Kiowa, Apache, and Comanche military societies: enduring veterans, 1800 to the present 9780292705180, 9780292752122

Table of contents :
Frontmatter
List of Illustrations and Tables (page viii)
Preface (page xi)
Acknowledgments (page xv)
Pronunciation Guide: The Parker McKenzie Kiowa Language Orthography (page xvii)
1. Sodalities and Plains Indian Military Societies (page 1)
2. Yàpfàhêgàu: Kiowa Military Societies to 1875 (page 33)
3. The Decline and Revival of Kiowa Military Societies, 1875 to the Present (page 96)
4. Plains Apache Naishan Military Societies (page 177)
5. Comanche Military Societies (page 251)
6. Comparision and Conclusions (page 369)
Notes (page 425)
Bibliography (page 461)
Index (page 491)

Citation preview

Kiowa, Apache, and Comanche Military Societies

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tow KIOWA, "re" APACHE, AND

COMANCHE MILITARY

SOCIETIES

Copyright © 1999 by the University of ‘Texas Press All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America First paperback printing, 2002

Requests for permission to reproduce material from this work should be sent to Permissions, University of Texas Press, Box 7819, Austin, TX 78713-7819.

The paper used in this book meets the minimum requirements of ANSI/NISO Z39.48-1992 (R1997) (Permanence of Paper for Printed

Library Materials).

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Meadows, William C., 1966Kiowa, Apache, and Comanche military societies : enduring veterans, 1800 to the present / William C. Meadows. — rst ed.

p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-292-705 18-2 (pbk.)

1. Kiowa Indians— Societies, etc. 2. Apache Indians— Societies,

etc. 3. Comanche Indians—Societies, etc. 4. Secret societies— Great Plains. 5. Indians of North America— Great Plains—Ethnic identity. I. Title.

305.897—de21 98-49958

EQQ-K5M43 1999

For my matrilineal Aniyunwiya kin: my mother, Judith A. Meadows Chandler; my grandmother, Virginia Walls Fisher; my grandfather, William E. Fisher Jr. (1916-1993); and my great-grandfather, John David Walls (1880-1976), whose knowledge, wisdom, love, and support guided me toward my destiny. And for my Kiowa mother, Vanessa Paukeigope (Struck the Enemy In the River) Jennings,

without whom this work could not have been accomplished.

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CONTENTS

List of Illustrations — vill

List of Tables viii

Preface x1 Acknowledgments xv Pronunciation Guide: The Parker McKenzie Kiowa Language Orthography xvi

1. Sodalities and Plains Indian Military Societies 1 2. Yapfahégau: Kiowa Military Societies to 1875 33 3. The Decline and Revival of Kiowa Military Societies,

1875 to the Present 96 4. Plains Apache Naishan Military Societies 177

5. Comanche Military Societies 251

6. Comparison and Conclusions 369

Notes 425 Bibliography 461

Index 491

vill Contents ILLUSTRATIONS (following p. xx) Kiowa women’s Scalp Dance, Black Legs Society Dance, Anadarko, Oklahoma, 1994. Kiowa Black Legs Society parading in Anadarko, Oklahoma, 1994. Kiowa Black Legs Soceity parading in Anadarko, Oklahoma, 1993.

Kiowa Black Legs Society Turn-around or Reverse Dance, Anadarko, Oklahoma, 1994. Kiowa Ohoma Lodge Pipe Dance, Anadarko, Oklahoma, 1995. Kiowa naming ceremony, Kiowa Black Legs Society Dance, 1992. Apache Sam Klinekole holding Archilta’s Manatidie staff, 1934. Gonkoncheybastayyah (Man Over His Camp or Man Guarding His Camp) or Apache John, holding wooden Manatidie Society whip 1n 1909.

Redbone Society Honor Dance, Apache Tribal Dance Grounds, Fort Cobb, Oklahoma, 1993. Apache ‘Tribe Veteran Association Marker.

Apache Tribe of Oklahoma tribal license plate depicting Manatidie staffs and dancers. Four Manatidie Society dancers, 1993. Chebatah (Lipan Apache), a Comanche Big Horse Society whipman, Ca. 1930.

Comanche World War I veterans being honored by Comanche elders, ca. IQI9Q.

