Japanese Women in Leadership (Current Perspectives on Asian Women in Leadership) 3030363031, 9783030363031

Table of contents :
Praise For Japanese Women in Leadership
Contents
Notes on Contributors
List of Figures
List of Tables
Part I Opening
1 Status of Women Leaders in Japan: Challenges and Opportunities
Historical Overview on Women’s Leadership in Japan
Late Eighteenth to Early Nineteenth Century
After World War II to 1985
1986 to Present
Current State of Women’s Leadership in Japan
Analysis of Data on Women Leaders Across Industries and Prefectures
Industries
Prefectures
Challenges and Barriers in Developing Women Leaders
Facilitating Factors for Developing Women Leaders in Japan
Implications for Future Practices and Research
Suggestions for Future Practice
Suggestions for Future Research
Conclusion
References
Part II From Past to Present
2 The Role of Women in the Japanese Cultural Context
Historical Underpinnings in Gender Equality
Meiji Six Society and Feminist Consciousness
Role of Education and Family
Despite Efforts, Not Much Changed for Women
State of Women’s Leadership in Modern Japan
Part-Time Work Enables Gender Inequality
Family Remains Critical
State of Women’s Leadership from the Perspectives of Organizational Cultural Factors
State of Women’s Leadership from the Perspectives of Social Cultural Factors
Leadership in the Twenty-First Century: Shifting Demographics Driving Change?
Strategies and Conclusion
References
3 Challenges of Women Leadership from Employment Systems Perspectives
Membership Form vs. Job Form Employment System
Sogo-Shoku (Promotion Track) vs. Ippan-Shoku (Non-Promotion Track) vs. Hi-Seisyain (Part-Time Track) Employment System
Why are There Few Women in Sogo-Shoku Track?
Hiring
Resignation
Learning and Development
Support Factors to Promote Women’s Career Development
Implications for Practice and Future Research
Conclusion
References
Part III Leading Change
4 Developing Women Leaders in Japan: Government-Led Initiatives
Performance Objectives for 2020
Japanese Government Initiatives
Expansion of Women’s’ Participation in Policy Decision-Making Processes
Expansion of Women’s Participation in National Diet Members
Securing Equal Opportunities, Men and Women Treatment and Work–Life Balance
Promotion of Gender Equality in Regional and Rural Development and Environment
Gender Equality in Science and Technology and Academic Fields
Reformation of Men-Oriented Working Styles for Women’s Empowerment
Increasing Availability of Daycare, After-School Care and Expanding Childcare Leave Benefits
Encouraging Private Sector to Promote More Women and Provide Data on the Advancement of Women
Recruiting and Promoting Women in Government
Reviewing the Tax and Social Security Systems
Allowing Foreign Housekeepers in Special Economic Zones
Initiatives Toward Developing Women in Leadership
Women’s Leadership Development in Rural Areas
Promotion of Overall Coordination in Budgetary Process for Empowerment of Women Entrepreneurs
Wait-Listed Children and Childcare Services
Proportion of Women Members in Disaster Councils
Developing Senior Women Leaders Programs
Visibility Makes a Difference
Selected Case Studies of Women Leadership
Public Sector Case Studies: Young Global Leader Focuses on the Circular Economy
Public Sector Case Series: For an Enjoyable Stay in Shizuoka
Private Sector Case Studies: Urushi- Preserving the Treasure for the World
Private Sector Case Studies: Empowering Children with Special Needs
Conclusions and Implications for Future Research
References
5 Leading Self: Motivation and Leader Identity of Women in Japan
Motivation and Development of Leader Identity
Environmental Factors
Encouragement and Support from Family
Having Role Models
Changes of Identity: From Supporting Role to Leader
Development of Self as Leader
Assumption of Fundamental Attributes of Japanese Women to Develop Themselves as Leaders Through Self-Efficacy
Implication for Practice
Recommendation to Future Research
Conclusion
References
Part IV Sector Perspectives
6 Corporate Sector: Women Leaders in Japanese Companies
Historical Efforts in Promoting Women’s Career Progression
Japanese Women Leaders in Japanese Companies—Analysis at the Individual Level
Common Attributes/Attitudes of Women Leadership Style Who Are Promoted to CXOs/Executive Positions in Japanese Publicly Listed Companies
Servant-Type Leadership
Growth Mindset
Factors (Environment, Systems, Efforts, and Others) that Enabled Companies to Develop Women to Be Leaders
Implication for Practice
Recommendation for Future Research
Conclusion
References
7 Corporate Sector: Foreign-Affiliated Companies
Methods
Foreign-Affiliated Companies in Japan and the Rise of Japanese Women’s Leadership
How Japanese Women Came to Positions of Leadership and Formal Authority in Foreign-Affiliated Companies
How Foreign-Affiliated Companies in Japan Mirror the Cultural Context and Practices of Their Global Parent Companies Around Women’s Leadership
A Culture of Diversity and Inclusion
Internal Support Systems
Training and Mentorship
Influences of Group Dynamics on Japanese Women When Leading a Diverse Global Team
Implications for Practice
Finding Supporters
Keeping a Flexible Mindset
Making Professional Connections with Senior Leaders in Local Office
Organizational Interventions
Recommendations for Future Research
Conclusion
References
8 Women Leaders in Small and Medium-Sized Businesses in Japan: Lessons for Leadership Development
Characteristics of Women Entrepreneurs in Small and Medium-Sized Businesses in Japan
Leadership and Challenges of Women Entrepreneurs in Small and Medium-Sized Businesses in Japan
Government Policies and Support for Women Entrepreneurs in Japan
Implications for Promoting More Women Small Business Leaders
Recommendations for Future Research
Conclusion
References
9 Patriarchal Leadership and Women’s Exclusion from Democratic Institutions
Eligibility: Japanese Women’s Legal Exclusion from Democracy
The Legacy of Patriarchal Gender Roles and Economic Empowerment
Recruitment and Men’s Dominance in National Politics
Recruitment and Men’s Dominance in Local Politics
Selection and Election: Changing the Rules of the National Game
Steps to Expand Opportunities for Diverse Political Leadership
Investments in Non-Partisan Political Leadership Training
Institutional Design and Systems-Level Solutions
Legal Targets and Gender-Equal Recruitment Rewarded by Public Funding Incentives
Public Reporting by Political Parties
Electoral Reform to Support Candidate Diversification
Diversifying Political Talking Heads in Media
Conclusions and Future Research Agenda
References
10 Women in Leadership in Japan’s Education Sector
Women Teachers as a Traditional Option for Independence
Working Environment for Women Teachers
Two Dimensions of Women Teachers’ Situation in School
Leadership of Women Scientists and Researchers in Higher Education
Statistics for Women Researchers in Japan and Internationally
Researchers and Leaders in the Fields of Natural Sciences and STEM
Ochanomizu University’s Initiative for Women Leadership
Implications for Future Practice and Research Agenda
Conclusion
References
11 Agriculture: From Farm Women to Women Farmers
Historical Overview on Gender Issues in Rural Areas
The Ie Ideology and Men-Dominant Stem-Family Tradition
Post-war Agricultural Policy: Independent Family Farms and HLIES
Women’s Empowerment Movement in the Agricultural Sector
Women’s Labor Force in Agriculture
Women Farmers’ Participation in the Decision-Making Process
Case of Women Farmers in Leadership Fostered by HLIES
Career Formation of the Josei-Juku Members
Developmental Tasks in Generational Transition Life Stage
Current Women Leadership Issues in Rural Areas
Current Gender Issues in Rural Areas
Nougyou-Joshi Project Group Activities
Implications for Future Practice and Research
References
12 Women’s Leadership in the Not-for-Profit Sector and Nongovernmental Organizations
Overview of Nonprofit and Nongovernmental Organizations (NPOs/NGOs) in Japan
Definition of NPOs/NGOs
A Brief History of NPOs/NGOs and the Flow of Networking in Japan
Pre-World War II to 1945
Post-World War II to 1969
1970–1979
1980–1994
1995–1999
2000 to Present
Women’s Leadership and Career Development in NPOs/NGOs
Challenges and Barriers in Fostering Women Leaders for NPOs/NGOs
Future State of NPOs/NGOs and Women’s Leadership Roles in Japan
Effective Collaboration Between the Government and the Social Roles of Women-Led NPOs/NGOs
Implications for Practice
Recommendations for Future Research
Conclusion
References
Part V International Perspectives
13 Women’s Social Participation: Japan in an Asian Context
Background on Women’s Social Participation in Japan
Purpose of the Chapter
Gender Inequality in Asian Society
Overview of Women’s Social Participation Data and Situation: Focus on Cultural, Political, and Social Economic Characteristics in Asian Countries
Academic Level: Secondary and Tertiary School Enrollment
Employment: Labor Force Participation
Women’s Political Empowerment
Cultural Comparisons Between Japan and Other Asian Countries
Cultural Impact on Social Participation
East Asian Countries
South East Asian Countries
South Asian Countries
Challenges for Workplace Participation
Recommendations
Conclusion
References
14 Japan in a Non-Asian Context, Focusing on Women in Top Management
Overview of Women’s Leadership Positions in Organizations by Comparing Japan to Other Countries
Women’s Labor Force Participation Rate
The Ratio of Women in Management and CEO Positions
The Ratio and Progress of Women on Boards
Main Approaches by Each Country
Main Strategies of Each Country
Behind the Strategies of Each Country
The Other Side of Quotas
Women in Career Development
Possible Biases and Obstacles for Women to Get into the Leadership Positions
Glass-Ceiling
Glass-Wall
Social Bias
Psychological Bias
Discussion
The Common Grounds and the Differences of Women in Leadership Position in Organizations
The Visible and Invisible Obstacles to Access to Equal Opportunities to Be Promoted in Organizations
Possible Reasons Why These Differences Exist
Conclusions and Recommendations for Future Practice and Research Agenda
References
Part VI Closing
15 The Rising Sun for Women in Leadership in Japan
Symbolism of Japanese Flag
Sumitomo 3M Case Study
So What Needs to Be Done Now in Japan?
Education
Provision of Facilities
Change Job Types
Development
Quotas
Faculty/Teacher Encouragement
Community Support Groups
Additional Government Policy Changes
Research Suggestions
Conclusion
References
Index

Citation preview

CURRENT PERSPECTIVES ON ASIAN WOMEN IN LEADERSHIP

Japanese Women in Leadership Edited by Yoshie Tomozumi Nakamura Mayuko Horimoto Gary N. McLean

Current Perspectives on Asian Women in Leadership

Series Editors Yonjoo Cho, University of Texas, Tyler, Texas, USA Rajashi Ghosh, POLS, University of Drexel, Philadelphia, PA, USA Judy Y. Sun, The University of Texas-Tyler, Tyler, TX, USA Gary N. McLean, Assumption University, Bangkok, Thailand

Headed by leading Human Resource scholars, this new series taps into some of the hottest topics in business – gender, leadership and globalization – to explore the unique challenges and opportunities faced by Asian women in their quest to achieve success in regions which are traditionally resistant to women’s career advancement.

More information about this series at http://www.palgrave.com/gp/series/15062

Yoshie Tomozumi Nakamura · Mayuko Horimoto · Gary N. McLean Editors

Japanese Women in Leadership

Editors Yoshie Tomozumi Nakamura The George Washington University Washington, D.C., USA

Mayuko Horimoto Toyo University Tokyo, Japan

Gary N. McLean Assumption University Bangkok, Thailand

Current Perspectives on Asian Women in Leadership ISBN 978-3-030-36303-1 ISBN 978-3-030-36304-8 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-36304-8 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2021 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Switzerland AG The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland

Praise For Japanese Women in Leadership

“This book broadens the readers’ horizons regarding the initiatives and progress of how the gender gap exists in Japan and how it can be reduced as a result of Womenomics/Abenomics policy. The chapters provide eye-opening views and insightful information regarding the historical background, cultural assumptions, evolution of gender roles in leadership across industries in Japan, barriers and challenges of the two-career track employment system for women, the employment-led initiatives and private partnerships between business and academic communities as well as in the political arena to increase women’s participation. In this thoughtprovoking book, readers will find collaborative efforts and case studies of gender disparities and gap-closing strategies from many sectors. This book is a gift of wisdom and a valuable contribution.” —Oranuch Pruetipibultham (Ph.D.), Associate Professor at the National Institute of Development Administration, Thailand, and (woman) owner of real-estate businesses in the south of Thailand “This book offers essential insights and a comprehensive reading on the evolution and transformation of Japanese women leaders from modern history to the present. It is a timely reminder and critical analysis of gender

v

vi

PRAISE FOR JAPANESE WOMEN IN LEADERSHIP

diversity and provides inclusive growth strategies delivering invaluable lessons for a pathway to a more sustainable future.” —Mariko Gakiya, Ph.D., Former Advisory Board Member of Harvard University Graduate School of Public Health, Sustainability and Health Initiative for NetPositive Enterprise (SHINE), Global Chair, Harvard University Graduate School of Education Project ZERO, International Council Advisory Board, Asia University for Women Bangladesh, and Executive boards and Advisory Members of several organizations, international development organizations, foundations, think tanks, higher education institutions, and corporations including Boston Global Forum International Women’s Wellness Foundations New York “The challenge of women’s leadership is strongly linked to the family and culture which were derived from the accumulation of the country’s history. This is an area that cannot be overcome even if only companies do their best. That is why it is important to study, and it will be necessary to delve into the culture and compare it. This is a huge challenge and a hard nut to crack. It will only be possible to really break through it by actively learning and having the will to change. This book challenges that area. If you are thinking about proactive development of women’s leaders in your company, it is worth reading.” —Takehiko Furuya, Director and Senior Executive Operating Officer, Matsuya Co., Ltd

Contents

Part I Opening 1

Status of Women Leaders in Japan: Challenges and Opportunities Yoshie Tomozumi Nakamura and Mayuko Horimoto

3

Part II From Past to Present 2

The Role of Women in the Japanese Cultural Context Jane Horan and Mayuko Horimoto

3

Challenges of Women Leadership from Employment Systems Perspectives Yumiko Yokoyama and Yoshie Tomozumi Nakamura

27

45

vii

viii

CONTENTS

Part III 4

5

Developing Women Leaders in Japan: Government-Led Initiatives AAhad M. Osman-Gani, Yoshie Tomozumi Nakamura, and Mayuko Horimoto Leading Self: Motivation and Leader Identity of Women in Japan Mieko Kobayashi and Yoshie Tomozumi Nakamura

Part IV 6

Leading Change

87

Sector Perspectives

Corporate Sector: Women Leaders in Japanese Companies Mieko Kobayashi and Mayuko Horimoto

7

Corporate Sector: Foreign-Affiliated Companies Fumie Nakao and April Bang

8

Women Leaders in Small and Medium-Sized Businesses in Japan: Lessons for Leadership Development Eriko Miyake and Atsushi Kato

9

61

Patriarchal Leadership and Women’s Exclusion from Democratic Institutions Jackie F. Steele and Eriko Miyake

109 125

145

165

10

Women in Leadership in Japan’s Education Sector Mariko Ogawa and Takahiro Tominaga

193

11

Agriculture: From Farm Women to Women Farmers Yukiko Otomo and Masae Tsutsumi

213

12

Women’s Leadership in the Not-for-Profit Sector and Nongovernmental Organizations Mariko Ogawa

Part V 13

237

International Perspectives

Women’s Social Participation: Japan in an Asian Context Chizuko Nagaoka and Gary N. McLean

265

CONTENTS

14

Japan in a Non-Asian Context, Focusing on Women in Top Management Kumiko Ito

Part VI 15

281

Closing

The Rising Sun for Women in Leadership in Japan Gary N. McLean

Index

ix

305

317

Notes on Contributors

April Bang, Ed.D. is a leadership educator with over 20 years of experience facilitating transformational change. She also worked as a practitioner across several fields of human rights, criminal justice reform, and economic policy. She holds an Ed.D. and Ed.M. in Adult Learning and Leadership from Columbia University and an M.P.P. from Harvard Kennedy School. Jane Horan, Ed.D. Founder of The Horan Group, previously worked in organizational development for The Walt Disney Company, CNBC, and Kraft Foods in the Asia Pacific Region. Her research focuses on purposedriven leadership and narrative inquiry. Her consulting focuses on inclusion, belonging, and meaningful work. Jane completed her master’s degree in organizational design and effectiveness from the Fielding Institute, USA, and her doctorate in leadership education from the University of Bristol in the UK. Mayuko Horimoto is Associate Professor of Department of Education, Faculty of Letters at Toyo University, Japan. Previously she worked as an HR professional for seven years in Tokyo, Japan, in business and nonprofit sectors. Her research interests are adult education, leadership development, and diversity training in business. She received her master’s degree in HRD from the George Washington University, USA. She completed her doctoral course in adult education from Ochanomizu University, Tokyo, Japan.

xi

xii

NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS

Kumiko Ito, Ph.D. is the Chief Operating Officer of Scandex Co., Ltd. in Japan and a lecturer at Hosei Business School of Innovation Management, Global M.B.A. program. Previously, she worked for global corporations and an international organization. Her areas of research interests include leadership development and organizational socialization. Ito received her doctorate in Management from the Tokyo Institute of Technology. She holds a Master of Business Administration from Keio University. During her doctorate, she received the best student presenter award from the Global Conference on Business and Social Sciences. Atsushi Kato, Ph.D. is a professor in Doshisha Women’s College of Liberal Arts in Kyoto, Japan, and was dean of the Faculty of Contemporary Social Studies for four years. He received his doctorate in International Business Administration from Aoyama Gakuin University in Japan. His research areas are small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) and women entrepreneurs, especially in the information technology industry. He is the author of several Japanese technical books, including Software Business. Mieko Kobayashi, Ed.D. is Talent Development Director, Deloitte Tohmatsu, LLC. Her expertise is leadership development and diversity and inclusion, with which she leads leadership and global talent development, the firm succession management, and the promotion of diverse and inclusive culture. She obtained her doctorate from Teachers College, Columbia University with her dissertation on learning strategies of Japanese working women in leadership positions in the Japanese business environment. Gary N. McLean, Ed.D., Ph.D. hon. is a professor, Ph.D. in Organization Development, Assumption University, Bangkok; professor emeritus, HRD, University of Minnesota; former senior professor, Texas A&M University, renowned scholar, Graduate School of Management, International Islamic University, Malaysia. He is past editor of several refereed journals and served as President of AHRD and IMDA. He has been an OD consultant for over 50 years. His research has included national and international HRD, gender, and OD. Eriko Miyake, Ph.D. has been a faculty member in the Faculty of Contemporary Social Studies at Doshisha Women’s College of Liberal Arts in Kyoto, Japan since 1996. She received her doctorate from Stanford Graduate School of Education, and her research focus has been gender

NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS

xiii

in education and women’s leadership. Her recent publications include Gender in Asia (2nd Ed.), coedited; and “Gender as Challenge for Faculties in Japanese Private Universities” in The Dean in the University of the Future. Chizuko Nagaoka, Ph.D. is Associate Professor at Den-en Chofu University, Japan. Her research interests are adult education in developing countries, gender, and social participation perspectives from lifelong learning. Her main research field is South Asia, especially Nepal. Her recent works are Global Development of Lifelong Learning, coediting in 2020, and Social Participation of Nepalese Women and Literacy Program, published in 2018. Her doctorate in human science from Osaka University, Osaka, Japan. Yoshie Tomozumi Nakamura, Ed.D. is Assistant Professor of Human and Organizational Learning, Graduate School of Education and Human Development at George Washington University, USA. Previously, she was Adjunct Assistant Professor at Teachers College, Columbia University and Head of Academic Learning and Neuroscience at Columbia Business School Executive Education. Her areas of research interest include leadership development, adult learning of neuroscience, and social networking. She received her doctorate in Adult Learning and Leadership from Columbia University. Fumie Nakao is the Chief Human Resources Officer at a logistics startup company called Souco Co., Ltd., with 10 years of HR work experience in various companies including Exxon Mobil Yugen Kaisha, Goldman Sachs Japan Holdings, and Yahoo Japan Corporation. She holds a Master of Arts degree in Social-Organizational Psychology from Teachers College, Columbia University. Mariko Ogawa, Ph.D. is an Associate Professor of the Center for Gender Equality Promotion at Tohoku University. She is specializing in sociology and law, gender studies. Her research interests include NGOs/NPOs, gender equality policy, domestic violence, and women’s leadership. Her publication, “Domestic Violence to Minkan Shelter” (Domestic Violence and Women’s Shelters), received the Raicho Hiratsuka Prize from Japan Women’s University. She received her doctorate in Social Science and Gender Studies from Ochanomizu University.

xiv

NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS

AAhad M. Osman-Gani, Ph.D., M.B.A., M.A. is a Professor at INCEIF Global University Malaysia. Prior to this, he was the Dean of IIUM Academy of Graduate & Professional Studies, and professor of Nanyang Business School, NTU Singapore. He is an Adjunct Professor of Kyoto University of Japan, and Visiting Professor of few other international universities. An Editor of IJTD and Board Member of several reputed international journals, he was honored with the Outstanding HRD Scholar award by the Academy of HRD. He was keynote speaker at international conferences in more than 12 countries. His expertise and research interests span the areas of Cross-Cultural Management, Spirituality in Management, and Leadership Development. Yukiko Otomo, M.A. is Professor in Family Sociology, Jumonji University, Niiza, Japan. Her research interests are family succession and gender issues in rural areas. She has published and presented several papers on comparative studies of life course selection and career formation of farming women in the German-speaking countries in Europe and Japan. Otomo completed her doctoral courses in Literature at Seijyo University, Tokyo, Japan. She holds a Master’s in Literature from Seijyo University. Jackie F. Steele, Ph.D. is Visiting Lecturer at Sophia University, Research Fellow at International Christian University, and cofounder of the Research Network on Women and Diversity in East Asian Representation (WonDER). Her comparative research applies feminist philosophies of citizenship with institutional approaches to power-sharing, diverse citizenship, and inclusive leadership. As CEO of enjoi Diversity & Innovation Consulting, she delivers high-level training on diversity mainstreaming for leaders in Japan. Takahiro Tominaga, Ph.D. is an associate professor in the Department of Community and Society, Faculty of Liberal Arts at Tsuru University. He received his doctorate from Kobe University in 2008. His specialty is adult education and community learning, gender, and sexualities studies. His research interest includes the theory and practices of sexual minorities’ collective learning in the fields of adult education and community learning. Masae Tsutsumi, Ph.D. is Professor Emeritus at Yamanashi Prefectural University in Japan. She received her doctorate in Human Sciences from Osaka University. She completed her doctoral courses in Sociology at

NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS

xv

Tokyo University of Education. Her main publications are “Continuance and Changes of the Stem Family Households in Rural Japan” and “Women and Families in Rural Japan” (in English). She holds several commendation certificates from the Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare and others. Yumiko Yokoyama is Director of Travel & life Style of American Express International, Inc., where her responsibilities include call center operation as well as people management. In 2020, she also contributed to the company as a chairperson for “Women’s Interest Network” where voluntary employees work together for Women’s leadership and career development. Yumiko has a master’s degree in International Affairs from Columbia University.

List of Figures

Fig. 1.1 Fig. 4.1

Fig. 4.2

Fig. 8.1

Fig. 9.1

Fig. 9.2

Fig. 9.3

Map of Japan (Central Intelligence Agency, 2019) Women’s Potential Labor Force Participation Rate by Age Group Source Labor Force Survey (Detailed Tabulation) (averages for 2018) (Gender Equality Bureau Cabinet Office, 2019) Development Strategy for Gender Equality and Women’s Empowerment (MOFA, 2016a). This is from the government of Japan publication Choices of business sectors by gender (Source Created from White Paper on Small and Medium Enterprises in Japan, 2017) Picture of women lining up to vote for the first time in 1947 (Source Public domain image, Library of Congress (Bain Collection) [2011]) Percent of women politicians in Japanese Lower House (Sources Gender Equality Bureau Cabinet Office [2016b], except 2017 data, which is based on the source from the Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications [2017]) Percent of women politicians in the Japanese Upper House (Sources Gender Equality Bureau Cabinet Office [2018a], except 2019 data, which is based on the directory published by Nakajima [2019])

10

62

67

151

167

170

171

xvii

xviii

LIST OF FIGURES

Fig. 9.4

Fig. 11.1

Fig. 11.2

Fig. 11.3 Fig. 13.1

Fig. 13.2 Fig. 13.3

Fig. 14.1 Fig. 14.2

Fig. 14.3

Fig. 15.1

Women politicians in local assemblies (Sources Gender Equality Bureau Cabinet Office [2018b], except 2018 data, which is based on the source from the Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications [2018]) Numbers of Core Persons Engaged in Agriculture by sex and age-group (2015) (Source Created by authors based on the 2015 Census of Agriculture and Forestry in Japan, MAFF [n.d.-a]) Actual number of farm households executing family management agreements (Sources Created by authors based on survey on family management agreements from 1996 to 2008 and number of farm households exciting family management agreement from 2011 to 2019, MAFF [n.d.-d]) Trends of rural women’s entrepreneurial activities (Source MAFF [2016b]) Literacy rate, secondary and tertiary education enrollment of Asia-Pacific countries (By authors, based on data from World Economic Forum, Gender Gap Report, 2020) Women’s employment situation (By authors, from World Economic Forum, Gender Gap Report, 2020) Women’s political empowerment in Asia-Pacific region (By authors, based on World Economic Forum, Global Gender Gap Report, 2020) Women’s labor force participation rate (Source The World Bank [2020]. The figure was created by author) Share of women in management and CEOs (Source ILO [2019]. The figure was created by author. Note Management position includes senior and middle management level and excluded supervisory, junior, or administrative level) Ratio and progress of women in boards from 2015 to 2019 (Source Credit Suisse Research Institute [2019]. The figure was created by author) Japan’s 1999 flag, the rising sun

173

221

227 227

270 271

273 284

285

287 306

List of Tables

Table 1.1 Table 2.1

Table 4.1 Table 8.1

Table 8.2

Table 8.3 Table 8.4 Table Table Table Table

9.1 9.2 9.3 9.4

Table 9.5 Table 11.1

Percentage of women in section managers or higher by prefecture Who nurses bed-ridden senior citizens at home [Ministry of Health, Labour, and Welfare (2007), as cited in Sugimoto (2010, p. 170)] Abe Administration’s Initiative 2013–2019 Number of enterprises by size, 1999–2016 (Source Created from White Paper on Small and Medium Enterprises in Japan, 2019) Entrepreneurs by gender and age group (Source Created from White Paper on Small and Medium Enterprises in Japan, 2017. Actual figures are those of 2012) International comparison entrepreneurial characteristics (in %’s except for last row) Motivating factors for becoming interested in starting a business by gender and age (%’s) 2019 Global Gender Gap Index for G-7 countries Women politicians in local assemblies Heads of local governments Ratios of women candidates in Upper House elections in 2016 and 2019 Ratios of women candidates in Lower House election in 2017 Composition ratio of women fifteen years and older engaged in agriculture by five-year age groups

11

35 64

146

146 149 149 169 174 176 179 180 219

xix

xx

LIST OF TABLES

Table 11.2 Table 11.3 Table 11.4

Table 12.1 Table 14.1 Table 14.2 Table 14.3

Women farmers’ participation in decision-making processes Certified farmers Agricultural specialists in all prefectures (with various designations of Women Agricultural Specialists, such as Rural Life Advisors and Rural Life Masters) Geographical distribution of number of NPOs in Japan Global gender gap index ranking of five countries Ratio and progress of women on boards from 2015 to 2019 Current gender quotas and disclosure requirements

222 223

225 240 283 286 289

PART I

Opening

CHAPTER 1

Status of Women Leaders in Japan: Challenges and Opportunities Yoshie Tomozumi Nakamura and Mayuko Horimoto

Japan has been struggling to increase women’s participation in leadership roles despite Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s womenomics initiative, which supports more Japanese women in leadership positions to overcome a labor shortage and a rapidly aging population (Office of the Prime Minister, 2014). In the World Economic Forum’s Global Gender Gap Report (2020), Japan ranked 131st of 153 countries based on women’s participation in management positions. The gender ratio of management positions is men 85.2 and women 14.8. According to the Gender Equality Bureau Cabinet Office (2017), in Japan, women represent only 3.5% of senior government jobs and 9.2% of the corporate sector’s directorlevel positions. As a result of the low number of women in leadership positions, in 2017, the government reset the goal of hiring women in

Y. T. Nakamura (B) The George Washington University, Washington, D.C., USA e-mail: [email protected] M. Horimoto Toyo University, Tokyo, Japan e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s) 2021 Y. T. Nakamura et al. (eds.), Japanese Women in Leadership, Current Perspectives on Asian Women in Leadership, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-36304-8_1

3

4

Y. T. NAKAMURA AND M. HORIMOTO

leadership positions by downgrading from 30 to 7% in the government sector, and from 30 to 15% in the private sector by 2020 (Gender Equality Bureau Cabinet Office, 2017). As of June 2018, proportion of women in managerial positions of private companies with over 100 employees is 11.2% (Gender Equality Bureau Cabinet Office, 2020a). Closing Japan’s gender employment gap continues to be critical as it would add 5.8 million employees to the workforce and lift gross domestic product (GDP) by as much as 10.0% (Matsui, Suzuki, Tatebe, & Akiba, 2019). However, the goal is not going to be easy to achieve as the root causes of the problem are influenced by various factors, such as lack of childcare; and the failure of companies to hire, train, and promote women for and into senior management (Nakamura & Horimoto, 2017). In this chapter, we discuss Japanese women’s leadership focusing on three areas: (a) historical overview of women’s roles and how they relate to the development of leadership; (b) analysis of the data on current status of women leaders across industries and regions; and (c) challenges and facilitating factors for women’s leadership development in Japan, with a future research agenda. Women’s leadership development is critical in sustaining Japan’s continued economic growth.

Historical Overview on Women’s Leadership in Japan Historically, Japanese women have been under-represented in the workforce. Career positions and leadership opportunities were reserved exclusively for men. This section examines the evolution of women’s workrelated roles and its’ implications for their leadership development with three distinct periods of time: (a) late eighteenth century to before World War II, (b) after World War II to 1985, and (c) 1986 to Present. Late Eighteenth to Early Nineteenth Century In the Edo period between 1600 and 1867 CE, Tokugawa bakufu (the feudal Japanese military government) led education for women was heavily influenced by the bushi-do (chivalry) society (Koshal, Yamada, Miyazima, Kosha, & Gupta, 2004). Women were expected to learn from their mothers how to operate the house, i.e., cleaning, cooking, and sewing, while men engaged in academic, literature, and cultural activities to lead Japanese society (Makino, 2014). Japan had the Confucian ethical

1

STATUS OF WOMEN LEADERS IN JAPAN …

5

system that created a hierarchical social structure (Sugihara & Katsurada, 2002; Yamamoto & Ran, 2014). Confucianism came originally from the Korean Peninsula and spread widely when Japan entered the Edo period introduced by Japanese scholars (Sugano, 2007). Confucian ethics was preached in the form of manuals called jokunsho to harness women within the constant kafucho (patriarchal) system based upon the gojo (the five cardinal Confucian virtues) of benevolence, justice, politeness, wisdom, and fidelity. In the Confucian family morality, there was the shichikyosanju (the seven reasons for which a man may divorce his wife): she does not obey his father and mother; she cannot give birth, she is lecherous, she is jealous, she has a nasty disease; she is barren talks too much, or she steals, and the sanju (the three people a woman must obey): her own father in her home before marriage; her husband after she is married; and her children after her husband’s death. In the Meiji period between 1868 and 1915 CE, the government carried out a policy of fukoku kyohei (national enrichment and security) and tried to eliminate illiteracy in order to modernize the country and to catch up with western nations (Hara & Fujimura-Fanselow, 2011). However, the ideology of ryosai kenbo (good wife, wise mother) continued to define women’s roles, which were the household and childrearing (Usui, Rose, & Kageyama, 2003). Such culture expected people to have loyalty, obedience, and respect for superiors and authorities, with men’s dominance over women and children. The dominant belief was that women do not need education to be literate and that women need to focus on child-rearing and the household (Hara & Fujimura-Fanselow, 2011). Educated women might become rebellious as they might become critically minded, which was seen as disruptive to men’s authoritative society. Thus, there were limited opportunities for women to pursue career and take leadership positions. After World War II to 1985 After World War II, the General Headquarters of American Forces (GHQ) brought democratic social change to Japan (Koshal et al., 2004; Usui et al., 2003). Women were able to hold jobs until they get married. The social expectation was that they would quit their jobs after they got married. Women’s voting rights granted in 1945, followed by rapid economic development in the 1960s, helped women begin to pursue

6

Y. T. NAKAMURA AND M. HORIMOTO

career interests. Women were able to hold jobs due to reduction of household work as products such as washing machines, electric cookers, and microwaves became available (Koshal et al., 2004). Women’s labor force participation rate in 1970 was 54.4% (Gender Equality Bureau Cabinet Office, 2017). Yet, it was still challenging for women to continue working in order to pursue leadership path as the confucian ethics continued to influence the gender division of labor in which men work outside and women do housework and child-rearing (Yamamoto & Ran, 2014). 1986 to Present In 1986, the Equal Employment Opportunity Law was enacted (Abe, 2011). Women began to attend colleges and universities in the 1980s as it was a route to higher social status and career position acquisition (Koshal et al., 2004). However, women’s leadership development opportunities were still limited. Japanese companies have been using a two-track hiring system: sogoshoku (promotion track) and ippanshoku (non-promotion track), which was initially aimed at providing flexible job opportunities for women so they could choose career paths (Wakisaka, 2011). Yet it ended up with a majority of women taking an ippanshoku job but not a sogoshoku job, which means that a limited number of women pursued leadership positions. Many companies resisted hiring women for sogoshoku and investing in training because they anticipated women leaving the workforce to have children (Smirles, 2017; Takeishi, 2014). Typical Japanese firms’ norms were long hours of work, followed by late nights of drinking alcohol with colleagues and/or clients to build trusting relationships for successful work (Chanlett-Avery & Nelson, 2014). Such customs were obstacles for women to continue pursuing their career and taking leadership positions due to a family-unfriendly work environment. Those who had children could not meet the expectation of long working hours. With legislative efforts, including the Basic Act for Gender Equal Society in 1999, Japanese companies have become more supportive of women in the workforce (Usui et al., 2003). The global financial crisis of 2008–2009 caused a necessity for women to work to provide financial support to their households, as well (Yamamoto & Ran, 2014). However, women were still under-represented in leadership positions. There are a series of challenges for them to pursue their leadership career, including

1

STATUS OF WOMEN LEADERS IN JAPAN …

7

company employment system and policies, sociocultural expectations of gender roles, and so forth.

Current State of Women’s Leadership in Japan In this section, we examine the current state of women’s leadership by analyzing the statistical data of women leaders across industries and todofuken (prefectures). Prefectures form the first level of jurisdiction and administrative division in Japan. Based on the patterns across industries and prefectures, we discuss the challenges and support factors to facilitate women’s leadership development. Analysis of Data on Women Leaders Across Industries and Prefectures Despite the government launching diverse policies, why are none of them leading to a more significant increase in the number of women in managerial positions? We examined relevant data in search of an answer to this question by exploring statistics by industry and prefecture. The number of women executive officers of listed companies has increased approximately 3.4 times in the seven years from 2012 to 2019, and although the results have been steadily increasing, the percentage is still low at 5.2% in 2019 (Gender Equality Bureau Cabinet Office, 2020c). Additionally, the ratio of women managers is still low, accounting for 6.7% for senior managers and 9.3% for middle managers in FY2018 Basic Survey on Equal Employment (Ministry of Health, Labour, and Welfare (MHLW) 2019a). The proportion of managerial roles held by women has not shifted much, because of the small number of women in such roles, despite legislative efforts, including the promotion of positive action, such as public policy by evaluating corporations for their promotion of such measures as work-life balance to encourage the advancement of women in 2015 and the prohibition of indirect discrimination contained in the Revised Equal Employment Opportunity Act enacted in 2007 (Gender Equality Bureau Cabinet Office, 2018). Indirect discrimination on the basis of sex in employment means (1.) to take measures with a prerequisite concerning conditions other than the person’s sex, but (2.) that may cause considerably disadvantageous treatment against members of a particular sex in comparison to members of the other sex, (3.) in cases where there is no legitimate reason to take such measures (MHLW, 2019b). Considering the governmental efforts

8

Y. T. NAKAMURA AND M. HORIMOTO

including the prohibition of indirect discrimination, we examine how, if at all, women in leadership situation has changed across industries and prefectures. Industries The ratio of women employment and women in managerial positions varies across industries. According to MHLW (2019c), Healthcare/Welfare had the largest number of the total number of women employed, 625,000 (23.0%), followed by Wholesale/Retail, 519,000 (19.1%), Manufacturing, 299,000 (11.0%), and Accommodations/Food and Beverage Services, 234,000 (8.6%). MHLW (2020) found that the percentage of managerial positions occupied by women among employees in June 2020 was Healthcare/Welfare (42.2%) and Education (19.4%). Other industries including Daily Life Services and Entertainment as well as Financial Services were slightly higher than 10.0%. On the other hand, Construction and Manufacturing were lower than 5.0%. In the Healthcare/Welfare and Education industries, women have played historically an important role, as Japanese women were valued for their innate characteristics of compassion and care (Nakamura & Horimoto, 2020), which can serve to explain that women are seen in such fields, compared to the other industries. For instance, women employees in Healthcare/Welfare have been strongly preferred by older women who need elderly care (Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications (MIC, 2019). Given the needs of women employees, the Healthcare/Welfare industry has been making efforts in creating familyfriendly work environment such as by encouraging women employees to take paid time off (MIC, 2019). The industry aims to increase retention rate and support women employees to build leadership career. On the other hand, companies in Construction and Manufacturing industries have been struggling with promoting women in leadership. Both industries historically have been hiring women only for nonpromotion-track positions. As part of the efforts, both industries started to hire women for promotion-track positions (MIC, 2019). The companies in the field started to create more facilities for women employees such as bathrooms and dormitories for women as well. Even with the efforts, it is still difficult to hire women as the industries have been perceived as requiring immense strength, in other words, men-dominated skills, and

1

STATUS OF WOMEN LEADERS IN JAPAN …

9

demanding long, unpredictable hours in inclement weather, which is a hostile work environment for women (MIC, 2019). Looking at women leadership situation across industries, we can see that the gender division of labor is deeply rooted in women’s societal roles and expectations in Japanese society. It creates norms of women employment participation, which is not easy to change. Women leadership participation is even far more challenging as the transformation of the industries’ norms does not likely happen in a short term. Training women employees to be ready to take a leadership role takes time. Therefore, continued organizational efforts along with the legislative support are necessary. Prefectures Next, we examine the situation of women managers by prefecture. While the government has committed to support measures for working women nationwide, regional characteristics of women’s employment and leadership situations vary in terms of women’s workforce participation rates; the proportion of women in management; employment structure, such as full-time or part-time; industry structure; and women’s motivation for career development (Sugawara, 2018). Differences in the proportions of women in the labor force exist regionally. For example, the M-shaped depressions that are common for women in the workforce, based on childcare demands, are shallow in the Tohoku and Hokuriku regions and deep in the Kanto and Kinki regions. That is, the labor force participation rate of the child-rearing generation of 25–44-year-old women is low in the major metropolitan areas and surrounding suburban prefectures in the Kanto and Tokai regions around Tokyo and Osaka. Figure 1.1 shows the map of Japan referenced by the U.S. Central Intelligence (2019) that includes the cities and regions we examined. The rate of women’s labor-force participation (15 years–64 years) is 70.5% in Tokyo and 66.6% in Osaka. Meanwhile, the rate of women’s labor-force participation of the countryside prefectures, such as Yamagata, is 74.3% (MIC, 2018). The size of the women’s workforce is much different between metropolitan and countryside areas. Although it is impossible simply to compare urban areas with rural areas, it can be seen that urban areas are more difficult for women to continue working. It may be because women in the countryside can keep working as they receive

10

Y. T. NAKAMURA AND M. HORIMOTO

Tohoku Region

Hokuriku Region

Kanto Region

Kinki Region

Tokai Region

Kyushu Region

Fig. 1.1 Map of Japan (Central Intelligence Agency, 2019)

childcare support from their grandparents, as it is normal that three generations of families live together, which is different from metropolitan areas where families usually do not live with grandparents. It makes it harder for them to find childcare due to the shortage of available slots in childcare in general in Japan. As for women managers, according to Gender Equality Bureau Cabinet Office (2020b), the proportion of women in managerial positions at or higher than section manager (department manager and section manager level) is calculated by prefecture. As the sample size was small, caution is required with any comparisons. There is not a significant difference

1

STATUS OF WOMEN LEADERS IN JAPAN …

11

between urban areas and countryside as shown in Table 1.1. Over the long term, the proportion is increasing in many prefectures. Therefore, an increase in the women labor force participation rate in the future is expected to increase the number of women managers in general. Table 1.1 Percentage of women in section managers or higher by prefecture Region

Tohoku

Iwate

13.6%

The percentage of labourforce participation (15years-64years) 71.6%

Miyagi

9.8%

67.9%

Yamagata

10.8%

74.3%

Tokyo

7.7%

70.5%

Kanagawa

8.7%

66.8%

Fukui

15.4%

75.4%

Toyama

11.4%

74.0%

Aichi

5.1%

68.9%

Mie

11.8%

69.9%

Osaka

11.2%

66.0%

Hyogo

7.6%

65.6%

Kochi

32.0%

73.6%

Tokushima

11.0%

67.3%

Fukuoka

9.5%

66.3%

Miyazaki

18.1%

70.6%

Okinawa

19.5%

66.9%

Prefecture

The percentage of managerial position

Kanto

Hokuriku

Tokai

Kinki

Shikoku

Kyusyu

Sources Gender Equality Bureau Cabinet Office (2020b); MIC (2018) for the percentage of women’s labor-force participation (15 years–64 years) Note, underlined and gray colored shaded prefectures have metropolitan area(s)

12

Y. T. NAKAMURA AND M. HORIMOTO

However, the number of women managers is influenced by the industrial structure of the region, and the proportion of women in managerial roles is high in prefecture where 23.5% of the workforce is employed in Healthcare/Welfare. According to the MHLW (2016), the proportion of women in managerial positions at or higher than section manager occupied by businesses in Healthcare/Welfare with 101 or more employees, was highest in Kochi prefecture in the countryside at 39.0%. The prefecture-based disparity related to women’s motivation toward a career reveals that women’s perceptions about divisions of gender roles for work influence women’s participation in the workforce, as well as continued employment (MHLW, 2016). Even though there is slight variation, we can see a similar pattern among rural areas. For example, when survey respondents (men and women) responded “I agree” or “I mostly agree” to “My ideal household has the husband working and the wife tending the home” (MHLW, 2016), Nara prefecture had the highest level of agreement at 50.4%, followed by Miyagi prefecture (50.0%) and Yamaguchi prefecture (49.2%). Unemployed women in Nara prefecture had the highest level of agreement at 57.5%; the lowest level of agreement was Toyama prefecture at 37.2%, followed by Iwate and Kochi prefectures at 37.4%, then Okinawa at 38.2%. The highest level of agreement was low when the labor force participation rate for women of child-rearing age and who are 25–44 years old was higher. In regions with a high labor force participation rate, as the proportion of women managers was also higher, having a high proportion of women managers, along with women’s participation in the workforce, eventually influence women’s motivation to pursue management positions. In other words, if there is a work and social environment where women can continue to work and hold a managerial position, women are more motivated to work and seek promotion. In summary, the circumstances surrounding women managers are influenced by regional labor force participation rates, particularly among women aged 25–44, industry structure, and motivation to work. These factors also vary by region. In offering women’s leadership training, regional and industry traits must be considered in developing and delivering training policies and methods. For example, in planning training, the characteristics and traits of the region would need to be considered in evaluating policies and practices to provide appropriate initiatives to increase the number of women managers instead of promoting childrearing support in areas with a high participation of women aged 25–44,

1

STATUS OF WOMEN LEADERS IN JAPAN …

13

while supporting continued employment in areas with a low participation rate. Challenges and Barriers in Developing Women Leaders Currently, there has not been an increase in women’s regular employment over previous generations for married women following the 1986 Equal Employment Act (Abe, 2011). Thus, it is difficult to claim that the act has contributed to expanding possibilities for women in pursuing their careers. This signifies that an environment that enables continued employment for 25–44-year olds is critical in order to have opportunities to obtain managerial training and leadership education to enable them to take on leadership positions. Circumstances vary widely across industries and prefectures, but women aged 25–44 still struggle to maintain employment; achieving the government’s target of having 15% of management being women in the corporate sector and 8% in the government sector by 2020, as of 2020 it is in discussion of postponing until 2030 (Nikkei, 2020), will be extraordinarily difficult. Women in Japan quit their jobs mostly because they are not satisfied with their jobs or do not have motivation for promotion (Takagi et al., 2019). A part of the reasons is that they felt actively stymied by their managers and work environment (Uriu & Shimizu, 2018). Some women reported that their work environment is hostile as they experience matahara (maternity harassment) after they come back from a maternity leave. Most Japanese firms did not have flexible work hours that allowed women to adjust their schedules to meet child-rearing demands (Nakamura & Horimoto, 2017). Although companies offer parental leave, only 8.6% of men, compared to women at 87.9%, used the policy between October 2016 and October 2017 (MHLW, 2018). This suggests that women are responsible for child-rearing even though they work full-time. After having children, many women did not return to work, changed their work to part-time from full-time, or did not have motivation in pursuing leadership career even though they return to work in a full-time position because of the difficulty in balancing child-rearing and work with a lack of childcare availability (Nakagawa, 2016; Tsutsui, 2014; Recruit Works Institute, 2020).

14

Y. T. NAKAMURA AND M. HORIMOTO

Facilitating Factors for Developing Women Leaders in Japan Despite the barriers and challenges described above, there are efforts that can help improve women’s leadership development. In this section, we discuss women’s leadership development program opportunities, organization-led efforts, and government-led initiatives. Women’s leadership program opportunities. An increasing number of educational offerings are being provided by governmental organizations, regional gender equality centers, community centers, graduate schools, and, in some cases, companies (Nakamura & Horimoto, 2017). The government promotes educational initiatives for women’s leadership development, providing training programs in their organizations not only for women, but also for promotion of diverse leaders, including women, non-Japanese, people with disabilities, and aging populations (Gender Equality Bureau Cabinet Office, 2016; 2020a). However, these leadership development programs related to gender quality initiatives make up only 3% of total programs (Tominaga & Ikegaya, 2017). The most common programs aim at raising awareness about gender equality (16%), mind and body wellness (9%), and employment, career, and challenge support (9%). Until now, these programs have specialized in supporting employment and dispelling gender-based labor division attitudes, but they have not focused on leadership development. Recently, however, a wide range of efforts have emerged focusing on raising awareness about leadership development and motivating promotion. In addition, there were no women’s leadership development programs offered by universities until 2015 (Totani & Watanabe, 2015). According to Estévez-Abe (2011), Japanese colleges and graduate schools did not contribute to the professional development of women. She asserted that, in Japan, where occupational expertise is acquired within a company, women have less opportunity to plan their careers independently compared with countries where there are colleges and universities in which women have the opportunity to develop high levels of professional expertise. And, the number of women students studying the sciences, which make it possible to work in an industry where it is comparatively easier to become a manager, is not increasing (Isa & Chinen, 2014; Nobuta, 2017). Within this situation, colleges and graduate programs are working to increase the number of rike-jo (women students studying the

1

STATUS OF WOMEN LEADERS IN JAPAN …

15

sciences). Additionally, there are emerging efforts at leadership development for working adults as part of their professional studies (Institute for Global Leadership at Ochanomizu University, 2020). Organization-led efforts. Although organization-led efforts have still been not enough in increasing the number of women leaders in organizations, organizations have tried to make efforts for women’s leadership development (Takeishi, 2014). Most organizations and institutions seem to prefer creating a gender equality environment through policies and systems. Gender equality policies create environments in which women feel comfortable in utilizing the policies and feel motivated to pursue their career (Nakamura & Horimoto, 2017). Also, senior leadership support is an important factor in developing women leaders (Shima, 2017). For example, Takeishi (2014, 2017) explained the importance of setting up a fair performance management system. Women’s performance should be reviewed with their human resource office and department head or supervisor providing a transparent and fair evaluation to help women develop their leadership skills. Managers need training in how to provide such support to develop women’s leadership. Government-led efforts. As the government is gravely concerned that women still make up only 8.3% of managerial positions, in April 2016, the Female Employment Promotion Law was enacted. The Law requires businesses to understand the situations related to women’s participation within their own companies. They also need to analyze the issues, then formulate, report, notify, and announce action plans containing target levels and initiatives appropriate for resolving the issues they discover, matched to the business’ circumstances, as well as publicly announce information related to women’s participation within the business. By doing so, the Act aims to promote the engagement of various businesses in response to the circumstances surrounding women’s participation at their companies (MHLW, 2016). As of the end of 2019, the action plan submission rate for general business owners with 301 or more workers obligated to formulate plans is 98.9%, and 6,436 general business owners with 300 or fewer workers submitted a plan, in response to strong encouragement to do so (MHLW, 2019b). Additionally, there were 992 companies that obtained the certification stipulated by article 9 of the Act on Promotion of Women’s Participation and Advancement in the Workplace as of the end of 2019, and the number has been steadily increasing.

16

Y. T. NAKAMURA AND M. HORIMOTO

MLHW has released the submitted documents and made the information, making the certification public to provide the certified companies with publicity for their positive actions (MHLW, 2019b). It is critical to observe the resulting actions and effects of the Act on Promotion of Women’s Participation and Advancement in the Workplace for the next several years. Maintaining the transparency of organizational initiatives could be useful to women students preparing to enter the workplace. They are searching for companies that give women opportunities, or by making company initiatives public to motivate women employees to continue working and pursue promotion to a management position. Nevertheless, more years are required to examine whether there will be a tangible impact on continuing employment and results that show an increase in the number of women managers. With a combination of the leadership development opportunities, organization-led support, and the Law that forces organizations to review their diversity practices, we are hopeful that the gender equality environment will be improved, allowing women in Japan successfully to pursue their leadership career path.

Implications for Future Practices and Research In this section, we discuss what would help develop women’s leadership across industries and prefectures in Japan. We provide five suggestions for future practice and propose agendas for future research. Suggestions for Future Practice There are several aspects that can help foster women’s leadership development. First, leadership path development that is more suitable for women’s work lifestyle is critical to promote women’s career advancement. As part of work-life balance efforts, many companies created a position that is bound to be the local area only called area shain (regionally bound employee) (Ishii, 2016). As area shain, they do not need to worry about the possibility of being away from their family as there is no relocation order from their companies. Companies, however, need to be clear about the regionally bound position’s leadership path. If the regionally bound position is excluded from the company’s leadership pipeline, a fundamental issue is the difficulty in promoting women’s leadership career.

1

STATUS OF WOMEN LEADERS IN JAPAN …

17

Second, building social capital among women widely from a local community to apply nationwide across industries can help them leverage useful resources for mutual benefit. For example, women in the field of constructions or manufacturing may learn how to navigate their career path from those who are in other fields, such as healthcare/welfare, where there is a high percentage of women in management positions (MIC, 2019). As part of building social capital efforts, another potentially helpful practice for women’s career advancement might be mentoring, either internal or external to their organization or industry. Yorozuya et al., (2016) found that women surgeons in hospitals in Japan reported that mentors helped their career advancement. Third, considering the gap between metropolitan and countryside regions with regard to the number of women leaders, governmental support can be more focused on metropolitan areas where women rely less on their family members for childcare. Fourth, education support, such as women’s leadership development programs, continues to be critical in developing women leaders. Simply, the more university or women’s association women’s leadership development programs are offered, both in-house and open-enrollment, the more effectively women obtain leadership training. University-led leadership development programs, such as those offered by Institute for Global Leadership at Ochanomizu University (2020), are more and more likely to be offered nationwide. Partnering with experienced universities overseas that have successfully provided women’s leadership development programs can be an effective way to launch such programs. For example, Nomura Management School’s women’s leadership program has partnered with professors in the Harvard Business School (Tohoku Bureau of Economy, Trade, and Industry, 2018). Finally, on an individual family level, men’s increased awareness of women’s career advancement is inevitable if Japanese women are to progress in leadership. The difference in the hours of housework per week between men and women is 6.11 h in Japan, the largest among seven countries, including the United States, United Kingdom, France, Germany, Sweden, and Norway (Gender Equality Bureau Cabinet Office, 2020a). The greater responsibility for managing housework discourages women from working harder to get promoted. Mentors, coaches, and support networks are needed for dual-career couples. Such resources can provide guidance or help couples discuss and plan how to balance work and life as a family together.

18

Y. T. NAKAMURA AND M. HORIMOTO

Suggestions for Future Research Future research needs to focus at three levels: national/societal, organizational, and individual (Nakamura & Horimoto, 2017). Further, a broad range of epistemologies might include phenomenology, ethnography, grounded theory, feminist theory, critical theory, constructivism, and so forth. The research can be multidisciplinary as well. For example, it might be useful to examine social capital by implementing a social media-based women’s semi-structured women’s leadership development network as a human resource development (HRD) intervention and then explore the impact. Such a study might combine a sociology-business management lens, considering social capital theory combined with HRD and adult learning theories. Women’s career advancement can be studied through longitudinal study focused on a range of interventions on women’s leadership development. It probably requires at least five to ten years to follow-up on a group of women who receive leadership training or organization-led system’s change to see the impact on women’s leadership promotion, possibly with a combination of cross-region/industry comparison analysis. Such research can also align with legislative actions and women’s awareness-raising movements at a societal level. It is critical to increase the number of English-language publications in Japan. Scholars outside of Japan will learn from English articles about Japanese women in leadership, which can lead to increased collaborative research, as well as raising awareness of the situation in Japan. This will lead to more effective research on Japanese women in leadership or crosscountry research. Japanese scholars also need support to publish their research in English-language journals internationally.

Conclusion Though Japan has had economic growth over the decades, gender equality in the labor market has made slow progress. Recent efforts, such as general legislative support, training and development opportunities, and organizational systems’ improvements, give us hope that Japanese women can continue making progress. However, it is critical for scholars and practitioners to continue examining and uncovering the challenges

1

STATUS OF WOMEN LEADERS IN JAPAN …

19

that women face in their career advancement through research and practice. A significant impact on women’s leadership development in Japan can be made by accelerating transformation in the Japanese society.

References Abe, Y. (2011). 男女雇用機会均等法の長期的効果 [Long-term effect of the Equal Employment Opportunity Law]. 日本労働研究雑誌 [The Japanese Journal of Labour Studies], 53(10), 12–24. Retrieved from http://www.jil. go.jp/institute/zassi/backnumber/2011/10/pdf/012-024.pdf. Central Intelligence Agency. (2019). The world factbook. Retrieved from https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/ja. html. Chanlett-Avery, E., & Nelson, R. M. (2014). “Womenomics” in Japan: In brief. Congressional Research Service, R43668, 1–8. Retrieved from https://fas.org/ sgp/crs/row/R43668.pdf. Estévez-Abe, M. (2011). 男女雇用均等の制度的要件の 国際比較 日本の 男女間格差はなぜ根強いのか[All international comparison of institutional requisites for gender equality: why is Japanese gender gap so persistent?]. 日本労働研究雑誌[The Japanese Journal of Labour Studies], 615, 52–62. Retrieved from https://www.jil.go.jp/institute/zassi/backnumber/ 2011/10/pdf/052-062.pdf. Gender Equality Bureau Cabinet Office. (2016). Women and men in Japan 2016. Retrieved from http://www.gender.go.jp/english_contents/pr_act/ pub/pamphlet/women-and-men16/index.html. Gender Equality Bureau Cabinet Office. (2017). International comparison of the social environment regarding the declining birthrates and genderequality summary report. Retrieved from http://www.gender.go.jp/english_c ontents/basic_data/resarches/pdf/english-1.pdf. Gender Equality Bureau Cabinet Office. (2018). Public procurement for evaluating corporations that promote measures such as worklife balance to encourage the advancement of women. Retrieved from www.gender.go.jp/english_contents/mge/positive_act/pdf/publicpro curement/1wlb_guidelines.pdf. Gender Equality Bureau Cabinet Office. (2020a). Women and men in Japan 2020. Retrieved from http://www.gender.go.jp/english_contents/pr_act/ pub/pamphlet/women-and-men20/index.html. Gender Equality Bureau Cabinet Office. (2020b). 全国女性の参画マッ プ[Gender equality map in Japan]. Retrieved from http://www.gender.go. jp/policy/mieruka/pdf/map_all.pdf.

20

Y. T. NAKAMURA AND M. HORIMOTO

Gender Equality Bureau Cabinet Office. (2020c). 女性役員情報サイト[Women executive officer information site]. Retrieved from http://www.gender.go.jp/ policy/mieruka/company/yakuin.html. Hara, K., & Fujimura-Fanselow, K. (2011). Educational challenges past and present. In K. Fujimura-Fanselow (Ed.), Transforming Japan (pp. 71–88). New York, NY: The Feminist Press. Institute for Global Leadership at Ochanomizu University. (2020, July 30). お茶 大ビジネスリーダー育成塾:徽音塾[Ochanomizu University Women’s Business Leadership Training School: Kiin School]. Retrieved from http://wwww.cf.ocha.ac.jp/leader/kiin/. Isa, N., & Chinen, A. (2014). 理系科目における学力と意欲のジェンダー 差[Gender gaps of achievement and aspirations in mathematics]. 日 本労働研究雑誌[The Japanese Journal of Labour Studies], 648, 84–93. Retrieved from https://www.jil.go.jp/institute/zassi/backnumber/2014/ 07/pdf/084-093.pdf. Ishii, S. (2016). Promoting female managers and promotion structure in Japan companies. 立教DBAジャーナル[Rikko DBA Journal], 7, 27–46. Retrieved from http://id.nii.ac.jp/1062/00014041/. Koshal, R. K., Yamada, Y., Miyazima, S., Kosha, M., & Gupta, A. K. (2004). Female workers in Japan: Opportunities & challenges. Journal of International Women’s Studies, 6(1), 137–148. Retrieved from http://vc.bridgew. edu/jiws/vol6/iss1/10. Makino, K. (2014). 性別役割分業意識は変えられるか?-国際比較に見る日本・ 韓国[Can we change our understanding of role division between men and women?: Comparing Japan and Korea], Peace and Culture, 6(1), 25–37. Retrieved from http://www.jripec.aoyama.ac.jp/publication/journal/jnl006_ 04.pdf. Matsui, K., Suzuki, H., & Tatebe, K. (2019). Womenomics 5.0: Progress, areas for improvement, potential 15% GDP boost. The Goldman Sachs Group, Inc. Retrieved from https://www.goldmansachs.com/insights/pages/wom enomics-5.0/. Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare. (2016). 平成28年版働く女性の実 情[2016 Status of working women]. Retrieved from https://www.mhlw.go. jp/bunya/koyoukintou/josei-jitsujo/16.html. Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare. (2018). 平成30年度雇用均等基本調 査[2018 Basic Equal Employment Survey Results]. Retrieved from https:// www.mhlw.go.jp/toukei/list/71-30r.html. Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare. (2019a).「平成 30 年度雇用均等基本 調査」の結果概要 [The summary of FY2018 equal employment opportunity survey]. Retrieved from https://www.mhlw.go.jp/toukei/list/71-30r.html.

1

STATUS OF WOMEN LEADERS IN JAPAN …

21

Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare. (2019b, August 29). ポジティブアクシ ョン情報ポータルサイト[Positive Action information portal site]. Retrieved from http://positiveaction.mhlw.go.jp/. Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare. (2019c).令和元年度働く女性の実情 [The current situation of working women in 2019]. Retrieved from https:// www.mhlw.go.jp/bunya/koyoukintou/josei-jitsujo/19.html. Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare. (2020). 産業ごとの管理職に占める女 性労働者の割合の平均値[Women management ratio per industry]. Retrieved from https://www.mhlw.go.jp/content/11900000/000510648.pdf. Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications. (2018). 平成29年就業構造基 本調査結果の概況 [Summary of employment status survey]. Retrieved from http://www.stat.go.jp/data/shugyou/2017/pdf/kgaiyou.pdf. Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications. (2019). [Policy Evaluation about promoting women empowerment: Field survey preliminary results report]. Retrieved from https://www.soumu.go.jp/main_content/000605298.pdf. Nakagawa, M. (2016). Policy issues for expansion of women’s participation in policy and decision-making processes and work-life balance for men and women in Japan. 家族関係学[Family Relations], 35, 75–83. Retrieved from https://www.jstage.jst.go.jp/article/jjfr/35/0/35_75/_article/-char/ja/. Nakamura, Y. T., & Horimoto, M. (2017). Women’s leadership development in Japan. In Y. Cho, R. Ghosh, J. Yi Sun, & G. L. McLean (Eds.), Current perspectives on Asian Women in leadership (pp. 71–86). New York, NY: Palgrave MacMillan. Nakamura, Y. T., & Horimoto, M. (2020). A conceptual framework for developing women social entrepreneurs in Japan. Advances in Developing Human Resources, 22(2), 164–175. https://doi.org/10.1177/1523422320907046. Nikkei. (2020). 女性管理職比率、30%は絶望的 個別目標定め実現を[Due to the difficulty of achieving 30% in women management, re-setting goals]. Retrieved from https://style.nikkei.com/article/DGXMZO61731130Q0A7 20C2EAC000/. Nobuta, R. (2017). Sociological study on the diversity of academic fields and gender equality: Focusing on fostering female researchers in the STEM region. 秋草学園短期大学[Akikusa Gakuen Junior College], 34, 207–223. Retrieved from http://id.nii.ac.jp/1683/00000036/. Office of the Prime Minister. (2014, November 28). 女性が輝く日本へ [Empowering women in Japan]. Retrieved from http://www.kantei.go.jp/ jp/headline/women2013.html#mo02. Recruit Works Institute. (2020). 出産離職(2020年4月版)[Giving birth resign]. Retrieved from https://www.works-i.com/column/teiten/detail011002. html.

22

Y. T. NAKAMURA AND M. HORIMOTO

Shima, N. (2017). 女性新入社員の管理職志向を高める要因: 仕事満足度を高め る要因との比較[Factors that help motivate new women hires in developing leadership comparing to their job satisfaction]. NWEC Practice Research, 7 , 56–73. Retrieved from https://ci.nii.ac.jp/naid/120006000047/. Smirles, K. E. (2017). Raising consciousness of gender roles through crosscultural analysis: A course on women and leadership for Japanese women. Psychology of Women Quarterly, 41(3), 389–392. https://doi.org/10.1177/ 0361684317701424. Sugano, N. (2007). Gender, modern Japan, and the reception of Confucianism. Teikyo Shigaku[ 帝京史学], 22, 249–258. Retrieved from https://appsv.main. teikyo-u.ac.jp/tosho/nsugano22.pdf. Sugawara, Y. (2018). 女性活躍に積極的な地域はどこか(後編)[Where are the regions active in promoting women’s success?(The second half of the report)]. Daiwa Institute of Research. Retrieved from https://www.dir.co.jp/report/ research/policy-analysis/human-society/20180209_012734.pdf. Sugihara, Y., & Katsurada, E. (2002). Gender role development in Japanese culture: Diminishing gender role differences in a contemporary society. Sex Roles, 47 (9/10), 443–452. https://doi.org/10.1023/a:1021648426787. Takagi, K., Yamada, K., Oota, S., Kubota, T., Isarida, T., & Higuma, M. (2019). Changes and stabilities of motivation and ambitions for employment in women workers: A primitive research. 環境と経営:静岡産業大学 論集[Environment and Management: Shizuoka Sangyo University Journal], 25(1), 145–151. Retrieved from http://id.nii.ac.jp/1530/00001668/. Takeishi, E. (2014). 女性の昇進意欲を高める職場の要因 [Workplace factors that help increase women’s motivation for promotion]. 日本労働研究雑 誌 [The Japanese Journal of Labour Studies], 56(7), 33–47. Retrieved from http://www.jil.go.jp/institute/zassi/backnumber/2014/07/pdf/033047.pdf. Takeishi, E. (2017). 女性の活躍推進と初期キャリアの重要性[Promoting women’s empowerment and the importance of women’s early career]. NWEC Practice Research, 7 , 6–22. Retrieved from https://ci.nii.ac.jp/naid/120006 000044/. Tohoku Bureau of Economy, Trade, and Industry. (2018). 第三回「女性リーダ ーのための経営戦略講座」を実施します~参加者募集中!!~[The third workshop: Management strategy seminar for women leaders. Now recruiting!!]. Retrieved from https://www.tohoku.meti.go.jp/s_sangi_jinza/topics/181 022.html. Tominaga, T., & Ikegaya, M. (2017). 男女共同参画関連施設の啓発事業を「 教育化」する意義 [Gender equality promotion beyond dichotomy between

1

STATUS OF WOMEN LEADERS IN JAPAN …

23

education and enlightenment]. 都留文科大学研究紀要 [The Tsuru University Review], 85, 127–144. Retrieved from http://trail.tsuru.ac.jp/dspace/ handle/trair/791. Totani, Y., & Watanabe, N. (2015). Research report on program for leadership development at top-level women’s universities in the U.S.A. 高等教育 と学生支援:お茶の水女子大学教育機構紀要[Higher Education and Student Peer Support: Journal of Educational Institute of Ochanomizu University], 6. Retrieved from http://crdeg5.cf.ocha.ac.jp/crdeSite/pdf/j4.pdf. Tsutsui, J. (2014). 女性の労働参加と性別分業 [Women’s labor participation and gender division of labor]. 日本労働研究雑誌[The Japanese Journal of Labour Studies], 648, 70–83. Retrieved from https://www.jil.go.jp/institute/zassi/ backnumber/2014/07/pdf/070-083.pdf. Uriu, Y., & Shimizu, T. (2018). Why does gender inequality continue in the situation of the system of child care leave in Japan? Kyoto Women University Bulletin of the Faculty of Human Development and Education, 14, 105–114. Retrieved from https://ci.nii.ac.jp/naid/40021581286. Usui, C., Rose, S., & Kageyama, R. (2003). Women, institutions, and leadership in Japan. Asian Perspective, 27 (3), 85–123. Retrieved from http://www.jstor. org/stable/42704422. Wakisaka, A. (2011). 均等法後の企業における女性の雇用管理の変遷[Changes of HRM for women after Equal Employment Opportunity Law 1985]. 日本 労働研究雑誌[The Japanese Journal of Labour Studies],615, 38–51. Retrieved from http://www.jil.go.jp/english/ejournal/abstracts/2011.html. World Economic Forum. (2020). The global gender gap report 2020. Retrieved from http://www3.weforum.org/docs/WEF_GGGR_2020.pdf. Yamamoto, M., & Ran, W. (2014). Should men work outside and women stay home? Revisiting the cultivation of gender-role attitudes in Japan. Mass Communication and Society, 17, 920–942. https://doi.org/10.1080/152 05436.2013.860989. Yorozuya, K., Kawase, K., Akashi-Tanaka, S., Kanbayashi, C., Nomura, S., & Tomizawa, Y. (2016). Mentorship as experienced by women surgeons in Japan. World Journal of Surgery, 40, 38–44. https://doi.org/10.1007/s00 268-015-3245-8.

PART II

From Past to Present

CHAPTER 2

The Role of Women in the Japanese Cultural Context Jane Horan and Mayuko Horimoto

For the past decade, Japan has struggled with economic stagnation, an aging population, and strict immigration policies. In late 2012, Prime Minister Shinzo Abe put in place a robust economic stimulus plan, Abenomics, to re-invigorate the economy and move Japan forward. An essential element focused on women joining, returning to, and remaining in the workforce. This would not only add significantly to the economy, but also it would increase women’s participation to offset the aging demographic shifts. While economic data supported the plan, Japan is starting with a deficit for women; fewer are in the workforce, a higher concentration in lower-paying jobs, and a small percentage in leadership. According to the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), Japan ranks 79th in the world for labor force

J. Horan (B) The Horan Group, Singapore, Singapore e-mail: [email protected] M. Horimoto Toyo University, Tokyo, Japan e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s) 2021 Y. T. Nakamura et al. (eds.), Japanese Women in Leadership, Current Perspectives on Asian Women in Leadership, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-36304-8_2

27

28

J. HORAN AND M. HORIMOTO

participation, with 63% of women and 85% of men in the labor force. This figure drops significantly after childbirth, with 70% of women leaving the workforce for decades (Avery & Nelson, 2014). Women globally grapple with career and family issues, but Japanese women encounter both social obligations and identity, embedded within the family structure. These elements are firmly woven together and reinforced through traditions, public policy, and family and institutional values (Aronsson, 2012; Hasanuma, 2016; Kondo, 1990; Lebra, 1984). With careers constructed around family and social structures, women are caught in a double bind upon re-entering the workforce, first, after their children reach school age, only to drop out again to look after aging parents (Aronsson, 2012). Japanese women navigate through these ongoing career interruptions through a delicate balancing act of on and off ramps. Taking time off for family results in a greater percentage of women falling off the career path (Hewlett, 2007). Unlike in many other cultures, Japan’s family structure is inextricably linked in shaping roles and responsibilities at work and at home. Instead of policy reform, Japan’s economic transformation may require a social revolution inside organizations and across people’s mindsets to enable career and leadership paths for women. To understand the plight of women in leadership, a historical review of the role of women at work and in society is required. In this chapter, we present historical and contemporary research on women at work, looking back on the state of women in leadership across organizations and within Japanese social constructs. We start by reviewing the rise of feminist consciousness during the Meiji Period (1868–1912 CE). We then offer a multi-perspective review of factors helping and hindering women and suggest strategies, practices, and developments to advance women into leadership. We end with recommendations for future research.

