insecure position, further during the lockdown period the majority of the informal workers were out of other welfare measures. In terms of welfare services provided by the government, around 80% of migrant workers engaged in informal sectors had disclosed that they were not registered under any welfare boards and not covered by any social security schemes. Further, around 60–70% of workers had reported not receiving any cash transfer from state or central government (Gramvaani.Org, 2020). Besides this, unawareness is also a major fallout as around 62% of workers were not aware of any emergency welfare measures provided by the government and 37% workers did not know the procedure of accessing the existing schemes (Jansahas, 2020). Even the bureau of Ajeevika mentioned that around 98% migrant workers had never interacted with any official in a political party office or local administrative bodies. (Bureau, 2020). All these conditions result in high levels of anxiety, which in turn induced socially irresponsible behaviour and panic attacks among internal migrant workers and increased feelings of loneliness caused mental issues (Choudhari, 2020). Even the living and working condition of migrant workers does not permit the rules of maintaining social distancing and hence increased the risk of getting infected (Kluge et al., 2020). Studies have highlighted that the economic impact of this pandemic is more severe for India due to increasing poverty, pushing more people below the poverty line, worsening socio-economic inequalities and hence affecting health and nutrition index (Gopalan & Misra, 2020, 758).

Epidemiological Issues in Migration The sudden nationwide lockdown imposed by the government had bought the economy of the country on halt. As a result of the closing of all economic activities accompanied by the fear of getting infected had led to the fleeing of migrants to their native places. The states which saw the highest number of reverse migrations were Uttar Pradesh, Bihar and Madhya Pradesh. Though the pandemic appears

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to be majorly concentrated in more affluent and industrial areas but as millions of migrants move back to rural areas, they can act as a carrier of the virus and it can lead the spread of the virus in the rural areas of India too (Acharya & Porwal, 2020; Chatterjee et al., 2020, 8). Maaji (2020) recent study had used a modified Susceptible-Exposed-InfectedRemoved (SEIR) model that provided information on the additional confirmed and active cases of states. The daily arrival of migrants to their native homes had shown significant effect in the rise in the number of COVID confirmed cases. States which are mostly showing this trend are Uttar Pradesh, Bihar and Madhya Pradesh. These states have a higher number of confirmed cases because of the movement of migrant workers in comparison to Rajasthan and Maharashtra (Maji et al. 2020:14). Another concern area is that more than 80% of confirmed cases in India are asymptomatic, hence making the larger population vulnerable and more prone to the community spread due to the contagious nature of virus (Reddy, 2020). As per the study conducted by Acharya and Porwal, (2020), the states having higher vulnerability are Bihar, Madhya Pradesh, Telangana, Jharkhand, Uttar Pradesh, Maharashtra, West Bengal, Odisha and Gujarat (Acharya & Porwal, 2020, 8). Further, an understanding of the pattern of the mobility of migrants is important for managing their health. Three major aspects of migration that need to be taken into consideration are: ‘comparison of health conditions of the migrant population at both the origin and destination area, the effect of migration on the public health in general and concerning systems that respond to the migration and health’ (Vearey et al., 2020, 221). Moreover, infectious diseases are stigmatized due to its contagious nature. This stigmatization deters in health-seeking behaviour of people and affects the process of contact tracing too (Kumari, 2021). Migrants having limited or less ability to access positive determinants of health can experience poor health outcomes, with various consequences for public health such as the outbreak of COVID-19 and community spread. Hence, the response of the government towards migration is crucial.

Institutional Framework for Migrants Amid COVID-19 The tracing of whole events from the time of occurrence of COVID-19 pandemic provides certain crucial insights into the conditions of migrant workers in India. Coronavirus was declared as a public health emergency by the World Health Organization (WHO) on 30 January 2020. It had raised concerns about the pandemic as it poses a higher risk to countries having poor health systems. Hence, to prevent the spread of the diseases on the larger scale, several recommendations were passed such as early detection along with the implementation of a robust system to trace the contacts, isolation of the infected and prompting treatment (WHO, 2020). Besides these, other objectives include various means to certain the clinical severity, the extent of transmission and optimizing treatment options. Social distancing was recommended as an effective prevention and control strategies in the absence of vaccine (Sohrabi et al., 2020; WHO, 2020, 75).

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Due to the havoc this pandemic had created, India had declared countrywide lockdown on 24th March 2020. The sudden imposed curfew situation had brought turmoil in the life of people. A slowdown of the economy led to a cessation in all sources of income hence forced migrant workers for reverse migration. This historical migration on such a grand scale across the country further created more chaos. It was violating the norm of social distance and created misunderstanding among states. Due to the fear that this gathering of people on a larger scale will facilitate the spread of coronavirus, Government of India had passed ordered to seal the borders within interstates on 29 March 2020. It further commended states to order respective district authorities to look into the matter and to ensure providing temporary shelters with adequate amenities such as food, clothing and health measures to the stranded due to these lockdown measures (GOI, 2020b; PTI, 2020c). States were allowed to use state disaster fund (SDRF) to provide these necessary amenities to the people (PTI, 2020c). The Government of India had emphasized that the immediate challenges faced by migrant workers were mainly related to loss of wages, anxiety, fear of getting infected, concern for the well-being of family members along with the requirement of food, shelter and health care. Certain measures were taken to address these issues. It recommended adherence to protocols for management of COVID-19, along with maintaining social distance. Further setting up a mechanism to enable migrant workers to reach their family through telephone, video calls and ensuring their physical safety (GOI, 2020d). Recently on the direction of the Supreme Court, the government had proposed to send trained counsellors along with community group leaders across all faiths to the relief camps and shelters homes. This is done by keeping in consideration the mental health of migrants (PTI, 2020e). During the lockdown phase, the chief labour officers had revealed that around 2.6 million of migrant workers were stranded across 33 states. But barely 10% of them were lodged in government relief and shelter camps (Sharma, 2020). On the other hand, data from the Indian railway revealed that around 6 millions migrant workers had boarded 4450 Shramik special trains to reach their home (Hindu, 2020). These data highlight the discrepancies in recording the actual numbers of migrant workers. The absence of accurate figures on migrant workers results in severe gaps in the process of policies formulations and planning strategy measures. Further on 26 March 2020, under the Pradhan Mantri Gareeb Yojana, the Government of India has announced a package of 1.7 lakh crore rupees to alleviate the miserable effect on the vulnerable groups. The package beneficiaries include economically vulnerable categories as women, elderly people, unorganized sector workers along with MGNREGA workers and including others too. Moreover, to provide relief funds to construction workers effectively, orders had been passed by the centre to the state government for using the Building and Construction Workers Welfare fund of around 520 billion rupees (GOI, 2020a). Bhagat (2020) had rightly pointed that the majority of state governments had devised certain measures and planned strategies to provide rights and lives to migrants, to comply with those orders. But many challenges are encountered while implementing those strategies due to lack of proper guidelines (Bhagat et al., 2020:14). Some of those

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challenges were the absence of useful coordination among interstates due to application of strict strategies during the first phase of lockdown. The lack of a proper framework for migrants amid pandemic also increased the obstacles to providing amenities for the vulnerable.

Legal Policies for Migrant Workers The devastations caused by the pandemic are well studied along with its ramifications for the lives of migrant workers. But the response of India towards the pandemic highlights its unpreparedness to combat the outbreak. It had mainly referred to three acts to tackle this pandemic which are Epidemic Diseases Act, 1897 (EDA), The Disaster Management Act, 2005 (DMA), and the Interstate Migrant Workmen (Regulation of Employment and Conditions of Service) Act, 1979 (Kaur, 2020). Yet there is a marked absence of a disaster reduction framework for migrants in the period of disaster in India. Under DMA, the government had used its power for enhancing the preparedness for coronavirus at hospitals. Further states were advised by the Health Ministry to invoke provisions of Sect. 19.2 of the EDA, to take special measures against the dangerous epidemic diseases, instead of building a public health framework. As EDA is a brief and limited act granting government-wide discretionary and reactionary powers without (a) ‘establishing a reporting structure (b) defining the role of various levels of government (c) delineating the rights and responsibilities of the public, (d) requiring the government to take any concrete steps in preparation for an infectious disease outbreak’ (Reddy, 2020). Whereas another act, the Interstates Migrants Workmen (Regulation of Employment and Conditions of Service) Act, 1979, obligates the state to regulate the employment conditions for migrant workers including wage payment along with an allowance for the journey to their destination and origin states. The Disaster Management Act (2005) in formulating a disaster management plan had detailed outlined the structure where disaster management authorities from all the levels as the centre, state and district are required. It constitutes a disaster management force which is equipped and trained in ‘disaster response protocol, sets out protection for vulnerable communities in the formulation of disaster management plans, and provides for compensation to persons affected by a disaster’ (Reddy, 2020). The Disaster Management Act, 2005 laid down: …the mitigation of the effects of the disaster as the responsibility of the National Executive body constituted under the act. The Act includes specific guidelines for the minimum standard of relief to be provided to the person affected by the disaster, including provisions in the relief camps for food, drinking water, medical cover and sanitation. It also includes setting up the mechanism for early warning and dissemination of proper information to the public (Disaster Management Act, 2005: 8).

But all these provisions were seen floated with impunity during the lockdown (Centre for equity studies 2020). The Centre of Equity Study report (2020) had pointed out that national lockdown was imposed to control the pandemic but the

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mechanism of how to deal with the pandemic seems limited, confusing and illdefined. It further pointed out that the DMA (2005) was required to put in place a rescue, rehabilitation, relief and reconstruction mitigation plan to reduce the risk effect of the disaster, but it had been overlooked by the government. Instead, it had been used to punish the culprits who had violated the guidelines issued by the government (Centre for equity studies 2020). Although Sect. 61 of the DMA prohibited against indulging in any form of discriminating activities based on one’s sex, caste, religion and community (ibid). Surprisingly none of the three acts mentioned about proper management of the migrant community during the time of public health emergencies (PHEs). As migrants suffered in the pandemic, risk reduction strategies have crucial roles in managing emergencies like COVID19. Even the National policy on disaster management (NPDM) had stressed that minority groups and socially marginalized sections from the community are more prone to the disaster (NDMP, 2019). But the current disaster invoked by Coronavirus had led to the stigmatization of migrant workers. Despite constituting a significant proportion of the population that are indulged in informal sectors migrants are often excluded from the ambit of policies formulation beneficiaries. Recent National Disaster Management Plan (2019) too emphasized that generally those sections which suffer from multi layers of exclusions often remain ‘invisible’ from the disaster reduction programmes (NDMP, 2019, 8). Generally, these excluded groups have context-specific and different needs at predisaster, during the disaster and post-disaster phases. But these are not taken into consideration by disaster management policies. The Sendai framework for disaster risk reduction (SFDRR, 2015) emphasized the practices performed for disaster risk reduction should be ‘multihazard, multisectoral, inclusive and accessible to be efficient and effective’ (SFDRR, 2015, 10). This framework had also highlighted the requirement of including vulnerable groups such as migrants into the government policy framework. During the implementation of policies and plans, the government should include different stakeholders such as practitioners, volunteers along with vulnerable communities including migrants (ibid.). The current disaster has increased health threats equally for all people. But certain groups such as migrants are more vulnerable due to the prevalence of other existing vulnerabilities such as inadequate access to basic requirements like housing, sanitation, water facilities. Moreover, their living and working conditions are risky. Besides cultural and language barriers along with exclusion impact their access to information and access to health care (United Nations Network on Migration, 2020, 2). The United Nations (2020) stressed the lack of proper documentation of migrants led to their exclusion from the national programme such as disease prevention, treatment, care, health promotion. And exclusions from social schemes meant to facilitate their access to health care. This practice of excluding migrants can prove detrimental in cases of a contagious disease such as COVID-19. As this could hamper in early detection of COVID patients along with testing, diagnosis, contact tracing. Thus, it can further facilitate in the spread of the virus across communities and its uncontrollable outbreak, hence leading to an immediate threat to public health (Ibid.:2).

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It is crucial to have an understanding about the size, distributions, compositions, vulnerabilities and capacity of migrants in a given location, for implementing measures for reducing risk due to hazard. Secondly, there is a requirement to modify existing legal, policy and institutional framework which inhibit migrants from accessing information and services in the context of disasters. Thirdly, early warning, production and dissemination of information regarding preparedness and emergency communication are imperative for risk reduction. Lastly, empowering migrants at both pre and post-phase disasters can be effective risk reduction techniques (Guadagno, 2015, 7).

Importance of Disaster Risk Reduction Disaster creates chaos affecting the normal functioning of society. It causes heavy devastation resulting in material and environmental losses, and exceeds human ability to cope with the risk (United Nation, 1992). The current pandemic had surpassed the human capacity to combat it. Under disaster management, the risk is often related to hazard and vulnerability and defined as. the ability of a population to absorb and ultimately recover from the effects of a hazard, that is, the exposure to an event that might present a grave threat to its people and economy, given the level of vulnerability of the population and the resources they have to mitigate the hazard (Dwyer et al. 2004 cited in Acharya & Porwal, 2020, 2).