Food baskets about to be given away, Comanche War Dance Society, Cache, Oklahoma. Rolling Pony (Manatidie whipman and Kiowa Agency policeman) and wife, Igoo.

TABLES

1. Kiowa Military Society Synonymy 41 2. Kiowa Military Society Membership and Social Class Correlations 45

3. Kiowa Military Society Organizational Positions 53

Contents ix

4. Apache Military Society Synonymy 194 5. Reservation-Era Apache Staff Keepers 208 6. Comanche Military Society Synonymy and Divisional

Distribution 293

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PREFACE

When I began working with the Kiowa in 1989, I was interested in traditional dance and music, particularly in the origins of the modern powwow. This led me into the world of Plains Indian military societies. I was introduced to the Kiowa Black Legs Society, on which I eventually wrote my master’s thesis (Meadows 1991). As I began to comprehend the vast historical and symbolic importance which this society holds for the Kiowa people, I began to look at other Kiowa and, later, Comanche, Apache, and Cheyenne

societies. Though they are qualitatively different, I found great general and temporal similarity in the structure, functions, and continuing symbolic importance of veterans within these communities. Even more importantly,

however, I began to comprehend the extent to which traditional sociocultural forms were being associated with traditional ways of honoring veterans through public dance, song, and ceremony to commemorate the past and present martial heritage, ideology, and ethos. While some prereservation cultural elements had been lost and new ones adapted, much had survived, and other forms had even been revived through the social arena of martial-based cultural events. As other social institutions in these cultures declined in their enculturative roles, Southern Plains Indian military society events continued to provide arenas for enculturation and even increased in complexity. This study of Southern Plains military societies delineates comparatively and ethnohistorically the martial values embraced by the Kiowa, Comanche, and Apache (KCA) since circa 1800, describing how military society structure, functions, and ritual symbols connect past and present. In contrast to most ethnographic religious studies, I combine ethnohistorical documentation and oral traditions with symbolic analysis to elucidate the temporal evolution and role of these more secular sodalities and their symbols, focusing upon the continuity and change, meaning, and functions of martial symbols. While Plains Indian sodalities were not homogenous, they are central to understanding past and present Plains social organization, law, politics,

xii Preface warfare, and religion. Individual tribal histories cover four periods: prereservation (pre-1875), reservation (1875-1900), postreservation (1901-1945), and post-World War II or contemporary (1945 to the present). Larger patterns of social change and development applicable to other external populations are also discussed. Despite change and cultural syncretism, traditional views and concepts regarding veterans remain largely intact. These cultures had strong warrior traditions and a strong martial ethos in which military societies were the largest form of prereservation sodalities. Because they never relinquished the ideology surrounding the role of the warrior, these groups were able to regain status in their own terms as warriors with widespread participation in World War II. The traditional roles, symbols, and warrior ethos of these military society systems continue via military societies. While these societies and their associated ideology were formerly adaptive in fostering social order, integration, defense, and competitiveness, they continue to serve as an important vehicle for traditional enculturation today, as demonstrated by their adaptive significance for the preservation and maintenance of ethnic identity in a larger socioeconomic and politically encapsulating society. This study demonstrates the extent and variety of relationships between Plains military societies and their tribal-level social organization, which have been inadequately documented and investigated. I hope that it will

fill a gap in the ethnological picture, while demonstrating that a critical revaluation of these societies is necessary to understand their role in Plains Indian social organization. ‘This study also develops a set of more clearly defined military society characteristics which can be used to describe Southern Plains societies and compare others cross-culturally. While some functions and material culture have been examined (Wissler 1916b), this study looks at other organizational and social features. Furthermore, I want this work to be useful for the Native American communities which participated in its making, as well as for the anthropological community. Many ethnographies today present only data which are needed to support the larger theoretical points of the scholar and offer little for the native community. During my fieldwork, members of several tribes often stated that many recent works on their respective tribes were “of no value to us,” “had no practical use,” were “too technical and too scientific to understand,” and “included hardly any of the material which we worked so hard and long to provide them.” One of the ethnohistorian’s strongest commitments is to publish primary data. There is a growing interest in cultural awareness among many native peoples who are actively trying to research, document, preserve, and revive elements of their culture. During my field-