Historical Underpinnings in Gender Equality Abenomics is not the first time the Japanese government has ventured down a path of equality. The end of the Tokugawa Era (1867 CE) gave rise to the Meiji Revolution. Ending warrior fiefdom, the Meiji Period (1868–1912 CE) produced social change, industrial development, emergence of capitalism, and changes to the household structure under a renewed Civil Code (Kondo, 1990). The Charter Oath established a direction toward inclusion and consensus, stating that “the common

2

THE ROLE OF WOMEN IN THE JAPANESE CULTURAL CONTEXT

29

people, no less than the civil and military officials, shall each be allowed to pursue his own calling so that there may be no discontent” (Jansen, 2000, p. 338). While this focus on equality started to drive change within the Japanese family, the Meiji Period was fraught with contradictions. While the Charter Oath sought significant change, this policy did not necessarily encourage women to define their own rules. While the Meiji Civil Code offered some flexibility in household succession, the eldest son remained in charge of the household and family business and responsible for the welfare of aging parents. Women managed the household chores, children, and aging parents. In reality women’s rights were only fractionally improved under the household changes in the Civil Code. Meiji Six Society and Feminist Consciousness With a focus on equality, the issues of women’s rights created a rise in feminist consciousness. The government’s reaction to women’s participation in social change contradicted the philosophy underpinning the Meiji Reforms. In 1871, the government encouraged cropped haircuts as this style was linked to progressive attitudes and willingness to embrace change for the sake of the country. This same decree of hair styles and removal of swords did not apply to women. In 1872, a ruling banning women from cutting their hair became one of the most important issues for women’s empowerment. While the literature does not offer a clear reason for the ban, it can be attributed to a division along gender lines wherein men have a public face role, and women were relegated to positions inside the home. This ban became synonymous with denying women’s participation in society. “To the extent that women cutting their hair can be viewed as a real, if spontaneous, attempt to join the progressive forces trying to create the new Japan, the governments denial of their right to do so was a denial of their right to participate and contribute to society” (Sievers, 1983, p. 15). It is unclear how long the ban lasted or the reason for the strong opposition from both the public and the government. At the same time, men were encouraged to cut their hair (as this demonstrated a willingness to join the progressive forces for change), but women were punished for doing so. Women interpreted the ban as a fear of change and a mandate by the government to return to traditional values. These fears were manifested in ambiguous rulings preventing women from full participation in society. During the transition through the mid-1870s, while rural communities resisted, the state

30

J. HORAN AND M. HORIMOTO

instituted primary education for all children regardless of status. However, attendance for girls dwindled in comparison to boys until the turn of the century (Anderson, 2010, 2013). This decline can be attributed to the government’s inefficiency to encourage girls participation and the parents’ inability to pay for their daughters’ education (Sievers, 1983). Behind the scenes, government officials overseeing the reforms would pass over, ignore, or forget policies elevating the status of women. Influenced by western thinking, a group of intellectuals named Meirokusha, or the Meiji Six Society, believed that the “low regard for women in Japan was a major contributor to its backwardness” (Sievers, 1983, p. 18). The Meiji Six thinkers—Nakamura Masanao, Fukuzawa Yukichi, and Mori Arinori—were men and became one of the more influential groups writing and researching women’s issues. Convinced that women were the central figure behind the reforms, they “made a valiant attempt to raise the intellectual level of the debate over the status of women” (Sievers, 1983, p. 25), asserting that change begins with the basic foundation of the old family systems, the notion of loyalty and filial piety, and the concept of house/family with ties to a patriarchal system. Yet, their notion of reform concluded that women were best suited for raising children and were not ready for roles outside of the family. Nakamura coined the phrase, “ryosai kenbo, good wife; wise mother” (Sievers, 1983, p. 22), seeing women’s role as the moral foundation for the home. While women assumed greater power in terms of lineage, they remained caregivers, becoming a “well-qualified mother” (Lebra, 1984, p. 36) responsible for the education and moral development of the next generation. The Meiji Six raised awareness of the principles of equality but not much changed. Dissatisfied Japanese women began to advocate for themselves. In late 1882, Kishida Toshiko, age 20, presented a series of lectures across southern Japan, The Way for Women, to standing-roomonly crowds. Similar to the Meiji Six, Kishida believed that moving the country forward required equality for both men and women. She challenged the patriarchal system, believing that the failure in education was the result of the family system rather than government policy. Around the same time, Fukuda Hideko criticized the lack of public education and opened private schools for women from six to sixty. Hatoyama Haruko, an important Meiji educator, encouraged education and supported role revisions in the family, but she is more widely known for advancing the

2

THE ROLE OF WOMEN IN THE JAPANESE CULTURAL CONTEXT

31

political career of her husband and son, the former Prime Minister, Ichiro Hatoyama (1954–1956). Role of Education and Family During the Meiji period, three women—Kishida Toshiko, Fukuda Hideko, Hatoyama Haruko—influenced and advocated for women’s rights starting with equal education. Compulsory education had been established in 1872, but fewer than 50% of young women were in school. The reluctance (or perhaps fear) in educating women circled back to the family structure. The family structure shifted slightly during the Meiji Period, but women were still viewed as educated taskmasters and efficient managers of the home. Their identity continued to be defined by a multiplicity of social relationships constructed around social obligations (Kondo, 1990). Viewed as the root of the nation, the family system was steeped in generational continuity, rigid ranking, maintaining harmony, and defined roles. Acting outside of prescribed norms would result in consequences for everyone (Sugimoto, 2010). Kondo (1990) described women’s lives as “a single thread in a richly textured fabric of relationships. Japanese women portray themselves as accommodating to duties and to the needs of others, rather than independent decision makers” (p. 33). Some Meiji feminists believed in a balance of power inside and outside of the home, rejecting the positioning of women only as effective home managers. The resilience and persistence of the Meiji feminists fighting for social change made a significant difference in the lives of all Japanese women (Sievers, 1983). By the late 1900s, the concept of good wife/wise mother transitioned into educating women for equality for the economy and the nation. Instead of teaching about tea ceremonies and flower arranging, raising educational standards became the focus. Attendance in primary schools reached 69%, and a network of both girls’ schools and girls’ vocational schools prepared everyone for employment in the new society (Jansen, 2000). Meiji culture was marked by discrepancies; borrowing from the west, Japan’s industrial competencies forged ahead, while “bolstering the authority of the emperor” (Jansen, 2000, p. 233), reinforcing hierarchy and conformity. At the same time, from a period of 1894–1912, women represented 60% of factory workers, a figure unmatched by any other nation during this timeframe (Sievers, 1983). The Meiji government objective to strengthen the country through heavy industry encouraged

32

J. HORAN AND M. HORIMOTO

young women to participate in the labor force for the “good of the country” (Sievers, 1983, p. 56). Through this dedicated, highly skilled workforce, Japan was recognized as a world leader in silk exports (Sievers, 1983). Despite Efforts, Not Much Changed for Women In the ensuing years, prior to World War I, a renewed sense of freedom permeated the middle class, including the women’s movement. However, substantial change was realized only after World War II with the relinquishing of the Meiji Civil Code that did not achieve full equality for women. To some, the code was the remaining repressive social factor in terms of patriarchal authority perpetuating the household system. Revoking the Meiji Code made equal inheritance the law. The head of the household no longer held authority, and women were given the right to initiate divorce (Kondo, 1999). In 1947, Japan’s Constitution created a Civil Code specifying gender equality and ending the samurai-style pattern of family or house control. “A special division of SCAP [Supreme Commander, Allied Powers], headed by a woman, took the liberation of Japanese women as its task” (Jansen, 2000, p. 680). Women remained responsible for their children, but many joined the workforce, rapidly increasing the ranks of working women. Young women from remote villages joined the workforce “for the good of the country. Working in a textile mill was patriotic; short hair and involvement in politics was not” (Sievers, 1983, p. 56). The 1947 Civil Code introduced gender equality, replacing the patriarchal family system, though there are women heads of households even today. Although rules were put in place for gender equality, this family system, with its hierarchical pecking order, is replicated across organizations. As of 2016, only 7% of senior roles in business were held by women (Catalyst, 2017). In business gender demarcations are “played out in spatial symbolism, the payment of wages, the accordance of respect and deference and working conditions” (Kondo, 1990, p. 177). Family, identity, and women’s roles have and continue to pervade organizational thinking, with the company as family, and the emergence of the salaryman contributing to gender-based divisions of labor in the household (Sugimoto, 2014):

2

THE ROLE OF WOMEN IN THE JAPANESE CULTURAL CONTEXT

33

a “salaryman,” a white-collar, male company employee in the private sector. He embodies all the stereotypical images associated with the Japanese corporate employee: loyalty to his company, subservience to the hierarchical order of his enterprise, devotion to his work, a long and industrious working life, and job security in his career. (p. 43)

This definition sheds light on the organizational mindset and the challenges for women in the workforce or advancing into leadership. Japan’s recovery in the 1950s once again created divisions, with a focus on rebuilding the country overshadowing all else. Contrasted with previous decades, the economic development of the 1960s through the late 1980s, rural-to-urban migration provided stability and wealth. Japan has gone through tremendous social change and is a very different country today from the Meiji period, but gender relations remain complicated in the family structure, overarching all aspects of everyone’s lives. Women entering the job market navigate life cycle complexities centered around family responsibilities and society constructs that differ from men’s workforce entry. State of Women’s Leadership in Modern Japan Today, the number of women entering the workforce increases at age 24–25, shrinks at ages 30–33, and spikes again in the late 40s before tapering off at ages 55–60. While these peaks and valleys, known as the M-curve (Japan International Labour Federation, 2014; Sugimoto, 2014) have waned over time, Japanese women’s participation in the workforce by comparison trails other developed nations (Sugimoto, 2014). Given the aging population and chronic shortage of labor (Aronsson, 2012; Hasanuma, 2016), Japan has benefitted from women who can work on a part-time or short-term project basis. Similar to the 1880s’ textile mills and World War II’s high growth markets, working women have been the backbone of the economy. Throughout the 1970s and ‘80s, employment data indicate that 50% of working women were married. However, this trend did not see an increase in the percentage of women in leadership or produce “high flying career women” (Aronsson, 2012, p. 12). Most women were in part-time positions. As demonstrated in terms of government representation, “women control only 10% of the represented seats in the lower house compared to the global average of 23%” (Hasanuma, 2016, p. 1).

34

J. HORAN AND M. HORIMOTO

Part-Time Work Enables Gender Inequality The stark reality of gender inequality can be seen in the percentages of women in positions of power in Japan; women members of parliament, 11.4%; women union leaders, 6.9%; women judges, 15.4%; women lawyers, 14.4%; women presidents of universities, 7.1%; women journalists in newspapers, 14.8%; and women board members, 3.1% (Catalyst, 2017; Sugimoto, 2014). This can be partially attributed to women temporarily leaving the workforce to raise children or take care of elderly parents: “74% of female university graduates in Japan have experienced periods away from work” (Zhou, 2015, p. 1). Returning to work after an extended leave, women miss out on career opportunities, as most Japanese businesses invest heavily in on-the-job training and socializing, starting on the first day of work. To optimize their return on investment, firms typically focus development and career planning on men employees, placing women at a disadvantage from a compensation perspective and for promotional opportunities. “While advocating the tatemae of gender equality, the honne of many employers appear to be that women should remain in subordinate positions in the workforce” (Sugimoto, 2014, p. 167). Often women return to work part-time or as a supplementary workforce. Paying significantly less, these roles create a two-tiered structure of gender-based employment. Notably, the first tier of permanent employees will have career paths and are typically reserved for men, whereas the second tier of supplementary or seasonal employees are reserved for busy periods. Employers rationalize that such a developmental and investmentbased decision is economic, not realizing the systematic discrimination against women. Using such justification, the workplace becomes the biggest obstacle in career advancement and leadership for women. The cycle of pay inequality and lack of advancement stems from life cycle events. With traditional beliefs and a strong sense of family, women, more often than men, are faced with an impasse to choose between career and family. Family Remains Critical This never-ending cycle of on and off ramps hinders Abenomics goal for women staying at work, advancing their careers, and moving into leadership roles. Sugimoto (2014) wrote, “The Child-care Leave Law requires

2

THE ROLE OF WOMEN IN THE JAPANESE CULTURAL CONTEXT

Table 2.1 Who nurses bed-ridden senior citizens at home [Ministry of Health, Labour, and Welfare (2007), as cited in Sugimoto (2010, p. 170)]

Family relationship Husband Wife Son Daughter Daughter-in-law Other

35

Percent 13.3 28.4 13.3 16.6 23.6 4.7

all companies to allow female or male employees to take parental leave without pay for up to one year to enable them to care for a newborn child” (p. 170). The World Economic Forum (2017) data indicate that approximately 1.9% of Japanese fathers utilized paternity leave, increasing to 3% in 2015, and 7% in 2017, compared with 53.1% of women taking maternity leave and returning to work (National Institute of Population and Social Security Research, 2017a, b). In addition, Japan’s return-to-work policy allows employees to resume work in the same job or a position of equivalent standing (Sugimoto, 2014). Oddly, there does not seem to be a leave policy to take care of aging parents or relatives. Based on data from Japan’s Ministry of Health, Labour, and Welfare (2007), when a parent falls ill, more women than men become responsible for their care (Table 2.1). Thus far, it appears that economic and policy changes have not necessarily benefitted the role of women. “The changing economic and social patterns in Japan have created areas of tension between traditional and modern lifestyles, customs of education for women and employment options” (Aronsson, 2012, p. 88). Looking at the state of women in leadership also requires a look at the convoluted mix of relationships and socially assigned roles rather than government intervention. Driving sustainable change requires understanding the family system, not as individuals but as a household (Kondo, 1990; Sugimoto, 2014). State of Women’s Leadership from the Perspectives of Organizational Cultural Factors Organizational culture is important for women’s leadership development as it impacts women’s access to leadership positions (Takeishi, 2014a). According to Yamaguchi (2014), companies with organizational initiatives to achieve work-life balance show fewer disparities between men

36

J. HORAN AND M. HORIMOTO

and women. In particular, the workplace culture, created by supervisors who are usually men, is said to impact the desire for advancement among women (Nakamura & Horimoto, 2017). Takeishi (2014a) found that, for the purpose of increasing the willingness for advancement among women, the effects of policy implementation for workplace participation and advancement of women or for supporting work-life balance at the corporate level, are limited, emphasizing the importance of the organizational culture in which women work. Takeishi suggested that their supervisors’ awareness of the initiatives for participation and advancement of women and the support they receive for work-life balance, are important. While management tends to differ by the gender of subordinates, corporate-level initiatives for the advancement of women impact the way supervisors develop their subordinates. Takeishi concluded that it is important for corporations to implement policies that address the supervisors’ efforts to develop women subordinates. However, Japanese workplace norms create an organizational culture that discourages women from utilizing their work-family balance policies (Nakamura & Horimoto, 2017). For instance, nearly 50% of Japanese women choose not to utilize parental leave and exit the labor force when they have their first child (National Institute of Population and Social Security Research, 2017). The expectations for women of working long hours and demonstrating commitment to their work over family responsibilities make it difficult for them to take care of their family as they have pressure to prove themselves (Nakamura & Horimoto, 2017; Takahashi, Kamano, Matsuda, Onode, & Yoshizumi, 2014). Also, given the lack of psychological management support for women’s work motivation, women might consider that using the policies will damage their career (Yasuda, 2013). State of Women’s Leadership from the Perspectives of Social Cultural Factors Leadership development of Japanese women requires an awareness of the division of labor according to gender roles that still exerts even in the twenty-first century. Since Kaibara Ekiken (1630–1714 CE), a Confucian scholar in the Edo period (1603–1867 CE), published Joshiwo oshiyuru hou [How to Educate Women], Japan’s awareness of the division of labor by gender has taken strong root, and postwar economic and educational policies have remained unchanged until today, obstructing women’s

2

THE ROLE OF WOMEN IN THE JAPANESE CULTURAL CONTEXT

37

participation in politics and the economy, as well as men’s raising of children, according to Makino (2014). In addition, Yamaguchi (2014), in discussing the impact of enforcing this awareness by corporations at the time of promotion to managerial positions, noted that the corporate push for gender-based divisions of labor for husbands and wives is reflected in the men–women ratios in their managerial positions. Further, this awareness of gender roles in the division of labor continues to impact women’s motivations for working and their career selections. There have been three types of “compromise behaviors” (Kanda, Hirano, Kimura, & Kiyohara, 1990, p. 22) from which women have to choose in the course of developing their professional careers. Women in the first type actively take on traditional women’s roles, such as housework and childcare. The social norms around gender roles create barriers that may cause women to face dilemmas, fears, and anxieties in pursuing a professional career. In the second type, women take on men’s behavior patterns. They value focusing on work and spending less time engaging in household duties and child-rearing as do typical Japanese men (Kanda et al., 1990). The third type is adopting a role in which they avoid marriage and childbirth to continue their profession. Although these three types have recently been changing, the related values have influence on women’s work motivation. Moreover, women often lack women leadership role models in the Japanese workplace. Leadership role models have been men, which may be a hindrance in women’s leadership development (Hadano, 2008). If the optimal model for leadership is envisioned as held by a man, the methods used for leadership development are in line with men’s working style, not women’s. In summary, the state of women’s leadership in Japan from the perspectives of organizational and social cultures still shows the influence on preconceptions about the division of roles between men and women. While there are generous work–family policies, social norms and an organizational environments obstruct their use. When it comes to individual work choice, women’s motivation for promotion and continuing work has been still influenced by organizational and social cultural factors.

38

J. HORAN AND M. HORIMOTO

Leadership in the Twenty-First Century: Shifting Demographics Driving Change? The social impact of gender-based division of labor and organizational culture created by managers have influenced both the lack of leadership development of women and the lack of increase in the number of women in management positions. Is leadership development for women in the twenty-first century causing change? How do the women think and behave regarding women’s work and leadership? Government initiatives since 1985 and some forward-thinking companies trying to promote women’s participation and involvement have steadily increased the number of women in management roles, which has created signs of organizational and societal changes. Government policies for women that began with the Equal Employment Opportunity Act executed in 1986 have gradually increased the number of women in management roles, and empirical studies on this subject have also shown progress. Through these studies, it has been found that society at large does not reflect an awareness of the increasing numbers of women in management roles or their impact on organizations, and thus no visible impact has been seen. According to Ohzono (2010), women managers show a significantly higher level of satisfaction versus their men counterparts in regard to “overall work,” and four categories of “wages,” “work hours,” “welfare,” and “skills development” (p. 202). Moreover, it was found that, in “women overall,” women managers have a higher level of satisfaction than women non-managers in “work overall” and “wages” (p. 202). At the same time, many women are hesitant to take on management roles. Takeishi (2014b) reported, regarding whether they wanted to have a management role, that 58% of women employees noted that they “did not want a management role” (p. 22). Only a few women wished to have a management role. Reasons given for not wanting a management role were “because of the heavier responsibilities (30.8%),” “uncertainty as to whether a work-life balance could be achieved (36.5%),” and “a management role would seem to be no merit (25.4%)” (p. 22). This shows that women anticipate greater responsibility leading to a decline in work and home balance, and thus they avoid management positions. It is assumed that the burden of housework is still handled mainly by women, which men spend only 45 minutes per a day and women spend 3 hours 38 minutes per a day for housework (Statistics Bureau of Japan, 2016), and thus many women avoid taking on greater responsibility through

2

THE ROLE OF WOMEN IN THE JAPANESE CULTURAL CONTEXT

39

a management role. In other words, the risk and compensation associated with being promoted to a management role are perceived to differ between men and women (Kawaguchi, 2012). Based on an examination of gender stereotypes, Sakata (2014) noted that one reason for women not opting for types of work that are regarded as more masculine or for management positions is that these jobs are dominated by men, and, thus, women have no sense of belonging to them. In addition, the achievement of mutuality in goals that many women feel to be important is recognized as more difficult in certain fields with men professionals. In order to create environments where women strive harder for management roles, Sakata (2014) said that it will be valuable to mitigate gender stereotypes by eliminating genderbased segregation of jobs and by increasing the number of women in management roles, particularly in upper management.

Strategies and Conclusion For the past 100 years, Japanese government-initiated policies have been put in place to stabilize the country during turbulent economic periods. Each time, these policies called on women to support both country and family. Based on a multi-perspective analysis examining historical practices and present working environments, it appears that policies, whether government or organizational, both helped and hindered women’s advancement. There is no doubt that Abenomics launched a much-needed discussion on women in the workforce. While economic growth and optimism have returned, the verdict is still out on the benefits for women’s careers and economic progress. Despite an increase in older women returning to work, Japan lags behind other developed countries in gender equality. While Japan has instituted gender equality laws and reforms providing equal rights, economic opportunities for women have not been balanced. Based on this research, policies may help, but truly to revolutionize the workforce and the economy, Japan needs a radical mindset shift. Policies are needed, but Japan now needs a collective discussion to raise awareness and reframe thinking on the roles of men and women at work, in the household, and in society. The first mindset shift is eliminating the segregation of gender roles in the workplace and at home. To do so, Japanese firms should consider bias training. While this is a common practice across multinational organizations, this type of training

40

J. HORAN AND M. HORIMOTO

and other diversity initiatives need to be tailored to the organization. Bias training brings awareness to the forefront, placing responsibility on Japanese management for the status of women. It will also help them to recognize the capabilities women bring to work. Historically, Japanese women with aspirations for upward mobility and economic independence have been derailed by the men-dominated culture. If a firm wants to promote women into leadership positions, then desegregation and building an inclusive work environment requires a shift in perspectives across the existing leadership team (Nemeto, 2016) and across society. This begins with a discussion and definition on what type of organization the leaders want to have, and ends by communicating the firm’s purpose, reaffirming values, and guiding principles on gender inclusion. The second shift is moving away from rewarding long hours at work, especially when there is evidence that long work hours actually reduce productivity (Ono, 2018). Despite legislation, policies, and workplace modifications, long working hours have remained since the 1990s (Ono, 2018). This culture of overworking impedes diversity efforts by reinforcing masculine norms, while maintaining gender exclusion, in both the workplace and the home. Unless women mimic this style, they’re left with two choices—follow the same pattern of prioritizing work over personal life and family or opt out. Women’s advancement is not only impacted by long working hours, compensation and promotion practices based on age and seniority play a role. The lack of women at the top requires a wholesale change in culture and business practices (Nemoto, 2016). Shifting working hours will relieve women of the double career overload of navigating long hours at work and at home. In addition, moving away from rewarding long hours at work will allow time for fathers to participate in childcare, eldercare, and household chores. Women unconsciously sign up for childcare and eldercare roles, leaving little time or support to think about careers or consider leadership positions. In navigating these double careers, they remain partially connected to work but do not receive the same recognition, development, or career path as men counterparts. Legislation offers a partial solution for gender equity, but the real impact starts by removing the social and emotional strain for both men and women. Along with a shift in thinking, Japan needs to invest in the expansion of quality child and elder care facilities. Finally, Japanese organizations and society need to continue the effort to remove gender bias for both men and women. This can be achieved through education and national curriculum highlighting feminist history

2

THE ROLE OF WOMEN IN THE JAPANESE CULTURAL CONTEXT

41

beginning with the Meiji period, underscoring women’s participation in the workforce and educational reform, to the current roles of women in leadership in government and organizations. Education and media have a significant role in mitigating bias and reframing the role of women in society. As the goal of Abenomics is increasing women’s participation in the workforce to drive the economy, as Japan moves forward, research should focus on ethnography, following up on Aronsson’s study (2012) to understand leadership and strategies for advancement from Japanese women’s perspectives. Gender equality can be achieved through a comprehensive change in gendered customs and practices across organizations and within society (Nemoto, 2016).

References Anderson, M. (2010). A place in public: Women’s rights in Meiji Japan. Cambridge, MA and London: Harvard University Asia Center. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt1x07w48. Anderson, M. S. (2013). Women and political life in early Meiji Japan: The case of the Okayama Joshi Konshinkai (Okayama Women’s Friendship Society). U.S.–Japan Women’s Journal, 44(1), 43–66. http://scholarworks.smith.edu/ hst_facpubs/1/. Aronsson, A. S. (2012). Career women in contemporary Japan: Pursuing identities, fashioning lives (Doctoral dissertation). Retrieved from http://dissertat ionreviews.org/archives/8211. Avery, E., & Nelson, R. (2014). Womenomics in Japan: In brief. Congressional Research Service, 1–9. Retrieved from https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/ 67531/metadc462468/. Catalyst Research: Catalyst. (2017, February 7). Women in management. Retrieved from http://www.catalyst.org/knowledge/women-management# Japan. Hadano, K. (2008). 女性のリーダーシップに何が求められているのか [What is needed for women’s leadership]. 有馬真喜子、原ひろ子編 [In M. Arima & H. Hara (Eds.)], 時代を拓く女性リーダー 行政・大学・企業・団体での人 材育成支援 [Creating a future of women leaders: Leadership development in government, universities, corporations, and other organizations] (pp. 202– 204). Tokyo, Japan: 明石書店 [Akashi Publishing]. Retrieved from http://ci. nii.ac.jp/ncid/BA8786092X?l=en. Hasanuma, L. (December 2016). Japan tries to promote women but cultural norms get in the way. World Politics Review, 1–5. Retrieved from https:// www.worldpoliticsreview.com/.

42

J. HORAN AND M. HORIMOTO

Hewlett, S. A. (2007). Off-ramps and on-ramps, keeping talented women on the road to success. Harvard Business School Press. Jansen, M. B. (2000). The making of modern Japan. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Japan International Labour Federation. (2014). JILAF 日本におけるジェンダ ー・ギャップの現状と課題 [The gender gap in Japan: Present situation and issues]. Retrieved from https://www.jilaf.or.jp/eng/mbn/2014/149.html. Kanda, M., Hirano, T., Kimura, K., & Kiyohara, K. (1990). 性役割の変 動過程を説明する『折り合い行動』概念 [The conception of “compromise behavior” which explains the transformational process of female role]. 女性学研究 [Japanese Journal of Women’s Studies], 1, 22–41. Retrieved from https://ndlopac.ndl.go.jp/F/?func=full-set-set&set_number=106054& set_entry=000011&format=999. Kawaguchi, A. (2012). 昇進意欲の男女比較 [Gender difference in ambition for promotion]. The Japanese Journal of Labour Studies, 620, 43–57. Retrieved from http://dl.ndl.go.jp/info:ndljp/pid/10179975. Kondo, D. K. (1990). Crafting selves: Power, gender, and discourses of identity in a Japanese workplace. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. Lebra, T. S. (1984). Japanese women: Constraint and fulfillment. Honolulu, HI: University of Hawaii Press. Makino, K. (2014). 性別役割分業意識は変えられるか?—国際比較に見る日本 ・韓国 [Can we change our understanding of role division between men and women? Comparing Japan and Korea]. Peace and Culture, 6(1), 25– 37. Retrieved from http://www.jripec.aoyama.ac.jp/publication/journal/jnl 006_04.pdf. Mouer, R., & Kawanishi, H. (2009). A sociology of work in Japan. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Nakamura, Y. T., & Horimoto, M. (2017). Women’s leadership development in Japan. In Y. Cho, R. Ghosh, J. Yi Sun, & G. L. McLean (Eds.), Current perspectives on Asian women in leadership (pp. 71–86). New York, NY: Palgrave Macmillan. National Institute of Population and Social Security Research. (2017a). 15th national fertility survey of Japan. Tokyo, Japan: National Institute of Population and Social Security Research Team. Retrieved from http://www.ipss.go. jp/ps-doukou/e/doukou15/Nfs15R_points_eng.pdf. National Institute of Population and Social Security Research. (2017b). Populations and Security in Japan. Retrieved from http://www.ipss.go.jp/site-ad/ index_english/publication-e.html. Nemoto, K. (2016). Too few women at the top: The persistence of inequality in Japan. Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press. Retrieved from http:// www.jstor.org/stable/10.7591/j.ctt1d2dn1q.

2

THE ROLE OF WOMEN IN THE JAPANESE CULTURAL CONTEXT

43

Ohzono, Y. (2010). Do female managers have high job satisfaction? Journal of Behavioral Economics and Finance, 3, 199–203. https://doi.org/10.11167/ jbef.3.199. Ono, H. (February–March 2018). Why do the Japanese work long hours? Sociological perspectives on long working hours in Japan. Japan Labor Issues, 2(5), 35–49. Retrieved February 1, 2019, from https://www.jil.go.jp/english/jli/ documents/2018/005-03.pdf. Sakata, K. (2014). How the gender differences in preference and behavior caused? An explanation of gender segregation of occupation from the perspective of social psychology. The Japanese Journal of Labour Studies, 56, 94–104. Retrieved from http://dl.ndl.go.jp/info:ndljp/pid/10180377. Sievers, S. L. (1983). Flowers in salt: The beginnings of feminist consciousness in modern Japan. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. Statistics Bureau of Japan. (2016/10). Outline of the 2016 survey on time use and leisure activities. Retrieved from https://www.stat.go.jp/english/data/ shakai/2016/gaiyo.html. Steeger, I. (2017, September 26). New fathers can take a year of paternity leave in Japan. This is why most men take none. World Economic Forum. Retrieved from https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2017/09/new-fatherscan-take-a-year-of-paternity-leave-in-japan-this-is-why-most-men-take-none/. Sugimoto, Y. (2010). An introduction to Japanese society (3rd ed.). Melbourne, Australia: Cambridge University Press. Sugimoto, Y. (2014). An introduction to Japanese society. Melbourne, Australia: Cambridge University Press. Takahashi, M., Kamano, S., Matsuda, T., Onode, S., & Yoshizumi, K. (2014). Worklife balance in Japan: New policies, old practices. In H. Barbara (Ed.), Worklife balance: The agency and capabilities gap (pp. 92–125). New York, NY: Oxford University Press. Takeishi, E. (2014a). 女性の昇進意欲を高める職場の要因 [An analysis of workplace factors in women’s ambition for promotion]. 日本労働研究雑誌 [The Japanese Journal of Labour Studies], 33–47. Retrieved from http://www.jil. go.jp/english/ejournal/abstracts/2014.html. Takeishi, E. (2014b). 女性の仕事意欲を高める取り組み [Initiatives of companies to increase women’s motivation to work]. 佐藤博樹、武石恵美子編 [In H. Sato & E. Takeishi (Eds.)], ワーク・ライフ・バランス支援の課 題: 人材多様化時代における企業の対応 [Challenges to work-life balance: Human resource strategies for managing a diverse workforce]. 東京大学出 版会 [University of Tokyo Press]. World Economic Forum: Written by Svati Narula. (n.d.). Why did only 2% of new fathers in Japan take paternity leave last year? Retrieved from https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2016/01/why-did-only-2-of-newfathers-in-japan-take-paternity-leave-last-year/.

44

J. HORAN AND M. HORIMOTO

Yamaguchi, K. (2014). ホワイトカラー正社員の管理職割合の男女格差の決定 要因 [Determinants of gender inequality in the proportion of managers]. 日 本労働研究雑誌 [The Japanese Journal of Labour Studies], 17–32. Retrieved from http://www.jil.go.jp/english/ejournal/abstracts/2014.html. Yasuda, H. (2013). 雇用主の性別役割意識が企業の女性割合に与える影響 [The impact of employers’ gender role attitudes on the proportion of women]. 日本労働研究雑誌 [The Japanese Journal of Labour Studies], 89– 107. Retrieved from http://www.jil.go.jp/english/ejournal/abstracts/2013. html. Zhou, Y. (Spring 2015). Career interruption of Japanese women: Why is it so hard to balance work and childcare? Japan Labor Review, 12(2), 106–123. Retrieved from http://www.accj.or.jp/wib-resource-library-content/careerinterruption-of-japanese-women-why-is-it-so-hard-to-balance-work-and-chi ldcare.

CHAPTER 3

Challenges of Women Leadership from Employment Systems Perspectives Yumiko Yokoyama and Yoshie Tomozumi Nakamura

In Japan, there are few women leadership role models as the employment system and the social environment accept this situation. Although an increasing number of companies have proclaimed gender equality, many companies have superficial systems and policies that have not been utilized in practice. In fact, Japan is far behind other advanced countries in terms of women’s leadership development. According to Gender Equality Bureau Cabinet Office (2019), the Japanese women’s workforce are 44.2%, which is similar to the situation in other advanced countries: 46.9% in the United States, 47.0% in the United Kingdom, 46.7% in Australia, 48.3% in France, and 46.6% in Germany. However, Japanese women in managerial positions is only 14.9%, compared with 40.7% in the United States, 36.3% in the United Kingdom, 38.7% in Australia,

Y. Yokoyama (B) American Express International, Inc., Tokyo, Japan e-mail: [email protected] Y. T. Nakamura The George Washington University, Washington, D.C., USA e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s) 2021 Y. T. Nakamura et al. (eds.), Japanese Women in Leadership, Current Perspectives on Asian Women in Leadership, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-36304-8_3

45

46

Y. YOKOYAMA AND Y. T. NAKAMURA

34.5% in France, and 29.4% in Germany. According to Teikoku Data Bank (2019), 46.7% of corporations in Japan still have no women in management. It is clear that Japanese women do not have equal leadership opportunities. This situation discourages women from pursuing a leadership career path. There are several reasons why Japanese women’s leadership development lags other developed countries. The employment system is a significant factor that negatively impacts women’s leadership development. In this chapter, we highlight two dimensions: membership form vs. job form, and Sogo-shoku (promotion track) vs. Ippan-shoku (nonpromotion track) that discourage women from developing leadership. With a focus on these systems, we investigate the root cause of women’s diminished career development situation and recommend future research possibilities and practice implementation.

Membership Form vs. Job Form Employment System Japanese companies use “membership form” as opposed to “job form” (Hamaguchi, 2011, pp. 16–17). In the membership form, companies offer their employees lifetime employment in exchange for the employees’ loyalty and commitment to work. In this form, individuals do whatever their company wants them to do throughout their careers, including relocation, job function, and so forth. In other words, employees have limited flexibility and freedom to choose their own career paths. Japanese companies’ regular practices in talent acquisition and development are usually to recruit new graduates from high status universities or high schools, when possible, and develop them through on-the-job training (OJT) by having employees experience different functions across the company or assigned job rotations. On the other hand, job form is commonly used in the U.S. and Europe, in which each employee has the freedom and flexibility to choose specific jobs they want and create an individualized career path. In other words, they do not have mandatory job rotations ordered by their companies. Thus, people often change jobs across companies to obtain the necessary skills and experiences to climb their leadership career ladder. Women have more challenges than men in the membership form of employment in developing their leadership. There are three major factors that make it difficult for women to pursue their leadership career path. First, the most challenging factor is the company’s job rotation order,

3

CHALLENGES OF WOMEN LEADERSHIP FROM EMPLOYMENT …

47

including relocation that sometimes requires people to move out of the town in which they currently live. Such a company order is called jirei, referring to a company’s order for employees to change their job function or take a promotion (Horii, 2016). Jirei is critical for an individual’s career path in the company. Membership form is based on the premise that women support housework for men. Men can accept occasional job rotations that often include relocation outside of their city, region, or even country, as expatriates, and their wives and children can move with them to the new assigned geographic area (Yamaguchi & Higuchi, 2015). However, women who want to develop their career and leadership struggle with balancing their family duties, as they have to choose a focus on their career or family. Second, membership form has a strong correlation with long working hours, which is another obstacle for women, especially those who have family duties. Mommy track is used to segregate working mothers from a regular promotion track due to the assumption that working mothers cannot work extra hours as they need to take care of their children, compared with other people who can work extra hours or can be relocated (Dumauli, 2019). Again, most men have support from their wives to make a full-time commitment to work, so working mothers encounter a glass ceiling that stops them from being promoted (Hamada, 2018). For example, Kato and Kodama (2017) shared a case study that revealed how a large manufacturing firm in Japan used long working hours as a sign of employees’ commitment to the firm, which determines promotion. A corporate culture like this example has no place for idealistic notions who desire work-life balance. Women who take time off to care for their children or parents are confronted by long working hours that are seen as necessary for the productivity of companies in Japan, which negatively impacts women in leadership (Dalton, 2017). Third, membership form creates difficulty in job hunting once a woman starts her career. In the membership form, employees develop their career as a generalist to become a general manager who understands all business functions and the overall company culture through multiple job rotations across functions assigned by their company. It is unusual for employees to discuss an individualized career development plan with their employer. That said, it is extremely difficult for women employees to make themselves fit in a fixed career path (Kopp, 2015). Therefore, the membership form of employment is a barrier for women to develop their career and leadership.

48

Y. YOKOYAMA AND Y. T. NAKAMURA

Sogo-Shoku (Promotion Track) vs. Ippan-Shoku (Non-Promotion Track) vs. Hi-Seisyain (Part-Time Track) Employment System Japan has three career tracks to choose from at the point of entry that will impact women’s leadership development: sogo-shoku (promotion track) and ippan-shoku (non- promotion track) (Yamaguchi, 2019). The twotrack employment system went into effect in 1986 as a measure of the Law on Securing Equal Opportunity and Treatment between Men and Women in Employment (Yanagisawa, 2006). The law prohibits gender discrimination and requires equal employment opportunity (Edwards, 1994). Major revisions were made in 1997 and 2006–2007. The 1997 revision targeted discrimination in all stages of employment, including recruitment, hiring, job assignments, and promotions. The second revision targeted sexual harassment and then, affirmative action, called positive action policies (Weathers, 2005). Positive action refers to public procurement of third parties to evaluate corporations that claim to promote women-supportive measures, such as work-life balance, to encourage the advancement of women (Gender Equality Bureau Cabinet Office, 2017). The two-track employment system was supposed to provide more flexible career opportunities for both men and women. The two-track employment system is currently used by 51% of companies that employ more than 5000 employees; 45% of companies from 1000 to 4999 use such a system, with 27% of those from 300 to 999. However, what happened was that, as of 2019, 34.4% of those in ippan-shoku were women, and women accounted for only 18.8% of the total sogo-shoku (Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare [MHLW], 2019a). These statistics show that most women are not expected to develop their careers from the beginning as there is no promotion and little salary increase in the ippan-shoku track. People in ippan-shoku earn a lot less than people in sogo-shoku, which explains Japan’s gender wage gap. The Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) gender wage gap report shows that Japan is still among the worst two countries with Korea being last, 24.5%, among 22 OECD countries as of 2018 (OECD, 2020). The main job responsibility and expectations for ippan-shoku are to support sogo-shoku. Ippan-shoku does not have decision-making rights. As a result, companies create a barrier for improving their own productivity. For example, even if women in ippan-shoku have an idea for new business or innovations, their voices are not heard. They also do not think

3

CHALLENGES OF WOMEN LEADERSHIP FROM EMPLOYMENT …

49

about business opportunities or improvement but focus on administrative duties to support people in sogo-shoku. Yamaguchi (2017) pointed out that this job role separation is one of the factors impacting the gender gap, also impacting economic activity. As a result, ippan-shoku women do not have enough opportunity to take more responsibilities and develop leadership skills through these experiences. Separately from seishain (regular employees), consisting of sogo-shoku and ippan-shoku, there is hi-seisyain (term-limited or part-time work) category. When we discuss women’s employment status in Japan, it is inevitable to highlight that a large number of women work in the hiseisyain category. The total hi-seisyain now accounts for 56% of women’s employment, but men employed in this category is only 22.2% (MHLW, 2019b). One reason for such a high discrepancy is that women who have family duties tend to return to work in a hi-seisyain position. According to the Statistics Bureau of Japan (2020), the top reason for working as hi-seisyain for both men and women is “want[ing] to work with own convenient or preferable time,” with 29.3% for men and 31.2% for women responding with this explanation. Furthermore, women’s second reason was, “would like to earn to supplement family income or earn for family members’ tuition for education,” 21.9% (men, 12.7%). Third was, “to balance household, raising children, elder’s care,” 19.1% (men, 1.1%). These statistics show that women after giving birth do not plan to develop their career and leadership because they prioritize family over career. Apparently, women who work as hi-seisyain due to family duties cannot obtain career developing opportunities, while they are raising children. After they finish raising their children, it is difficult to come back to full-time work because of a lack of career development opportunities compared with men who continuously worked in a full-time job.

Why are There Few Women in Sogo-Shoku Track? There are three dimensions to examine regarding the low rate of women in sogo-shoku. One is a gap between women and men who receive a job offer. The second factor is the gap in turnover rate between women and men. The third factor is learning and development.

50

Y. YOKOYAMA AND Y. T. NAKAMURA

Hiring According to MHLW (2019a), 32.4% of companies hired only men for Sogo-shoku. Among these, 69.8% claimed that no women applied for Sogo-shoku; 12.4% claimed that women applicants did not pass their recruitment test; and 9.5% claimed that women rejected their offer. Further, 41.3% of companies have fewer than 10% of managers as women, and 17.4% have no women in management (Japan Institute for Labour Policy and Training [JILPT], 2020). Of companies with more than 300 employees, 39.5% claimed that they did not have women who had been promoted (JILPT, 2020). They said that they could not hire women in management positions because the pool from which to recruit qualified women for management positions was too small (Takeishi, Yajima, & Osawa, 2018). Resignation More than 60% of sogo-shoku women quit their job within ten years of their start compared with 37% of men (Takigawa, 2017). As described earlier, Japanese membership form heavily relies on new graduate recruitment; it is difficult for women to change their job based on skills and experiences obtained through OJT. Historically, Japanese companies are well known for shusin koyo (life-time employment). Japanese companies still favor long-term employees who have served them from the beginning and with no hiatus (Nakakubo, 2016). In the U.S., 73% of women who resign the company for childbearing come back to work in a different company as a full-time employee but only 43% do so in Japan (Kopp, 2015). In Japan, when women resign and then return, they have to take a lower salary or a position in a lower career rank (Kopp, 2015). This also explains why Japan still has a 24.5% gender wage gap (OECD, 2020), even though women are supposed to have equal employment opportunities under the law. Both hiring and resignation ratio of women in sogo-shoku explain why women do not reach the level held by men. Takigawa (2017) explained that the main reason for college-educated women to take ippan-shoku is worry about relocation. While 69.9% of corporations have a relocation waiver program, only 14.6% of women and 11.6% of men used the program (JILPT, 2017). While the policy may be available, it is not commonly used among employees. The second reason for resignation is

3

CHALLENGES OF WOMEN LEADERSHIP FROM EMPLOYMENT …

51

to balance work and life. According to the Japan Institute for Women’s Empowerment & Diversity Management (JIWEDM) (2018), 45.5% of women do not think they can continue developing their career at the current workplace while they do child-rearing. Women who chose ippanshoku have said that their choice is suitable and realistic for their preferred work life when they think about balancing work and family duties, especially after having a child (Takigawa, 2017). College-educated women report that, as there is no role models who show that they have successfully balanced work and life in sogo-shoku, they are concerned about raising children successfully if they pursue sogo-shoku (Takigawa, 2017). Many women have not been motivated to stay and have not seen themselves as future leaders in their companies (Iwata & Ohsawa, 2015). Those women who have been able to find a new job have found a nonsogo shoku job that they liked more than the previous sogo-shoku one, but it reduced their chances of pursuing a leadership career. As a result, Japanese women’s management position ratio has not increased, and there is still a gender gap in careers and leadership. Learning and Development According to JIWEDM (2018), sogo-shoku women in their 20s who receive less encouragement for professional development from their boss compared with men is 12.14% based on their survey targeting 2300 women (20s, 26.3%; 30s, 30.3%; 40s, 27.3%; 50s, 16.1%). It increases as their ages get older: 15.4% in their 30s, 22.2% in their 40s, and 23.4% in their 50s. Also, women who think that men are assigned for appropriate work-related assignments that properly prepared for them to take management positions is 50.8%. Management often has challenges in developing sogo-syoku women to become managers. Interestingly, women who have low motivation for promotion do not know about their company’s women empowerment program (JILPT, 2020). It is essential for those companies to educate their employees about the women empowerment program implementation, otherwise such initiative is not be utilized effectively. Companies think that there are few women in management positions as women have low motivation for management or experience early career resignation. In theory, however, women who joined the company in the sogo-shoku track should be equally motivated to men in their career. The low motivation can be impacted by their accessibility to training opportunities for their leadership development.

52

Y. YOKOYAMA AND Y. T. NAKAMURA

Support Factors to Promote Women’s Career Development Despite the challenges Japan has been facing in developing women leaders, there are signs of hope. Based on the Prime Minister’s strong commitment to making the best use of women’s labor resources for economic growth, Japanese corporations started reorganizing their employment system for women. The ministry devised an eruboshi (star) system to recognize companies for their efforts, with three levels of achievement based on five criteria: hiring of women, job tenure, work style (including work hours), share of executives, and multiplicity of career courses (Vogel, 2018). There are three levels: pink mark/certified meeting five criteria; red mark/meeting three or four criteria; and orange mark meeting one or two criteria. As of January 31, 2020, eruboshi certified companies is 991 (Safety and Health Superior Enterprise Mark [SHEM], 2020). And as of 2020, 15,074 companies reported their progress on women empowerment for the ministry’s public database (MHLW, 2020). With the ministry’s efforts, multiplicity of career courses was expanded into a new type of sogo-shoku named limited sogo-shoku, basically sogoshoku without relocation, job duties, and hours for work. Women do not have to worry about moving to a different prefecture (district) or overseas due to jirei (company order). According to MHLW (2019a), 31.8% of women are working as limited sogo-shoku, 13% higher than sogo-shoku. As there is no relocation, women can manage both their job and family duties. However, a challenge for this track is that limited sogo-shoku has fewer promotion opportunities with lower compensation compared with sogo-shoku. It is due to the experiences women in the limited sogo-shoku position can gain. With the limited work experiences, companies view them as being not ready for promotion like people in sogo-shoku are seen. Therefore, this membership form provides more opportunities for women to obtain work experiences, but it might not be a fundamental solution for gender equality from a leadership development perspective. The second change is company support to promote ippan-shoku women to move to sogo-shoku by changing the required conditions for the promotion exam. For example, a major beverage company, Sapporo Beer, changed its performance assessment method from a paper test to an interview. It better helped capture the needs of employees for their professional development. The company has instituted flexibility of working

3

CHALLENGES OF WOMEN LEADERSHIP FROM EMPLOYMENT …

53

conditions from which people can choose, such as job location and function. Sapporo Beer also created regional sogo-shoku. By doing so, Sapporo Beer successfully increased the number of women who moved from ippan-shoku to sogo-shoku to 96 women (65% of the total ippan-shoku population) for the last 3 years (At Jinji, 2019). The final change was abolishing the sogo-shoku and ippan-shoku systems and providing fully equal opportunities regardless of gender. For example, Imura-ya Group, a Japanese confectionery company, completely removed sogo-shoku, regional sogo-shoku, and ippan-shoku tracks and consolidated employee evaluation and compensation schemes in 2015 (Nikkei Style, 2016). As a result, the portion of women in management increased from 4.8% in 2014 to 7% in 2019 (Chunichi, 2020). If these examples can maximize labor resources, it will significantly impact the companies’ growth. It is a slow increase, yet such practices will accelerate other Japanese companies to transform by incorporating gender equality in their job systems. In brief, the traditional Japanese employment system contributes to the gender division of labor. It keeps women from developing their careers equally with men. With governmental efforts, even though it is a gradual process, it is essential for companies to continue leveraging government-led initiatives, such as the eruboshi program to lead an organization-wide systematic change in order to better support women employees in developing their leadership.

Implications for Practice and Future Research There are two main recommendations to improve practice. First, it is important to shift employment form from membership to job form. By doing so, both women and men can create an individualized career path by considering their own life stages. This shift can reduce long hours of work typical in Japan and increase productivity per hour, as the job form can eliminate an unlimited working commitment concept. A combination of member form and job form approaches can be implemented. Yoshikawa (2019) suggested that new hires after college education can start with member form and then transition to job form after several years. Through the initial phase of their career, employees can gain skill sets and learning opportunities that their company provides. Once they receive basic skill sets and work experiences, companies should make them choose their own path. To do so, it is important for companies to encourage employees to

54

Y. YOKOYAMA AND Y. T. NAKAMURA

do self-learning and pursue professional development opportunities on their own or with the company’s support. Second, like the Imurya-group case described above, it is critical to eliminate sogo-shoku and ippansh-shoku tracks that negatively impact women’s career development. If job positions are based only on the Job form, there is no need to have sogo-shoku and ippan-shoku as the positions in the job form indicate the nature of work expected, such as relocation, remote work, and so on. Eliminating the two-track employment system will accelerate truly gender-free recruitment and talent development in Japan. We can expect increasing productivity of ippan-shoku women who used to have limits in doing more productive work beyond their expected ippan-shoku level work. These two proposed reforms will enable Japanese of both genders to have work-life balance. Once all have the same opportunity and flexibility for career choice, it will change people’s traditional perceptions of gender roles, i.e., men take care of work while women take care of housework and child-rearing (Hamaguchi, 2015). The Japanese society can be transformed by truly supporting women to have a wide variety of job experiences that can help enhance women’s leadership development in Japan. There are four key success factors from these reform proposals. First, the employment form change needs to be closely linked to performance management, which also requires changes. Therefore, reasonable output expectations and behaviors are needed to fit job form. Second, as reform requires a huge cultural shift, top management commitment and messages for change are required, providing the background and reason for the change, clear direction and goal of the change, and strong commitment from top management are required. Third, training for both management and employees regarding the new employment system and performance management system is critical to adjust to the new systems. Developing a new culture relies on training and continuous follow-up. Last, a policy change to prepare a flexible work environment, such as flexible working hours, work from home, and maternity and parental leave are critical to reform the Japanese employment system. Considering the implications for future research agendas, it is necessary to examine how and in what ways employment systems impact women and men with an interdisciplinary approach from sociology, organizational psychology, human resource development, and anthropology perspectives. Comparative case studies between companies that have taken

3

CHALLENGES OF WOMEN LEADERSHIP FROM EMPLOYMENT …

55

different employment system tracks and companies that do not have such a system will help us better understand the impact of having or not having employment systems on women’s leadership. Cross-country comparisons, based on employment systems, will also be useful. Moreover, researchers may examine how women are impacted by the reforms of the various employment systems and leadership development perspectives over time through interventions, such as the elimination of the two-track employment system or transfer to a job form from a membership form. These studies might include multiple factors, including socio-cultural factors, gender roles, women’s leader identity, and motivation, as multiple factors may be intertwined to influence Japanese women in leadership.

Conclusion The existence of sogo-shoku and ippan-shoku tracks are characteristic of the Japanese employment system that impacts Japanese women in leadership. Membership form and job form prevent women from developing their career and leadership. This chapter examined how the existing employment system that is unique to Japan impacts Japanese women in leadership. We highlighted the challenges of the existing employment system that Japanese women face in developing their career in Japanese companies and identified strategies that can potentially improve the situation of women’s leadership in Japan. Empowering women in developing their careers can lead to economic gain in the Japanese society. We hope that corporations in Japan will transform their employment systems to foster a gender equality work environment.

References At Jinji. (2019, October 23).「役員になりたい」女性社員が3倍増。 サッポロ ビール「一般職→総合職」転換3年計画の全貌 [Women who want to be promoted to management level increased to 3 times as before: Sapporo Beer 3 year transformation plan from ippan-shoku to sogo-shou]. @人事[At Jinji]. Retrieved from https://at-jinji.jp/blog/31160/. Chunichi Web. (2020, April 6). 女性登用、東海企業道半ば 活躍法施行から4 年 [Women empowerment, companies in Tokai area’s efforts in empowering women for the last 4 years since the women empowerment law enacted]. Retrieved from https://www.chunichi.co.jp/article/feature/monday_keizai/ list/CK2020040602000192.html.

56

Y. YOKOYAMA AND Y. T. NAKAMURA

Dalton, E. (2017). Womenomics, ‘equality’ and Abe’s neo-liberal strategy to make Japanese women shine. Social Science Japan Journal, 20(1), 95–105. https://doi.org/10.1093/ssjj/jyw043. Dumauli, M. T. (2019). Motherhood wage penalty in Japan: What causes mothers to earn less in regular jobs? Business and Economic Horizons, 15(3), 375–392. 10.15208/beh.2019.22. Edwards, L. N. (1994). The status of women in Japan: Has the equal employment opportunity law made a difference? Journal of Asian Economics, 5(2), 217–240. https://doi.org/10.7916/D8X3550D. Gender Equality Bureau Cabinet Office. (2017). Main policies > positive action. Retrieved from http://www.gender.go.jp/english_contents/mge/pos itive_act/index.html. Gender Equality Bureau Cabinet Office. (2019). 男女共同参画白書, 令和元年 版 I平成30年度 男女共同参画社会の形成の状況 [Gender equality participation white paper, Reiwa 1st year: Heisei 30th year status for forming of gender equality society]. Retrieved from http://www.gender.go.jp/about_danjo/whi tepaper/r01/zentai/index.html#honpen. Hamada, T. (2018). Japanese company’s cultural shift for gender equality at work. Global Economic Review, 47 (1), 63–87. https://doi.org/10.1080/122 6508X.2017.1393725. Hamaguchi, K. (2011). 日本の雇用と労働法 [Japanese employment & labor law]. Tokyo, Japan: 日経文庫 [Nikkei Bunko]. Hamaguchi, K. (2015). 働く女子の運命 [Destiny of working women]. Tokyo, Japan: 文春新書 [Bunsyun-shinsyo]. Horii, K. (2016). A study on work motivation and self-regulation in the career development process of women in management. 共栄大学研究論集 [Kyoei University Research Journal ], 14, 137–156. Retrieved from http://id.nii.ac. jp/1372/00000149/. Iwata, M., & Ohsawa, M. (2015). なぜ女性は仕事を辞めるのか[Why women quit their bob]. (日本女子大学現代女性キャリア研究所 [Japan Women’s University, Research Institute for Women and Careers], Ed.). Tokyo, Japan: 青弓社 [Seikyu-sya]. Kato, T., & Kodama, N. (2017). Women in the workplace and management practices: Theory and evidence. IZA Institute of Labor Economics, 10788, 1– 48. Retrieved from https://ssrn.com/abstract=2979936. Kopp, R. (2015). 日本企業の社員は、なぜこんなにもモチベーションが低いの か? [What is the reason that Japanese employee’s motivation is so low?]. Tokyo, Japan: Cross Media Publishing. Nakakubo, H. (2016). Glass ceiling or iron weight? Challenges for female employees on their path to becoming managers and executives in Japan. Hastings International & Comparative Law Review, 39(2), 399–410. Retrieved from https://repository.uchastings.edu/hastings_international_c omparative_law_review/vol39/iss2/4.

3

CHALLENGES OF WOMEN LEADERSHIP FROM EMPLOYMENT …

57

Nikkei Style News. (2016, September10). 総合職へ 一般職の挑戦 背中押す企 業 [Company started encouraging Ippan-shoku women challenge to Sogoshoku]. Retrieved from https://style.nikkei.com/article/DGXMZO069655 00X00C16A9TY5000?channel=DF130120166072. Safety and Health Superior Enterprise Mark. (2020). List of Eruboshi certified companies. Retrieved from https://shem.or.jp/yujiro/eruboshi?marks%5B% 5D=eruboshi#kekka. Statistics Bureau of Japan. (2020). 労働力調査(詳細集計)2019年(令和元年)平 均 結果の概要 [Labor research report 2019 average in brief ]. Retrieved from https://www.stat.go.jp/data/roudou/sokuhou/nen/dt/index.html. Takeishi, E., Yajima, Y., & Osawa, M. (2018). Panel discussion about work style work to promote women’s empowerment. 現代女性キャリア [Modern Women and Career], 11, 31–40. Retrieved from http://riwac.jp/publication/ kiyou/. Takigawa, M. (2017, June 21). 高学歴女子はなぜ今、あえて一般職を目指す のか [Why women who received higher education aim to take Ippan-shoku role?]. Business Insider Japan. Retrieved from https://www.businessinsider. jp/post-34485. Teikoku Data Bank. (2019, August 15). 女性登用に対する企業の意識調 査(2019年) [Survey for corporation regarding women’s employment ]. Retrieved from https://www.tdb.co.jp/report/watching/press/pdf/p190803.pdf. The Japan Institute for Labour Policy and Training. (2017, October). 企業の転 勤の実態に関す る調査 [Report on corporations’ employee relocation status]. 調査シリーズ [Report Series], 174. Retrieved from https://www.jil.go.jp/ins titute/research/2017/174.html. The Japan Institute for Labour Policy and Training. (2020, March). 女性活躍と 両立支援に関する調査 [Women empowerment and support report]. 調査シ リーズ [Report Series], 196. Retrieved from https://www.jil.go.jp/institute/ research/2020/196.html. The Japan Institute for Women’s Empowerment & Diversity Management. (2018, June 19). 女 性正社員対象 女性活躍状況調査 [Women empowerment status report focusing women full-time employees ]. Retrieved from https:// www.jiwe.or.jp/research-report/2018. The Ministry of Health, Labor and Welfare. (2019a). 平成30年度雇用均等基本 調査の結果概要 [2018 equal employment opportunity survey results ]. Retrieved from https://www.mhlw.go.jp/toukei/list/dl/71-30r/07.pdf. The Ministry of Health, Labor and Welfare. (2019b). 平成30年版働く女性の実 情 [2018 women employment status ]. Retrieved from https://www.mhlw.go. jp/bunya/koyoukintou/josei-jitsujo/18.html.

58

Y. YOKOYAMA AND Y. T. NAKAMURA

The Ministry of Health, Labor and Welfare. (2020, April 6). Women empowerment promotion company database. Retrieved from https://positive-ryouritsu. mhlw.go.jp/positivedb/. The Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development. (2020, March 28). Gender wage gap (indicator). https://doi.org/10.1787/7cee77aa-en. Vogel, S. K. (2018). Japan’s labor regime in transition: Rethinking work for a shrinking nation. Journal of Japanese Studies, 44(2), 257–292. 10.1353/jjs. 2018.0039. Weathers, C. (2005). In search of strategic partners: Japan’s campaign for equal opportunity. Social Science Japan Journal, 8(1), 66–89. https://doi.org/10. 1093/ssjj/jyi018. Yamaguchi, K. (2017). 働き方の男女不平等 理論と実証分析 [Gender gap for way to work: Theoretical and empirical analysis approach]. Tokyo, Japan: 日本 経済新聞出版 [Nikkei Publishing]. Yamaguchi, K. (2019). Japan’s gender gap: Finance and development. Finance & Development, 56(1), 26–29. Retrieved from http://proxygw.wrlc.org/ login?url=https://search-proquest-com.proxygw.wrlc.org/docview/219449 3639?accountid=11243. Yamaguchi, K., & Higuchi, Y. (2015). 論争・日本のワークバランス [Discussion; Japanese work & life balance]. Tokyo, Japan: 日本経済新聞出版社 [Nikkei Publishing]. Yanagisawa, F. (2006, April 28). 男女雇用機会均等政策の動向と改革 [Direction and revolution of equal employment and opportunities policy]. 国立国会図書 館 社会労働調査室 [National Diet Library, Social & Labor research center], 538, 1–2. Retrieved from http://www.ndl.go.jp/jp/diet/publication/issue/ 0538.pdf. Yoshikawa, M. (2019). Right to a career in membership-oriented society. Thinking About Human Rights, 22, 85–99. Retrieved from http://id.nii.ac. jp/1443/00007840/.

PART III

Leading Change

CHAPTER 4

Developing Women Leaders in Japan: Government-Led Initiatives AAhad M. Osman-Gani, Yoshie Tomozumi Nakamura, and Mayuko Horimoto

Considering the various problems faced by Japan and the international community, the Government of Japan adopted the Development Cooperation Charter at the Cabinet meeting in February 2015. The Charter states Japan’s commitment to further promote gender equality in Japanese society. Such importance of women’s empowerment is recognized internationally in the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development adopted at the United Nations Sustainable Development Summit in September 2015. It specifies the 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) as the

A. M. Osman-Gani (B) INCEIF Global University Malaysia, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia Y. T. Nakamura The George Washington University, Washington, D.C., USA e-mail: [email protected] M. Horimoto Toyo University, Tokyo, Japan e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s) 2021 Y. T. Nakamura et al. (eds.), Japanese Women in Leadership, Current Perspectives on Asian Women in Leadership, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-36304-8_4

61

62

A. M. OSMAN-GANI ET AL.

Fig. 4.1 Women’s Potential Labor Force Participation Rate by Age Group Source Labor Force Survey (Detailed Tabulation) (averages for 2018) (Gender Equality Bureau Cabinet Office, 2019)

international community’s commitment to be achieved by 2030, in which Goal-5 is set to achieve gender equality and to empower all women (United Nations, 2015). It also clearly indicates that these endeavors would make a significant contribution to the process of achieving all other Goals. However, to date, there is still a substantial gender gap (31.4%) that remains to be closed globally (World Economic Forum, 2020). In Japan, women who wish to work but currently not working or seeking job are 2.37 million (Gender Equality Bureau Cabinet Office, 2019). The government sees this as the biggest potential gap in Japanese workforce. In order to achieve economic growth, women’s empowerment is critical. Figure 4.1 presents women’s potential labor force participation rate by age group, and the current labor force participation rate (by age group) with the number of people from among the non-working population, who wish to be employed (by age group), by considering the number of people aged 15 or older.

4

DEVELOPING WOMEN LEADERS IN JAPAN …

63

This chapter presents an overview of the status of women workforce in Japan and discusses the government-led initiatives for women in Japan. The number of women employees has increased by 2.88 million from 2012 to 2018. Employment rate of women in child-bearing age (aged 25 to 44) increased from 67.7% in 2012 to 76.5% in 2018. Rate of women who continued working after their first child birth increased from 40.4% in (2005–2009) to 53.1% in (2010–2014) (Gender Equality Bureau Cabinet Office, 2019). Women representation in boards of listed companies have increased by 2.7 times (630 women in July, 2012 compared to 1705 women in July, 2018). Proportion of women in managerial positions in private companies with over 100 employees increased from 6.9% in 2012 to 9.6% in 2017. In June 2014, nine male leaders who created a society in which women shined announced “the Declaration on Action” (Gender Equality Bureau Cabinet Office, 2019). Women advocates also increased significantly from nine in 2014 to 206 in 2018. Action plans for business owners are formulated based on the “Act on the Promotion of Female Participation and Career Advancement in the Workplace.” Formation rate of private-sector corporations with more than 300 employees were 99.3% in December 2018. Formation rate of the national government and local government organizations were 100% in Sep 2018. Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan (MOFA, 2016a) describes Japan’s previous administrations’ initiative that supported a series of international commitments and frameworks including: the “World Plan of Action” adopted at the first “World Conference on Women” held in 1975, followed by the “Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women” in 1979, and the “Beijing Declaration and Platform of Action” in 1995. As part of Japan’s Official Development Assistance (ODA) policy, Japan has implemented international development cooperation based on the Initiative on Women in Development (WID) (1995) and the Initiative on Gender and Development (GAD) (2005) as well (MOFA, 2016a). Even with such “efforts of the international community that have reduced gender disparities in education, health and the labor market, there still remains substantial gender inequality in many social aspects” (MOFA, 2016a, p. 1), represented by the gender parity in the workforce. Since December 2012, the Abe administration has identified women as the greatest potential and positioned women’s empowerment at the center of the economic growth strategy in Japan. The government has promoted comprehensive and diverse policies, involving the private

64

A. M. OSMAN-GANI ET AL.

Table 4.1 Abe Administration’s Initiative 2013–2019 Date/Year

Initiatives

April, 2013

All listed companies are requested to actively employ women in managerial and executive positions. These companies should start by appointing one woman as a board member The “Japan Revitalization Strategy – JAPAN is Back,” specify woman’s empowerment at the center of economic growth strategy Accelerated the establishment of childcare facilities to solve the problem of wait-listed children and expanded after-school clubs and activities to make it possible to balance work and childcare responsibilities Raise childcare leave benefits from 50% to 67% of wage prior to leave (for 6 months from the start of leave). “The Council for Supporting Women to Shine” was established and the network of leaders in various sectors, fields and regions supporting women’s empowerment expanded Male leaders who have already been involved in promoting an active role of women issued the “Declaration on Action“ by a group of male leaders who will create “A Society in which Women Shine” “The Cabinet Office Order on Disclosure of Corporate Affairs” was revised and listed companies are mandated to disclose numbers of male and female board members and the proportion of female board members in their Annual Securities Reports Prime Minister Abe gave a speech that pivoted on support for women during the UN General Assembly’s General Debate

June, 2013

April, 2014

2014

June, 2014

March, 2015

Sept, 2015

(continued)

4

DEVELOPING WOMEN LEADERS IN JAPAN …

65

Table 4.1 (continued) Date/Year

Initiatives

December 2015

“The Forth Basic Plan for Gender Equality” (Cabinet Decision) Numerical targets for 2020 and specific initiatives decided “The Intensive Policy to Accelerate the Empowerment of Women” has been annually formulated (2015 +) for the purpose of incorporating the perspective of women’s empowerment into the annual requests for budgetary appropriations of government ministries and agencies The Guideline to additionally evaluate companies that promote work–life balance for their employees among bidders for public procurement contracts was determined “The Act on the Promotion of Female Participation and Career Advancement in the Workplace” fully entered into force “The Promotion of Women‘s Empowerment” was set in the agenda in the Ise-Shima Summit and all relevant ministerial meetings Mutual consent among relevant ministries made it possible for a government officer to keep his/her maiden name in every aspect of his/her career in principle “Act on Promotion of Gender Equality in the Political Field” was established New legislation on work style reforms was passed. • the introduction of legal upper limits on overtime hours, with penalties for infringements • the introduction of equal pay for equal work “Corporate Governance Code” was revised and “ensuring diversity, including gender and nationality” on the board of directors was clearly indicated as important

2015+

March, 2016

April, 2016

May, 2016

Sept, 2017

May, 2018 June, 2018

June, 2018

(continued)

66

A. M. OSMAN-GANI ET AL.

Table 4.1 (continued) Date/Year

Initiatives

September, 2014 August, 2015 December, 2016 November, 2017 March, 2019

World Assembly for Women (WAW!) was held five times in Tokyo

Sources Gender Equality Bureau Cabinet Office, 2014; 2016; 2019; MOFA, 2015. The table is created by the authors based on the sources

sectors. Table 4.1 shows the summarized list of the wide variety of initiatives that were taken under Abe administration since 2013 until 2019 (Gender Equality Bureau Cabinet Office, 2014, 2016, 2019; MOFA, 2015). We examined the details of the initiatives in the following sections.

Performance Objectives for 2020 While Prime Minister Shinzo Abe carried out a variety of initiatives as shown in Table 4.1, he has also set up several Key Performance Indicators (KPIs) for his Womenomics agenda to increase the following targets by 2020 (Al Kubati, 2019): 1. Women representation in leadership positions by 30%. 2. Women labor participation rate to 73% (ages 25-44) (68% in 2012). 3. Women returning to work after their first child to 55% (38% in 2010). 4. Reduction of the number of children on daycare waiting lists (22,741 wait-listed children as of April, 2013) by increasing the number of childcare facilities by 2017. 5. Fathers who take paternity leave to 13% (2.6% in 2011). As of June 2020, Japanese government announced to push back the 30% target for women in leadership positions by up to 10 years, which means 2030 (Mainichi, 2020).

Japanese Government Initiatives In May 2016, Japan launched the “Development Strategy for Gender Equality and Women’s Empowerment” as one of thematic policies under the Development Cooperation Charter that aims to make more proactive

4

DEVELOPING WOMEN LEADERS IN JAPAN …

67

contribution to promoting peace, stability and prosperity of the international community based on the recognitions and from the perspective of advancing proactive contribution to peace and human security (MOFA, 2016a). Figure 4.2 indicates the government’s development strategy. The Strategy focuses on: (1) promotion of women’s and girl’s rights, (2) building the capacity of women and girls to reach their full potential, and (3) advancement of women’s leadership in politics, economy and other public fields. Japan made a commitment and clearly positioned itself boldly in women empowerment in the international communities. At G7 Ise-Shima Summit in May 2016, Japanese government announced to train roughly 5000 women administrative officers and assist education for approximately 50,000 women students over the period of 2016–2018 (MOFA, 2016b). Moreover, at the World Assembly for Women (WAW) 2016,

Japanese Government Initiatives

Fig. 4.2 Development Strategy for Gender Equality and Women’s Empowerment (MOFA, 2016a). This is from the government of Japan publication

68

A. M. OSMAN-GANI ET AL.

Prime Minister Shinzo Abe announced to spend over US$3 billion to empower women in developing countries by 2018. The Fifth WAW was held during March 23 to 24, 2019 in Tokyo simultaneously with Women 20 (W20), an engagement group of the G20 that recommends policies to promote women’s empowerment and gender equality (Government of Japan, 2019). The G20 Leaders Declaration in 2018 in Argentina stated gender equality as crucial for economic growth. Japan’s major focus is to establish appropriate governance structure to act on the G20’s commitment. In this section, we take a closer look at the Japanese government’s initiatives in establishing targets for participation and advancement of women in the workforce by highlighting a wide range of important areas. Expansion of Women’s’ Participation in Policy Decision-Making Processes At the Sixth Tokyo International Conference on African Development (TICAD VI) held in Kenya in August 2016, particular emphasis was given to women empowerment in one of the priority areas of TICAD VI, namely, promoting social stability for shared prosperity. In the session, participants discussed the ways to increase employment through job training for women and youth (Office of the Special Adviser on Africa (OSAA), 2016). As a result of the conference, Nairobi Declaration reconfirmed the importance of protection and empowerment of women. At the TICAD Ministerial meeting in August 2017, Japan emphasized the importance of gender equality for inclusive and sustainable development and recognized the Africa’s efforts to increase involvement of women in decision-making process as well (MOFA, 2017). Expansion of Women’s Participation in National Diet Members ‘ Womenomics ’ might not be a new concept, but the government’s prioritized efforts on policies increased visibility and is gaining a lot of attention and more publicity (Tomodachi, 2014). The first womenomics report in 1999 received only one response from the Ministry of Health, Labor and Welfare (Goldman Sacks, 2019). However, a significant development in womenomics occurred later when the Law to Promote Women’s Employment (Josei Katsuyaku Suishin H¯ o ) was passed by the Diet on August 28, 2015 and took effect on April 1, 2016 (MLHW, n.d.). Companies with

4

DEVELOPING WOMEN LEADERS IN JAPAN …

69

over 300 employees are obliged to create, implement and publicize Action Plans . The law is not binding and there are no penalties for companies who do not follow the law (Goldman Sacks, 2019), yet the law is gradually making an impact in Japanese society. One of the four “basic items” explored in “step 1” of creating an Action Plans was working hours, and specifically, the average number of overtime hours worked each month by employees (Gender Equality Bureau Cabinet Office, 2015; Ministry of Health, Labor and Welfare (MHLW), n.d.). The gendered implications of the long work- hour culture prevalent in many workplaces will be discussed further. Securing Equal Opportunities, Men and Women Treatment and Work–Life Balance Diverse and flexible working styles are essential in order to have the active participation of women in labor force. Action Plan for the “Realization of Work Style Reform” and other sources were compiled to promote work style reforms in order to support women’s active participation and increase productivity (Japan Institute for Labour Policy and Training, 2017). In addition, women account for a high percentage of nonregular workers such as part-time or contracted employees, improving their employment conditions is essential to promote women’s economic empowerment. In order to promote employees’ work–life balance, it is critical for executives and managers to understand the importance of facilitating work–life balance at work. The government organized seminars for them so that they can learn the importance of work–life balance and the ways to implement the strategies within their organization to facilitate the transformation. Based on the “Charter for Work-life Balance and Action Policy for Promoting Work-life Balance” (finalized by the Council of Executives of Public and Private Sectors to Promote Work-life Balance in December 2007) (Ikezoe, 2014), initiatives of companies, workers, citizens, the government, and local governments were introduced and the level of realization of work–life balance is increased. Initiatives to be given priority going forward are then compiled into the Work–life Balance Report.