Displacement from the disaster affected areas to other areas is a type of migration that often involves temporary migration as an immediate response of the recovery process (Rieux et al., 2017, 7). The situation of displaced people from the affected area depends on the social, economic, and political variables that define vulnerability and resilience to disasters (Hass 2008 cited in Guadagno, 2017, 18). The outbreak of COVID-19 in urban areas of India had led to the migration of masses of informal workers. Authorities are finding it difficult to manage this exodus due to the unavailability of any proper framework. This unmanaged population inflow also has reduced the community collaboration and cohesion (Frier and Xiaoye 2013 cited in Guadagno, 2017:24). Moreover, disasters risk are often rooted within the everyday life of people during stress and development pushing them into more dangerous location and increasing their vulnerability and failing to allocate them protection and resources (Hewitt 2017:36). Situations are more vulnerable for undocumented migrants as they are easily targeted group due to insecure livelihoods, lack of welfare services and fear of deportation. Even social networks also act as an obstacle in accessing information about early warning. Further, the extent to which the legal and administrative system of the host country protects the right and dignity of migrants, it shapes the extent of risk faced by migrants both pre and post-disasters (Guadagno, 2015, 2). Currently, there are lacks of sufficient health resources for dealing with the pandemic as India is facing challenges in the supply of efficient health equipment and health personnel. Thus, vulnerable

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groups are excluded from the public health system due to inaccessibility and unavailability of resources. Exclusion of migrants from accessing healthcare and entitlement policy framework can facilitate the further transmission of the risk, impact early detection, treatment and impact on the public health management (Migration dataportal.org, 2020). Migrants are already vulnerable, and the occurrence of disasters can increase the challenges of migrants by several folds. Because during normal circumstances too, their lives are affected by numerous factors which are limited knowledge about the local environment, inadequate language proficiency, social network, legal framework and institutions, restrictions on mobility along with discrimination, xenophobia and hostility (Ibid.:2). Hence, this group is in the immediate need of protection and assistance. The large-scale movements of migrants across the globe have effects on the countries along with the place of origin, as it increases health vulnerabilities and socioeconomic pressure (Migration data portal.org, 2020). Thus, for disaster management, the foremost concern should be the manner any hazard affects the population but it deals mostly with physical hazards and the vulnerability of a population is frequently considered in terms of their geographical location or other physical vulnerabilities rather than their social vulnerability (Acharya & Porwal, 2020, 2). An understanding of the process of how the vulnerable communities are impacted could help in effective allocation of crucial resources during the phase of disaster management, that is, prevention, pre-preparedness, response, mitigation, recovery and reconstruction (Acharya & Porwal, 2020, 3). Disaster risk reduction (DRR) tries to apprehend the mechanism through which the socio-environmental process induces or reduces risk and vulnerabilities. It further tries to prevent these processes from resulting in disasters (Guadagno, 2017, 19). DRR aims to analyse the relationships among these factors determining the impact of hazards and then reduce them through the application of specific theoretical and operational perspectives. Disaster risk reduction (DRR) has four crucial mechanisms for operating which are ‘early warning and engagement, reaction to risk, disaster communication and humanitarian standards in disasters response’ (Collin, 2009, 2017, 128). Further prevention, mitigation and response are the underlying principle of risk reduction corresponding to the pre-event actions and post-events actions of the disasters (Collin, 2017, 130). Moreover, Collin (2017) pointed that DRR practice includes(a) (b) (c) (d)

‘perspectives that are integrated, multi sectored and interdisciplinary recognition of civil and societal engagement rather than immediate relief phase, it focused on longer-term interaction improved prevention through political investment in local-level risk reduction’ (Collin, 2013, 130).

Though numerous theoretical perspectives on population movements provide crucial discourse on reducing risk, specific DRR guidelines are still missing from the debate on relocation, displacement and migration (Guadagno, 2017, 14). Migrants often represent a huge proportion of the population and hence should not be ignored.

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There are evident incidences of efforts taken by the government to include migrants in disaster risk reduction activities. However, migrants in many countries face various barriers in accessing information and resources and this, in turn, reduces their ability to prevent, prepare, cope, mitigate and recover from disasters (Guadagno, 2015, 2). The COVID-19 had exposed the manner through which migrants are excluded from institutional guidelines and frameworks. The failure to address these challenges by government authorities leads to a disproportionate effect on migrants due to natural hazards. These circumstances further force them to take risky decisions related to earning a livelihood in a high-risk location, refrain from evacuating and accessing relief and recovery assistance (Guadagno, 2015, 2; 2017, 14). Guadagno (2017b) criticized that there is an absence of systematically recorded data to understand the impact of natural disasters on migrants. It led to both the cause and consequence of ‘invisibility’ of migrants in DDR efforts. This led to marginalization, exploitation and hence made migration policies a sensitive topic (Guadagno, 2017b, 14). Hence, it is crucial to integrate migrants with DRR effort for reducing their vulnerability and exposure to hazards along with increasing preparedness for response and recovery (Ibid). To effectively deal with COVID-19, there is an urgent need for an inclusive approach to integrating migrants at both local and national-level policy framework. The United Nations, (2020) had emphasized the integration of migrants will impact policies, strategies and hence diminishing the inequities gaps in health, education, and training. It will strengthen the effort to achieve sustainable development goals (SDGs). It had recommended reviewing the preparedness and response plan of the nation in combating the COVID-19 along with ‘capacity at both local and national level, legal framework and regulatory requirement to provide health services to migrants’ (United Nations Network on Migration, 2020, 9). And the inclusion of migrants in the implementation programme of COVID-19, planning and policies to ensure essential service. (Guadagno, 2015, 9) has stressed that effective implementation of policies that strengthen migrants’ awareness, prepare them to cope with disasters is crucial. There should be a long-term effect of disaster risk management in increasing above mentioned capacities of migrants. It is necessary to address barriers that impact access to information, resources and services. Lastly, migrants should be provided with access to opportunities and resources that help in the restoration of livelihood along with rapid and effective recovery.

Conclusion The coronavirus pandemic had increased the vulnerabilities of the already vulnerable group including migrant workers. Vulnerability in the present era is a dynamic concept as the person who was not vulnerable earlier can become in later phase due to poor government response in dealing with the disaster. There is a requirement of understanding and compliance with knowledge about vulnerable groups to respond appropriately to the pandemic. As vulnerable are at the receiving end of the highest

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impact of the pandemic, their need is not properly addressed and hence excluding them from the policies framework. The practice of discrimination along with barriers such as cultural, societal and language barriers hamper migrant workers in access to health and social services. Though there are three crucial acts employed by the government to deal with the pandemic, unfortunately, neither of these constitutes an effective legal framework for migrant workers. Hence, there is a need for indulging migrant workers effectively in disaster risk reduction.

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Li, J., & Rose, N. (2017). Urban social exclusion and mental health of China’s rural-urban migrants–a review and call for research. Health & Place, 48, 20–30. Maji, A., Choudhari, T., & Sushma, M. B. (2020). Implication of repatriating migrant workers on COVID-19 spread and transportation requirements, transportation research interdisciplinary perspectives. vol 7 100187, ISSN 2590-1982, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.trip.2020.100187 Migrationdataportal.org (2020) Migration data relevant for the covid19 pandemic. https://migrat iondataportal.org/themes/migration-data-relevant-covid-19-pandemic Accessed 25 July 2020. Moroz, H., Shrestha, & Testaverde, M. (2020). Potential responses to the COVID-19 outbreak in support of migrant workers World Bank group Washington Mukhra, R., Kewal, K., & Kanchan, T. (2020). Covid-19 sets off mass migration in India. Archives of Medical Research. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.arcmed.2020.06.003 National disaster management plan. (2019). https://ndma.gov.in/images/policyplan/dmplan/ndmp2019.pdf New Delhi (2020). https://www.mha.gov.in/sites/default/files/MHAorder%20copy.pdf Accessed 18 July 2020 Phillips, B., Thomas, D. S. K., Fothergill, A., & Blinn-Pike, L. (2013). Social vulnerability to disasters. CRC Press. Press Trust of India. (2020). Take actions for redressal of migrant labourers grievances during lockdown: health secretary to states—Deccan Herald. https://www.deccanherald.com/national/ take-actions-for-redressal-of-migrantlaburersgrievances-during-lockdown-health-secretary-tostates-820164.html. Accessed 5 April 2020 Press trust of India. (2020). Coronavirus: MHA changes rules, State disaster relief fund to be used to give food, shelter for migrant workers-Deccan Herald. https://www.deccanherald.com/nat ional/coronavirus-mha-changesrules-statedisaster-relief-fund-to-be-used-to-give-food-shelterfor-migrant-workers-818579.html. Accessed 18 July 2020 Reddy, S. (2020, April). India’s high number of asymptomatic cases worrying, and herd immunity is far off—the print. https://theprint.in/opinion/indias-high-number-of-asymptomatic-cases-wor rying-and-herd-immunity-is-far-off/407931/. Accessed 18 July 2020 Remesh, B. P. (2016). Migration and marginalisation: a study of North East migrants in Delhi. In Internal migration in contemporary India. SAGE Publications India Rieux, S., Fernández, M., Gaillard, J. C., Guadagno, L., & Jaboyedoff, M. (2017). Introduction: exploring linkages between disaster risk reduction, climate change adaptation, migration and sustainable development. In: Identifying emerging issues in disaster risk reduction, migration, climate change and sustainable development, (pp 1–11).Springer, Cham Sendai Framework For Disaster Risk Reduction. (2015). Adopted by UNISDR, on 18 March 2015 at the Third UN World Conference, UN Doc. 43291 https://www.unisdr.org/files/43291_sendai frameworkfordrren.pdf. Sharma, N. (2020). 26 lakh migrant labourers stranded across 33 states: Preliminary govt data ET Bureau https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/politics-and-nation/26-lakh-migrant-labour ersstrandedacross33statespreliminarygovtdata/articleshow/76206443.cms?utm_source=conten tofinterest&utm_medium=text&utm_campaign=cppst. Sohrabi, C., Alsafi, Z., O’neill, N., Khan, M., Kerwan, A., Al-Jabir, A., Iosifidis, C., & Agha, R. (2020). World health organization declares global emergency: a review of the 2019 novel coronavirus (COVID-19) International Journal of Surgery. The Hindu. (2020). 60 lakh migrants took 4450 Shramik specials to reach their home states: railways—Thehindu.com https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/60-lakh-migrants-took4450-shramik-specials-to-reach-their-home-states-railways/article31834747.ece. Accessed 19 July 2020 Thejeshgn. (2020). Covid19-India/non-virus-deaths https://thejeshgn.com/projects/covid19-india/ non-virus-deaths/#Individual-Incidents Accessed 27 July 2020. UNDP. (2009). Human Development Report 2009: Overcoming barriers: Human mobility and development. Basingstoke, Palgrave, Macmillan.

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United Nations Department Of Humanitarian Affairs. (1992). Internationally agreed glossary of basic terms related to disaster management (DNA/36/36)’. Geneva. Switzerland: United Nation. Accessed 27 July 2020. United Nation Network on migration. (2020). Enhancing access to services for migrants in the context of COVID-19 preparedness, prevention, and response and beyond—policy brief. Vearey, J. O., Hui, C., & Wickramage, K. (2020) Migration and health: Current issues, governance and knowledge gaps. In: 2020 World Migration Report International Organisation for Migration, pp 209–231 https://publications.iom.int/system/files/pdf/wmr_2020.pdf. World Health Organization. (2020). Novel coronavirus (2019-nCoV) situation report, 3). https:// apps.who.int/iris/handle/10665/330762.

Part IV

Health Inequalities—Marginalisation of Care Providers and Users

“It is disgraceful to live at the cost of one’s self-respect. Self-respect is the most vital factor in life. Without it, man is a cipher. To live worthily with self- respect, one has to overcome difficulties. It is out of hard and ceaseless struggle alone that one derives strength, confidence and recognition. Indifferentism is the worst kind of disease that can affect people.” Dr. B. R. Ambedkar

Chapter 20

Persistent Inequalities in Health-Contextualising the Neglect of Ambedkar’s Contribution Sanghmitra S. Acharya

Abstract Any discussion on the social identity-based exclusion remains incomplete without a reference to the efforts of Dr. BR Ambedkar. While his role in upliftment of the underprivileged communities is well publicized, much needs to be written on his contribution to the cause of health. This concern, however, was evident in 1927 when as Chairman of Satyagraha Committee of the Dalit Movement, he addressed Dalits, mostly Mahars, in Chavdar Tank in Mahad Taluka of Maharashtra. This satyagraha was held three years prior to Gandhi’s Dandi march. While salt was at the centre of Gandhi’s campaign, drinking water was at the core of Ambedkar’s crusade. He led the Dalits to drink water from Chavadar tank in Mahad and asserted their right to take water from public water sources. This was initiated as a quest for the right to equality to get drinking water from the tank which was denied to Dalits. It echoed the beginning of his concern for health of the people nearly two decades before the constitution of Joseph Bhore Committee on Health Survey and Development in 1945–46. The present paper endeavours to highlight his concerns and efforts towards health of the people. Keywords Health inequalities · Social identity · Health gap

Introduction Inequalities allude to the differences in access to resources among individuals across social groups and are characterized as ‘the absence of systemic and potentially remediable differences’ in at least one part of access to resources across populations disaggregated by social, economic, demographic and geographical attributes. The two dimensions of inequality in the discourse are ‘horizontal’ and ‘vertical’. The former engages with treating ‘equals’ equally; and equal access to those in equal need. The vertical inequality requires to treat ‘unequal’ differently. For instance, the richer should pay a higher proportion of their income for accessing health (care services) S. S. Acharya (B) Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, India e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2022 R. K. Kale and S. S. Acharya (eds.), Mapping Identity-Induced Marginalisation in India, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-3128-4_20

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compared to the poor. Therefore, equity becomes more relevant than equality. Simply explained, if two individuals of different heights are given a bicycle of the same brand and size, riding it will be more comfortable to the one whose height is conducive to the height of the bike. So, equal treatment (bicycle) is not the correct option for unequal (riders with different heights) situations or objects. Therefore, unequal treatment—bicycles conducive to the heights of the respective riders, is needed if a smooth ride is to be ensured for both. The existing literature reflects on the dissimilarities in status dependent on income, education occupation, spot of home, sex, nationality, religion and rank show relationship with admittance to assets. Accordingly, in this backdrop, the present paper analyses inequalities, particularly health, among the populations; and their determinants and consequences. In doing so, an endeavour has been made to comprehend the concern for health of people reflected through the thoughts of Dr. BR Ambedkar, who has been recognized as an incredible, compassionate, excellent political scientist, and a novel social researcher, other than being the crusader for the oppressed, and the maker of the Indian Constitution.