Preface xiil work, many military society leaders and elders expressed concerns that these data be published as completely as possible to help them document and pre-

serve their military societies. I am seeking a middle ground between the ethnography of old and the academic theoretical concerns of today, by providing solid descriptive accounts for each group, while also addressing anthropological concerns. ‘To have deleted much of this material would have eliminated crucial elements such as regalia, song texts, and dance choreography, which describe and convey many of the ongoing symbols and ideology of these groups. A sound ethnographic description can make the results accessible to the native communities involved, better support their claims, and allow the reader to examine and critique the material on which my arguments are based. Raising the issue of practicality in current ethnohistory, many native peoples ask, “What’s in it for us?” If scholars wish to

continue to work in various communities they need to make the published results more rewarding for the individuals upon whom such work depends—the native community—for without their hospitality research opportunities become limited and more archival in nature. Part of this involves making the consultants active participants in the research process. This study is primarily aimed at defining military societies on a regional level and then comparatively analyzing their interactions concerning various levels of symbolic and social organization and integration. Throughout the immense changes Plains Indian communities have experienced over the last two centuries, a large part of their social structure and fabric has remained. Much of the ideology and ethos associated with traditional veterans in these communities has also remained. As we shall see, these veterans have indeed endured.

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I would like to offer my extreme gratitude to many individuals for helping contribute to this text, which is the culmination of nearly eight years’ work. Foremost, I offer my appreciation to all those individuals in the Kiowa, Comanche, Apache Tribe of Oklahoma and Southern Cheyenne Indian communities discussed in this work, who have all contributed in some fashion. Their knowledge, insights, patience, and willingness to contribute, to teach, and to preserve have allowed me to complete this undertaking. Kzowas: Gus

Palmer Sr., Dr. Parker P. McKenzie, Mac Whitehorse, Oscar Tsoodle, Atwater Onco, David Paddlety, Bill Koomsa Jr., Billy Evans Horse, Dixon Palmer, Rueban ‘Topaum, Gabe and Seth Morgan, Blas Preciado, Alice Littleman, Grace Tsonetokoy, Gertrude Yeahquo Hines, Vanessa Santos Jennings, Martha Poolaw, Anne Yeahquo, and others. I offer special thanks to those who died prior to the completion of this work: Harding Big Bow,

Harry Domebo, Victor Paddlety, the Reverend George Saumpty, Laura Sankadota Tahlo, Weiser ‘Tongkeamha, Francis ‘Tsonetokoy, John Emhoola Sr., Ernest Chanate Sr., Hattie Tsoodle, and Joyce Auchiah Daingkau. A special thank you to the Kiowa Black Legs Society, the Kiowa Ohoma Lodge, the Kiowa Gourd Clan, the Kiowa ‘Tia-Piah Society, and the Kiowa Warriors Descendants. Apaches: Alfred Chalepah Sr., the late Houston Klinekole Sr., Alonzo Chalepah, Irene Chalepah Poolaw, Wallace Redbone, and the Chalepah and Redbone Blackfeet Societies. Comanches: Carney Saupitty Sr., Charles Chibitty, the late Roderick Redelk, June Sovo, Hammond Motah, Jack Codopony, Vann Codynah, Melvin Kerchee Sr., the late Forrest Kassanavoid, and the late Ed Yellowfish. Special thanks to the Comanche Little Ponies, the Comanche 7uhwi Society, the Comanche Indian Veterans Association (CIVA) and the Comanche War Dance Society. Cheyennes: Eugene Black Bear Jr., Roy Dean Bull Coming, Catharine Bull Coming, and Lance Allrunner. I am very grateful to Hammond Motah and Sherry ‘Tofpi, who provided

xvi Acknowledgments

me with a residence in 1990, and to Vanessa Santos Jennings, who has pro-

vided me with a periodic residence from 1990 to the present, which has allowed me to interact with the KCA communities for several years. A special thank you to my uncle Parker McKenzie for help and insights concerning Kiowa language, names, songs, and military society terminology, Ah6 Segi. I would also like to thank Gus Palmer Sr., Alfred Chalepah, and the late Forrest Kassanavoid for sharing their time and extensive knowledge and the late Ed Yellowfish for sharing vital cultural knowledge and for inducting me into the Comanche Little Ponies Society. Many elders expressed the wish that this work would help them preserve portions of their culture for

future generations. I hope that I have succeeded in this endeavor. Many other individuals extended various forms of aid and courtesy during my research, and I offer my heartfelt appreciation. I would also like to thank the Kiowa, Comanche, and Apache elders and society leaders who read and commented on drafts of this work. I offer a sincere thank you to Ray DeMallie, Tom Kavanagh, Jerrold Levy,