70

A. M. OSMAN-GANI ET AL.

Promotion of Gender Equality in Regional and Rural Development and Environment The movement for women’s empowerment in rural areas in Japan began to show signs only in the mid-1990s. Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries (MAFF) on the Agreement among Family Members on Family Farms aimed to assess the value of labor including the role of wives and daughters who contribute toward agricultural production. Furthermore, with the enactment of the Basic Act for Gender Equality in Society and the Basic Law on Food, Agriculture and Rural Areas in 1999, Japan promoted gender equality in the agricultural sector in rural communities by stipulating further involvement of women in agriculture (Gender Equality Bureau Cabinet Office, 2000). Introduction to mechanization, computerization, and the internet are among the factors encouraging women to be more engaged in businesses surrounding agricultural production. Comparing the surveys by MAFF in 1997 and 2010, there has been a significant increase in the number of farm business enterprises run by women farmers, from 4040 to 9719 (Iijima, 2015). MAFF (2018) continues to position women’s empowerment as they play an important role in contributing the growth of agriculture, forestry and fisheries.

Gender Equality in Science and Technology and Academic Fields To increase the number of women science and engineering professionals as next generation of leaders, the government launched Riko-challe initiative (support choosing STEM: Science, Technology, Engineering and Mathematics) to inspire women students to pursue careers in the field of STEM (Gender Equality Bureau Cabinet Office, 2018). The 5th Science and Technology Basic Plan, as decided by the Cabinet in January 2016, set the percentage of the employment target for women researchers in the natural science field as a whole to 30% (Gender Equality Bureau Cabinet Office, 2018). As of 2017, the ratio of women researchers among the total researchers was 15.7% which was the lowest percentage internationally (National Institute of Science and Technology Policy, 2018) though it was slowly and gradually increasing over the years from 12.4% in 2007 (Statistics Bureau of Japan, 2017). The Riko-challe initiative introduces companies, institutions, and universities in STEM to students, shares the

4

DEVELOPING WOMEN LEADERS IN JAPAN …

71

stories of women leaders who serve as role models in the field, and facilitates the support network among members of industry, academia, and government. As of December 2017, the number of the campaign’s supporters including companies and universities, has reached 712. In May 2017, the Gender Summit 10 satellite event entitled “How Can a Future Course Change Your Life? Your Future Broadens with STEM” was jointly held by the Japan Science and Technology Agency (JST), Cabinet Office, and Ministry of Education, Culture, manSports, Science and Technology (Gender Equality Bureau Cabinet Office, 2018). The event aimed to enhance interest and understanding of STEM career for junior-high and high school girls, parents and guardians, and educators through experts, women researchers and engineers excelling in the field. Reformation of Men-Oriented Working Styles for Women’s Empowerment Reforming men’s awareness and lifestyles is also extremely important to creating a future of women’s leadership in Japan. In 2016, women (35–49 years old) spent 3.28 hours in average per week for housework and child-rearing while men (35–49 years old) spent only 44 minutes (Statistics Bureau of Japan, 2016). It is clear that gender equality in participation of housework and child-rearing is inevitable if we pursue equality of women in economic participation. In order to raise men’s awareness, the government has publicized the issue through various media to encourage men to do the housework and child-rearing (Gender Equality Bureau Cabinet Office, 2018). One example of government-led initiatives is to the “Get Dads Cooking” campaign that encourages men to participate in cooking aiming to facilitate men participation in housework and child-rearing. The other example is the Thank You Papa Project , which encourage men to take vacation days as paternity leave so that men can participate in housework and child-raising during the paid-vacation days. The government publicizes the initiatives and help increase awareness of men participation in housework and child-raising efforts and offers various events and distributes a handbook for local governments, human resource and administrative division managers at corporations and public organizations (Gender Equality Bureau Cabinet Office, 2018).

72

A. M. OSMAN-GANI ET AL.

Increasing Availability of Daycare, After-School Care and Expanding Childcare Leave Benefits Based on the awareness of power of women as the greatest potential for growth, Japanese government is making efforts in solving the issues of women’s disproportionate burden of unpaid care, such as housework, child-rearing, nursing care, and other local activities, which has hindered women’s social participation, by building a mechanism for reducing such burden and redistributing the domestic labor (MOFA, 2016a). Japanese government is not only trying to protect and build capacity of those that are more vulnerable in conflicts or natural disasters such as women, but also to increase awareness about gender equality among men in general and decision-makers in particular in local communities as well as among influential people (administrators, educators, politicians, and religious leaders) through advocacy and training, and accelerate the transformation of current social structure (MOFA, 2016a). Based on the “Basic Design for Peace and Health (Global Health Cooperation)” published in September 2015, Japanese government set measures in the following four priority fields (MOFA, 2016a): (i) strengthening maternal and child health services including nutrition improvements for reducing infant and maternal mortality rates; (ii) ensuring equal access of women and men to quality health services; (iii) promoting women’s empowerment in decision-making on their health including sexual and reproductive health; and (iv) Developing medical human resources such as doctors, nurses, and midwives, and consequently increasing the number of female health workers (p. 6). As discussed in the earlier section, the issue of uneven distribution of unpaid care work such as housework and child-raising activities between women and men should be properly recognized and such work should be reduced and redistributed fairly within the household and in the society.

4

DEVELOPING WOMEN LEADERS IN JAPAN …

73

Encouraging Private Sector to Promote More Women and Provide Data on the Advancement of Women Abe Administration recognizes that work style reform is the biggest challenge in increasing productivity and labor participation rate On March 28, 2017, Prime Minister Abe’s served as a chair of the Council for the Realization of Work Style Reform that promised a plan to enable people choose flexible work styles that meets each individual needs (Government of Japan, 2017). Based on this plan, the Administration implemented structural and legislative transformations. A wide range of working opportunities facilitate women participate more in labor market. Recruiting and Promoting Women in Government The Government of Japan (2017) made a list of women empowerment plans: • “Lessen the burden of working parents and accelerate women’s promotion. • Secure additional childcare capacity for approximately 500,000 children by the end of 2017. • Increase childcare leave benefits from 50% to 67%, applied to the first six months of leave. • Mandate businesses to disclose information on the employment status of women and their future targets. • Through collaboration with the Tokyo Stock Exchange, select and promote enterprises that encourage women’s success in the workplace as “Nadeshiko Brands .” • Provide female candidates with executive leadership training programs from the world’s leading business scholars. • Further encourage recurrent education for women away on maternity leave” (p. 8). Reviewing the Tax and Social Security Systems Considering the continuous efforts in economic growth in Japan, corporate tax reduction as one of the key reforms have progressed since the early stages of Abenomics, and one which will continue to advance in the future (Government of Japan, n.d.). Corporate governance and the

74

A. M. OSMAN-GANI ET AL.

stewardship code urge companies to improve dialogue with investors for continued growth and investment, in order to accelerate the economic growth. • Effective corporate tax rate reductions: Reduced the effective corporate tax rate below the 30% mark in 2016. • Property tax reduction for SMEs: Halve the property tax for facilities improving productivity invested by SMEs from 2016 to 2018. Allowing Foreign Housekeepers in Special Economic Zones In order to support women employees by considering their burden of housework and child-raising activities as well as facing the challenge of the lack of childcare facilities, the government is supporting foreign workers/professionals to help in the following ways: • Expedite permanent residency by introducing “Japanese Green Card for Highly Skilled Foreign Professionals” to obtain visas after a year of arriving, under certain conditions (Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry (METI), 2018). • Promote expatriate entrepreneurship in Tokyo, Niigata City, Fukuoka City, Sendai City, Aichi Prefecture and Hiroshima Prefecture. • Increase expatriate housekeeping support workers in Tokyo, Kanagawa, and Osaka by leveraging National Strategic Special Zones. • Expand job categories, increase admission quotas and extend training periods from three to five years by revising the current Technical Intern Training Program.

Initiatives Toward Developing Women in Leadership Women’s economic empowerment is indispensable for enabling women to improve quality of life for themselves and their families and play a leading role in the society. Advancement of women’s leadership will significantly contribute to the development of society and economy. However, many women still have only limited access to educational opportunities, proper information and productive resources such as land, property, and

4

DEVELOPING WOMEN LEADERS IN JAPAN …

75

financial services. Women are often forced to work at low wages under unstable employment conditions or in informal sectors (MOFA, 2016a). There are multi-layered factors that influence women’s career from a leadership development perspective in Japan such as men’s awareness of taking care of housework and work–life balance that we discussed in earlier sections. In this section, we discuss some of the concrete examples of the government-led efforts in developing Japanese women leadership such as program intervention or system implementation. Women’s Leadership Development in Rural Areas In various fields, Japanese government is making efforts in developing women leaders. MAFF (2018) continues to support women’s empowerment in the field of agriculture, forestry, and fisheries. MAFF’s focus is exemplified by an initiative called nougyo-joshi (women farmers) project in which women farmers develop new products, services, etc. through collaboration between companies, etc. As of December 2018, there were 716 women farmers (nougyou joshi) and 34 participant firms and 6 educational institutions in this program (MAFF, 2018). Promotion of Overall Coordination in Budgetary Process for Empowerment of Women Entrepreneurs Japanese government has been working for women’s economic empowerment through supporting women entrepreneurs, providing small-scale financial services, such as microfinance, including deposit and insurance services, and promoting women’s participation in local industries and “One Village One Product” campaigns (Japan International Cooperation Agency, 2016). Furthermore, women are supported to create and expand social capital for ensuring women’s social participation and building of resilient local communities. Wait-Listed Children and Childcare Services The lack of childcare services is the serious problem in developing women in leadership as the issue makes it difficult for women to progress in their career ladders like men (Nakamura & Horimoto, 2017). The government has established childcare facilities that can accommodate approximately

76

A. M. OSMAN-GANI ET AL.

600,000 children based on the Plan to Accelerate the Zero Childcare Waiting List Project, etc., including expansion of childcare facilities for 70,000 children through the Private Sector-led Childcare Program (Gender Equality Bureau Cabinet Office, 2018). Other initiatives are also being implemented to end childcare waiting lists while ensuring stable funding based on the Plan for Raising Children with Peace of Mind. The Employment Insurance Act was partially revised to facilitate both men and women to take childcare leave in March 2014. Based on the partially revised Act, the childcare leave benefit rate was raised from 50 to 67% of wages for the first six months of the childcare leave. Benefits are tax exempt, and furthermore, social insurance premiums are waived during childcare leave. Therefore, the actual amount paid is around 80% of the pre-leave take-home pay. In addition, Act on Childcare Leave, Caregiver Leave, and Other Measures for the Welfare of Workers Caring for Children or Other Family Members (hereinafter referred to as Child Care and Family Care Leave Law), revised in March 2016, has made it easier for people to balance their work and childcare or family care, due to the easing of the requirements for fixed-term contract workers to take childcare and family care leave, as well as obligation of the establishment of systems for taking family care leave in installments and restricting overtime work for family care, among other measures. Moreover, Child Care and Family Care Leave Law revised in March 2017 has made it possible for workers to take childcare leave until their child is two years old if there are no childcare facilities available, etc. Furthermore, when companies are aware that there are eligible workers, they are required to inform the person individually about programs related to childcare leave and establish leave programs that can be used for the purpose of childcare. The Act on “Advancement of Measures to Support Raising NextGeneration Children” supports companies’ initiatives by certifying companies that are making efforts to help employees balance their work and childcare (“Kurumin” certification system). Proportion of Women Members in Disaster Councils With regard to measures and responses necessary from the perspective of gender equality, the Cabinet Office issued the Guidelines for Disaster Planning Response and Reconstruction from a Gender Equal Perspective, which serves as guidelines for local governments and related organizations. Japanese government facilitates local governments and

4

DEVELOPING WOMEN LEADERS IN JAPAN …

77

organizations to promote women in leadership so that they can participate in the policy and decision-making activities to better support women in face of natural disastrous events in Japan (Gender Equality Bureau Cabinet Office, 2020). In addition, an English-language pamphlet outlining the above guidelines was created to share Japan’s experience with large-scale natural disasters with the international community. In June 2016, a Training Program on Disaster Risk Reduction from the Perspective of Gender Equality was established to train local government personnel who can take a leadership role in planning, designing, and implementing disaster risk reduction measures based on the perspective of gender quality. In 2015, National Action Plan (NAP) on Women, Peace and Security (WPS) was launched in order to implement UN Security Council Resolution 1325 and other relevant resolutions. It targets both national and international settings to implement WPS agenda, and focuses not only in conflict but also during natural disasters in Japan and started monitoring those, and published an evaluation report of NAP since 2016 and the NAP that was reviewed in 2019. Developing Senior Women Leaders Programs Gender Equality Cabinet Office (n.d.), in cooperation with local governments, communities, or universities, offer women leadership development programs across Japan where participants can learn subjects such as management and law, build action plans, and network with each other. In 2019, the programs were offered in Miyagi, Hiroshima, and Aichi prefectures. METI also provides senior women leadership programs. For example, a program called strategic management program which was taught by professors in Harvard Business School supported by Nomura Management School (Prime Minister Office of Japan, 2020). METI is also running a study group called Women’s Initiative for Leadership (WIL) every year since 2015 (METI, 2020). The study group enables participants to discuss management and leadership related topics and challenges across industries and regions, which help senior women leaders who are group of high potentials of top management, build diverse social capital. Using the WIL as role model, local governments such as Chubu Bureau of Economy, Trade and Industry and Kyushu Bureau of Economy, Trade and Industry launched the similar intervention since 2018.

78

A. M. OSMAN-GANI ET AL.

Visibility Makes a Difference The Law to Promote Women’s Employment (Josei Katsuyaku Suishin H¯ o ) obliges companies over 300 employees to create, implement, and publicize Action Plans . What makes the law significantly different from other policies is publicity. Getting required employer action plans and making reports publicly available make employers become more responsible and committed to improving women’s employment and promotion (Nakamura & Horimoto, 2017). MLHW (2020) operates a public database where everyone can see each member company’s proportion of women leaders from junior, middle to senior levels and action plans of developing women leadership in addition to the other information such as gender employment ratio. Cabinet Office (n.d.), on the other hand, has a women participation in local politics visibility map, where one can see how many women participate in local government. Transparency and visibility are the great accelerators for companies and governments to make a serious commitment to developing women in leadership as it leads to their reputation and create a healthy competition among them.

Selected Case Studies of Women Leadership This section highlights two public sector and two private sector case studies in order to examine how the governmental policies and efforts impact women leaders. Public Sector Case Studies: Young Global Leader Focuses on the Circular Economy Akira Sakano, 29-year-old, a “Zero Waste” proponent from a small mountain town, was selected and served as a co-chair at World Economic Forum’s annual meeting held at Davos in 2019 (Government of Japan, 2019). At World Economic Forum’s annual meeting in 2019. Chairs including herself where leaders from around the world assemble to discuss global-scale problems. She currently serves as chair of the board of directors of the Zero Waste Academy, an NPO in the small mountain town of Kamikatsu (population about 1500) in Tokushima Prefecture. The organization promotes the Zero Waste movement, which aims to eliminate waste and focuses on resource recovery. Kamikatsu has achieved a

4

DEVELOPING WOMEN LEADERS IN JAPAN …

79

town-wide recycling rate of 81%. Sakano belongs to the Osaka Global Shaper Hub, a branch of the WEF-founded Global Shaper Community comprising young global leaders under 33 years old. Public Sector Case Series: For an Enjoyable Stay in Shizuoka Pamela Palma works to support visitors and residents in Shizuoka, a prefecture located at the base of Mt. Fuji, the highest mountain in Japan and often used as a symbol of material and spiritual richness (Government of Japan, 2019). She works for international relations (CIR) in the Shizuoka Prefectural Government’s Multicultural Affairs Division where she takes a leading role in building bridges between prefectural government and people from outside of Japan. In addition, she introduced Philippine culture during school visits and multicultural events. Palma serves as a role model for the local foreign residents of Shizuoka, including roughly 16,000 Filipinos, abreast of vital information, using both English and Tagalog. She has also supported at the local police college as part of a case study program that teaches police cadets how to help foreigners who do not understand Japanese. Private Sector Case Studies: Urushi- Preserving the Treasure for the World Suzanne Ross is Japan’s unofficial ambassador for Urushi. As an Urushi artist, she builds successful career in Japan (Government of Japan, 2019). Urushi is a beautiful and preserved craft techniques in Japan. According to Suzanne Ross, the word “urushi” refers to both the tree (Toxicodendron vernicifluum) and its sap, which is used as a coating material that becomes strong and glossy when hardened. Due to its adhesive, preservative and, of course, aesthetic qualities, it’s been part of daily life in Japan since ancient times. Some other Asian countries also use it, but with items made in Japan over 9000 years ago being the oldest in the world, Japan’s use is special. Also used for restoration of national treasures, Urushi is one of Japan’s important traditional cultures.

80

A. M. OSMAN-GANI ET AL.

Private Sector Case Studies: Empowering Children with Special Needs Kazuko Kumon, a Japanese pediatrician has founded a center of care and learning in Kenya (Government of Japan, 2019). The place is The Garden of Siloam, a center established in 2015 to provide education and health care for children with disabilities. Every morning, about 15 children and their families arrive with smiling faces at a house in a suburb of Nairobi. She takes care of children with mental and physical disabilities such as cerebral palsy and autism receive classes and rehabilitation in a fun-filled environment. The women career cases introduced by Government of Japan (2019) indicate that there are women domestically or internationally who are successfully building their career across fields. Although there is a slow progress, Japanese government’s efforts in promoting women empowerment not only across nation but also beyond the country contributing international communities hopefully can help more women shine and enable them become successful in what they do based on their beliefs and values and further contribute to our society.

Conclusions and Implications for Future Research This chapter provided an overview of the status of women workforce in Japan and highlighted the government-led initiatives undertaken to continuously improve the status of women’s participation in organizational performance. The chapter summarizes the various programs initiated by the current government and mentions the initiatives that were undertaken by the previous governments. The chapter also provides short descriptions of some specific programs undertaken by some private and public sector organizations by including few case examples. Finally, the chapter presents the future of government-led initiatives for women leadership development in Japan. These descriptions and analyses of the contexts will be useful for conducting more empirical research needed for making appropriate policy decisions and thereby developing effective strategies for involving more women in enhancing organizational and national performance. In future, more conceptual and applied research should be undertaken to collect relevant and accurate data that can be used for making appropriate analyses, the results of which would be useful for making

4

DEVELOPING WOMEN LEADERS IN JAPAN …

81

effective organizational and national policy decisions. Beside the empirical quantitative research, qualitative studies should also be conducted for getting more in-depth information about women and family issues that are related to changing socio-cultural issues impacting women’s participation in active labor force. In this regard, more intensive case studies should be developed on various types of organizations by covering as many industrial sectors possible. Beside corporate industrial sectors, non-business sectors should also be studied to identify the interests and potential employment opportunities for Japanese women. Moreover, even though Japan, unfortunately, has natural disastrous events frequently occurred, limited research exist on the ways in which women leaders handles natural disasters and how government-led natural disaster councils and other associated initiatives help women in leadership. It is critical to study leadership of women during crisis in Japan focusing on natural disastrous events. It is also important to examine Japanese cultural factors on women’s leadership development. One of the important principles in Japan is the virtue of work. A leader or manager in Japan generally sees him/herself as responsible for his/her employees not only at the work level, but overall, he/she is also concerned for his employees’ personal and familial welfare. In 1990, the concept of “parasite singles” was founded by Professor Masahiro Yamada from Gakugei University in Tokyo (Wolf, 2013). This concept characterizes groups of young people who, after completing their studies, live with their parents and work in contracted or project-based jobs as part-time employees, which indicates the significance of women leadership at the family level. Their numbers have recently been growing. This phenomenon emphasizes the change that has begun to take place in Japan’s work culture and women leadership will be more impactful in family as well as corporate levels. Recent research on the impact of personal values and spiritual intelligence on Japanese leadership effectiveness support this phenomenon (Osman-Gani, Kobayashi, & Kabir, 2019). If more and more people prefer to work on part-time basis, it might be expected from Japanese companies to develop such women leadership skills. The future studies can examine these changing work culture phenomena that can impact Japanese women in leadership. So far very little studies have been conducted for doing impact assessments of the effectiveness of government-led initiatives. Therefore, well planned impact assessment and project evaluation studies need to be undertaken to identify the contributions made and problems faced in

82

A. M. OSMAN-GANI ET AL.

deriving the desired benefits of the relevant initiatives undertaken. Findings of these studies would be very useful for making appropriate decisions on organizational policy, strategy as well as operational decisions. Hopefully, the contents of this chapter will create more awareness on the significance of women’s participation in organizational and national developments and thereby trigger more research interests in this regard. Based on the updated and high-quality information generated from such research, the government would be able to make more accurate decisions for adopting appropriate policies and strategies.

References Al kubati, M. (2019). Re-evaluating gender reforms in non-western nations: A case study of women’s empowerment in Japan. Journal of International Women’s Studies, 20(2), 384–405. Retrieved from https://vc.bridgew.edu/ jiws/vol20/iss2/26. Cabinet Office. (n.d.). 市町村女性参画状況見える化マップ[Women’s government participation by area visibility map]. Retrieved from http://wwwa.cao. go.jp/shichoson_map/?data=1&year=2019. Gender Equality Bureau Cabinet Office. (2000). White paper on gender equality 2000. Retrieved from http://www.gender.go.jp/english_contents/ about_danjo/whitepaper/plan2000/2000/2.html. Gender Equality Bureau Cabinet Office. (2014). “Declaration on Action” by a group of male leaders who will create “A Society in which Women Shine.” Retrieved from http://www.gender.go.jp/english_contents/mge/ declaration/index.html. Gender Equality Bureau Cabinet Office. (2015). 共同参画[Kyodo Sankaku]. Retrieved from http://www.gender.go.jp/public/kyodosankaku/2015/201 509/201509_02.html. Gender Equality Bureau Cabinet Office. (2016). Women and men in Japan 2016. Retrieved from http://www.gender.go.jp/english_contents/pr_act/ pub/pamphlet/women-and-men16/pdf/2-4.pdf. Gender Equality Bureau Cabinet Office. (2018). Women and men in Japan 2018. Retrieved from http://www.gender.go.jp/english_contents/pr_act/ pub/pamphlet/women-and-men18/index.html. Gender Equality Bureau Cabinet Office. (2019). Women and men in Japan 2019. Retrieved from http://www.gender.go.jp/english_contents/pr_act/ pub/pamphlet/women-and-men19/index.html. Gender Equality Bureau Cabinet Office. (2020). Women and men in 2020. Retrieved from https://www.gender.go.jp/english_contents/pr_act/ pub/pamphlet/women-and-men20/index.html.

4

DEVELOPING WOMEN LEADERS IN JAPAN …

83

Gender Equality Bureau Cabinet Office. (n.d.). Developing women in leadership. Retrieved from http://www.gender.go.jp/policy/sokushin/leaders_trai ning.html. Goldman Sacks (2019). Womenomics 5.0. Tokyo, Japan: Matsui, K., Suzuki, H., & Tatebe, K. Retrieved from https://www.goldmansachs.com/insights/ pages/womenomics-5.0/. Government of Japan. (2017). Abenomics. Retrieved from https://www.japan. go.jp/diversity/women/ Government of Japan. (2019). We are Tomodachi: Empowering women, enhancing society. Retrieved from https://www.japan.go.jp/letters/ebo ok89/html5.html#page=1. Government of Japan. (n.d.). Energize corporate activities. Retrieved from https://www.japan.go.jp/abenomics/investment/index.html. Iijima, M. (2015). Japanese women in agriculture—overview. USDA Foreign Agricultural Services: Global Agricultural Information Network. Ikezoe, H. (2014). Work-life balance in Japan: Outline of policies, legal systems and actual situations. Japan Labor Review, 11(1), 108–124. Retrieved from https://www.jil.go.jp/english/JLR/backissues/2014.html. Japan Institute for Labour Policy and Training. (2017). Government decides “action plan for the realization of work style reform.” Tokyo, Japan: Ogino, N. Retrieved from https://www.jil.go.jp/english/jli/backnumber/ 2017.html#no01. Japan International Cooperation Agency. (2016). Japan ASEAN women empowerment fund (Investment project under the private sector investment finance). Retrieved from https://www.jica.go.jp/english/our_work/evaluation/oda_ loan/economic_cooperation/index.html Mainichi. (2020, June 26). Japan gov’t to push back 30% target for women in leadership positions by up to 10 years. Retrieved from https://mainichi.jp/ english/articles/20200626/p2a/00m/0fp/014000c. Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries. (2018). Women’s empowerment in agriculture. Retrieved from https://www.maff.go.jp/e/policies/agri/man agement/agrimanage.html. Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry. (2018). Working in Japan-open for professionals -. Retrieved from https://www.meti.go.jp/english/policy/ext ernal_economy/professionals/pdf/recruitment201803.pdf. Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry. (2020). Women’s leadership development program. Retrieved from https://www.meti.go.jp/policy/economy/jin zai/wil/index.html. Ministry of Foreign Affairs. (2015). Address by Prime Minister Shinzo Abe at the Seventieth Session of the General Assembly of the United Nations. Retrieved from https://www.mofa.go.jp/fp/unp_a/page4e_000321.html.

84

A. M. OSMAN-GANI ET AL.

Ministry of Foreign Affairs. (2016a). Development Strategy for Gender Equality and Women’s Empowerment. [pdf] Government of Japan. Retrieved from www.mofa.go.jp/mofaj/gaiko/oda/files/000178748.pdf. Ministry of Foreign Affairs. (2016b). Japan’s initiatives toward G7 Ise-Shima summit. [pdf] Retrieved from www.mofa.go.jp/files/000158507.pdf. Ministry of Foreign Affairs. (2017). The seventh Tokyo international conference on African development (TICAD7). Retrieved from https://www.mofa.go. jp/region/africa/ticad/ticad7/index.html. Ministry of Labor, Health and Welfare. (2020). Women empowerment promoting company database. Retrieved from https://positive-ryouritsu. mhlw.go.jp/img/db_leaf_202002.pdf. Ministry of Labor, Health and Welfare. (n.d.). Josei Katsuyaku Suishin H¯ o[the Bill to Promote Women’s Working Life]. Retrieved from https://www.mhlw. go.jp/stf/seisakunitsuite/bunya/0000091025.html. Nakamura, Y. T., & Horimoto, M. (2017). Women’s leadership development in Japan. In Y. Cho, R. Ghosh, J. Yi Sun, & G. L. McLean (Eds.), Current perspectives on Asian women in leadership (pp. 71–86). New York, NY: Palgrave MacMillan. National Institute of Science and Technology Policy. (2018). Science and technology indicators 2018. Retrieved from https://www.nistep.go.jp/sti_indica tor/2018/RM274_24.html. Office of the Special Adviser on Africa. (2016). Concept note: TICAD VI thematic session 3: Promoting social stability for shared prosperity. Sixth Tokyo International Conference on Africa Development (TICAD VI). Retrieved from https://www.un.org/en/africa/osaa/events/2016/ticad6.shtml. Osman-Gani, A.M., Kobayashi, K., & Kabir, S. (2019). Effects of Spiritual Intelligence on Leadership Effectiveness Mediated by Personal Values: An Empirical Investigation on Japanese Business Leaders. Presented at the 18th International Asian Conference of the Academy of HRD, held in Hanoi, Vietnam, November 5–8, 2019. Prime Minister Office of Japan. (2020). 女性リーダーのための経営戦略講座レ セプション[Strategic Management Program for women leaders reception]. Retrieved from https://www.kantei.go.jp/jp/98_abe/actions/202001/24j osei.html. Statistics Bureau of Japan. (2016). 2016年社会生活基本調査[Basic survey on social life in 2016]. Retrieved from https://www.stat.go.jp/data/shakai/ 2016/kekka.html. Statistics Bureau of Japan. (2017). 過去最多を更新し続ける我が国の女性研究 者[Increasing number of women researchers in our company]. Retrieved from https://www.stat.go.jp/data/kagaku/kekka/topics/topics100.html. Tomodachi. (2014). Womenomics is pushing Abenomics forward. The Government of Japan: Cabinet Public Relations Office. [pdf] Retrieved from www.

4

DEVELOPING WOMEN LEADERS IN JAPAN …

85

japan.go.jp/tomodachi/2014/summer2014/womenomics_is_pushing_abe nomics_forward.html. United Nations. (2015). Resolution adopted by the General Assembly on 25 September 2015. General Assembly. Retrieved from https://www.un.org/sus tainabledevelopment/development-agenda/. Wolf, R. (2013). Management relations in the work culture in japan as compared to that of the west. Innovative Journal of Business and Management, 2(05), 116–122. Retrieved from https://innovativejournal.in/index.php/ijbm/art icle/view/10. World Economic Forum. (2020). The Global Gender Gap Report. [pdf] World Economic Forum. Retrieved from www3.weforum.org/docs/WEF_GGGR_2 020.pdf.

CHAPTER 5

Leading Self: Motivation and Leader Identity of Women in Japan Mieko Kobayashi and Yoshie Tomozumi Nakamura

In this chapter, we discuss women leaders’ identity and its development based on the assumption that women perceive their identity differently from the way men do because identity formation is influenced by internal and external factors over time. Okamoto (2010) defined identity in three aspects: self as an individual presence, self in relationships with others, and how self is positioned in a society; and lifestyles and gender roles impact the development of women’s identity in the modern world. Sugimura (2010) argued that Japanese women’s identity is shaped by societal expectations of women to be obedient, amicable, and harmonious. This affects career choice of women to jobs that are considered to be suitable for women to fulfill the expectation, such as secretary, nurse, and teacher. This chapter begins with the business environment in which Japanese

M. Kobayashi (B) Talent Development, Deloitte Tohmatsu, LLC, Tokyo, Japan e-mail: [email protected] Y. T. Nakamura The George Washington University, Washington, D.C., USA e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s) 2021 Y. T. Nakamura et al. (eds.), Japanese Women in Leadership, Current Perspectives on Asian Women in Leadership, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-36304-8_5

87

88

M. KOBAYASHI AND Y. T. NAKAMURA

women shape their careers and analyzes attributes and factors that help them form leader identity based on publicly available resources that introduce Japanese women who have become leaders. In an economy dominated by men, such as Japan’s, women are raised with expectations of distinct gender roles, such as being a good wife and mother (Hamaguchi, 2015). There were times when women had to work to support families financially but later, during the rapid economic development, women did not have to earn money but to support men, the breadwinner, at home (Hamaguchi, 2015). Even though education was equally provided, women worked as interims while preparing for marriage and childcare by engaging in supporting roles to men. Men also did not expect women to continue working after the suitable age for marriage. Japanese companies have provided lifetime employment by which careers progress over time through various job experiences (Osawa, 2019; Shimazaki, 2018; Yamagiwa, 2016). For women who were not expected to work for a lifetime, opportunities were extremely limited to supporting roles, for example, administrative assistants, without development opportunities (Hamaguchi, 2015). Thirty years after the enactment of the Equal Employment Opportunity Law, the number of women in managerial positions has been increasing gradually, but not significantly when looking at the ratio of women at the Kacho level (group leader), from 2% in 1989 to 11.2% in 2018 (Gender Equality Bureau Cabinet Office, 2019). One of the reasons offered for why women do not want to be managers is because women perceive that managers have to carry heavier responsibilities and lack a balance between work and life, and because there is no role model (Japan Institute for Women’s Empowerment & Diversity Management, 2019; Okubo & Ishihara, 2016; Yamagiwa, 2016). However, there have been women who became motivated to attain a leadership position. These women may be considered as superwomen who might have made enormous efforts to be in that role. Why did they choose to try harder unlike other women? To shed light on these Japanese women who attained leadership positions in this environment, this chapter focuses on the following questions: (a) What triggers motivate these women to become leaders? (b) How does their view of identity change as they move toward leadership levels? (c) How do they develop competencies to achieve leadership positions?

5

LEADING SELF: MOTIVATION AND LEADER …

89

As publicly available literature on Japanese women in leadership positions is limited, those in general management and above are the focus of the literature review to answer these questions.

Motivation and Development of Leader Identity To explore the triggers to motivate women to become leaders, autobiographies and stories of Japanese women in leadership positions, such as company president, mayor, executive, and top government official, were reviewed because of the availability of their life stories. Top women leaders are likely to be publicly featured because of their significance and admiration for their achievement. Based on research on the factors that facilitated women’s advancement (Kobayashi, 2009), stories were analyzed based on the following keywords: environmental factors, encouragement and support from others, and having role models/real-life examples. Environmental Factors The environmental factors include both favorable and unfavorable environments in the family, schools, and workplaces for driving motivation to plan their careers from early stages of their lives. Hayashi, who was president of a car dealership and currently a city mayor, highlighted financial challenges in her family and unfair treatment in her first workplace through self-motivation: As our family was poor, and I wanted to help my mother financially, I took the highest paying job available right after graduating from high school…Men colleagues were mean, and they shouted at me by ordering, “Do that! Do this!” … These painful experiences drove me to become a leader to outperform men. (Ueno, 2016, p. 214)

Another example of family influence is succession planning in a familyowned company. Expectation for succession was announced that the first child of the company owner, a daughter, Ishizaka (2014, 2018) took over the family business. She described her situation as follows: My father said that he founded his company so one of his children could take over, if possible. I said to myself, “I am the first child of his children

90

M. KOBAYASHI AND Y. T. NAKAMURA

who can take over his company, and I need to live up to his expectation.” (pp. 33–34)

Environmental factors, such as financial challenges in the family, discriminatory treatment in the workplace, and expectations from parents, seem to trigger women to motivate themselves to achieve in leadership positions to drive changes in the environment. The environment described above somewhat lacks necessary elements for development, but the environment where women were developed to become leaders seems to be well established with ample support. Kuraoka (2015, 2018) reports facilitating supports for developing nurse managers. Her research suggests that encouragement to challenge, back up support for challenges and support to go beyond the current result are the key facilitating support from supervisors. Encouragement and Support from Family Linked with the environmental factors, encouragement and support from family members, bosses, and colleagues seem to be influential in developing motivation for women to become leaders. Hayashi, a city mayor recalled how her mother was a breadwinner in her childhood, which inspired her in career: My mother worked very hard to raise me when it was not common for women to work at that time. (President Woman, 2017, para. 1)

Ishikawa, an owner of counseling company called Naturalwill, had to remind herself daily of the advice given her by her boss in her previous job to develop as a good leader to achieve a leadership position at a young age in a company; but, in addition, she needs to be a leader who is trusted by what she does even without her leadership title (Elder, 2018). Kono, Chief Marketing Officer of Rakuten, Inc., described how motivated she felt when she received encouraging words from her subordinates when she got promoted to Executive Officer of Rakuten, Inc.: Women employees thanked me as they gained courage and hope because of my promotion as the youngest woman executive officer. (Nomura, 2020, p. 124)

5

LEADING SELF: MOTIVATION AND LEADER …

91

Encouragement from parents and bosses seem to provide a psychologically positive impact on women to move on to the next steps, and support from colleagues appears to have a similar effect but more as a confirmation of an acceptance from colleagues as a leader by building confidence of identity. Having Role Models Having role models appears to influence development of an independent and sustainable self instead of another-dependent one. However, role models may not be limited to some women’s cases as positive examples, but also others’ cases as negatives that may provide a learning effect. Shinohara, president of Persol Tempstaff Co., Ltd., described her mother as a role model of a working mother: My mother had a professional career as an obstetric nurse, so it was natural for me to think that I would have a lifelong job even as a woman. (Forbes Japan, 2020, para. 6; Nikkei, n.d., para. 1)

Mothers can also be a negative role model, as in the case of Yoshizawa, a pioneer of housework critic and essayist: My parents got divorced soon after I was born. Even after the divorce, my mother still depended on my father…as a little girl, I decided to have a lifelong career to support myself. (Shirae, 2016, pp. 208–209)

Some leaders did not find role models in person but from books or other sources, as in the cases of Ogawa (2016), President of FAITH (coaching & consulting company), and Kobayashi (2014), Executive Chair of Mizuho Financial Group, Inc., and Executive Board Member of ANA Holdings Inc., Suntory Holdings Ltd., Mitsui & Co. Ltd., and OMRON Corporation, who learned various aspects of management from different models. Some met living examples of working women with shining careers outside of Japan and started to question their view on their own identity which was more dependent on others and decided to change to be self-reliant and autonomous to progress their career. Komuro, president of Work Life Balance, Co., Ltd., described her encounter with a reallife example of a working mother who was promoted to the next level

92

M. KOBAYASHI AND Y. T. NAKAMURA

during her maternal leave. This changed her perspective toward a career for women and confirmed that women could continue their career even after childbirth: I worked as a live-in baby sitter in the US, where I met a securities analyst who was on a maternity leave. She was studying to acquire a new qualification during the leave for promotion upon her return from the maternity leave. This example changed my perspective on the maternity leave as a break from work and blockage from career advancement. But the leave can be used as a time for skill development, not a career stop. (Asahi, 2019, para. 4–5)

Having role models seems to serve as one’s career goal in that women can picture what they would be like as a leader. Due to the limitation of role models of women leaders in Japan, exploring role models outside the country can be an option. In the same vein, negative examples may drive women away from following in the same way, as it is possible to learn from others’ mistakes, as described in the case of Yoshizawa (Shirae, 2016), as well as from one’s own mistakes.

Changes of Identity: From Supporting Role to Leader As discussed, women often identify themselves in relation to others. However, Japanese women are unlikely to build a leader identity as being a leader implies an independent self, with which women may be uncomfortable. This mindset may have been influenced by the environment in which women are often assigned to supporting roles based on the assumption that they would leave their jobs after marriage or for childrearing (Kanai, 2017; Yamagiwa, 2016). In addition, the claim is often made that women are unwilling to become managers or above. Others, however, assume that there are forces that have led some women to question their situation and make an effort to become a manager. It appears that a disorienting dilemma is caused by failures or successes often triggering questions about her current identity, driving her to change, which is similar to the trigger of Transformative Learning defined by Mezirow (1990). Transformative Learning is learning to question a current problematic condition and to become open to new ways of looking at the world. Here are some examples.

5

LEADING SELF: MOTIVATION AND LEADER …

93

Ogawa (2016) critically looked back on what she considered to be failures or unfortunate events in her life when young to have been positive steps for her future success: I didn’t pass the entry exam for the college of my first choice …Without this failure, I had not come to Tokyo, I had not even met my best friend, I had been able to find the job I love now… Was it (failing the exam) a real failure or not? We may not know the answer after years or even toward the end of our lives. (pp. 182–183)

Kijima (2019), currently Managing Executive Officer of Aflac Life Insurance Japan, Ltd., critically questioned her situation when she injured her knee: I had to work from home until my knee was recovered. Remote work made me realized how the work can be done without being in the office, which opened my eyes. It also made me critically reflect on the work itself by looking at the nature of the work objectively. (para. 2–3)

While some Japanese working women began their careers with the intention of advancing into managerial positions, many began with the belief that they would discontinue work upon marriage (Takada, 2016; Yamagiwa, 2016). Even for those who did not intend to continue work after marriage, small successes from assigned jobs or projects motivated them to progress in their careers (Nomura, 2020). Nomura (2020) describes Yashiki’s story who is currently Executive Officer of Japan Airlines, Co., Ltd. that she did not intend to be a manager at the time of hire as she was planning to leave the job in 35 years after marriage as a non-promotion track staff member. However, when she was sent to JAL Sky CO., Ltd. to take on a bigger responsibility, she learned about various business functions and successfully carried out her work, which eventually led her to a management position. Aside from dependent self as a typical women’s identity, many of these people described their leader identity as a connection or a liaison among those who relate to their work or projects because they need to involve many people as they progress into leader positions. This is in line with Gilligan’s claim (1982) that women identify themselves in relation to others (Inoue, 2018). One executive stated that she realized the responsibility to support other women when she was promoted to become the

94

M. KOBAYASHI AND Y. T. NAKAMURA

first woman executive. Toriumi, Senior Managing Executive Director of Nomura Securities Co., Ltd., described her experience as follows: With the promotion track position (Sogo shoku) to which I was hired, I realized that the young generation of women who would be my successors were watching me as a role model and that I had to live up to or exceed their expectations for their development. (Nomura, 2020, p. 32)

Iwata (2020), currently serving as Board of Director of a few companies and was the head of Equal Employment and Children and Family Bureau of Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare, recalls that her motivation for work was to contribute to the life of Japanese people even though she was doing non-challenging tasks as compared to those of her men colleagues and took three secondment assignments outside Tokyo with her small children simply because she wanted to receive fair evaluation from her work and to build the equal employment opportunities for other working mothers. Leader positions enhance one’s development and lead to the fulfillment of being in a leading position. Araki, a section manager of Calbee Inc, a major Japanese snack good maker, shared her discoveries when she stepped up to the next leadership position: As I moved up my career to a management position, my world view changed. I became able to see things that I could not see before…I became able to pursue things I could not do before…I developed skills through a new role. (Jiji News, 2018, para. 10)

Kamada, President of ONE・GLOCAL Co., Ltd., reported that career progression required her to involve more people to complete her job, which eventually broadened her perspectives and enriched her life (Nomura, 2020). These are examples of women who have found leadership positions to be fulfilling, which they had not previously found in their jobs.

Development of Self as Leader Concurring with Kobayashi (2009), Japanese women who advanced their career leveraged a variety of informal learning strategies to obtain

5

LEADING SELF: MOTIVATION AND LEADER …

95

what is necessary to advance their career as a leader. Formal development or learning opportunities refer to planned and structured programs sponsored by organizations, while informal learning is not officially predetermined by organizations but is experience-based and highly controlled by learners (Marsick & Watkins, 2015). Due to the lack of formal developmental and learning opportunities that are provided to men, these women had to engage in informal learning, such as learning by experience, learning through observation of others, dialogue with others, coaching, self-directed learning through reading or watching videos, and so on (Kobayashi, 2009). Many leaders have commented that they learned by carrying out responsibilities of leadership positions or doing what has to be done, reflecting the outcomes of the tried actions, and trying improved actions. Experiential learning by Kolb’s (1984) definition consists of four processes: a) concrete experience—carrying out new actions or behaviors, b) reflective observation—reflecting on the actions or behaviors from various perspectives, c) abstract conceptualization—analyzing the experience and creating new ideas and concepts, d) active experimentation—planning to execute new ideas and concepts into practice. Similar to experiential learning, Ogawa (2016) described the approach she made to try out responsibilities that she first thought she may not have been able to fulfill: For the work I have not done before, I asked myself first if I could do it or not. Then I told myself, I might as well try it, even though I was not confident in completing it. Without speculating further, I just moved on to execute and successfully completed. (p. 167)

Baba, Auditor of JFE Holdings, Inc., stated how her writing skills for negotiating contracts with companies overseas were developed upon reporting to her supervisor, the president of TOSHIBA Corporation that she used to work: I received detailed feedback from my supervisor every time I drafted letters. The feedback included the ways in which I negotiate and what I should negotiate, in addition to wording and logical structure of sentences….I learned how to have a future oriented mindset and broad perspectives through the feedback received from him. (Nomura, 2020, p. 83)

96

M. KOBAYASHI AND Y. T. NAKAMURA

Ogawa and Ishizuka seem to have used the four processes, trying an action, reflecting on it, generating a new theory or concept from the analysis, and planning new action to demonstrate a better action, though not explicitly expressed. Another informal learning strategy is learning from others by seeking knowledge, feedback, or advice, through conversation, being coached, or being mentored, consistent with social learning theory (Bandura, 2008). Suzuki, Executive Officer of Honda Motor Co., Ltd., created a space for conversation every day with the partner company in China when she was assigned to work at Bukan, China as a president of a joint venture: It was necessary to build a successful partnership with a Chinese vice president. I asked to have a tea together every morning for 20 to 30 min even though there was no business specific topic to be discussed. I was able to ask many things that I normally could not discuss about during the business meetings. (Nomura, 2020, pp. 64–65)

Tsukada (2019), Managing Director of ECC, Co., Ltd., an English language school, after being promoted to a leadership position, found that imagining multiple scenarios and asking questions led to conversations with others: I thought that being in a management position requires questioning and imagination. Asking questions served not only for my own learning, but also led to opportunities to start conversations with others. (para. 3–6)

Learning through books, newspapers or other sources not only helped to obtain knowledge, but also to serve as a source for psychological support or generating new ideas. Saito (2019), currently General Manager of Oracle Corporation Japan, described the role of books and magazines as follows: Books and magazines give me insights. I learn the different ways of thinking and perspectives from them. (para. 3)

Yashiki, Executive Officer of Japan Airlines, Co., Ltd., went back to the books written by the company’s chairperson that discuss about the corporate philosophy when she faced with the bankruptcy, which led to connections to new broad perspectives:

5

LEADING SELF: MOTIVATION AND LEADER …

97

I realized that it is important to go back to the company philosophy especially when we faced the crisis moment. I read a series of books written by Mr. Inamori, Chairperson of Japan Airlines Co., Ltd., that helped me gain a broad perspective and an idea of how to lead my people. It made me realize that it is important to invest more in educating people. (Nomura, 2020. pp. 133–134)

These women engaged in informal learning strategies to develop themselves as leaders because they were officially provided with developmental opportunities that men are usually provided. They leveraged experiential learning processes, actively interacting with others, or using books or written materials for the knowledge they do not obtain from classroom training or even a source for their psychological support because they cannot find appropriate bosses or counselors. At this point, there is a question of why these women motivated themselves to make efforts to be a leader under a disadvantaging environment. Scholars discussed the factors that facilitated women in becoming managers (Horii, 2015; Nishimura & Hu, 2017; Takada, 2016; Takeishi, 2019). The critical factor identified was a belief of a positive outcome from future career advancement and a capability in achieving that goal. This is in line with self -efficacy (Bandura, 2008). This concept seems to have been fostered by the accumulation of small successes and encouragement by others (Horii, 2015; Nishimura & Hu, 2017; Takada, 2016; Takeishi, 2019). These factors are closely linked with the environmental factors that were described in the previous section. Assumption of Fundamental Attributes of Japanese Women to Develop Themselves as Leaders Through Self-Efficacy As mentioned, a hindering factor for women’s career progression is claimed to be their unwillingness to be promoted to managerial positions (Hamada, 2018; Hamaguchi, 2015; Nakahara & Tohmatsu Innovation, 2018; Takeishi, 2019; Yamagiwa, 2016). There are reasons why women do not wish to be promoted to higher positions: perceived heavier responsibilities, pressure to drive results through leading people, and challenges to balance work and life. Balancing work and life has been an issue in Japan where hours of engagement to demonstrate loyalty for work and the organization are valued (Gender Equality Bureau Cabinet Office, 2019; Yamaguchi, 2017).

98

M. KOBAYASHI AND Y. T. NAKAMURA

This requires dramatic cultural changes in organizations. The negative perceptions toward managerial positions can be attributed to a lack of confidence, i.e., confidence in the capability to meet expectations of their leading roles. One may argue that men would take positions when they were offered a promotion regardless of their level of readiness for the position. Why do women lack confidence? It is assumed that self-efficacy may relate to the lack of confidence that appears to be typical of Japanese women (Takada, 2016; Takeishi, 2019). According to Bandura (2008), self-efficacy can derive from the following sources: “performance experience, vicarious experiences, verbal persuasion and emotional arousal” (p. 195). This could be a good explanation of the situation Japanese women face, i.e., many women were not provided with opportunities to experience small successes, observing role models, and receiving feedback and encouragement through coaching or mentoring. The research by Kuraoka (2015, 2018) on facilitating supervisors’ support for nurse managers implies that nurse managers are in an environment where they nurture self-efficacy through encouragement to challenge (experience), ensured back up and encouragement to go beyond the current stage (verbal persuasion and emotional support). Japanese women who achieved leadership positions in our literature review took even small opportunities as a chance and possessed resilience to overcome failures and challenges, leading to an assumption that they possess self-efficacy. They observe others to learn. They approach others from whom they can learn. They have success experiences at different levels and stages. Some of them suggest that their parents, bosses, friends, and family members (even their own children) encouraged them to be successful. The leaders in our research consistently send the same message to younger women to be self-reliant, challenge what they think they cannot do, learn from mistakes, and seek opportunities rather than wait to be provided. This echoes what is defined by self-efficacy. We suggest providing an environment with sources to develop selfefficacy, i.e., performance experience with small successes, learning by observing role models, and coaching/mentoring for feedback and encouragement. It will also help for women to be provided new opportunities or challenging tasks to accomplish and experience small wins. Feedback on outcomes, either positive or negative, needs to be provided for future actions, just like the second stage of the experiential learning cycle. In particular, after an unsuccessful experience, strong encouragement for future actions is critical. In this way, all women would aspire to

5

LEADING SELF: MOTIVATION AND LEADER …

99

advance their career to leadership positions. It is often claimed that there are not enough women’s role models to follow. However, role models for learning purposes do not have to be women as Takada (2016) and Okubo and Ishihara (2016) argue that claiming the lack of women role models inhibits thinking of young women but suggest they learn from various models (both women and men) on good and bad management styles.

Implication for Practice The women leaders in our research advanced their career under unfavorable environment for women to succeed, where the world is spinning based upon male-centered values and culture. Companies and organizations established systems for flexible work arrangements for working mothers and training programs for women leaders. However, there are hidden rules for career advancement or what is called “boys’ network,” such as information gathering and decision making over cigarette smoking, dinner after work and weekend golfing, that women are not often included (Oda & Sunazuka, 2017b). In relation to the boys’ network, Iwata (2020) and Shinoda (2020) claim that unconscious bias hinders the advancement of women’s promotion to higher positions. The unconscious bias – our unconscious world view that has been shaped through experiences and surroundings overtime - of both men and women toward gender roles for work and home is the barrier to change the environment. Men are not conscious of the boys’ network that is unconsciously exclusive to women, and women unconsciously feel responsible for keeping house and supporting others for work. Japan is receiving both internal and external pressures to change environment by the fact that Japan has been ranked low among economically advanced countries in terms of Women Empowerment. After 30 years of enactment of Equal Employment Opportunity Law, the number of women in leadership positions at all levels-managers, division leaders, executives, board members, company/school presidents is gradually increasing but not in the pace of other countries. In addition, the thinking and values of Generation X and Y are different from those of older generations under globalization and digitization. The current environment is signified as agility and uncertainty in which rapid changes unexpectedly occur and we cannot rely on the past anymore thus

100

M. KOBAYASHI AND Y. T. NAKAMURA

we need to be innovative for survival. This leads to an assumption that innovative thinking will be necessary as additional skills to advance careers as well as aforementioned attributes under this environment.

Recommendation to Future Research It is recommended to do research on how self-efficacy of women leaders impacts on their career progression using its objective assessment. This research is limited in that we focused on women leaders whose stories are available from public resources and the level of their self-efficacy is only assumed based upon their remarks. Research on real-life samples from various industries and sectors will be more beneficial for practical purposes. Further, some organizations have been providing training on unconscious bias to promote diversity and inclusion. Examining the effect of raising awareness of unconscious bias on women’s career advancement may be necessary in order for more organizations to work on removing unconscious bias on gender roles.

Conclusion In an environment dominated by men, Japanese women who have been raised to meet expectations of their gender role, view themselves in more of a supporting role to men and being dependent on others. In addition, even now, when women receive the same level of education as men and enter the workforce where promotional opportunities are provided to women, it is still claimed that they are not willing to take managerial positions. Based on the literature review of Japanese women who have achieved leadership positions, environmental factors support their movement into managerial positions. Family and workplace influences facilitate awareness of independent and sustainable self for career progression and subsequently to leaders. A triggering event, such as sickness or failure experiences, can lead to a change of self. These leaders can develop themselves to be leaders over time by carrying out their current responsibilities, seeking support from others, and learning from every available resource. Most of these women leaders view their leader identity as more of a liaison or connection because they get to involve more people as they progress successfully to accomplish their goals. This connected nature of identity

5

LEADING SELF: MOTIVATION AND LEADER …

101

is in line with what Gilligan (1982) claimed that women identify themselves in relation to others. Some argue that softness, being empathetic or attentive to caring for others, are stereotypical views of women’s characteristics. However, women have been raised with an expected gender role; thus, the development of the connected nature of the identity may have happened organically. Now that women have to be actively involved in relationships for their informal learning purposes, the connected identity may be a reflection of their intention of contributing to others. The women in our research have been successful in leadership positions, not because they happened to have been in the environment where they were able to receive unexpected learning opportunities and support. However, there may be an underlying and fundamental element that these women possess to progress even through challenges, or their self-efficacy. Oda and Sunazuka (2017a) report the research on women management leaders by Nikkei Dual, Japan Association of Female Executives and Showa Women’s University, 135 respondents reported the top three strengths that they thought contributed to their promotion. The following are the one more than 20% responded to be their strengths: Communication skills 45.9% Outstanding results 33.3% Professional work experience 29.6% Passion/Motivation 27.4% Continuous endeavor 25.2% Network 23.7% Courage to take risks 20.7% Outstanding results, continuous endeavor, and courage to take risks may presuppose self-efficacy to make them happen. Support to develop self-efficacy may be the key to developing more women leaders because there are women who have potential to become leaders, but they may not step forward due to the uncertainty of their future career. Supporting environments are expected to inspire more women to be in leadership positions.

References Asahi. (2019).「仕事も子育ても『任せる』勇気を持とう」株式会社ワーク・ ライフバランス 代表取締役社長/小室淑恵[Let’s having a courage of asking

102

M. KOBAYASHI AND Y. T. NAKAMURA

help for work and child-rearing: Komuro Yoshie, President of Work Life Balance Co., Ltd.]. Retrieved from https://telling.asahi.com/article/129 12089. Bandura, A. (2008). An agentic perspective on positive psychology. In S. Lopez (Ed.), Positive psychology: Exploring the best in people (pp. 167–196). Westport, CT: Praeger Publishers. Elder. (2018). Leader’s Talk No. 53. Elder, 40(11), 1–4. Retrieved from http:// www.jeed.or.jp/elderly/data/elder/q2k4vk000001v1bd-att/q2k4vk000001 v1dx.pdf. Forbes Japan. (2020). 世界最強の女性経営者から私が教わった「3つのダメ」 新しい師 弟関係[What three Nos that I learned from the world’s best woman CEO about mentoring relationship]. Retrieved from https://forbesjapan. com/articles/detail/34197. Gender Equality Bureau Cabinet Office. (2019). 男女共同参画白書 [White Paper on Gender Equality]. Retrieved from http://www.gender.go.jp/eng lish_contents/about_danjo/whitepaper/pdf/ewp2019.pdf. Gilligan, C. (1982). In a different voice: Psychological theory and women’s development. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Hamada, K. (2018). 働く女性と罪悪感 [Working women and their sense of guilt]. Tokyo, Japan: Shueisha. Hamaguchi, K. (2015). 働く女性の運命 [Destiny of working women]. Tokyo, Japan: Bunshunshinsho. Horii, K. (2015). Research on women in management positions in Japan. 共栄 大学研究論集[Kyoei University Research], 13, 75–93. Retrieved from http:// id.nii.ac.jp/1372/00000131/. Inoue, M. (2018). 女性管理職者のコミュニケーション・スタイルに関する 研究(6)流 動性の低い組織における調査結果から[Communication styles of female Japanese managers (Part 6): Research at an organization with low mobility]. 立教女学院短期大学紀要[Rikkyo Women’s Community University Summary], 50, 55–68. https://doi.org/10.20707/stmlib.50.0_55. Ishizaka, N. (2014). 絶体絶命でも世界一愛される会社に変える![Change the firm into the most loved one even under a desperate situation]. Tokyo, Japan: Diamondsha. Ishizaka, N. (2018). 반딧불이 CEO[Change the firm into the most loved one even under a desperate situation] (K. Hyun-young, Trans.). Retrieved from http:// www.yes24.com/Product/goods/78867111. Iwata, K. (2020). 女性自身も変わらなければ真の男女平等は実現しな い[Women also need to change to make the society truly gender-equal]. Diamond Harvard Business Review, 45(4), 70–82. Retrieved from https:// www.dhbr.net/articles/-/6542. Japan Institute for Women’s Empowerment & Diversity Management. (2019). 女性正社員50 代・60代におけるキャリアと働き方に関する調査[Report on

5

LEADING SELF: MOTIVATION AND LEADER …

103

full-time women employees’ career and work life who are 50 s and 60 s]. Retrieved from https://www.jiwe.or.jp/research-report/2019. Jiji News. (2018). Interview with Yuki Araki at Calbee Inc. Jiji News. Retrieved from https://www.jiji.com/jc/v4?id=201803calbee0001. Kanai, K. (2017). 女性の昇進をめぐる意識とマネジメント : 雇用管理体系と ジェンダー[Awareness of Women promotion and it’s management: Employment system and Gender]. 大原社会問題研究所雑誌[Ohara Society Challenge Research Institute Journal], 704, 18–36. http://doi.org/10.15002/000 14077. Kijima, Y. (2019). 骨折で落ち込んだが…在宅勤務、体験して得た気づ き[Awareness raising through remote work even though I was upset with my broken leg]. Nikkei Style. Retrieved from https://style.nikkei.com/ article/DGXMZO42145590X00C19A3000000?channel=DF181220173324. Kobayashi, I. (2014, January 19). 自分のロールモデル、どう作る、小林いず み氏に聞く[Ask Ms.Kobayashi on how to make your own role models], Nikkei Style. Retrieved from https://style.nikkei.com/article/DGXNASGG1 402W_X10C14A1000000?channel=DF260120166500&style=1. Kobayashi, M. (2009). How Japanese working women learn to attain leadership positions in the Japanese business environment (Order No. 3368422). Available from ProQuest Dissertations & Theses Global. (304873732). Retrieved from https://search.proquest.com/docview/304873732?accountid=147036. Kolb, D. A. (1984). Experiential learning; Experience as the source of learning and development. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall. Kuraoka, Y. (2015). Effective supervisory support for the development of nurse managers. The Journal of the Japan Academy of Nursing Administration and Policies, 19(1), 20–27. https://doi.org/10.19012/janap.19.1_20. Kuraoka, Y. (2018). Effect of an experiential learning-based programme to foster competence among nurse managers. Journal of Nursing Management, 26, 1015–1023. https://doi.org/10.1111/jonm.12628. Marsick, V. J., & Watkins, E. E. (2015). Informal and incidental learning in the workplace. New York, NY: Routledge. Mezirow, J. (1990). Transformative dimensions of adult learning. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. Nakahara, J., & Innovation, Tohmatsu. (2018). 女性の視点で見直す人材育成 [Redesigning talent development from the perspectives of women]. Tokyo, Japan: Diamond Co. Nikkei. (n.d.). テンプスタッフ[Temporary Worker]. Retrieved from https://ps. nikkei.co.jp/myroad/keyperson/shinohara_yoshiko/. Nishimura, T., & Hu, M. (2017). Determinants of non-managerial women’s ambition for promotion. 経済学論究[Economics Research], 70(4), 25–49. Retrieved from http://hdl.handle.net/10236/00025827.

104

M. KOBAYASHI AND Y. T. NAKAMURA

Nomura, H. (2020). 女性リーダーが生まれるとき[When woman leader is born]. Tokyo, Japan: Kobunsha. Oda, M., & Sunazuka, M. (2017a, September, 05). 昇進する女はコミュ力、実 績、専門的経験がある[Women who advance their career possess communication skills, outstanding results and professional experiences]. Nikkei Dual. Retrieved from https://dual.nikkei.com/article/109/39/?P=3. Oda, M., & Sunazuka, M. (2017b, August 31). 大切なことが「タバコ部屋」 で今だに決められる [Important decisions are still made at smoking rooms]. Nikkei Dual. Retrieved from https://dual.nikkei.com/article/109/40/. Ogawa, Y. (2016). 女性管理職の教科書 [Textbook for women managers]. Tokyo, Japan: Dobunkan Shuppan. Okamoto, Y. (2010). 女性の生涯発達に関する研究の展望と課題 [Overview of research and issues on women’s development]. In Y. Okamoto (Ed.), 女性 の生涯発達とアイデンティティー [Women’s development and their identity] (pp. 1–30). Kyoto, Japan: Kitaojishbo. Okubo, Y., & Ishihara, N. (2016). 女性が活躍する会社 [Companies where women demonstrate excellent performance] (2nd ed.). Tokyo, Japan: Nikkei Bunko. Osawa, M. (2019). 女性と管理職をめぐる現状[Reality of women workers and their promotion to managers]. In M, Osawa (Ed.), なぜ女性管理職は少ない のか [Why do we have only a small number of woman managers?] (pp. 9–24). Tokyo, Japan: Japan Women’s University Research Institute for Women and Career. President Woman. (2017). 横浜市市長・林 文子のルーツ「その日、その日 をしっかり生きる」[Yokohama City Mayor, Fumiko Hayashi’s roots: Carpe diem]. Retrieved from https://president.jp/articles/-/21899. Saito, C. (2019). パッチワーク型ロールモデルのすすめ 理想像は自作 で[Recommendation of having patchwork form of role model: Creating an ideal model by yourself]. Nikkei Style. Retrieved from https://style.nikkei. com/article/DGXMZO40406710U9A120C1000000?channel=DF1812201 73324. Shimazaki, N. (2018). < 日本型システム > の形成過程とその特性[Formation process and characteristics of Japanese system]. 学術の動向[Direction of Academics], 23(9), 10–15. https://doi.org/10.5363/tits.23.9_10. Shinoda, M. (2020).「無意識バイアス」が日本の女性活躍を妨げてい る[Unconscious bias holds Japanese women back]. Diamond Harvard Business Review, 45(4), 56–69. Retrieved from https://www.dhbr.net/art icles/-/6543. Shirae, A. (2016). 日本女性の底力 [Potentiality of Japanese women]. Tokyo, Japan: Kodansha. Sugimura, K. (2010). 現代女性の青年期から中年期までのアイデンティーの 発達 [Identity development of modern women from puberty to middle

5

LEADING SELF: MOTIVATION AND LEADER …

105

age. In Y. Okamoto (Ed.), 女性の生涯発達とアイデンティティー [Women’s development and their identity] (pp. 55–86). Kyoto, Japan: Kitaojishbo. Takada, A. (2016). 女性マネジャー育成講座 [Women manager development course]. Tokyo, Japan: Seisensei Shuppan. Takeishi, K. (2019). 女性の意欲や職場パフォーマンスを高める管理職の要因 に関する研 究 : 部下と上司の認識ギャップに注目して[Managerial factors to enhance women’s work motivation and workplace performance]. 生涯学習 とキャリアデザイン[Lifelong Learning and Career Design], 16(2), 87–101. http://doi.org/10.15002/00022396. Tsukada, K. (2019). 仕事に欠かせぬ「想像力」相手の気持ちも先回 り[Imagination as a critical skill for work. Imagining other’s feeling]. Nikkei Style. Retrieved from https://style.nikkei.com/article/DGXMZO413 35280V10C19A2000000?channel=DF181220173324. Ueno, C. (2016). ニッポンが変わる、女が変える[Japan will be changed by women]. Tokyo, Japan: Chuko Bunko. Yamagiwa, K. (2016). 女性活躍の推進 [Promoting women’s performance]. Tokyo, Japan: Keidanren Shuppan. Yamaguchi, K. (2017). 働き方の男女不平等:理論と実証分析 [Gender inequality in the workstyle: Theory and substantive analysis]. Tokyo, Japan: Nihonkeizaishinbun Shuppansha.

PART IV

Sector Perspectives

CHAPTER 6

Corporate Sector: Women Leaders in Japanese Companies Mieko Kobayashi and Mayuko Horimoto

We begin this chapter with the historical nature of the environment in which Japanese women advance their career and provide an analysis of Japanese women leaders in Japanese companies related to the areas in which women are likely to be demonstrating leadership, commonalities of women leaders in large companies, and small and mid-size businesses. We introduce practices that have worked well in Japanese companies that promote women to leadership positions.

M. Kobayashi (B) Talent Development, Deloitte Tohmatsu LLC, Tokyo, Japan e-mail: [email protected] M. Horimoto Toyo University, Tokyo, Japan e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s) 2021 Y. T. Nakamura et al. (eds.), Japanese Women in Leadership, Current Perspectives on Asian Women in Leadership, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-36304-8_6

109

110

M. KOBAYASHI AND M. HORIMOTO

Historical Efforts in Promoting Women’s Career Progression Japan made amazing economic growth in the 1960s, 1970s, and early 1980s through long hours of hard work by men in the workforce. This was made possible through support of their spouses. Men at work, women at home was the common form of a family (Yamagiwa, 2016; Yamaguchi, 2017). In the late 1970s and 1980s, an increasing number of women enrolled in universities or 2-year colleges. However, job opportunities were limited for women even with higher education degrees due to the family norm (Hamaguchi, 2015; Yamagiwa, 2016). The Japanese government enacted the Equal Employment Opportunity Law in 1986 to provide labor opportunities for women with higher education (Hamaguchi, 2015). Although the law triggered the recruitment of these women by Japanese companies, their jobs were supporting roles to men owing to the assumption that women would not stay upon marriage and childbirth (Yamagiwa, 2016; Yamaguchi, 2017). Japanese companies expected loyalty from their employees as signified by the lifetime employment practice. Naturally, career progression correlated with the length of employment, and many women left the labor force to meet societal expectations about their roles (wife and mother) in their family (Takeishi, 2015; Yamagiwa, 2016; Yamaguchi, 2017). With reduced seniority, women had difficulty in getting promoted. During CY2017, approximately 200,000 women left their work upon delivery of their first child (Okuno & Sakata, 2018). Even thirty years after the enactment of the Equal Employment Opportunity Law, there were no major changes in the work environment for Japanese women, as revealed by the economy section of the Global Gender Gap Index (121 of 153 countries) based on the percentage of the Economic Participation and Opportunity sub index (World Economic Forum, 2020). This can be attributed to deeply rooted patriarchy and the lifetime employment system that values long years of commitment to employers. Over the past ten years, Japanese companies have been taking measures to promote women, and most of them have systems to support working mothers, provide diversity training to men managers, and raise awareness of work-life balance issues (Abe & Iwai, 2015; Okubo & Ishihara, 2016; Ushio & Shimura, 2014; Yamagiwa, 2016). Companies that won

6

CORPORATE SECTOR: WOMEN LEADERS IN JAPANESE COMPANIES

111

diversity-related awards based upon significant outcomes executed Diversity Management (diversity of talent in the management team, diverse career paths, change management). These awards included the Diversity Award by J-Win (Japan Women’s Innovative Network) and the Diversity Management Selection 100 by the Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry (METI); recipients have included cosmetic companies, insurance companies, banks, securities companies, department stores, and so forth, where women workers work as sales representatives or customer support. Another characteristic of the companies that promote women is that women customers are the key for their business, such as electric appliance manufacturers and even car manufacturers because primary users and decision-makers of their products are women (Ushio & Shimura, 2014). A good example is Nissan, described by Annis and Nesbitt (2017). Nissan is a car manufacturer and a Catalyst (a global NPO for diversity promotion) Award winner in 2008. The newly appointed CEO of the company at that time researched factors for critical factors for company survival and found that women had not been included in key business phases, such as design, marketing, and selling, without recognizing that purchasing decisions were made primarily by wives who managed family finances. Diversity initiatives including women in key business phases contributed to driving better business results. Even though these activities facilitated inclusion of women as part of the key labor force and their continuous work engagement even after marriage and childbirth, promoting women to leadership positions was a big challenge due to the hindering factors described above. However, since Nissan was awarded the winner in 2008, no Japanese company has won such an international award. Therefore, the number of Japanese companies that will be recognized internationally for promoting women and supporting diversity in work environments is expected to increase. Under Prime Minister Abe’s leadership, one of his key growth strategies from Abenomics included women’s labor participation (Government of Japan, 2017). In 2019, the Government of Japan revised the Act on Promotion of Women’s Participation and Advancement in the Workplace that mandates companies with more than 300 employees to disclose their plans for women’s participation in their workplace and inclusion in their KPIs (key performance indicators) to the public (Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare [MHLW], 2020). Further, in collaboration with the Tokyo Stock Exchange, the government implemented Diversity Management Selection 100 and the Nadeshiko Brand to reward companies that

112

M. KOBAYASHI AND M. HORIMOTO

promoted the success of women as an important part of the workforce (METI, 2013). Nadeshiko is the name of a Japanese flower and sometimes is used as a metaphor of women. Based on the quality of their diversity management, 43 enterprises were selected as the first group in 2012. The Nadeshiko Brand was awarded to 17 listed companies in terms of the extent of support for women employees in career progression and balancing work and life. According to joint research by METI and the Tokyo Stock Exchange, these companies with positive diversity management efforts demonstrated better business results (METI, 2013). The brand is expected to attract investors and to use the brand for the sales activities of awarded companies. These pushes from the government facilitated the promotion of women to positions as CXOs (CEO, COO, CHRO, CFO, CTO, CIO). The ratio of women CXOs in publicly listed companies doubled from 3.4 to 5.1% between 2016 and 2020 (Gender Equality Bureau Cabinet Office, 2020). The reality is, however, the majority of companies appoint women board or executive members from external sources, such as university professors or those who have experienced top management positions in foreign affiliated companies due to the lack of candidates from internal sources. In fact, Japanese companies have not been successful in promoting women employees to climb corporate ladders to top management positions. The government target of 30% of women workers in managerial positions and 10% of women in executive leadership positions appears to have been too aspirational from a practical perspective. According to the MHLW (2019), the percentage of women in managerial positions (Kacho, unit leader and above) have been slowly increasing from 9.1 to 11.8% between 2013 and 2018. Industries that have promoted women include medical and welfare (49.3%), followed by hotels and restaurants (23.1%), and services and entertainment (22.2%) (MHLW, 2019). Of company presidents (all sizes), 7.69% are women, an increase of 1.45% from 10 years ago, according to the Teikoku Data Bank (2016), sadly a very low increase over such a period of time. Among companies with business results per year of 50 million yen and lower, 10.62% of company presidents are women, but only 1.36% of presidents were women in companies with business results of a trillion yen and higher. In addition, 41.5% of women presidents are entrepreneurs (business start-ups), and 33.9% of newly promoted women presidents are successors of family-owned businesses. Industries that have promoted women to president positions include: real estate (16.43%), consumer

6

CORPORATE SECTOR: WOMEN LEADERS IN JAPANESE COMPANIES

113

businesses (10.3%), and service (10.21%). Construction has the smallest percentage (4.69%). By types of businesses in which women are president, nursing homes lead (42.3%), followed by cosmetics, and then beauty (Teikoku Data Bank, 2019). Businesses managed by women leaders are those related to life activities in which women need to engage, such as child and elderly care, beauty, and education. In summary, there have been a number of efforts undertaken by the government and companies to promote women’s career advancement. However, the movement is slower than expected, while some minor progress has been observed in terms of the percentage of women in managerial positions and top management, but with limitations in the areas of businesses, industries, and the size of companies. Moreover, regarding the background of appointing a new women president, the highest percentage is “family succession,” followed by “founder” and “internal promotion.” Compared with men presidents, the proportions of “family succession” and “internal promotion” of women presidents are extremely high and approximately half that of men presidents, respectively. In addition, the promotion process of women presidents differs from that of men presidents.