Inequality and Its Connects Endemic destitution, joblessness, absence of sanitation and safe drinking water and successful medical services decide as much as produce inequalities. The labyrinth of social relations and establishments frequently bring about exclusion and discrimination prompting hardship of specific social groups based on sexual orientation, caste hierarchy, nationality, ethnicity, region and religion. Marginalization affects access to services, goods and resources which in turn affects knowledge and skill development. Social exclusion, however, does not necessarily equate to poverty. Some social groups are more impeded than the others. They have poorer access to resources and opportunities which impacts access to health and well-being. These groups are purposely excluded. They are deprived of material advantages which are viewed as essential necessities. They are kept away from possessing resources, appreciate or utilize services, resources and opportunities; experience segregation, and are confronted with unfair or biased treatment, particularly on the grounds of race, age, sex, or incapacity, and marginalization. They are treated as unimportant or pushed to the periphery of human development. One group of individuals is treated as lesser human beings than the others. They are humiliated and embarrassed and abused and driven into an existence of abuse and indignity. In the last few decades, there has been an increase in inequality, intensifying the impediments (Himanshu, 2007; Sen & Himanshu, 2021). Rising inequalities have been acknowledged by the World Bank (WB), International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the Asian Development Bank (ADB). Historically, marginalized groups like Dalits, tribal populations and religious minorities like Muslims are impeded in the access to wealth and essential services, which then prompts lower levels of health and nutrition, education and employment. Inequality has expanded over the last twenty

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years in India (Chancel & Piketty, 2017; Mazumdar et al., 2007; Sarkar & Mehta, 2010). As per the Commitment to Reducing Inequality Index (CRI),1 India ranked 129 among 158 nations in the 2020. Income inequality has expanded in most developed nations and in some middle income countries, including China and India, since 1990. Peculiarly, nations where inequality has increased, are home to 71% of the world’s total population. The world spending on narcotic drugs and military amounts to US $700 billion and US $1780 billion, respectively. In comparison, the cost to achieve universal access to basic services in developing countries is US $16 Billion for education; US $19 billion for water and sanitation; and US $24 billion for reproductive health (HDR, 2015), far lesser than the military and drugs together. About 26–29% population in low income and lower social position cannot avail care that they need in contrast to 8–14% population in higher income and higher social position (Gwatkin, 2000; McIntyre et al., 2006). Households at the bottom income quintile also have a larger share of those at the lower social position are more likely to incur catastrophic health spending (Sorokin, 1927; Roy et al., 2004; Wagstaff & van Doorstaer, 2004). To address inequality in health, an intense conversation on destitution and poverty is unavoidable. It argued and believed that population size has an inverse relationship with poverty. This however needs to be understood in context of population change and its determinants and resource distribution. Population size is determined by the growth rate of population, while poverty is a function of access and utilization of resources, services and opportunities. Population and poverty, therefore, need to be seen in the light of inclusive development, environment and human rights. Population growth is considered to be a key factor responsible for environmental degradation which has a direct impact on livelihoods and human rights, especially for the poor, and most poor are from underprivileged populations (IIPS & ICF, 2017). Viewed as a key component for ecological exploitation which affects livelihoods and human rights and choices, particularly for poor people, most of whom are from underprivileged populations (IIPS & ICF, 2017). Population growth is necessary but insufficient explanation for poverty and inequality. The traditional Malthusian thesis has come a long way since its inception. Population growth rates and average family size have fallen by half the world over in the recent years. Means of contraception and behavioural changes have contributed to this change. But population growth continues to be seen as a cause of Malthusian ‘misery’. The notion of such a misery was reiterated by Rachel Carson (Silent Spring 1962) and Paul Ehrlich (Population Bomb 1968). A counter argument was developed by Julian Simon (The Ultimate Resource 1981) and with Herman Kahn (The Resourceful Earth 1984) through their work which propounded that human advancement can fulfil numerous issues. The water and air quality has improved due to advancement in technology. Poverty has reduced although the inequalities have increased causing unequal access to resources. 1

Matthew Martin, Max Lawson, Nabil Abdo, David Waddock, Jo Walker (2020) Fighting inequality in the time of COVID-19: The Commitment to Reducing Inequality Index 2020: Policy Paper. 8 October2020. https://www.oxfam.org/en/research/fighting-inequality-time-covid-19-commitmentreducing-inequality-index-2020.

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Improvement in Socio-demographic Characteristics and Poverty India has shown a consistent improvement in socio-demographic characteristics. Decrease in decadal growth of population from 24.80% in 1971 to 17.64% in 2011; and the decline in infant mortality rate (IMR) from 165 deaths among infants for every 1000 live births in 1950–55 to 53 during 2005–2010, to 40.7 during 2015– 16 (NFHS-4) are some stark evidences. Crude birth rate almost halved from 43.3 (1950–55) to 23.1 during 2005–2010; and crude death rates (CDR) dropped from 25.5 to 8.3 during the same period. Fertility too, declined from 5.9 (1950–55) to 2.73 (2005–10) to less than 2.0 for the first time in 2020 as evident from the latest National Family Health Survey (NFHS-5). Literacy has also improved from 18.32% in 1951 to 43.57 in 1981 to 73% in 2011. Food production has expanded since independence, however lack of storage facilities has impacted on storage. It is this realm of resources allocation and access that determines the level of poverty. Redistribution of resources to deficit regions and the creation of an enabling environment for deprived populations to access the resources and services is what constructs the relationship between population and poverty, rather than size or growth. The existing poverty is attributable to disparity and discrimination consequent of unequal access (Borooah et al., 2012; Thorat & Madheswaran, 2018). The Rangarajan Committee revisited the Tendulkar Panel’s assessment of poverty. The new poverty line put the number of poor at 363 million in 2011–12 as against 270 million assessed by the Tendulkar Panel. Those spending less than INR. 32 in rural and INR. 47 in urban regions for a meal were considered as poor. The average monthly per capita expenditure on food was INR 554 in rural areas and INR 656 in the urban areas (NSS 68th round). By the new measure, poor declined from 455 million during 2009–2010. The decline in urban poor was less than rural. Therefore, the inclusive models of development need to incorporate the populations excluded on the axes of wealth, identity, gender, etc. Social inequalities accentuate other forms of exclusions leading towards marginalization and deprivation. Among the marginalized populations, poverty is higher in rural areas as compared to urban areas. Rural poverty is twice as much as urban (Table 20.1). Table 20.1 Poverty ratio and its growth in India by social groups Social groups

Poverty ratio 2011–12

Place of residence

Rural

Urban

Total

ST

45.2

23.9

42.6

SC

31.9

21.9

29.5

OBC

23.1

15.4

20.8

Others (HC)

15.7

8.3

12.4

Total

25.8

13.7

22.0

Source Based on NSSO, 64th and 68th Round, Govt of India, 2013

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Fig. 20.1 Budget allocation for ICDS and other health care (in Rs. 00,000,000). Source Author, based on MoH&FW, GoI National Health Accounts Estimates 2014

It is imperative, therefore, to reflect on the budgetary allocation for the underprivileged groups in order to reflect on the state response towards inclusion of the excluded.

Budget Allocation and Exclusion The overall healthcare budget allocation2 for the Ministry of Health and Family Welfare MoHFW) for the year 2012–2013 was INR. 26,760 crore which increased from a little over INR. 15,000 crore during 2008–09. The Integrated Child Development Services (ICDS) budget too increased to more than double during the same period (Fig. 20.1). While the increase was in absolute figures, the share did not gain much. The poor public health infrastructure is evident by government’s own admission in the National Health Profile 2019, that its public spending on health was just 1.17% of the Gross Domestic Product (GDP), but strives to increase it to more than 2.5%. A large share of the health expenditure incurred by the households is out-of-pocket expenditure (OOPE). As evident from Pandey et al. (2018), 68.3% households in rural areas, and 65.8% in urban areas incur OOPE on health, and nearly 7% population is pushed to poverty due to OOPE. The total health expenditure as a percentage of GDP is estimated at 3.9%.3 Out of the total expenditure, about onethird is contributed by the public sector, which is low as compared to Brazil (46%), China (56%), Indonesia (39%), USA (48%) and UK (83%) Till about 1920, public health expenditure as a percentage of the GDP was less than 1% for most developed countries. By 2014, Sweden increased it to more than 10%, France 9%, and Germany, Japan, USA and Belgium to more than 8%. Sri Lanka stands at about 2%, India 1.41%, and Pakistan and Bangladesh less 1%.4 Given this scenario, in addition to the increase in the National Rural Health Mission budget, the government launched National Urban Health Mission (NUHM) 2

Source http://healthopine.com/indian-healthcare-budget-allocation-for-the-year-2012-2013/. (https://www.mohfw.gov.in/newshighlights/national-health-accounts-estimates-india-2014-15). 4 (http://164.100.47.190/loksabhaquestions/annex/9/AU2201.pdf). 3

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in 2013 to meet the healthcare needs of urban poor and slum dwellers. A sizeable budget was allocated for setting up eight AIIMS-like institutions in the country, and to upgrade the existing Government Medical Colleges to correct the regional imbalance in the provisioning of healthcare services. The existing hospitals have been upgraded and new established under the Pradhan Mantri Swasthya Suraksha Yojana (PMSSY). Ayushman Bharat Scheme has also been reinvented as Ayushman Bharat Pradhan Mantri Jan Arogya Yojana (AB PM-JAY).5 The Union Budget for 2012–2013 allocated INRs. 1544.21 crore, for establishing tertiary levely specialized care institutions. This was reduced from INR. 1616 crore allocated in 2011–2012: These institutions were envisaged to function as 960 beds hospitals and provide undergraduate-level medical education to about 100 students every year and also offer postgraduate and post-doctoral courses to be established in two phases. Six centres—in Patna (Bihar), Raipur (Chhattisgarh), Bhopal (Madhya Pradesh), Bhubaneswar (Odisha), Jodhpur (Rajasthan) and Rishikesh (Uttarakhand) initiated the first phase. During the second phase, two more institutions in Uttar Pradesh and West Bengal; and seven medical colleges in Bellary, Jhansi, Rewa, Gorakhpur, Darbhanga, Muzaffarpur and Kozhikode received nearly INR. 500 crore for upgrading their facilities. These prepositions reflect clearly on the regional imbalance at the onset. It is noteworthy that access to these facilities will be governed by existing inequalities and will continue to perpetuate the prejudices already embedded in the mindset of the ‘twice born’ against the underprivileged. The new establishments need to account for the lopsided access to medical education, for instance, among the privileged population groups; and inaccessibility of the quality care in these institutions due to poor dissemination of information among those who require, and non-compliance to the free treatment (25% OPD and 10% IPD and free casualty treatment and first aid)6 to the underprivileged populations. This has become evident in the current health crisis due to the COVID-19 pandemic.7 The current health emergency has exposed the gap both in terms of the incapacitated planning of the government to make the facilities, their infrastructure functional, and the personnel in place; and the embedded prejudice of perceived incapability of the health personnel from the underprivileged backgrounds.8 The latter, in fact, have to be far more efficient, intelligent and meritorious to prove 5

Ayushman Bharat is National Health Protection Scheme. https://www.esic.nic.inab-pm-jay. Recommendations made in Justice AS Qureshi Committee Report and representation to the Ministry of Urban Development. Revisited. Social Jurist, A Lawyers Group versus Government Of NCT Of Delhi And Ors. on 22 March, 2007.Equivalent citations: 140 (2007) DLT 698. Bench: S Kumar, H Malhotra JUDGMENT Swatanter Kumar, J. 7 https://www.dw.com/en/india-covid-unaffordable-health-care/a-58162810; https://www.downto earth.org.in/coverage/delhi-hospitals-freed-of-poor-44376; https://www.ndtv.com/india-news/sup reme-court-orders-private-hospitals-to-provide-free-treatment-to-poor-patients-1880210. 8 Prajanma Das reported for Edex Live on 17 May, 2021 that casteist remarks were made by the Dean of Social Sciences and Political Science, Banaras Hindu University, Dr. Koushal Kumar Mishra on Facebook on May 13, 2021 stating that Indian doctors are incompetent because ‘most of them do not become doctors for their merit but because of reservations’. Quoting WHO that 60% of Indian doctors are incompetent, he posed a question satirically…’ now who will tell them that here (in India) one does not become a doctor based on merit but on ‘Bhim Baba’s Constitution?’; Edex 6

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their ‘worth’ equal to the ‘twice born’. Constant encounters with such prejudices and stereotypes are recorded almost regularly. They are reflections of the hardened ill-feelings towards the positives of the affirmative actions which have enabled the underprivileged to show potential and win their spurs. As regards, the health infrastructure, inadequate hospital and beds, insufficient liquid medical oxygen and the vaccine, despite thousands of crores of taxpayers’ money having been allocated to fight the spread of the disease, construct a different narrative. The experience of COVID-19 spread over the last 20 months too could not deliver the much-needed care.