William Bittle, and the late Demitri Shimkin and Gilbert J. McAllister. Ben Kracht graciously shared his copy of the 1935 Santa Fe Kiowa fieldnotes and Kiowa Agency Papers. Mike Davis, Dan Gelo, Ross Hassig, “Thomas Kavanagh, and Eric Lassiter provided valuable comments upon drafts of this manuscript. Maurice Boyd shared his experiences in compiling the two volumes of Kiowa Voices. | would also like to thank Towana Spivey and Judy Crowder of the Fort Sill Museum Archives, John Lovitt of the Western His-

tory Collection at the University of Oklahoma, Candace Greene of the Smithsonian Institution, and the staffs of the National Anthropological Ar-

chives (Smithsonian Institution), Chicago Field Museum, University of Oklahoma Western History Collections, Norman, and Oklahoma State Historical Archives. I express my thanks to my dissertation committee and am especially grateful for the academic guidance and encouragement from John H. Moore and Ross Hassig. A one-week fellowship from the Smithsonian Institution (1991) and field research grants from the American Philosophical Society (1993) and the Jacobs Research Fund of the Whatcom Museum Society (1995) provided essential research aid. Finally, | am most grateful to Theresa May, Kathy Lewis, and Jean Lee Cole at the University of ‘Texas Press.

PRONUNCIATION GUIDE

The Parker McKenzie Kiowa Language

Orthography

Having been developed over ninety years of formation and standardization, the McKenzie orthography is the most accurate and exacting orthography for pronouncing and writing Kiowa to date. Parker McKenzie’s comprehensive linguistic contributions rival those of Seqyoyah, being the second known orthography devised by a tribal member for his own language. Com-

bining the skills of a linguist with the insights of a native speaker who learned English as a second language, McKenzie has been able to incorporate numerous insights from both native speaker and academic perspectives.

In the McKenzie orthography, there are twenty-two consonants, one more than in English. Fourteen of these consonants are relatively the same when voiced with vocals as their English counterparts: B, D, G, H, K, L, M, N, BS, T,; W, Y, Z. The remaining seven English consonants—C, F, 7, Q, R, VY; X—do not resemble any of the Kiowa consonants. The consonants Kk, P S, and T each have two related variants in Kiowa for which English has no counterparts. To fulfill the void, digraphs were devised for each of the first variants and trigraphs for each of the second variants, with English symbols that somewhat match the Kiowa consonants: GK and KCH, respectively, for the first variant and for the second variant of K; DT and THD, respectively, for J, etc. McKenzie realized that because the English consonants C, K 7, Q, Rk, V and X do not occur in Kiowa they could feasibly replace his multiple sym-

bols, rather than letting these English letters go unused. Consequently, C and Q became the respective Kiowa variants of K; F and V of P; digraph CH

and X of S; and 7 and digraph TH of T° Since no other English symbol remains for adaptation, the digraph TH was devised to represent the second variant of T-

xviii Pronunciation Guide

KIOWA CONSONANTS B, D, G, H, K, C, Q, L, M, N, BE, V, S, CH, X, T, Ff, TH, W, Y, Z

Kiowa K P S T 1. McKenzie K CC Q P FV S CH X Tj TH Kiowa Consonantal Variations

2. Watkins (1984) Kh K_ K’ Ph PP S C C Th T YT’

3. S.I-L. Kh KK’ PH P P S TS TS’ TH TT’ 4. Harrington (1928) K’ K K P’ P P S TS TS Tv TT 5. Mooney (1898) K * Ki P * P § * TS T * T