Japanese Women Leaders in Japanese Companies---Analysis at the Individual Level This section explores the commonalities among Japanese women leaders at the CXO level in Japanese companies (from large to self-owned startup) in terms of the area in which they have demonstrated leadership; and attitudes and attributes that may have contributed to their achievement. Women executives have more diverse career processes than men executives (Nomura, 2019). The process of becoming an executive is not necessarily an elite process. However, there are no women CEOs in Japanese companies listed in the Fortune 500, and most of the companies in which women presidents/CEOs demonstrate leadership are in companies with revenues of less than 10 million US dollars.

114

M. KOBAYASHI AND M. HORIMOTO

Common Attributes/Attitudes of Women Leadership Style Who Are Promoted to CXOs/Executive Positions in Japanese Publicly Listed Companies Research focusing on women corporate executives clarifies that their leadership and professional development has not been advanced in Japan (Ishihara, 2006). The main reason is that women senior managers in Japan are few. However, several women executives have new leadership styles, that is, a servant-type leadership that nurtures the leadership of subordinates and encourages proactive/subjective behavior rather than pulling in a hierarchical relationship (Nomura, 2020). Servant-Type Leadership Servant-type leadership is a well-known theory by Greenleaf (2012) that has attracted scholars’ attention in Japan in recent years. This leadership style did not exist in the past in terms of leadership as an altruistic minister, not self-centered (Miyake, 2015). However, Japanese women executives are recently characterized by servant-type leadership (Nomura, 2020), such as Kazuko Yashiki, Executive Officer of Japan Airlines and Yoko Yasuda, Managing Director of Takashimaya (Department Store). Yashiki stated: As I asked myself what kind of leadership I should employ, I decided to build a relationship of trust through communication with my subordinates. Anyway, I talked to everyone every day when passing-by or when meeting in the toilet. Work is supported by a team, and I believe that communication is the key element of leadership and management (p. 131)…The managing director of an airport is like the conductor of an orchestra. If my ability is insufficient, some of my subordinates can handle it. (p. 137)

Yasuda stated: As for management, what I keep in mind is to communicate on-site, respect others, and speak to them politely. My theory regarding leadership is “A strong organization is one wherein leaders and followers can switch roles in certain situations.” (pp. 140–149)

6

CORPORATE SECTOR: WOMEN LEADERS IN JAPANESE COMPANIES

115

Growth Mindset Japanese women who achieved executive positions seem to have demonstrated what Dweck (2017) defines “growth mindset” (p. 15). Those with growth mindset are eager to learn because they believe abilities can be developed and show resilience when facing challenges and even enjoy them. Nomura (2019) states that going through challenging experiences or failures and recovering from those negative experiences as a key factor for career advancement based upon the analysis of the selected women executives. Here are examples of Japanese executive women who seem to have demonstrated growth mindset. Kono, Senior VP of Rakuten, received severe criticism from media and numerous queries on inappropriate pricings of Rakuten Eagles Baseball Team victory sales in their web page and had to do her best to regain trust from customers (Nomura, 2018d). Kinugawa, Executive Officer of Mizuho Securities, got demoted from a general manager position due to an expected trouble that turned out to be a serious one and had to take responsibility. She was a top career runner but experienced a big failure for the first time (Nomura, 2018a). Ogawa, Executive Officer of Panasonic, had to delay the release of a new service for three weeks because of unsolvable bugs and she received claims from the delay day after day (Nomura, 2018b). She self-nominated for the position but failed to meet the expectation. Regardless of these challenging or failure experiences, they moved on to climb up their career ladder. Nomura (2019) analyzes that those who demonstrate resilience from challenging or failure experiences are able to step up because women candidates for top management are expected to provide significant results even with unspoken pressure from male counterparts and that women cannot survive without grit in the competition. The following examples are those who changed the way they looked at challenges and turned them into learning opportunities. Kanzaki, Executive Officer and Head of Kirin Kobe Factory, recalls when she moved to Kobe after the big earthquake with limited time and resources: It was like a field hospital. We did experiments non-stop with sleepless nights for production and examined failed products for re-production even on Saturdays and Sundays. All of the staff members were extremely busy but with full of energy. It was physically hard but I did not hate it. I learned that clear goals and missions make a job meaningful regardless of how hard it is…This experience led to establish confidence in technical, psychological and physical senses. (Nomura, 2018c, p. 2)

116

M. KOBAYASHI AND M. HORIMOTO

Senaha, Executive Officer of Recruit Holdings, shares how her failure experience changed her mind to move forward when she was in an international assignment in London: I felt I was nobody when I was in London. I, just a young Japanese girl, was not welcomed to them. Even when I proposed an idea that might be beneficial to the company, I was not fairly evaluated. I cried all night. Then I realized that no matter how much I cried, the earth is evolving. I am nobody and just need to walk my way out from the reality of incompetency. (Kato, 2020)

Changing the way of looking at a negative reality into a positive direction, i.e., positive thinking, led her to accept the reality and started learning what was needed to become successful in the assignment. Kano, Executive Officer Corporate Affairs of Nestle Japan, recalls her failure experiences drove her to eagerly learn on what is needed under the given environment. The higher position with wider responsibilities she got promoted to, she realized that she needed to acquire broader knowledge and obtain confidence. Then she went to speech training and started going to a professional graduate school that focuses on marketing and communication. Right after that, she got promoted to Executive Officer position (President Women Online, 2020). Similar to Senaha’s case, Kano gave up on what she believed others were expecting her but earned to be authentic to herself. Factors (Environment, Systems, Efforts, and Others) that Enabled Companies to Develop Women to Be Leaders There seem to be common factors among companies that have been successfully promoting women such as AEON Co. LTD., KDDI Corporation, Nomura Securities Co., LTD., and Calbee, Inc. as introduced by Abe and Iwai (2015). The key factors are, commitment from the top management, career development support (including mentorship/sponsorship), and providing networking opportunities exclusive to women (Fumoto, 2015; Takeishi, 2015; Ushio & Shimura, 2014). Some may argue that focusing only on women may cause objection from men. Therefore, men need to be equally focused. The case of Pasona Group Inc., a temporary staff provider, for example, changed their focus to women only from no gender focus approach based upon voices from

6

CORPORATE SECTOR: WOMEN LEADERS IN JAPANESE COMPANIES

117

women and assessment of reality that women are experiencing anxiety and dilemma; and that issues women face are different from men. They have built a corporate graduate school to support career advancement for women. Supporting factors for developing women leaders are organizational environments that foster confidence of women who aspire to advance their career which may take the form of mentoring, learning opportunities to build skills, and knowledge for managerial positions; and networking opportunities to share experiences and support each other. In order to drive these initiatives, the tone from the top is critical to move things forward. There are many cases where companies carried out some initiatives, but they are unable to continue upon the change of management that are no longer committed to the initiatives. Okubo and Ishihara (2016) provide recommendations for both individuals and companies to promote women’s career advancement. They claim that those women who have achieved leadership positions are considered as “super women,” and young women do not view them as role models. If there is no female role model, they suggest that women seek male role models or even learn from these super women as a negative example by demonstrating opposite behaviors. In order to step up into company’s top management positions, sponsorship, i.e., actively supporting leader candidates to expected positions by marketing, providing network and experiences, plays a critical role just as men naturally obtain. Therefore, sponsorship is essential in promoting women to top management positions such as CXOs as Catalyst (n.d.) and Nakahara and Tohmatsu Innovation (2018) suggest. Okubo and Ishihara (2016) argue that favoring women for promotion may be considered as an unfair treatment by men but it facilitates women’s confidence building because women are more motivated to meet expectations from others than men are. They conclude that women need to be provided leadership experiences because leadership skills are developed only through experiences and that leadership is about driving team performance into the expected goals, which women seem to be better at. 21 Century Jigyodan (2015) concurs with this based upon the comments from various leaders.

118

M. KOBAYASHI AND M. HORIMOTO

Implication for Practice This chapter introduces examples of best practices to promote development of women leaders. All of them have established systems in place by the strong commitment of their CEOs. Driving these initiatives requires significant cultural change that implies changing the mindset of men in male-dominant organizations. Cultural change will not happen unless top management are committed to do so. Top management of Japanese companies need to embrace the reality of unhealthy organizational environment with unbalanced gender composition for their future business growth.

Recommendation for Future Research The research is solely based upon Japanese women leaders from publicly available resources which are likely to be highly recognized women leaders. Researching living examples from interviewing Japanese women leaders at all levels will shed light on real life roles models so that young women can easily follow. Further, no matter how well systems are laid out and executed, supportive environments and constant follow ups are keys to true successful organizational change. Researching these aspects will be beneficial as well as highlighting how CEOs decided to commit in women’s advancement.

Conclusion Japanese women who advanced their career to leadership positions from 30 years ago to current year demonstrated servant-style leadership by nurturing leadership potential of their subordinates and encouraging their proactive actions, and growth mindset to overcome challenges and to learn from the challenging experiences to move forward. The reality is that, however, those women are limited in number and organizations need to provide supports to encourage women to challenge their potentials. As discussed in the previous sections, women are not motivated to be promoted to leadership positions (21 Century Jigyodan, 2015; Fumoto, 2015; Hamada, 2018; Nakahara & Tohmatsu Innovation, 2018; Okubo

6

CORPORATE SECTOR: WOMEN LEADERS IN JAPANESE COMPANIES

119

and Ishihara 2016; Takeishi, 2015; Yamagiwa, 2016). Hamada (2018) and Nakahara & Tohmatsu Innovation (2018) claim that the unwillingness for promotion is attributed to the lack of self-confidence simply from insufficient experiences. This ties into the discussion of the lack of selfefficacy (Sakata, 2019) to be the fundamental issue, and the companies that are successful in promoting women have been providing elements for women to develop self-efficacy such as providing opportunities to experience small wins for performance experiences, providing role models for vicarious learning, providing mentoring, and coaching experiences with verbal feedback and emotional encouragement as Bandura (2008) proposes. The recent research by Nikkei Keizai Shimbun reports that companies with more than 10% of female executive board members financially outperform those with lower percentage of them in terms of sales increase, ROE (Return on Equity), and PBR (Price Book-Value Ratio) (Nikkei Style, 2017). Corporations in Japan need to embrace the research results, and top management of the companies should commit to support women to be able to advance their career to leadership positions for their better business performance. Of course, the infrastructure to enable women’s career advancement needs to be in place, such as redesigning of HR system that requires geographical mobility for promotion and change in organizational culture that values long working hours. (Maehara, 2016). With the HR and organizational infrastructure that includes women with limited work hours and family obligations, Maehara (2016) argues that filling opportunities gaps between men and women is the key for supporting women’s career advancement. Designing career development plans that include strategic job rotation for women is one example. Men have been provided mobility and job rotation opportunities, which naturally lead to establish network and access to necessary information. Maehara (2016) continues that these opportunities help build deeper understanding of business processes and organization wide perspectives. Therefore, providing job rotation and internal/external networking opportunities facilitate women to obtain what men have been provided. In addition, building a women leader pipeline needs to be in place otherwise women leaders will not be able to be developed in an organized way. The strategic leader pipeline includes pools of leader candidates at each position from new hires to executive level (Maehara, 2016). In transition to one step above, formal learning opportunities such as management and leadership training as well as social learning intervention

120

M. KOBAYASHI AND M. HORIMOTO

through mentoring and sponsorship (for executive positions) are necessary. Supporting women’s development will definitely lead to win-win results for both corporations and women in Japan, and to the achievement of 30% goal that the Japanese government expects to companies.

References 21 Century Jigyodan. (2015). 一歩先のキャリアへ—女性リーダーが語る働き 方の知恵 [ Stepping up on your career – Wisdom on working style from female leaders]. Tokyo, Japan: Tokyo Tosho Shuppan. Abe, M., & Iwai, A. (2015). ベンチマーク企業のダイバーシティー施策とその 効果 [Diversity Initiatives of Benchmark Companies and their outcomes]. In S. Fumoto (Ed.), なぜあの会社は女性管理職が順調に増えているのか[Why are these companies increasing the number of female managers as planned?] (pp. 56–256). Tokyo, Japan: Nikkei BP. Annis, B., & Nesbitt, R. (2017). Results at the top: Using gender intelligence to create breakthrough growth. Hoboken, NJ: Wiley. Bandura, A. (2008). An agentic perspective on positive psychology. In S. Lopez (Ed.), Positive psychology: Exploring the best in people (pp. 167–196). Westport, CT: Praeger Publishers. Catalyst. (n.d.). Catalyst study shows sponsorship is key to women’s success. Research. Retrieved from http://www.catalyst.org/media/catalyststudy-shows-sponsorship-key-womens-success. Dweck, C. (2017). Mindset: Changing the way you think to fulfill your potential (updated edition). [Kindle]. Retrieved from Amazon.com. Fumoto, S. (2015). 女性管理職を増やすために組織が実行すべき5つの施策と は [5 measures that organizations need to carry out to increase the number of female managers]. In S. Fumoto (Ed.), なぜあの会社は女性管理職が順調 に増えているのか [Why are these companies increasing the number of female managers as planned?] (pp. 257–267). Tokyo, Japan: Nikkei BP. Gender Equality Bureau Cabinet Office. (2020). 女性役員情報サイト[Site on the information of female executive board members]. Retrieved from http:// www.gender.go.jp/policy/mieruka/company/yakuin.html. Government of Japan. (2017, July). Embrace diversity in Abenomics. Retrieved from http://www.japan.go.jp/abenomics/_userdata/abenomics/ pdf/170630_abenomics.pdf. Greenleaf, R. (2012). Servant leadership [25th anniversary edition]: A journey into the nature of legitimate power and greatness: The Eucharist as theater (English Edition). [Kindle]. Paulist Press. Retrieved from Amazon.com. Hamada, K. (2018). 働く女性と罪悪感 [Working women and their sense of guilt]. Tokyo, Japan: Shueisha.

6

CORPORATE SECTOR: WOMEN LEADERS IN JAPANESE COMPANIES

121

Hamaguchi, K. (2015). 働く女性の運命 [Destiny of working women]. Tokyo, Japan: Bunshunshinsho. Ishihara, N. (2006). 女性役員の「一皮むける経験」—幹部候補女性を育てる 企業のための一考察 [The “lessons of experience” of top executive women: Study for companies developing potential female leaders]. Works Review,1(2), 1–14. Retrieved from https://www.jstage.jst.go.jp/article/worksrev/1/2/ 1_1/_pdf/-char/ja. 「自信が持てない Kato, A. (2020, July 3). 30代でリクルートHD取締役に。 」と悩む女性に伝えたいこと [Promoted to Board of Director Recruit Holdings: Words for women who are concerned of lack of confidence]. Retrieved from https://www.huffingtonpost.jp/entry/story_jp_5e7 853dfc5b63c3b6493257b. Maehara, M. (2016). 女性マネジャーの力を引き出す育成・支援策のポイント [Key points to develop women managers by driving their capabilities]. Romujiho, 3914 (August 21/26), 53–66. Retrieved from https://www.rosei.jp/ common/data/backnumber/pdf/3914.pdf. Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry. (2013, n.d.). “Diversity Management Selection 100” and “Nadeshiko Brand”. METI Journal, Special Report (June/July 2013), 1–4. Retrieved from http://www.meti.go.jp/english/pub lications/pdf/journal2013_06b.pdf. Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare. (2019, July 30). 「平成30年度雇用均 等調査」の結果概要 [An overview of the Research Results of Equal Employment Opportunity on Heisei 27th]. Retrieved from https://www.mhlw.go. jp/toukei/list/dl/71-30r/02.pdf. Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare. (2020). Outline of the Act on the partial amendment to the Act on promotion of women’s participation and advancement in the workplace etc. Retrieved from https://www.mhlw.go.jp/english/ policy/children/work-family/dl/20191122e.pdf. Miyake, E. (2015). 女性経営者にみられるリーダーシップ・スタイルの特徴 [Exploring feminine leadership styles among women entrepreneurs in Japan]. Doshisha Women’s College of Liberal Arts annual reports of studies. Retrieved from https://dwcla.repo.nii.ac.jp/?action=repository_uri&item_id= 1308&file_id=22&file_no=1. Nakahara, J, & Tohmatsu Innovation. (2018). 女性の視点で見直す人材育成 [ Redesigning talent development from the perspectives of women]. Tokyo, Japan: Diamond Co. Nomura, H. (2018a, March 29). みずほ保証券絹川氏「部長をクビの経験がバ ネに」[Ms. Kinugawa from Mizuho Securities: Demotion from manager was a driver to success]. Retrieved from https://business.nikkei.com/atcl/report/ 16/032200214/032200003/.

122

M. KOBAYASHI AND M. HORIMOTO

Nomura, H. (2018b, June 4). 役員兼演奏家は「4回の脱皮」で育っ た[Executive and player grew from 4 times mols]. Retrieved from https:// business.nikkei.com/atcl/report/16/032200214/053000007/?P=1. Nomura, H. (2018c, September 12). 業界初、キリンピールの女性工場長 [First in the industry, the first women factory leader in Kiri Brewery]. Retrieved from https://business.nikkei.com/atcl/report/16/032200214/ 090500011/. Nomura, H. (2018d, October 22). 36歳で執行役員に、記者会見で修羅場を経 験 [Promoted to executive officer at the age of 36 by experiencing significant challenges at press conferences]. Retrieved from https://business.nikkei.com/ atcl/report/16/032200214/101200013/?P=3. Nomura, H. (2019, January 11). 女性役員10人に見る女性リーダーの育ち方 [How women leaders are developed from the cases of 10 women executive officers]. Retrieved from https://business.nikkei.com/atcl/report/16/ 032200214/010900016/?P=2. Nomura, H. (2020). 女性リーダーが生まれるとき-「一皮むけた」経験に学ぶ キャリア形成 [Developing women leaders: Career development to learn from experience].Tokyo, Japan: Kobunsha. Nikkei Style. (2017, February 4). 女性役員、多いと好業績、多様性重視が強み [The more female executive board members, the better the business results owing to the focus on diversity]. Retrieved from https://style.nikkei.com/art icle/DGXMZO12387470R00C17A2TY5000?channel=DF130120166018. Okubo, Y., & Ishihara, N. (2016). 女性が活躍する会社 [Companies where women demonstrate excellent performance] (2nd ed.). Tokyo, Japan: Nikkei Bunko. Okuno, H., & Sakata, N. (2018, July 30). 出産で退職する女性は年間20万人 、経済損失は1.2兆円 [Women who retired after the child birth amount 0.2 million per year. The economical loss is 1.2 trillion yen]. 東京すくすく東京 新聞 [Tokyo sukusuku Tokyo Shinbun TokyoWeb]. Retrieved from https:// sukusuku.tokyo-np.co.jp/birth/1874/. President Women Online. (2020, July 6). お客様相談室スタッフから執行役 員になった私が、貫いてきたたった二つの基本 [Two fundamentals that I continued from a staff member in customer relations to an executive officer]. Retrieved from https://president.jp/articles/-/36761. Sakata, K. (2019). 女性の昇進を阻む心理的・社会的要因[Psychological and social barriers to women’s promotion]. In M. Osawa (Ed.), なぜ女性管理 職は少ないのか [Why are women managers are scares] (pp. 25–64). Tokyo, Japan: Seikyusha. Takeishi, E. (2015). 女性が活躍を続けるために企業は何をするべきか [What companies should do to continue facilitating women’s performance]. In S. Fumoto (Ed.), なぜあの会社は女性管理職が順調に増えているのか [Why

6

CORPORATE SECTOR: WOMEN LEADERS IN JAPANESE COMPANIES

123

are these companies increasing the number of female managers as planned?] (pp. 34–52). Tokyo, Japan: Nikkei BP. Teikoku Data Bank. (2016, August 15). 特別企画 女性登用に関する企業の意識 調査 [Special Edition: Survey on companies for promoting women]. Retrieved from https://www.tdb.co.jp/report/watching/press/p160804.html Teikoku Data Bank. (2019, June 24). 特別企画 全国・女性社長分析 2019年 [Special edition: Analysis of female presidents in Japan, 2019]. Retrieved from https://www.tdb.co.jp/report/watching/press/pdf/p190605.pdf. World Economic Forum. (2020). The global gender gap report 2020. Retrieved from http://www3.weforum.org/docs/WEF_GGGR_2020.pdf. Ushio, N., & Shimura, K. (2014). 女性リーダーを組織で育てる仕組み [Systems to develop female leaders in organizations]. Tokyo, Japan: Chuo Keizaisha. Yamagiwa, K. (2016). 女性活躍の推進 [Facilitating women’s performance in workplace]. Tokyo, Japan: Keidanren Shuppan. Yamaguchi, K. (2017). 働き方の男女不平等:理論と実証分析 [Gender inequality in the workstyle: Theory and substantive analysis]. Tokyo, Japan: Nihonkeizaishinbun Shuppansha.

CHAPTER 7

Corporate Sector: Foreign-Affiliated Companies Fumie Nakao and April Bang

The corporate sector in Japan has gone through a series of transitions to increase the representation of women in leadership positions in the corporate sector, gaining momentum with the enactment of the Act to Advance Women’s Success in their Working Life in April, 2016. In this evolving context, Japanese women have risen to leadership in foreignaffiliated companies, including US and European companies, as well as other Asian companies. This has provided an opportunity for Japanese women to exercise leadership in diverse and global settings, which present both benefits and challenges. In this chapter, we took a close look at how Japanese women are exercising leadership and management (used interchangeably in this chapter) in foreign-affiliated companies in Japan. Through a literature review and in-depth interviews with four women leaders, we examined both

F. Nakao (B) Souco Co., Ltd., Tokyo, Japan A. Bang Adult Learning and Leadership, Columbia University, New York, NY, USA e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s) 2021 Y. T. Nakamura et al. (eds.), Japanese Women in Leadership, Current Perspectives on Asian Women in Leadership, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-36304-8_7

125

126

F. NAKAO AND A. BANG

opportunities and challenges Japanese women have faced as leaders in foreign-affiliated companies. First, we provided a contextual and historical overview that describes the rise of foreign direct investment in Japan and how it parallels the women’s movement in Japan. We then discussed how Japanese women have come to their positions of formal authority in foreign-affiliated companies. In addition, we explored how foreignaffiliated companies in Japan mirror the cultural context and practices of global parent companies surrounding women’s leadership. We looked at the culture of diversity and inclusion, availability of support systems, and training and mentorship that are in place for women’s advancement in foreign-affiliated firms in comparison with Japanese firms. We discussed aspects of group dynamics and the challenges that Japanese women leaders have confronted while working in foreign-affiliated companies as well. We concluded this chapter with implications for practice and recommendations for further research.

Methods The findings from our chapter were drawn from our review of literature, in-depth interviews, and personal reflections. Literature reviewed included a search of existing news articles, company reports, and academic literature through various tools and databases, including Google, Google Scholar, ProQuest, and JSTOR, using keywords such as women, Japan, leadership, business, global companies, corporate leadership, and Japanese and Asian women leaders or managers. In-depth interviews were conducted with four women leaders in foreign-affiliated companies, and reflections draw from personal experiences of one of the authors who worked in various foreign-affiliated companies in Japan. The women leaders interviewed work across four industries and were willing to discuss their challenges as women working in global firms. Saki is the PR manager in a private financial institution; Emi works as a training and development manager in a manufacturing firm; Kyoko is the head of HR in another private financial institution; and Makiko is lead in training their consultants. All names have been changed to ensure anonymity.

7

CORPORATE SECTOR: FOREIGN-AFFILIATED COMPANIES

127

Foreign-Affiliated Companies in Japan and the Rise of Japanese Women’s Leadership Japan opened up to international trade in 1859 after being cut off from international contact for over two centuries during the Tokugawa regime (Bernhofen & Brown, 2017). In this time, there was no consideration of women’s rights or gender equality, and the Meiji Constitution did not allow women to participate in politics. From 1899 to the early 1930s, foreign investment expanded. Foreign firms were relatively free to invest, and a number of joint ventures between foreign and domestic investors were set up (Paprzycki & Fukao, 2008). Citibank established its first branch office in Yokohama in 1902 (Nikkei, 2014). A turning point came after the end of World War II when globalization and US international business activities brought change in both the increase of foreign-affiliated firms entering Japan and women’s status improvement. In the 1950s to 1960s, popular retail sellers and manufacturers, such as Coca-Cola, General Electric, and Mobil set up branches in Japan. In 1969, deregulation allowed 100% foreign-owned subsidiaries to operate in Japan, which led to a rapid increase in the entry of foreign-affiliated firms into the Japanese market. IT companies, such as Intel, Apple, and Microsoft, established themselves in Japan, followed by the entry of financial institutions. As the market continued to expand and develop in the 1980s and 1990s, the number of retail sales firms and service firms increased (Paprzycki & Fukao, 2008). During this time, the women’s rights movement in Japan progressed, and women gained full political rights in the first post-war national election in 1946. Although Japan’s modernization progressed on the basis of western models, Japanese women’s roles were still defined as child-bearers and being a good wife and mother, as embedded in the emperor system in Japan’s national development (Bozkurt, 2012; Kobayashi, 2009). Many foreign-affiliated firms have been operating in Japan since the 1970s, and the number of these firms continues to grow. Now, with the Japan Revitalization Strategy in 2014 under the initiative of Japan’s Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry (METI), Japan is trying to raise foreign direct investment stocks to 35 trillion yen by 2020 (Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan, 2019). The latest number in 2015 was 24.4 trillion yen as reported by the Ministry of Finance, which indicates the high target and expectations to further increase the entry of foreign affiliates in the Japanese market.

128

F. NAKAO AND A. BANG

As for the women’s rights movement in Japan, transitions were slower. It was not until the 1986 Equal Employment Opportunity Law enactment that formally opened opportunities for women to be hired by companies under the same conditions as men (Kobayashi, 2009). The women’s movement in Japan can be understood in three phases (Osawa, 2016). The first phase was from 1986 to 1999, characterized by law enforcements providing equal opportunities to women (Osawa, 2016). The second phase from 2000 to 2009 supported women’s work/life balance by enforcing childcare leave policies and flexible work hours (Osawa, 2016). The third phase puts further focus on women’s participation and representation in the workplace (Osawa, 2016). Along this line, the Act on Promotion of Women’s Participation and Advancement in the Workplace was enacted in June 2016. Over the years, the proportion of women in the total labor force increased from 39.7% in 1985 to 44.4% in January 2020 (Statistics Bureau of Japan, 2020). Nevertheless, women’s representation in managerial positions (section manager level or above) remains low in the overall Japanese labor force. In 2018, women accounted for 11.2% of directors and 18.3% of section chiefs in private corporations (Gender Equality Bureau Cabinet Office, 2020). In the context of Japanese firms struggling to promote women into managerial positions, Bozkurt (2012) suggested that “the practices of foreign employers become particularly significant for the managerial career aspirations of Japanese women” (p. 232). Additional data suggest that, foreign firms in Japan have a higher share of female employees (23% versus 20% in Japanese firms), female managers (6.8% versus 3.8%), female directors (2.9% versus 1.7%), and female board members (3.1% versus 1.1%) (Abe, Javorcik, & Kodama, 2016).

How Japanese Women Came to Positions of Leadership and Formal Authority in Foreign-Affiliated Companies There are many similarities and differences in organizational policies, rules, and norms of foreign-affiliated firms and Japanese-owned firms. In Japan, it has been said that foreign-affiliated firms have a defined job description and pay for performance, and are more open to diversity and inclusion (Mun & Jung, 2018). According to Mun and Jung (2018), gender diversity in hiring and promotions has become recognized as a practice of corporate social responsibility (CSR) in firms, which

7

CORPORATE SECTOR: FOREIGN-AFFILIATED COMPANIES

129

have become more widely embraced among foreign multinational firms in contrast to local national firms in Japan. Nevertheless, their presence and partnership with Japanese firms can pressure Japanese firms to change as “foreign actors introduce global norms in local context” (Mun & Jung, 2018, p. 413). Even so, although foreign companies in Japan seem to offer many benefits to employees, large Japanese corporations have continued to be the most desirable workplace among Japanese graduates (Bozkurt, 2012). Given nationalistic orientations and traditional prejudices against foreign firms and resulting challenges of recruitment over the years, foreign companies in Japan have actively pursued women who are well-qualified, yet barred from employment due to the reluctance of domestic employers to hire women (Bozkurt, 2012). Multinational companies may be forced to pay higher salaries than local companies and also provide benefits, such as shorter working hours and more flexibility (Fatehi & Choi, 2018). This “serendipitous fit” (Bozkurt, 2012, p. 233) provides an opportunity for a win-win situation for Japanese women and foreign employers, as foreign employers have been able to remedy their recruitment problems by hiring from the untapped resource pool of well-qualified women (Fatehi & Choi, 2018). Over time, qualified Japanese women became “even more widely and immediately recognized source of staff for foreign employers” (Bozkurt, 2012, p. 233). Even on a managerial level, statistical evidence from the Japan Institute of Labour conveyed higher proportions of women among managers in foreignaffiliated companies in Japan compared with their domestic counterparts (Bozkurt, 2012). Our interviews with women leaders in foreign-affiliated firms yielded similar findings. These leaders shared a common motivation and positive impression of the meritocratic culture of foreign-affiliated companies in Japan that value performance regardless of personal characteristics such as gender or age. We interviewed Kyoko, who is the head of HR in a foreign-affiliated financial institution. Graduating before the enactment of the Equal Employment Opportunity Law, she could not apply to Japanese financial firms due to hiring restrictions. She felt devastated by limited opportunities. Without a choice, she applied to a foreign-affiliated securities firm and started her career as a trader. Saki, who is the PR manager in a financial institution, mentioned that she chose to work in foreignaffiliated companies because age, gender, and length of employment did not influence performance evaluations:

130

F. NAKAO AND A. BANG

You are always evaluated by your results. My uniqueness and original comments are valued, so I always try to be myself. I like the feeling of being respected and also given a sense of responsibility as the representative of the Japan Branch.

One of the root causes of Japan’s low female labor participation and low leadership representation is that evaluations at many traditional Japanese companies still tend to prioritize seniority and time over performance and output. This is also a key reason why Japan ranks near the top of the developed world in terms of longest number of hours worked annually and among the lowest in terms of the amount of time Japanese fathers spend on household chores and child-rearing (Matsui, Suzuki, & Tatebe, 2019). Our interviewee, Saki in PR, worked at a Japanese firm early in her career. When the time came for promotion, she was promoted to an Associate position, while her counterpart, a man, was promoted one rank higher to Vice President, even though they joined the firm at the same time. She was frustrated with such discriminatory treatment. Nevertheless, she was the fastest among her woman peers to be promoted to Vice President, which gave her confidence to trust her skills and performance. Her successful experience prompted her to then join a foreign-affiliated firm that recognized her competence and rewarded her accordingly. Foreign firms attract women with human resource policies that differ from those of traditional Japanese companies. According to Abe et al. (2016), Japanese women earn on average 33% less than equally qualified men of the same age employed in the same industry in a firm operating in the same region. Working for a majority-owned foreign affiliate brings the gender wage gap down to 25%. (para.11)

The generous holiday provision in foreign-affiliated companies adds to the attractiveness of working in these firms. Seniority-based benefits, however, are not provided to the same extent as they are provided in Japanese traditional firms under life-long employment. Nevertheless, foreign-affiliated firms providing higher wages are attractive to women who may leave the workforce temporarily due to childbirth (Olcott & Oliver, 2014). Japanese women are motivated to work in foreign-affiliated firms due to their competitive meritocratic policies and rewards that are

7

CORPORATE SECTOR: FOREIGN-AFFILIATED COMPANIES

131

more attractive to women who may need to take time out of the labor market. Moreover, the more clearly defined job descriptions and the pay for performance culture in foreign-affiliated companies have enabled competent Japanese women to climb up the career ladder more easily and more quickly than they otherwise would have as employees of domestic companies. Additional factors supporting Japanese women’s leadership in foreign-affiliated companies are further discussed in the next section.

How Foreign-Affiliated Companies in Japan Mirror the Cultural Context and Practices of Their Global Parent Companies Around Women’s Leadership Foreign-affiliated companies in Japan operate under a varying mix of policies, norms, and guidelines based on local regulations and market practices and their global parent companies. In Japan, foreign companies are known to provide friendlier working conditions for women and promote women to management positions at significantly higher rates than do Japanese firms (Kodama, Javorcik, & Abe, 2016). The Research Institute of Economy, Trade and Industry (RIETI) conducted a survey and found slight differences between domestic firms and majority foreignowned affiliates in the share of women employees (23% in foreign-owned affiliates versus 20% in Japanese firms), women managers (6.8% versus 3.8%), women directors (2.9% versus 1.7%), and women board members (3.1% versus 1.1%) (Kodama, Javorcik, & Abe, 2016). According to Nikkei BP‘s survey (2019), IBM Japan and Pfizer ranked the top two in the category of promotion of women to managerial positions. IBM Japan has launched a woman success promotion project under the direct control of the president in 1998. With support of the sponsorship program with guidance by individual executives, the ratio of women executives increased to 16%, marking 41 women in the executive positions. Ranked second to Pfizer, the ratio of female managerial positions exceeds 25%, with over 20% of women employees overall. Its female executives occupy six out of 17 executives and play active role in the company. Moreover, the experiences of Japanese women managers in foreign companies have been reported to differ significantly from women who work for Japanese organizations (Mun & Jung, 2018) as women in foreign firms have felt that they were utilized for their decision-making

132

F. NAKAO AND A. BANG

ability, provided on-the-job training and challenging tasks, and treated equally with other managers who were men for a number of years (Usui, Rose, & Kageyama, 2003). Japanese women employees also view their foreign employers as “more committed and more competent than their local peers in pursuing diversity policies in general and gender equality in particular” (Bozkurt, 2012, p. 234). In contrast to women who work for foreign-affiliated companies in Japan, women employees of domestic companies must confront different conditions. Several studies mention significant gender inequality in Japanese employment practices and their effects on Japanese women’s experiences in the workplace (Hamada, 2018; Bozkurt, 2012; Kodama et al., 2016; Kobayashi, 2009; Ogiwara, Tsuda, Akiyama, & Skai, 2008; etc.). Bozkurt (2012) stated that Japan’s “much-studied national employment system has been typified, in addition to more lauded characteristics, by women’s low labor-force participation, their relegation to peripheral, temporary, and marginal positions in the workforce and their nearabsence from managerial posts” (p. 226). According to Ogiwara et al. (2008), Japanese society historically has been “corporate-centered and male- dominant, with substantial division of labor by gender roles [where] women’s growing economic independence and participation in social affairs have not served to change existing gender roles but rather to confirm them” (p. 472). As such, Japanese working women have experienced more gender-related stress, exhaustion, and burn out (Hamada, 2018). In the face of such challenges and barriers in the Japanese domestic labor market, Bozkurt (2012) examined the potential of multinational corporations in Japan to provide “critical relief routes” for Japanese women to advance in managerial careers in national contexts where their “career paths with domestic employers remain blocked by traditional and institutional practices” (p. 225). Emi, who works in the manufacturing industry’s HR department, shared similar perspectives. In her own journey, she had negative experiences working in Japanese-owned firms that undervalued her as a woman and pressured her to take on peripheral roles along with marginal and supportive tasks. Her leaders, all men, did not treat her respectfully nor take her seriously. She stated: When my move to the London office was fixed, I overheard men speaking in the back of the room asking, ‘Why is she going there? What can a woman do?’ These words I will never forget. This pushed me to work harder, and I wanted to look stronger. I did not want to be blamed for things because I am a woman.

7

CORPORATE SECTOR: FOREIGN-AFFILIATED COMPANIES

133

Through our interviews with Japanese women in leadership roles, we also explored how foreign-affiliated companies demonstrated friendlier working conditions and a culture of valuing diversity and inclusion that may reflect those of their global parent companies. Through these interviews, we found that: (1) foreign companies in Japan demonstrated a strong culture of valuing diversity and inclusion from global headquarters and affinity networks across the world; (2) foreign companies have internal support systems of benefits and working styles that include flexible working arrangements that allow people to work from home and experience subsidized support to cover costs of childcare and family care; and (3) many companies offer mentorship systems and training programs targeted to high potential women. These are further discussed below. A Culture of Diversity and Inclusion Local foreign-affiliated firms in Japan mirror the culture that values diversity and inclusion of their global parent companies. As their operations involve regular interactions with global counterparts, they are likely to pick up on the norm of valuing differences and collaborating. According to Saki in PR, people at her company are aware of the value of diversity. She said: “I work with people from all locations, and none of us is a native English speaker. That’s one reason why we always value communications, try our best to listen to each other, and work with our differences.” Makiko, who works in the consulting industry, also stated that valuing diversity is the norm at her firm. To show presence: “You just need to speak up whether you are a man or a woman, it doesn’t matter.” We also found that foreign-affiliated companies of global financial institutions in Japan have diversity and inclusion teams in each region that organize and host many promotional events related to diversity and inclusion. These events include the celebration of Pride Week, Disability Month, and International Women’s Day to name a few. These events cultivate a culture valuing diversity across all affiliates and seem to mirror the best practices of their global parent headquarters. Internal Support Systems In Japan, diversity is primarily focused around supporting women. Nevertheless, foreign-affiliated firms are putting the spotlight on sharing their advanced policies and the support not only for women, but also for

134

F. NAKAO AND A. BANG

other diverse people in their firm. With respect to firm benefits that support diversity and women’s advancement, IBM Japan is one of the leading foreign affiliates that have a wide range of support systems in place (Ushio & Shimura, 2014). Supporting systems and policies include maternity leaves, paternity leaves, childcare leaves, family care leaves, refresh leaves (leaves provided after marking several years of service for the company), internal childcare center, and flexible working arrangements (short working hour arrangements). Some foreign-affiliated companies have set up their own childcare facilities to provide options for families to keep their children there until they find a local kindergarten. This has helped the retention of women employees., The Japan Institute for Labour Policy and Training conducted the National Survey of Households with Children 2012 among non-employed mothers. As the reason for being out of work, 44% of non-working mothers (married mothers 51%, single mothers 12%) said they “want to concentrate on childcare.” Those responding with “no means of looking after children” account for 20% of the total (married mothers 22%, single mothers 11%). And 59% of all respondents cited one of these reasons as “related to children” (Zhou, 2015, p. 112). As such, to help families in such situations, foreign-affiliated firms provide discount tickets for childcare and family care services to reduce the financial burden. RIETI’s research showed that there is significant difference between foreign-affiliated firms and Japanese domestic firms in providing childcare or childcare subsidies (32.0% versus 6.2%) (Kodama et al., 2016). Training and Mentorship In terms of women’s leadership development, foreign-affiliated companies in Japan are advanced in providing women with training and mentorship programs for high potentials. Accenture, for example, has specific leadership training for women called “Developing High Performing Women” (Ushio & Shimura, 2014, p. 128). Another financial institution has training targeting women who might move to the next level as VP. This is critical in creating a leadership pipeline that identifies high potential women and builds their career. In addition to training, many foreign-affiliated firms have mentoring systems to support the individual development of women. Our interviewee, Emi, stated that her company provides a sponsorship system in which each employee is matched with a sponsor who is available to provide advice and support for their career

7

CORPORATE SECTOR: FOREIGN-AFFILIATED COMPANIES

135

development. Some women use this system to discuss their career aspirations and work life balance. Kyoko in the financial institution also mentioned how, from her senior position, she supports mid-level female managers with mentorship. These training and mentorship practices in foreign-affiliated companies closely mirror the practices of their global parent companies. Influences of Group Dynamics on Japanese Women When Leading a Diverse Global Team Through our interviews with Japanese women in leadership, we found several challenges that they face. There is a dynamic that is specific to Japanese women working in foreign-affiliated firms being under a double bind by pressure to confirm to local social norms, while meeting expectations from global reporting lines of their foreign employer. The gender and cultural background of individuals affect perceptions about their capacity to take up the role of leadership. Furthermore, individuals in a group or organization come to the experience with internalized messages about who should and should not be authorized to lead, and consequently transforming organizations for gender equality in Japan “requires a serious retooling” of deeply entrenched habits of mind of both men and women in business who may hold internalized messages that men should be the ones leading (Hamada, 2018, p. 68). From a cultural standpoint, Johnson and Sy (2016) observed that there is an inconsistency between the expected traits for leadership positions and Asian stereotypes: While business leaders are often expected to be competent, intelligent, and dedicated, they are also expected to be charismatic and socially skilled — along with masculine and dictatorial or authoritarian. This puts at a disadvantage Asian Americans, who, like women, are often seen to fit low to midlevel management positions but not top-level leadership. (It’s even harder for Asian women–they comprise only 3.1% of executives in the five tech companies mentioned above, while Asian men comprise 13.5%.). (para. 7)

The authors highlighted the double bind of Asians when they act assertively as a leader who might be penalized by not conforming to their culturally stereotyped roles as fitting to mid-level management. Similar dynamics can be seen for women demonstrating their competence and

136

F. NAKAO AND A. BANG

assertiveness in leadership. They tend to be evaluated negatively by not following gender role expectations of being kind and empathetic. Though this study was situated in a US context, we found similar patterns of group dynamics in the context of foreign-affiliated companies in Japan where gender was a more salient feature of discrimination. Emi’s firm was built as a result of a US firm acquiring a Japanese local manufacturer. Her global headquarters valued diversity and had a strong emphasis on people development. During the firm’s post-merger integration, as a training and development manager, she had to communicate with the group of Japanese managers dominated by men operating local factories. Emi struggled in communicating messages from global headquarters as the managers did not take her seriously. If she presented herself as a powerful authority, they resisted. There was a power order that they would first respect men, then someone non-Japanese, and finally a Japanese woman. More specifically, they already held a biased view that a Japanese woman does only trivial work that pushed her away from taking on important tasks. Under this situation, Emi struggled. To get her work done, she was very careful in presenting herself as a submissive, soft, and kind woman to the managers. Her performance is measured by results, so, whether she liked it or not, she had to present herself that way. She stated: “I’ve learned that to look soft and sweet, and being attentive, are the keys to getting things done with the factory managers. I didn’t like it, but that’s the only way they would listen to me until I gained enough trust.” She learned that it is better to be the traditional Japanese image of women. She visited the factories often and tried as much as possible to go and meet the managers in person to gain trust. It took her time, but, after that, she started to build a relationship with them. On the other hand, Emi had to present herself differently toward her global seniors. Under the global standard, she needed to be a strong, reliable professional. She was well aware not to show a sign of weakness, especially as her Asian features tended to make her look like a junior employee; she worked hard to demonstrate good results. The most difficult situation is when she is in a meeting with both local factory managers and global leaders. She wants to look professional, but local men managers expect her to prepare lunch boxes and be attentive to serving others. If she tries to look like a nice Japanese woman, then global managers will ask her, “Why do you do such things? It is not your job as a manager.” So she feels that she is stuck in a Catch 22 situation;

7

CORPORATE SECTOR: FOREIGN-AFFILIATED COMPANIES

137

damned if she does, damned if she doesn’t. Through these challenges, her lesson learned was to be flexible. In order to get the buy-in from the locals, sometimes she had to let go of her ego and do what she believed was needed to get work done. From her experiences, she has become well aware of how her status as a Japanese woman has such influence in conducting business run by men. Kyoko is another successful woman leader who manages an HR Division. Kyoko’s experience also highlights the importance of trust being built before being confirmed in her role. She is bilingual with many experiences working with senior leaders. She told us: “Being able to speak their (business line’s) language is critical to my job. Once they know that I can be trusted, they authorize me to get my work done.” In Kyoko’s case, we learned that authority is not given but earned through trust and demonstrated competence. Though this seems like common wisdom, women are held to higher standards and must demonstrate exceptional competence and qualifications to be respected and authorized in leadership roles.

Implications for Practice Under the double bind situations we described, what can Japanese woman do to exercise leadership more effectively in their positions of leadership in foreign-affiliated companies in Japan? From the practices we heard in our interviews and our learning from the literature reviewed, we discussed below possible intervention strategies on both individual and organizational levels. On the individual level, intervention strategies suggest three areas: (1) finding supporters; (2) keeping a flexible mindset; and (3) making professional connections with senior leaders in the local office. Finding Supporters Emi in manufacturing mentioned how her US manager was very influential in enabling her to execute her work effectively. Her manager delegated authority but also provided necessary support. She gained much needed emotional support and encouragement from her manager who listened and understood her Japan- specific challenges. The manager ensured that she fairly evaluated Emi’s efforts in achieving results. Emi told us that the trust between her manager helped her overcome difficult times and was crucial for her success.

138

F. NAKAO AND A. BANG

Keeping a Flexible Mindset In cross-culturally challenging situations, it was critical for Japanese women leaders to have a flexible mindset. Our interviewees already knew the dynamics of how their status as women influenced their work in different contexts. For Emi, her success in communicating with both global leaders and local managers was attributed to her flexible communication skills and language abilities. Despite the initial challenges and unfair treatment she faced at the onset, her persistence won out. There is still a long way to go in her organization to manage change, especially one that involves a deeply rooted cultural change as submissive attitudes are still expected from Japanese women, even if they hold leadership positions. On the other hand, in a different context, Saki in PR stated that keeping a flexible mindset, while also saying what needs to be said to leaders most certainly shifted her out of an expected submissive role and reinforced her power and assertiveness in the organization. To earn short-term success for longer term outcomes, Japanese women leaders may need to hold themselves back at times to reflect on larger organizational and system dynamics and discern appropriate strategies of action and next steps. Making Professional Connections with Senior Leaders in Local Office It is also important for Japanese women leaders to make professional connections with senior leaders in the local office. In foreign-affiliated firms, the conflicting dynamics of local versus global cultures are particularly salient. Having the support of local senior management is especially powerful when conducting discussions with global counterparts. For example, our interviewee, Makiko, in the consulting industry, mentioned that networking to get senior leaders on her side has always been helpful. She commented: “Having someone in the higher ranks who understands your values protects you and provides support, which is what you need!” As such, it is important for Japanese women leaders to get support and buy-in from senior management in the local office as they navigate through cross-cultural dynamics. This may allow them to play an integrating role in facilitating learning and collaboration across cultures in their organization.

7

CORPORATE SECTOR: FOREIGN-AFFILIATED COMPANIES

139

Organizational Interventions On the organizational level, there is more work to do in the foreignaffiliated firms due to its diverse population. Diversity is a double-edged sword. As it expands the resources and perspectives available to a group, it also intensifies complexity that can give rise to conflict and confusion. Each individual belongs to various identity groups, such as gender and race, and the diverse group is a complex mix of such representations. When there is intolerance of difference, ambiguity, paradox, and multiple realities, the groups can be locked in a paranoid-schizoid relation that enhances difficulty to work across boundaries (Aram, Baxter, & Nutkevitch, 2018). One intervention strategy is to set clear job descriptions and strengthen communications across stakeholders. Job descriptions are typically clear in foreign-affiliated firms, but they may not necessarily clearly communicated to the people with whom Japanese women leaders must work. One interviewee pointed out that, even if her job description was clear to her and her manager, it did not sufficiently help when working with business line managers who did not understand her role. In her case, the business line managers worked under the norms of their departments where people’s roles and responsibilities were not explicitly stated under a monoculture environment. Furthermore, there were also psychological barriers that hindered cooperation with people outside of their department who were implicitly regarded as “outsiders.” As such, when working across departments, clearly communicating roles and expected outcomes for both departments’ stakeholders are necessary. Role clarity is particularly crucial in this respect. Clarity about one’s role is important for the person to take up certain authority and also for the people who work with the person in that particular role (Noumair, Pfaff, St. John, Gipson, & Brazaitis, 2017). As such, the organization must direct and authorize the role, set expectations for the role, and communicate the way in which the person assuming the role wants to fulfill the role, which provides context and meaning to the role being undertaken (Brazaitis, 2014). Making the role clear can reinforce the authority of the person holding the role, including leadership. This is important to consider in defining and authorizing roles for Japanese women leaders in foreign-affiliated companies. Another intervention strategy pertains to the provision of cultural awareness training to senior leaders. It is important to educate the whole firm around the subtle gender and cultural dynamics that could occur

140

F. NAKAO AND A. BANG

under the surface of interactions and affect group dynamics. Providing awareness training for senior leaders, especially those who are working with culturally diverse people in the organization, may help leverage the advantages of diversity in their organizations. Moreover, increasing the number of women representation in the higher ranks of the organization is critical. Having more women leading in organizations will influence the unconscious power dynamics of the whole organization and set new norms that would empower Japanese women leaders in each local region who are also working on the ground and changing local norms around women’s leadership. Finally, many Japanese firms are working to ensure that women can continue to work and are provided equal opportunities for career advancement. This is the same for foreign-affiliated firms. Typically, the supporting policies and benefits for women are already provided in foreign-affiliated firms as they mirror the practices of their global parent headquarters. Nevertheless, there are still areas in which foreign-affiliated firms can work to improve, including the education and sensitization of men and women around gender issues. Typically, childcare benefits are taken by women. If men in Japan, however, took as much childcare leave as women and still be evaluated fairly, this would set new precedents and norms for both women and men at their workplaces and in their homes. Japanese society is entrenched in the belief that women are the only ones who have dual roles of working and taking care of the household. For further advancement of Japanese women leaders, men need to change their mindsets. The family obligations that women have taken on can deter their career advancement due to family care needs, including in the increasingly aging population in Japan. Here, men need to be ready to balance work and life, which, in turn, will increase the authority of women in leading their position.

Recommendations for Future Research We have so far discussed Japanese women’s leadership in a foreign affiliate’s context based on literature reviews and interviews. Most of the arguments are qualitative. First, further research is needed on how the intersection of the women’s leadership movement (globally and nationally) and the expansion of foreign-affiliated companies in Japan. In addition, we would like to see a comparative study between global parent companies and their subsidiaries overseas around women’s leadership. We

7

CORPORATE SECTOR: FOREIGN-AFFILIATED COMPANIES

141

focused only on the Japanese situation, but we expect to see research on similarities and differences observed in different regional offices. In order to promote an inclusive and fair working environment for all races and cultural individuals, we believe it is necessary to have such comparative studies. For example, a comparative review of women leaders across a global firm and its local regional offices might allow us to find best practices across all regions, as well as the specific nuances of each location. Such research might identify increases of women leaders thriving in their professional roles across the globe.

Conclusion In this chapter, we have focused on Japanese women’s leadership in foreign-affiliated companies. Japanese law and regulations have gradually been set in place for women to continue working after childcare, while advances in technology have enabled workers to balance their work and life better according to their specific needs. Particularly in the context of foreign-affiliated firms, we have found that there are subtle issues around power and authority that hinders the success of Japanese women leaders in such global firms. In these situations, Japanese women leaders need to have a flexible mindset to discern how to hold and exercise authority over their local and global managers. Many Japanese women have struggled in the power dynamics and unfair treatment in local offices based on their gender, which sheds light on the need for better education around these issues in the whole firm and its senior leaders. Overall culture awareness training is necessary for the whole firm globally. Role clarity is also crucial in authorizing Japanese women leaders and allowing them effectively to execute their work in their contexts. “Different forms of employment with multinational corporations, in different locations, against the backdrop of different national institutions and employment systems, within the context of different sectors and the gendered intersection of these spheres, yield different outcomes” (Bozkurt, 2012, p. 247). These nuances merit attention and must be considered in on-going promotion of diversity and inclusion practices.

142

F. NAKAO AND A. BANG

References Abe, Y., Javorcik, B., & Kodama, N. (2016, March). Multinationals and female employment: Japanese evidence. CEPR Policy Portal. Retrieved from https:// voxeu.org/article/multinationals-and-female-employment-japanese-evidence. Aram, E., Baxter, R., & Nutkevitch, A. (Eds.). (2018). Adaptation and innovation: Theory, design and role-taking in group relations conferences and their applications. New York, NY: Routledge. Brazaitis, S. (2014). Group relations and conflict resolution. In P. T. Coleman, M. Deutsch, & E. C. Marcus (Eds.), The handbook of conflict resolution: Theory and practice (pp. 947–970). San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. Bernhofen, D., & Brown, J. (2017, August 31). Gains from trade: Evidence from nineteenth century Japan. Microeconomic Insights. Retrieved from https://mic roeconomicinsights.org/gains-trade-evidence-nineteenth-century-japan/. Bozkurt, Ö. (2012). Foreign employers as relief routes: Women, multinational corporations and managerial careers in Japan. Gender, Work & Organization, 19, 225–253. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0432.2009.00503.x. Fatehi, K., & Choi, J. (2018). International business management: Succeeding in a culturally diverse world. California, CA: Springer. Gender Equality Bureau, Cabinet Office. (2020). Women and men in Japan (2020). [Pamphlet]. Retrieved from http://www.gender.go.jp/english_cont ents/pr_act/pub/pamphlet/women-and-men20/pdf/3-3.pdf. Hamada, T. (2018). Japanese company’s cultural shift for gender equality at work. Global Economic Review, 47 (1), 63–87. https://doi.org/10.1080/122 6508X.2017.1393725. Johnson, S., & Sy, T. (2016, December). Why aren’t there more Asian Americans in leadership positions? Harvard Business Review. Retrieved from https://hbr. org/2016/12/why-arent-there-more-asian-americans-in-leadership-positions. Kobayashi, M. (2009). How Japanese working women learn to attain leadership positions in the Japanese business environment. Doctoral dissertation. Retrieved from ProQuest Dissertations and Theses. (Order No. 3368422). Kodama, N., Javorcik, B., & Abe, Y. (2016). Transplanting corporate culture across international borders: FDI and female employment in Japan. RIETI Discussion Paper Series 16-E-015. Retrieved from https://www.rieti.go.jp/ jp/publications/dp/16e015.pdf. Matsui, K., Suzuki, H., & Tatebe, K. (2019, April). Womenomics 5.0. Portfolio Strategy Research. Retrieved from https://www.goldmansachs.com/insights/ pages/womenomics-5.0/multimedia/womenomics-5.0-report.pdf. Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry. (2015, March). Plan to double investment. METI Journal. Retrieved from http://www.meti.go.jp/english/public ations/pdf/journal2015_03b.pdf. Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan. (2019). Invest Japan! Retrieved from https://www.mofa.go.jp/policy/economy/japan/invest/index.html.

7

CORPORATE SECTOR: FOREIGN-AFFILIATED COMPANIES

143

Mun, E., & Jung, J. (2018). Change above the glass ceiling: Corporate social responsibility and gender diversity in Japanese firms. Administrative Science Quarterly, 63(2), 409–440. https://doi.org/10.1177/0001839217712920. Nikkei, B. P. (2014, August). Citigroup to unload Japanese retail banking business. Nikkei Asian Review. Retrieved from https://asia.nikkei.com/Business/ Banking-Finance/Citigroup-to-unload-Japanese-retail-banking-business2. Nikkei, B. P. (2019, May). Nikkei woman and Nikkei Womenomics project conduct survey on female worker’s workplace opportunity. NIKKEI BP. Retrieved from http://www.nikkeibp.com/news/2019/0507.html. Noumair, D., Pfaff, D., St. John, C., Gipson, A., & Brazaitis, S., (2017). XRay vision at work: Seeing inside organizational life. In A. B. Shani & D. A. Noumair (Eds), Research in organizational change and development (pp. 203– 248). Bingley, UK: Emerald. Ogiwara, C., Tsuda, H., Akiyama, T., & Sakai, Y. (2008). Gender-related stress among Japanese working women. Transcultural Psychiatry, 45(3), 470–488. https://doi.org/10.1177/1363461508094677. Olcott, G., & Oliver, N. (2014). The impact of foreign ownership on gender and employment relations in large Japanese companies. Work, Employment and Society, 28(2), 206–224. https://doi.org/10.1177/0950017013490333. Osawa, M. (2016). 「女性にやさしい」その先へ [Going beyond “being nice to women”]. Chuo-ku, Tokyo, Japan: Asahi Shimbun Shuppan. Paprzycki, R., & Fukao, K. (2008). Foreign direct investment in Japan: Multinationals’ role in growth and globalization. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511753992. Statistic Bureau of Japan. (2020, February 28). Labour Force Survey: Monthly Results—January 2020. Retrieved from http://www.stat.go.jp/english/data/ roudou/results/month/index.html. Ushio, N., & Shimura, K. (2014). 女性リーダーを組織で育てる仕組み [How organizations can develop women leaders]. Chiyoda-ku, Tokyo: Chuo Keizaisha. Usui, C., Rose, S., & Kageyama, R. (2003). Women, institutions, and leadership in Japan. Asian Perspective, 27 (3), 85–123. Retrieved from https:// www.jstor.org/stable/42704422. Zhou, Y. (2015). Career interruption of Japanese women: Why is it so hard to balance work and childcare? Japan Labor Review, 12(2), 106–123. Retrieved from http://www.jil.go.jp/english/JLR/documents/2015/JLR46_all.pdf.

CHAPTER 8

Women Leaders in Small and Medium-Sized Businesses in Japan: Lessons for Leadership Development Eriko Miyake and Atsushi Kato

Ninety-nine percent of enterprises in Japan are small and medium-sized, and those enterprises employ 70% of the labor force in Japan, which indicates the significance of small and medium-sized enterprises to the Japanese economy. Small and medium-sized enterprises are categorized by the number of employees. Companies in wholesale, retail, and service industries with 5 employees or fewer, and companies in manufacturing, construction, transportation, and other industries with 20 employees or fewer are small enterprises or small businesses. Medium-sized enterprises in retail employ 6–50 people; those in wholesale and service industries employ 6–100 people; and those in manufacturing, construction,

E. Miyake (B) · A. Kato Faculty of Contemporary Social Studies, Doshisha Women’s College of Liberal Arts, Kyoto, Japan e-mail: [email protected] A. Kato e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s) 2021 Y. T. Nakamura et al. (eds.), Japanese Women in Leadership, Current Perspectives on Asian Women in Leadership, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-36304-8_8

145

146

E. MIYAKE AND A. KATO

Table 8.1 Number of enterprises by size, 1999–2016 (Source Created from White Paper on Small and Medium Enterprises in Japan, 2019) Year/ 1999 2004 2009 2012 (Thousand) 2012–2016 Exits Category 2016 2012–2016 Startups Large 14 12 12 11 Medium 608 549 536 510 Small 4229 3777 3665 3343 Total 4851 4338 4213 3864

11 530 3048 3589

0 20 −295 −275

1 76 386 462

−1 −75 −758 −834

Others

0 19 77 96

Note Apparent discrepancies are due to rounding; “Others” include spin-off businesses and those firms that were formerly categorized in agricultural sectors

Table 8.2 Entrepreneurs by gender and age group (Source Created from White Paper on Small and Medium Enterprises in Japan, 2017. Actual figures are those of 2012) Percentage Men Total Under 39 40–49 50–59 Over 60

Number

(Thousand)

Women

Men

Women

28.8 12.5 6.1 4.3 5.9

2090 640 360 350 730

840 370 180 130 170

71.2 21.9 12.4 12.0 24.9

Note Apparent discrepancies are due to rounding

transportation, and other industries employ 21–300 people (Small and Medium Enterprise Agency, 2017). Table 8.1 shows the number of enterprises by size between 1999 and 2016, along with increases or decreases between 2012 and 2016. Enterprises of all sizes showed a decrease in number between 1999 and 2016, reflecting a slowdown of the Japanese economy during that period. For example, between 2012 and 2016, the number of small businesses declined with a much larger exit rate than startup rate, as indicated in Table 8.1. Among entrepreneurs, those who changed jobs during the previous year and became business owners or executives in 2012, women accounted for 28.8%, as shown in Table 8.2. The number of women who became entrepreneurs in 2012 accounted for approximately

8

WOMEN LEADERS IN SMALL AND MEDIUM-SIZED BUSINESSES …

147

840,000, while men accounted for approximately 2,090,000. When those entrepreneurs are divided by age groups, more women entrepreneurs were in the age group of under 39 years old. The gender gap shown in Table 8.2 is similar to other gender gaps that exist in the labor market and the business sector in Japan. As of 2018, the labor participation rate of women was 69.6% compared with 83.9% for men (Gender Equality Bureau of the Cabinet Office, 2019). Women earned only 75.6% of men’s earnings on average. Of all working women, 56.1% were employed part time, while only 22.2% of working men were employed part time (Gender Equality Bureau of the Cabinet Office, 2019). In Japan, part-time work generally means low pay, short contracts, no fringe benefits, and no social security coverage. Within corporations, only 6.6% of general managers, 11.2% of section chiefs, and 18.3% of subsection chiefs are women; thus, important decision making and personnel management continue to be done mainly by men (Gender Equality Bureau of the Cabinet Office, 2019). Given Japanese women’s low participation in the labor market and unequal treatment in the business sector, Japanese women’s entrepreneurial activity level has remained low. Of 28.6 million women in the labor force, only two or three percent have become entrepreneurs. While the number of women entrepreneurs occupy a small portion of the total workforce in Japan, the promotion of women to become entrepreneurs of small and medium-sized businesses is considered to be increasingly important for Japanese society by the government as the labor force population is shrinking due to the declining birthrate and the growing proportion of elderly people (METI, 2016a). The purpose of this chapter is to examine the significant roles that women business leaders in small and medium-sized businesses play in contemporary Japan. First, this chapter illustrates the characteristics of women entrepreneurs in small and medium-sized businesses by examining their entrepreneurial attitudes, motivating factors, challenges, and strategies. Second, we explore the leadership styles that women entrepreneurs exercise in Japan. Leadership and challenges that women successors of small and medium-sized family businesses face are also discussed. Third, the latest government policies and support programs to promote women as entrepreneurs are introduced. Finally, the implications for promoting more women small and medium-sized business leaders are drawn from multiple perspectives. Despite the emerging significance of promoting

148

E. MIYAKE AND A. KATO

women as entrepreneurs in contemporary Japan, research and statistical data about women entrepreneurs are seriously lacking. Nevertheless, some major literary work on Japanese women entrepreneurs include some studies about entrepreneurial attitudes (Takahashi, 2011, 2014, 2015), research on entrepreneurial behaviors (Fujii & Kanaoka, 2014; Kawana & Hironaka, 2016; Okamuro & Ikeuchi, 2012; Yamanaka, 2014), and case studies (Fujita, 2015; Koga, 2011; Sawano, 2014; Takimoto, 2011), in addition to reports by government organizations.

Characteristics of Women Entrepreneurs in Small and Medium-Sized Businesses in Japan The business ecosystem and social infrastructures surrounding Japanese women entrepreneurs are changing rapidly, particularly after new policies of the Action Plan of the Basic Act for the Activation of Small-Sized Businesses was created in 2014 and the Act on Promotion of Women’s Participation and Advancement in the Workplace came into effect in 2016. Because of these policy changes, Japanese women now have more access to information and resources that are necessary to start businesses with government entrepreneurship programs, entrepreneurial financing, and post-school entrepreneurship education. These changes reflect the low level of entrepreneurial activities and entrepreneurial attitudes that have persisted for many years among Japanese women. The international comparison of entrepreneurial attitudes in Table 8.3 sheds some light on the characteristics of entrepreneurs in Japan. Table 8.3 shows that the entrepreneurial attitudes of Japanese are low compared with all of the comparison countries (Kelly, Singer, & Herrington, 2016). Second, Japan’s total early stage entrepreneurial activity (TEA) rate is the lowest among the six countries shown in Table 8.3. Furthermore, the TEA gender gap ratio is 0.25, the largest gender gap among the six countries. Takahashi (2014, 2015) argued that the factors affecting the low entrepreneurial activity of Japanese women are based on the lack of entrepreneurial attitudes. According to his research, approximately 86% of Japanese women had no entrepreneur role models, did not perceive business opportunities, and did not think they had business capabilities, and only 27% viewed entrepreneurs favorably. Table 8.4 shows the motivating factors for becoming interested in starting businesses by gender and age.

8

149

WOMEN LEADERS IN SMALL AND MEDIUM-SIZED BUSINESSES …

Table 8.3 International comparison entrepreneurial characteristics (in %’s except for last row) Characteristic Entrepreneurial attitudes

Activity

Gender gap

Perceived opportunities Perceived capabilities Fear of failure High status given to entrepreneurs Entrepreneurship as a good career choice TEA (total early stage entrepreneurial activity) rate Women/men TEA ratio

Japan

USA

UK

France

Korea

China

7.3

57.3

42.3

28.6

35.3

37.3

12.2 54.5 55.8

55.0 33.3 74.4

48.0 35.2 77.2

36.3 40.3 69.0

45.1 31.5 60.2

29.8 49.1 77.8

31.0

63.7

58.8

57.1

45.3

70.3

3.8

12.6

8.8

5.3

6.7

10.3

0.25

0.71

0.47

0.47

0.66

0.73

Source Created from Data in Global Entrepreneurship Monitor (GEM) 2015/2016 Global Report

Table 8.4 Motivating factors for becoming interested in starting a business by gender and age (%’s)

Men

34 and under 35–59

60 and over Women

34 and under 35–59

60 and over

First

Second

Third

Forth

Fifth

Role models (36.7) Role models (34.7) Have time (30.1) Role models (38.4) Role models (25.8) Have time (26.4)

Fear of losing job (19.8) Career growth (25.1) Necessity (20.5)

Necessity (19.3)

Career growth (18.4)

Recommended (17.9)

Fear of losing job (24.9) Role models (18.9) Career growth (19.8) Necessity (22.3)

Necessity (18.4)

Opportunity (14.9)

Fear of future (18.5)

Opportunity (17.3)

Necessity (18.8)

Recommended (17.6)

Fear of losing job (19.5) Necessity (17.0)

Have time (15.1)

Major life events (23.5) Major life events (25.7) Major life events (20.3)

Role models (20.3)

Recommended (15.9)

Source Created from White Paper on Small and Medium Enterprises in Japan 2017. Note Due to allowance of multiple choices, the percentages total more than 100

150

E. MIYAKE AND A. KATO

Entrepreneurs can be categorized into two groups; necessity-driven and opportunity-driven. Necessity-driven entrepreneurs are pushed into starting businesses because other options for work are absent or unsatisfactory, while opportunity-driven entrepreneurs are pulled into entrepreneurship more out of choice (Williams, 2008). In Table 8.4, necessity-driven entrepreneurs account for between 17.0 and 22.3% in each age group. Influence of role models is listed as the first reason for every age group of men and women except for those 60 and over. For women, changes in personal situations, triggered by major life events, such as marriage, child rearing, and care for elderly parents and relatives, are the second most important motive for every age group. Besides the motivating factors shown in Table 8.4, other motivating factors, such as personal development, improvement in welfare, liberating benefits of achieving greater professional satisfaction, and indirect benefits, such as tax reductions, were identified (Moore & Buttner, 1997). Women’s motivations to start businesses are diverse. Drew and Humbert (2014) suggested that motivating factors for women entrepreneurs involved more intricate factors embedded in gendered power relations, such as women’s position in the domestic sphere, care responsibilities, and work-life balance. It may be argued that women exhibit tendencies to make career decisions that integrate personal and professional domains. By examining ten Japanese women entrepreneurs with childcare responsibilities, Kato and Miyake (2015) argued that the motivations of mompreneurs , in other words, mothers who are entrepreneurs, were diverse. Whatever motivations they had, they had to be strong enough to meet the challenges they faced at the initial stage of starting businesses, and their entrepreneurial attitudes served as important assets in continuing their businesses. Regarding work-life balance of women entrepreneurs, Okamuro and Ikeuchi (2012) argued that self-employed mothers with pre-school children prefer flexible work conditions and appreciate opportunities of achieving better work-life balance in their own businesses. In these cases, the main motivating factors of mompreneurs may be related to achieving work-life balance through self-employment. Regarding business sectors that entrepreneurs choose, there are differences between men and women as shown in Fig. 8.1. As shown, 82% of women entrepreneurs enter the service sector, including retailing/wholesaling, while very few go into agriculture or construction sectors. Men entrepreneurs enter the service sector at a rate of 58.4%, while 13.2% go into agriculture, and 12.7% go into

8

WOMEN LEADERS IN SMALL AND MEDIUM-SIZED BUSINESSES …

151

Fig. 8.1 Choices of business sectors by gender (Source Created from White Paper on Small and Medium Enterprises in Japan, 2017)

the construction sector. Longitudinally, there has been a decline in the number of both men and women who go into manufacturing, retailing, wholesaling, and food services. Recently, more women have been starting businesses in childcare, nursing, education and learning support, or other areas in life-related, entertainment, and recreation services where their business goals are to satisfy emerging needs of customers. The portion of women entrepreneurs who indicate that their businesses are social problem-solving oriented has reached 67.5%, while 43.9% of men entrepreneurs are reported to have similar orientation in their businesses (Small and Medium Enterprise Agency, 2017). Based on interviews with 12 Japanese housewives who became entrepreneurs, Kato and Miyake (2016) argued that women entrepreneurs did not necessarily plan longterm career paths in advance, but they retrospectively recognized that all the experiences and efforts they made at each life stage contributed to developing their business capabilities. As part of women’s entrepreneurial career development, it may be argued that women acquire entrepreneurial attitudes in the process of forming habitus through their upbringing and life experiences. For example, a woman who acquired sewing skills as a child from her grandmother created a successful business of producing and selling carrying bags for baby slings, utilizing her sewing skills (Kato & Miyake, 2015). Habits can be acquired through daily life not only in childhood in the family environment, but also in adulthood in experiences as corporate workers, housewives, or mothers. Such habits become a composite of the entrepreneurial context that sets the conditions for a woman to become a potential entrepreneur (Kato & Miyake, 2015). The process of habit

152

E. MIYAKE AND A. KATO

formation and the accumulation of experiences suggest that narrative approaches may be useful in understanding the process of each woman’s entrepreneurial career development.