Inequality Pattern in India India is one of the most unequal countries in the world with the top 10% population controlling 55% of the total wealth. Intriguingly, this share has increased from 31% in 1980. The non-Hindu, non-Muslim who do not fall under the SC, ST and OBC categories are called ‘Others’, are the richest group, though they constitute only 1.5% of the country’s population. They earn an average annual income of INR. 242,708 which is twice the average annual household income in India. The Scheduled Castes constitute about 20% of India’s population, but hold only 9% wealth. The STs, constitute 9% population and hold 7% of total wealth. The OBCs own 32% of total wealth in 2002 which increased in 2012. The privileged castes’ share of total wealth increased from 39 to 41% (World Inequality Report, 2018). Thus, India’s richest 1% hold more than four-times the wealth held by the bottom 70% of the country’s population. The combined total wealth of 63 Indian billionaires was higher than the total Union Budget of India for the fiscal year 2018–19 which was at INR. 2,442,200 crore. This inverse access to income resources and social identity has been observed by many scholars over a period of time (Deshpande, 2000; Marmot, 2015; Omvedt, 1995; Shah et al., 2006; Thorat & Madheswaran, 2018). Beteille, (1969) observed that ‘caste, kinship or family, either or all these can hamper economic progress if they impose restrictions. This was understood and strategized much earlier by Ambedkar, (1948).

Health Conditions and Socio-economic Status A close association between health and wealth is evident from the literature and data (Gwatkin, 2000; IIPS & ICF, 2017; OECD, 2019; Pampel et al., 2010; Wilkinson, 1997). Economically disadvantaged populations have poor health status

Live. Published: 17th May 2021. https://www.edexlive.com/news/2021/may/17/bhu-distances-its elf-from-casteist-prof-who-commented-on-the-competence-of-doctors-20763.html.

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on many indicators. Literature dating back nearly a century, reflects inverse relationship between position in socio-economic hierarchies and morbidity and mortality outcomes (Antonovsky, 1967; Peters, 2002; Pandey et al., 2018; Sorokin, 1927; Williams, 1990). It is also evident that across countries that persons of higher socioeconomic status (SES) enjoy higher longevity and lower morbidity across diseases than their counterparts with lower socio-economic status (Department of Health & Social Security, 1980; Grosse & Auffrey, 1989; Holzer et al, 1986; IIPS & ICF, 2017). A study of Nigerian civil servants (Markovic et al., 1998), found direct association between SES and protracted illness. With increase in the SES, decrease in illness and increase in average life span is observed (Adler et al., 1994, 1999; Marmot et al., 1991). A reflection of this can be seen in the early childhood mortality for India (Table 20.2) and differential lifespan of women from privileged castes who live for an average of 54.1 years as compared to 39.5 years of the underprivileged (SC). The privileged women live 14.6 years longer than the underprivileged (SC) women is evident from the NFHS-5 data. Across all indicators of childhood mortality, the privileged castes are better than the underprivileged. The underprivileged populations lose more than one-third of live birth to neonatal mortality as compared to about one-fifth among the privileged groups. Similarly child mortality among underprivileged (SCs, STs and OBCs) is 11–13 per 1000 live births while among the privileged (Others) is 07 per 1000 live births. Similarly, the gap between SCs and the others in infant mortality rate is about 12% points. The other backward classes are closer to the others in case of child mortality but closer to the underprivileged groups in case of all other early childhood mortality indicators.

Table 20.2 Early childhood mortality rates by social groups Indicators

Scheduled caste

Scheduled tribe

Other backward class

Others

Total

Neonatal mortality

33.0

31.3

30.5

23.2

33.1

Post-neonatal mortality

12.2

13.1

11.6

8.9

12.4

Infant mortality 45.2

44.4

42.1

32.1

45.5

Child mortality 11.1

13.4

9.0

6.6

10.7

Under-five mortality

57.2

50.8

38.5

55.8

55.9

Source National Family Health Survey (NFHS) 2015–16. Table 20.2 Early childhood mortality rates by background characteristics neonatal, post-neonatal, infant, child and under-five mortality rates for the five-year period preceding the survey, by background characteristics and residence, India, 2015–16

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Maternal Health Issues An examination of other indicators of health, such antenatal care, place of delivery, care provider, possession of birth certificate, for example, also reaffirms the differentials across the social groups. Comparatively more antenatal care is accessed by privileged caste women (93.1%) in comparison to other marginalized groups. Differential economic propensities force the underprivileged women from the marginalized groups to use public sector facilities for child delivery as compared to the women from the privileged groups, who mostly choose to deliver in private sector facilities (Table 20.3). This reflects on the superimposition of the economic propensity as an enabling factor for access to services. Health inequalities therefore, get built-in to the larger context of income inequality which rests on the social disparities. Health inequalities are unfair and can be eradicated since they are avoidable differences in health (condition and access to resources) across populations, and between different groups within populations. It arises because of the conditions in which one is born, grows, lives, works and ages. These conditions impact on our thoughts, feelings and actions, which shape our health—both mental and physical. Health inequalities have been documented traditionally in four dimensions—socio-economic deprivation, equality in diversity, inclusive health and space/geography. Socio-economic deprivation relates to unemployment, low income, low levels of education, poor housing, poor or no access to civic amenities. Equality in diversity denotes the differences in the characteristics of populations based on age, sex and ethnicity. Inclusive health refers to provisions for the homeless (street children, pavement dwellers, etc.) and transient (Ghumantu communities like Banjara, Nat, Kalbelia, Gypsy, Roma) populations, sex workers, migrants and informal sector workers. Spatial dimension refers to the geographies like mountainous, hilly, coastal and plains, and spaces such as rural and urban, metropolises, big cities, medium and small towns. All these dimensions are interlaced with social identity (Fig. 20.2). Table 20.3 Maternal health care for last birth and place of delivery in India Services

ST

SC

OBC

Others (HC)

Total

ANC for last birth

83.6

85.9

85.5

93.1

87.5

ANC check-up at government healthcare facilities

73.0

69.0

60.1

56.8

62.3

ANC check-up at private healthcare facilities

31.2

36.5

51.1

54.7

47.1

ANC check-up at home

10.1

8.0

8.0

4.3

7.1

Children have birth certificate

49.6

57.8

59.1

74.3

62.0

Place of delivery Government hospital/clinic

45.7

47.7

40.9

38.7

42.3

Private nursing home

9.2

17.9

30.3

37.9

27.5

Home

45.1

34.4

28.8

23.4

30.1

Total

100

100

100

100

100

Source India Human Development Survey-II: 2011–12

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S. S. Acharya

Fig. 20.2 Dimensions of health inequalities. Source Author

The hierarchy in social identity historically designated across populations, creates enablers and hindrances from top (privileged) to the bottom (underprivileged). Graded inequality functions across these dimensions to ensure those at the lower rungs of the hierarchy remain in the margins, spatially, socially and metaphorically. Low economic and social propensities create deprivations of varied kinds—poverty, illiteracy or low literacy, low-paid occupations, sub-human housing, and illnesses. Mostly located in inhospitable spaces (outskirts of the settlements, slums, tenements), their access to resources is further constrained. Stereotypes and prejudices prevalent against them, works against their attempts to break the vicious cycle of low propensities. While Dalits experience the prejudices emanating from the age-old contentions related to caste—of subjugation and servitude, the ethnic identity brings in the realms of ridicule due to lack of familiarity and respect for the others. The intersection across these dimensions influences health. If factors are conducive for overcoming the barriers, ‘good health’ is possible, else it continues to remain with those at the higher levels of hierarchy in social identity. Health is an integral component of ‘good life’ which transforms into better opportunities for acquiring education and participating in the labour market, and alleviate standing in life. Inequalities in income and educational attainment are known to heighten health inequality. Studying socio-economic differences in the exposure to health risks, health status, the utilization of health services, unmet healthcare needs

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and coverage to assess these inequalities is often done using micro-level data from a range of national health surveys as well as micro-studies. Enabling environment for access to the different constituents of the health system is mandated for government as a signatory to the Alma Ata Declaration ‘Health for All’ way back in 1978. It is only then that the current sustainable development goals can be achieved regardless of socio-economic circumstances. Analyses of inequalities in health status and health systems provide meaningful insights for making societies more inclusive. Educational attainment, occupation, income and wealth are the main indicators which can be used to capture inequalities in different domains. Education is preferred for health and related risk factors; and income is selected for access to care and systems (OECD, 2019) to measures inequalities.

Health Schemes-Beneficiaries and Benefits to Providers The Rashtriya Swasthya Bima Yojana (RSBY) is a health insurance scheme launched in 2007–08 by the Ministry of Labour and Employment for the Below Poverty Line (BPL) population, including the workers in the unorganized sector. Subsequently, it was extended to cover MGNREGA beneficiaries. It, however, took about seven years to include those working in hazardous conditions like mines, sanitation, waste collection, and manual and auto-rickshaw and taxi drivers.9 Healthcare services are exempted from service tax. But hospitals with twenty-five or more beds and central air conditioning are levied with 5% tax on the actual value of the services provided by these hospitals and diagnostic tests. All government hospitals, however, are exempted from service tax. The Finance Ministry allocated INR. 100 crores for providing free generic medicines in public healthcare centres. The healthcare providers and users get tax relief of up to INR. 5000 for preventive health check-up and screening. Excise duty on tobacco and tobacco products like cigarettes, bidis, and paan masala has been increased to deter the users. But the marginal increase in the price is not likely to have a substantial public health benefit. The grassroots-level works like Accredited Social Health Activists’ (ASHA) are expected to work towards prevention of Iodine Deficiency Disorders, in addition to their role in immunization and spacing of child births. The health schemes, programmes and policies address the larger ecosystem for an improved health targeting to fill the gap in healthcare services to all. However, the outcome indicators do not reflect the same. The population provider/infrastructure ratio is much below the norms set by the Indian Public health Standards (IPHS). The tertiary-level hospitals, located mostly in metropolitan cities, remain overburdened. The peripheral non-metropolitan regions have no, at best, poor infrastructure. The RSBY often remain unavailable to the poor, due to lack of required documents. A large section of whom are the excluded underprivileged groups. Therefore, health 9

Ministry of Labour and Employment. Do No M-21015/1/2012-RW dated 12 July 2013. MoL&E, Government of India.

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education programmes for all including socially marginalized groups and improving effectiveness of health promotion through awareness, especially among socially marginalized groups, are necessary. Behaviour Change Communication (BCC) that focuses on encouraging people to make healthy choices, is likely to be effective. Preservice training for the medical workforce to sensitize them towards social identity-based disparities in access and outcomes in health is extremely important and needs to be made mandatory on the similar lines of gender sensitization. Thus, it is evident from the preceding discussion that health conditions, outcomes and access to care across social groups constitute the health ecosystem determined by prevailing inequalities. Cyclically, then it affects health status of populations differentially. The following section seeks to discuss Dr. BR Ambedkar’s contribution to the health concerns of the people in general and of the underprivileged in particular. This creates a background for understanding the linkages in present times, and reflect on what in health has remained unaddressed despite having pointed out by Dr. Ambedkar many decades ago.

Dr. BR Ambedkar—The Humanist and His Contribution to Health Dr. Ambedkar, in all probability, has been one of the most learned and most educated ministers India has had in its checkered history of 70 plus years after independence. He was a great visionary and an erudite scholar who argued, initiated and acted upon ideas which marked a new era for the oppressed. Jawaharlal Nehru described Dr. BR Ambedkar as the ‘Jewel of his Cabinet’. Dr. Ambedkar trained himself to become a masterly statesman, a powerful debater, valiant upholder of human rights, social reformer and crusader of the depressed classes. He was an eminent economist, an informed democrat, a committed patriot and dedicated educationist. He held important positions as Chairman of the Drafting Committee of the Constitution of India, the first Law Minister of independent India and, of course, the most vocal voice of the downtrodden people. He deeply empathized with the suppressed classes in India who have suffered for ages under the prevailing social system. He used the term ‘Dalit’ in his Marathi speeches and translated it as ‘broken’ human being to refer to oppressed Scheduled Castes so far labelled as untouchables. Dr. Ambedkar’s initial reflections on social justice were evident in the late 1920s. Fully equipped with his doctoral and post-doctoral research degrees from premium institutions of the world—Columbia University, London School of Economics and Political Science, and Gray’s Inn, he returned to India. He is the first Indian to pursue an Economics doctorate degree in a foreign university; and also, the first South Asian to obtain two doctoral degrees. He ranks among the highest educated Indians of his generation. He wrote an autobiographical story in 1935–36, ‘Waiting for a Visa’, drawing from his experiences with untouchability, since his

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childhood. This book is used as a textbook in Columbia University, perhaps the only Indian to receive that honour. He was voted as the most renowned Indian in a recent survey10 sponsored by Reliance Mobile and conducted by the Outlook Magazine in partnership with CNN-IBN and The History Channel in 2012—more than 60 years after his mahaparinirvana.