The first and second variants of each of the four consonants K, P, S, and T

are respectively “soft” and “plosive,” or like a regular English P a soft English PB, and an explosive English P ‘Thus, the three variants of the consonant P would be pau (male bison bull), a regular P; faulkau (drums), a soft P; and vau (moon), an explosive P The regular, soft, and explosive pronunciations are likewise added to K, C, and Q; S, CH, and _X; and 7; 7, and TH, respectively. KIOWA VOWELS AND ENGLISH PRONUNCIATION COUNTERPARTS IN PARENTHESES FE (ay), A (ah), AU (aw), I (ee), O (oh), U (woo)

The Kiowa vowel system was developed along with the consonantal system without difficulty because the six Kiowa vowels sound relatively like their English counterparts, except that the Kiowa vowel A (ah) falls midway in sound between the A in the words “act” and “are.” ‘The vowels are E (ay), A (ah), AU (aw), I (ee), O (oh), U (woo), with their appropriate English sounds shown in parentheses. KIOWA DIPHTHONGS AI (ah-ee), AUI (aw-ee), OI (oh-ee), Ul (woo-ee)

The four Kiowa diphthongs are AI (ah-ee), AUI (aw-ee), OI (oh-ee), and Ul (woo-ee), with the vowel I (ee) serving as the second element and the elements being rendered in the same voice impulse. The vowel U occurs in Kiowa syllables only after the consonants G, K, C,

Pronunciation Guide xix

Q; in every instance of its occurrence, the W-sound always falls before it when the syllables are voiced, but it is arbitrarily omitted when the syllables are written: e.g., GU (gwoo), GUI (gwoo-ee), KU (kwoo), KUI (kwoo-ee), CU (cwoo), CUI (cwoo-ee), QU (qwoo), QUI (qwoo-ee). The consonants L, M, N, P and T are the only syllable-ending elements of the twenty-two Kiowa consonants, with S occurring as such in only two exclamatory terms: a-jos and wis-je. The consonant K also occurs occasionally with some speakers as a substitute syllable-ending terminal for P or 7; but since the usage is considered nonbasic, it is relegated to faulty speech. Within syllables, the six Kiowa vowels may properly terminate with any of the five basic terminating consonants, but the four Kiowa diphthongs cannot. No double consonants occur within syllables (as in the English “call,” “glass,” etc.). Somewhat analogous to the W-containing syllables are ones which also open with consonants G, K, C, Q, but are followed with vowel elements A (ah)

and AI (ah-ee) where Y falls between, as W does, to form syllables GYAH, GYAH-EEF, KYAH, KYAH-EE, CHAH, CHAH-EE, QUAH, QUAH-EE. The

Y-sound is retained (like W) when the syllables are voiced, but it is omitted in written Kiowa, just as W is omitted. In this instance, however, there are very few exclamatory terms, a number of words from foreign sources, and

an infrequent occurrence of Kiowa contractions that equate to “isn’t,” “don't,” “here’s,” etc., that occur without the Y-sound. The absence of Y in such cases is indicated with the apostrophe; e.g., ac’a (not ah-cyah), and C’aiwau (not Cyah-ee-wau), the Comanche rendering of “Kiowa.” Incidentally, W is very rare as an independent consonant in Kiowa, whereas Y is quite prevalent. The three English As (a, 4, 4) are rendered in Kiowa with the specific vowels E (ah), A (ah), AU (aw). The English J is assigned to Kiowa I (ee); O to Kiowa O (oh), and U to Kiowa U (woo). Therefore, there is only one basic sound for each of the six Kiowa vowels: E is always AY; A, always AH; AU, always AW; I, always EE; O, always OH; and U, always WOO. ‘These as well as their kindred diphthongs are affected in varying frequency by nasaliza-

tion, vowel quantity or length, and pitch accent or accentuation without veering from their respective basic sounds. Pitch