Leadership and Challenges of Women Entrepreneurs in Small and Medium-Sized Businesses in Japan In women’s leadership studies, it has been noted that women’s leadership styles tend to be more participatory and interpersonal and are more likely to adopt empathetic, supportive, and collaborative approaches compared with men’s leadership styles (Kellerman & Rhode, 2007). It has also been argued by Walinga and McKendry (2014) that women entrepreneurs as leaders have opportunities to operationalize approaches to doing business associated with women, which may undermine leadership models associated with men that have been characterized by notions of command and control. In this argument, women’s leadership models are considered to have seven characteristics: (1) value relationships, (2) prefer direct communication, (3) are comfortable with diversity, (4) bring private sphere insights to their jobs, (5) are skeptical of hierarchical leaders, (6) prefer leading from the center rather than the top, and (7) ask big-picture questions about their work (Walinga & McKendry, 2014). Given that Japanese women’s entrepreneurial activities and entrepreneurial attitudes are low, case studies, or leadership studies applied to Japanese women entrepreneurs are limited, making it difficult to state what leadership models Japanese entrepreneurs use. Nevertheless, from among numerous leadership models that exist globally, Miyake (2015) suggested that some might be more applicable to the way Japanese women entrepreneurs in small businesses exercise their leadership roles. Such models may be the servant leader model (Greenleaf, 2002), facilitator model (Rees, 2005), quiet-leader model (Badaracco, 2002), and Athena-like model, in which women’s traits, such as expressiveness, patience, intuition, and empathy, are more effective (Garzema & D’antonio, 2013). These leadership models deny a hierarchical power structure of control and competition, yet value a horizontal relationship of collaboration, communication, empathy, and care for others, that exemplify some common characteristics of women’s leadership models.

8

WOMEN LEADERS IN SMALL AND MEDIUM-SIZED BUSINESSES …

153

In a case study that examined the leadership styles of ten Japanese women presidents of small businesses, such women were found to have a tendency to exercise their leadership roles in ways that were categorized as either servant, Athena-like, facilitator, or quiet leadership (Miyake, 2015). This case study also indicated that Japanese women were capable of starting small businesses and exercising effective leadership utilizing the style with which they felt comfortable, which goes against the Japanese conventional view that women are not suited to be business leaders. Despite Japanese women’s potential ability to exercise leadership roles in small and medium-sized businesses, they face challenges at the startup stage. For example, women startups earn significantly less than men startups (Small and Medium Enterprise Agency, 2012). According to available data from the Small and Medium Enterprise Agency (2012), the average first-year income of women startups was 931,000 yen, while that of men was 2,727,000 yen. In fact, nearly 70% of women entrepreneurs had income of less than one million yen (just over $9000 U.S.) during their first year, while only approximately 30% of men entrepreneurs earned less than one million yen during their first year. Gender differences related to startup income has to do mainly with women’s preferences for starting businesses on a smaller scale. Other challenges that women startups faced were lack of business capabilities, followed by lack of startup capital. Particularly, more women than men had to overcome a lack of business knowledge and managerial skills, due to their shorter years of corporate work experience prior to startup in which to acquire business knowledge and management experiences (Small and Medium Enterprise Agency, 2012). Regarding opportunities to exercise leadership roles, Kazumi (2006) observed that the more managerial experiences women have had in their prior career, the larger their startup capital, number of employees, annual revenue, and operating profit margin. Other research indicates that the moment women startups hire employees becomes a critical turning point of their business sustainability. This suggests the necessity of having personnel management skills for women startups to develop their businesses (Kawana & Hironaka, 2016). Given the challenges and opportunities that women startups face, not only having a suitable amount of startup capital and business knowledge, but also having managerial experiences prior to startup, become crucial for having sustainable businesses.

154

E. MIYAKE AND A. KATO

Women successors of family businesses is another critical issue. Internationally, a significant percentage of businesses are occupied by family businesses. Some studies have argued that performance of family businesses is better than that of non-family businesses (Allouche, Amann, Jaussaud, & Kurashina, 2008; Osada, 2015), while other studies have suggested the opposite (Aoi, Asaba, Kubota, & Takehara, 2015; Morikawa, 2008). Given that women business leaders of small and medium-sized family businesses are relatively limited in number and are under-researched, there are no segregated data by gender for family businesses. Approximately 90% of successors of small and medium-sized businesses in Japan are family members. Of these family members, 88.7% were children of predecessors, but the percentages of sons and daughters were not identified (Small and Medium Enterprise Agency, 2017). The main challenges that predecessors faced in continuing family businesses were lack of preparation time in the transition period, lack of trustworthy staff members who could support successors, difficulty in passing on skills and knowhow of their business sectors, and maintaining stable business connections (Small and Medium Enterprise Agency, 2017). Among other challenges that predecessors faced were choosing successors and the ways successors exercised their leadership in corporate governance. The characteristics and leadership styles of successors may be explained by two contradictory theories: stewardship theory (Craig & Moores, 2017) and agency theory (Eisenhardt, 1989). Stewardship theory regards managers as good stewards, pro-organizational, and collectivists who act in the best interest of the owners and employees. Such managers implement a leadership style of facilitation and empowerment rather than monitor and control, and guide the company values toward sustainability. In contrast, agency theory suggests that managers act on their self-interests and create conflicting relationships with owners, where monitoring of a board of directors become crucial in minimizing problems or agency costs that may become an obstacle to company survival (Yusoff & Alhaji, 2012). Japanese predecessors of family businesses often choose their sons as successors, which may be explained by stewardship theory. Osada (2015) argued that pro-active entrepreneurship mindset and missiondriven values, such as contributing to society, was observed among longlasting successful family businesses in Japan. Such values have been handed down from predecessors to successors in the family. Normally, predecessors have tried to educate their sons from early on so they would

8

WOMEN LEADERS IN SMALL AND MEDIUM-SIZED BUSINESSES …

155

become good stewards. For the survival of family businesses, it is conceivable that predecessors try to avoid non-family members as successors as their behaviors might not be cohesive with the interests of stakeholders. Traditionally, the patriarchal family system of Japan has excluded daughters from becoming family business successors, giving the eldest sons of families the privilege of receiving business management training and inheriting businesses as successors. However, the contemporary family system of Japan has diversified its form and values, due to a declining birthrate, and an increasing divorce rate, leading to a movement from patriarchy to more egalitarian relationships between spouses among the younger generation. On the one hand, these changes may have decreased predecessors’ influence over successors that existed through inculcation of business wisdom in a large family setting (Osada, 2015). Those changes may be opening up new opportunities for predecessors’ daughters in families that have only daughters but no sons due to the declining birth rate. In fact, recently, there have been successful cases of daughters or wives who have succeeded in family businesses. On example, currently a large-sized enterprise that started small, is a precision equipment manufacturer of take-out robots for plastic molding machines in Kyoto. Mayumi Kotani, the current president, succeeded to management in 2002 when her husband, the founder, died. Since her succession, the corporation has continued growing in revenue and technology, and now controls the world’s largest share in its industry. Mayumi’s success may be explained by stewardship theory. She has been the guardian of the corporate philosophy of building trustworthy business relationships with all stakeholders involved, and of pursuing the finest quality of products and services. She has acted in the best interest of shareholders and employees, and has exercised leadership with egalitarian and empowering attitudes toward employees (Kato & Miyake, 2019). Another example is a case in which Noriko Ishizaka has also exercised stewardship in bringing transformational changes with a new vision to the industrial waste disposal and treatment plant that her father started in 1967. She joined her father’s company after she graduated from college with her initial intention of earning seed money to start a nail salon as her business. However, in her father’s plant, she saw a harsh reality of an incredible amount of industrial waste and a difficult work environment. With her vision of branding her father’s corporation, changing the business concept from waste disposal to waste recycling, and human resource development of employees, she volunteered to succeed her father

156

E. MIYAKE AND A. KATO

as company president in 2013. After she became president, sales doubled. The industrial waste and disposal and treatment plant developed into a theme park-like environment consisting of modern facilities for recycling industrial waste surrounded by ecological nature, which numerous people visit from inside and outside Japan to learn about the company and environmental protection (N. Ishizaka, presentation given in the International Conference for Women in Business, Tokyo, July 7, 2019). There are other cases as well. Six women successors of family businesses were recorded in the report on the current state and challenges of women CEOs in SMEs (Japan Finance Corporation, 2013). To introduce a few examples, Akiko Kadota became an employee of her father’s printing company in 2006 after she worked as art director in a TV station in the US for approximately 10 years. Since becoming president of the company in 2010, until 2016 when she founded a new business, she made positive changes in the organizational structure, working conditions, and diversity management, from its former traditional style into a new attractive environment. Another example is in a precision machine manufacturer, including precision measuring instruments, in Tochigi prefecture. Hideko Ooko joined this corporation after graduating from college as an employee and married the founder’s grandson. After her husband, who was a vice-president, died in 2003, she became Senior Managing Director, and, in 2006, after her brother-in-law, who was then president, passed way, she was selected to be president in the stakeholders general meeting. As president, she overcame two crises. One was the Lehman shock crisis that decreased sales, and the other was the Great East Japan Earthquake, which damaged machines in her factory. She has been dedicated to improving the quality of employees and the organizational structure to utilize the employees’ skills and talents fully. Recent phenomena indicate growth of women’s interest in entrepreneurship. There has been an increased enrollment of women in a college course on family business succession (Kawarada, 2014; Tsutsui, 2014), as well as in women’s enrollment in a newly opened seminar held by a 38-college consortium in Osaka prefecture with a theme of creating venture companies based on family business succession (Sennenji Shouten, n.d.).

8

WOMEN LEADERS IN SMALL AND MEDIUM-SIZED BUSINESSES …

157

Government Policies and Support for Women Entrepreneurs in Japan To promote women’s entrepreneurial activities, the Action Plan of the Basic Act for the Activation of Small-Sized Businesses of 2014 (METI, 2014) and the Act on Promotion of Women’s Participation and Advancement in the Workplace of 2016 have created a favorable environment for potential women entrepreneurs. They were the first major attempts of the Japanese government to promote women entrepreneurs in such a comprehensive manner with a significant budget. The main purpose for implementing the 2016 Act was to create local networks to support and promote women entrepreneurs at every stage, from potential entrepreneurs to startups in ten regions in Japan under the auspices of the Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry (METI). Such a network is composed of local governments, incubation centers, local companies, local Bureaus of Economy, Trade and Industry, investment institutions, financial institutions, and experienced women entrepreneurs (METI, 2016a). One such network, the Kansai Network to Support and Promote Women Entrepreneurs, was launched in 2016 and covers seven neighboring prefectures with its main office located in Osaka City. The Kansai Network provides various seminars and events for potential and current startup women entrepreneurs. Those seminars and events provide potential women entrepreneurs at every stage with opportunities to meet with mentors, exchange information, acquire business skills and knowledge, prepare a business plan, and obtain initial funding (METI, 2016b). Such opportunities are expected to help Japanese women increase their entrepreneurial activities and clarify their vision to exercise their entrepreneurial leadership roles. To support further women who launch businesses, capital funds are provided at multiple levels. For example, women entrepreneurs can access investment and financial institutions within their local support network. Another source of funding support is provided by the Japan Finance Corporation (JFC), which is a subsidiary of the Japanese government. The JFC provides loans to women entrepreneurs below the age of 35 or over 55. These loans are targeted for women entrepreneurs of small and medium-sized businesses that are less than seven years old since their inception as necessary funds in starting or after having started businesses. The JFC also provides funding support specifically for women

158

E. MIYAKE AND A. KATO

entrepreneurs of small and medium-sized businesses who were affected by the Great East Japan Earthquake of 2011. It applies to women in Iwate, Miyagi, and Fukushima prefectures who lost jobs because of the earthquake and are starting businesses or whose businesses are less than seven years old (Japan Finance Corporation, 2016). Yoshie Kaneko in Miyagi prefecture is one of those who was affected by the earthquake. After the earthquake, she organized a nonprofit organization with an aim of reconstructing a community in the disaster-hit area of Ishinomaki City in 2011. She and her friends established Ishinomaki Restoration Support Network with the support of public and private funding sources. Their activities include providing childcare support; providing community services for those living in temporary housing; training personnel for community restoration, including entrepreneurship training; and coordinating restoration activities between supporters and sufferers. They also have stores selling their original products such as handmade accessories, evacuation kits, and music CDs. Ishinomaki Restoration Support Network has grown to play an important hub function within the broader network of numerous private corporations, nonprofit organizations, educational institutions, and public organizations. Yoshie Kaneko’s NPO with14 staff members and an annual revenue of 61 million yen as of 2017 is a successful case of entrepreneurial leadership because her activities of community restoration for disaster victims have been able to gain legitimacy to attract support from numerous actors and organizations to achieve her goal (Kato & Miyake, 2018).

Implications for Promoting More Women Small Business Leaders Given the shrinking labor force population due to the declining birthrate and the growing proportion of elderly people in Japan, promoting more women small business leaders through supportive policies is expected to produce the following changes. First, it is expected that an increase in the number of women entrepreneurs can contribute to the growth of per capita GDP. More women entrepreneurs would lead to an increase in women’s labor participation (FLP) rate, adding women entrepreneurs and their potential women employees to the labor force, because women entrepreneurs are likely to hire women employees as indicated by Fujii and Kanaoka (2014). The International Monetary Fund (IMF) estimated that, if the women’s labor participation rate in Japan rose to 70%, per

8

WOMEN LEADERS IN SMALL AND MEDIUM-SIZED BUSINESSES …

159

capita GDP would increase by 4%, and, if that rate increased to 80%, similar to northern European countries, per capita GDP would increase by an additional 4% (Steinberg & Nakane, 2012). Second, it is expected that an increase of women entrepreneurs may bring changes in business organizational practices. Women leaders of small and medium-sized businesses are likely to implement flexible work environments, such as shorter working hours, flextime, and home offices to incorporate the needs of work-life balance, especially for women employees with family obligations. Women entrepreneurs may try to create such work environments that they wished to have when they were employees (Fujii & Kanaoka, 2014). Third, women leaders of small and medium-sized businesses are likely to bring changes in leader-follower relationships and promote diversity among employees, thus changing the conventional corporate culture. Women’s leadership styles tend to be more participatory and interpersonal, and women entrepreneurs have opportunities to operationalize a women’s approach to doing business, which suggests more egalitarian and collaborative relationships between women leaders and their employees. In addition, such leader-follower relationships are expected to create more capacity to promote diversity among employees with respect to gender, ethnicity, and age (Miyake, 2015). Finally, increases in the number of women entrepreneurs could result in producing more role models for women entrepreneurs. For potential women entrepreneurs, it is important to have role models whom they could emulate to develop their career paths as entrepreneurial leaders. The recent government policies and support for women entrepreneurs in Japan may bring positive changes not only to economic growth, but also to work environments and corporate culture that would enhance diversity and work-life balance. More importantly, producing more role models for women entrepreneurs could convert these change processes into a cycle of generating more women leaders in businesses in Japan.

Recommendations for Future Research Due to a lack of sufficient data and studies on women entrepreneurs in Japan, it has been a challenge to write this chapter in a more comprehensive way. To develop research in this area, the following recommendations are made. First, data related to entrepreneurs and enterprises should be segregated by gender and be compiled and stored in the Small and

160

E. MIYAKE AND A. KATO

Medium Enterprise Agency with open access. Second, more research and case studies on women entrepreneurs should be conducted from multiple perspectives, such as organization development or leadership development, utilizing diverse research methodologies. Such research would help us understand how women entrepreneurs behave in organizational contexts. Third, the effectiveness of government policies in promoting women entrepreneurs should be evaluated and publicized. Such evaluation would help determine the kind of entrepreneurial ecosystem that would produce more effectively successful women entrepreneurs.

Conclusion This chapter examined the current state, characteristics, and leadership styles of women entrepreneurs in small and medium-sized businesses in Japan, together with some references to women successors of family businesses. It also introduced government policies and support programs to promote women entrepreneurs and their implications. Until recently, very few Japanese women regarded business startups as a feasible career option. However, the recent implementation of government policies to promote women entrepreneurs is creating a favorable business ecosystem for women to pursue an entrepreneurial career. Despite various challenges, entrepreneurial careers can provide greater opportunities for Japanese women to pursue their financial independence, their life goals, their career growth, and their agency to achieve gender equality. Furthermore, increases in the number of women entrepreneurs would lead to positive changes in Japan’s economic growth, work environment, corporate culture, and a continuous cycle of producing more women entrepreneurs. Such increased influence and leadership of women in the business sector would enhance women’s social status and gender equality in Japanese society, which has stagnated for decades, but for which so many Japanese women have been striving.

References Allouche, J., Amann, B., Jaussaud, J., & Kurashina, T. (2008). The impact of family control on the performance and financial characteristics of family versus nonfamily businesses in Japan: A matched-pair investigation. Family Business Review, 21(4), 315–329. Retrieved from https://www.researchgate. net/publication/257823535_The_Impact_of_Family_Control_on_the_Per

8

WOMEN LEADERS IN SMALL AND MEDIUM-SIZED BUSINESSES …

161

formance_and_Financial_Characteristics_of_Family_Versus_Nonfamily_Busine sses_in_Japan_A_Matched-Pair_Investigation. Aoi, M., Asaba, S., Kubota, K., & Takehara, H. (2015). Family firms, firm characteristics, and corporate social performance: A study of public firms in Japan. Journal of Family Business Management, 5(2), 192–217. Badaracco, J., Jr. (2002). Leading quietly. Boston, MA: Harvard Business School Press. Craig, J. B., & Moores, K. (2017). Leading a family business: Best practices for long-term stewardship. Santa Barbara, CA: Praeger. Drew, E., & Humbert, A. L. (2014). Combining motherhood and entrepreneurship: Strategies, conflict, and costs. In L. Kelly (Ed., Vol.1), Entrepreneurial women: New management and leadership models (pp. 155–182). Santa Barbara, CA: Praeger. Eisenhardt, K. M. (1989). Agency theory: An assessment and review. The Academy of Management Review, 14(1), 57–74. Retrieved from http://www. petersvmd.com/PrincipalAgent/short%20principal%20agent/agency.pdf. Fujii, T., & Kanaoka, S. (2014). 女性起業家の実像と意義 [The profile and the significance of women entrepreneurs]. 日本政策金融公庫論集 [Japan Finance Corporation Journal ], 23, 27–42. Fujita, M. (2015). 漁村における女性起業活動の課題と支援策 [The challenges facing and support measures of female entrepreneurial activities in fishing communities]. 愛媛大学教育学部紀要 [Bulletin of the Faculty of Education Ehime University], 62, 213–219. Retrieved from http://iyokan.lib.ehime-u. ac.jp/dspace/bitstream/iyokan/4684/1/AA11987685_2015_62-213.pdf. Gerzema, J., & D’antonio, M. (2013). The Athena doctrine: How women (and the men who think like them) will rule the future. San Francisco, CA: Jossy-Bass. Gender Equality Bureau of the Cabinet Office. (2019). 男女共同参画白書 [White paper on gender equal society]. Tokyo: Cabinet Office. Retrieved from http://www.gender.go.jp/about_danjo/whitepaper/r01/zentai/index.html. Greenleaf, R. K. (2002). Servant leadership. Mahwah, NJ: Paulist Press. Japan Finance Corporation. (2013). 中小企業の女性経営者に関する実態と課 題 [The report on the current state and challenges of women CEOs in SMEs]. Retrieved from https://www.jfc.go.jp/n/findings/pdf/souken repo_13_06_03.pdf. Japan Finance Corporation. (2016). 女性、若者/シニア起業家支援資金 [Funding support for women, young, and senior entrepreneurs]. Retrieved from https://www.jfc.go.jp/n/finance/search/02_zyoseikigyouka_m.html. Kato, A., & Miyake, E. (2015). Habitus that leads mama to entrepreneurs: The case studies of three Japanese women entrepreneurs. Paper presented at ICSB 2015 World Conference, Dubai, UAE.

162

E. MIYAKE AND A. KATO

Kato, A., & Miyake, E. (2016). From housewives to entrepreneurs: How have the Japanese mamas overcome the discontinuance of career? Paper presented at the 4th Asian SME Conference 2016, Jakarta, Indonesia. Kato, A., & Miyake, E. (2018). Social entrepreneurship and legitimacy gaining: The case study of Ishinomaki City, reviving from 2011 Great East Japan Earthquake. Paper presented at ICSB 2018 World Conference, Taipei, Taiwan. Kato, A., & Miyake, E. (2019). 女性達の輝く起業家精神:理論と事例 [Women’s entrepreneurship: Theories and cases]. Manuscript in preparation for publication. Kawana, K., & Hironaka, C. (2016). 日本の女性起業家の成長・発展と支援環 境 [Business growth, development, and support environment of Japanese women entrepreneurs]. 中小企業季報 [Small and Medium Enterprises Quarterly], 2, 12–24. Kawarada, S. (2014, September 7). 受講科目は「家業跡継ぎ」[Course name is Family business succession]. The Asahi Shinbun Newspaper, Tokyo morning edition, p. 39. Kazumi, T. (2006). 女性企業家の企業活動における職業経験の影響 [Influence of women’s corporate work experiences over their entrepreneurial activities]. 日本ベンチャー学会誌 [Japan Ventures Review], 8, 33–42. Kellerman, B., & Rhode, D. L. (Eds.). (2007). Women and leadership: The state of play and strategies for change. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. Kelly, D., Singer, S. & Herrington, M. (2016). Global Entrepreneurship Monitor (GEM) 2015/2016 Global Report. Retrieved from http://www.gemconsor tium.org/report/49480. Koga, S. (2011). 東京都区部における女性起業家の就業行動と意義の特徴:男 性起業家との比較を中心に [Characteristics of working style and businessminded on women’s entrepreneurs in special wards of Tokyo]. 立命館地理 学 [Ritumeikan University Journal of Geograpy], 23, 67–80. Retrieved from http://handle.net/10367/6619. Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry. (METI). (2014). 小規模企業進行 基本計画 [Action plan of the basic act for the activation of small-sized businesses]. Retrieved from www.meti.go.jp/press/2014/10/20141003003/201 41003003b.pdf#search=%27小規模企業振興基本法+基本計画%27. Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry (METI). (2016a). 経済産業省の女 性活躍推進に向けた起業支援の取組 [Implementation plan for promoting women entrepreneurs by METI]. Retrieved from http://www.gender.go.jp/ kaigi/renkei/team/kigyo/pdf/h28_0121_kigyo01_3.pdf#search=%27経済産 業省の女性活躍推進に向けた起業支援の取組%27. Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry (METI). (2016b). 平成28年度女性起 業家等支援ネットワーク構築事業 [Project for constructing local networks to support and promote women entrepreneurs]. Retrieved from http://www.

8

WOMEN LEADERS IN SMALL AND MEDIUM-SIZED BUSINESSES …

163

meti.go.jp/policy/economy/jinzai/joseikigyouka/pdf/170802_houkoku. pdf. Miyake, E. (2015). 女性経営者にみられるリーダーシップ・スタイルの特徴 [Exploring feminine leadership styles among women entrepreneurs in Japan]. 同志社女子大学学術研究年報 [Annual reports of studies, Doshisha Women’s College of Liberal Arts ], 66, 41–51. Retrieved from AN0016561X-2015122441.pdf. Moore, D. P., & Buttner, E. H. (1997). Women entrepreneurs: Moving beyond the glass ceiling. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Publications. Morikawa, M. (2008). 同族企業の生産性 [The productivity of family businesses]. Research Institute of Economy, Trade, and Industry. Retrieved from http://www.rieti.go.jp/jp/publications/dp/08j029.pdf#search=%27同 族企業の生産性%27. Okamuro, H., & Ikeuchi, K. (2012). Work-life balance and gender differences in self-employment income during the start-up stage in Japan. Hitotsubashi University Repository. Global COE Hi-Stat Discussion Paper Series 260. Retrieved from http://gcoe.ier.hit-u.ac.jp/research/discussion/2008/ pdf/gd12–260.pdf. Osada, T. (2015). ファミリービジネスの再評価と後継者に求められる条件 [A re-evaluation of the family business and some requirements for the successor]. 岡山商大論叢 [Journal of Okayama Shoka University], 51(1), 27–55. Rees, F. (2005). The facilitator excellence handbook. San Francisco: Pfeiffer. Sawano, K. (2014). 農村女性起業研究の動向と展望 [Trends and prospects of research into rural women’s entrepreneurship]. 農業経済研究 [Journal of Rural Economics ], 86(1), 27–37. Retrieved from http://doi.org/10.11472/ nokei.86.27. Sennenji Shouten. [千年治商店] (n. d.). Column, 現役アトツギベンチャー社 長と学ぶ「ガチンコアトツギゼミ2019」[Family business succession seminar 2019, Learning with presidents of venture companies based on family business succession]. Retrieved from https://1000nenji.com/column/69/. Small and Medium Enterprise Agency. (2012). 中小企業白書 2012年版 [White paper on small and medium enterprises in Japan, 2012]. Retrieved from https://www.chusho.meti.go.jp/pamflet/hakusyo/H24/PDF/0625Ha kusyo_part2_chap2_sec2_web.pdf. Small and Medium Enterprise Agency. (2017). 中小企業白書 2017年版 [White paper on small and medium enterprises in Japan, 2017]. Retrieved from https://www.chusho.meti.go.jp/pamflet/hakusyo/H29/PDF/chusho/04H akusyo_part2_chap1_web.pdf. Small and Medium Enterprise Agency. (2019). 中小企業白書 2019年版 [White paper on small and medium enterprises in Japan, 2019]. Retrieved from https://www.chusho.meti.go.jp/pamflet/hakusyo/2019/ PDF/chusho/03Hakusyo_part1_chap2_web.pdf.

164

E. MIYAKE AND A. KATO

Steinberg, C., & Nakane, M. (2012). IMF working paper: Can women save Japan? International Monetary Fund. Retrieved from https://www.imf.org/ external/pubs/ft/wp/2012/wp12248.pdf. Takahashi, N. (2011). わが国の女性起業家の特徴 [Characteristics of women entrepreneurs in Japan]. 家計経済研究 [Japanese Journal of Research on Household Economics ], 89, 32–43. Retrieved from http://kakeiken.org/jou rnal/jjrhe/89/089_04.pdf#search=%27わが国の女性起業家の特徴%27. Takahashi, N. (2014). 起業態度と起業活動の国際比較 – 日本の女性の起業活 動はなぜ低迷しているのか [International comparison of entrepreneurial attitudes and entrepreneurial activities: Why entrepreneurial activities of Japanese women are stagnating]. 日本政策金融公庫論集 [Journal of Japan Finance Corporation], 22, 33–56. Retrieved from https://www.jfc.go.jp/n/findings/ pdf/ronbun1402_03.pdf. Takahashi, N. (2015). 日本における女性起業家の現状について – グローバル ・アントレプレナーシップ・モニター調査結果から [The current state of Japanese women entrepreneurs: from Global Entrepreneurship Monitor Report]. Joyo ARC, 47 (545), 4–11. Takimoto, Y. (2011). 女性起業家が成功に至った要因は何か?:女性起業家7事例 からの分析 [Success factors of women entrepreneurs: Analysis based on seven women entrepreneurs]. 経営戦略研究 [Studies in Business and Accounting ], 5, 123–138. Retrieved from http://hdl.handle.net/10236/9578. Tsutsui, R. (2014, July 23). 女子、家業と向き合う[Women facing family business succession]. The Asahi Shinbun Newspaper, Osaka evening edition, p. 1. Walinga, J., & McKendry, V. (2014). Exploring a feminine leadership model among women entrepreneurs. In L. Kelly (ed., Vol.1), Entrepreneurial women: New management and leadership models (pp. 155–182). Santa Barbara, CA: Praeger. Williams, C. C. (2008). Beyond necessity-driven versus opportunity-driven entrepreneurship: A study of informal entrepreneurs in England, Russia and Ukraine. Entrepreneurship and Innovation, 9(3), 157–166. Retrieved from https://www.researchgate.net/publication/233717943_Beyond_necessitydriven_versus_opportunity-driven_entrepreneurship_A_study_of_informal_ent repreneurs_in_England_Russia_and_Ukraine. Yamanaka, K. (2014). 女性起業家の活躍と人間主義思想 [Activities of women entrepreneurs and Buddhist humanism]. 創価経営論集 [Soka University Management Department Bulletin], 42(1), 131–145. Retrieved from https:// www.sokakeieironsyu42_1_11.pdf. Yusoff, W. F. W., & Alhaji, I. A. (2012). Insight of corporate governance theories. Journal of Business & Management, 1(1), 52–63. Retrieved from https://www.researchgate.net/publication/303168088_Ins ight_of_Corporate_Governance_Theories.

CHAPTER 9

Patriarchal Leadership and Women’s Exclusion from Democratic Institutions Jackie F. Steele and Eriko Miyake

In the last decades, the research question driving the literature on women and politics has been reframed in favor of critical democratic perspectives that problematize the undemocratic nature of what Dahlerup and Leyenaar (2013) describe as a spectrum of male dominance in established or old democracies. The under-representation of women, among other historically marginalized groups, is not simply an indication of a society’s failure to implement gender equality. Rather, it points to a fundamental failure of representative democracy and the ideal of responsive selfgovernment (Mansbridge, 1999; Miura, 2015; Steele, 2014; Williams, 1998; Young, 1990). The concept of representation has been analyzed for over a half-century according to the core components of Pitkin’s (1967)

J. F. Steele (B) International Christian University, Tokyo, Japan e-mail: [email protected] E. Miyake Faculty of Contemporary Social Studies, Doshisha Women’s College of Liberal Arts, Kyoto, Japan e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s) 2021 Y. T. Nakamura et al. (eds.), Japanese Women in Leadership, Current Perspectives on Asian Women in Leadership, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-36304-8_9

165

166

J. F. STEELE AND E. MIYAKE

foundational typology: symbolic representation, descriptive representation, and substantive representation. While symbolic representation speaks to the role of flags, symbols, statues or other objects imbued with official status functions, the remaining two are applied to the active functions performed within democratic institutions. While descriptive representation refers to the idea of standing for others (physical presence), substantive representation refers to the idea of acting for others (speech-act content). In the following pages, we briefly situate Japan’s performance among other advanced democracies and industrialized economies. We trace women’s descriptive representation in national and local politics, in light of Norris and Lovenduski’s (1995) approach to the four barriers to electoral office: eligibility, recruitment, selection, and election. Following our analysis of the failure of Womenomics to empower women in politics, we discuss the limitations of the 2019 gender parity law the failures of statecraft that do not include meaningful compliance mechanisms and transparent reporting to taxpayers. We close with proposals for law reform that would drive system-wide diversification of the faces of political leadership, and close with remaining research avenues in this exciting field of social science inquiry.

Eligibility: Japanese Women’s Legal Exclusion from Democracy Many factors come into play and work to affect the proportion of women in legislative assemblies. To fully understand the nuances of men’s dominance in national and local politics, we trace the post-World War II history of gender imbalanced descriptive representation, in light of Norris and Lovenduski’s (1995) approach to the four (4) barriers to electoral office: eligibility, recruitment, selection, and election. In fact, beginning with ‘eligibility’, we must recall the historical choices of past parliaments to deny women’s access to self-governance. This was the conscious choice of elected men in 1890 to adopt the Law on Assembly and Political Association to legally use the powers of the state to prohibit women from joining parties or attending political meetings. The Japanese Women’s Suffrage League was formed to contest women’s exclusion from political rights. Their efforts to democratize their country were interrupted by the outbreak of the Second World War. Laws adopted within the all-male parliament consciously placed women under the paternalistic tutelage of men within both public and private spheres. Japanese

9

PATRIARCHAL LEADERSHIP AND WOMEN’S EXCLUSION …

167

family law explicitly deprived women of independent civil status and the culturally elevated fathers as the symbol of household leadership, filial continuity, and breadwinning responsibility (Mackie 2014; Ochiai, 1996; Ueno, 2004). Over time, the legacy of women’s exclusion from political meetings, party elites, and political deliberations within all levels of democratic self-government and family leadership would translate into the over-representation of men’s worldviews, interests, and policy priorities throughout society. The legal limitations were first removed by the new post-World War II constitution in 1947 affirming women’s right to suffrage and to stand for election. Figure 9.1 shows women lining up to vote for the first time in 1947.

Fig. 9.1 Picture of women lining up to vote for the first time in 1947 (Source Public domain image, Library of Congress (Bain Collection) [2011])

168

J. F. STEELE AND E. MIYAKE

The Legacy of Patriarchal Gender Roles and Economic Empowerment Changes in laws are a first step to changing practices and attitudes, but laws require practical implementation and proactive dissemination to take root in the hearts and minds of a population. This was acknowledged at the international level during the UN Decade for Women (1975– 1985) when countries worldwide agreed upon key language in the United Nations Convention on the Elimination of All forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) committing to the full respect of women’s human rights (Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan (MOFA), 2016). Since ratification, the Japanese government has passed a variety of laws aimed at advancing gender equality and although the Equal Employment Opportunity Law (1985) has been amended four times (1997, 2006, 2013, 2016) to better protect women’s rights, and yet many loopholes continue to allow discrimination (Dalton, 2017; Gordon, 2017; Starich, 2007; Weathers, 2005). The subsequent landmark legislation grounding all laws and regulations has been the Basic Act for Gender-Equal Society. Effective from 2000, the Basic Act has foreseen the more detailed mapping of a Basic Plan for a Gender-Equal Society, with the 2015 Plan being the 4th iteration. The Abe Administration’s Womenomics Strategy has pushed for women’s access to paid workforce participation through adoption of the Act for the Promotion of Women’s Empowerment (2015), which was to create ‘a society in which all women shine’ (MOFA, 2015). The Act for the Promotion of Women’s Participation and Advancement in the Workplace (2016) now requires that large-scale enterprises make action plans and report on the rates of newly hired women employees, existing gender gaps in the years of service, working hours, and numbers of women managers and executives (Gender Equality Bureau Cabinet Office, 2016a). This law was expected to lead to promotion of more women into managerial positions in an attempt to finally result in some basic progress toward the longstanding (2003) goal of 30% women in managerial positions by 2020. Despite the past two decades of legislation to promote gender equality, Japan’s international ranking in the 2019 Global Gender Gap Index (WEF, 2020) dropped significantly to a historic low of 121st place among 153 countries (see Table 9.1; Japan Times, 2019).

9

PATRIARCHAL LEADERSHIP AND WOMEN’S EXCLUSION …

169

Table 9.1 2019 Global Gender Gap Index for G-7 countries Economic Educational Health/survival Political Overall participation/opportunity attainment empowerment RANK Germany France Canada United Kingdom United States Italy Japan

48 88 30 58

103 1 1 38

86 78 105 112

12 15 25 20

10th 15th 19th 21st

26

34

70

86

53rd

117 115

55 91

118 40

44 144

76th 121st

Source World Economic Forum (2020)

The government has now pushed back, at least another decade, any expectations of achieving their target for 30% women in leadership, and the revised proposal in fact “aims for a society where men and women alike are in leadership positions ‘by 2050’” (Mainichi Shinbun, 2020, para 7), in 30 years from now. The gender gap is most extreme for Japan in the area of political empowerment. Women’s ratio in the Upper House is 22.8%. As a reference point, the 2019 world average of the ratio of women in Lower Houses is 25%, with the Asian average being 20.5% (Inter-Parliamentary Union, 2020). For local assemblies, the overall average of Japanese women politicians is a mere 14.0% (Ichikawa Fusae Center for Women and Governance, 2020). In the following section, we take a closer look at the disparities in men’s and women’s post-war descriptive representation within the Japanese Diet and the political context of women’s exclusion from recruitment, selection, and election.

Recruitment and Men’s Dominance in National Politics The literature on women and politics confirms the chronic failure of representative democracy in Japan (Eto, 2016; Miura, 2015; Miura & Eto, 2014; Shin, 2014; Steele, 2011, 2014). To understand the biggest area of blockage in progress on women’s descriptive representation, we look to the second step in Norris and Lovenduski’s (1995) four stages

170

J. F. STEELE AND E. MIYAKE

of electoral office. Recruitment is the means by which individuals who are interested in politics can be identified from within the population at large, resulting in their selection by political parties for electoral competition, and ultimately their potential election by the population. Figures 9.2 and 9.3 for the Lower and Upper Houses, respectively, reflect the difficult trajectory of women’s journey from legal eligibility to effective selection and election in postwar Japan. Japanese women were elected in decent numbers to the Japanese Lower House in the first elections, with 39 of 466 seats (8.4%) going to women. However, women’s representation plummeted in subsequent elections, hovering at 2% until as late as 1986 (Iwamoto, 2001). It was not until 2005 that women’s descriptive representation would reach a mere 8% of seats. The electoral system shapes the rules of the game and is touted as heavily influencing, negatively or positively, the incentives to parties to recruit diverse candidates, including women. The electoral system shapes the patterns of political recruitment, and where party organizations are weak, recruitment is in turn supported by pre-existing social capital, 12 10 8 6 4 2

1946 1947 1949 1952 1953 1955 1958 1960 1963 1967 1969 1972 1976 1979 1980 1983 1986 1990 1993 1996 2000 2003 2005 2009 2012 2014 2017

0

Fig. 9.2 Percent of women politicians in Japanese Lower House (Sources Gender Equality Bureau Cabinet Office [2016b], except 2017 data, which is based on the source from the Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications [2017])

9

PATRIARCHAL LEADERSHIP AND WOMEN’S EXCLUSION …

171

25

20

15

10

5

1947 1950 1953 1956 1959 1962 1965 1968 1971 1974 1977 1980 1983 1986 1989 1992 1995 1998 2001 2004 2007 2010 2013 2016 2019

0

Fig. 9.3 Percent of women politicians in the Japanese Upper House (Sources Gender Equality Bureau Cabinet Office [2018a], except 2019 data, which is based on the directory published by Nakajima [2019])

kinship, and professional ties that form clientelist networks grounded upon male homo social capital (Bjarnegard, 2015). During the medium-sized constituency system used for the bulk of the postwar period of Japanese history, the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) ran 2–3 members per district making koenkai or personal support networks of candidates central in determining the success of individuals campaigning under the same party label. The mobilization of successful personal networks remains crucial to elections, and Japan holds down the more extreme end of candidate-based personalistic politics given this pre-1994 spillover effect (Miura, Shin, & Steele, 2018). Within singlemember districts in Japan, Ogai (2001) showed that successful national candidates have one of four political backgrounds: former local or prefectural politicians, former high-level national bureaucrats, former secretaries to politicians, and have a family inheritance. One-quarter of the seats in the outgoing parliament in 2000 was held by a family dynasty through second and third generation descendants of incumbents and fully onethird of LDP candidates in the 2000 election had a father, father-in-law, or grandfather who had served in the Diet (Taniguchi, 2008).

172

J. F. STEELE AND E. MIYAKE

Majoritarian systems are considered less favorable to women, given the winner-take-all competition that informally favors the median man’s candidate profile and his informal networks. Conversely, proportional representation systems incentivize parties to diversify their electoral teams to include women and other social groups (Kawato, 2013; Miura & Eto, 2014). Not surprisingly, the use of proportional representation in the Japanese Upper House has offered opportunities for greater diversification of candidates, as compared to the single districts for the Lower House. The 1989 Upper House elections saw the election of many women by Japan Socialist Party leaders Takako Doi, resulting in an impressive 18% elected women, coined the Madonna Boom (Iwamoto 2001; Japan Times, 2019). The 1990 Lower House, however, only saw the election of a mere 2.34% women. The majority of the seats on the Japanese electoral system require a strong personal support network. The ability to mobilize spouses, relatives, schoolmates, industry, regional or neighborhood associations, and a range of business and professional ties to both local and central government bureaucrats, the koenkai supported by local to national male homo social capital and related networks are the key to electoral success and they demonstrate the potential to channel resources and national government funds back into the community. These clientelist relations among men require endless performance of what Miura et al. (2018) have coined with the concept of constituency facetime; constituency facetime relies on copious public appearances and long working hours of constituency outreach and vote mobilization predicated upon the outsourcing of all family and caregiving (child-rearing, eldercare) responsibilities to a housewife (Kage, Rosenbluth, & Tanaka, 2019). In addition to the expectations as to what (gender) constitutes a winning profile, other related cultural or socio-economic factors intervene to dissuade parties from selecting women as potential candidates. One exception was in the strategy of former Prime Minister Koizumi Junichiro in 2005, who saw an opportunity to use women’s descriptive representation as a cover for eliminating internal factions within his own party. Koizumi recruited a team of younger, predominantly high profile women candidates, dubbed assassin candidates by the media, as the face of anti-establishment LDP change and modernization (Steele, 2011). The 2005 General Elections saw the election of 44 women, with the 45th woman being elected in a subsequent by-election, marking an all-time

9

PATRIARCHAL LEADERSHIP AND WOMEN’S EXCLUSION …

173

numerical high for women’s representation in the House of Representatives (Steele, 2011). All-be-it an important gain for women’s political representation, after the departure of Koizumi from LDP leadership, Koizumi’s efforts did not establish sustainability for women’s representation (Darhour & Dalherup, 2013; Shin, 2014), and many lost in the subsequent election. In light of the above analysis of women’s hurdles for national election due to the impact of gender bias, notably at the phases of recruitment and selection, let us now turn to the local level to see if these hurdles play the same role within local politics.

Recruitment and Men’s Dominance in Local Politics Despite stagnant representation in postwar national politics, elected women in the 47 prefectural assemblies, 792 city assemblies, 183 town and village assemblies, and 23 special ward assemblies between 1980 and 2018 have gradually increased over the last 40 years. Figure 9.4 and Table 9.2 show the details. While all prefectural assemblies have women

Fig. 9.4 Women politicians in local assemblies (Sources Gender Equality Bureau Cabinet Office [2018b], except 2018 data, which is based on the source from the Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications [2018])

2833 2857 2798 2927 2888 2790 2681 2675 2609

34 38 72 92 159 200 217 261 262

1.2 1.3 2.6 3.1 5.5 7.2 8.1 9.8 10

20,080 19,729 19,070 19,050 18,379 23,574 20,142 18,443 18,057

441 601 862 1392 1855 2505 2557 2559 2577

2.2 3 4.5 7.3 10.1 10.6 12.7 13.9 14.7

Women’s ratio 47,221 45,293 42,728 41,653 39„707 21,376 12,125 11,147 11,074

Total seats 274 390 608 1128 1777 1359 981 1064 1089

Women 0.6 0.9 1.4 2.7 4.5 6.4 8.1 9.5 10.1

Women’s ratio

Town and village assemblies

Sources Gender Equality Bureau Cabinet Office (2018b) Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications (2018)

|1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 2015 2018

Women

Total seats

Women’s ratio

Total seats

Women

City assemblies

Women politicians in local assemblies

Prefectural assemblies

Table 9.2

1073 1032 1020 1012 967 912 889 900 873

Total seats

73 73 91 145 191 199 219 243 236

Women

6.8 7.1 8.9 14.3 19.8 21.8 24.6 27 27

Women’s ratio

Special ward assemblies

174 J. F. STEELE AND E. MIYAKE

9

PATRIARCHAL LEADERSHIP AND WOMEN’S EXCLUSION …

175

members, 3.4% of city and ward assemblies and 29.6% of town and village assemblies still had zero elected women as of the 2019 reported data (Ichikawa Fusae Center for Women and Governance, 2020). Women’s under-representation in local governments has various explanations. Fewer women are motivated run for office and offer their support to certain political parties (Masuyama, 2007), and not surprisingly, aspiring women are less likely to receive the support of their spouse and family, due to persistence of patriarchal expectations about the gendered division of labor in the home (Kaneko, 2010; Ooki, 2019). Women have less access to the economic resources and social capital necessary to run and win in an election, due to gender gaps in income, social status, and network-forming skills (Masuyama, 2007; Takeda, 2010; Yamada, 2007). By examining the relationship between women’s description representation and the size of municipalities, Matsubayashi and Ueda (2012) argued that the number of women politicians is likely to increase as the population of municipalities increases. As with national politics where koenkai or personal support networks are key, in small municipalities, the election results depend largely on the individual candidate’s own resources and political connections, whereas the role of political parties offers a potentially more equal playing field to candidates in large municipalities, if political parties are open to the recruitment of women. In such cases, women candidates with political party support have a greater chance of winning elections. In light of the amalgamation of local municipalities, Takeyasu (2015) tracks the changes in the profiles of elected women since 2002. Women received greater organizational support, especially from political parties, women’s organizations, and community associations, and the percent of housewives and freelance professionals increased to approximately 50%. Given the national importance of issues relating to declining birthrates, eldercare, daycare access, education, and child-rearing (Takeyasu, 2015), women council members were often seen as bringing expertise and concrete experience with these policy areas relative to competitors (Tsuji, 2017). This has opened up new pathways to political leadership for women from housewife to civil society leader, and ultimately to city mayor. Research on women mayors reveals how gender norms can work positively for aspiring women candidates. Certain women were elected mayor following corruption scandals of outgoing men mayors. The clean image of the women, combined with past track records of horizontal relationship-building and open communication with community to offer

176

J. F. STEELE AND E. MIYAKE

an alternative praxis of political leadership by women that stood out positively against the nepotistic, corrupt power politics associated with the immediate predecessors (Tsuji, 2017). Nonetheless, the number of women mayor and governors has only increased at a glacial rate as Table 9.3 shows, with a mere 2 out of 47 women governors (4.3%), 25 of 792 (3.2%) women mayors, 8 out of 743 (1.1%) town mayors, and 1 out of 23 (4.3%) special wards headed by a women. Despite local politics being perceived as more accessible to women than national politics, a mere 7 women have served as governor of the 47 prefectures (Josei Shucho no Ichiran, 2020; Zenkoku Shi-gikai Gichokai, 2020; Zenkoku Choson-gikai Gichokai, 2020). Though women who head up local governments are scarce, it is important to note the significant accomplishments paved by women mayors and governors. Incumbent mayor of Yokohama, Fumiko Hayashi (2009–2021), championed the plight of working parents and showed empathetic leadership; this led her to commit to eliminating daycare waiting lists within three years so all parents with small children could regain access to the paid workforce (Hayashi, 2013). Former Otsu Mayor Naomi Koshi (2012–2020) was a pioneer in taking on the toxic challenge of school bullying and so created an independent committee and action plan to prevent bullying (Koshi, 2014). Former Mitaka Mayor Keiko Kiyohara (2003–2019), created an effective administrative service structure by actively promoting citizens’ participation in policymaking (Kiyohara & Awaji, 2010). In addition, the former governor of Shiga Table 9.3 Heads of local governments

Governors City mayors Town mayors Village mayors Heads of special wards

Total assemblies

Women

Men

Women’s ratio

Men’s ratio

47 792 743 183 23

2 25 8 0 1

45 767 735 183 22

4.3 3.2 1.1 0 4.3

95.7 96.8 98.9 100 95.7

Sources Josei Shucho no Ichiran (2020), Zenkoku Shi-gikai Gichokai (2020), Zenkoku Choson-gikai Gichokai (2020)

9

PATRIARCHAL LEADERSHIP AND WOMEN’S EXCLUSION …

177

Prefecture, Yukiko Kada (2006–2014), who is also an environmental sociologist, actively implemented a series of policies to protect the natural environment of Shiga Prefecture (Kada, 2013).

Selection and Election: Changing the Rules of the National Game For both national and local politics, a primary hurdle for women remains the informal gendered norms guiding men in decision-makers positions within political parties. Women are often playing with both arms tied behind their backs, penalized by both lack of support within their families and lack of support within historically male-dominated political elites. Where there is gatekeeping by men to keep women out of the selection of candidates, progress can only occur when gender balance is given positive public attention. Moreover, voters must be encouraged to evaluate political party performance of fielding gender-balanced teams and constant scrutiny by the media, women’s groups and other types of prodemocratization pressures over time is critical (Dahlerup & Leyenaar, 2013). Within Japan, the tides shifted since 2014, when the Association for the Promotion of Quotas (QnoKai) began its tireless efforts to pressure the Diet for adoption of a new gender parity law. A Multi-partisan Parliamentary Group for the Promotion of Women in Politics (hereafter Multi-partisan Group) was also launched in 2015 and after numerous study groups led by QnoKai, the Multi-partisan Group drafted a bill (Act on Promotion of Gender Equality in the Political Field, May 23, 2018) that would require political parties to recruit equal numbers of men and women. While the proposed bills were supported by opposition parties in 2016, the governing LDP denied their pivotal support. The bill that the LDP eventually supported on May 23, 2018 diluted the obligations upon party elites, and it completely failed to include any accountability mechanism. The international literature on women’s representation and gender quotas used worldwide demonstrates the necessity of (1) clear, transparent metrics (targets), and (2) a rigorous compliance mechanism that will ensure public accountability by party elites. The new Japanese law does neither of these two critical pieces. The lead political scientist offering guidance to the Multi-partisan Group, Mari Miura, in a recent interview (Institute for Gender Studies, 2018) suggested that the coalition

178

J. F. STEELE AND E. MIYAKE

of actors could only agree on wording that created a new principle or democratic norm of gender equality in politics, and that the new law would, at a minimum, put an end to political party elites who tried to suggest that gender quotas were unconstitutional. With the new law asserting this basic principle, political parties would have a legal obligation to make efforts to field more gender-balanced teams. The law applies to both national and local elections, and paves the way for government research tracking the hurdles to women’s equal participation in electoral politics. As the academic advisor to the parliamentary group, Miura played a pivotal role as a critical actor (Childs & Krook, 2009) working in support of the parliamentary group’s legislative efforts, and the mobilization of QnoKai constituted a critical mass and coalition of women’s organizations that publicly held the parliamentary group members from each party accountable for delivering on their promise of adopting a new bill. Despite eight years of Womenomics hype led by Prime Minister Abe, Japan still dropped from 114th to 121st place in the most recent Gender Gap Index (World Economic Forum, 2020). Moreover, the LDP continues to be the worst offender in keeping women out of its recruitment pipelines, with a 83.6% monopoly by LDP men over seats in the Upper House in 2016 prior to the new law, and a whopping 85.4% monopoly by LDP men over seats in the 2019 Upper House elections, even though they were held after the gender parity law was adopted. Tables 9.3 and 9.4 show the details. The LDP’s coalition partner, the Komeito, likewise fielded men to the tune of 90.6% of all candidates in the 2017 Lower House elections and maintained 91.7% men in the 2019 Upper House elections held after the new law. Neither of these governing coalition parties took the new legal obligation very seriously, nor was the law effective in nudging parties to establish better gender balance in their political recruitment efforts (Table 9.5). In national Japanese politics, successful candidates are supposed to have the three ban: jiban (constituency support), kanban (name recognition or renown) and kaban (financial support) (Smith, 2018). Yet, similar numbers of women were elected in practice in 1947 and 2006, despite tremendous strides in women’s economic access to paid labor and women’s significant social capital within local community organizations and networks. The biggest hurdle then remains the recruitment and selection stages controlled by the elite party men and male homo social capital from local to national levels. In fact, the author, Steele and her

2 (8.3)

21 (87.5) 3 (12.5) 22 (91.7) 23 (54.8) 19 (45.2)

–

–

44 (80) 11 (20) 18 (64.3) 10 (35.7)

36 (64.3) 20 (35.7) 18 (45) 22 (55)

24 (85.7) 4 (14.3) 15 (68.2) 7 (31.8)

Sources Tokyo Shinbun Web (2016), JIJI.COM (2016), Mainichi Shinbun (2019) Note For Others and Independent in 2016, only the numbers of total candidates are available

Women

2019 Men

61 (83.6) 12 (16.4) 70 (85.4) 12 (14.6)

9 (81.8) 2 (18.2) 2 (28.6) 5 (71.4)

91 (85) 16 (15)

[104]

7 (38.9) 11 (61.1)

[38]

293 (75.3) 96 (24.7) 266 (71.9) 104 (28.1)

Liberal Komeito Constitutional Democratic Japan Japan Social Others Independent Total Democratic Democratic Party for Communist Innovation Democratic Party Party the People Party Party Party

Ratios of women candidates in Upper House elections in 2016 and 2019

Women

2016 Men

Table 9.4

9 PATRIARCHAL LEADERSHIP AND WOMEN’S EXCLUSION …

179

307 (92.5) Women 25 (7.5)

Mon

Liberal Democratic Party 48 (90.6) 5 (9.4)

Komeito

59 (75.6) 19 (24.4)

188 (80) 47 (20)

185 (76.1) 58 (23.9)

Constitutional Party Japan Democratic of Communist Party Hope Party 48 (92.3) 4 (7.7)

17 (81) 4 (19)

Japan Social Innovation Democratic Party Party

Ratios of women candidates in Lower House election in 2017

Sources Tokyo Shinbun Web (2017), Chunichi Shinbun Web (2017)

2017

Table 9.5

61 (65.6) 32 (34.4)

Others

58 (79.5) 15 (20.5)

Independent

971 (82.3) 209 (17.7)

Total

180 J. F. STEELE AND E. MIYAKE

9

PATRIARCHAL LEADERSHIP AND WOMEN’S EXCLUSION …

181

colleagues, Miura and Shin surveyed Japanese parliamentarians in 2016. They found that, more strongly influential than financial resources or reputation, was the pivotal role of political party support. In local politics, the diversity of partisan and non-partisan interests, the size of the city, the existence or absence of political party support organizations, strong economic resources and local reputation, notably for mayoral elections, are the biggest factors of success.

Steps to Expand Opportunities for Diverse Political Leadership To carve out room for women’s political leadership, there must be a systemic effort to diversify the faces and bodies deemed appropriate for political leadership. This shift in informal assumptions and cultural norms about who can share in political power must be supported by effective laws that democratize Japanese political parties. While there are numerous ways to invoke more equal playing fields for electoral recruitment, based on the international research insights, we propose a few key accountability mechanisms. Investments in Non-Partisan Political Leadership Training While many political candidacy schools exist within political parties, or are tied to political notables, there are only a few training schools that are non-partisan. Few offer broad-based literacy about democracy and support to women who are not yet affiliated to a party. The Ryoko Akamatsu Political School, created in September 2014 by Ryoko Akamatsu, a pioneering leader of WIN and the Association for the Promotion of Quotas (QnoKai), is one such excellent example. A second recent example is the Parity Academy, created by political scientists, Mari Miura (Sophia University) and Ki-young Shin (Ochanomizu Women’s University), that emerged following their 2018 tour of 14 women’s political leadership programs in the United States, funded by the Sasagawa Foundation (Miura & Shin, 2018).

182

J. F. STEELE AND E. MIYAKE

Institutional Design and Systems-Level Solutions While raising women’s political confidence, leadership skills, and ability to compete in elections is a valuable strategy, ultimately, individual-level strategies will not bring system-wide changes that can neutralize the influence of men’s unconscious bias and preference for male homo social capital . To ensure that highly talented women are equally supported in their aspirations to run for election with party support, institutional reform of political parties is key. To incentivize more egalitarian behavior among elite political party decision-makers, we suggest two modest changes to the current mixed electoral system to foster broader acceptance of diverse faces of political leadership. Legal Targets and Gender-Equal Recruitment Rewarded by Public Funding Incentives First and foremost, the Gender Parity Law must be further strengthened to genuinely regulate and publicly foster accountability by political party recruitment of men and women in equal numbers. The next law reform would ideally set targets of equal representation that are rewarded with different levels of public funding. Parties must finally feel accountable to the law and feel beholden to achieving good performance on gender-equal recruitment, and as such, taxpayer dollars should not be given to political parties headed by anti-democratic leaders who think they are above the law. If they wish to ignore the law and continue genderbiased recruitment of predominantly men onto their electoral teams, then those parties would be expected to self-fund their nepotistic operations and campaigns without public funds. For example, parties that achieve a minimum floor of 25% women candidates would receive 50% of public funding because they are violating the equality principle established in law, and also robbing taxpayers of the full leadership talent of the population. Parties achieving 35% gender balance would receive 70% of the public funding, and those achieving 45% or more gender balance would receive full public funding to reward them for complying with the principle of gender-balanced recruitment.

9

PATRIARCHAL LEADERSHIP AND WOMEN’S EXCLUSION …

183

Public Reporting by Political Parties The new law reform must require that parties report publicly on their efforts to secure gender balance in advance of each election. This would generate transparency and accountability to the law, to the media, to the population and to women’s organizations, on this key performance indicator of gender equality and democratic culture within the political parties. Revealing their efforts would allow more intense comparisons, media reporting, women’s movement advocacy, and literacy building for voters to include this criterion when casting their votes in the elections. Voters would be encouraged to reward or punish parties that continue to stand above the constitutional guarantees to equality and the gender parity compliance mechanisms. Electoral Reform to Support Candidate Diversification Changing the electoral system used for the House of Representatives from a mixed parallel system to a mixed proportional compensatory system would allow for the ideological views of voters to influence all 465 seats allocated to parties. This would offset the hegemonic influence generating the one-party predominant system in Japan, and would encourage parties to think nationally about their team to further diversify the candidates place on nation-wide PR lists. This would generate additional support for smaller parties to have more ideological impact upon policy-driven debates, and would create a more robust competition of ideas across the Japanese democratic system. The combination of these impacts may be greater possibility for more than one viable multi-partisan coalition, and thus more reliable occurrence of policy-driven competition of ideas, and power alternation over time to end the one-party hegemony that has plagued the post-WWII period. This in turn would add to the stability and legitimacy of the quality of the democratic system, in terms of generating timely alternation of government that is essential to a healthy, responsive, and innovative representative democracy. Diversifying Political Talking Heads in Media Finally, it is worth noting the pervasive gender discrimination at work within the Japanese print and televised media. Manels or panels comprised only of men talking heads are rife across Japanese society in all fields,

184

J. F. STEELE AND E. MIYAKE

but notably in electoral politics. At a minimum, additional law reform should include a compliance mechanism that regulates publicly-funded media to ensure gender-balanced representation in programming. This could significantly work to diversify the image of who is considered to be an expert and political authority, and who the population ought to view as knowledgeable and offering experienced views about democracy, public policy, and electoral politics. Having media partners be formally accountable for correcting for the systemic bias currently generating a partial, androcentric view of political issues would ensure delivery of a more legitimate range of political ideas and analyses for the population to consider. It would also diversify the kinds of politically knowledgeable leaders and role models apt to inspire and educate the next generation of girls and boys to take a greater interest in Japanese democracy.

Conclusions and Future Research Agenda Although male-dominated parliaments may no longer deny women suffrage or the right to stand for election in Japan, there are infinite strategies of exclusion, silencing, marginalizing, and harassment of women candidates and elected women who are working against significantly high odds to simply run for election. Women who wish to contribute their talents, expertise, and political leadership for the benefit of all members of Japanese society must be welcomed by all parties so that Japan can experience the most robust quality of democracy, of public debate, and the caliber of deliberation within the Diet about what constitutes the public good. Among the more competitive political parties, the Japan Socialist Party under Takako Doi, and its current iteration as the Social Democratic Party of Japan (SDP) led by Mizuho Fukushima, are the one consistent exception to this rule. The LDP has had a hegemony over office and although it has announced with great pomp its new laws, they remain devoid of any meaningful teeth that has mostly squandered the opportunity to benchmark real leadership and measurable results in this critical facet of democracy and global economy. Rather than double down to add compliance mechanisms into its purely rhetorical laws, the LDP have preferred to protect male dominance for another 3 decades, and pushed back its targets for 30% women in decision-making to the vague target of sometime between 2020 and 2050 (Mainichi, 2020).

9

PATRIARCHAL LEADERSHIP AND WOMEN’S EXCLUSION …

185

In terms of national level political research, in order to gain access to reliable information on political party organizations and which ones ought to benefit from taxpayer dollars, we foremost need reliable, longitudinal data on the ways that political parties recruit candidates and how they allocate prestigious party roles and function internally. As the intermediaries of democratic self-government, political parties play an extremely privileged role within contemporary self-government. This remains a black box, and yet, to talk credibly about meritocracy, researchers need access to standardized data on both the formal qualifications parties say they follow, as well as the informal qualities or loyalties that are being rewarded in practice. Parties are not above the law. Their electoral practices, internal by-laws and political party practices must be scrutinized and reformed in light of their democratic obligations under the constitution and Basic Law standards of equality promised to all women, men, girls, and boys. Notably, this would require greater transparency by political parties as to the specific criteria used to justify who is selected to become a party-backed candidate. This will make possible more detailed analyses of the structural barriers and overt forms of resistance to women by male homo social capital dominating the power politics within parties. Second, we need increased political science research and attention paid to the actual quality of democracy achieved (or rather not achieved) inside political party organizations and the degree to which democratic rights and freedoms outlined in the constitution are being honored by political parties in practice. As the intermediaries of democratic self-government, political parties play an extremely privileged role within contemporary governance and thus not only electoral practices, but also the internal by-laws and political party practices must be made public and held up to the scrutiny of constitutional compliance, including those outlining gender equality. Too often it is the international press that has brought gender equality violations to the forefront of news in Japan. Social media, informal news outlets, and citizen- or community-based digital news sources working for further democratization are likewise bringing these issues to the forefront to inform public debates that are often covered superficially by traditional Japanese media. Domestic media linked to political establishments are also impacted by the bias of male homo social capital and must be challenged to perform better. The media stands to play a central role in leading positive recoding of women’s political leadership, in changing popular attitudes about the dire necessity of a greater gender balance in democratic institutions, and of the value added

186

J. F. STEELE AND E. MIYAKE

of having diverse models of political leadership enrich local to national parliamentary debates and local to national public policy outputs. Further research on the role of media in celebrating diverse political leadership and of fostering inclusive citizenship would be a great contribution. Third, research on the cultural attitudes of men and women incumbents and the extent to which their attitudes are pro-diversity or antiegalitarian is another key area of evidence that requires further research exposure and debate among society at large. Steele is involved in a research grant led by Mari Miura (co-investigators: Ki-young Shin, Jackie Steele, Reiko Oyama, Kenneth McElwain, Greg Noble) that involved two elite surveys on attitudes of parliamentarians on women’s representation and policy impacts, and one public survey on related topics. Pending the impacts of the novel coronavirus, we will hold an international conference to share our 6 years of research findings in 2021. Steele’s analysis of the elite MP survey will shed light on the clear gender gap with respect to Japanese parliamentarians’ propensity to take up and then represent minority views or politically marginalized social group interests in their interventions in the Diet. This is an area that requires increased domestic qualitative research on the correlation between the descriptive representation of MPs of all social group affinities and their propensity to substantively represent issues and social group views that fall outside of their own lived experiences and affinities. Within the local level, studies on the advancement, typology, and profiles of women politicians have been compiled, but case studies of women political leaders from the perspective of leadership studies are scarce. For example, preliminary research on women mayors by Miyake (2017) illustrated a variety of leadership styles exercised by women mayors in 14 cities that can serve to diversify our understanding and definitions of leadership. Further in-depth case studies on these mayors, and of diverse elected men who manifest non-traditional leadership styles, would help us understand how they women and men are currently forced to adapt to toxic masculinity and the values of male homo social capital that still dominate the highest levels of the national and local bureaucracies and elites. This could help other aspiring political leaders to learn how to successfully harness their own individual style and personal strengths and be competitive in challenging the dominant stereotypes and overly narrow cultural boundaries of ‘political leadership’ in Japan that exclude many non-traditional men and women candidates from gaining legitimacy and being given the opportunity to contribute to their society.

9

PATRIARCHAL LEADERSHIP AND WOMEN’S EXCLUSION …

187

Finally, within the education sector, research and development of effective pedagogies for teaching inclusive leadership, respect for diversity, and citizenship education would be desirable. Pertinent for elementary school through to college and high educational degrees, we need renewed commitments to public education on civic responsibilities, as well as democratic rights and freedoms. This would increase awareness and greater openness to the sociological diversity comprising Reiwa Japan among both young and old. Ideally, this would strengthen the democratic literacy and values of Japanese society to play a leadership role in terms of the democratic responsibilities of all countries in an era of intense interdependence, collective risks of pandemic or other crises, and that will continue to require global forms of solidarity and effective risk governance through more inclusive representative democratic decision-making for the foreseeable future.

References Bjarnegard, E. (2015). Gender, informal institutions and political recruitment: Explaining male dominance in Parliamentary representation. London, UK: Palgrave MacMillan. Childs, S., & Krook, M. L. (2009). Analysing women’s substantive representation: From critical mass to critical’ actors. Government and Opposition, 44, 125–145. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2009.01279.x. Chunichi Shinbun Web. (2017). 衆院選 2017 女性候補比率、最高の 17.7% 議 員数、国際的には低水準 [Lower House Election 2017, The ratio of women candidates, record highest of 17.7%, the number of women politicians, low level internationally]. Retrieved from https://www.chunichi.co.jp/article/sen kyo/shuin2017/zen/CK2017101202100038.html. Dahlerup, D., & Leyenaar, M. (2013). Breaking male dominance in old Democracies. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press. Dalton, E. (2017). Womenomics, ‘Equality’ and Abe’s Neo-liberal strategy to make Japanese women shine. Social Science Japan Journal, 10(1), 95–105. https://doi.org/10.1093/ssjj/jyw043. Darhour, H., & Dahlerup, D. (2013). Sustainable representation of women through gender quotas: A decade’s experience in Morocco. Women’s Studies International Forum, 41(2), 132–142. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.wsif.2013. 04.008. Eto, M. (2016). ‘Gender’ problems in Japanese politics: A dispute over a socio-cultural change towards increasing equality. Japanese Journal of Political Science, 17 (3), 365–385. https://doi.org/10.1017/S1468109916000141.

188

J. F. STEELE AND E. MIYAKE

Gender Equality Bureau Cabinet Office. (2016a). Women and men in Japan 2016. Retrieved from http://www.gender.go.jp/english_contents/pr_act/ pub/pamphlet/women-and-men16/index.html. Gender Equality Bureau Cabinet Office. (2016b). 女性の政策決定参画状 況調べ [Survey on women’s participation in policy decision-making]. Retrieved from http://www.gender.go.jp/research/kenkyu/sankakujokyo/ statistics-index.html. Gender Equality Bureau Cabinet Office. (2018a). 女性の政策決定参画状況調 べ [Survey on women’s participation in policy decision-making]. Retrieved from http://www.gender.go.jp/research/kenkyu/sankakujokyo/2018/pdf/ 1-1-a-1.pdf. Gender Equality Bureau Cabinet Office. (2018b). 女性の政策決定参画状況調 べ [Survey on women’s participation in policy decision-making]. Retrieved from http://www.gender.go.jp/research/kenkyu/sankakujokyo/2018/pdf/ 1-2-a-1.pdf. Gordon, A. (2017). New and enduring dual structures of employment in Japan: The rise of non-regular labor, 1980–2010s. Social Science Japan Journal, 20(1), 9–36. https://doi.org/10.1093/ssjj/jyw042. Hayashi, F. (2013). 共感する力 [Empathy as capability]. Tokyo, Japan: Wani Books. Ichikawa Fusae Center for Women and Governance. (Ed.). (2020). 女性参政 資料集 2019年版 全地方議会女性議員の現状 [Local assemblies, Handbook of data on Japanese women in political life, 2019]. Tokyo, Japan: Ichikawa Fusae Center for Women and Governance. Institute for Gender Studies. (2018). Interview with Mari Miura, The gender parity Law in Japan: The potential to change women’s under-representation. Special section: gender and political leadership. ジェンダー研究 [Gender Studies ], 21, 87–99. Retrieved from http://www2.igs.ocha.ac.jp/wp-con tent/uploads/2018/07/7-Miura.pdf. Inter-Parliamentary Union. (2020). Women in National Parliaments: World and regional Averages. Retrieved from http://archive.ipu.org/wmn-e/world.htm. Iwamoto, M. (2001). The Madonna Boom: The progress of Japanese women into politics in the 1980s. PS: Political Science and Politics, 34(2), 225–226. Retrieved from https://www.jstor.org/stable/1350208. Japan Times. (2019, December 19). From bad to worse: Japan slides 11 places to 121st in global gender equality ranking. Japan Times Online. Retrieved from www.japantimes.co.jp/news/2019/12/17/national/social-iss ues/japan-121st-global-gender-equality-ranking/#.XmnvdqgzaUk. JIJI.COM. (2016). 図解・政治 参院選/女性候補者数の推移 [Illustration politics, Upper House Election/changes in the number of women candidates over time]. Retrieved from https://www.jiji.com/jc/graphics?p=ve_pol_electionsangiin20160622j-09-w410.

9

PATRIARCHAL LEADERSHIP AND WOMEN’S EXCLUSION …

189

Josei Shucho no Ichiran. (2020). 女性首長の一覧 [Directory of women leaders of locals governments]. Retrieved from https://uub.jp/cpf/female.html. Kada, Y. (2013). いのちにこだわる政治をしよう [Let’s make political actions that are sensitive to life]. Nagoya, Japan: Fubaisha. Kage, R., Rosenbluth, F. M., & Tanaka, S. (2019). What explains low female political representation? Evidence from survey experiments in Japan. Politics and Gender, 15(2), 285–309. https://doi.org/10.1017/S1743923X180 00223. Kaneko, Y. (2010). 日本の地方議会に女性議員がなぜ少ないのか – 山形県内の 地方議会についての一考察 [Why women representatives in local assemblies are far too few in Japan? The case of Yamagata Prefecture]. 年報政治学 [The Annuals of Japanese Political Science Association], 61(2), 151–173. https:// doi.org/10.7218/nenpouseijigaku.61.2_151. Kawato, S. (2013). 小選挙区比例代表における政党間競争 [Political Party competition within an FPTP-Mixed Member System]. Ronkyu Jurisuto [Quarterly Jurist ], 5, 75–85. Retrieved from https://ndlonline.ndl.go.jp/#!/ detail/R300000002-I024456915-00. Kiyohara, K., & Awaji, T. (2010). 三鷹がひらく自治体の未来 [Mitaka city pioneers future local administration]. Tokyo, Japan: Gyosei. Koshi, N. (2014). 教室のいじめとたたかう [Fighting against bullying ]. Tokyo, Japan: Wani Books. Library of Congress (Bain Collection). (2011). Picture of women lining up to vote for the first time in 1947 . Retrieved from https://commons.wikimedia. org/wiki/File:Japan_Women_Vote.jpg. Mackie, V. (2014). Birth registration and the right to have Rights: The changing family and unchanging Koseki. In D. Chapman & K. J. Krogness (Eds.), Japan’s household registration system and citizenship: Koseki, identification and documentation (pp. 203–220). New York, NY: Routledge. Mainichi Shinbun. (2019). 女性候補割合、過去最高も「男女均等」ほど遠く 与党は消極的 参院選 [Upper House Election, the ratio of women candidates, record highest but far from gender quota, ruling party is uncommitted]. Retrieved from https://mainichi.jp/senkyo/articles/20190704/k00/00m/ 010/298000c. Mainichi Shinbun. (2020). Japan gov’t to push back 30% target for women in leadership positions by up to 10 years. Retrieved from https://mainichi.jp/eng lish/articles/20200626/p2a/00m/0fp/014000c. Mansbridge, J. (1999). Should Blacks represent Blacks and women represent women? A contingent ‘Yes’. Journal of Politics, 61(3), 628–657. https://doi. org/10.2307/2647821. Masuyama, M. (2007). 女性の政界進出:国際比較と意識調査 [Women’s political participation: International comparison and attitude survey]. In S. Kawato,

190

J. F. STEELE AND E. MIYAKE

& H. Yamamoto. (Eds.). 政治参画とジェンダー [Political participation and gender] (pp. 321-345). Sendai, Japan: Tohoku Daigaku Shuppankai. Matsubayashi, T., & Ueda, M. (2012). 市町村議会における女性の参入 [Women’s participation in municipal councils]. 選挙研究 [Journal of Electoral Studies ], 28(2), 94–109. https://doi.org/10.14854/jaes.28.2_94. Ministry of Foreign Affairs. (2015). Japan’s foreign policy to promote national and worldwide interests. Retrieved from https://www.mofa.go.jp/policy/other/ bluebook/2015/html/chapter3/c030109.html. Ministry of Foreign Affairs. (2016). Women’s empowerment and gender equality. Retrieved from https://www.mofa.go.jp/policy/human/conv_w omen/index.html. Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications. (2017). 衆議院議員総選挙結 果調 [Lower House election result]. Retrieved from http://www.soumu.go. jp/main_content/000513918.pdf. Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications. (2018). 地方公共団体の議 会の議員及び長の所属党派別人員調 [Local council heads and politicians by political parties]. Retrieved from https://www.soumu.go.jp/main_content/ 000608467.pdf. Miura, M. (2015). Watashitachi no koe o gikai e: Daihyosei minshushugi no saisei [Making our voices heard: The revival of representative democracy]. Tokyo, Japan: Iwanami Shoten. Miura, M., & Eto, M. (Eds.). (2014). Jenda kuota: Sekai no josei giin wa naze fuetanoka [Gender quotas in comparative perspectives: Understanding the increase in women representatives ]. Tokyo, Japan: Akashi Shoten. Miura, M., & Shin, K. (2018). 女性の政治リーダーシップ [Women’s leadership]. Tokyo, Japan: Sasagawa Foundation. Miura, M., Shin, K., & Steele, J. F. (2018). Proceedings from the International Political Science Association Conference: Does ‘constituency facetime’ reproduce male dominance? Insights from Japan’s mixed-member majoritarian electoral system. Brisbane, Australia: Sage Publications. Miyake, E. (2017). 地方自治体における女性首長と女性議員の現状 [Women mayors and women politicians at the local level of government]. 同志社女 子大学総合文化研究所紀要 [Bulletin of Institute for Interdisciplinary Studies of Culture, Doshisha Women’s College of Liberal Arts ], 34, 173–179. https:// doi.org/10.15020/00001748. Nakajima, T. (2019). 國會議員要覧 [Directory of the members of parliament ]. Tokyo, Japan: Kokusei Joho Center. Norris, P., & Lovenduski, J. (1995). Political recruitment: Gender, race and class in the British Parliament. New York, NY: Cambridge University Press. Ochiai, E. (1996). The Japanese family system in transition: A sociological analysis of family change in post-war Japan. Tokyo, Japan: LTCB International Library Foundation.