Caste as a Social Determinant of Health—Dr. BR Ambedkar’s Perspective Any discussion on social identity-based exclusion, will remain incomplete without a reference to the efforts of Dr. BR Ambedkar. While his role in the upliftment of underprivileged communities is well publicized, little has been written on his contribution to the cause of health. This concern, however, was evident as early as 1927 when as Chairman of Satyagraha Committee of the Dalit Movement, he addressed Dalits, mostly Mahars, in Chavdar Tank in Mahad Taluka of Maharashtra. This movement had drinking water at the core of Ambedkar’s crusade. He led the Dalits to drink water from Chavdar Lake in Mahad, and assert their right to take water from public water sources. He said, ‘We are not going to the Chavdar Tank to merely drink its water. We are going to the tank to assert that we too are human beings like others. It must be clear that this meeting has been called to set up the norm of equality’.

This was initiated as a quest for the right to equality to get drinking water from the tank which was denied to Dalits. It echoed the beginning of his concern for the health of the people—nearly two decades before the constitution of the Sir Joseph Bhore Committee on Health Survey and Development in 1945–46. Access to safe drinking water was important, especially for the suppressed, who were deprived of adequate nutrition and experienced poor health as a result. Thus, the right to safe drinking water was closely linked to the appalling health and nutritional status of the depressed. Under this influence, he organized his thoughts and ideas systematically during 1927–56. This influence was subsequently consolidated and reflected the concern for the oppressed. Ambedkar articulated social justice as an optimist and was hopeful of socio-structural relocation of Dalits on an equal footing with non-Dalits. He was fascinated by the social transformation in Europe, particularly in France, in the wake of the French National Assembly Proclamations of 1789 for political, social and religious reorganization of the French society. He was influenced by the Proclamation and expressed‘All human beings are equal by birth, and they shall remain equal till death. They may be distinguished in status only in the public interest. Otherwise, their equal status is only in the public interest. Otherwise, their equal status must be maintained’. 10

https://www.thehindubusinessline.com/news/Dr-B.R.-Ambedkar-voted-as-%E2%80%98Grea test-Indian%E2%80%99/article20485049.ece

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It is noteworthy that the Chowdar Tank ‘satyagraha’ was held three years prior to Gandhiji’s Dandi march. While salt was at the centre of Gandhi’s campaign, for political assertion; Dr. Ambedkar had already started the movement for social assertions by pitching it through access to safe and clean drinking water for good health, and giving it a pivotal position in his subsequent engagement health concerns.

Women’s Health Dr. Ambedkar’s concern for women’s health was reflected in the Bombay Legislative Council discussion on 10 November 1938 in which disability of the parents was acknowledged as the prime reason for the impact on children physically, mentally and financially. He was one of the forerunners who saw the reproductive rights of women as important for their development. He proposed limiting the number of births for the health of the women and the children instead of the conventional stand which was for controlling the population. He also saw this as a measure to prevent maternal and infant deaths and reduce morbidity among them. In this light, he favoured termination of pregnancy to prevent unwanted/unplanned births. It was Dr. Ambedkar’s efforts which got maternity benefits to working women in 1942, which were extended to women working in mines and working underground was prohibited for them. Decades later, as a signatory to the Alma Ata Declaration, in 1978, India, professed the same and aspired to achieve it too. Through his intellectual exhumation, Dr. Ambedkar brought the notion of justice, equality, liberty and fraternity on the forefront of socio-political landscape and sensitized people especially the downtrodden in contemporary India. In his framework of thought, justice and equality were to be complemented by liberty and fraternity, both at the individual as well as social level and collectively understood as social justice. His concern for the vulnerable and the marginalized and for health is an obvious culmination of connecting the two for an inquiry.

Health of Scavengers Dr. Ambedkar’s passion to disconnect caste-based work is evident as he considered it as ‘the practice of territorial segregation’ and said: ‘… In India a man is not a scavenger because of his work. He is a scavenger because of his birth irrespective of the question whether he does scavenging or not’ (Ambedkar, 1948). His indefatigable determination against the practice of manual scavenging, could be realized, although partially, only in 2013 when the Prohibition of Employment in Manual Scavenging and their Rehabilitation Act was legislated. While the legislative measure has been enacted, social efforts to execute it remain wanted. Those engaging in sanitation are primarily Dalits, and therefore, their access to resources is likely to be poor. The belief of impurity encourages segregation and ensures invisibility, hindering the exchange

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of information especially health related which is of extreme importance for sanitation workers. The glorification of manual scavenging as a ‘spiritual experience’ (as stated by Prime Minister Narendra Modi in his book Karmyog) holds no water. Equating it with spirituality appears to be a well-designed plan to ensure continuance of this deplorable practice by subjugating a specific set of people.

Indirect Contribution to Health Issues It is well recognized that the health of the populations is influenced by a plethora of factors which include working conditions, infrastructure and fiscal and financial environment. By that understanding, it is important to take note of some of the lesser publicized contributions of Dr. Ambedkar which have indirectly influenced human health through a number of social determinants. Access to employment, education, and civic amenities transportation, safe drinking water, electricity, for instance, contribute to health. He was a member of the Viceroy’s Council on Labour from 1942 to 1946. This gave him to opportunity to bring about several labour reforms which have benefitted all across social groups. It was due to his efforts that the working hours were reduced from 12 to 8 h in the Seventh Session of Indian Labour Conference in New Delhi in November 1942. He also introduced other benefits for workers including provision of dearness allowance, leave, including medical and maternity, and employee insurance, equal pay for equal work, minimum wages and periodic revision of scale of pay. As citizens, we enjoy these benefits but are hesitant in acknowledging his contribution. It was on his recommendation to the council that trade unions were strengthened and employment exchanges were established across the country. His farsighted approach recognized the interlinkages between health and other sectors like education and employment and most importantly gender parity, for any development process. He proposed measures for the emancipation of women which were discarded by the then custodians of polity and culture. The following section envisages to reflect on this aspect of Ambedkar.

Gender Disparity Dr. Ambedkar was acutely aware of the gender-based discrimination prevalent in the Indian sub-continent. He abolished gender discrimination through Articles 14, 15, 16, 21, 38(2) and 39(i) and (ii) of the constitution. As Law Minister, he introduced the Hindu Code Bill which carved the directions to bring women at par with men. However, the then social system prevailing in India and its political caretakers were not ready for this path-breaking deviance from the norm. The patriarchal structures as well as the polity opposed the Bill. He resigned from his post as Law Minister of the independent India when the comprehensive Hindu Code Bill was opposed by Nehru

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and the likes of Sarojini Naidu—on the pretext that it would shake the terra firma of the hierarchical Hindu society. He firmly believed that the development of a country was dependent on the social status of women. The two schools of Hindu Law— Mitakshara and Dayabhaga denied women any right to inheritance and economic stability in the absence of a male relative (Jadhav, 2014; Moon, 1989). The Hindu Code Bill suggested by Ambedkar was aimed to ensure that these rights were not denied to them. It was key to the liberty of women and had two main objectives ● Elevate the social status of Hindu women by ensuring their due rights; ● Annihilate social disparities and caste inequalities. Some of the key features of this Bill were a. b. c. d. e.

Women could inherit family property, it permitted divorce and adoption of girls. Both men and women were given the right to divorce if the marriage was untenable. Widows and divorcees were given the right to remarry. Polygamy was outlawed. Intercaste marriage and adoption of children of any caste was permitted.

Dr. Ambedkar fought for 3 years to get the comprehensive Hindu Code Bill passed. Unfortunately, it materialized with much metamorphosis and was adopted subsequently. The original comprehensive Hindu Code Bill was dropped by the Indian Parliament (Keer, 1971; Moon, 1989). Gender equality was later propagated by the UN agencies to address health and development. The development projects of the Nehruvian period which were labelled as the pilgrim of modern India, are evidence of Dr. Ambedkar’s concern for overall progress and insightful planning for a better India. He pioneered multipurpose projects like the Damodar Valley, the Bhakra Nangal Dam, the Sone River Valley and Hirakud Dam. He commenced the Central Water Commission to facilitate the development of irrigation projects at central and state levels. To motivate the development of India’s power sector, Dr. Ambedkar established the Central Technical Power Board (CTPB) and Central Electricity Authority to explore the potential and establishment of hydel and thermal power stations (Moon, 1989, 2002; Mungekar, 2017). He also emphasized on the need for a grid system (which India still relies on) and well-trained electrical engineers. His acumen for finance and monetary planning is evident in the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) which was conceptualized according to the guidelines presented by Dr. Ambedkar to the Hilton Young Commission (also known as Royal Commission on Indian Currency and Finance), written in his book, ‘The Problem of the Rupee—Its Origin and Its Solution’. The institution of RBI continues to guide the fiscal and monetary concerns of the country (Mungekar, 2017; Thorat, 2017). These initiatives, and his sincere contribution in them reflect his indispensable role in building the modern India. The versatile Ambedkar, often reduced to the stature of emancipator of the downtrodden, consciously undermining the vastness of his knowledge and wisdom, stands taller than anyone else of his ilk—even today. His farsightedness laid the foundation of gender parity and the pivotal role of health in

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development discourse. His untiring efforts have been instrumental in ensuring the constitutional, legislative and legal privileges—which we enjoy today. It is evident that what he designed for health needs then, are relevant even today. The implementations of the strategies, albeit, need to be sincere and in the right spirit of implementation. This is necessary because, even after his untiring efforts, the health of the underprivileged is dismal. It is unimaginable, what the situation would have been had he not ensured interventions in various capacities that he engaged with the government, women’s health in particular. Global agencies such as UNDP, UNIFEM, UNFPA making women’s health pivotal, after the Alma Ata Declaration in later 1970s is fruition of the seeds sown by Ambedkar. The continuum is evident in the current sustainable development goals too.

Sustainable Development Goals 3 (SDG3)—Healthy Lives and Well-Being for All The sustainable development goal 3 (SDG3) drives towards achieving universal health coverage, and providing access to safe and effective medicines and vaccines for all. However, the challenges faced in doing so are many. Economic dispossession in underprivileged populations, lead to poor health outcomes. Much of it is due to poor education and low-paid economic activities. In addition, social identity as underprivileged lowers assertion and bargaining power to ask for provisioning of already scanty health services. It also increases avoidable risk factors especially socially excluded. The sustainable development goals mandate health equity (SDG 3) particularly through intersection with reduced inequality (SDG 10), hunger (SDG 2) and poverty (SDG 1), improved education (SDG 4), gender parity (SDG 5), clean water and sanitation (SDG 6), affordable energy (SDG 7), decent work and economic growth (SDG 8), industry and infrastructure (SDG 9), and climate action (SDG13) within and among countries. The SDG 3 aims to end AIDS, tuberculosis, malaria and other communicable diseases by 2030, achieve universal health coverage, and provide access to safe and effective medicines and vaccines for all. The SDG 10 calls for reducing inequalities in income as well as those based on age, sex, disability, race, ethnicity, origin, religion or economic or other status within a country. It also engages with inequalities related to representation, migration and development aid. The second target (10.2) of SDG 10 is to enable and stimulate the social, economic and political inclusion of all, irrespective of age, sex, disability, race, ethnicity, origin, religion or economic or other status by 2030. The third target (10.3) endeavours to ensure equal opportunity and reduce inequalities of outcome, including the elimination of discriminatory laws, policies and practices and supporting appropriate legislation, policies and action. To achieve these, SDG 10 mandates in the fourth target (10.4)

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to adopt policies, especially fiscal; and those related to wages and social protection towards achieving greater equality progressively.11 With the already burdened health system and denial of access to socially excluded underprivileged groups pointing towards huge inequality; it has become far more difficult to achieve these goals. All the more in the absence of adherence to the strategy drawn for the purpose. Initial steps have been taken in this direction in India with the increased allocation of health in the annual budget of 2021–22 by 137%, and the introduction of Industrial Relations Code, 2020, Code on Social Security, 2020 and the Occupational Safety, Health and Working Conditions Code, 2020 (Acharya and Pal, 2017). More importantly at present, the advent and spread of COVID-19 through its multiple variants COV-SARS19, Delta and Omicron, seems to have worsened the situation and much needs to be done despite the additional infrastructure put in place to address COVID needs. The SDGs’ approach towards underprivileged socially excluded groups, however, is limited in addressing their problems. While their problems are very specific, their vulnerabilities could be similar to others, particularly the poor. The specificity of their problem is that besides poverty, they have experience discrimination historically and even now, albeit, in a sophisticated fashion. Thus, what needs to be taken forward to materialize the SDGs is the recognition that while development indicators at an aggregate level have improved—poverty has declined, IMR and MMR have reduced; literacy, access to drinking water and sanitation facilities have improved; and houseless population has decreased in last few decades. This indicates improvement in well-being. Unfortunately, disaggregated data across social groups reflects on the disparity and inequality gaps. The improvement of development indicators for SCs and STs—the underprivileged groups- has been slower than the ‘Others’— the privileged groups, who have benefitted more than the excluded groups due to historically continuing inequalities. Since the problems of the excluded group are dual, they need a dual solution. A general policy which are for the ‘Other’ poor as well as underprivileged poor; and a group specific policy for the underprivileged as safeguards against discrimination is relevant in this context. Therefore, there is need for group specific affirmative action policies to safeguards against discrimination; and scope for due representation and participation in all spheres of life. The national healthcare systems need to reduce the unequal access to care and medical education across social groups, including gender disparity. It also requires redistribution of resources, provision of unemployment to end extreme poverty, and to legislate to protect equal access to resources related to health care as practitioner and user.