Because Kiowa is a tonal language, pronunciation pitch is involved and is essential in conveying meaning. Nasalization is indicated with the underscore (a); vowel quantity or length with the overscore or macron (a); pitch

xx Pronunciation Guide

accent is indicated with the grave mark (a) and acute mark (a), which are otherwise referred to as “low” and “high” pitch, respectively, and the risingfalling voice effect is indicated with the conventional circumflex mark (a). All of the ten tonal effects are shown below for vowel A (ah) and diphthong OI (oh-ee) with various diacritical marks to make clear how they are applied

for exact pronunciation of words, because a word form bearing the same spelling may have as many as five, six, or even seven different definitions according to the pronouncing pattern of each. Since there are ten vowel elements in Kiowa and each syllable bears ten different pronouncing patterns, the Kiowa language has one hundred tonal effects (pronouncing patterns) that occur with varying frequency for every two-syllable word and so on. TEN KIOWA PRONUNCIATION PATTERNS FOR MONOSYLLABLES

adaaaadaaaa SPELLING

One does not need to learn the spelling of Kiowa words as one has to in English because Kiowa is almost totally phonetic (as in the McKenzie orthography), but one must learn the pronunciation of syllables, a task that is as arduous as spelling is in English. The same pronunciation of an English word often carries several definitions (as with a homonym), whereas in Kiowa a word form spelled the same way may have four, five, or as many as seven different definitions according to the pronouncing pattern. Accord-

ingly, English spelling of words letter by letter is tantamount to Kiowa “spelling” (learning the pronunciation of syllables that derive from the same word form). When compared with earlier works involving the Kiowa language, the

McKenzie system is the most comprehensive, accurate, easily read, and easily written system.

|~|3

e\ "ta:.

-pe —4ao) ¥, \‘ AV ae | -— a LW VN ; ,iV, A | , +" ( i ( “ rs: : : ~

dy4*-é"=5‘\we) > * ‘4aiad 4¥ / - ’:. #; :rA‘ +7 y ‘ is = F = \ ‘ =s ¢ AN ! .

(js ner ry eye a . ! i / | fe ‘ biae : at Ree ei Kiowa women’s Scalp Dance, Black Legs Society Dance, Anadarko, Oklahoma, 1994. Vanessa Jennings in front.

[Satie Fe ORSic a AE aee Oe aeaeeeee Ta ee

* ; Ye | > +7 ay é >. Hk % aes +. * . *4 : Ce 5. 4 4 ? ;de f~us] ee bal rEos + :~/ é. >—attPs3 -, ;4fpe J9 = ~shan be “S lo ake »-=|

ez " .* .‘tay wi tS

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” { :

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a Stew, ha et yO ns 4 7) | = ah 3Ff —— Ls aaa 2A vates 2 te= =e = ey ogee ; Bi Ay 9n SMer ae ee ’ , er A ph oh ~

Kiowa Black Legs Society turn-around or reverse dance, Anadarko, Oklahoma, 1994.

Kiowa Ohoma Lodge Pipe Dance, Anadarko, Oklahoma, 1995.

%, *. i a Mh 34 o}nfbis LN /t A=a pipe ie 4

‘ it ot meaoe ‘ Nee ae sé! ,

, Mee : 2 a€k— } Pay A , =e Nias ae | on wr fees| +ie 4y |~~

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i8etal We,ha rareVie ir : Ay dal Xi‘ z |oeji. A4 }Q\j /:|

Ae * \9 MH fi oy a i oNe AN y ; RR SING eee ee | : \ Near Soy as mo WS i i Bi the Wei, | \0). y

19% Soba) ct by Sie, sitet sy aK meeree \/ cathe Ci anil Rate tp TF ioiita UW ANE ice Rh ieee Piao range He Neo eaten Ag

ee te — ) rf ; a Tae i . & : € : nO ae fa Lt ,;: a)- i c 1 Jea> ee dt Pe' Ve ‘1

i: ¥ iD F

samen, A \\5 Ye}fe:Seep 2 pef >aeyy ." :. o> . | ra . iy -| it-iH ma . Via. \ i . Gi — eee” ) ee 4 4 o. ws D> ze ? — aa WN x cane’ P i oa aN\s: wy ! "a 4{ :aPe... \ pi “Ks oe iu \ 1Tb SARS AhCee - ie4g‘et5 ¢\\ i(aaN feet pnt| RS CME cre me = ff

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meh mye , ey . j ' head i at \ | ‘ \ A Sx: ) 5 y | ; viet A ae -; ENT 47 ,ze| ,Hitt Ai Wy iy ; eae ld ee \ 7 si 7fAve - PeEess \ ,Vii rz. %