9

PATRIARCHAL LEADERSHIP AND WOMEN’S EXCLUSION …

191

Ogai, T. (2001). Japanese women and political institutions: Why are women politically unrepresented?. PS: Political Science and Politics, 34(2), 207–210. Retrieved from https://www.jstor.org/stable/1350203. Ooki, N. (2019). 統一地方選で女性の議会進出はどこまで進んだか [How far women advanced to local assemblies in the unified local elections]. 月間「地 方議会人」 [Monthly Magazine Local Assemblies ], 8, 21–27. Retrieved from https://ci.nii.ac.jp/naid/40021993688/. Pitkin, H. (1967). The concept of representation. New York, NY: Atherton Press. Shin, K. (2014). Women’s sustainable representation and the spillover effect of electoral gender quotas in South Korea. International Political Science Review, 35(1), 80–92. https://doi.org/10.1177/0192512113508146. Smith, D. M. (2018). Dynasties and democracy: The inherited incumbency advantage in Japan. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. Starich, M. (2007). The 2006 revisions to Japan’s Equal Opportunity Employment Law: A narrow approach to a pervasive problem. Pacific Rim Law and Policy Journal, 16(2), 551–578. Retrieved from https://heinonline.org/ HOL/LandingPage?handle=hein.journals/pacrimlp16&div=25&id=&page=. Steele, J. F. (2011). Women’s representation in the Japanese lower house: ‘Temporary’ measures and the windows of opportunity in a mixed electoral system. In M. Tsujimura & J. F. Steele (Eds.), Gender equality in Asia: Policies and political representation (pp. 197–226). Sendai, Japan: Tohoku University Press. Steele, J. F. (2014).「多様な政治的アイデンティティとクオータ制の広がりー 日本の事例から」[Diverse political identities and quotas: Lessons from the Japanese electoral system]. In M. Miura & M. Eto (Eds.),『ジェンダー・ク オータ~ 世界の女性議員はなぜ増えたのか』[Gender quotas: Why the number of women politician were increased] (pp. 41–66). Tokyo, Japan: Akashi Shoten. Takeda, Y. (2010). 政治参加におけるジェンダー・ギャップ:JGSS-2003によ る資源・政治的関与要因の検討 [The gender gap in political participation: A JGSS-2003 data-based analysis of political resources and political involvement]. 日本版総合的社会調査共同研究拠点研究論文集 [JGSS Research Series ], 323–335. Retrieved from http://jgss.daishodai.ac.jp/research/mon ographs/jgssm10/jgssm10_26.pdf#search=%27武田祐佳+政治参加における ジェンダー・ギャップ%27. Takeyasu, H. (2015). 女性地方議員は変わったか?:自治体再編後の質的変化に 着目して [Did the women councilors change after amalgamation? On the qualitative change after amalgamation]. 京都女子大学現代社会学研究 [Kyoto Women’s University Bulletin of Contemporary Social Studies ], 18, 57–74. Retrieved from http://hdl.handle.net/11173/2282. Taniguchi, N. (2008). Diet members and seat inheritance: Keeping it the family. In S. L. Martin & G. Steel (Eds.), Democratic reform in Japan (pp. 65–80). Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner.

192

J. F. STEELE AND E. MIYAKE

Tokyo Shinbun Web. (2016). 参院選2016 党派別の立候補者数 [Upper House Election 2016, Number of candidates by political party]. Retrieved from https://www.tokyo-np.co.jp/senkyo/kokusei201607/sanin/ todokede/touha.html. Tokyo Shinbun Web. (2017). 衆院選 2017 党派別の立候補者数 [Lower House Election 2017 number of candidates by political party]. Retrieved from https://www.tokyo-np.co.jp/senkyo/shuin2017/todokede/touha.html. Tsuji, Y. (2017). Explaining the increase in female mayors: Gender-segregated employment and pathways to local political leadership. Social Science Japan Journal, 20(1), 37–57. https://doi.org/10.1093/ssjj/jyw054. Ueno, C. (2004). Nationalism and gender. Melbourne, Australia: Trans Pacific Press. Weathers, C. (2005). Equal opportunity for Japanese women, what progress? Asia-Pacific Journal: Japan Focus, 3(10), 1–10. Retrieved from https://apjjf. org/-Charles-Weathers/2012/article.html. Williams, M. (1998). Voice, trust, and memory: Marginalized groups and the failings of Liberal Representation. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. World Economic Forum. (2020). Global gender gap report. Retrieved from http://www3.weforum.org/docs/WEF_GGGR_2020.pdf. Yamada, M. (2007). 日本人の政治参加におけるジェンダー・ギャップ [Gender gap in Japanese political participation]. In S. Kawato & H. Yamamoto (Eds.), 政治参画とジェンダー [Political participation and gender] (pp. 265–279). Sendai, Japan: Tohoku Daigaku Shuppankai. Young, I. M. (1990). Justice and the politics of difference. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Zenkoku Choson-gikai Gichokai. (2020). 全国町村議会議長会 [National Association of Chairpersons of Town and Village Assemblies]. Retrieved from https://www.nactva.gr.jp/html/search/count_list.html. Zenkoku Shi-gikai Gichokai. (2020). 全国市議会議長会 [National Association of Chairpersons of City Councils]. Retrieved from http://www.si-gichokai. jp/research/teisu/1200413_1954.html.

CHAPTER 10

Women in Leadership in Japan’s Education Sector Mariko Ogawa and Takahiro Tominaga

In this chapter, we examine the situation of women in Japan’s education sector and the efforts being made to improve the situation. We also identify the measures being used to empower women for leadership and discuss the significance of these endeavors. Many women work as school teachers; however, not a lot have management positions as leaders in their workplaces. According to the 2018 School Basic Survey, women account for 62.2% of elementary school teachers, 43.3% of junior high school teachers, and 32.1% of high school teachers (Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology [MEXT], 2018a). While women outnumber men in the primary tier of education, women account for only 21.3% of elementary school

M. Ogawa (B) Center for Gender Equality Promotion, Tohoku University, Sendai, Japan e-mail: [email protected] T. Tominaga Department of Community and Society, Faculty of Liberal Arts, Tsuru University, Tsuru, Japan e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s) 2021 Y. T. Nakamura et al. (eds.), Japanese Women in Leadership, Current Perspectives on Asian Women in Leadership, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-36304-8_10

193

194

M. OGAWA AND T. TOMINAGA

managers. In junior high schools, only 8.4% of managerial personnel are women; in high schools, only 8.1%; and in universities, only 10.8%. There are many issues regarding the development of women’s leadership in education and actions at several phases that might help in solving them. Those issues are divided into two dimensions: shortness of women leaders and uneven distribution of women teachers. The latter is especially related to future women teachers and their leadership. We limit our discussion to two dimensions of women teachers’ situations that exist in schools today and outline the measures being undertaken to overcome them. According to the 2006 revision of the Basic Act on Education, the education sector in Japan comprises school education (Article 6), social education (Article 12), and home education (Article 10) (MEXT, 2006). Of these, we will discuss only these issues in relation to school education. In a Cabinet Office public opinion survey, 61.2% of respondents described schools as a place of gender equality (Cabinet Office, 2019a). Thus, compared to other workplaces, local communities, and the political arena, schools are regarded as the most gender equal field in Japan. It is true that Japan’s education sector has achieved a certain degree of gender equality formally but not in a substantial way. In reality, as there are still many problems to overcome, we explore how empowering women in leadership in the education sector can potentially overcome these problems.

Women Teachers as a Traditional Option for Independence Japan obtained its first cohesive system of education with the promulgation of the Meiji government’s Order for Educational System in 1872 (Ministry of Education, 1972). Established in 1875, Tokyo Women’s Normal School was Japan’s first public normal school for women (Publication Committee on 100-year History of Ochanomizu University, 1984). In 1890, the school became Tokyo Women’s Higher School, and it remained Japan’s only higher education institution for women until 1900 (it is now called Ochanomizu University). Tokyo Women’s Higher School catered not only to women who aspired to teach; but it also accepted many women who wanted to pursue their education at a higher level. This, coupled with the fact that Japan’s government-funded higher education institutions were all normal

10

WOMEN IN LEADERSHIP IN JAPAN’S EDUCATION SECTOR

195

schools (teachers’ colleges), influenced the subsequent development of normal education-based institutions of higher education for women. The expansion of higher education opportunities and the shakeup of the industrial structure after the First World War led to women entering many different kinds of jobs, but, in most cases, wages were not sufficient to establish economic independence (Sasaki, 2002). Thus, at a time when women lacked the freedom to choose a career, the teaching profession emerged as one of the few options that could guarantee a woman economic independence and social status (Sasaki, 2002). During the Allied occupation of Japan, one of five major reforms instituted after the Second World War, under the Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers, was the right of labor to organize (Asakura, 2000). The establishment of this right led to the formation of a national federation of teachers unions in 1947; namely, the Japan Teachers Union (JTU). Since the time of its formation, the JTU has had a Women’s Section, which has consistently fought for gender equality in schools, where many women work. Legislation such as the Act on Equal Employment Opportunity between Men and Women, which the Diet passed ahead of Japan ratifying the UN Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), has had a beneficial impact on women’s employment (Asakura, 2000). CEDAW is an international treaty adopted in 1979 by the United Nations General Assembly (United Nations Human Rights Office of the High Commissioner (Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 2016). However, while welcoming such legislative progress, women teachers have kept up the fight for women’s independence in the workplace and in education. This has been done through both their activities as members of the JTU Women’s Section and in their daily work (Kimura, 2017).

Working Environment for Women Teachers According to MEXT’s 2016 School Teachers Survey, the average monthly wage for public school teachers (men and women) was ¥336,200 ($3183 on July 28, 2020). For men teachers, it was ¥358,800 ($3396), and for women teachers, ¥322,100 ($3049) (MEXT, 2016). On the other hand, a survey by the Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare (2013) from the same year found that men employees of all professions received ¥326,000 ($3094), while their women counterparts received ¥232,600

196

M. OGAWA AND T. TOMINAGA

($2208). Also, employees who had graduated from university or graduate school received ¥395,400 ($3753) (men) and ¥281,300 ($2670) (women). Given that teachers in Japan hold a university degree, men teachers’ wages are low compared to other employed men with college or graduate degrees in other sectors, while women teachers’ wages are higher compared to employed women in other professions. Another advantage for women in teaching is that, compared to other professions, it is relatively easy to obtain maternity and childcare leave and continue in employment afterwards, thanks to the Women’s Section of JTU. Equal treatment of men and women was achieved as part of the series of postwar reforms to the education sector thanks to the leadership of women teachers. However, one problematic aspect of the profession is the long working hours. According to the OECD’s (2018) Teaching and Learning International Survey (TALIS), teachers in Japan spend an average of 56 hours working per week, the highest average among TALIS countries (average is 38.3 hours). Notably, Japanese teachers also spend the most time performing work related to extracurricular activities (7.5 hours, compared to the TALIS average of 1.9 hours). The factors behind this trend include the impact of teacher pay-related legislation; specifically, the Teachers’ Pay Act (Act on Special Measures Concerning Salaries and Other Conditions for Education Personnel of Public Compulsory Education Schools). The teaching profession treats women the same as men, including pay, and it is relatively easy to take maternity or childcare leave without terminating one’s career. For these reasons, ever since higher education first opened its doors to women, the teaching profession has continued to be a career option for women by which they can achieve economic independence. In this sense, education in Japan has been supported by women’s self-determined motivation to educate the next generation. This motivation was, of course, shared with the men teachers. However, because of the system of occupational segregation that fully developed in Japan during the country’s postwar high economic growth period, men teachers have been relatively free from child-rearing and household duties, whereas women teachers have had to spend time performing this work on top of the time they spend working as a teacher (Japanese Trade Union Confederation Research Institute for Advancement of Living Standards, 2016). To develop women teachers for leadership, not only equality at their workplaces, but also equality in their family life must be addressed.

10

WOMEN IN LEADERSHIP IN JAPAN’S EDUCATION SECTOR

197

Two Dimensions of Women Teachers’ Situation in School As mentioned above, our discussion of developing women teachers for leadership is divided into two dimensions: shortness of women leaders and uneven distribution of women teachers. The first dimension is related to women teachers and managerial positions. The passion for education that drives women to choose teaching as a profession does not lead directly to taking a managerial position, one in which they manage a school or other teachers. In fact, even men teachers seldom desire to sit for the managerial promotion test, perhaps because they, like the women, believe that aiming for a managerial position in a school means leaving the frontlines of education (Tokyo Metropolitan Board of Education, 2017). As long as they want to be directly involved with and teach their students in classrooms, they tend to avoid the test for managerial promotion. While men and women teachers might be equally unenthusiastic about taking on managerial posts, nevertheless, the overwhelming majority of managers end up being men. In elementary schools and special needs schools, for example, women account for more than 60% of teachers (MEXT, 2018a). However, as noted, women account for only 22.9% of managers in elementary schools. As discussed earlier, the percent of women teachers is inversely correlated with the level of education, with the lower percent of women teachers at higher levels of education. When it comes to leadership positions, the percent of women gets even smaller. In junior high schools, only 9.7% of managerial personnel are women; in high schools, only 8.8%; and in universities, only 11.6% (MEXT, 2018a). With a view to reversing this situation, boards of education, pursuant to the 2015 Act on Promotion of Women’s Participation and Advancement in the Workplace, have set numerical targets for women school principals and began measures to achieve these targets (Tokyo Metropolitan Board of Education, 2017). In 2000, the Japan Association of National Universities, which represents 86 national universities across Japan, began a program to promote gender equality in universities. The association sought to increase the number of women lecturers in national universities, which was particularly low compared to public and private universities (as of 1998, women accounted for 6.6% of the lecturers). In 2011, the association formulated an action plan, setting out a target of increasing the share of women lecturers to 17% or more by 2015 (with each university

198

M. OGAWA AND T. TOMINAGA

increasing the share by 1% a year), and it conducted follow-up surveys to track progress toward the objective. As it turned out, the share of women lecturers in 2015 had reached 15.4%. Though short of the target, the rate was double the 1998 figure (General Incorporated Association National Universities Society, 2015). Having reflected on this outcome, the association set out a new action plan for the 2016–2020 period featuring revised targets and setting out action for each national university to pursue. These categories of actions were “expanding the participation of women in bodies that make decisions on university management” (General Incorporated Association National Universities Society, 2016 p. 6) and “eliminating entrenched segregationist attitudes among men and women” (General Incorporated Association National Universities Society, 2016, p. 9). For example, regarding the first type of action, 93.0% of national universities have taken such actions as setting a numeric goal of women in managerial positions and higher-level position as professor and running seminars for developing women in leadership. As a result, the share of women lecturers is 17.1% (15.4% in 2015), and those in managerial and professor positions are 8.6% (7.6%) and 10.4% (9.1%) for each in 2019 (General Incorporated Association National Universities Society, 2019). The second dimension of Japanese women teachers’ situations is related to future women teachers and their leadership. Women tend to be assigned to lower grades, in which children are just starting out in their school life, whereas men are typically assigned to higher grades. Although school teachers can request which grade they want to teach, men teachers’ requests for lower grades are mostly rejected (Asai et al., 2016). According to MEXT’s 2013 School Teachers Survey, 14.4% of women teachers were teaching grade 1 and 11.4% were teaching grade 2. By comparison, men were teaching only 3.6% and 5.8% in these grades. This phenomenon can be attributed to two considerations that schools make toward women. First, the higher the grade, the more time the teacher must spend performing teaching tasks and other tasks outside of class lessons. Schools assign women to the less time-consuming lower grades out of consideration for the extra responsibilities that women have in their domestic sphere. Second, children in first grade are fresh out of kindergarten or nursery school and are encountering school life for the first time. Schools believe that, as these children are already accustomed to the mentorship of a woman, they will find it easier to settle into school life with a woman as their teacher (Asai et al., 2016).

10

WOMEN IN LEADERSHIP IN JAPAN’S EDUCATION SECTOR

199

Another example of occupational segregation is that nursing teachers, who are responsible for school health nursing and health guidance in their school, are predominantly women. The minority of men nursing teachers have experienced hardship in overcoming this occupational segregation (Kawamata & Terada, 2008). These examples of women teachers’ situations imply that schools expect women to fulfill a maternal role in elementary schools and that uneven distribution of women teachers also applies to those who serve a caring role in schools. In Japan, elementary school teachers teach the whole range of subjects, but at the secondary level, different teachers are assigned for each subject. Here, too, gender segregation comes into play in that teachers are assigned to lessons according to the subject in which they majored at university, which differs between men and women. For example, women high school teachers are currently more likely than their counterparts to teach language subjects like English (women 18.4%, men 10.1%) and Japanese (19.8%, 9.2%), music (2.3%, 0.7%), and home economics (10.1%, 0.2%), but geography and history (4.5%, 11.9%), civics (2.6%, 7.3%), health and physical education (6.3%, 12,3%), science (6.0%, 12.1%), and mathematics (6.1%, 15.7%) (MEXT, 2016). It is true that the subjects women choose to specialize in at university reflect their personal choices. However, insofar as schools are places for raising the next generation, we argue that the disproportionate numbers of women assigned to the lower grades in elementary schools and the imbalance in the subjects that they teach in high school is not entirely a matter of personal choice. This uneven distribution could avoid developing women leadership. The expectation that women teachers should play a maternal role and the practice of assigning women teachers to feminine subjects goes beyond the personal; these values end up being transmitted to the next generation as a hidden curriculum (Kimura, 1999).

Leadership of Women Scientists and Researchers in Higher Education These two dimensions of women teachers’ situation relates to their and future women and teachers’ leadership as illustrated above. Japan has been repeatedly urged to take action in line with Convention on the Elimination of All forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), including introducing affirmative action. Japan is also open to criticism for not having ratified the Optional Protocol to CEDAW. Against this

200

M. OGAWA AND T. TOMINAGA

backdrop, the first affirmative action program that Japan has rolled out in response to this criticism is aimed at supporting women in higher education, including STEM. We now focus on the actions taken for developing women in leadership in higher education. These will not only impact two dimensions of women teachers’ situation in the field, but also change overall women’s leadership in education. In regard to this, Cabinet Office (2017) developed a strategy called Comprehensive Strategy on Science, Technology and Innovation 2017. The government believes that developing women researchers/scientists in leadership and their work–life balance in higher education are keys in successfully developing women leaders in education sector as it can help increase the pool of women teachers in STEM and women researchers in higher education, which can eventually increase the number of women high potentials for leadership positions in education sector. Through the initiative, the government aims to transform education sector as people might be able to see diverse career options beyond gender roles including teaching subjects as well as women leadership career opportunities (Cabinet Office, 2019b). With the government’s purpose on focusing women researchers in mind, we focus the bias in the specialty in teaching that is affecting the small number of managers of women teachers in this section. We consider the bias of managers as important issues and examine what efforts has been done on leadership for women researchers in higher education.

Statistics for Women Researchers in Japan and Internationally According to a research and development survey, the number of women researchers in Japan in 2019 was 155,000, tripled that of 1992, and the proportion of women researchers was 16.6%, twice higher than that of 1992 (Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications Statistics Bureau, 2019). Comparing the number and proportion of women researchers, who were hired by universities, research institutes, government facilities and enterprises in OECD member countries the largest percent of total women researchers was 47.2% in Iceland, followed by 43.6% in Estonia, 43.5% in Portugal, and 41.4% in Slovakia, with Spain coming in fifth with 40.2%. The proportion of women researchers in Japan was 16.2% as of

10

WOMEN IN LEADERSHIP IN JAPAN’S EDUCATION SECTOR

201

2018, which is the lowest among OECD member countries (Cabinet Office, 2019b). The proportion of women faculty members in Japanese universities is increasing; however, there are still relatively few women in leadership roles. The total number of faculty members in all Japanese universities is 184,273; women faculty comprise 43,729 (15.5%). The total number of professors in all Japanese universities is 70,899, with 11,058 (20.6%) women. The breakdown of women faculty members at national universities by position is as follows: 2 (2.3%) university presidents, 23 (8.1%) university vice presidents, 2102 (9.4%) professors, 2958 (16.0%) associate professors, 1150 (21.9%) lecturers, and 4204 (22.2%) assistant professors (MEXT, 2016). Over the past 10 years, the proportion of women in leadership positions, such as president, vice president, and professor has remained low, although it has increased from 3% to 5%. The issue now is how to increase the number of women in leadership positions and to expand the areas in which they play an active leadership role. The proportion of women researchers employed full-time by universities has been increasing in all fields since 1980. Until 2007, in terms of science, engineering, and agriculture, the growth rate has been low (0.1 to 0.2 times), compared to the large increase rate seen in the humanities and social sciences (2.5–3 times) (Mitsunari, 2016). Therefore, the number of women STEM researchers as role models has remained small with women accounting for less than 10% of full-time university science and engineering teachers (science 9.6%, engineering 6.4%). Even in agriculture, the STEM subject most popular among women graduate students, women account for only 13.1% of lecturers (MEXT, 2016). The transition of proportion of women researchers has been an upward trend in all field since 2008 as well. However little shuffling of rankings of each field. The field with the lowest percentage was engineering (10.6%) and science (14.2%) remained (Cabinet Office, 2018). Additionally, looking at the proportion of women researchers at only national universities survey, the field with the highest percentage is home economics, which ranges between 50% and 60%, and the field with the lowest percentage was engineering followed by Science with less than 10% (General Incorporated Association National Universities Society, 2019).

202

M. OGAWA AND T. TOMINAGA

Researchers and Leaders in the Fields of Natural Sciences and STEM Considering the low proportion of women researchers in Japan compared to the international community, the Japanese government has been working to support women researchers and encourage universities to appoint women researchers to high-level management positions since 2006. From 2006 to 2014, MEXT held the Program to Support the Research Activities of Female Researchers, which helped improve the research environment surrounding women researchers and nurture the next generation of researchers. This program curbed women researchers from quitting their jobs and accelerated the increase in the proportion of women researchers. Many universities have adopted the MEXT programs, including Tohoku University and Nagoya University since 2006. Kobe University and Kyushu University are examples of pioneer universities that adopted the Program for Reforming and Accelerating Systems for Nurturing Women Researchers in 2009. Under this program, the university advertised women-only research positions with a view to affirmatively recruiting women into STEM fields where women researchers were particularly scarce. Looking at the breakdown by field of study, few women studied a STEM subject as their major; of the STEM subjects, only 9.7% of women majored in science, agriculture, or engineering, while 29.6% of men chose one of these subjects. Furthermore, while women accounted for 65.3% of humanities students, they accounted for only 15.0% of engineering students (MEXT, 2018a). Efforts are underway to address these circumstances. For example, the National Women’s Education Center offers a program for nurturing the next generation of women STEM researchers. The program offers a summer camp for junior high and high school girls, during which the girls interface with researchers, and consider the option of getting into a STEM field. Founded in 2002, EPMEWSE (the Japan Inter-Society Liaison Association Committee for Promoting Equal Participation of Men and Women in Science and Engineering) is an association consisting primarily of STEM researcher societies, such as the Japan Society of Applied Physics and the Chemical Society of Japan. EPMEWSE calls on STEM-based academic societies in Japan to promote the equal participation of men

10

WOMEN IN LEADERSHIP IN JAPAN’S EDUCATION SECTOR

203

and women in STEM fields. The National Women’s Education Center’s junior high and high school girls’ summer schools are held in collaboration with EPMEWSE, meaning that interest in science and technology is being shared across generations. In 2006, MEXT responded to the needs of women researchers in its 3rd Basic Plan for Science and Technology. MEXT set a target of raising the proportion of women recruited into natural science fields at universities and enterprises to 25% (20% in science, 15% in engineering, 30% in agriculture, and 30% in health). In 2010, the basic plan promotion subcommittee of the Council for Science and Technology Policy issued a set of proposals called the Basic Policy for Science and Technology that included further raising the proportion of women recruited into natural science research to 30%. The Cabinet incorporated this target into the 3rd Basic Plan for Gender Equality, which it released in 2010. The 3rd Basic Plan for Gender Equality (2010) plan mentioned that the government would proactively support greater participation by women in STEM fields by encouraging research institutes to enact affirmative action as circumstances warrant (Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 2011).The 4th science and Technology Basic Plan (2011), followed by the 5th Science and Technology Basic Plan (2016), also set a target to increase the percentage of new women researchers in the natural sciences to 30%, and many universities are making efforts to promote diversity with a focus on gender equality (MEXT, 2018b), but progress has been slow. With sustained commitment, even though the progress has been taking slowly, these measures will presumably nurture women leaders. This in turn will provide role models for budding women STEM researchers of the future. It will also help prepare the fundamental conditions necessary for increasing the number of women teachers who teach the traditionally masculine STEM subjects at the secondary tier.

Ochanomizu University’s Initiative for Women Leadership In 2015, MEXT started a new initiative to implement diversity in the research environment that aimed to support the activities of women researchers to develop human resources in science and technology. It aimed to make efforts actively to promote women to high-level positions. Between 2015 and 2017, a total of 69 public and private universities and research institutes nationwide adopted the MEXT diversity initiative.

204

M. OGAWA AND T. TOMINAGA

The project period was 6 years, and individual organizations were eligible for a 20 million to 50 million yen subsidy over a 3-year period. These government efforts have helped progress women’s employment in highlevel positions in higher education institutions. One of the leading examples is Ochanomizu University, a pioneer of women’s higher education in Japan. It adopted the following women leader-related programs under MEXT Special Expenditure for Educational Practice. The Cultivating Female Leaders Program was initiated in 2006. The University has taken the lead in tackling issues related to women’s leadership and continues to make such efforts to the present. From 2006 to 2010, in response to MEXT’s 3rd Basic Plan for Science and Technology, Ochanomizu University implemented the Women Leader Nurturing Program based on the abundant knowledge accumulated by women leaders in the field of education. From 2010 to 2015, the University adopted the formation of an International Base for Nurturing Women Leaders. The University aimed further to strengthen women’s leadership training in the context of today’s international community. Following these efforts, from 2015 to 2018, the University adopted the program for Global Women’s Leadership Curriculum and Generating Knowledge for New Women’s Leadership (Ochanomizu University Institute for Global Leadership, 2015, 2016, 2017). This project is being carried out by the Global Leadership Institute of Ochanomizu University. In FY2017, the Institute launched a new career and leadership education program that integrated a women’s leader development curriculum and a career design program. In the leadership education program, students design their own careers and learn about the basics of leadership in society. Specifically, students learn about the history of the University and its current activities and features. The content is introductory, allowing students to think of their own futures meaningfully. With this background, topics are allocated into three parts: career skills, career planning, and career knowledge. The program is built to allow students to cultivate three competencies: collaboration, bi-directionality, and autonomy. In addition, the goal is to create an index to verify the effectiveness of leadership education. The University has developed a customized competency evaluation program considering the characteristics of the University based on the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development competency evaluation during the implementation period of the Educational Improvement Project in Response to the Needs of Industry

10

WOMEN IN LEADERSHIP IN JAPAN’S EDUCATION SECTOR

205

by the Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology (FY2012–2014). Based on this evaluation program, students self-assess their competencies and confirm their learning results, which are then used for career counseling. The purpose of this evaluation program is to enable students to use their competency evaluation multiple times to check their growth and identify new issues while they are university students. Furthermore, with the aim of proposing a new Asian-style woman leader, the Institute is conducting comparative research on leadership education at overseas universities. To propose an Asian-style leader image, it is essential to highlight Asia’s characteristics in comparison with other regions. Therefore, the Institute targeted European and US universities where education and research exchanges with the Institute have not been promoted. The Institute surveyed universities in the US, UK, Germany, and Italy, and conducted interviews focusing on the current state of leadership education implemented at each university and the way of thinking about leadership, especially about women’s leadership. The results of the survey revealed that the number of educational programs in Europe clearly marked as involving leadership was small. On the other hand, educational activities with substantially similar content were conducted at many of the visited universities. The relevant educational activities were roughly divided into two categories: business management education and education as a part of women’s empowerment. Even in the latter case, it was often conducted as career education, but some activities also emphasized education regarding personality formation, such as training for independence among women students. Moreover, although the basic course was career education, some courses for first-year undergraduate students were focused on personality formation education for women students. These educational programs had much in common with the University’s image of leadership education and contributed not only to career education, but also to personality formation among women students. By contrast, the US is the birthplace of leadership education, and the word, leadership, has been established in both education and research (Ochanomizu University Institute for Global Leadership [2017]). As the University has conducted leadership education research from the perspective of developing the skills of students, aiming to learn as a pioneer in leadership research and develop comparative research in the US, Europe, and Asia, the Institute must have a good relationship and be capable

206

M. OGAWA AND T. TOMINAGA

of exchanging opinions about leadership education with those universities. In addition, these universities can be considered partners in the promotion of educational research. It remains difficult for women to become leaders. To solve this problem, the University recognizes the need for leadership education as part of women’s empowerment by sharing the awareness of problems with overseas universities and focusing on educational and research exchange. The University has listed three qualities required of leaders: respect for others, intelligence, and confidence. Furthermore, the University has noted some skills for practice, including communication, creativity, collaboration, and facilitation. The University has constructed these as a system of competencies and has been working toward fostering women leaders by cultivating the appropriate associated skills. In addition to engaging in academic and interdisciplinary gender research, the University is developing other educational methods necessary to train women leaders who act with a global perspective based on the research results of both the Institute for Global Leadership and the Institute for Gender Studies. The longstanding efforts of Ochanomizu University have been a model of global women leadership education in Japan.

Implications for Future Practice and Research Agenda In this section, we have been discussing the leadership development of women teachers and researchers. Lack of women leaders within women teachers is a critical issue for women’s leadership development in education sector. For resolving the issue, we need to develop women leadership program offering or building women teachers network, or cross-network between women teachers and higher education women researchers. In the 2019 edition of the Gender Equality White Paper (Cabinet Office, 2019b), the Japanese government analyzed the current situation regarding the disproportionate number of women majoring in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics, referred to as rikejo (science women). The findings showed that there were few cases in which seniors served as role models for women students, and that this affected the current working environment for women. Therefore, in 2018, with the aim of achieving greater diversity in the research environment, such as promoting coordination in regard to

10

WOMEN IN LEADERSHIP IN JAPAN’S EDUCATION SECTOR

207

research, maternity leave, childcare, and nursing care, MEXT launched a new initiative to support universities that systematically implement excellent measures and foster effective leaders by improving the skills of women researchers, allowing them to demonstrate their abilities fully. This project was adopted by Osaka University in cooperation with MEXT to construct a National Diversity Network to investigate trends in domestic and overseas efforts and promote the nationwide dissemination and development of its experiences and findings. The project creates a mechanism in which a national diversity network organization centered on universities in Japan is linked with a national diversity network platform involving companies and organizations. Within the network, diverse types of information are exchanged, including advanced efforts taken by universities; dialogue is also exchanged between researchers. As a result of these synergistic effects, diversity is promoted through the creation of knowledge, vitality, and creativity, and disseminated to other university members across the country. This collaboration between both physical and virtual networks represents an attempt to expand the project at the national level and accelerate the promotion of women researchers as leaders. In this way, MEXT supports universities working on the combination of childbirth and childcare research and the development of women leaders to increase the proportion of women researchers who can serve as role models. This is not limited to women scientists, but is true for all scientists as well. However, due to the large childcare burden on women, MEXT and universities are focusing on supporting women researchers. These efforts aim to exert positive effects on the education community in general, and on women teachers specifically. To achieve these goals and promote women leaders, training that fosters women teachers and researchers who can demonstrate leadership in Japanese education, must first be provided. Second, excellent young women teachers and researchers must be identified, and world-class research and educational opportunities must be provided. At the same time, the basics regarding the governance of educational institutions, including universities, and of diversity and inclusion, including unconscious biases, must be taught. In addition, women researchers must learn research guidance methods practiced at the top overseas universities and progress to senior positions; these aims are especially important for young women in the field. In the education field, some higher education institutions are already working on reforms focusing on securing excellent

208

M. OGAWA AND T. TOMINAGA

next-generation women researchers who can serve as leaders and assume high-level positions. Therefore, it is highly important to promote the training of future leading women researchers who aim to achieve higher positions, to provide them with opportunities to play active roles both domestically and internationally, and to root more women leaders in the education world. As we have seen, there are few women managers of teachers in elementary, middle and high school. Thus, we need to take these cases for research as an example. However, there are few studies and few case studies on the leadership of women managers of teachers in elementary, middle and high school. We had better develop researches such as the longitudinal study of women teachers with a combination of phenomenological study, assessing the impact of women leadership development program/workshop preand post in the future.

Conclusion This chapter clarified the causes of problem regarding women teachers such as small number of managers at elementary, middle, and high schools and the bias of specialty through examining the leadership of women researchers in higher education in Japan. Regarding leadership, the MEXT projects to increase the number of women researchers advanced by MEXT and measures to promote to the number of women in high-level positions adopted by universities, the involvement of local communities, private companies, and local governments to educate and train women leaders has gained considerable momentum. A network to connect universities adopted as a supplementary project by MEXT is being built at the national level, and the spread of the effects of women being appointed to leadership positions and support of women researchers are becoming more prevalent throughout higher education institutions in Japan. In addition, the Gender Equality Association for Humanities and Social Sciences was founded in 2017 with the aim of supporting women researchers in the humanities and social sciences. Therefore, it is an important time for women in the academic community in Japan to strengthen their leadership. Programs to promote the number of women researchers and the number of women in high-level positions have been successful, although the success varies depending on the field of study. In Japan’ case, the bias on specialty of women researchers in higher education affects number and the bias of women managers of teachers at

10

WOMEN IN LEADERSHIP IN JAPAN’S EDUCATION SECTOR

209

elementary, middle, and high school. Thus, in order to ingrain women’s leadership in higher education and the education field as a whole, it will be necessary to further examine good practices and the pioneering efforts made by other countries.

References Asai, S., Kuroda, Y., Sugiyama, F., Tamaki, K., Shibata, M., & Mochizuki, K. (Eds.). (2016). 教師の声を聞く [Listening to teachers’ voices]. Tokyo, Japan: Gakubunsha. Asakura, M. (2000). 労働とジェンダーの法律学 [Nomology of labor and gender]. Tokyo, Japan: Yuuhikaku. Cabinet Office. (2017). 科学技術イノベーション総合戦略 2017 [Comprehensive Strategy on Science, Technology and Innovation 2017]. Retrieved from https://www8.cao.go.jp/cstp/sogosenryaku/2017/honbun2017.pdf. Cabinet Office. (2018). 平成30年度版男女共同参画白書 [The white paper on gender equality 2018]. Retrieved from http://www.gender.go.jp/about_ danjo/whitepaper/h30/zentai/index.html. Cabinet Office. (2019a). 「男女共同参画社会に関する世論調査」の概要 [Outline of opinion survey on gender equality society]. Retrieved from https://survey.gov-online.go.jp/r01/r01-danjo/gairyaku.pdf. Cabinet Office. (2019b). 令和元年度版男女共同参画白書 [The white paper on gender equality 2019]. Retrieved from http://www.gender.go.jp/about_ danjo/whitepaper/r01/zentai/index.html. General Incorporated Association National Universities Society. (2015). 国立大 学における男女共同参画推進に関する第12回追跡調査報告書 [12th followup survey report on promoting equal participation in national universities]. Retrieved from http://www.janu.jp/gender/201602houkoku_01.pdf. General Incorporated Association National Universities Society. (2016). 国立大 学における男女共同参画推進について:アクションプラン(2016年度〜2020 年度) [On the promotion of equal participation in national universities: Action plan (2016 to 2020)]. Retrieved from http://www.janu.jp/gender/ files/danjyo_actionplan2016-2020.pdf. General Incorporated Association National Universities Society. (2019). 国立大 学における男女共同参画推進に関する第16回追跡調査報告書 [16th followup survey report on promoting equal participation in national universities]. Retrieved from https://www.janu.jp/gender/202001houkoku_01.pdf. Government of Japan. (2010). 第3次男女共同参画基本計画 [The 3rd Basic Plan for Gender Equality]. Retrieved from https://www.gender.go.jp/about_ danjo/basic_plans/3rd/pdf/3-26.pdf.

210

M. OGAWA AND T. TOMINAGA

Government of Japan. (2011). 第4次科学技術計画 [The 4th science and Technology Basic Plan]. Retrieved from https://www8.cao.go.jp/cstp/kihonkeik aku/4honbun.pdf. Government of Japan. (2016). 第5次科学技術計画 [The 5th science and Technology Basic Plan]. Retrieved from https://www8.cao.go.jp/cstp/kihonkeik aku/5honbun.pdf. Japanese Trade Union Confederation Research Institute for Advancement of Living Standards. (2016). 取り戻せ!教職員の「生活時間」:日本における 教職員の働き方・労働時間の実態に関する研究委員会報告書 [Bring back! Teachers’ “Private Time”: Research committee’s report on the Facts concerning workstyles and working hours among teachers in Japan]. Retrieved from http://www.rengo-soken.or.jp/report_db/file/1489734287_a.pdf. Kawamata, T., & Terada, K. (2008). 養護教諭とジェンダー(1) [School nurses and gender (1)]. 鈴鹿短期大学紀要 [Journal of Suzuka Junior College], 28, 123–147. Retrieved from https://suzuka.repo.nii.ac.jp/?action=reposi tory_uri&item_id=1772&file_id=19&file_no=1. Kimura, R. (1999). 学校文化とジェンダー [School culture and gender]. Tokyo, Japan: Keiso Shobo. Kimura, M. (2017). 戦後日本の女性教員運動と「自立」教育の誕生 [The women teachers’ movement in Postwar Japan and the birth of “Independent” education]. Tokyo, Japan: Gakubun. Ministry of Education. (1972). 学制百年史 [100-year history of educational system]. Tokyo, Japan: Teikoku Chihou Gyosei Gakkai. Retrieved from http://www.mext.go.jp/b_menu/hakusho/html/others/detail/1317581. htm(2017/12/24). Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology. (2018a). 学校 教育基本調査 [Basic schools survey]. Retrieved from http://www.mext.go. jp/b_menu/toukei/chousa01/kihon/kekka/k_detail/1407849.htm. Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology. (2018b). Reinforcing the fundamentals for STI . Retrieved from https://www.mext.go. jp/component/english/__icsFiles/afieldfile/2018/04/05/1403453_012. pdf#page=0010. Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology. (2016). 学校教 員統計調査 [School teachers survey]. Retrieved from https://www.mext.go. jp/b_menu/toukei/chousa01/kyouin/kekka/k_detail/1395309.htm. Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology. (2015). 科学 技術要覧平成27年度 [2015 Indicators of science and technology]. Retrieved from http://www.mext.go.jp/b_menu/toukei/006/006b/1363059.htm. Ministry of Education, Culture, Sport, Science and Technology. (2006). Basic Act on Education (Act No. 120 of December 22, 2006). Retrieved from https://www.mext.go.jp/en/policy/education/lawandplan/ title01/detail01/1373798.htm.

10

WOMEN IN LEADERSHIP IN JAPAN’S EDUCATION SECTOR

211

Ministry of Foreign Affairs. (2011). Response by the Government of Japan on the concluding observations of the committee on the elimination of discrimination against women (CEDAW/C/JPN/CO/6). Retrieved from https:// www.mofa.go.jp/policy/human/conv_women/index.html. Ministry of Foreign Affairs. (2016). Women’s empowerment and gender equality. Retrieved from https://www.mofa.go.jp/policy/human/conv_w omen/index.html. Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare. (2013). 賃金構造基本統計調査 [Basic survey on wage structure]. Retrieved from https://www.mhlw.go.jp/toukei/ itiran/roudou/chingin/kouzou/z2013/index.html. Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications Statistics Bureau. (2019). 科 学技術研究調査の結果 [The results of survey of research and development]. Retrieved from https://www.stat.go.jp/data/kagaku/kekka/index.html. Mitsunari, M. (2016). 学術・科学技術における男女共同参画の推進—三つの 課題 [Promotion of Gender Equality on Academic / Science and Technology: Three issues]. 学術の動向 [Trends in Academia], 21(10), 14– 19. Retrieved from https://www.jstage.jst.go.jp/article/tits/21/10/21_10_ 14/_article/-char/ja/. Ochanomizu University Institute for Global Leadership. (2015). グローバル 女性リーダー育成カリキュラムに基づく教育実践と新たな女性リーダーシ ップ論の発信 平成27年年次報告書 [2015 Annual Report on educational experience based on global women’s leadership curriculum and generating knowledge for new women’s leadership theory]. Retrieved from http:// www.cf.ocha.ac.jp/igl/j/menu/publication/d003483_d/fil/GWL_H27.pdf. Ochanomizu University Institute for Global Leadership. (2016). グローバル 女性リーダー育成カリキュラムに基づく教育実践と新たな女性リーダーシ ップ論の発信 平成28年年次報告書 [2016 Annual report on educational experience based on global women’s leadership curriculum and generating knowledge for new women’s leadership theory. Retrieved from http://www. cf.ocha.ac.jp/igl/j/menu/publication/d003483_d/fil/GWL_H28.pdf. Ochanomizu University Institute for Global Leadership. (2017). グローバル女 性リーダー育成カリキュラムに基づく教育実践と新たな女性リーダーシッ プ論の発信 平成29年年次報告書 [Annual report on educational experience based on global women’s leadership curriculum and generating knowledge for new women’s leadership theory]. Retrieved from http://www.cf.ocha.ac. jp/igl/j/menu/publication/d003483_d/fil/H29IGLreport.pdf. OECD. (2018). Teaching and learning international survey. Retrieved from http://www.oecd.org/education/talis/. Publication Committee on 100-year History of Ochanomizu University. (1984). お茶の水女子大学百年史 [100-year history of Ochanomizu University]. Tokyo, Japan: Ochanomizu University.

212

M. OGAWA AND T. TOMINAGA

Sasaki, K. (2002). 戦前期女子高等教育の量的拡大過程 [The process of quantitative expansion of women’s higher education in the Prewar period]. Tokyo, Japan: University of Tokyo Press. Tokyo Metropolitan Board of Education. (2017). 東京都教員人材育成基本 方針[一部改正版] [Basic guidelines for training teachers in the Tokyo Metropolis (partially revised edition)]. Retrieved from http://www.kyoiku. metro.tokyo.jp/buka/jinji/jinzai/27jinzaiikuseihosin.pdf.

CHAPTER 11

Agriculture: From Farm Women to Women Farmers Yukiko Otomo and Masae Tsutsumi

In Japan, small-scale family farming is the predominant mode of agriculture. The family farm has traditionally been handed down from father to son, and therefore it has been exceptional for daughters to be socialized as successors. Farm women mostly have their own careers unrelated to agriculture or engage in agriculture by marrying a farm successor. The role of farm women has usually been that of wife to the farmer. The traditional division of labor within farming families is gender-oriented: domestic work is for women and farm work is for men. However, farm women have contributed extensively to agricultural production. Because of gender disparities in land access, leadership positions in the agricultural sector and in rural communities have predominantly been

Y. Otomo (B) Jumonji University, Niiza, Japan e-mail: [email protected] M. Tsutsumi Yamanashi Prefectural University, Kofu, Japan e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s) 2021 Y. T. Nakamura et al. (eds.), Japanese Women in Leadership, Current Perspectives on Asian Women in Leadership, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-36304-8_11

213

214

Y. OTOMO AND M. TSUTSUMI

occupied by men. Unfortunately, farm women have been unpaid workers and husbands’ substitutes in farm management. Their contribution to farm work has often been invisible. In 1992, the government of Japan promoted a policy of women serving as not only homemakers but also producers and managers in “A Medium- and Long-term Vision for Women of Rural Communities” (Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries [MAFF], 1992). The content of the government’s Home Life Improvement Extension Service (HLIES), which played a central role in policies for rural women, changed from domestic skills for farm women to management skills for women farmers. It aimed at achieving gender-equality in agriculture and rural communities. In this chapter, we present an integrated literature review of Japanese studies on women leaders in agriculture, i.e., findings from gender studies in rural areas and official statistics on farm households and women farmers, supplemented by a case study on career formation of women leaders in agriculture who established partnership management in family farming.

Historical Overview on Gender Issues in Rural Areas This section examines women’s challenge from a men-dominant family tradition perspective, as described in ie ideology. The political movement that focused on post-war agricultural policy and women’s empowerment in the agricultural sector are also discussed. The Ie Ideology and Men-Dominant Stem-Family Tradition The basic rural community in Japan, a rural village called a mura, was conceived and governed as a coalition of traditional Japanese households called ie (Kawate, 2010). The ie contained material and spiritual family property. Farming families own their farmlands as a part of their family property (kasan). Farm management is, therefore, a family business (kagyo) in which sons are expected to succeed their fathers over generations (Morioka, Shiobara, & Homma, 1993). In modern Japan, the ie was modified into the smallest unit of the emperor system and was enhanced as part of a national ideology (Kawashima, 1957). The Meiji Civil Code of 1898 established the core

11

AGRICULTURE: FROM FARM WOMEN TO WOMEN FARMERS

215

of the ie institution, granting men as head of the family with ownership of material family property and absolute authority over family members. Farming families had a hierarchy that followed the traditional stemfamily system: men family members were more dominant than women, and the senior family members were more dominant than junior members. The stem family contained a woman who exercised headship as a housewife; this status was transferred from the mother to her daughterin-law. Before the succession, the daughter-in-law had to learn the family traditions and communal duties under the direction of her mother-in-law. Post-war Agricultural Policy: Independent Family Farms and HLIES After World War II, the General Headquarters of the Allied Powers promoted three significant reforms in the field of agriculture to democratize rural Japanese society: agrarian reform, cooperative agricultural extension service, and agricultural cooperative (Ichida, 2000). Agrarian reform from 1947 created many small-scale family farms. The current Civil Code of 1947 abandoned the ie institution and changed the inheritance system from one of primogeniture (favoring eldest sons) to one in which all children were lawful heirs. However, transferring and converting the use of farmland was strictly controlled by the National Chamber of Agriculture in accordance with the Agricultural Land Law of 1952. On the basis of the Agricultural Improvement Promotion Law of 1947, cooperative agricultural extension services have been administered by the Ministry of Agriculture and Forestry (currently the Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries [MAFF]) since 1948. As a cooperative agricultural extension service, the HLIES (Home Life Improvement Extension Services) dealt with issues connected to the home life of farming families and women’s roles in rural communities (Ichida, 2000). In 1949, the qualification examination for HLIES workers was introduced, and training for extension workers for home life improvement was initiated (Ichida, 2000). On the basis of U.S. home economics theory, extension workers were expected to play the role of facilitators in enabling women to become aware of problems in daily life, guiding them to solve problems by themselves (Sato, 2002). Women were instructed to organize voluntary study groups, named Home Life Improvement Practice Groups, and encouraged them to express their opinions at these gatherings. Initially, women gained knowledge about nutrition and hygiene.

216

Y. OTOMO AND M. TSUTSUMI

This enabled them to cook more nutritious meals and make their cooking stoves and work clothes more hygienic (Ichida, 2000). During the high economic growth period (1955–1973), many farming families could not keep their successors in the agricultural field because of industrialization and urbanization. In 1961, the Basic Law on Agriculture was therefore established with the goal of modernizing agriculture under the three pillars of structural improvement, selective expansion, and increase in farm management scale (Mishima, 2004). However, it could not stop the ongoing trends: side-business farming, feminization of the agricultural sector, and aging of farmers. More men farmers operating small-scale farms became more involved in off-farm employment, and their wives had to work harder on the farm in order to make up for the men’s absence. The paddy field reduction policy for adjusting rice production since 1970 has encouraged farmers to cultivate other crops. Women learned how to cook the newly introduced crops through activities in the Home Life Improvement Practice Groups. Women’s Empowerment Movement in the Agricultural Sector The movement toward women’s improvement in positions began with the UN’s first World Conference on Women, held in Mexico City in 1975. In accord with this worldwide trend, the Japanese government formulated the National Plan of Action in 1977 to raise the status of women (Gender Equality Bureau Cabinet Office, n.d.). The UN adopted the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women in 1979 and the International Labor Organization (ILO) Convention (No. 156) Concerning Equal Opportunities and Equal Treatment for Men and Women Workers, Workers with Family Responsibilities in 1981. Following this worldwide trend, the government of Japan ratified the ILO Convention (No. 156) and approved the Law of Gender Equality in Labor Opportunities in 1985 (Gender Equality Bureau Cabinet Office, n.d.). In 1987, the government of Japan passed the New National Plan of Action toward the Year 2000, and the Home Life Improvement Division of MAFF to become more active in promoting gender equality in rural communities (Ichida, 2000). This led to increasing the number of women agricultural commissioners and to enabling more farm women to gain regular membership in agricultural cooperatives (MAFF, 1999).

11

AGRICULTURE: FROM FARM WOMEN TO WOMEN FARMERS

217

In 1992, the government of Japan formulated A Medium- and Longterm Vision for Women of Rural Communities. The Vision suggests that women farmers should have more chance to participate in the decisionmaking process, both in family life and farm management (MAFF, 1995). It was the first time for farm women to be officially recognized as business farmers. On the basis of the Vision, family management agreements and rural women’s entrepreneurial activities began to be promoted as useful measures for gender equality in agricultural and rural communities. Family management agreements were introduced into farming families in 1995 to establish each family member’s personal position in a family, especially formalizing women’s status, and to modernize farm management by enabling partnerships among family members (MAFF, 1995). Family management agreements have been promoted by regional agricultural commissions and local Agricultural Extension Service Centers. In Japan, in June 1999, the Basic Law for a Gender-equal Society went into effect in accordance with the Beijing Platform for Action, adopted at the UN’s Fourth World Conference on Women in 1995 (Gender Equality Bureau Cabinet Office, n.d.). In July 1999, the Basic Law on Agriculture of 1961 was revised into the Food, Agriculture and Rural Areas Basic Act. Article 26 was added to promote women’s involvement in agriculture (Act No. 106 of July 16, 1999). Following the enactment of these laws, rural women’s entrepreneurial activities began to be encouraged more by MAFF, local governments, agricultural cooperatives, and so on. More women farmers have since been starting up community-based businesses in rural areas, such as processing and selling products utilizing local agricultural resources. In 1998, there were 6039 startups activities compared to 4040 entities in 1997. These activities were promoted and supported by rural women’s groups, mainly the Home Life Improvement Practice Group, and the women’s clubs of agricultural cooperatives. Gross sales from these businesses are generally low, with 47.2% of the enterprises earning under ¥3 million (about 25,000 USD) a year in FY2016, but they stimulate local economies (MAFF, 2018). In 2001, the Council for Gender Equality and the Gender Equality Bureau were established within the Japanese Cabinet Office, and every local government in Japan was required to draw up its own action plan for a gender-equal society (Act No. 78 of June 23, 1999). Since 2004, women have been able to become certified farmers whose plans for improving agricultural management certified by municipal governments

218

Y. OTOMO AND M. TSUTSUMI

by sharing this qualification with their husbands on the assumption they have signed the family management agreement. However, on the basis of the revision of the Agriculture Improvement and Promotion Act in 2005, the qualification examination of HLIES workers was ended with the last examinations held in 2004, and the system of extension workers for home life improvement who were responsible for promoting the family management agreement and farm women’s entrepreneurial activities was abolished due to the tight fiscal policy of the Koizumi Administration.

Women’s Labor Force in Agriculture After World War II, the composition ratio of women engaged in farming grew and reached its peak of 55.5% in 1970, after which it began to decrease (Table 11.1). In 2015, it was 40.8%. Though women’s share of the agricultural labor force has declined, women have provided a large part of the agricultural labor force in Japan. When the Medium- and Long-term Vision for Women of Rural Communities was formulated in 1992, the share of women in the agricultural labor force had already been declining, and therefore measures to accurately evaluate women’s roles in agriculture were in demand in order to better support women in the field of agriculture. As shown in Table 11.1, women aged 25–29 and 30–34 in 1970 consistently provided the highest shares of the agricultural labor force for their age groups from 1970 to 1995. Therefore, women farmers born between 1936 and 1945 contributed most to the feminization of the agricultural sector in the postwar period. In the 1990s, measures of gender equality in rural areas were mainly targeted at women farmers in their 40s and 50s, i.e., at the life stage at which their attention turned to farm management. They were the first generation to have established their careers as women farmers under the direction of extension workers for home life improvement. For the younger generation born after 1961, however, women have made up less than half the labor force in agriculture (Otomo, 2010a).

Total Male Female Composition Total ratio of 15–19 women (%) 20–24 25–29 30–34 35–39 40–44 45–49 50–54 55–59 60–64 65–69 70–74 75–79 80–84 85 or above

Actual number

Year

1955

1960

1965

1970

1975

1980

(continued)

16,361,576 15,063,788 13,268,534 10,987,230 9,400,296 6,692,382 5,474,939 7,924,931 7,172,922 6,080,960 5,077,310 4,184,101 3,209,165 2,700,491 8,436,645 7,890,866 7,187,574 5,909,920 5,216,195 3,483,217 2,774,448 51.5 52.4 54.2 53.9 55.5 52.0 50.6 48.5 50.6 51.7 42.8 39.1 27.5 20.7 54.6 54.7 58.4 56.9 50.9 40.8 34.0 58.2 55.0 57.2 60.4 63.1 51.2 47.4 58.8 57.5 58.8 63.4 61.0 52.6 59.1 60.8 58.1 60.4 60.6 60.1 50.3 59.0 60.6 61.0 59.1 57.9 59.3 55.3 59.5 60.1 61.6 56.6 56.9 49.5 54.2 57.8 59.8 58.1 55.3 45.0 47.0 50.6 56.3 53.5 54.6 39.5 41.3 42.8 42.4 48.7 46.8 47.7 37.9 39.7 33.5 38.0 38.0 40.9 38.2 30.3 33.0 39.0 26.3 27.8 41.4 24.7 26.6 28.4 29.9

1950

Table 11.1 Composition ratio of women fifteen years and older engaged in agriculture by five-year age groups

11 AGRICULTURE: FROM FARM WOMEN TO WOMEN FARMERS

219

1990

1995

2000

2005

2010

2015

4,851,035 3,918,650 3,426,497 2,852,259 2,703,360 2,135,977 2,004,289 2,482,423 2,039,914 1,841,884 1,537,904 1,514,023 1,251,436 1,185,796 2,368,612 1,878,736 1,584,613 1,314,355 1,189,337 884,541 818,493 48.8 47.9 46.2 46.1 44.0 41.4 40.8 18.6 20.0 20.2 22.6 26.8 29.5 30.1 27.6 25.9 24.6 24.3 25.2 30.1 30.8 43.3 39.0 34.6 30.3 27.2 27.6 29.9 50.1 49.2 45.8 41.0 35.2 31.1 31.8 51.9 51.3 51.1 48.6 43.7 38.3 35.2 58.3 51.1 50.8 51.1 47.4 43.4 40.0 57.8 57.8 50.5 50.7 49.3 45.3 42.9 55.5 57.5 57.4 50.7 49.4 47.1 44.9 52.0 54.1 56.1 56.8 49.0 46.8 47.0 48.2 47.1 48.5 50.7 48.8 41.9 43.8 42.1 44.0 43.1 45.8 46.0 43.4 39.6 35.2 37.9 39.8 41.3 42.3 42.1 42.5 28.8 31.9 34.1 38.4 38.2 39.0 41.1 25.8 28.1 29.5 34.9 35.9 36.0 38.3 27.3 29.1 27.8 35.3 35.5 36.8 38.4

1985

Note Figures of ‘Employed Persons 15 Years of Age and Over’ who were engaged in agriculture Sources Statistics Bureau, Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications “Population Census”. Created by authors based on Population Census, Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications of Japan (n.d.)

Total Male Female Composition ratio Total of women (%) 15–19 20–24 25–29 30–34 35–39 40–44 45–49 50–54 55–59 60–64 65–69 70–74 75–79 80–84 85 or above

Actual number

Year

Table 11.1 (continued)

220 Y. OTOMO AND M. TSUTSUMI

11

AGRICULTURE: FROM FARM WOMEN TO WOMEN FARMERS

221

Women Farmers’ Participation in the Decision-Making Process According to the 2015 Census of Agriculture and Forestry in Japan, the average age of Core Persons Engaged in Agriculture is 67.0 years old. The reasons for the aging of farmers in Japan are not only the long average lifespan of the Japanese but also the delay in generational change in farming families because of a lack of successors. The traditional preference for men successors is still strong, and the small number and low ratios of young women engaged in agriculture are noticeable (Fig. 11.1). Agricultural commissioners and officers of agricultural cooperatives were typical formal leaders whose activities are based in local agricultural communities. As shown in Table 11.2, woman’s ratios among agricultural commissioners and officers of agricultural cooperatives have been increasing but remain about 8%. There are two types of agricultural commissioners, nominated academic experts and farmers selected in elections (Act No. 88 of 1951). 2,00,000 1,80,000 1,60,000 1,40,000 1,20,000 1,00,000 80,000 60,000 40,000 20,000 0

Male

Female

Fig. 11.1 Numbers of Core Persons Engaged in Agriculture by sex and age-group (2015) (Source Created by authors based on the 2015 Census of Agriculture and Forestry in Japan, MAFF [n.d.-a])

222

Y. OTOMO AND M. TSUTSUMI

Table 11.2 Women farmers’ participation in decision-making processes Fiscal year

Agricultural Commissioners Total

1985 1995 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018

Japan Agricultural Cooperatives Board Members

Women

Total

Women

Actual number

Actual number

Composition ratio (%)

Actual number

Actual number

Composition ratio (%)

64,080 60,917 60,610 60,052 59,702 59,254 58,801 58,613 57,875 56,348 45,379 39,997 38,579 37,456 36,906 36,330 36,034 35,729 35,514 35,653 35,604 33,174 26,119 23,196

40 203 451 479 977 1081 1318 2261 2369 2391 1869 1682 1658 1741 1791 1792 2070 2182 2249 2572 2636 2671 2773 2747

0.06 0.33 0.74 0.80 1.64 1.82 2.24 3.86 4.09 4.24 4.12 4.21 4.30 4.65 4.85 4.93 5.74 6.11 6.33 7.21 7.40 8.05 10.62 11.84

77,490 68,611 44,578 40,488 36,114 32,003 29,154 26,076 24,786 23,742 22,799 22,035 21,331 20,074 19,505 19,161 18,990 18,910 18,792 18,416 18,139 17,542 17,272 16,926

39 70 129 143 158 187 213 266 300 364 438 465 525 605 690 741 851 998 1140 1253 1313 1310 1327 1347

0.05 0.10 0.29 0.35 0.44 0.58 0.73 1.02 1.21 1.53 1.92 2.11 2.46 3.01 3.54 3.87 4.48 5.28 6.07 6.80 7.24 7.47 7.68 7.96

Notes (1) Data on Agricultural Commissioners is as of October 1 every year. (2) Data on Agricultural Cooperatives is for each business year (from April 1 to the end of March next year) Sources Created by authors based on Promotion of Women to Agricultural Commissioners, MAFF (n.d.-b), and Statistics on Agricultural Cooperatives, MAFF (n.d.-a)

It was very difficult for women to be elected, so women commissioners were mostly nominated (Nakamichi, 2000). However, the system was revised in 2016 (Act No. 88 of 1951). Currently, agricultural commissioners are appointed by municipal mayors through recommendations and public recruitment under the consent of municipal assemblies. The number of women commissioners is thus expected to increase.

11

AGRICULTURE: FROM FARM WOMEN TO WOMEN FARMERS

223

Since 1991, agricultural cooperatives have encouraged greater participation by women as board members, but basically the number of regular women members has been small because only farm managers had been able to become the regular members before 1986 (JA JOSEI-KYO, 2005). As for women farmers’ participation in business, women account for only 6.7% of farm owners in 2015 according to the 2015 Census of Agriculture and Forestry. Since 2003, women have been able to become certified farmers by sharing this qualification with their husbands, but woman accounted for only 4.81% of certified farmers in 2019 (Table 11.3). Table 11.3 Certified farmers Fiscal Year

1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019

Women total (A + B)

Total

98,232 119,448 136,287 145,057 149,931 162,791 171,746 182,345 191,633 200,842 228,593 239,286 246,026 249,280 246,394 237,428 233,299 231,023 238,349 246,002 242,258 240,629 239,028

Women (A)

Conjugal (B)

Actual number

Composition ratio (%)

%

1275 1780 2168 2539 2746 3149 3402 3604 3685 4119 5326 5882 6337 6523 6552 6200 5539 5501 5950 6081 5870 5853 5921

– – – – – – – 81 440 777 1448 1963 2454 2978 3148 3324 4386 4870 4862 5160 5232 5474 5572

1275 1780 2168 2539 2746 3149 3402 3685 4125 4896 6774 7845 8791 9501 9700 9524 9925 10,371 10,812 11,241 11,102 11,327 11,493

1.30 1.49 1.59 1.75 1.83 1.93 1.98 2.02 2.15 2.44 2.96 3.28 3.57 3.81 3.94 4.01 4.25 4.49 4.54 4.57 4.58 4.71 4.81

1.30 1.49 1.59 1.75 1.83 1.93 1.98 2.02 2.15 2.44 2.96 3.28 3.57 3.81 3.94 4.01 4.25 4.49 4.54 4.57 4.58 4.71 4.81

Source Created by authors based on status of certification of plan for Improving Agricultural Management, MAFF (n.d.-c)

224

Y. OTOMO AND M. TSUTSUMI

Besides the certified farmer system, Agricultural Training Specialist and Young Agricultural Specialist certification systems have been developed to train and secure successors at the prefectural level. However, women farm successors are very few in number, and, therefore, the certification system for Women Agricultural Specialists was introduced to compensate for the difficulty in certifying women (Table 11.4). According to the certification criteria, Women Agricultural Specialists should have leadership ability fostered by activities in groups, such as the Home Life Improvement Practice Group and the women’s clubs of agricultural cooperatives (Fujii, 2009). As shown in Fig. 11.2, the number of farm households executing family management agreements is increasing and reached 58,182 in 2019. In 1996, the farmer’s pension system was revised to admit the entry of women farmers on the condition that they sign a family management agreement, although every farmer who is engaged in agriculture for more than 60 days per year is eligible to sign up for the farmer’s pension since 2001. Since 2003, both husband and wife in a farm family executing a family management agreement can be certified farmers. However, its practical effects changed somewhat after the system of extension workers for home life improvement was abolished in 2005. Today, the family management agreement is promoted as a requisite for certified farmers (Otomo, 2010b). As shown in Fig. 11.3, the number of entrepreneurial activities by rural women rapidly increased until 2006 but has been decreasing in recent years. The number of activities under private management is rising steadily but cannot make up for the decreasing number of activities under group management. The women in group-managed activities are older on average than women who privately manage their activities (Sawano & Ichida, 2010). Entrepreneurial activities in rural areas, for example, processing and selling products utilizing local agricultural resources, have been managed mainly by women’s groups, such as the Home Life Improvement Practice Group and the women’s clubs of agricultural cooperatives. However, those group members are getting old enough to retire from agriculture. Since 2014, the number of privately managed activities has exceeded that of those managed by a group.

1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012

Fiscal year

8269 8331 8513 8823 8998 9348 9568 10,246 10,472 10,664 10,880 10,544 10,764 10,159 10,221 10,316 9554

Total

235 250 223 273 392 474 602 1153 1258 1298 1284 876 895 1055 1024 1080 1073

Actual number

Women

2.8 3.0 2.6 3.1 4.4 5.1 6.3 11.3 12.0 12.2 11.8 8.3 8.3 10.4 10.0 10.5 11.2

Composition ratio (%)

Agricultural Training Specialists

11,334 11,203 10,699 9818 9589 9475 9405 9132 9380 9187 9060 9161 9515 6496 6326 6294 6253

Total

168 146 143 164 151 175 176 179 186 206 215 213 214 195 210 195 167

Actual number

Women

1.5 1.3 1.3 1.7 1.6 1.8 1.9 2.0 2.0 2.2 2.4 2.3 2.2 3.0 3.3 3.1 2.7

Composition ratio (%)

Young Agricultural Specialists

4410 5412 6176 6689 6785 7030 7219 6961 7020 7219 7236 6896 7175 6745 6557 6308 6288

Women Agricultural Specialists

1.5 1.3 1.3 1.7 1.6 1.8 1.9 2.0 2.0 2.2 2.4 2.3 2.2 3.0 3.3 3.1 2.7

%

(continued)

2.8 3.0 2.6 3.1 4.4 5.1 6.3 11.3 12.0 12.2 11.8 8.3 8.3 10.4 10.0 10.5 11.2

%

Table 11.4 Agricultural specialists in all prefectures (with various designations of Women Agricultural Specialists, such as Rural Life Advisors and Rural Life Masters)

11 AGRICULTURE: FROM FARM WOMEN TO WOMEN FARMERS

225

9529

Total

1055

Actual number

Women

11.1

Composition ratio (%)

Agricultural Training Specialists

6271

Total

158

Actual number

Women

2.5

Composition ratio (%)

Young Agricultural Specialists

Source Created by authors based on Otomo (2008) for 1996–2004 and MAFF (2016a) for 2002–2013

2013

Fiscal year

Table 11.4 (continued)

5840

Women Agricultural Specialists

11.1

%

2.5

%

226 Y. OTOMO AND M. TSUTSUMI

11

AGRICULTURE: FROM FARM WOMEN TO WOMEN FARMERS

227

70,000

60,000 50,715

52,525

54,190

55,435

57,605 58,182 56,397 57,155

48,602

50,000 40,663

40,000

37,721 34,521 32,120 28,734

30,000 25,151 21,575

20,000

17,200 14,777 12,030 9,947

10,000

7,206 5,335

0

Fig. 11.2 Actual number of farm households executing family management agreements (Sources Created by authors based on survey on family management agreements from 1996 to 2008 and number of farm households exciting family management agreement from 2011 to 2019, MAFF [n.d.-d]) 12,000

10,000

8,000

6,000

4,000

2,000

0

4,660 4,723 3,362

678

5,141

5,252

5,448

5,635

5,711

5,745

4,911 4,641 4,319 5,565 5,284 5,845 5,589

5,178 4,473 4,808 4,939 3,599 3,944 4,076 3,305 2,956 2,075 2,287 2,551 1,379 1,495 1,683

1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2010 2012 2014 2016 Private

Group

Fig. 11.3 Trends of rural women’s entrepreneurial activities (Source MAFF [2016b])

228

Y. OTOMO AND M. TSUTSUMI

Case of Women Farmers in Leadership Fostered by HLIES This section describes selected cases of women farmers’ career development situations and their challenges. We discuss the role of women’s study groups in developing women farm leaders. On the basis of our interviews with a self-directed study group of women leaders in agriculture named Josei-juku (women’s school) in the Mizusawa area of Iwate Prefecture, we examine farm women’s career development stages and their perceived challenges (Otomo & Tsutsumi, 2012). Career Formation of the Josei-Juku Members The Josei-juku, was formed in 1992 by 15 women farmers in their 40s (born 1944–1952). It originated from a course for young farm wives, targeting women in their 20s to 40s, organized by the Mizusawa Agricultural Extension Service Center from 1989 to 1991. From among the students of the course, women in their 40s from full-time farming households engaged in farming with their husbands were chosen to be members of the Josei-juku. In 1996, encouraged by extension workers for home life improvement, the Josei-juku members began to perform original skits on family management agreements at Rural Women’s Day events or workshops for women farmers, and by 2001, they had all concluded agreements with their family members, contributing to the spread of the agreements. As a result, in 2001, they were awarded the MAFF Prize in Agricultural Production: Home Life Improvement Division at the 41st Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries Festival, making them role models for the advancement of gender-equal family farm management. In February 2010, we conducted a focus group interview with nine of eleven members of the Josei-juku at that time to analyze their thoughts about developmental tasks that characterize life stages, i.e., forming careers as business farmers in their 40s and exercising leadership in rural communities in their 50s and 60s. Before signing the agreement between the ages of 44 and 57, five of the women were certified by Iwate Prefecture as agricultural training specialists between the ages of 45 and 52, and furthermore three women had launched side businesses on their farms, such as a farm restaurant and

11

AGRICULTURE: FROM FARM WOMEN TO WOMEN FARMERS

229

a farm inn, between the ages of 40 and 44. Then Teruko became a certified farmer at the age of 51, and Kazuko took over farm management from her husband at the age of 65. Four of the women were appointed as agricultural commissioners at an average age of 58.5. At that time, they ranged from 57 to 65 years old, somewhat younger than the average age of women core persons engaged in agriculture 66.4 years old in 2010. Developmental Tasks in Generational Transition Life Stage When the focus group interview was conducted in February 2010, almost ten years had passed since the last person had concluded a family management agreement in 2001. During that time, agreements should have been revised in order to strengthen them or because family members had been added. In fact, only three women had made revisions because succession by the younger generation had not been established. Following the traditional stem-family system in Japan, all the women had lived with the parent generation. However, regarding living arrangements with their grownup children, only two lived in the same house with their sons and daughters-in-law. Because government funded pensions usually do not provide enough to live on, elderly people who are still able-bodied must farm to make ends meet. Six of the women run farm inns and farm schools for city dwellers. Kazuko and Akiko began to engage in agritourism at the age of 65. Ikuyo, who is also engaged in agritourism, says that in the past she wanted to be as well off as city people and argued for “my property” and “rights for wives,” but now she feels more strongly about the richness of rural life and helping the next generation. Few Josei-juku members have secured successors, and, as the women approach and enter old age, their relationships with the next generation are diversifying. However, the developmental task characterizing the current life stage for all the women is to confirm their self-confidence as farmers and to hand down sociocultural values of agriculture and rural life to the next generation.