11

https://sdgs.un.org/goals; pment-goals.html.

https://www.in.undp.org/content/india/en/home/sustainable-develo

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Summing Up—Persistent Inequalities Obstruct Access to Health The year 2016 marked the 125th birth anniversary of Dr. BR Ambedkar. As the country paid homage to the legend, ironically his efforts towards health care, especially of the underprivileged, have be taken with little seriousness. It is well known that Dr. Ambedkar conscientiously crusaded against social discrimination. This magnanimous zeal initiated the language of ‘rights’ for the ‘depressed’ and yielded overt and covert outcomes influencing the concern for health, especially of women. It has been often argued that illness does not discriminate. It affects anyone who could be physiologically vulnerable irrespective of social and gender identities. However, disparities in health outcomes are visible along multiple axes. Morbidity, mortality and access to health care differ across gender, caste, ethnicity and even region, despite universal access to healthcare being the vantage point for health planning. Existing literature and data sources reiterate the relevance of recognizing these axes, which accentuate the vulnerabilities in specific ways. Dr. Ambedkar’s initiatives way back in the early 1930s can well be considered as the basis of the Alma Ata Declaration of 1978, which called for ‘Health for All’. The Sir Joseph Bhore Committee on Health and Development (1946) reiterated what Ambedkar had stated over a decade earlier. The underprivileged populations mostly inhabit spaces which are wanting in the provisioning of, for example, safe drinking water, sanitation, hosing, electricity and other civic amenities. Their economic and social propensities are low, causing high incidence of diseases, and denial of access to resources. It is well known that basic amenities like potable water, garbage disposal and sanitation, access roads, housing and electricity are vital for the health of populations. It is observed that the underprivileged are mostly housed in the outskirts of the village. They have no or poor access to connecting roads. There are no schools, health centres, fair price shops, and the water supply and electricity is often absent The road to their settlements is mostly missing or usually in poor condition with overflowing drains (Acharya, 2010; Borooah et al., 2012, 2014; Shah, 2006). There is need for facilitating an ecosystem for underprivileged populations through the group specific policies and programmes and the sensitizing the providers and co-users towards the underprivileged users of the resources and services as envisaged by Ambedkar. In the present deliberation, the endeavour has been to argue that caste is an important social determinant of health outcome and access to health care, attempted in the light of Dr. Ambedkar’s contribution to the concern for health and the initiatives taken by him in his various roles in the governance, both before and after independence. Therefore, the present chapter attempts to highlight the thinker in Dr. BR Ambedkar, who amidst his scholarship as an economist, political scientist, statesman and above all, humanist, addressed the concerns for health of and for all.

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Shah, G., Mander, H., Thorat, S., Deshpande, S., & Baviskar, A. (2006). Untouchability in rural India. SAGE Publications. Sorokin, P. A. (1927) Social mobility. 1927. New York; London, Harper & Brothers, Social Science Series Thorat, S. (2016). Ambedkar’s role in nation building has been forgotten. KALABURAGI: JULY 19, 2016 https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/karnataka/%E2%80%98Ambedkar% E2%80%99s-role-in-nation-building-has-been-forgotten%E2%80%99/article14496697.ece (Accessed 12 Nov 2020) Thorat, S. (2017). Ambedkar crafted framework for all current policies. TNN | Nov 24, 03.21 AM IST Thorat, S., & Madheswaran, S. (2018). Graded caste inequality and poverty: Evidence on role of economic discrimination. Journal of Social Inclusion Studies. https://doi.org/10.1177/239448111 8775873 (Accessed on 12 Nov 2020) Wagstaff, A., & van Doorslaer, E. (2004). Overall versus socioeconomic health inequality: A measurement framework and two empirical illustrations. Health Economics, 13(3), 297–301. https://doi.org/10.1002/hec.822 Wilkinson, R. G. (1986). Class and health: Research and longitudinal data. Tavistock Publications. Wilkinson, R. G. (1997). Socioeconomic determinants of health-health inequalities reactive or absolute materials standards. British Medical Journal, 314(7080), 591. https://doi.org/10.1136/ bmj.314.7080.591. (Published 22 February 1997). Accessed 12 Nov 2020 Williams, D. R. (1990). Socioeconomic differentials in health: A review and redirection. Social Psychology Quarterly, 53(2), 81–99.

Chapter 21

Health Inequalities—An Embodiment of Caste-Based Inequalities Prachinkumar Ghodajkar and Krishna Kumar Choudhary

Abstract Identity-induced marginalization has been important feature of Indian society. The identity-based marginalization leading to exclusion of significant sections of population from different social, economic and political spheres of life has been documented time and again across length and breadth of the country. The exclusion from and discrimination in socio-economic and political spheres of life has been so deeply entrenched that it has embodied itself and get reflected in the bodies of the excluded and discriminated communities. The health status indicators show the differential health status experienced by different social identity groups. Mortality, nutritional status and morbidity indicators from different all-India-level data sets, collected by different government agencies at different points of time, clearly indicate that the health status is reflective of socio-economic inequalities in the country. The state apparatus has failed to do justice, even after 70 years of freedom, to the marginalized and discriminated identity groups especially scheduled castes, Scheduled Tribes and Muslims. The data shows exclusion and differential access to healthcare services provided for these marginalized social groups. The nationally representative data sources like NSSO, 64th and 71st round, NFHS 1–4 rounds, NNMB surveys, DLHS survey, NHP report, National Health Accounts data have been analysed to show the health status inequalities and in-equal access and utilization of state-run health services and health-related schemes. Keywords Health inequalities · Marginalization · Caste · Exclusion · Discrimination · Nutrition

Introduction Global leaders and health experts have now started recognizing the importance of the interconnectedness of health, and there is a rising voice of ‘One Heath’ or ‘Planetary Health’ (Gibbs, 2014; Whitmee et al., 2015). There is increasing recognition P. Ghodajkar (B) · K. K. Choudhary Centre of Social Medicine and Community Health, Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU), New Delhi, India e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2022 R. K. Kale and S. S. Acharya (eds.), Mapping Identity-Induced Marginalisation in India, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-3128-4_21

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that the health of human beings cannot be understood or achieved without ensuring and sincere engagement with environmental health and animal health. The health of the planet determines human health through various pathways. The rising number of pandemics, especially with their origins in wildlife, has made it an urgent requirement for us to acknowledge and engage with the concept of ‘One health’ and ‘Planetary Health’. Climate change, degrading ecology and habitats, precarious agriculture and food production systems, rising numbers of natural disasters highlight the vulnerabilities of models of developments and consumption patterns we as a society have evolved and aspired for (Whitmee et al., 2015). There is recognition of the interconnectedness of environmental health, animal health and human health. However, working on it sincerely seems to be still a distant dream. Even as human civilization, we have not done enough to ensure all human beings a dignified life, bodily integrity and relief from pain and suffering from preventable and treatable illnesses. There are glaring gaps and widening inequalities across countries for the life that they live, materials and services that they consume, life expectancy that they are endowed with, and morbidity and mortality that they suffer (Deaton, 2013; Wagstaff et al., 2014).

Approaches to Health Inequalities Many developed countries have achieved a life expectancy of more than 80 years, whereas many African countries still have life expectancies below 60. The average life expectancy of 86.9 years for the women of Japan and 47.7 years for the men of Lesotho highlights a gap of 30 years (World Health Organization, 2020); this difference experienced by the two population groups is almost a gap of a lifetime and is indefensible. The unjust and unacceptable differences of circumstances where people take birth, live, grow, interact, age and die are not only across countries but also are within most of the countries too (Commission on Social Determinants of Health, 2008; Wagstaff et al., 2014). The nature of and extent of these inequalities is different in different countries and social groups depending on their historical context. The effect of living and working conditions on health has been documented and articulated since the midnineteenth century in Europe. However, the germ theory of disease causation and later behavioural models of disease causation did not give due attention to the social structural factors related to health and disease (Susser & Susser, 1996). The study of socio-economic conditions in relation with health did not receive due attention (except for the Black report and Whitehall study) until the report on the Commission on Social Determinants of Health (World Health Organization, 2008). The commission report, to some extent, managed to highlight different social determinants of health. Furthermore, the report showed that poor people have poor health. Thus, there is a social gradient of observed health indicators. Health inequalities are caused by the unequal distribution of power, income, goods and services. The unfairness in access to health care and education, along with their work and living conditions

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influenced their health (Marmot et al., 2008). The unequal distribution of enabling or disabling factors affecting health results from their historical context and was shaped by social and economic systems with explicit and implicit support from modern state apparatus through their different policies and programmes. The observed patterns of health inequalities were attempted to be explained through individual lifestyles (risk factor epidemiology) or/and through different/faulty genes (genetic epidemiology). This, a long history was later aided with the modern scientific tool of ‘gene’ for justifying social-economic inequalities as natural and unavoidable. However, now research on evolutionary and developmental biology shows ‘biologic beings and species are constituted through their engaged interaction with biotic and abiotic environments they in part construct and embody, in the context of dynamic ecologic systems’ (Krieger & Davey Smith, 2004). This questions reductionist accounts of genetic determinism of human health and well-being. There are a plethora of studies linking health status to individual behaviours like smoking; drinking alcohol; tobacco consumption in various forms; substance use; dietary habits with a focus on salt, fat, meat, vegetables, cereals, carbohydrates, proteins, fats etc.; exercise and sedentary lifestyles; handwashing, hygiene, sexual behaviours, etc. With the help of advanced statistical tools, these studies have been linking people’s behaviours as determinants of the health status of the people. All these factors no doubt are important factors affecting the health of the people. However, it is also important to recognize that these behaviours don’t explain the differences in observed health inequalities and these behaviours are shaped by circumstances of living and work (Migliorini & Siahpush, 2006). Therefore, the knowledge of these risk factors and behaviours bereft of its socio-economic and historical context would have limited potential to change these behaviours or shape people’s health. However, these approaches of disease causation successfully blame the victims for their health status and shift the onus on the individual. Frontiers of epidemiological science like social epidemiology (Krieger, 2001) and life-course epidemiology (Kuh et al., 2003) are increasingly producing evidence linking health with different socio-economic conditions of living and their lifetime influence on the health of the people. Eco-social theory and the concept of embodiment are getting recognition as approaches in studying the effect of socio-economic factors on health. Villermé (1829) had shown that body size, body proportions and life expectancy was shaped by economic conditions and could be affected by government policies since the early nineteenth century (VILLERMÉ, 1829 in Krieger & Davey Smith, 2004). Thus, the societal conditions shape the expression of biological traits and, in turn, affect population distributions of health and disease. However, this is one of the ignored aspects of research on health determinants and public health interventions as it would imply addressing vulnerabilities of people and would (require) change of the power dynamics in the society. Many research studies on social determinants of health have shown a relation between health status and one or multiple social attributes. When these social determinants of health are seen in conjunction with the principles and learning from

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life-course epidemiology, then the importance of these social determinants becomes even sharper. The life-course epidemiology is concerned with the long-term effects of physical and social exposures from gestation through childhood, adolescence, young adulthood and later adult life on health and disease risk in later life. It is engaged with exploring biological, behavioural, psychological and social pathways through which health and disease are shaped across an individual’s life course. It highlights the importance of looking back across an individual’s or a community’s life experiences to understand the current status and patterns of health and disease (Kuh et al., 2003).

Embodiment Approach The concept of ‘embodiment’ proposed by Nancy Krieger (2001), integrates biologic processes (while avoiding the trap of equating ‘biologic’ with ‘innate’) with social processes (without assuming the soma is governed solely by the psyche) (Krieger, 2001; Krieger & Davey Smith, 2004). Embodiment highlights how social influences literally permeate into the anatomical and physiological characteristics of a person and affect people’s health. This is evident in the patterns of social and health disparities. The observed differences in macroscopic physiology are termed ‘class physiognomies. The term attempts to highlight the influences of social-economic conditions on the human body (Laurell, 1989 in Krieger & Davey Smith, 2004). The construct of embodiment helps us understand ‘how our bodies, each and every day, accumulate and integrate experiences and exposures structured by diverse yet commingled aspects of social position and inequality’ (Krieger & Davey Smith, 2004 –p99). Embodiment opens up the possibility of exploring the stories that human bodies have to tell us. Human bodies have impressions that are reflective of individual/social narratives that are expressed or sometimes denied or hidden. Hands of the manual labourer, bodies of battered babies, bodies of victims of domestic violence and bodies of sexual abuse many a time speak louder than the narratives around it. Forensic medicine through autopsies has been attempting to construct the immediate and long-term exposure that individuals have had in life. Palaeo-archaeology has been using body remnants to construct the socio-economic context of those times (Krieger, 2005). Many biochemical markers from the body are used to ascertain different exposures (blood sugar, heavy metals, industrial pollutants or radiation) that individuals have had over time, irrespective of the narrative around it. The embodiment approach proposed by Nancy Krieger is distinct and a step ahead of existing social epidemiology-connecting social factors with health; risk factor epidemiology-linking behaviours with health; germ theory—linking germs with health; and genetic epidemiology—linking genes with health. It attempts to study if observed disparities are biological expressions of social conditions considering their historical context and multi-level nature. The pathways between determinants and health outcomes are seen as a dynamic set of social and biological processes. They operate in an interactive way between different levels like cellular,

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individual, community and population level, differently in different environmental contexts over time (Krieger, 2005). An approach used to study health and its determinants has implications for informing and undertaking policy and programmatic approaches to solve those health problems. However, any one of the approaches used in understanding human health will be bound to have several limitations. Therefore, it is vital to have an integrated approach and, ‘embodiment’ as proposed by Nancy Krieger is one such integrated approach. Human bodies are shaped by and shape some of the essential elements of being human, like emotions, behaviours, culture and social organization. Our habitat, identities, food consumption, psychoactive substance use, recreation, procreation, sexual practices, experiences of violence, experience of different emotions are governed by social customs, conventions and traditions; prevailing legal structure; and resources available—and all these, in turn, affect human health and human bodies.