RS 263 Ne et Ay oe badifjinn he P t i, “> bad le | oye Ut Be) .ima ae ieheio(} eSi Fi £ | = | a er iwe eS ‘ en "7 Se4 3iewy ie ieee ih TES, aa: t A nt p | ft idl a 4UT | by ie. Bi) an 7t .55 SN

MrRARER! “sit ee vetsBe peahah Gets Bis sy . |S| Bs com ei — ‘3s | || ii ‘.m|

ee NS |. bo me || al : : BO Te GA tb ees ete Las ae ana aes eet Oo Tee ape Py Ql Pe Pte te ee 4h ai tor “A Se Lagi» ' sh ie ; ie, ee : > oo “ ~a *

Kiowa naming ceremony, Kiowa | (7 | 2

Black Legs Society Dance, 1992. ,:

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j , my_ | i f ro ( ut Be ee

( Fr’ ? | -

a

ae 7h — — —_ \ .= im a ee | — = S ie a

, ew =) eeey: ,f “0%

my a 2 ; i

, x @ ; ea Apache Sam Klinekole holding LA Ss mk Age Se = es

OE oe SS

Archilta’s Manatidie staff, 1934. PL Wot. Ss...

ii ee oa ae ea. SS TN Be alae Ae ‘pe e aa: RES cl iSPgee ara SE eg | yee PON IRES SHS RR taEg . Pat 4 | 4ay: BsSip yiGs ieSave. 1 PES Et AeNE me i" ooh YYee, ATO, bats ara es Cot. PRES he’Sy wy , : pee shi be

$s : é \& ats HF hal, he ae i A . : é i ‘a > , nd li P we 4 ; of

TeCeASeeaSea~ |¢ See bee ose).Mo OT PRS p i foe,«.} iis). a fe aei :na Gg peeh He ae ', 4 ry ah rt=, oa

rite Z ny = ee re | Ags ‘3 meee |es RES :; | le gt SR wee RS yea Ni > | Y =i Jims feRR +S . .ie “5 7) iw" -_».nel ‘s a) Pt esRTs: , .eapa — EAT BY | i, i oa) oy Ast 8

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a..AB : JjBe rs tha —_— Hie a 6h ms eck i tS Bil tee 4 j eeH Rik i y ‘, ‘ Mi ; I j | \ (

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fi ae Oe More SF” ES aa NKOEE | { ES Hie ih AD , A if a) (a fi Me OSS a ay i} at

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es a} eae “ i gi F Al Li . + y ;

Gonkoncheyhastayyah (Man Over His Camp or Man Guarding His Camp) or Apache John, holding wooden Manatidie Society whip in 1909.

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= APACHE TRIBE VETERAN ASSOCIATION /

MEMBERS Fort Cobb, Oklahoma, PA DEDICATED NOV. ff, 1992 | 1993. —— TT. aa

: ALIN ARCHILTA KENNY LOOKINGGLASS

> Rear dal m | CLIFFORD ARCHILTA LUCIEN J, LOOKINGGLASS .

| HAROLD ARCHILTA RICHFRD MAYNAKONAH |

, LOUIS ARCHILTA NMESTELL = ve Ti aemmee RICHARDBILL ARCHILTA BRUCE NESTELL é ag . S|] RICHARD BANDERAS CURTIS MESTELL nye ANTHONY BITSEEDY DON NMESTELL SR NATHANIEL BITSEEDY PAUL NESTELL a Saal OPHELIA SITSEEDY STRATFORD NESTELL | - = >} THOMAS BITSEEDY JR TIMOTHY NESTELL en A THOMAS BITSEEDY SR CORY IMSEY

BIZANARETA GEARY MIMSEY Bas =

bia Se GLEN ALLEN BOYD GERALD NIMSEY

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erty NEAL CHALEPAH AMOS R. PEWENOFKIT SEY Bea

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t eho CHALEPAHARD JRCHALEPAH DENNISFRANK REDBONE (TSELEE) rs REDBONE «TSeLtE)

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Food baskets about to be given away, Comanche War Dance Society, Cache, Oklahoma.

P, ~ . ~¥a faw ' ans

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