Current Women Leadership Issues in Rural Areas As mentioned above, on the basis of the revision of the Agriculture Improvement and Promotion Act in 2005, the HLIES, which played a central role in policies for rural women, was abolished. This section

230

Y. OTOMO AND M. TSUTSUMI

reviews current issues in women leadership in rural areas after the end of the HLIES and focuses on the Nougyou-Joshi Project (Women Farmers’ Project), an initiative launched in 2013 to promote and empower women farmers. Current Gender Issues in Rural Areas The number of entrepreneurial activities managed mainly by women’s groups, such as the Home Life Improvement Practice Group and the women’s clubs of agriculture cooperatives, is decreasing due to the aging of members. However, younger women farmers tend to manage these activities privately, and their number is increasing steadily. On the basis of the Agriculture-Industry Cooperation Promotion Act of 2008 and the Sixth Sector Industrialization Act of 2010, “AFFrinnovation” (The Sixth Industry), the integration of agriculture and secondary and tertiary industries, began to be promoted in order to revitalize rural areas (MAFF, 2010, pp. 70–71). Rural women’s entrepreneurial activities receive support from programs associated with the concept of AFFrinnovation. The Japan Revitalization Strategy of 2013 made women’s empowerment one of its pillars. In accordance with Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s stated goal of a “society where women shine,” MAFF started a new campaign called “Nougyou-joshi Project” in 2013 (MAFF, 2018, p. 12). The project seeks to highlight women farmers in society and the agricultural sector, to encourage women farmers to raise their awareness and develop their management skills, and to return agriculture to the list of young women’s career choices by collaborating with companies in various industries under the concept of AFFrinnovation (MAFF, 2018). Furthermore, since 2014, MAFF has supported the Shining Women Farmer Training Program, which includes practical training programs mainly for certified women farmers who are trying to become the next generation or community leaders, and Women’s Active Participation in Agricultural Management (WAP) 100, a certification of superior agricultural corporations and farms that promote women’s involvement (MAFF, 2018).

11

AGRICULTURE: FROM FARM WOMEN TO WOMEN FARMERS

231

Nougyou-Joshi Project Group Activities In 2019, six years since MAFF launched the Nougyou-joshi Project, the project has expanded to include 791 women farmers across Japan (Secretariat of Women Farmers’ Project, 2019). Their ages range from 20s to 60s, with 81% in their 20s to 40s. They started farming as a farmer’s wife (33%), a successor (29%), or a new farmer (self-employed or employed) (28%). Although their positions are varied (e.g., farm manager, manager’s wife, manager’s daughter), their main goal of participating in the project is to enhance the nationwide network of women farmers. Since the fifth term, 2017–2018, MAFF has been promoting voluntary studies by grouping together project members with common interests. In June 2020, five study groups were established as the Nougyou-joshi Labs: the Ume Lab, the Export Lab, the Glamping Lab, the Drone Lab, and the Beef Cattle Lab (Secretariat of Women Farmers’ Project, 2019). The Ume Lab, created in 2017, specializes in ume (Japanese plum) production and the expansion of its consumption. Three of the members developed a unique package containing an assortment of three kinds of pickled ume harvested from their farms located in three different prefectures, Saitama, Gunma, and Wakayama (Secretariat of Women Farmers’ Project, 2019). The Export Lab is a study group focused on new overseas markets for agricultural products. The group was created after one of the members, whose family farm produced and shipped shiitake mushrooms and tea overseas, organized a farmers’ market in Hong Kong in 2017. She invited participants to the market via the Nougyou-joshi Project and received many responses from the project members in various parts of Japan (Secretariat of Women Farmers’ Project, 2016). The Glamping Lab was launched to study glamping (short for glamorous camping) as a way to host foreign tourists in the fields of Kumamoto Prefecture. A glamping trial was held in January 2019, during which project members from Tochigi and Oita prefectures joined the lab (Secretariat of Women Farmers’ Project, 2019). The Drone Lab was formed in 2018 to study how to utilize agricultural drones, i.e., unmanned aerial vehicles, for grape production. As the members of the lab live in various regions (Aomori, Gunma, Yamanashi, Nara, and Fukuoka prefectures), they hold teleconferences to conduct their collaborative study (Secretariat of Women Farmers’ Project, 2019). The Beef Cattle Lab is a closed Facebook group called Nougyou-Joshi PJ

232

Y. OTOMO AND M. TSUTSUMI

Members Voice (Nougyou-joshi Members PJ Members Voice, n.d.) that was launched in 2019 by a project member from a cattle breeding farm in Ishigaki, the southernmost city of Okinawa Prefecture (Nougyou-joshi PJ, n.d.). The purpose of the group is to exchange information on the beef cattle industry. The members of these study groups have built a nationwide business network of women farmers through the use of social media. However, they are not the majority of the project members. A recent survey indicated that about two-thirds of the project members belong to local groups and believe that the Nougyou-joshi Project should focus on promoting activities in the women farmers’ community (Secretariat of Women Farmers’ Project, 2019). As of June 2020, 60 local groups across the country were registered for the project, 48 of which were new entries in the last six years (Secretariat of Women Farmers’ Project, 2019). Nationwide business networking is more beneficial for the remaining one-third of the project members who lack group activities or accessible information in their community. They may hesitate to join a local group because they feel its members are on another level of expertise or from different generations.

Implications for Future Practice and Research Traditional men-dominant succession has changed, and farm women have more chance to become business farmers nowadays. Current training programs are expected to provide women farmers with opportunities for knowledge expansion and business networking in order to compensate for the lack of women’s group activities in rural communities because of the small number and low ratios of young women engaged in agriculture. However, these programs are accessible to only a limited number of women farmers and are still insufficient to foster women’s leadership in rural communities against men-dominant traditions. Women farmers have more difficulty uniting their opinions because their status on family farms is diverse. Moreover, women farmers’ careers are strongly influenced by life events, such as marriage and childbirth, and domestic responsibilities, such as child rearing and elderly care, because of rural Japan’s gender-oriented division of labor. Thus, the support programs for women’s leadership and career development in agriculture need to be flexible for women farmers at different life stages.

11

AGRICULTURE: FROM FARM WOMEN TO WOMEN FARMERS

233

Besides training programs, women farmers can also apply for agricultural grants and subsidies available through local governments’ farm programs. In this case, regional case studies tracing women farmers’ career development over the life span are needed to determine how women farmers can gain and utilize leadership abilities. Agriculture is an industry strongly characterized by local and regional resources including personnel. In Japan, leadership positions in the agricultural sector and rural communities have predominantly been occupied by men, who have tended informally to exchange information face-to-face rather than via virtual communities. Therefore, women have had little chance to access the formal or informal information available to leaders in the community. Consequently, access to information needs to be increased in order for women leaders in agriculture to participate in decision-making processes. Therefore, in the field of women’s leadership of agriculture, although being affected by their socio-cultural factors that are a strong sense of role sharing between men and women, studies for building systems for fostering women’s leadership and supporting their participation in decision-making will be required. As limited studies exist in the field of women agriculture in Japan, there are many areas that require to study through ethnographies, grounded theories, case studies, phenomenological research and narrative research. For example, the longitudinal studies of how women in the agricultural field develop leadership is very important to trace women leadership development over the years. It is also important to examine the impact of activities or interventions such as women social networking activities and workshops or programs for developing women leaders in agriculture. A comparative study between the geographical areas or even with a different country can also bring new perspectives as we might be able to see the differences and similarities that help us learn the factors that help or hinder women in developing leadership. With the continued efforts in practice and more expanded research activities, we can better support women in the field of agriculture in Japan. We need to help people increase awareness of the importance of women labor force in agriculture for Japan’s growth and cultivate next generation of Japanese women leaders in agriculture. Acknowledgements This work was supported by MEXT/JSPS KAKENHI Grant Numbers 21500713 and 24402031.

234

Y. OTOMO AND M. TSUTSUMI

References Fujii, W. (2009). Training of women leaders in fishing communities: The system for certifying “Woman Fisheries Specialists”. In H. Nakamichi (Ed.), Women in Japanese fishing communities (pp. 88–118). Tokyo, Japan: Agriculture and Forestry Statistics Publishing Inc. Gender Equality Bureau Cabinet Office. (n.d.) 男女共同参画社会基本法制定の あゆみ [Steps toward the establishment of the basic act for gender-equal society]. Retrieved from http://www.gender.go.jp/about_danjo/law/kihon/ situmu1-2.html#id3. Ichida, T. I. (2000). The gender issue in the home life improvement extension service of postwar Japan. In M. Tsutsumi (Ed.), Women and families in rural Japan (pp. 57–74). Tokyo, Japan: Tsukuba-Shobo. JA JOSEI-KYO. (2005). JAグループにおける男女共同参画の取り組みについ て [Efforts of the JA-group to achieve gender equality]. Retrieved from http://www.gender.go.jp/kaigi/renkei/zentai/19/pdf/shiryou12.pdf. Kawashima, T. (1957). イデオロギーとしての家族制度 [The family institution as an ideology]. Tokyo, Japan: Iwanami-Shoten. Kawate, T. (2010). Change and problems regarding women farmers in Japan. In M. Tsutsumi (Ed.), A turning point of women, families and agriculture in rural Japan (pp. 22–34). Tokyo, Japan: Gakubunsha. MAFF. (1992). 2001年に向けて新しい農山漁村の女性: 農山漁村の女性に関す る中長期ビジョン懇談会報告書 [The goals for rural women in the 21st century: A report on a medium- and long-term vision for women of rural communities]. Tokyo, Japan: Sohzoh-shobou. MAFF. (1995). 家族経営協定の普及推進による家族農業経営の近代化につい て [An official notice from the MAFF about modernization of family farm management by promoting family management agreements]. Retrieved from http://www.maff.go.jp/j/kokuji_tuti/tuti/pdf/t0000159.pdf. MAFF. (1999). FY1998 Annual report on food, agriculture and rural areas in Japan (Summary). Retrieved from https://www.maff.go.jp/e/annual_rep ort/pdf/fy1998.pdf. MAFF. (2010). FY2009 Annual report on food, agriculture and rural areas in Japan. Retrieved from http://www.maff.go.jp/e/annual_report/2009/pdf/ e_all.pdf. MAFF. (2016a). 農山漁村女性に係る基礎統計データ [Basic statistics on women in rural areas]. Retrieved from https://www.maff.go.jp/j//tokei/attach/ pdf/zyosei_data_2-13.pdf. MAFF. (2016b). 農村女性による起業活動実態調査 [Report on women’s entrepreneurial activities in rural areas]. Retrieved from https://www.maff. go.jp/j/keiei/jyosei/kigyou.html.

11

AGRICULTURE: FROM FARM WOMEN TO WOMEN FARMERS

235

MAFF. (2018). Women’s empowerment in agriculture. Retrieved from http:// www.maff.go.jp/e/policies/agri/management/attach/pdf/agrimanage-16. pdf. MAFF. (n.d.-a). Database: Portal site of official statistics of Japan. Retrieved from https://www.e-stat.go.jp/. MAFF. (n.d.-b). 農業委員への女性の参画 [Promotion of women to agricultural commissioners]. Retrieved from https://www.maff.go.jp/j/keiei/jyosei/jos eiiin.html. MAFF. (n.d.-c). 農業経営改善計画の認定状況 [Status of certification of plan for improving agricultural management]. Retrieved from https://www.maff.go. jp/j/kobetu_ninaite/n_seido/nintei_zyokyo.html. MAFF. (n.d.-d). 家族経営協定 [Family management agreement]. Retrieved from https://www.maff.go.jp/j/keiei/jyosei/kyoutei.html. Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications of Japan. (n.d.). Population Census. Retrieved from https://www.e-stat.go.jp/stat-search?page=1& toukei=00200521. Mishima, T. (2004). Revision of Japan’s basic law on agriculture and its features: Improvement of food self-sufficiency ratio and agricultural price policy. 北 海道大学農経論叢 [The Review of Agricultural Economics], 60, 259–271. Retrieved from http://hdl.handle.net/2115/11268. Morioka, K., Shiobara, T., & Homma, K. (Eds.). (1993). 新社会学辞典 [New encyclopedia of sociology]. Tokyo, Japan: Yuhikaku. Nakamichi, H. (2000). Current issues on women’s policy in rural areas: The establishment of partnership in farm families and in the rural community. In M. Tsutsumi (Ed.), Women and families in rural Japan (pp. 13–37). Tokyo, Japan: Tsukasa-Shobo. Nougyou-joshi PJ. (n.d.). Maeshiro Mihoko. Retrieved from https://nougyoujo shi.maff.go.jp/member/m_detail/768/. Nougyou-joshi PJ Members Voice. (n.d.). 農業女子PJメンバーズ Voice [Nougyou-joshi PJ Members Voice]. Retrieved from https://www.facebook. com/groups/197139547136085/about. Otomo, Y. (2008). 地域社会における女性の暮らしと労働の変化 [Change in women’s life and work in rural communities]. In M. Tsutsumi, S. Tokuno, & T. Yamamoto (Eds.), 地方からの社会学 [The sociology of rural communities] (pp. 58–88). Tokyo, Japan: Gakubunsha. Otomo, Y. (2010a). Career formation of farming women and agricultural policy in postwar Japan: A case of Katsunuma town. In M. Tsutsumi (Ed.), A turning point of women, families and agriculture in rural Japan (pp. 163–182). Tokyo, Japan: Gakubunsha. Otomo, Y. (2010b). Effects of the family management agreement on gender equality. In M. Tsutsumi (Ed.), A turning point of women, families and agriculture in rural Japan (pp. 183–207). Tokyo, Japan: Gakubunsha.

236

Y. OTOMO AND M. TSUTSUMI

Otomo, Y., & Tsutsumi, M. (2012). 女性農業者のライフコースからみた職業 キャリアの展開: 水沢地方農業担い手女性塾メンバーの場合より [Occupational career development as women farmers over the life course—A study of members of theJosei-juku, a group of women farmer leaders from the Mizusawa area]. 年報村落社会研究 [Annual Bulletin of Rural Studies], 48, 107–144 [Hard Copy Only]. Sato, H. (2002). 戦後日本の農村開発経験-日本型マルチセクターアブローチー [The Livelihood Improvement Movement (LIM) in post-war rural Japan: As a successful experience of multi-sector social development]. 国際開発研 究 [Journal of International Development Studies], 11–2, 3–23. Retrieved from https://www.jasid.org/uploads/ckfinder/files/jasid_journal_11-2.pdf. Sawano, K., & Ichida, T. (2010). How rural women’s entrepreneurship drawn from life improvement practice group developed: A case study on Tochigi and Nagano, Japan. In M. Tsutsumi (Ed.), A turning point of women, families and agriculture in rural Japan (pp. 61–79). Tokyo, Japan: Gakubunsha. Secretariat of Women Farmers’ Project. (2016). 農業女子メンバープロフィー ル [Nougyou-joshi Member introductions]. Retrieved from https://www.maff. go.jp/j/keiei/nougyoujoshi/attach/pdf/index-15.pdf. Secretariat of Women Farmers’ Project. (2019). 第6期の主な成果と第7期の活動 方針 [Annual results report of the sixth term and active goals in the seventh term]. Retrieved from https://www.maff.go.jp/j/keiei/jyosei/attach/pdf/ noujopj-24.pdf.

CHAPTER 12

Women’s Leadership in the Not-for-Profit Sector and Nongovernmental Organizations Mariko Ogawa

In this chapter, I look at women’s leadership in the not-for-profit sector and nongovernmental organizations (NPOs/NGOs) in Japan. In modern Japan, NPOs/NGOs are carrying out activities in various fields, and the number of women active not only in occupations, but also in social activities, such as volunteering, has been increasing (Otsuki, 2011). The proportion of women in the nonprofit sector has been gradually increasing, NGO survey of Ministry of Foreign Affairs (2016) shows women account for about 58% of total involvement. According to the Survey on Activities and Working Methods of NPOs conducted by the Japan Institute for Labour Policy and Training, in 2014, the gender ratio of individual respondents (N = 3865) was slightly higher for men (49.8 vs. 45.8%, with the others not specifying their gender), indicating that a high proportion of men may participate in NPOs after retirement (The Japan Institute for Labour Policy and Training, 2015). Based on the reports of nonprofit corporations in 2017, men (72.1%) were

M. Ogawa (B) Center For Gender Equality Promotion, Tohoku University, Sendai, Japan e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s) 2021 Y. T. Nakamura et al. (eds.), Japanese Women in Leadership, Current Perspectives on Asian Women in Leadership, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-36304-8_12

237

238

M. OGAWA

found to outnumber women (27.9%) when it came to representation in NPOs (3418) in Japan (Cabinet Office, 2018). The proportion of women in managerial/leadership positions in Japanese NPOs remains low despite their high participation rate. As the proportion of women employees as a whole in 2014 was 44.2%, the proportion of women respondents in the present survey was slightly higher. Furthermore, in the survey which mentioned above (2015), there were many middle-aged and elderly groups in NPOs. The mean ages at which men and women start NPO activities are 53 and 44 years of age, respectively, meaning that women tend to start NPO activities 9 years earlier than men. Although the ratio of men and women dedicated to NPOs is 5 to 4, the proportion of women full-time staff members tends to be high. Women, single people, and younger people are thought to make up a relatively large proportion of full-time employees. With regard to whether men and women engage in social contribution activities other than NPO activities, a higher percentage of women than men say they do not engage in any particular social contribution activities (61.2%), and men are more likely than women to be involved in resident’s association (30.0%) (The Japan Institute for Labour Policy and Training, 2015). In this chapter, I examine NPOs/NGOs in which women are taking leadership roles through government data and research. First, I provide an overview of the birth and transition of NGOs/NPOs in Japan. Second, I examine the influence of NPOs/NGOs in which women take leadership roles, as well as their activities and associated difficulties, their cooperation with administrative agencies. Third, I examine issues related to women’s leadership roles in NPOs/NGOs and their future prospects. I then review the literature to consider women’s activities and leadership roles in NPOs/NGOs and analyze the introduction of NPOs/NGOs on the website of the Cabinet Office, Gender Equality Bureau. In addition, I use data from Case Examples of Gender Equality Activities That Create Regional Vitality and Charm (2011), a Research Report on the Promotion of Women’s Success in the Region (2015), and NPOs/NGOs included in the award-winning Women’s Challenge Grand Prize by the Cabinet Office (2004–2019), as well as examples that appeared on the websites of the Cabinet Office and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, among others. Since 2004, the Cabinet Office has implemented measures to support women, including the creation of the “Women’s Challenge Grand Prize” system that honors active women, entrepreneurship, NPO activities, and

12

WOMEN’S LEADERSHIP IN THE NOT-FOR-PROFIT SECTOR …

239

regional activities. The aim of this system is to honor organizations and groups that support and enhance momentum for the realization of a gender-equal society by showing familiar models of challenges. I take these examples because I believe they are applicable to the tasks outlined in this chapter.

Overview of Nonprofit and Nongovernmental Organizations (NPOs/NGOs) in Japan In this section, I present the overall picture of NPOs/NGOs in Japan. Since the 1990s, the not-for-profit sector (NPOs) has been growing around the world and has now become the third major sector after the private and government sectors. In Japan, NPOs received substantial attention following the activities of, and volunteers after the Great Hanshin-Awaji Earthquake of 1995 and the implementation of “Act on Promote Specified Non-profit Activities” (NPO Act) in 1998 (Isa, 2016). Meanwhile, since the 1970s, NGOs have become more noticeable as an alternative to official development assistance, which is a type of developmental assistance coordinated by developed countries and the United Nations. In many cases, NGOs work on global issues, but in Japan, after the enactment of the NPO Act and an increase in social recognition, NGOs, which had been forced to act as unincorporated associations or voluntary groups in the past, were granted the legal status or what it called NPO status (Ogawa, 2009). The purpose of the NPO Act is to promote the public interest and the development of nonprofit activities (Isa, 2016). Additionally, the NPO Act aims to promote for spontaneous contribution activities to a society among citizens by giving legal status to organizations that conduct specified nonprofit activities (Tanaka, 2016). What is called the “specified nonprofit activities” prescribed by the NPO Act are restricted to twenty specific areas, including social welfare, social education, community development, sound nurturing youth, international cooperation, human rights and promotion of peace, and equal gender participation. According to statistics from the Cabinet Office (2020), the number of NPOs in 1998, when the NPO Act was enacted, was 23. This number exceeded 10,000 in 2003 and 20,000 in 2005, and as of March 2020, it stands at 51,269, demonstrating a sharp increase over a short period. Looking at each prefecture, Tokyo has the highest number of NPOs, at 9286, followed by Osaka with 1787 and Saitama with 1764, Chiba with

240

M. OGAWA

1615, Kanagawa with 1473, Hyogo with 1429, Hokkaido with 1203, and Aichi with 1117 Fukuoka, one of Japan’s largest cities, has a relatively small number of NPOs with 810, but it maintains a large number of NPOs in metropolitan areas. On the other hand, in non-metropolitan areas, Nagano has the highest number of NPOs with 1013, followed by Fukushima with 929, Kagoshima with 883, Kagoshima with 883, Ibaragi with 845, Gunma with 825, and Gifu with 754. Other prefectures range from around 700 to 300 NPOs. Prefectures having the fewest are Fukui with 254, followed by Shimane with 290, and Tottori with 292 (see Table 12.1). Although there are differences in the number of NPOs in metropolitan areas and non-metropolitan areas, these statistics show that NPOs/NGOs are becoming increasingly popular in Japanese society. Table 12.1 Geographical distribution of number of NPOs in Japan

Prefecture Metropolitan area Tokyo Osaka Saitama Chiba Kanagawa Hyogo Hokkaido Aichi Fukuoka Non-metropolitan area Nagano Fukushima Kagoshima Ibaragi Gunma Gifu Least populated area Tottori Shimane Fukui

No. of NPO

9286 1787 1764 1615 1473 1429 1203 1117 810 1013 929 883 845 825 754 292 290 254

Note This table was created by the author based on data from NPO Statistics, Cabinet Office, Japan (2020)

12

WOMEN’S LEADERSHIP IN THE NOT-FOR-PROFIT SECTOR …

241

Definition of NPOs/NGOs There is no internationally consistent definition of NPOs/NGOs. The official appearance of NGOs on the international stage was not until 1945 with the enactment of Article 71 of the UN Charter, which stipulated a relationship between UN and NGOs. Article 71 formalized NGO involvement in UN processes and activities In 1945, and some NGOs even contributed to the drafting of the Charter itself (Lewis, 2010). This formed the basis for the participation of NGOs in the related conference at UN and it made NGOs complain the current situation at the related conference at UN, possible to lobbying (Yokota, Tomita, Takizawa, Mochizuki, & Yoshimura, 2008). NGOs comprise not only aid organizations working in developing countries, but also organizations that act in a range of social fields, including disarmament, peace, poverty alleviation, development, human rights, gender equality, and the environment. In general, an NGO must not be a governmental organization or seek profit (Hall & O’Dwyer, 2017). In reality, NGOs are also NPOs. In Japan, many NGOs are certified as NPOs based on the NPO Act. Therefore, NGOs and NPOs cannot be strictly classified. In Japan, organizations that tackle international issues call themselves NGOs, while organizations that tackle domestic and regional problems (town planning, welfare, environment, child care) call themselves NPOs. It is assumed that organizations engaged in international issues emphasize that they are not governmental and take a different viewpoint from the government in the perspective of diplomacy. In addition, unlike companies, organizations that address domestic issues emphasize that they operate for non-commercial purposes (Sawamura, Tanaka, Kuroda, & Nishide, 2017).

A Brief History of NPOs/NGOs and the Flow of Networking in Japan In this section, I outline the origin and transition of NGOs/NPOs in Japan in providing a historical overview and focusing women’s leadership.

242

M. OGAWA

Pre-World War II to 1945 Fusae Ichikawa is one of the most well-known feminist leaders and legislators in Japan. Before World War II, she was engaged in the women’s suffrage movement. After the war, she served as a member of the House of Councilors for five terms after being first elected in 1953 and showed leadership in promoting gender equality, spreading good election practices, and developing human resources. Ichikawa identified, supported, and nurtured women candidates in both the political field and elsewhere (Miura, 2016). In 1919, before World War II, she formed the New Women’s Association—the first women’s nongovernmental organization (NGO) in modern Japan—together with Raicho Hiratsuka, the country’s pioneering feminist writer and poet who was instrumental in the women’s suffrage movement. However, Ichikawa broke with Hiratsuka and resigned from the New Women’s Association on she had raised on her own. In 1921, Ichikawa traveled to the United States as a correspondent for a newspaper (Chikuma Shobo Editorial Department, 2015). Post-World War II to 1969 After the Second World War, General Headquarter (GHQ) raised the liberation of women as the first of five major reform orders and expressed a strong interest in women’s issues from the aspect of democratization in Japan. In 1924, Ichikawa returned Japan and founded the New Japan Women’s League, the first women’s group after World War II, in 1946. She assumed office as president of the league and worked to promote political movements and political learning activities, in conjunction with her movements for increasing women’s political participation. Additionally GHQ formed and instructed voluntary democratic women’s organizations. Among them, various women’s groups, such as the Women’s Democratic Club (1946) and the University Women’s Association (1946), were born. Meanwhile, with the goal of organizing democratic women’s groups under the guidance of GHQ policy and Japanese prefectures, the number of Regional Women’s Association groups by municipality increased rapidly (Kanamori, 1980). In 1950, the New Japan Women’s League was renamed the League of Women Voters of Japan. Over the years, the league promoted a movement

12

WOMEN’S LEADERSHIP IN THE NOT-FOR-PROFIT SECTOR …

243

to link the Diet and women by advancing the philosophy of equality, welfare, political cleanup, and permanent world peace. In 1952, the National Federation of Regional Women’s Organizations (the Federation) was formed, which resulted in the connection of women’s organizations in these areas. The Federation aimed to improve the social status of women and to promote health in the youth community. Satoko Tanaka, who served as secretary general of the Federation, made remarks defending consumers’ interests and influenced consumer administration. In the 1950s, the Federation developed an atomic bomb prohibition campaign. This campaign had a major impact on Tanaka’s career and would later provide the impetus for the peace and livelihood movements. On the other hand, Ichikawa helped set up the United Nation NGO Women’s Committee in 1957. Moreover, Ichikawa showed her leadership by nurturing women who aim to be politicians. In 1962, Ichikawa established the Women’s Suffrage Foundation to support women’s political education and promote domestic and international collaboration in commemoration of the realization of women’s suffrage. 1970–1979 The following two activities showcase Tanaka’s leadership and the achievements were recognized by the Federation: In 1970, the Federation developed a double-price opposition campaign regarding electric products, and also delivered a low-priced cosmetic known as Chifure cosmetic. In the 1960s, a myth circulated that the higher the price of a cosmetic, the better the quality. There was an up-to-tenfold difference in price between the more expensive and cheaper products, but product testing revealed little difference in quality. Tanaka, secretary-general of the Federation, alongside the president of the Federation, held discussions with the president of a major cosmetics manufacturer about forming a partnership. Once the basic terms of the partnership had been agreed, Tanaka took the lead in developing and spearheading the creation of cheap and quality-assured products for Chifure Cosmetics. Chifure Cosmetics would go on to become a jointstock company and it continues to sell a wide range of cosmetics to this day. Second, the Federation developed a campaign opposing the double pricing of electrical products. In the 1960s, when the problem of the

244

M. OGAWA

double pricing of color televisions emerged, the Federation was commissioned by the Fair Trade Commission to conduct a survey on whether the operational standards for price labeling were being followed. The Federation’s survey found that the prices themselves were unjustified, and the Federation demanded that the manufacturers reduce their list prices. Tanaka was the central actor in the collection and dissemination of the survey’s findings, using materials including the survey results to negotiate with the manufacturer’s president, which resulted in a reduction in the price of the new model. This activity led to the certification of the Fair Competition Code in 1978. Tanaka also appealed for the abolition of nuclear weapons on behalf of Japan’s NGOs at the special UN General Assembly on Disarmament in 1978 and thereby demonstrated leadership ability (Mabashi, 2013). Meanwhile, NGO activities in Japan started to increase from the late 1950s and early 1960s with international cooperation to dispatch physicians and nurses or agricultural leaders to other Asian countries, such as Indonesia, Nepal, India, and the Philippines. In addition, at this time, Japan started to accept trainees from other Asian countries. In the 1970s, new types of NGOs emerged, such as overseas cooperative organizations created by young people and organizations established by intellectuals who joined the Vietnam anti-war movement. These types of NGOs aimed to establish relationships between Japan and other Southeast Asian countries. In connection with women’s leadership, the Association of Women Acting as a Result of the International Women’s Year [Kokusai Fujinnen o Kikkake to Shite K¯od¯o o Okosu Onnatachi no Kai] (name changed to the Association of Women’s Action [K¯ od¯o suru Onnatachi no Kai] in 1986) was established in 1975 as a result of the United Nations International Women’s Year. The trigger for the inauguration was an instance in which Fusae Ichikawa, a Representative of Parliament at that time, indicated that she wanted to create something similar to the organization, NOW (National Organization for Women), which fights discrimination against all women in the United States. Teruko Yoshitake, Michiko Nakajima, Toshie Kanamori, Yoko Komano, Ryoko Ozawa, and others agreed with Ichikawa, and they formed the Association of Women’s Action. During the International Women’s Year of 1975, Ichikawa also developed a political movement in line with the age of gender equality, and established a women’s action group called the International Women’s Year Liaison Group to hold International Women’s Year activities in Japan. The Ideal

12

WOMEN’S LEADERSHIP IN THE NOT-FOR-PROFIT SECTOR …

245

Election campaign and the Stop the Corruption parliamentary movement which was leaded by Ichikawa begun in the 1970s, encouraging many citizens, including the younger generation, to engage in activities in cooperation with grass-rooted women’s groups and to request political change such as eradicating corruption (Chikuma Shobo Editorial Department, 2015). Ichikawa did not belong to any political party and continued to work with many women. Ichikawa gave donations, rousing speeches, campaign cars, and signs for the election, and provided as much sincere support as possible, including teaching woman candidates about how to run an election, so that they would not engage in undesirable campaigning, even if permitted by election law.

1980–1994 In the 1980s, as Japan rapidly internationalized, the number of international cooperation-type NGOs increased. By 1989, Japan was home to 162 NGOs. At that time, NGOs focused on the environment, refugee issues, and world hunger appeared. In the early 1980s, women with childrearing experience became interested in international cooperation and started to establish organizations focused on supporting children around the world. In addition, as a feature of the 1980s, international NGOs started in Europe and the United States started to open branches and partner organizations in Japan. Both of these types of NGOs helped establish a worldwide network and cooperative system that extended across developed and developing countries alike with common philosophies and objectives. NGOs grew financially, and each NGO in Japan voluntarily established a base to expand their networks beyond their current activities. In 1981, Ichikawa passed away at the age of 87. She made a lifelong commitment to promoting women’s empowerment, peace and eradicating corruption. After the death of Ichikawa, the Fusae Ichikawa Memorial Association was established. Another example of women’s leadership being exercised is that of the Japanese Association of International Women’s Rights (JAIWR), which was founded in 1987. The JAIWR was formed by participants from the Nairobi World Women’s Conference (1985). At the time of establishment, it was awarded a grant for the 5th Fusae Ichikawa fund. JAIWR was inheriting the will of Ichikawa’s life, and decided to study and make more effort to disseminate the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms

246

M. OGAWA

of Discrimination Against Women. The first president was Sumiko Ito, followed by Ryoko Akamatsu. The current and third president is Yasuko Yamashita. The Society is a UN NGO qualified for consultative status by the United Nations Economic and Social Council in 1998. The consultative status is the status granted by the United Nations to NGO’s, thereby allowing them to participate in the work of the United Nations. It leads activities for improving the status of women in Japan through research and the dissemination of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women. In the early 1990s, awareness of international contributions grew among the Japanese population, and government support for NGOs expanded.

1995–1999 In the latter half of the 1990s, the economic downturn became prolonged, and the funding environment for NGOs worsened. As a result, NGOs were obliged to cut back on their activities or reduce their scale. Meanwhile, improvements were made to the legal system in relation to civic organizations. What made this possible was the remarkable amount of volunteer activity that took place after the Great Hanshin-Awaji Earthquake of 1995. The activities of volunteers, said to number around 1 million, showed the power of civic activities to parliamentarians and administrative officials, leading to the establishment of the NPO Act in 1998 (Nihei, 2011). The NPO Act opened the door to incorporation of civic organizations into NPOs, which had been difficult until then. The acquisition of specified nonprofit corporation status is important for citizen organizations that wish to carry out social activities, be socially recognized, and prove themselves to be responsible entities. By the early 2000s, over 10,000 organizations had acquired specified nonprofit corporation status under the NPO Act. The establishment of the Basic Act for Gender Equal Society in 1999 also affected women’s leadership in NGOs/NPOs. This Act allowed men and women to participate in society as equal partners, giving women’s leadership a boost. Women’s leadership in NGOs and NPOs began to play an important role in forming a gender-equal society. At the United Nations Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), held in 2003, a leading Japanese women NGO organization,

12

WOMEN’S LEADERSHIP IN THE NOT-FOR-PROFIT SECTOR …

247

JNNC (Japan Network of NGO for CEDAW), produced a counter-report on the reality of discrimination against women in Japan and reported it. In response to this report, CEDAW issued a recommendation to the Japanese government that measures should be taken to correct discrimination. Thus, reports by NGOs indirectly led to the establishment of a legal system on women’s equality in Japan (Osawa 2018; Osawa & Harada, 2006). Thus, women NGOs leadership contributed to improving women’s status.

2000 to Present Additionally, in the welfare field, there are women leaders who have established small-scale, multi-functional home care organizations as pioneers. According to the Public Nursing Care Insurance Law, enacted in 2000, many of the organizations participating in community-based home welfare services acquired corporate status and succeeded in expanding operations and stabilizing management. On the other hand, numerous organizations providing volunteer-based services were not covered by the Public Nursing Care Insurance Law. Therefore, the diversification of NPOs providing welfare services has progressed (Sato, 2006). Many small-scale, multi-functional home care businesses, have arisen and offer one of the community-based services that attracted attention due to a partial revision of the Nursing Care Insurance Law for the Elderly in 2005. These businesses are operated by organizations with small amounts of capital, such as NPOs and limited companies. Among small-scale multifunctional symbiotic day services, known as the Toyama prefecture type, an organization named Kono yubi tomare [Rest this finger] was established by three women nurses (Ueno, 2011). It is the most famous type of nursing care in Japan. This model enabled older patients to be discharged from the hospital to be returned home, rather than being transferred to other hospitals, as had been the case. The women founders thought of performing day care services for elderly people and led the effort through voluntary practice. NGOs that had helped in the aftermath of the Great Hanshin-Awaji Earthquake responded to subsequent large-scale disasters, such as the Niigata Prefecture Chuetsu Earthquake (2004), and provided support through evacuation centers. The enactment of the NPO Act and the accumulation of experience after such disasters helped NGOs become experts in volunteer activities. Owing to the numbers of experts and volunteers

248

M. OGAWA

in these organizations, NPOs/NGOs were able to cover widely afflicted areas, thereby causing a substantial reduction in recovery and restoration time. The NPO Act also granted civic groups a legal foundation similar to specified nonprofit corporations, and the number of NPOs/NGOs specializing in disaster assistance increased. Some Japanese researchers have suggested that NPOs/NGOs in Japan acquired the necessary experience and skills and matured after the Great Hanshin-Awaji Earthquake (Arata, 2011). In the areas affected by the Great Hanshin-Awaji Earthquake, women’s organizations and women’s NGOs reported occurrences of violence against women and an increase in domestic violence at evacuation centers. During the Great East Japan Earthquake and other earthquakes in Japan, this information was utilized. After the Great East Japan Earthquake occurred, services for violence and women’s consultation were opened. Several women-led NGOs have taken initiatives in areas afflicted by the Great East Japan Earthquake to understand the situations of women and children there and have supported women in these circumstances. This experience was also utilized in supporting women at the Kumamoto earthquake in 2016. The leadership of women-led NGOs has enabled support by reflecting the needs of women who have been overlooked in the past and is worth noting (Ochi, 2012). The enactment of the NPO Act has also greatly influenced subsequent NPO/NGO activities. Many voluntary organizations have acquired corporate status or legal status as a trigger based on the NPO Act, and NPO/NGO activities, accumulated experience, and know-how have been widely recognized throughout society. Women in NGOs and NPOs are not exceptions, and legislation, such as the NPO Act, has boosted ongoing operations, enabling women to engage in activities and operations for a relatively long period of time. It can be said that the accumulation of varied experience and understanding has refined women’s leadership. As it comes back to Fusae Ichikawa’s story, in 2013, the Fusae Ichikawa Memorial Association was renamed as the Fusae Ichikawa Center for Women and Governance and was recognized as a public interest incorporated foundation (Chikuma Shobo Editorial Department, 2015). The center carries forward Ichikawa’s aim to realize a peaceful and equal society and is working on a project to promote women’s political participation so they can become active players in democratic governance. Thus, Ichikawa is notable for her leadership in both women’s NGOs and political sectors in Japan.

12

WOMEN’S LEADERSHIP IN THE NOT-FOR-PROFIT SECTOR …

249

Women’s Leadership and Career Development in NPOs/NGOs Few studies have been conducted on women’s leadership roles in NPOs/NGOs in Japan. The Cabinet Office conducted a large-scale nationwide survey focusing on women’s NPO activities in 2009. Questionnaires were sent to both men and women, and interviews were carried out with some private organizations; however, since then, no such nationwide NPO surveys have been conducted. In the survey (2009), questionnaires were distributed to all organizations that had been certified as NPOs (N = 35,049), with 3840 valid responses (11.0% effective response rate) received. Most NPO activities were related to elderly care, followed by child-rearing support, both activities with a high women’s participation rate. NGOs/NPOs considered from the perspective of women’s leadership include elderly care, child rearing, education, labor, human rights, development, disaster, health, politics, town planning, civil engineering, and more. In these fields, women are voluntarily involved in activities, and they have established NPOs/NGOs. However, there are relatively few surveys or studies that have examined how women develop their leadership styles, and almost no cases involve analysis from the perspective of women’s leadership. Several characteristics of women leaders in NGOs/NPOs emerge from the 18 cases of women leaders provided by the National Women’s Education Center (2013, 2016) and 4 cases of women leaders who experienced the Great East Japan Earthquake interviewed by a women scholar (2016). First, through participation in lectures and courses related to lifelong learning and gender equality sponsored by local municipalities, women have a chance to study planning, operation, and practical skills. They then establish NGOs or NPOs with other women they met in those courses. Women gain experience as leaders by obtaining consignment projects from local governments. For example, Emiko Munakata, a woman leader who recently developed leadership in areas affected by the Great East Japan Earthquake, learning about women’s problems and international movements at a lifelong learning seminar operated by local governments. As the local governments focused on nurturing women’s human resources, they dispatched her to Tokyo and Osaka to receive training related to gender equality. Those experiences created the foundation for later NPO activities. After those events, she formed a study group

250

M. OGAWA

on women’s problems with her colleagues, and held lectures and seminars. She and her group also issued booklets about gender issues. After Munakata established NPO related to gender equality, the local governments entrusted her to manage a government-owned gender equality center. In addition, as a result of her experiences in the Great East Japan Earthquake, she continued to disseminate information nationally about the necessity of disaster reduction from a gender perspective. She was also actively involved in regional disaster prevention plans and ordinance development (Asano, 2016). A second case study looks at the way learning from women role models helps to form women’s leadership. Miyoko Kaihara meets role models at local women’s associations, workplaces, and by attending other activities (The National Women’s Education Center, 2013, 2016). A third case study looks at the problem based on her expertise takes a leadership role. Kayoko Soman, who started NPO “Kono yubi tomare,” discussed in the earlier section, manages day care service with her colleagues who were a nurse and have the same will. Besides above three cases, one unique example is WIN-WIN (Women in the New World, International Network), which was established in 1999 in Tokyo as a fundraising network to finance women aiming to become congresspersons. WIN-WIN presents a diversity of role models and cultivates leadership. It also offers valuable opportunities for learning. Based on the U.S. Emily’s List, which is an American political action committee that aims to help elect Democratic female candidates. The name is an acronym for “Early Money Is Like Yeast,” which comes from Ellen Malcolm, a founder, commenting that it makes the dough rise. Six people from WIN-WIN became organizers (Ryoko Akamatsu, Aiko Okawara, Ruri Kawashima, Mitsuko Shimomura, Yoko Hayashi, and Yoriko Meguro), calling for changes in political and financial affairs. About 90 people agreed with that notion, and actively developed activities. WIN-WIN nominated many women for offices, including those for the general and parliamentary elections, the gubernatorial elections, and unified local elections. It has also developed diligent support activities that have achieved results. There are more than 100 women who became politician nominated by WIN-WIN. In 2006, WIN-WIN renewed its executive team, and a second regime began by gaining the support of new people. Ryoko Akamatsu, the representative of the group, has been carrying out its administrative roles

12

WOMEN’S LEADERSHIP IN THE NOT-FOR-PROFIT SECTOR …

251

while taking charge of several volunteers. Through the Internet, WINWIN shared information with all members from Hokkaido to Okinawa, as well as to overseas locations, thereby enabling all members to participate in the organization. In 2014, as an effort to promote women’s leadership, Akamatsu founded a school in Tokyo to support women aiming for broad societal leadership in private organizations and political positions alike. The first phase of the school included 53 women. From among them, two were elected in the unified local election of 2015. The school produced results to raise women’s leadership development and, as a result, more than five women were elected. The Akamatsu School invited mostly women who were developing leadership across fields such as politic, business, academic to speak there. Those speakers were asked to talk about their work experiences and how they overcame any difficulties. Participants learn from a variety of speakers and can obtain an outlook for the future by finding various role models. This pioneering effort was realized by Akamatsu, who was a former Ministry of Labor bureaucrat, and served as the Minister of Education. Her experiences and skills as a leader have developed with her abilities. She has fostered younger people by making full use of her networks. Akamatsu is a typical example of a role model that many young women can look to for advice. Challenges and Barriers in Fostering Women Leaders for NPOs/NGOs Within NPOs, there is minimal differences in gender regarding positions, authority, and treatment. However, when a woman becomes the leader of an NPO, it is often difficult for her to achieve compatibility with family life and duties, such as fundraising, organizing, and managing business operations. For example, when an NPO was trying to expand its business, even if a woman leader encouraged members, they were passive and resisted coordinating the burden of fundraising with developing new business. Depending on the region, there was a tendency for the husband of a woman engaged in NPO activities to dislike his wife’s appearance in social activities, or for her becoming a manager for a NPO. According to Yasufumi Horiuchi, when analyzing regional characteristics and women’s NPO activities, there are differences in gender roles related to social activities between women in metropolitan areas and women in local cities. Horiuchi quoted Fischer’s (1975) theory. He was an urban sociologist who said, “the more urban place, the higher the rate of unconventionality” (Fischer,

252

M. OGAWA

1975, p. 1328). Horiuchi’s analysis indicated that the metropolitan area creates gender-role freedom. Unconventionality is a new way of thinking and is a behavioral code that has never existed (Horiuchi, 2005). These gender roles are considered to be factors that impede the development of women leaders. Another example is the difficulties of government nonprofit partnerships with women’s leadership development. NPOs are increasingly receiving outsourcing from the government to secure financial resources in a stable fashion, reducing costs, such as consignment methods in annual contracts and municipal budget reductions. This has not necessarily aided the development of NPOs or strengthened their foundations. In NPO-ization or NGO-ization, led by the government, NPOs become subcontractors for the administrative agency. Some have noted that NPOs have taken on supplementary roles as watchdogs for administrative agencies (Ogawa, 2009; Tanaka, 2006). Nonetheless, it is currently difficult for many NPOs/NGOs to act autonomously. To receive public aid, it is important to encourage local governments to assist NPOs, while, at the same time, maintaining the viewpoint that NPOs must create their own management funds in the long run (Ogawa, 2015). It can be said that this trend of NPO-ization is a factor that hinders both the demonstration of women’s leadership and other NPO leadership.

Future State of NPOs/NGOs and Women’s Leadership Roles in Japan Women leaders have established community networks and have the skills to acquire specialized expertise for gathering and disseminating information. These leaders know how to operate through their networks. Women leaders of NPOs/NGOs have opened up a path by themselves, and they are pioneers in that field. These women NPO/NGO pioneers have worked hard to bring about results through their activities. They now share their skills and experiences as leaders for women. On the other hand, the government does not have statistics showing the proportion of women leaders and managers in NPOs/NGOs. It is necessary to develop such statistics, and to present the necessary conditions for women’s leadership. The women-led NPOs/NGOs that we have seen so far are discovering problems and setting up their organizations to address these needs,

12

WOMEN’S LEADERSHIP IN THE NOT-FOR-PROFIT SECTOR …

253

contributing to their communities and society with their ingenuity. Public recognition of women leaders in NPOs/NGOs is important if the movement of women community leaders and women leadership is to be viewed in terms of their participation in the political decision-making arena. NPOs, such as WIN-WIN, were established by female leaders who have served as former ministers. This organization aims toward the election of women candidates with the cooperation of other women corporate managers and parliamentarians. It has been successful and has received recognition both at home and abroad. On the other hand, there are still few opportunities for women-led NPOs/NGOs and its women leaders to be publicly recognized. The national and local government award systems have provided opportunities for women leaders and women-led NPOs/NGOs to be publicly recognized as community leaders and have enabled them to participate in the local decision-making process. The activities of women in NPOs/NGOs will contribute to the improvement of women’s status and the revitalization of the community through their active participation and using their voice as members of their local communities. The participation of women leaders in the decision-making process may bring a new wind in the male-centered community leadership structures, and may also encourage changes in quantitative aspects such as an increase in the number of women leaders. In addition, one of the roles that women leaders in NPOs/NGOs play is to impact local policy and promote gender equality to revitalize local communities. Effective Collaboration Between the Government and the Social Roles of Women-Led NPOs/NGOs Administrative collaboration in NPOs/NGOs is an important factor for the development of women’s leadership as administrative agencies hold lectures and training related to women-led NPOs/NGOs. Administrative agencies also assign projects to women-led NPOs/NGOs, resulting in administrative agencies leading women’s NPO leadership development. Efforts differ by region, but the administrative agencies need to establish a system to help women develop NPO leadership abilities. From the NPO side, NPOs consider themselves to be organizations to stimulate thought and activity. Women leaders who support NPOs, then, are thinkers and doers. Therefore, if an NPO develops a close relationship with administrative agencies, it would improve an equal partnership with

254

M. OGAWA

the administration, and make more opportunities to develop leadership. In this regard, it is also necessary for the NPO side to understand more fully and set the scope for cooperation. NPOs often receive commissioned business from national and local governments in Japan. For example, instructors for governmental training programs in gender equality may be dispatched from NPOs or NGOs with specialized knowledge. How does the collaboration with the government lead women’s leadership in NGOs? When the government offers business to NPOs and NGOs, it pays attention to its expertise and past achievements, and also places importance on the business plan. The assignment to NPOs and NGOs is a sign that the government expects the organization to take a leading role and trusts their ability to execute the project. Ginka Toegel (2016), a professor of Leadership Strategy at the International Institute for Management Development (IIMD) in Switzerland, stated, “Most Japanese women have no intention to become leaders” (Togel, 2016, p. 167). This is not the case in other countries because of the different environment for women in these countries (Toegel, 2016). According to a study on the reasons Japanese women do not want to be leaders or managers, based on new employees, showed that there was less expectation for women to become leaders compared with men. Based on this result, Otsuki (2015) mentioned that women need a workplace where leadership is required. Okamoto proffers the following explanation regarding the growing number of women in NPO leadership roles. First, nonprofit activities are more affirmative than commercial ones. Women have been liberated or excluded from making money through the gender-based division of labor in Japan. Second, NPOs are emerging as providers of services to commercial enterprises that have been led by men and of services that are not adequately provided by the government. Therefore, the degree of leadership by men is not as high and is peripheral. Therefore, there are aspects that make it easier for women to play an active role. Third, the fields of welfare and education, which currently constitute a large proportion of NPO activities, are considered suitable for women (Okamoto, 2005). Compared to companies, NPOs and NGOs are expected by the government to promote their commissioned projects by demonstrating their professional abilities and leadership. NPOs and NGOs, from the perspective of collaborative relationships with administrative agencies, are required to demonstrate leadership regardless of gender.

12

WOMEN’S LEADERSHIP IN THE NOT-FOR-PROFIT SECTOR …

255

Therefore, administrative agencies must understand the significance and characteristics of NPOs for collaboration while maintaining an equal relationship and considering policies to promote the independence of NPOs/NGOs. Based on NPO studies conducted in Japan, volunteers often cite three conditions that characterize volunteer activities: spontaneity, direct stakes in an issue, and unpaid work. Volunteer work can provide services beyond those established by the government at little cost, with some exceptions. Although NPOs aim to achieve autonomous management and conduct continuous activities, in reality, the role and significance of NPOs are not socially recognized, and many NPOs are characterized as having poor financial and management skills. Therefore, NPOs/NGOs must secure a social position that is commensurate with their work.

Implications for Practice NPOs in which women are taking leadership roles are engaged in diversified empowerment strategies for women, such as human resource development, support for life planning, and the fostering of role models. These NPOs are expected to play a major role in the promotion of gender equality. Therefore, to solve the problems faced by NPOs and proactively expand their strengths and possibilities, the following measures need to be considered: a. Development of leadership training programs for women-led NPOs/NGOs b. Development of practical management and leadership programs for women-led NPOs/NGOs c. Development of next-generation women’s training programs for NPOs/NGOs d. Solutions for financial problems and increased autonomy e. Increased financial support from the government and enterprises f. Establishment of a support system by intermediate organizations Promoting these measures and making efforts to continue widely disseminating the specific activities and roles of NPOs could be expected to deepen the recognition and appreciation of NPOs in both the community and society as a whole, and thus to nurture support of NPOs. In

256

M. OGAWA

addition, administrative authorities must better understand and actively evaluate the activities and roles of NPOs/NGOs, both locally and in society as a whole. It is also necessary for all generations, from the young to the elderly, to support NPOs from the start-up stage in order to foster collaboration with regional authorities and administrative agencies. In Japan, social issues, such as community activities, human rights, and childcare, are common aspects that need to be addressed to support daily life from the viewpoint of residents; these local issues have traditionally been tackled by housewives. Despite the fact that these activities have become socially significant, in the case of housewives, their social status has often been prescribed by their husbands, and their social position and status as individuals has not necessarily been clear. However, as these circumstances have changed, and the number of working women has increased, the view in which social activities are regarded as individual roles has gradually spread. At the same time, these activities have become increasingly important as an indispensable part of regional formation, which has brought increased social acceptance. Based on these circumstances, development training in social areas and NPOs/NGOs should be promoted, the actual situation of women’s leadership roles should be clarified, programs for education regarding NPOs/NGOs and women’s leadership roles should be developed, and systems of educational practice should be constructed. NPOs in which women take leadership roles deal with regional issues, but the continued operation of the organization and stabilization of the management are major tasks. Therefore, it is necessary for administrative agencies to provide opportunities to challenge and encourage the autonomy of NPOs, as well as training and integrated advice. At the same time, increased cooperation and collaboration with organizations/activities in various fields is needed to support activities focused on gender equality. NPOs have limited support, so it is necessary to nurture intermediate NPO support organizations. It is necessary to create opportunities for collaboration by creating a platform that encourages cooperation by raising awareness of these types of organizations, institutions, business fields, and human resources as well.

Recommendations for Future Research Few studies have been conducted on NPOs/NGOs. Therefore, comprehensive studies of women-led NPOs/NGOs and multidisciplinary research on women-led NPOs/NGOs need to be conducted.

12

WOMEN’S LEADERSHIP IN THE NOT-FOR-PROFIT SECTOR …

257

Additionally throughout this chapter, we discussed several cases of women in Japan participating in NPOs/NGOs. However, there is a need for more detailed research and studies on women leaders’ impacts on local NPOs’ participation in communities’ political decision-making processes. If women leaders do not participate in local decision-making processes, the community will lose its public nature. Specifically, it is important to study whether it is possible to create a new decision-making platform for understanding the value of women leaders’ contributions to NPOs/NGOs. It has been indicated that it is challenging for women to represent existing community organizations, such as residents’ associations (Asano, 2016; Fujii, 2011). However, there is a variety of residents’ organizations within a community, and unless they work together, community building will fail. I plan to investigate whether women’s leadership roles in NPOs can be a factor in changing the traditional male-centered leadership structures within a community.

Conclusion Japanese NPOs/NGOs are continuing their steady activities and are gradually becoming places of heightened activity and work. Although their social roles are increasingly being acknowledged, it can still be said that they might fall by the wayside if they fail to maintain sound management. From the viewpoint of women’s leadership, based on the Act on Promotion of Women’s Participation and Advancement in the Workplace enacted in 2015, women are expected to become more active in politics, economics, and other fields. The Fourth Gender Equality Plan seeks to formulate a plan to promote women employment that can be implemented smoothly and effectively. At the same time, requests are being made to improve coordination between diverse entities in the region, such as with the national and local government, regional economic organizations, agriculture, forestry and fishery organizations, and NPO organizing councils. Based on this situation, it is essential for the national and local government to cooperate with NPOs/NGOs in order to ensure leadership and equal opportunities for women, as well as participation in NPO/NGO decision-making processes so that women can also demonstrate their leadership in the international community. Furthermore, from the viewpoint of positioning NPOs/NGOs as important social resources in their respective regions, the leadership roles of women in NPOs/NGOs

258

M. OGAWA

needs to be evaluated positively and maintained in the future. For this purpose, a public fiscal support system for NPOs/NGOs is needed, and the mechanisms underlying human resource development must be strategically examined. By doing so, women can be expected to demonstrate leadership in NPOs/NGOs and to create organizations and networks that will encompass diversity further. These are points that cannot be overlooked in considering the future direction of NPO/NGO activities and women’s leadership roles.

References Arata, M. (2011). 災害ボランティア活動の「成熟」とは何か [What is the “mature” of disaster volunteer work]. In K. Endo (Ed.), 大震災後の社会 学 [Sociology of the great east earthquake] (pp. 194–235). Tokyo, Japan: Kodansha. Asano, F. (2016). みやぎ3・11「人間の復興」を担う女性たち [Miyagi 3.11 Women who carries on “revival of human-being”]. Tokyo, Japan: Seikatushisosha. Cabinet Office. (2009). 女性の再チャレンジとNPOについての調査 [Survey report on women’s challenge and NPOs]. Retrieved from http://www.gen der.go.jp/research/kenkyu/challenge_NPO/pdf/hyoushi.pdf. Cabinet Office. (2011). 地域の活力と魅力を生み出す男女共同参画事例集 [Case examples of gender equality activities that create regional vitality and charm]. Retrieved from http://www.gender.go.jp/research/kenkyu/chiiki_ danjyo_kyoudou/index.html. Cabinet Office. (2015). 地域における女性活躍推進に関する調査研究報告書 [Research report on the promotion of women’s success in the region]. Retrieved from http://www.gender.go.jp/research/kenkyu/pdf/chiiki_zen bun.pdf. Cabinet Office. (2018). 平成29年度特定非営利活動法人に関する実態調査報告 書 [FY2017 survey report on specified nonprofit corporations]. Retrieved from https://www.npo-homepage.go.jp/toukei/npojittai-chousa/2017npoji ttai-chousa. Cabinet Office. (2019). 女性のチャレンジ賞表彰受賞者2004~2019 [Women’s challenge grand prize 2004–2019]. Retrieved from http://www.gender.go. jp/public/commendation/women_challenge/c_hyoshou.html. Cabinet Office. (2020). 所轄庁別認証・認定数 [The number of NPOs by prefectures]. Retrieved from https://www.npo-homepage.go.jp/uploads/ kiso_ninsyou_nintei_insatu-2.pdf.

12

WOMEN’S LEADERSHIP IN THE NOT-FOR-PROFIT SECTOR …

259

Chikuma Shobo Editorial Department. (2015). 市川房枝-女性解放運動から社 会変革へ [Ichikawa Fusae—From women’s liberation movement to social reform]. Tokyo, Japan: Chikuma Shobo. Fischer, C. S. (1975). Towards a subcultural theory of urbanism. American Journal of Sociology, 80(6), 1319–1341. Retrieved from www.jstor.org/stable/ 2777297. Fujii, W. (2011). 農村女性の社会学-地域づくりの男女共同参画 [Sociology of rural women: Gender equality in community development]. Kyoto, Japan: Showado. Hall, M., & O’Dwyer, B. (2017). Accounting, non-governmental organizations and civil society: The importance of nonprofit organizations to understanding accounting. Accounting, Organizations and Society, 63, 1–5. Retrieved from file:///D:/2017%20NGO,%20accounting.pdf. Horiuchi, Y. (2005). 地域の特性と女性のNPO活動 [Characteristic of region and NPO activities of women]. In NWEC (Ed.), 女性のキャリア形成とNPO 活動に関する調査研究報告書 [Research report on women’s career formation and NPO activities] (pp. 68–77). Saitama, Japan: The National Women’s Education Center. Isa, J. (2016). ボランティアを考える[第2版] [Considering NPO (2nd ed.).]. Tokyo, Japan: Soseisha. Kanamori, T. (1980). 人物婦人運動史-明治・大正・昭和の歩み [Figure women movement history—History of Meiji, Taisho, Showa]. Tokyo, Japan: Roudo Kyouiku Center. Lewis, D. (2010). Nongovernmental organizations, definition and history. In H. K. Anheier & S. Toepler (Eds.), International encyclopedia of civil society (pp. 1056–1062). New York, NY: Springer. Mabashi, M. (2013). 田中里子にみる複合キャリアの形成過程 [Process of complex career development by looking at Satoko Tanaka]. In NWEC (Ed.), 女性のキャリア形成に関する実証的・実践的研究-複合キャリア形成 過程とキャリア学習 [Empirical and practical research of women’s career process: Process of complex career and career learning] (pp. 43–52). Saitama, Japan: The National Women’s Education Center. Ministry of Foreign Affairs. (2016). Data book on Japanese NGOs 2016. Retrieved from https://www.mofa.go.jp/mofaj/files/000150460.pdf. Miura, M. (Ed.). (2016). 日本の女性議員 どうすれば増えるのか [How can we increase Japanese women legislators?]. Tokyo, Japan: Asahi Shinbun Syuppan. Nihei, N. (2011). ボランティアの誕生と終焉 [A birth and demise of volunteer]. Nagoya, Japan: Nagoya University Press. Ochi, M. (2012). 第11章 災害とジェンダー [Chapter 11 Disaster and gender]. NWEC実践研究 第2号複合キャリア [NWEC Action Research Complex Career], 2, 158–168. Retrieved from https://www.nwec.jp/about/publish/ 2011/ndpk5s000000110f.html.

260

M. OGAWA

Ogawa, A. (2009). The failure of civil society?: The third sector and the state in contemporary Japan. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press. Ogawa, M. (2015). ドメスティック・バイオレンスと民間シェルター被害当事 者支援の構築と展開 [Domestic violence and private shelters: The development and expansion of victim assistance]. Yokohama, Japan: Seori Shobo. Okamoto, H. (2005). 女性のキャリアとNPO活動 [NPO activities and women’s career development]. In NWEC (Ed.), 女性のキャリア形成とNPO活動に 関する調査研究報告書 [Research report on women’s career formation and NPO activities] (pp. 1–9). Saitama, Japan: The National Women’s Education Center. Osawa, M. (2018). 21世紀の女性と仕事 [Women and occupation in 21 century]. Tokyo, Japan: Houso University Kyouiku Shinko Kai. Osawa, M., & Harada, J. (2006). 21世紀の女性と仕事 [Women and occupation in 21 century]. Tokyo, Japan: Houso University Kyouiku Shinko Kai. Otsuki, N. (2011). NPO活動と女性のキャリア形成 [NPO activities and women’s career development]. 季刊家計経済研究 [Quarterly Journal of Research on Household Economics], 89, 44–52. Retrieved from http://kak eiken.org/journal/jjrhe/89/089_05.pdf. Otsuki, N. (2015). 職務格差-女性の活躍推進を阻む要因は何か [Disparity in job duties: Which factors hinder the promotion of women’s activities]. Tokyo, Japan: Keisoshobo. Sato, T. (2006). 構造改革期と阪神・淡路大震災 [Period of structure reform and the Great Hanshin-Awaji Earthquake]. In T. Imada (Ed.), 日本のNPO史 [History of NPO in Japan] (pp. 198–236). Tokyo, Japan: Gyosei. Sawamura, A., Tanaka, T., Kuroda, K., & Nishide, Y. (2017). はじめてのNPO 論 [Introduction to non-profit organization]. Tokyo, Japan: Yuhikaku. Tanaka, Y. (2006). NPOが自立する日 [A day that NPOs become independent]. Tokyo, Japan: Nihon Hyoronsha. Tanaka, Y. (2016). Excellent NPO standards: Building assessment tool for NPOs in Japan. The Nonprofit Review, 16(1), 39–55. Retrieved from https://www. jstage.jst.go.jp/article/janpora/16/1/16_39/_pdf/-char/ja. The Japan Institute for Labour Policy and Training. (2015). NPO法人の活動と 働き方に関する調査 [Survey on activities and working methods of NPOs]. Retrieved from http://www.jil.go.jp/institute/research/2015/documents/ 0139.pdf. The National Women’s Education Center. (2013). 社会参画と女性のキャリア 形成事例集 [The case studies of social participation and women’s career development]. Saitama, Japan: The National Women’s Education Center. The National Women’s Education Center. (2016). NWEC実践研究 第6号女性 のエンパワーメント [NWEC practice and Research N0.6 Empowerment of Women]. Saitama, Japan: The National Women’s Education Center.

12

WOMEN’S LEADERSHIP IN THE NOT-FOR-PROFIT SECTOR …

261

Togel, G. (2016). 女性が管理職になったら読む本 [The book you read when you become a manager]. Tokyo, Japan: Nihonkeizaishinbunshuppansha. Ueno, C. (2011). ケアの社会学 [Sociology of care]. Tokyo, Japan: Ohta Shuppan. Yokota, Y., Tomita, M., Takizawa, M., Mochizuki, Y., & Yoshimura, S. (Eds.). (2008). 国際人権入門 [Introduction to International Human Rights]. Kyoto, Japan: Horitu bunkasha.

PART V

International Perspectives

CHAPTER 13

Women’s Social Participation: Japan in an Asian Context Chizuko Nagaoka and Gary N. McLean

The literacy rate and academic achievement of Japanese women rank high among Asian countries. However, their social participation rate in government and private sectors has remained low. Today, the Japanese government is promoting women’s social participation. It is the main issue at the center of Japan’s growth strategy. There are various opinions about how we consider social participation. However, social participation is defined in this chapter as participation in the labor market. The circumstances of Japanese women in the labor market have not changed much for decades. So, why do Japanese women have among the highest education rate in spite of such serious working circumstances (World Economic Forum, 2020)? It is an interesting dilemma that we explore in this chapter. We discuss women’s social participation in Asian

C. Nagaoka (B) Den-en Chofu University, Kanagawa, Japan e-mail: [email protected] G. N. McLean Organization Development, Assumption University, Bangkok, Thailand e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s) 2021 Y. T. Nakamura et al. (eds.), Japanese Women in Leadership, Current Perspectives on Asian Women in Leadership, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-36304-8_13

265

266

C. NAGAOKA AND G. N. MCLEAN

countries focused on these questions: (a) What role do Japanese women play in capacity building? (b) Why do married women in Japan have more difficulty continuing to work compared with other Asian societies? and (c) What is the situation for women’s leadership in Japan compared with other Asian countries based on social and cultural factors?

Background on Women’s Social Participation in Japan Based on the Act on Promotion of Activities in Women’s Occupational Life, effective from April 2008, companies of more than a specified number within specific industries have had to prepare an action plan incorporating numerical targets for promoting women. The background for women’s promotion includes not only the elimination of labor shortage accompanying the declining birthrate and the aging society, but also the required utilization of the potential capacity of women. However, despite many initiatives, changes in women’s labor participation rates in Japanese society are, unfortunately, very poor. According to the situation of labor market participation among countries in the Global Gender Gap Report 2020, Japan ranks 121st out of 153 countries (World Economic Forum, 2020). In Japan, there is a persistent awareness of gender role as a fundamental problem in women’s promotion. Certainly, the percentage of women in leadership positions is low, and not only in the labor market, but also in communities, such as self-governing associations. To improve this situation, the Japanese government has undertaken to expand women’s participation in policy and decision-making processes in all fields of society through positive action. The definition of social participation has several opinions; however, in this chapter, women’s social participation is defined as their participation in the labor market. Today, the Japanese government, with the aim of achieving the target of “increasing the share of women in leadership positions to at least 30% by 2020 in all fields in society” (Gender Equality Bureau Cabinet Office, Government of Japan, 2020). Numerical targets for women’s participation has been set for a wide range of fields, including politics, national and local civil services, the private sector, education, and research. In the Fourth Basic Plan for Gender Equality, to foster gender equality-related measures in a comprehensive and planned manner based on the Basic Act for Gender Equal Society, a basic approach through

13

WOMEN’S SOCIAL PARTICIPATION: JAPAN IN AN ASIAN CONTEXT

267

2025, long-term governmental policy directions, and specific measure implemented by 2020 are set in this plan (Gender Equality Bureau Cabinet Office Government of Japan, 2020) Targets for a gender-equal society are as follows: 1. Make vibrant and rich in diversity, by men and women demonstrating their individuality and abilities, respecting their own choices. 2. A place where the human rights of men and women are respected, where individuals can live with dignity. 3. Realized work-life balance of both women and men through reformation of “men-oriented working styles”. 4. Recognized internationally for gender equality, which should be positioned as the most important issue in Japan. Although there has been a moderate increase, the proportion of women in decision-making processes still remains low, and, in most fields, the target of 30% by 2020 has yet to be achieved. The performance objectives set out for women by the Japanese Government were as follows. • Reformation of “men-oriented working styles” for women’s empowerment. • Expansion of women’s participation in policy decision-making processes. • Securing equal opportunities and treatment between men and women and work-life balance • Promotion of gender equality in the area of regional and rural development and environment. • Gender equality in science and technology and academic fields.

Purpose of the Chapter The Japanese government is promoting women’s participation with the power of women at the center of Japan’s growth strategy. However, obstacles for women’s social participation have been known for decades, and the circumstances of Japanese women have not changed much. For Japanese women, capacity building, and leadership have continued to be challenging issues. Why do Japanese women have the lowest labor

268

C. NAGAOKA AND G. N. MCLEAN

market participation rate in Asia? Why do Japanese women have among the highest level of education? This is an interesting dilemma that we explore in this chapter. We discuss women’s social participation in Asian countries, focusing on three areas: (a) capacity building; (b) why married women in Japan have more difficulty continuing to work; and (c) the situation for women’s leadership in Japan. Each of these points will be considered within the context of Asia based on social and cultural factors.

Gender Inequality in Asian Society In most Asian countries, the social status of women is lower than men’s, and women’s behavior patterns in daily life can be influenced by factors such as patriarchy. Asian society is generally controlled by social and cultural factors. For example, religion is a large part of our life. However, its impact on society is so complicated that it is difficult to determine clearly what the impact is. In modern Japanese society, individual beliefs and thoughts are guaranteed in the constitution, so they are not tied to traditional customs compared to the past. However, we are required to follow implicit rules in society and in daily life. It means that roles related to masculinity or femininity still abound. In the past, Japanese women tended to be good wives and wise mothers, rather than seeking high academic levels for women to study at university (Sugimura, 2012). Although differences are not so obvious in primary education, the differences become clearer as they go on to higher education in many places over the world. For example, it is often the case that there are more women students in childcare and nursing professional training institutions, but there are fewer women students in engineering in Japan. Many women university students often feel, perhaps unconsciously, that they are not treated equally during job hunting because of their gender. There is a difference between what is required in school education and what is required in society, and we are influenced by a gendered society. Inequality in career guidance is a global phenomenon (Atlas mondial des femmes, 2018), though it may be more obvious in Japan. In Asian societies, women tend not to be treated equally in the workplace when it comes to training and development, promotions, and work styles. But women have often not promoted their own life course after graduation; they have not always linked their high academic performance to their motivation for work. Kimura (2005) observed that Japanese girls

13

WOMEN’S SOCIAL PARTICIPATION: JAPAN IN AN ASIAN CONTEXT

269

have higher academic performance than boys, but their academic performance does not always link with their social participation or leadership. We compare this situation in Japan with other Asian countries in the next section.