Discrimination and Health One of the emotions/social experiences that are often ignored in relation to health is discrimination and its effects on people’s health. The association between discrimination and health has been explored to some extent to see the nature of discrimination practised in healthcare delivery in a hospital setting and through outreach services for different types of care (medical, surgical, emergency, OPD, IPD, etc.). The discrimination in health care based on gender, race, ethnicity, religion, class has been well documented (Fiscella et al., 2000). In addition to these, the experience of discrimination which is experienced based on caste in health care has also been documented (Acharya, 2009; Dreze & Goyal, 2003; Shah et al., 2006; SJ et al., 2006; Thorat & Lee, 2006). Discrimination not only affects the nature of health care provided or received but discrimination experienced by people in their social and economic life also affects health (physical and psychological well-being) and diseases experienced by the people and their responses to it. Individual-level approaches have been explored in studying the phenomenon of discrimination and health. However, studying population-level effects of discrimination on health has not received due attention and would be a complex exercise (Krieger, 2014; Williams et al., 2019). Not only the axes of discrimination are multiple and dynamic, but discrimination practiced can be subtle or blatant; discrimination is perpetrated by various actors like individual, institutions (schools, hospital, employers, etc.) or by the system (state, government, law, etc.) making the study of effects of discrimination on health a complex exercise. One wonders whether it is the complexity that makes it a less researched topic or reflective of the interests of people in positions of power, knowledge producers and decision-makers, and their discriminatory attitudes. Forms and practices of discrimination are as diverse as socio-historical contexts. However, these diverse discriminatory practices are essentially are attempts of

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forging, perpetuating and institutionalizing social relationships which have dominance, oppression, exploitation and exclusion (Krieger, 2014). It serves the purpose of maintaining privileges and power. The discriminatory practices shape and perpetuate the socio-economic position of a person or group/community. Discriminatory practices are strong barriers for people trying to break out of poverty, illiteracy, exclusion and ghetto. Despite many legal provisions, discrimination is ubiquitous. It makes the struggle of ‘discriminated people’ of improving their conditions of life more difficult and additionally stressful. People with a more disadvantaged socioeconomic status and at the receiving end of discriminatory practices have higher mortality rates at any given age, indicating that they have more premature deaths (Barnes et al., 2008; Gallo et al., 2012). These people are also more likely to have poor health status, more diseases burden, and disabilities through their life course. These poor health outcomes result from the sheer lack of resources needed by the body to survive and maintain bodily functions, poor access to health care or/and because of additional psychosocial stress that these people have to endure because of their status and prevalent discriminatory practices. There is increasing evidence that long-term psychosocial stress (experienced more by people from lower socio-economic status and by discriminated social groups and individuals) may exert long-term effects through physiological wear and tear, involving inflammatory responses, reduced immune function and biological age acceleration, metabolic ageing (Busse et al., 2017; Hatzenbuehler & McLaughlin, 2014; Yang et al., 2013; Zeiders et al., 2012). The long-term psychosocial stress contributes to accelerated depletion of biological resources needed by the body for maintenance (Seeman et al., 1997) and, in turn health and well-being.

Social Inequalities in India India is a poor country with a long history of colonialism. Among other noble things, the country has a strong reputation, especially for its rising inequality, the highest number of billionaires on one side and people (dying from) with hunger on the other side. This country that aspires to be a superpower has a reputation of having a very high proportion of unemployed, landless, hungry, wasted and stunted people. The country is aspiring to become Vishwaguru, taking pride in indicating that India contributes the highest number of doctors to the medical workforce of the UK, USA and Australia, or the highest number of engineers and technocrats to the developed world. It also happens to be the home to a high proportion of uneducated or undereducated people in/of the word. However, the country aspiring to be a global leader has not yet managed to offer leadership within the country which could exhort people to get rid of their many unscientific cultural practices, including inhuman caste system and discriminatory practices of the society. Insincerity, apathy towards the principles of equality, fraternity and justice, and condoning of discriminatory social structure and practices in the name of culture and religion gets embodied in the integrity and structure of the state apparatus of the country and character of the

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people and society. This apathy gets reflected in widely documented unsustainable levels of poverty, poor economic and living conditions of people, the persistence of poor socio-economic status, especially of certain social groups (Borooah et al., 2014; Thorat & Madheswaran, 2018). These social groups also happen to be at the receiving end of different discriminatory practices based on the age-old caste system, which has managed to survive and reinvent itself despite diverse religious traditions, modern state apparatus, socialist attempts and neoliberal capitalist economic policies. Discrimination and exclusion experienced by Dalits and Tribals in various spheres of life like social relations, labour market, economic spheres of life, education, interphase with state apparatus, law enforcement agencies are well documented in India (Acharya, 2018; Borooah et al., 2014; Das, 2016; Deshpande, 2000; Hindwan, 2010; Madheswaran & Attewell, 2007; National Commission for Scheduled Tribes, 2007). Gradient and hierarchy of caste system corroborate with socio-economic position experienced by different social groups. Wealth, consumption of goods and services and power wielded by different social groups continue to reflect hierarchy prescribed and followed by the caste system/caste order prescribed in the Hindu religion. Excluded ethnic groups, identified as Scheduled Tribes, also share the comparable socio-economic status experienced by Dalits—lowest in caste hierarchy (Scheduled Castes-SC). Historical experience of exclusion by tribal population and experience of discrimination by Dalits in India in addition to their lower socio-economic status gets embodied. It can easily be seen reflected in their bodies, health and disease experiences and mortality they suffer. Taking inspiration from Nancy Krieger’s concept of embodiment, this chapter attempts to examine this embodiment of exclusion, discrimination and experience of lower socio-economic status. This work explores the variation in body structures, physiology, illness experiences and mortality patterns across different social identity groups, namely, Scheduled Caste, Scheduled Tribes, Other Backward Caste groups and Others (privileged castes and social groups) in India.

Methodology Available population-level data sets have been analysed to ascertain differential health, morbidity and mortality experiences along with body structures/statures data. Some of the routine health-related data collection agencies in India, while publishing data on different aspects like life expectancy, death rates, maternal mortality rates, causes of death, disease burden data etc. do not publish data in a manner that allows analysing these parameters across different social identity groups. Despite caste, ethnicity, religion being the most critical segregating and differentiating factors of the Indian society, the reluctance to collect, compile and publish this health-related data indicates entrenched social biases of those in positions of power for fear of policy implication and demand for justice. In the absence of routine health-related data collected through health services or vital statistics, especially for different social groups, different population-level

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surveys are the best available sources of health-related data in India. Some of these population-level surveys publish reports or make raw data available for research and analysis purpose. National Family and Health Survey (NFHS (round 1–5), National Sample Survey Organization (NSSO), (60th, 71st round of 2014) are two major nationally representative surveys collecting data on different health-related aspects (International Institute for Population Sciences, 1995, 2000, 2007, 2017, 2021 ; Ministry of Statistics & Program Implementation, 2015). Data from NFHS has been analysed to examine the embodied social inequalities. The NFHS-5 data is available only for some selected states and basic data for the country; hence, it could not be included in this chapter. Along with NFHS survey data, prison data on undertrial and convicted prisoners from National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) has also been used to understand the social profile of incarcerated people (National Crime Records Bureau, 2019). Census of India 2011 has been used for assessing the burden of disability (Ministry of Statistics & Program Implementation, 2017). These surveys (NFHS and NSSO) and Census of India and NCRB present their data for different social groups by clubbing them in the groups like SCs, STs, OBCs and Others. For different variables, data is given as per religious identity, viz. Hindu, Muslim, Christian, Buddhist, Jain, Sikh, Parsi, etc. Income quintile or economic status, educational status, or residence-rural or urban residence has also been used as an analytical category in these reports. However, for this chapter, we will analyse and study embodiment across different social groups, viz. SC, ST, OBC and Others. The ‘Others’ category as used in these surveys and reports consisted of all religious identity groups which are not constitutionally recognized as either SC, ST or OBC. The ‘others’ category had one important subgroup, i.e. Muslims, which is documented to be socially, economically and educationally backward with poor health indicators and experiencing exclusion and discrimination in various spheres of life (Sachar et al, 2006). The ground for this experience of discrimination, exclusion and backwardness was identified to be linked to their religious identity. To see how social identity, caste-based discrimination of SCs and ethnicity-based exclusion of STs, compare to the privileged caste groups, it was important for this study to separate this socially marginalized, excluded and to some extent discriminated group of Muslims from the category of ‘others’. Muslims are an important subgroup that needs to be studied, especially for their experience of embodiment of the social context in multicultural Indian society; we do this in a separate upcoming paper. For this chapter, the Muslim population has been excluded from the category of ‘others’ for the analytical framework, especially when using NFHS and NCRB data. NFHS-1was conducted in 1992–93, and 89,777 women and 45,363 children across the states were a part of the survey. In the NFHS-2, 89,199 women from across states participated. In NFHS-3, 124,385 women, 74,369 men and 56,438 children from all 28 states of India, including NCT of Delhi, participated. In the NFHS-4 (2015–16), 699,686 women and 112,122 men from all states and UT were interviewed.

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Bodies Reflecting the Social Context Disability Deformities and disabilities can be congenital or acquired. A small proportion of congenital deformities and disabilities can be prevented with timely intervention from appropriate medical care. Acquired disabilities are usually due to accident, injuries, disease and exposure to environmental toxins. Some disabilities, especially in poverty-stricken society like ours, are because of nutritional deficiencies. The social distribution of nutritional deficiencies, adequate antenatal check-ups and thorough screening, timely and adequate medical intervention for different diseases, and hazardous living and working conditions are reflected in the distribution of disabilities. The distribution of disabilities, as seen in India through the Census of India, shows how social circumstances get embodied (Table 21.1). The Census of India included eight types of disability in the survey: hearing, speech, movement, mental retardation, mental illness, multiple disabilities and other disability. As per the Census of India 2011, there is a higher prevalence of any form of disability in the scheduled caste community. Scheduled caste is a group of majorly landless castes. This untouchable community was traditionally enslaved and continues to do manual scavenging, sanitation and waste collection disposal work, agricultural labour, and primarily casual labour work in hazardous conditions. Poverty struck SC and ST community showing a higher level of disabilities happen to be discriminated and excluded community also and at the receiving end of inadequate medical attention (discussed further in the subsequent section). These disabilities act as cause and a consequence of the vicious cycle of circumstances in which they are trapped.

Table 21.1 Distribution (%) of disability among male and female by social category in India, 2016–16

Social group

Person

Males

Females

Scheduled Caste

2.45

2.68

2.2

Scheduled Tribe

2.05

2.18

1.92

Other than SC/ST

2.18

2.37

1.98

Total

2.21

2.41

2.01

Source (Ministry of Statistics & Program Implementation, 2017)

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Anthropometry/Bodies Children The environmental and social circumstances affect the human bodies through their direct effect and seem to have long-term implications through different pathways. Human bodies get affected by lifelong exposure to social circumstances. These social circumstances get inherited from one generation to the other, and so do their influences. It also gets reflected in the bodies of newborn children, as seen in the birth weight and birth size of babies. The birth weight of children is determined, among other factors, by the nutritional and health status of the mother. Her social environment determines the mother’s health. Children born in the ST and SC community have a higher possibility of low birth weight and smaller size than the OBC and other communities (Table 21.2). Lower birth weight is then one of the major causes of malnutrition among children in later years. Social hierarchy based on caste affects the accessibility of resources such as agricultural land and employment and lower accessibility to healthcare services due to poor access and discrimination. All these conditions affect the mothers’ body and the child development in utero, both physically and perhaps mentally. As UNICEF stated that ‘The cycle of poor nutrition perpetuates itself across generations. Young girls who grow poorly become stunted women and are more likely to give birth to low-birthweight infants. If those infants are girls, they are likely to continue the cycle by being stunted in adulthood, and so on, if something isn’t done to break the cycle’ (UNICEF, 1998, p.34). With the given birth weight and size during the growing period, the child is exposed to social circumstances, usually in a family setting that enables or hinders making up for inadequacies in birth weight and size and acquiring average body size. The study of children’s body size reflects the circumstances they are in. The bodies of children are studied to ascertain the growth and development of children and understand protein-energy malnutrition. It is done through various anthropometric measures. Table 21.2 Distribution (%) of children birth weight and size of children by Social category (excluding Muslim community) in India, 2015–16 Scheduled caste Scheduled tribe Other backward class Others Low birth weight < 2.5 kg 19.2

20.5

17.7

17.0

Size of child at birth Very small

3.2

2.8

3.3

2.6

Smaller than average

9.4

9.8

8.9

8.3

85.9

84.1

86.5

88.3

Average or large

Source Author’s calculation from NFHS-4 round

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Table 21.3 Distribution (%) of under-five children nutritional status by social status (excluding Muslim community) in India, 2015–16 Nutritional indices

Gender

Schedule caste

Schedule tribe

Other backward class

Other

Total

Stunting

Male

43.42

45.29

38.47

27.75

38.64

Female

42.02

42.65

37.81

27.58

37.81

Male

22.14

28.78

21.50

19.58

22.18

Female

20.47

25.66

19.86

18.54

20.53

Male

39.54

46.76

35.45

26.75

36.28

Female

38.69

43.92

35.14

26.32

35.74

Wasting Underweight

Source Author’s calculation from NFHS round 4

The prevalence of malnutrition was higher among the ST and SC compared to OBC and the other community (Table 21.3). After controlling income, education and access to healthcare services, a higher prevalence of malnutrition indicates that this is associated with their social identity (Sabharwal, 2011), which further explains that how their social identity affects their bodily growth. Furthermore, a higher prevalence of malnutrition among females across social groups could be result of gender and caste intersectionality. Thus, it indicates that the bodies of female children are affected by both gender and caste-based realities of society.

Adults Undernourished bodies of children, who escape high mortality rates in India, especially among the SC and ST population, make their way to adulthood. The anthropometric measures of adult bodies show similar social patterns as observed in children.

Body Mass Index Table 21.4 shows similar results as nutritional status among children that women were more malnourished than men; and people belonging to SC, ST and OBC were more chronic energy deficient or had BMI less than 18.5 compared to other communities. The effects of caste and gender are evident in the observed body statures. The prevalence of overweight and obesity is higher among OBC and others. Obesity and overweight are also a reflection of and determinants of poor health status. Obesity has varied causes like high calorie and unhealthy food intake, sedentary lifestyles, lack of exercise, and medical illness and hormonal disorders. In India, with lower penetration and presence of packaged food industry and food coupon relief measure, which

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Table 21.4 Distribution (%) of BMI grades of Men (15–54 Yrs) and women (15–49 Yrs) by social group (excluding Muslim community) in India, 2015–16 Body mass index (BMI) Social groups

Gender

chronic energy deficiency (less than 18.5)

Normal (18.5–24.9)

overweight (25.0–29.9)

Obese ≥ 30

Scheduled Caste

Men

22.41

62.37

12.99

2.228

Women

25.32

57.44

13.44

3.796

Men

24.64

65.38

8.678

Women

31.88

58.35

7.959

Other Backward Class

Men

19.88

60.32

Women

23.09

56.74

15.3

4.872

Others

Men

15.18

59.00

21.07

4.753

Women

16.77

55.02

20.57

7.646

Men

19.96

61.01

16.00

3.023

Women

23.21

56.68

15.21

4.892

Scheduled Tribe

Total

16.81

1.303 1.819 2.982

Notes BMI is expressed as ratio of weight in kg to the square of height in metres (kg/m2). Women with a birth in the preceding 2 months and pregnant women were excluded. Source Author’s calculation from NFHS round 4

can offer unhealthy food choices, it becomes an important question to understand the determinants of obesity in India. The higher prevalence of obesity across different social groups among women than men could be because of socio-cultural circumstances restricting physical mobility, usually within households and with patriarchal and male-dominant public spaces. Physical mobility restriction and sedentary lifestyles increase with increasing socioeconomic status and are reflected in the obesity pattern of women.

Height Body mass index is a composite index combining height and weight measures. It reflects weight for a given height and assesses chronic energy deficiency or undernutrition among adults for their given heights. It also provides an indication of overweight and obesity for their given height. One can have short height and still be placed in the normal BMI category if the weight for that height is average. Short height in an adult is also a reflection of poor nutritional status and gets glossed over in the BMI. Thus, BMI has a limitation of masking short heights due to undernutrition. The height of an adult is another important anthropometric measure of interest. Height is a proxy indicator of the biological and social well-being, and attainment of the full genetic potential of height is determined by the environmental factors such

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Table 21.5 Distribution of mean height (cm) of men and women by social category (excluding Muslim) in India, 2016–16 Indicators Women height < 145 cm (%)

Scheduled caste

Scheduled tribe

Other backward class

Others

14.0

12.8

11.2

7.7

Men height

162.4

161.4

163.7

165.2

Women height

151.1

151.0

152.0

153.1

Source Author’s calculation from NFHS 4

as food, disease episodes, water and sanitation, living condition, working condition, etc. during the growing age (from womb to 20–22 years). Deprivation based on caste, given the social patterns of height, also seems to contribute to shorter stature. Shorter stature has implications like economic attainment (Guntupalli & Baten, 2006), social discrimination based on height with demeaning remarks like bona, thingna. It also affects marriage preference. Short height, especially among women, has health implication, especially if height is below 145 cm; pregnancy in such women becomes a high-risk pregnancy. The proportion of women with a height less than 145 cm was almost double in Scheduled Caste compared to others community (Table 21.5). Women who had height less than 145 cm were part of high-risk pregnancy, and such women had a higher chance of C-section (Garg et al., 2016). The average height of women is similar in the SC and, ST while OBC women were 1 cm taller than SC and ST and 1 cm shorter than other privileged community. Men from the ST community are 1 cm shorter than SC and 2.4 cm from OBC, and 3.8 cm from the Others community.

Body Physiology—Fertility Body structures of socially discriminated and excluded communities were different from those privileged Castes and affluent social groups. The effects of socioeconomic conditions were not limited to structures and appearances but also were seen in the body physiologies. The body has dynamic capacity and resilience to maintain its physiological functions in response to different adversities on the body in a person’s life course. The changes in the physiology of body could possibly reflect chronic, persistent and high impact adversities. The available data sets were examined to understand if body physiologies were also affected by the social circumstances of the people. Population-level data on physiological conditions was available from population-level surveys done for reproductive health issues. Age at menarche and menopause gives us an idea about critical physiological events and reproductive periods in women’s lives. An attempt is made to see if there is a social pattern to these physiological events and net reproductive periods in women’s lives.

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Table 21.6 Mean age of menarche and % of natural menopause by social category in India Mean age of menarche Women age 15–49

Scheduled caste

Scheduled tribe

Other backward class

Others

NFHS-4a

13.8

14.3

14.0

14.3

(Pathak et al., 2014)

13.7

13.6

13.8

13.8

a

Excluded Muslims, author’s calculation for NFHS-4

Menarche The mean age of menarche is declining in the past two decades globally (Pathak et al., 2014; Talma et al., 2013). This secular decline globally in the age of menarche has been attributed to improving the standard of living. The mean age of menarche from large national levels surveys like NFHS and IDHs in India showed no significant difference for different social groups (Desai & Vanneman, 2018; Pathak et al., 2014). It instead showed unusual finding in the context of global experience of the lower age of menarche for an improved standard of living. These surveys seek information on age of menarche from the women of 15–49 age group. Such wide age groups and involving women who have had their menarche many years back there is possibility of error in recollection of exact age of menarche. To avoid recall error, it was important to study the age group of girls in the time period of life where there is a likelihood of menarche. Other small studies done on the age group of women who are in the age bracket of menarche were reviewed to study the mean age of menarche for different social groups. The studies done in a school setting had the advantage of exact age. The age group of 9–16 also avoided the possible recall errors. It was observed that the mean age of menarche was higher for girls/women from higher caste/socio-economic position and was lower for women from a lower social-economic position like SC/Dalits (Table 21.6). Among girls from the Scheduled Caste and lower socio-economic status, menarche started later compared to the girls from privileged castes and higher socioeconomic status. The age of menarche is strongly associated with early marriage and teenage pregnancy, obesity, breast and ovarian cancer, stress, anxiety, and depression and metabolic syndrome in the later part of life (Pathak et al., 2014; Pierce & Leon, 2005; Rah et al., 2009; Walvoord, 2010) (Table 21.7).

Menopause Menopause is another important physiological phenomenon in the lives of women. Menopause is an important biological landmark for the body, indicating significant changes in hormonal dynamics in the body affecting body structures and functions. Such a biological event indicating the body’s physiological functioning also showed a social pattern in the Indian context.

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Table 21.7 Mean age of menarche for different social groups evidence from studies on menarche age bracket Source/references

Sample size

Age

(Bagga & Kulkarni, 2000)

366

9–16 yr

Social groups

Mean age of menarche

Brahmin

12.58

Maratha

12.60

Scheduled Caste

13.16

Others

13.08

Socio-economic status of parents Lower—hamals, housemaids and manual labours

13.16

Middle 12.50 lower—school teachers, clerks, etc.

(Rokade & Mane, 2009)

742

10–16 yr

Middle upper—engineers, doctors, managers, etc.

12.16

Higher—directors, industrialists, executives

12.16

Higher socio-economic status

12.20

Middle socio-economic status

12.50

Lower socio-economic status

13.14

It was observed that premature/early natural menopause was proportionately higher in Scheduled Caste (SC) and Scheduled Tribe women (Table 21.8). Age groups below 45 years can be considered as early menopause. It can be seen that a higher proportion of menopausal women in the age group below 45 as well as 49 in women from SC, ST and OBC than other higher caste women. Natural menopause was also positively associated with the socio-cultural, family planning and demographic variables (Pallikadavath et al., 2016). Table 21.8 presents a clear difference and variation between the social groups showing the proportion of women who had natural menopause was higher among the SC, ST and OBC than others. Menopause is linked with many other illnesses in women. Menopause takes away hormonal protection to women against certain illnesses like osteoporosis. Late

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Table 21.8 Distribution (%) of natural menopause by social category in India for different age groups (excluding Muslims) Percent of women in menopause (in age group)

Scheduled caste (%)

Scheduled tribe (%)

Other backward class (%)

Others (%)

30–34

4.0

3.7

4.6

35–39

8.0

7.6

9.1

2.6 6.5

40–41

17.8

15.1

16.1

13.1

42–43

22.1

20.7

22.3

20.8

44–45

33.1

33.4

34.4

30.1

46–47

42.9

46.1

42.4

41.1

48–49

56.5

56.1

54.1

55.5

Total

17.9

17.5

18.4

16.7

Author’s calculation from NFHS-4th round

menarche and early menopause in women from SC, ST and OBC communities would mean a lower reproductive period in life with hormonal influences.

Fertility, Pregnancy and Child Bearing Even with late menarche and early menopause with a lower net reproductive period, the women from SC, ST communities experience early pregnancy and more children. The fertility patterns of women reflect their social circumstances. Women from SC and ST communities had early pregnancies with a higher proportion of teenage pregnancy. The proportion of woman having three or more children was higher in ST and SC communities. Total fertility rates show the difference clearly (Table 21.9). The fertility behaviours and patterns observed could be operating through different pathways like age at marriage, the status of women, educational levels, class, access to family planning and contraceptive services, etc. Teenage pregnancy and higher birth orders among women pose higher risk for the women as well as offspring.

Deficient Bodies/Metabolic Deficiencies Deficiency Disorders: Children The bodies were not only stunted, wasted and underweight but were also found to be deficient in important constituents required for bodily functions. The micronutrient deficiencies leading to significant health problems like anaemia, vitamin-A deficiency, night blindness and goitre are some of the important public health problems in

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Table 21.9 Distribution (%) of total fertility rate, teenage pregnancy, mean no of children and birth order by social category in India, 2015–16 (excluding Muslims) Scheduled caste Scheduled tribe Other backward class Others Total fertility rate

2.26

2.48

2.22

1.93

Have had a live birth

5.7

7.6

4.4

5.0

Are pregnant with first child

3.0

3.0

2.6

2.5

Mean no of children ever born to women age 40–49

3.48

3.52

3.28

2.87

% Women begun childbearing

8.8

10.5

7.0

7.5

Teenage pregnancy (15–19)

% Distribution of birth to as Birth order 1

37.3

36.2

38.4

43.0

2

31.9

30.5

32.9

33.3

3

15.9

16.7

15.1

13.4

4+

14.9

16.5

13.6

10.4

Source NFHS, India Report Round 4, 2015–16

the country. There are national health programmes around these nutritional deficiency disorders in the country for many decades. Despite these national health programmes, these micronutrient deficiency disorders continue to be significant public health problems and present themselves in a pattern that corroborates social hierarchy. Anaemia and vitamin-A deficiency disorder burden is higher in children from SC and ST communities (Tables 21.10 and 21.11). Table 21.10 Distribution (%) of anaemia among children 0–59 months across social category (excluding Muslim community) in India, 2015–16 Anaemia status by haemoglobin level

Gender

Schedule caste

Schedule tribe

Other backward class

Others

Mild (10.0–10.9 g/dl)

Male

27.4

29.08

27.23

26.47

Female

29.35

29.19

28.06

27.19

Moderate (7.0–9.9 g/dl)

Male

31.12

33.46

28.92

26

Female

30.28

33.1

28.41

24.64

Severe (