Overview of Women’s Social Participation Data and Situation: Focus on Cultural, Political, and Social Economic Characteristics in Asian Countries According to the MasterCard Worldwide Index of Women’s Advancement (MIWA) (2016) revealed that women managing companies and government agencies in the Asia/Pacific region is still hampered by stringent barriers. In 12 of the 18 Asia-Pacific countries, women outnumber men in university enrollment, with Sri Lanka (164.0), New Zealand (141.8), and Australia (137.5) taking the top spots. Japan and Singapore are the same index (91.6), which is fourth from the lowest, Korea (75.5). However, educational attainment has not transferred into social participation in the labor market in many countries. More women than men are entering university in New Zealand, China, and the Philippines, but women are still much less likely to be in the workforce, and certainly not in leadership roles. On the other hand, the findings in the Global Gender Gap Report by World Economic Forum (2020) is a synthesis of performances across the four dimensions composing the index—the Economic Participation, Educational Attainment, Health and Survival and Political Empowerment sub-indexes. Overall, this year’s positive result has been driven mainly by a progress on the Political Empowerment sub-index, as well as by marginal improvements on the Health and Survival and Educational Attainment sub-indexes. Conversely, the progress toward gender parity in terms of Economic Participation and Opportunity registers a retraction. The analysis results by the Asia and the Pacific region has closed 68.5% of the overall gender gap. And the South Asia region has closed 66.1% of its gender gap report 2020. In this section, it would like to focus—the Educational Attainment as academic level, Employment and Political Empowerment as women’s leadership. Let’s take a concrete look at literacy rate and enrollment rate

270

C. NAGAOKA AND G. N. MCLEAN

in secondary and higher education of which is the basis of achievement of adult female education in some Asia-Pacific countries.

Academic Level: Secondary and Tertiary School Enrollment According to the Global Gender Gap Report (World Economic Forum, 2020), secondary school enrollment is percentage of girls and boys in the official primary school age range (net rate) who are enrolled in secondary education. And enrollment in tertiary education (gross rate), regardless of age, expressed as a percentage of the most recent five-year age cohort that has left secondary school. In both enrollment rate, there are some countries each data is not reported. Figure 13.1 is the literacy rate of women, enrollment in secondary education and tertiary education in 16 countries of Asia-Pacific regions. First, the literacy rate tends to be low in South Asian countries as a whole. However, this is an exception in Sri Lanka, where the secondary school enrollment rate has reached 90%, which is very different from the tertiary enrollment rate. 140 120 100 80 60 40 20 0

Enrolment in secondary education, %

Enrolment in tertiary education, %

Literacy rate, %

Fig. 13.1 Literacy rate, secondary and tertiary education enrollment of AsiaPacific countries (By authors, based on data from World Economic Forum, Gender Gap Report, 2020)

13

WOMEN’S SOCIAL PARTICIPATION: JAPAN IN AN ASIAN CONTEXT

271

As for the enrollment rate of secondary education, Australia, Indonesia, South Korea, New Zealand, and Singapore have more than 80%. Australia has an outstanding enrollment rate in tertiary education, but South Korea, New Zealand, and Singapore also have an enrollment rate of over 80% in secondary education. Enrollment rates for secondary education and tertiary education are similar in New Zealand, and Singapore has a similar tendency. On the other hand, Pakistan has the lowest number in all cases, with 40% or less in all cases.

Employment: Labor Force Participation According to MIWA (2016), employment and workforce participation indexes are typically similar in most countries, but Nepal, Bangladesh, and Vietnam reflect different rankings. In these three countries, the index of workforce participation is high, but the index of regular employment is low. This situation is not shown in other countries. In other words, many women engage in non-regular employment. So what are the trends in the Global Gender Gap Report (World Economic Forum, 2020)? Figure 13.2 shows the employment status 200 180 160 140 120 100 80 60 40 20 0

Professional and technical workers, % Legislators, senior officials and managers, % Labour force par cipa on rate, %

Fig. 13.2 Women’s employment situation (By authors, from World Economic Forum, Gender Gap Report, 2020)

272

C. NAGAOKA AND G. N. MCLEAN

of women. In addition to the overall employment participation rate, employment rates for managers and professionals are also shown. While employment rates tend to be high in Nepal and Vietnam, employment classes for managers tend to be low. Similar trends are seen in China, Japan, South Korea, and Malaysia. However, in Indonesia and the Philippines, the employment rate for managers is over 50%, which is a high number in Asian countries. Similar trends are seen in Australia, New Zealand, and Singapore. It can be said that Indonesia and the Philippines have a good balance of labor participation among women at all levels.

Women’s Political Empowerment Other metrics for women’s progress are divided into three categories: business ownership, business leadership, and political leadership in repot of MIWA (2016). The Philippines had the highest index for the number of women business leaders compared with men. However, Nepal had the highest index for the number of women business owners and political leaders, but there is a wide gap when compared with the number of men business leaders. According to World Economic Forum’s Global Gender Gap Report (2020), political empowerment is composed women in parliament rate, women in ministerial positions rate and years with female/male head of state (last 50). Figure 13.3 shows situation of women in parliament rate and women in ministerial rate. NZ is top in this region, women in parliament 40.8%, women in ministerial 30.8%. Regarding of women in parliament rate, Nepal (32.7%), Australia (30.5%), Philippines (28.0%) are almost 30%. Women in ministerial position is Indonesia (23.5%), India (23.1%), Korea (22.2%), Australia (21.4%). Japan and Sri Lanka are very low in both rate in this region. In Japan, the current women’s parliamentary rate is about 10%, women in ministerial position rate is 5.3% (World Economic Forum, 2020). Why is this ratio so low? It is difficult to know which factors contribute most. One barrier to women’s leadership in Japan is the strong gender role division. Family responsibilities belong to women leaving less time for politics. Second, the stereotypes about the roles of men and women are strong. There is a strong consensus that politics are for men, even today; it is a serious factor that prevents women from participating in society.

13

WOMEN’S SOCIAL PARTICIPATION: JAPAN IN AN ASIAN CONTEXT

273

80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0

Women in parliament %

Women in ministerial positions, %

Fig. 13.3 Women’s political empowerment in Asia-Pacific region (By authors, based on World Economic Forum, Global Gender Gap Report, 2020)

Cultural Comparisons Between Japan and Other Asian Countries Cultural and social factors are important for workplace environments. According to McKinsey & Company (2012), there are many factors influencing women’s workforce participation in Asian and European societies. Family public policies in Japan are key in promoting women’s social participation, but there are wide gaps between Asia and Europe. Especially, it is difficult to obtain nursery school entry in Japan because of insufficient numbers. And, if mothers cannot put their children into school or daycare, with the expectation that mothers take care of their children rather than fathers, it becomes difficult, if not impossible, for women to work. Some workplace environments may even make it difficult for married women, even those without children, to continue working. As discussed above, the Philippines is the highest on the index of women business leaders. It would be very useful to have the factors affecting this situation in the Philippines investigated. In general, in Asia, Japan is similar to Korea with its patriarchal system. Data show that the labor participation rate of women in Japan, Korea, and Taiwan have an M-curve, which shows an initial high participation rate, dropping off as

274

C. NAGAOKA AND G. N. MCLEAN

women enter marriage and then child rearing years, increasing as children begin school and then again as children leave home, but dropping again with the need for elder care. McKinsey & Company (2012) reported that, in Japan, traditional thinking has been that women should stay at home after marriage. About 60% of married women quit or change their job. However, things are gradually changing. First, women’s academic level achievement has rapidly changed, especially as seen in women students’ university enrollment rate since the 1990s. Second, the number of women who want to work using their developed specialties has increased gradually. Systems of industrial society have also changed. Although there are signs of improvement in terms of education and wage parity, gender stereotyping is still common in Japan. In fact, there are still serious systematic barriers to gender equality for women. There was surprising news, which has been unfair results against female applicants to medical universities in Japan (Hayashikawa & Manns, 2019). It will be more specific gender inequality case.

Cultural Impact on Social Participation In this section, we review the status of women’s social participation, focusing on cultural factors within regional characteristics. We divide Asia into three regions: East Asia, Southeast Asia, and South Asia. The progress of women in social participation can be found in Cho, Ghosh, Sun, and McLean (2017). East Asian Countries As confirmed in the previous sections, the situation of women’s labor force participation is similar, in which women leave their jobs for a time during childbirth, child rearing, and elder care, especially in Japan, Korea, and Taiwan. Today, in Japan, taking a leave for childbirth and child rearing is allowed by employment regulations, but, in fact, it is difficult for such action to be accepted by colleagues in spite of having obtained permission. As a traditional value, there is the idea that it is better for mothers to focus on childcare during early childhood. It tends to dominate even today. Furthermore, in the patriarchal family system, which is a feature of the East Asian region, it is difficult for women to ensure an environment that balances childcare and work even today.

13

WOMEN’S SOCIAL PARTICIPATION: JAPAN IN AN ASIAN CONTEXT

275

South East Asian Countries Unlike the East Asian region, that is still heavily influenced by the culture created by the teachings of Confucius, South East Asia is much less influenced by such teachings, though segments of such teachings still exist. But there are major differences across the region, based on religious differences. For example, Vietnam, as a communist nation, has no avowed religious commitment. Malaysia, Brunei, and Indonesia are heavily influenced by Islam. Thailand, Myanmar, Cambodia, and Laos are mainly Buddhist, as is the case to some extent in most East Asian countries. The Philippines is primarily Christian, based on the occupation of the Philippines by the USA, and Christianity can be found to much smaller extents in other South East Asian countries, often of a conservative nature. Given this diversity, it is impossible to look to a common religious source of values related to women’s social participation. As a result of this diversity, it is not possible to make broad statements describing the role of women in leadership. However, in general, women are far more successful in this region than in the East Asian region, especially in the Philippines, followed by Indonesia. Thailand is an interesting difference from East Asia, as well, with more women enrolling in higher education than men. Women easily find positions in the workplace until they hit the glass ceiling, which is very much present in Thailand (Sritanyarat & McLean, 2017). However, like East Asia, South East Asia is very much lacking in affordable daycare and nursery options for families. This clearly influences the option for women to work, as childcare still falls on women in this region. The same is true of elder care, thus limiting the amount of time to commit to work during women’s later years of employment, when they are most likely to have senior positions. South Asian Countries Most South Asian countries are developing countries in which most adult women have not received sufficient education because of social and cultural factors. Such women do not have sufficient educational opportunities even when they were children because of religious or traditional beliefs or customs and because of poverty and early marriage of girls. For example, Hindu and Islamic instructions claim that boys are superior to girls, or at least it is mo0re important for boys to be educated.

276

C. NAGAOKA AND G. N. MCLEAN

In recent years, the Education for All movement has become the framework for action plans promoting basic education opportunities all over the world (UNESCO Kathmandu, 2015). This movement has had an impact of increasing the educational attainment of women in the younger generation. However, as noted elsewhere, girls’ education achievement and labor participation are not always related, and the proportion of women in the workforce still tends to be low. While India, Nepal, and Sri Lanka have shown remarkable progress in education since 1990, there are still many illiterate women, and gender disparity is still problematic. The Asia-Pacific region has more than half of the world’s population—and 456 million of the 758 million adult illiterates in the world (UNESCO Institute for Lifelong Learning, 2017). And two-thirds of them women, especially, adult illiteracy is a serious problem in South Asia. Socio-cultural factors have a great influence on people’s educational environment.

Challenges for Workplace Participation What are the social backgrounds necessary for women to participate in society and how can such challenges be overcome? Here are some of the challenges: • Democratic environment for equal partnership between men and women. • Family Style; It is also necessary to pay attention to changes in family style requires that men assume an equal partnership with women in performing domestic housework and democratic decision-making. • Economic situation is less secure for women; it is necessary to democratize the labor market so women are no longer more susceptible to economic fluctuations than men. • Continuity of occupation has been pointed out as a problem of women’s labor; once women leave the labor market, it is difficult for them to re-enter. As we consider how these challenges can be overcome, we must recognize that these socio-cultural factors must be considered. Even if women join to the work place, they are greatly influenced by the social situation that exists there.

13

WOMEN’S SOCIAL PARTICIPATION: JAPAN IN AN ASIAN CONTEXT

277

A dramatic illustration is from disasters. For example, on April 25, 2015, a huge earthquake (M7.9) occurred in Nepal in the Kathmandu Valley causing enormous damage, such as the collapse of many historic buildings and a high number of casualties. Most of those affected were women and children. Unfortunately, the burden was greater for low caste women who are already the poorest in the society. Even if they sought new work for the reconstruction of their lives, they could find only jobs with poor conditions available to them, increasing even more the need for basic education for women. In order to avoid a society that imposes a burden on vulnerable people, it is necessary to consider perspectives related to gender for social reconstruction. Also, it can been seen such a case, example, there are still similar cases when it occurred huge earthquake on March, 2011 in Tohoku, Japan. It is not easy to solve the problem, but it is need to build back better to reconstruction through gender perspective. World demographics (Ingber, 2018) are helping in providing women with opportunities to engage more fully in social participation. The birth rate across the globe has decreased by 50% since 1960. Japan’s current population of 127 million is projected to be less than 100 million by 2049 unless there are dramatic cultural changes. This means that the expectation of women staying home for childcare has decreased and will continue to decrease. Further, there is, and will be, increased demand for women to meet human resource needs in the workplace.

Recommendations Such a comparison with other companies, provides useful information for Japan’s government. If Japan is serious about making a difference for women, and the demographic future for Japan suggest the economic need for change, beyond the personal and social demands. First, we see that many countries in the same region as Japan have much better results in moving women into positions of leadership in both business and politics. What, then, must Japan do to match, and even exceed, the metrics of those countries who are doing so much better. A careful study of what each country with better metrics has would be valuable in suggesting what might be done by Japan. This chapter also suggests the need for extensive research by researchers, over and above what is being done by the government. Country-based case studies of countries with better metrics can help the

278

C. NAGAOKA AND G. N. MCLEAN

government to identify what it needs to do to improve its own economy through the use of the human resources available through more highly educated women. There are some companies in Japan that have managed to change their culture to be more accepting of women and to support women in the workplace. The second author was involved in working with Sumitomo 3M in making significant changes in its culture, including opportunities for women in terms of development, promotion, and on-site childcare (McLean, Kaneko, & van Dijk, 2003). Case studies, such as this, based on Japanese companies that have been successful, can be very useful for companies wanting to improve their ability to recruit and develop women in the workplace. There are so many things that academics can research to improve the situation of women in the workplace. Similarly, there are many steps that Japanese organizations can undertake to improve their ability to provide a safe and developing culture for women, helping them to overcome the current and upcoming shortage that will occur unless Japan’s demographics can be changed.

Conclusion There are problems with women’s participation in society, and women are more susceptible to social discrimination, bias, and culture. It should be emphasized that women’s social participation, as the social issue, includes education, labor markets, local communities, and families. Today, women’s employment support is indispensable from the viewpoint of welfare. Overcoming socio-cultural factors peculiar in Asian societies is still difficult. It requires providing women with the opportunity for career development and necessary skill development, regardless of age in the context of lifelong learning. It may also be necessary to offer workshops for men to understand their role in making cultural changes to improve family economics, as well as community economics.

13

WOMEN’S SOCIAL PARTICIPATION: JAPAN IN AN ASIAN CONTEXT

279

References Atlas mondial des femmes. (2018). 地図とデータで見る女性の世界ハンドブッ ク [Atlas mondial des femmes les paradoxes de l’émancipation]. Tokyo, Japan: Hara Shobo. Cho, Y., Ghosh, R., Sun, J., & McLean, G. N. (Eds.). (2017). Current perspectives on women in leadership: A cross-cultural analysis. New York, NY: Palgrave-Macmillan. Gender Equality Bureau Cabinet Office Government of Japan. (2020). The fourth basic plan gender equality, women and men in Japan. Retrieved from http://www.gender.go.jp/english_contents/pr_act/pub/pamphlet/womenand-men20/index.html. Hayashikawa, M., & Manns, M. (2019). Japan’s systemic barriers to gender equality. The Japan Times. Retrieved from www.japantimes.co.jp/opinion/ 2019/07/04/commentary/japan-commentary/japans-systemic-barriers-gen der-equality/#.Xdd8SW5uJdg. Ingber, S. (2018). Japan’s population is in rapid decline. NPR (National Public Radio). Retrieved from www.npr.org/2018/12/21/679103541/japans-pop ulation-is-in-rapid-decline. Kimura, R. (2005). 女性労働力育成システムの変容: 学校教育と労働市場の不 適合 [Transformation of women’s labor force development system: incompatibility between school education and labor market]. In T. Tachibanaki (Ed.), 現代女性の労働・結婚・子育て [Current issues surrounding women at work and in the family: Proposals going beyond this age of decreasing population] (pp. 37–64). Kyoto, Japan: Minerva Shobo. MasterCard Worldwide Index of Women’s Advancement. (2016). Report MasterCard Index of Women’s Advancement 2016 Asia Pacific. Retrieved from https://newsroom.mastercard.com/asia-acific/files/2016/03/. McKinsey & Company. (2012). Women matter: An Asian perspective, harnessing female talent to raise corporate performance. Retrieved from http://wfa.ust. hk/women_matter_asia_files/Women_Matter_Asia.pdf. McLean, G. N., Kaneko, T., & van Dijk, M. S. (2003). Changing corporate culture across countries: A case study of Sumitomo 3M Limited (Japan). In C. T. Akaraborworn, A. M. Osman-Gani, & G. N. McLean (Eds.), Human resource development in Asia: National policy perspectives (pp. 1-1– 1-9). Bangkok, Thailand, and Bowling Green, OH: National Institute of Development Administration and Academy of Human Resource Development. Sritanyarat, D., & McLean, G. N. (2017). Thai women in leadership and management. In Y. Cho, R. Ghosh, J. Sun, & G. N. McLean (Eds.), Current perspectives on women in leadership: A cross-cultural analysis (pp. 181–201). New York, NY: Palgrave-Macmillan.

280

C. NAGAOKA AND G. N. MCLEAN

Sugimura, M. (2012). 高等教育におけるジェンダー [Gender in higher education]. In K. Kanno, M. Nishimura, & C. Nagaoka (Eds.), ジェンダーと国際 教育開発 [Gender and international education development] (pp. 175–187). Tokyo, Japan: Fukumura Publishing. UNESCO Institute for Lifelong Learning. (2017). CONFINTEA VI Midterm review 2017—The status of adult learning and education in Asia and the Pacific—Regional report. Retrieved from http://unesdoc.unesco.org/ima ges/0025/002597/259722E.pdf. UNESCO Kathmandu Office. (2015). EFA National review report, 2001–2015. Retrieved from http://www.unesco.org/new/fileadmin/MULTIMEDIA/ FIELD/Kathmandu/pdf/EFA_NationalRReview_HPR.pdf. World Economic Forum. (2020). Global gender gap report. Retrieved from https://www.weforum.org/reports/gender-gap-2020-report-100-years-payequality.

CHAPTER 14

Japan in a Non-Asian Context, Focusing on Women in Top Management Kumiko Ito

In this chapter, I clarify the barriers for Japanese women to be in leadership positions in organizations by comparing Japan to four OECD countries: the United States, France, Germany, and Finland. These four countries were chosen due to their different approaches or the same approach but with different results in moving women into leadership positions. France and Germany have implemented a mandatory gender quota with a national law for board membership in public listed companies. Finland has introduced corporate governance codes of good practice. The United States does not have a gender quota (Conference Board, 2017) but California that became the first state to introduce quotas in 2018 requiring companies headquartered in California aiming to increase women on corporate boards (Credit Suisse Research Institute, 2019; International Labor Office [ILO], 2019). The Japanese business environment has been confronted with many challenges by the wave of rapid globalization. The voices for developing

K. Ito (B) Scandex Co., Ltd., Tokyo, Japan e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s) 2021 Y. T. Nakamura et al. (eds.), Japanese Women in Leadership, Current Perspectives on Asian Women in Leadership, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-36304-8_14

281

282

K. ITO

more women leaders have been increasing and attracting attention as never before. Since the Global Gender Gap Index (GGGI) was introduced by the World Economic Forum in 2006, many countries have generated significant impact on women in the workplace. However, based on the percentage of women in the leadership position, Japan still remains behind, ranked 121st in the index in 2020, while Finland is 3rd, Germany 10th, France 15th, and the United States 53th (World Economic Forum, 2020). According to International Labor Office (ILO) (2019), the share of women in management positions shows that, in Japan, only 14%, compared with Finland with 32%; France, 34%; Germany, 29%; and the United States, 41%. While Japan is lagging behind other countries, “the theme of ‘women’s participation in leadership positions’ is more and more discussed under the context of business growth of individual enterprises…It is a plus for enterprises to assign talented women to appropriate positions and is also considered that women’s participations in leadership positions would strengthen diversity management and corporate governance” (Nikko Financial Intelligence, 2015, p. 45). In this chapter, I review literature focusing on a historical overview of women’s leadership development in organizations in the five countries and discuss: (1) common grounds and differentiation of women in leadership positions; (2) visible and invisible obstacles to access equal opportunities in order to be promoted; and (3) possible reasons why these differences exist. I conclude with possible steps that could overcome the identified barriers and why Japan is so far behind.

Overview of Women’s Leadership Positions in Organizations by Comparing Japan to Other Countries Table 14.1 shows the ranking of the five selected countries’ from 2006 to 2020. Japan significantly dropped in both categories, with its GGGI ranking of 80 in 2006 to 121 in 2020, and economic participation and opportunity ranking of 83 in 2006 to 115 in 2020 (World Economic Forum, 2020) despite of one of the advanced economic countries. On the other hand, France increased their ranking from 70 to 15 on GGGI and from 88 to 65 on economic participation and opportunity ranking within 15 years. Germany and the United States also dropped their ranking both

14

JAPAN IN A NON-ASIAN CONTEXT, FOCUSING ON WOMEN …

283

Table 14.1 Global gender gap index ranking of five countries Country

Global Index ranking

Finland France Germany United States Japan

Variance

Economic Participation and Opportunity

Variance

2006

2020

2006–2020

2006

2020

2006–2020

3 70 5 23 80

3 15 10 53 121

0 +55 −5 −30 −41

8 88 32 3 83

18 65 48 26 115

−10 +23 −16 −23 −32

Source World Economic Forum (2020). The table was created by author

of them. Actually, Germany returns into the top ten for the first time since 2007 in GGGI. However, the rank of economic participation and opportunities in Germany is much lower than their GGGI. The greater participation of women in politics ranked 12 leads their rank up.

Women’s Labor Force Participation Rate Figure 14.1 shows women’s labor force participation rate in the five countries. The rate in five countries are mostly similar around 50% or so (The World Bank, 2020). It is not recognized significant difference among those countries, but the rate in Japan and France are slightly behind the other three countries. When it comes to Japan itself, the rate is gradually increasing.

The Ratio of Women in Management and CEO Positions According to Credit Suisse Research Institute (2014, 2019), strategies to attract and retain women over the long run need to start significantly earlier than they do at present so that there is a pipeline of women talents to promote through key business units. McKinsey & Company (2019) also says that the biggest obstacle women face on the path to senior leadership is at the first step up to management level. Therefore, the early inequality has a long-term impact on the talent pipeline.

284

K. ITO

Fig. 14.1 Women’s labor force participation rate (Source The World Bank [2020]. The figure was created by author)

Considering the management positions as a part of the process toward higher positions such as CEOs, the Fig. 14.2 illustrates that especially Japan does not have a healthy pipeline of women managers who may later become top executives compared to the other four countries. Germany shows also relatively lower representation of women in management despite of its economic power. In contrast, the United States has a certain potion of management level in order to secure the resources in the future. Behind the numbers in the figures, according to ILO survey in 2019, it turned out that women are more often managers in support functions, such as human resources, finance, and administration, while men dominate functions that are considered to be more strategic, such as research and development, operations and profit and loss that typically lead to the chief executive level and board membership (ILO, 2019). This is so called “glass-walls” (ILO, 2019, p. 11) which is to limit to be able to tap into for candidates to get into top management positions. Also this gendered division of management functions raises issues around possible gender stereotyping during recruitment and promotion process (ILO, 2019). Regarding CEO positions, ILO (2019) mentioned that there is significant room for improvement when it comes to the representation of

14

JAPAN IN A NON-ASIAN CONTEXT, FOCUSING ON WOMEN …

285

Fig. 14.2 Share of women in management and CEOs (Source ILO [2019]. The figure was created by author. Note Management position includes senior and middle management level and excluded supervisory, junior, or administrative level)

women being appointed to the top management. The overall representation of women in the C-suite is far from parity (McKinsey & Company, 2019) and top executive and CEO positions are relatively dominated by men (ILO, 2019). Considering women in CEO positions, there exist “glass-ceilings,” “glass-walls” and “leaky pipelines” (ILO, 2019, p. 11). Even if women lifted up to the management levels, they tend to drop off at higher level, particularly at the top management level. Thus, women are lost from the pipeline that leads to more senior and executive management position (ILO, 2019).

The Ratio and Progress of Women on Boards Organizations need to reach a critical mass of women in top positions in order to reap the benefits of gender diversity, such as improved governance (ILO, 2019). According to ILO research in 2019, internationally, increasing number of countries are using the 30% figure due to targeted initiatives such as the 30% Club which is a campaign launched in 12 countries which encourages companies to have at least 30% women on boards of directors and senior leadership positions. As a result, until 2019, nearly

286

K. ITO

one third of enterprises globally (31.7%) have attained a critical mass of having at least 30% of women on their boards (ILO, 2019). As a basic structure of corporate boards, generally the board of directors consists of the Chief Executive Officer (CEO), other executive members of the organization’s senior management team and externally appointed non-executive directors. Germany and Finland apply a two-tier system which has a management board and a supervisory board (ILO, 2019), which call dual board system. Generally, management board has responsibility and accountability of the business. Supervisory boards is to approve the decisions of the management board make. France, the United States, and Japan have only one-tier. In the Unites States, however it seldom happens as the board of directors is intended, in law, to be separate from the management of the corporation. Table 14.2 shows the ratio and progress of women on boards by country based on Credit Suisse Research Institute (2019) that conducted research in 3000 global firms within 35 countries in 2019. After Norway introduced its quota law as far back as 2003 requiring all listed companies to have at least 40% women representation on boards, France and Finland followed swiftly and introduced their own legislative and voluntary requirements to promote gender diversity (Credit Suisse Research Institute, 2019). According to Credit Suisse Research Institute (2019), the percentage of women on boards globally now stands at 20.6%. This number is much increased from 15.3% in 2015. As Fig. 14.3 shows, Finland and France by 2015 had already reached around 30% and Germany also achieved 30% in 2019. However, Japan still remains very low, 5.7%, which is substantially below the global average of 20.67%. At the start of the decade, the Japan’s rate was less Table 14.2 Ratio and progress of women on boards from 2015 to 2019 Country Finland France Germany United States Japan Global average

2015 (%)

2016 (%)

2017 (%)

2018 (%)

2019 (%)

30.4 34.2 22.6 16.8 3.4 15.3

32.1 39.8 26.7 18.3 4.3 16.9

34.4 42.5 28.2 19.5 5.0 18.2

34.6 43.2 29.4 22.0 6.0 19.9

32.9 44.4 32.4 24.1 5.7 20.6

14

JAPAN IN A NON-ASIAN CONTEXT, FOCUSING ON WOMEN …

287

Fig. 14.3 Ratio and progress of women in boards from 2015 to 2019 (Source Credit Suisse Research Institute [2019]. The figure was created by author)

than 1%. Japan is targeting an increase in the share of women executives to 10% or more by 2020 and since 2013, businesses are expected to have at least one woman executive as a part of Womenomics reform (Credit Suisse Research Institute, 2019). The reform helped increase from less than 1 to 5% over the years yet it is still significantly low comparing to the other countries. Organizations have far focused their efforts on board diversity by getting more women onto boards, rather than by exploring how women can advance within board roles (ILO, 2019). ILO (2019) also stated that the phenomenon of “glass walls (p. 11)”—where women tend to be in support management rather than strategic management functions—exist at the board level as well. Moreover, ILO’s research shows that in France and Germany which have two-tier board system, women are more likely to be non-executive than executive directors or on supervisory boards rather than executive boards.

288

K. ITO

Main Approaches by Each Country The Women’s Empowerment Principles developed by the United Nations Development Fund for Women (UNIFEM) and the United Nations’ Global Compact , in 2010 are designed to help companies take specific steps to advance and empower women in the workplace, marketplace and community (United Nations Global Compact, 2018). The principles include the objective of increasing women’s participation in decision making and governance at all levels and across all business areas to a target of at least 30% of all positions.

Main Strategies of Each Country Given the situation, countries are developing different national regulatory frameworks for promoting women’s representation on company boards (Cabeza-Garcia, Del Brio, & Rueda, 2019; Gonzalez Menendez, Fagan, & Anson, 2012). When it comes to women’s leadership position, there are three basic regulatory approaches that can be taken toward increasing women’s representation on boards; a liberal non-intervention stance, which leaves organizations to take voluntary action, soft law measures, introduced into corporate governance frameworks to stimulate voluntary compliance, and hard law legislation of gender quotas (Gonzalez Menendez et al., 2012). Actually, it is more common for governments to initiate reforms using codes of corporate governance than by passing legislation (Gonzalez Menendez et al., 2012). In most legal systems, compliance is voluntary and based on the comply or explain rule rather than being a legally binding obligation; but they exert major influence on the corporate governance of listed companies (Piscopo & Clark Muntean, 2018; Wymeersch, 2006). Since gender quotas for board representation have been introduced into a few European countries and are under consideration in others, in 2012 the European commission proposed an initiative to get European firms to voluntarily introduce a 40% gender quota for their boards by 2020 (and 30% by 2015), which is included to mandate a quota if self-regulation fails (Leszcyzynska, ´ 2018) (Table 14.3). France and Germany have implemented a mandatory gender quota in national law and passed quota legislations for board membership in public listed companies, 2011 in France, 2015 in Germany. Finland has introduced corporate governance codes of good practice in 2010.

14

JAPAN IN A NON-ASIAN CONTEXT, FOCUSING ON WOMEN …

289

Table 14.3 Current gender quotas and disclosure requirements Country

Year introduced

Finland

2010

France

2011

Germany

2015

United States

2018

Japan

2015

Board quota or target

Mandatory or voluntary disclosure

Board or senior management disclosure

Both genders Comply or Yes must be on listed explain company boards Board Listed companies Mandatory and companies with more than 500 employees should have at least 40% female representation by 2016 Mandatory NA Quota law of 20% women for supervisory boards of listed companies. If not filled by women, board position must remain vacant Only California passed a quota law in 2018 for women on boards of companies headquartered in California: two women on five-person boards by 2019 and three women on seven-person boards by 2021 No Quota law Government target of 10% for leadership position in private and public sector to be filled by women by 2020

Source Credit Suisse Research Institute (2019); ILO (2019). The table was created by the author

The United States has adopted liberal approach but only California in 2018, which became the first state to introduce quotas requiring companies headquartered in California aiming to increase women on corporate boards.

Behind the Strategies of Each Country When it comes to Finland, the figures above appear to be quite high on the proportions of women on the boards. However, according to

290

K. ITO

Korvajarvi (2012), in Finland, it is crucial to differentiate between private companies and those with state ownership when women’s representation on the boards of listed companies is analyzed. The boards of listed companies with state ownership in Finland are covered by the provisions of the Act on Equality between Women and Men, while no recommendations or codes for the composition of the boards of private listed companies (Vrdoljak Raguz, 2017). According to Bechtoldt, Bannierb, and Rockb (2019), Germany’s gender quota for supervisory boards (one of two-tier board systems that are men dominated) is binding only for the largest publicly listed firms. Even before this legislation, the percentage of women on management boards in Germany has been considerably smaller than on supervisory boards. It is a challenge of changing culture of hiring women for the supervisory boards as it traditionally is seen as masculinity/strong men role (Bechtoldt et al., 2019). In terms of France, like other countries, it is easier to balance a Board than it is to balance management from the inside up. It is because adding non-executive directors is easier than promoting gender-balanced talent from within the companies (Wittenberg-Cox, 2019). France shows struggles with the challenge. Almost half of top 20 companies in France such as L’Oreal (cosmetics), Orange (telecoms), and Kering (luxury group) have at least three women on their top teams (Wittenberg-Cox, 2019). However, none of them have yet achieved a maximum of 60% of either gender on the executive team. Truly balancing gender diversity remains as a challenge. Further, women boards appointment is often related to family ownership (Nekhili & Gatfaoui, 2013; Nekhili, Chakroun, & Chtioui, 2018; Smith, Srinivasan, & Zhuk, 2012). In the United States, there is a number of organizations campaign and advocate for the appointment of more women to boards (ILO, 2019). For instance, Women on Boards established in 2010 focuses on raising awareness and runs a national campaign to increase the percentage of women on boards to 20% by 2020 and reported that they achieve the goal successfully in their report in 2019 (Women on Boards, 2019). The InterOrganization Network (ION) established in 2004 is “the national consortium and stakeholder organization whose mission is to increase the number of women appointed to corporate boards and to executive officer positions” (ION, 2017, para. 1). It covers 16 reasons in the United States, advocates the value of gender diversity among corporate directors. Both organizations are actively running the campaigns all over the nation to

14

JAPAN IN A NON-ASIAN CONTEXT, FOCUSING ON WOMEN …

291

promote the value of diversity in leadership positions and providing their supporters with news release and updated information. Japanese government promotes various policies for gender equality, yet there are no quotas in place for women serving on boards (Deloitte, 2019). Similar to the United States, Japan has advocate agencies and promoting women leadership depends on companies. Keidanren (Japanese business federation) advocates maximizing women’s abilities and capabilities at the workplace in order for companies to be more competitive and to overcome the challenge of a workforce decline through various actions such as Keidanren Women Executive Network (Keidanren, 2020).

The Other Side of Quotas Improvement in women’s participation on boards, on one hand, can be achieved through greater awareness of the business case for gender diversity on boards and voluntary measures. However, on the other hand, it is concerned that companies might have “checking the box or tokenism approach for the sake of board diversity (Creary, McDonnell, Ghai, & Scruggs, 2019). According to Credit Suisse Research Institute (2016), in order to achieve quota levels, companies are cutting the number of directors on their board rather than recruit additional women directors. Even over 40% of cases where women were recruited to boardrooms around the globe between year-end 2013 and 2016 were introduced as an additional director rather than as a replacement. This obviously does nothing to promote women into very senior positions (Credit Suisse Research Institute, 2016).

Women in Career Development The process of career development is significantly different between Japan and western countries. Japan has still been using the process based on its life-time employment system for a long time; therefore, its external labor market has not been well developed. Regarding promoting qualified people, a common key challenge for organizations is to ensure the pipeline from junior level to middle-level management. Especially for women, understanding the reasons for the

292

K. ITO

attrition of women and putting in place measures to address them is critical if the young women of today are to be part of the future generation of top managers and leaders (ILO, 2015, 2019). As part of company approaches, mentorship and sponsorship along with mitigation of recruitment bias and executive development are seen as useful practices (Thorne & Konigsburg, 2020). Mentoring is one of the pervasive methods at many organizations in order to promote and increase women in leadership positions. When it comes to women, in addition to mentorship, sponsorship is a key for women to be successful. Mentoring relationships aren’t leading to nearly as many promotions for them as for men (Ibarra, 2019; Ibarra, Carter, & Silva, 2010). Women who are qualified to lead simply don’t have the powerful backing necessary to inspire, propel, and protect themselves on their journey through upper management (Hewlett, 2011; Ibarra, 2019). Sponsors, on the other hand, goes beyond giving feedback and advice and uses his or her influence with senior executives to advocate for the mentee to help them gain visibility in the company and fight to get their protégés to the next level (Ang, 2018; Ibarra, 2019; Ibarra et al., 2010). According to Kram and Isabella (1985), mentors offer “psychosocial” support for personal and professional development, plus career help that includes advice and coaching. Yet, sponsors pull you up to the next level (Ang, 2018). In Japan, foreign-affiliated companies have taken the initiative to implement sponsorship. For instance, AXA Life Insurance Co., Ltd launched the sponsorship program that one woman candidate is nominated by each director of department (Nihon no Jinjibu, 2014; Nikkei Style, 2016). And the director is required to train and promote her to an upper level. Over 40 women have been assigned to the program and seven of them were promoted. Accenture is another case. They implemented the sponsorship program in 2009 and assigned sponsors to women senior managers (Nikkei BP, 2017). IBM Japan launched sponsorship program in 2013 aiming to nurture senior managers of women to the director level (JH Club, 2017). In the program, directors support their promotion as a sponsor. However, there are Japanese leading companies that still remain silent. It is necessary to be more widely implemented this kind of sponsorship in companies in Japan.

14

JAPAN IN A NON-ASIAN CONTEXT, FOCUSING ON WOMEN …

293

Possible Biases and Obstacles for Women to Get into the Leadership Positions At board level, as elsewhere, boardroom culture is created through a set of unwritten rules and codes of behavior, habits and communication styles (Sealy, Doldor, & Vinnicombe, 2017). Therefore understanding the unwritten protocols is significant for women to be a part of board members.

Glass-Ceiling The glass ceiling is a common metaphor used to describe the obstacles that women face in advancing into senior management (Dang, Nguyen Khuong, & Vo, 2014). Despite the increasing number of appointments of women in leadership positions at companies around the world, the ongoing paucity of women at the level of positions confirms that the glass ceiling is still very much in place. Women still represent just 4.4% of CEO positions globally (Deloitte, 2019). For instance, in Japanese business society, according to Nihon no Jinjibu (2014), when it comes to promotion, many women have had no choice but to leave from their career path not because of glass-ceiling but because of marriages or childbirth/childcare. Many women choose nonpromotion track and/or do not have aspiration for promotion (Dalton, 2017). This, instead of glass ceiling , is the main cause of preventing the vertical mobility of women in Japan. The invisible barriers symbolized by the glass ceiling continue to prevent women from making inroads into the most powerful decisionmaking processes of the corporate and business world (Economist, 2019; ILO, 2015, 2019).

Glass-Wall ILO research (2019) indicated that while women are gaining access to more and higher levels of management, there is a tendency for them to be clustered in particular managerial functions, specifically operations, sales, research, product development, and general management. This phenomenon is referred to “glass-walls” (ILO, 2019, p. 11). These reflect the fact that women’s career paths tend to go up the side of the typical hierarchical organizational pyramid with “glass-walls” separating them

294

K. ITO

from the central pathways and networks that lead directly to the top of the pyramid (ILO, 2019, p. 11). Attaining experiences in those areas is crucial for women to rise through the central pathway to the top of the organizational hierarchy (ILO, 2019). This phenomenon is segregation by gender within the management occupations.

Social Bias Social conditioning over centuries depicting a father being the breadwinner and a mother as the primary care-giver has led to the pervasiveness of the unconscious bias against women today and the reluctance to promote women in the expectation that they will eventually put any family first- the old too risky to promote attitude (Credit Suisse Research Institute, 2014; Dalton, 2017). These norms have also informed educational system, and recruitment and promotion policies for many decades. While these are being addressed today to eliminate gender bias, they remain deep in the psych of many men and women in all walks of life, despite the fact that neither gender is homogenous (ILO, 2015, 2019).

Psychological Bias This is manifest in the work profile typically required: a continuous and full-time career in order to advance, the norm of long working hours in many senior positions, and any childcare or other domestic responsibilities delegated to another family member or paid help, so as not to interfere with employment (Credit Suisse Research Institute, 2019; Dalton, 2017; Deloitte, 2019). Men biased expectations and requirements for success make it more difficult for women to enter management and the top grades of many professional functions.

Discussion Based on the literature reviews by focusing on a historical overview of women’s leadership development in organizations in the five countries, in this chapter the followings are discussed: (1) the common grounds and the differentiation of women in leadership position in organizations; (2) the visible and invisible obstacles to access to equal opportunities in order to be promoted in organizations; and (3) possible reasons why these differences exist.

14

JAPAN IN A NON-ASIAN CONTEXT, FOCUSING ON WOMEN …

295

The Common Grounds and the Differences of Women in Leadership Position in Organizations The gender gap in leadership positions is the common issue for all 5 countries. In order to tackle this, those countries are aiming to implement various schemes by companies and governments. Due to their efforts, quotas have brought positive impacts on the increase of women in boards. However, even though the number of boards has already reached the policy target, each country has its own reason and background. In Finland, state-owned companies are the majority of the number. In Germany, gendered stereotypical view on the supervisory boards is a challenge. The gender quota binds only for the largest publicly listed firms as well. In France, gender parity still exists within the executive team. Further, except in specific cases, women directors are not hired in French boardrooms for the sake of gender diversity, but their appointment is rather related to family ownership (Nekhili & Gatfaoui, 2013; Nekhili et al., 2018). In terms of the United States, there still remains the significant gap of the share of board seats for women depending upon the company size. Finally, Japan is still far behind compared to the other 4 countries. Given the situation, it is hardly say that those initiatives are enough to achieve true gender equality in leadership. The paucity of the pipeline, the pools of qualified women, who had relevant business experience for leadership positions is also seen as a common situation. Women within the company may become suitable appointments for their own company board and broadening of the candidate pool would provide increased opportunities for women (Thorne & Konigsburg, 2020). Therefore, the recruitment of qualified women must start at an early stage and further down in the organizational hierarchy to create a sufficient pool of well-qualified women for corporate board positions (Thorne & Konigsburg, 2020). Moreover, the pipeline system should clearly define what is needed for the candidates to move next level. On the other hand, the differences are that the way of thinking of the career development itself. In Japan, the organization structure is based on the life-time employee system and “membership form” while Europe and the United States use the “job form” (Hamaguchi, 2011, pp. 16–17). In membership form, employees have mandatory job rotations and less flexibility in choosing specific jobs, on the other hand job form gives each employee the freedom and flexibility to create an individualized career path. Moreover, the talented women employees are still limited because

296

K. ITO

many women still leave their career for marriage and children and/or do not chose promotion track (Dalton, 2017; Yamaguchi, 2019). Considered the situation, we need to retain talented women at work. Also in order to avoid the promotion as “tokenism” (Creary et al., 2019, para. 5), we need to create proper training programs as well as career development structures.

The Visible and Invisible Obstacles to Access to Equal Opportunities to Be Promoted in Organizations Terjesen and Singh (2008) describes that, barriers are based in gendered social systems, where work has been designed by men for men, and where patriarchy defines work roles by gender, leading to direct discrimination and stereotyping. Also the managerial culture and practices at companies are dominated by men with masculine images, which women feel outsiders (Bechtoldt et al., 2019; McDowell, 1997) and which tend to associate managerial authority and competence with being a man (Collinson & Hearn, 1996). These are recognized as invisible obstacles. In an organization in which men dominates the majority, it is a disadvantage for women. Development of a more formal and transparent set of guidelines for selecting board members could help avoid a tendency to promote people that are similar to the current board members. Also, it is necessary to create a structure with which the concept of sponsorship is adopted and lead to promotions of talented women by increasing their visibility.

Possible Reasons Why These Differences Exist In the United States, even though there is no gender quotas except California, hiring more women in managerial positions is already an essential part of decision making for investors. Therefore, companies are proactively tackling this. In the case of France and Germany, number targets were defined by law and monitored, as a result, more and more women were promoted to boards members. In Finland, state-owned companies are monitored. On the other hand, in Japan, there is no mandatory gender quota by the government nor regulation by companies. Thus there is no sense of urgency for Japanese companies. It is considered as a reason why the differences exist.

14

JAPAN IN A NON-ASIAN CONTEXT, FOCUSING ON WOMEN …

297

Mandatory quotas and/or having monitoring system will be more effective than voluntary recommendations. However, the implementation of a gender quota, or recommendation, may run into difficulties if there is a shortage of women candidates considered suitable for appointment. Women cannot increase their competence without chances to gain access to the boards in the first place (Korvajarvi, 2012; Thorne & Konigsburg, 2020). To increase leadership positions for women, quotas make it possible to monitor the progress and create a huge social impact. But, if quotas are adopted only for the sake of numbers, it could create a negative effect through tokenism. While companies need to lay the groundwork for internal women’s promotions such as pipeline and training. If companies are hiring women from outside to fulfill the quotas, because there are many companies, which still use life-time employment systems, they need to reconsider their organization structures.

Conclusions and Recommendations for Future Practice and Research Agenda When we talk about women’s leadership positions, we should not focus only on the percentages of boards. The structure of the firm ownership may also be important for understanding how firms comply with regulations to increase women’s representation (Fagan & Gonzalez Menendez, 2012; Thorne & Konigsburg, 2020). We also need to set KPIs of women’s leaderships and action plans. It is difficult to expect that the number of women’s leaders will naturally increase, so it is considered that some kind of government interventions are necessary. However, we, at the same time, need to restructure the organizations, which have existed for a long time in Japan. Otherwise, we produce only tokenism leaders for the sake of quotas. As a first step, we should do voluntary adoptions or gradual adoptions of quotas, and should give incentives to companies to do so or introduce a monitoring function. Companies need to prepare pipelines of Japanese women’s leaderships and to strengthen the processes of promoting women under life-time employment systems. They are required to proactively give leadership trainings and different experiences and have a strategic personnel development. For example, introductions of mentorships and sponsorships could further support qualified women and increase their visibilities. Also

298

K. ITO

providing different experiences at outside the company such as exchangework to group companies which have different types of business models and/or going to business school in abroad, etc. Through such practices, researchers should examine the impact of the interventions. As the transformational change takes time, researchers should also conduct the longitudinal studies following companies and women leaders over the years. In addition, once they become board members, it is necessary to have a structure in which they communicate with future talents as role models and to act as sponsors. And because of the lack of qualified women now, in order to avoid tokenism promotions, we need to accept to hire experienced talents from outside even though it is not easy for Japanese companies that utilize membership form. We urgently need to have a system to adopt them and maximize them. This research shows that the increasing women in leadership positions is not impossible, but will take time. The speed and the process would vary each country along to their own economic status and cultural situations. There is no magical medicine. It is important to cultivate next generation of leaders regardless of gender in the global society. All required is to launch strategic policies and initiatives by working closely together with all related players including a government and companies. Also the policy may be required to design with longer-term to secure sustainability.

References Ang, J. (2018). Why career sponsorship matters for advancing women. Women and Business, 1(4), 36–43. Retrieved from https://kolegia.sgh.waw.pl/pl/ KGS/publikacje/Documents/Why_career_sponsorship_matters_for_advanc ing_women.pdf. Bechtoldt, M. N., Bannier, C. E., & Rock, B. (2019). The glass cliff myth?— Evidence from Germany and the UK. The Leadership Quarterly, 30(3), 273– 297. 10.1016/j.leaqua.2018.11.004. Cabeza-Garcia, L., Del Brio, E. B., & Rueda, C. (2019). Legal and cultural factors as catalysts for promoting women in the boardroom. BRQ Business Research Quarterly, 22(1), 56–67. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.brq.2018. 06.004. Collinson, D., & Hearn, J. (1996). Men as managers, managers as men: Critical perspectives on men, masculinities and managements. London, UK: Sage.

14

JAPAN IN A NON-ASIAN CONTEXT, FOCUSING ON WOMEN …

299

Conference Board. (2017). The effect of gender diversity on board decisionmaking. Retrieved from https://conference-board.org/publications/publicati ondetail.cfm?publicationid=7407. Creary, S. J., McDonnell, M., Ghai, S., & Scruggs, J. (2019). When and why diversity improves your board’s performance. Harvard Business Review. Retrieved from https://hbr.org/2019/03/when-and-why-diversityimproves-your-boards-performance. Credit Suisse Research Institute. (2014). The CS gender 3000: Women in senior management. Retrieved from https://www.calpers.ca.gov/docs/divers ity-forum-credit-suisse-report-2015.pdf. Credit Suisse Research Institute. (2016). The CS gender 3000: Women in senior management. Retrieved from https://www.wgea.gov.au/sites/default/files/ documents/csri-gender-3000.pdf. Credit Suisse Research Institute. (2019). The CS gender 3000 report 2019. Retrieved from https://www.credit-suisse.com/about-us-news/en/articles/ news-and-expertise/cs-gender-3000-report-2019-201910.html. Dalton, E. (2017). Womenomics, ‘Equality’ and Abe’s neo-liberal strategy to make Japanese women shine. Social Science Japan Journal, 20(1), 95–105. https://doi.org/10.1093/ssjj/jyw043. Dang, R., Nguyen Khuong, D., & Vo, L. (2014). Does the glass ceiling exist? A longitudinal study of women’s progress on French corporate boards. The Journal of Applied Business Research, 30, 909–916. 10.19030/jabr.v30i3. 8576. Deloitte. (2019). Women in the boardroom. Retrieved from https://www2.del oitte.com/global/en/pages/risk/articles/women-in-the-boardroom-globalperspective.html. Economist. (2019). The glass-ceiling index. Retrieved from https://www.econom ist.com/graphic-detail/2019/03/08/the-glass-ceiling-index. Fagan, C., & Gonzalez Menendez, M. C. (2012). Conclusions. In M. G. Menendez & S. G. Anson (Eds.), Women on corporate boards and in top management: European trends and policy (pp. 245–258). New York, NY: Palgrave Macmillan. Gonzalez Menendez, M. C., Fagan, C., & Anson, S. G. (2012). Introduction. In M. G. Menendez & S. G. Anson (Eds.), Women on corporate boards and in top management: European trends and policy (pp. 1–17). New York, NY: Palgrave Macmillan. Hamaguchi, K. (2011). 日本の雇用と労働法 [Japanese employment & labor law]. Tokyo, Japan: 日経文庫 [Nikkei Bunko]. Hewlett, S. A. (2011). The real benefit of finding a sponsor. Harvard Business Review. Retrieved from https://hbr.org/2011/01/the-real-benefit-of-fin ding-a.

300

K. ITO

Ibarra, H. (2019). A lack of sponsorship is keeping women from advancing into leadership. Harvard Business Review. Retrieved from https://hbr.org/2019/ 08/a-lack-of-sponsorship-is-keeping-women-from-advancing-into-leadership. Ibarra, H., Carter, N. H., & Silva, C. (2010). Why men still get more promotions than women. Harvard Business Review, 88(9), 80–126. Retrieved from https://hbr.org/2010/09/why-men-still-get-more-promot ions-than-women. International Labor Office. (2019). Women in business and management: The business case for change. Global Report. Retrieved from https://www.ilo.org/ global/publications/books/WCMS_700953/lang–en/index.htm. Interorganization Network. (2017). Recent news and research updates. Retrieved from https://us4.campaign-archive.com/?u=a159ba01055c42a24d b1e9ee8&id=27d6e7d246. JH Club. (2017). Part 3: 実例から学ぶ!3Case3日本IBMダイバーシテイ先進企 業の女性の育て方候補者を増やす、機会を与える、意識を高める [Part 3: Learning from the real case. Case 3: Japan IBM diversity leading company’s method to develop women leaders by providing opportunities and increasing awareness ]. Retrieved from http://jhclub.jmam.co.jp/acv/mag azine/content?content_id=9976. Keidanren. (2020). これからの「ダイバーシティ&インクルージョン」を考え る[Discussion about future diversity and inclusion]. Weekly Keidanren Times. Retrieved from https://www.keidanren.or.jp/journal/times/2020/0312_10. html. Korvajarvi, P. (2012). Individual competence and official support: Women on company boards in Finland. In M. G. Menendez & S. G. Anson (Eds.), Women on corporate boards and in top management: European trends and policy (pp. 109–127). New York, NY: Palgrave Macmillan. Kram, K. E., & Isabella, L. A. (1985). Mentoring alternatives: The role of peer relationships in career development. Academy of Management Journal, 28(1), 110–132. https://doi.org/10.2307/256064. Leszcyzynska, ´ M. (2018). Mandatory quotas for women on boards of directors in the European Union: Harmful to or good for company performance? European Business Organization Law Review, 19, 35–61. https://doi.org/10. 1007/s40804-017-0095-x. McDowell, L. (1997). Capital culture: Gender at work in the city. Oxford, UK: Blackwell. McKinsey & Company. (2019). Women in the workplace 2019. Retrieved from https://www.mckinsey.com/featured-insights/gender-equality/womenin-the-workplace-2019. Nekhili, M., Chakroun, H., & Chtioui, T. (2018). Women’s leadership and firm performance: Family versus nonfamily firms. Journal of Business Ethics, 153, 291–316. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10551-016-3340-2.

14

JAPAN IN A NON-ASIAN CONTEXT, FOCUSING ON WOMEN …

301

Nekhili, M., & Gatfaoui, H. (2013). Are demographic attributes and firm characteristics drivers of gender diversity? Investigating women’s positions on French boards of directors. Journal of Business Ethics, 118(2), 227–249. https://doi. org/10.1007/s10551-012-1576-z. Nihon no Jinjibu. (2014). スポンサーシップ制度 [Sponsorship program]. Retrieved from https://jinjibu.jp/keyword/detl/688/. Nikkei, B. P. (2017). ダイバーシティトップセミナー再録(3)「ダイバーシティ が企業を強くする アクセンチュアの取り組み」……アクセンチュア堀江役 員 [Diversity top seminar 3: Diversity makes the company stronger: Accenture’s initiative by Horie, Executive, Accenture]. Retrieved from https://project.nik keibp.co.jp/atclhco/273761/102400022/?P=3. Nikkei Style. (2016). 輝くデキ女、俺が支える 幹部登用へ「スポンサー」奔 走 [I sponsor a talented woman for getting a senior management position]. Retrieved from https://style.nikkei.com/article/DGXMZO96628210Y6A1 20C1TY5000/. Nikko Financial Intelligence. (2015). 3.諸外国における女性の活躍推進に向け た諸制度の調査 [The research for promoting women’s participation in work places in foreign countries] 平成26年度産業経済研究委託事業 (企業におけ る女性の活用及び活躍促進の状況に関する調査) 報告書 [A report for the project sponsored by the Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry in Japan, 2015]. Retrieved from https://www.meti.go.jp/policy/economy/jinzai/div ersity/research.html. Piscopo, J. M., & Clark Muntean, S. (2018). Corporate quotas and symbolic politics in advanced democracies. Journal of Women, Politics & Policy, 39(3), 285–309. https://doi.org/10.1080/1554477X.2018.1477396. Sealy, R., Doldor, E., & Vinnicombe, S. (2017). Women on boards: Taking stock of where we are. The Female FTSE Board Report 2016. Retrieved from http://hdl.handle.net/10871/24389. Smith, M., Srinivasan, P., & Zhuk, K. (2012). Women in top management in France: A time of change? In M. G. Menendez & S. G. Anson (Eds.), Women on corporate boards and in top management: European trends and policy (pp. 150–168). New York, NY: Palgrave Macmillan. Terjesen, S., & Singh, V. (2008). Female presence on corporate boards: A multicountry study of environmental context. Journal of Business Ethics, 83, 55–89. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10551-007-9656-1. The World Bank. (2020). Gender statistics 2020. Retrieved from https://dat abank.worldbank.org/databases/labor-force. Thorne, S., & Konigsburg, D. (2020). Gender parity in the boardroom won’t happen on its own. Harvard Business Review. Retrieved from https://hbr. org/2020/02/gender-parity-in-the-boardroom-wont-happen-on-its-own.

302

K. ITO

United Nations Global Compact. (2018). Women’s empowerment principles: Global trends report 2018. Retrieved from https://www.unglobalcompact. org/library/5615. Vrdoljak Raguz, I. (2017). Gender diversity in corporate boards in EU: Trends and challenges. Polish Journal of Management Studies, 16. https://doi.org/ 10.17512/pjms.2017.16.1.23. Wittenberg-Cox, A. (2019). France’s gender balance paradox. Forbes. Retrieved from https://www.forbes.com/sites/avivahwittenbergcox/2019/05/20/fra nces-gender-balance-paradox/#6b2a78e815ac. Women on Boards. (2019). 2020 Women on boards gender diversity index of Russell 3000 companies. Retrieved from https://2020wob.com/educate2/. World Economic Forum. (2020). The global gender gap report 2020. Retrieved from https://www.weforum.org/reports/gender-gap-2020-report100-years-pay-equality. Wymeersch, E. (2006). Corporate governance codes and their implementation (Working Paper No. 10). Financial Law Institute, Universiteit Gent. Yamaguchi, K. (2019). Japan’s gender gap: Finance and development. Finance & Development, 56(1), 26–29. Retrieved from http://proxygw.wrlc.org/ login?url=https://search-proquest-com.proxygw.wrlc.org/docview/219449 3639?accountid=11243.

PART VI

Closing

CHAPTER 15

The Rising Sun for Women in Leadership in Japan Gary N. McLean

“The future belongs to those who believe in the beauty of their dreams.”— Eleanor Roosevelt (2005) 希望(hope)

As has been highlighted in this book, Japan has among the lowest of women in positions of leadership. Some natural factors may be influencing this to change: Japanese women are not marrying or are marrying at a later age, and married women are choosing not to have children. These decisions are removing the burden of childcare and housekeeping from Japanese women, thus freeing them up to work as expatriates, to work overtime, or to work in other locations, just as men do. This provides them with the opportunity to gain the experiences that qualify them for training and development and for promotion, just as men experience. Then, as the Japanese workforce is aging and the birthrate is low, there is increased demand for managers. With fewer men available to fill these

G. N. McLean (B) Organization Development, Assumption University, Bangkok, Thailand © The Author(s) 2021 Y. T. Nakamura et al. (eds.), Japanese Women in Leadership, Current Perspectives on Asian Women in Leadership, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-36304-8_15

305

306

G. N. MCLEAN

positions, women are in demand for such positions. Finally, with a change in the systems of employment (member form and job form), opportunities are opening up for women to acquire the skill sets necessary to move into management roles. An old Japanese proverb, however, continues to affect the opportunities for women to move into management roles: “The nail that sticks up gets hammered down.” While this may be true for both genders, it seems to have had a greater impact on women. The purpose of this book is to provide a voice for women to overcome this bias and to give them the power to stand up and take leadership positions.

Symbolism of Japanese Flag The Japanese flag is a great expression of the symbolism. Japan’s current flag was officially adopted in 1999 (see Fig. 15.1). Smith (2020) described the symbolism as the “popular name for the country is ‘Land of the Rising Sun.’ The first concrete evidence that testifies to the use of a sun flag for Japan dates from 1184, but there are oral traditions going back centuries earlier” (para. 1). The symbol of the “rising sun” is so appropriate for the hope that exists for women (and, ultimately, men, as well) that the changes that are occurring slowly will continue and speed up. A rising sun speaks to the light that comes in the darkness at the beginning of the day.

Fig. 15.1 Japan’s 1999 flag, the rising sun

15

THE RISING SUN FOR WOMEN IN LEADERSHIP IN JAPAN

307

Sumitomo 3M Case Study Many years ago (McLean, Kaneko, & van Dijk, 2003), I and a colleague from the Carlson School of Management at the University of Minnesota were invited to undertake a year-long project at 3M headquarters in St. Paul. The purpose of that project was very interesting; we were to meet on a weekly basis with a group of high potential human resource personnel for a morning challenging the culture of the company in different functional areas of HR and explore ways to improve the culture. One of the participants was executive vice-president of 3M’s Japanese subsidiary, Sumitomo 3M, who had been posted to 3M’s headquarters for a three-year sabbatical leave. He was very intrigued by the process that we used, and, throughout the year, he took a different focus area each week and explored what could be done in Japan to change the culture in that area. As we approached the end of the year, he approached me and asked if he could share the 21 action plans that he had created for change in Sumitomo 3M. A consultant who had a long-term relationship working with him joined us, and he reviewed the action plans. Many of the action plans appeared to be counter-cultural. They dealt with issues related to seniority, salaries, process improvements, and so on. One of the goals was related to gender. The action plan goal was to increase development and mentoring opportunities and to provide opportunities for junior women to move into sales representative positions that had a higher pay grade. Ultimately, the goal was to have women in senior officer positions as there were currently none. We went through the goals and discussed what the plan was to make the changes. Some modifications were made to the action plans, but they remained seemingly countercultural. As the meeting ended, I asked how quickly the goals were going to be targeted for accomplishment: “one year.” My response was a skeptical one, especially related to seniority and gender issues. His response was, “You’ll see. I’ll let you know how it’s going.” Almost a year later, I received a phone call telling me that a plane ticket had been purchased for me, and he wanted me to come to meet with him to discuss the progress on the goals. I was surprised but agreed to the meeting. As we met, we went through each goal, discussing what had been done and whether the goal had been met. Of the 21 action plans, 19 goals had been accomplished. The two that had not been fully met still

308

G. N. MCLEAN

reflected growth toward the goal: seniority and women in senior management. In both goal areas, progress was reflected in the number of young people and women who were now in senior management. Because both of these factors were counter-cultural, I was very curious about how such changes had been made within the company’s culture. His response was that he set out to meet weekly with supervisors and with the union. Over extensive conversations he was able to gain support for changes in the company’s systems to allow women to gain experiences across the organization, allowing them to gain qualifications to be promoted into senior management positions. As a model, he appointed a woman to a management position. His conclusion was not that he had failed on this goal, but, rather, that he would continue to work toward its accomplishment. His expectation was that it would be met by the end of the second year. Three years later, the goal had still not been met, indicating the intransigence of gender roles. Nevertheless, additional accomplishments had been reached during this time. At this time, Project Culture 9 was developed, with five of the nine goals being related to gender: Effective use of women • Increase ratio of female managers (Target: 5%) with recruitment training program • Identify appropriate jobs • Implement support program for promotion to higher JG from JG5&6 and mentoring system by female managers • Re-employment • The commitment for developing female employees as described on EC&DP by Dept. Mgr. (McLean et al., 2003). I was amazed by these accomplishments in causing such significant cultural changes. If this can be done by one organization like this, in Japan, there is no reason why, with commitment from senior officials in other organizations, similar changes cannot be made. As we reviewed the Sumitomo 3M projects, we brainstormed reasons why the projects had been successful. We came up with the following possibilities: 1. Support from top management at headquarters is critical. 2. Widespread involvement of employees and management in the Japanese company made the transformation more likely.

15

THE RISING SUN FOR WOMEN IN LEADERSHIP IN JAPAN

309

3. Provision of extensive training and development for the change agent assisted in preparation for the change process. 4. Selection of a change agent with an extensive record of previous successes drastically increased the chances for success. 5. Benchmarking of processes used by other Japanese companies highlighted areas where culture change was most likely to succeed with the Japanese culture. 6. Sufficient (and extensive) time was provided to develop a detailed and well-thought-through set of action plans. 7. Sensitive culture change is possible even when it is counter to national culture. 8. Culture change is most likely when the benefits of the change are obvious to those affected by the changes. 9. Use of the PDCA (Plan-Do-Check-Act) Cycle with a pilot implementation before widespread implementation, helps to identify changes in the process that will improve the outcome.

So What Needs to Be Done Now in Japan? All of the chapters in this book include specific recommendations for actions that need to be taken to open the opportunities for Japanese women to move into their needed leadership. In this section, I summarize the major recommendations that are needed for change to take place in Japan. Education Beginning very early—in nursery school and preschool—children need to be exposed to concepts of equality. Boys and girls, equally, need to learn that everyone is responsible for sharing responsibilities for housework, child care, elder care, and working for income. Focusing on girls and women, only, will not bring about equality. Ultimately, both men and women have to be committed for equality in order for equality to emerge. There are other factors that can influence children to understand what is needed for gender equality. Television shows for children must be developed with gender equality in mind. I recall watching our first two children play hospital when they were 4 (son) and 3 (daughter) years of age. They were arguing about who would be the doctor (the desired role). I heard my son say to our daughter, “You can’t be the doctor; you’re a

310

G. N. MCLEAN

girl.” We had worked hard to create a developmental environment where equality would be a priority. So, I was stumped; where had this come from? As I talked with our children, it emerged that they had been seeing this on Sesame Street. In fact, evidence did emerge that Sesame Street was stereotyping gender roles in occupations. A careful inspection of their toys, books, and games revealed a similar result—occupations were being widely represented with gender stereotyping. Parents need to be very attentive to gender roles in everything that comes into the life of their kids. Likewise, teachers, including nursery school and daycare, need to be attentive to gender roles in adopting educational materials. Another area in which gender discrimination occurs is in career development services. What types of courses are being recommended to students? Are the STEM courses primarily focused for boys and are the humanities focused primarily for girls? Japan’s education ministry has a role in ensuring that educational curricula are gender neutral. What role are school counselors taking in presenting career opportunities for the students to whom they have responsibility, including the responsibility for building career equality. The government might be able to assist in this area by providing scholarships for women to select undergraduate and graduate degree programs in business and STEM majors to encourage women by providing them with the necessary skills to move into job roles that are typically not occupied by women. How teachers treat girls/women and boys/men in the classroom also lead the students to their adulthood roles. Are girls given different assignments from boys? Is the type of feedback given to girls different from that given to boys? Are boys encouraged to become good workers, while girls are encouraged to become good homemakers? Are boys encouraged into math and science courses, while girls are encouraged into art, music, and literature courses? All of these activities, and more, will impact how men and women interact with each other in adulthood, what majors they follow in higher education and the roles they take up. Teacher education and counseling psychology programs in universities have a significant role in preparing teachers, educational administrators, and career counselors who can help create a society of equality. Provision of Facilities When facilities are not sufficiently available for daycare, nursery schools, and elder care, the burden for such care in the home falls on parents, and,

15

THE RISING SUN FOR WOMEN IN LEADERSHIP IN JAPAN

311

to date, primarily on mothers. There is a major shortage of such facilities currently in Japan. So, governments at all levels will need to attend to the shortage of facilities across Japan. Significant resources will be needed to accomplish this goal, not just for the buildings, but also for the personnel to staff the programs within these facilities. Governments at all levels will need to have sufficient commitment to set aside the resources needed to accomplish this objective. Change Job Types Japan has one of the highest levels of women participating in the labor force (71% in 2019) (Womenomics 5.0, 2019). Yet, as reviewed in Chapter 3, by using a traditional membership form for employment that provides two tracks: promotion (based on seniority and lifetime employment) and non-promotion, Japanese women’s opportunities to move into a leadership role are diminished. Japan’s work system needs to be changed to a job form like that widely used in Europe and the Americas. The non-promotion lane has basically been put in place to allow women (and men) who do not want to work overtime or to be assigned to an expatriate position to have a job. But this approach has not allowed employees in this lane to enhance their skill sets needed to move into a leadership position. Employees of both genders need greater flexibility in their work assignments and tasks. Development There are many ways to enhance one’s skill sets, all of which can be used in the job form of appointment. As Job rotations can be used within the same location, travel or relocation is not needed. Mentoring can be used, even with men as mentors, just as women can serve as mentors for men (Anderson, 2020), allowing both genders to learn from the strength characteristics of each gender. An approach similar to mentoring, but more powerful, is sponsorships (Ibarra, 2019): “While a mentor is someone who has knowledge and will share it with you, a sponsor is a person who has power and will use it for you” [bold in original] (para. 7). The sponsor, a top-level executive, is responsiblility for exposing senior managers to the C-suite to increase the possibility of that person being promoted into a top-level executive position. Another possibility that can be used by organizations to develop women into leadership positions is

312

G. N. MCLEAN

structured on-the-job training . Well-developed coaching, both managerial and external, third-party, can enhance leadership skills extensively (Joo, Sushko, & McLean, 2012). Of course, all of the approaches suggested here are equally effective for men as they are for women. Quotas Quotas are controversial. Japan has focused its quotas primarily on parliamentary participation by women who run for and win seats; the quota has been very low and not very effective. For quotas to be effective, they must be enforced, which requires motivation to achieve the quotas. It also requires that there be consequences for not meeting the quotas. A stretch to move toward gender equality requires a quota of equality, meaning 50–50, not 10% or 30% or 35%. But such quotas are not only important for parliament; they are also important in other organizations. Given the starting point, these quotas are not going to be accomplished overnight. A timeline, with a gradually increasing number of women in senior management, is necessary. Consequences for not making progress toward these quotas might include tax penalties, prohibition from providing goods and services to the government, mandatory training programs directed to developing women for management positions, and other consequences that might be relevant to the given situation. I know these targets are unrealistic in the short term, but it must become evident to the society that this is a serious issue and half-hearted steps will not be sufficient. Faculty/Teacher Encouragement At all levels of education, from preschool through graduate school, it is important for students to have teachers of both genders. If men are to undertake childcare and housework, it is important to see men teachers working with young children in nursery schools and preschools. Likewise, if young men and women are to develop skill sets for equality in the home and in the workplace, graduate faculty must be seen in equal roles in higher education. This means that department chairs will be equally men and women, based on their skill sets. And it means that there will be an equal number of professors in all majors. Faculty must be hired based not only on their expertise in the field, but also on their expertise of attracting students of both genders to their majors. Search and promotion

15

THE RISING SUN FOR WOMEN IN LEADERSHIP IN JAPAN

313

committees must have gender as a criterion in selection and promotion for all positions, not simply to meet minimal quotas as has currently been done in Japan. Community Support Groups The proposals in this book will require significant, and difficult, changes in society, beginning with the family and moving to the top layers of government and management in industrial organizations, entrepreneurships, and not-for-profits. The Japanese society (and, sadly, all societies) are not yet prepared for full equality. Men will find it awkward and perhaps even demeaning to do what has traditionally been seen as women’s work, like childcare, elder care, and housekeeping tasks. As a result, programs must be put in place to support both men and women (and even their parents) in this transitional process. Non-profits can provide a significant role once they have made the transition into equality-based organizations. Social workers and other counseling professionals will be needed to deal with the low-grade depression that might occur in the midst of these difficult changes. Both men and women professionals and volunteers will be needed to deal with the impact of such changes on both genders. Community centers might provide a locale for people to meet and share their reactions to what is happening in their lives, though this process may call for some counter-cultural behaviors. I have experience doing some consulting work with 3M Co. and its attempt to move women and minorities into senior management positions. We would meet in a small group on a regular basis allowing people to share in a safe group environment what they had been experiencing in the workplace. Such support provided individuals with suggestions of how they might change their behaviors to be more successful in moving up the career ladder, while also understanding better what the behaviors of those in the workplace were creating a barrier for them in seeking promotions. This is a model that could work in business organizations in Japan. Additional Government Policy Changes Many of the above actions will require government policy changes, but there are other changes that will be needed for women to have an equal opportunity for leadership in organizations. One of those changes is to eliminate the pay gaps (25%) (Womenomics 5.0, 2019) that exist for men

314

G. N. MCLEAN

and women, “the largest gap in the G7 and the second largest gap in the OECD” (Womenomics 5.0, 2019, p. 24). This should be illegal, and managers in organizations that support such pay gaps should be subject to fines, initially, and, eventually, to jail terms. Many economists have pointed out that the size of the pay gaps is the more serious problem facing women in the workplace (OECD, 2017). Another change that government should make is to initiate tax and social security reforms to eliminate the disincentives for married women to work; as suggested in Womenomics 5.0 (2019), “an overhaul of the tax and social security systems looks long overdue” (p. 26).

Research Suggestions There is a dearth of research on Japanese women in leadership positions. As a result, there is considerable research that needs to be done. This section provides some of those areas in which research is needed. 1. Case studies would be very useful. These can focus on individual women who have been successful in leadership positions. Organizational case studies can also be useful in exploring those systems that have been in place in those organizations that have been most successful in equalizing the opportunities for women. This could be corporations, family businesses, entrepreneurships, government agencies, not-for-profits, educational institutions, and any other organization that provides employment. 2. Phenomenological studies will help us understand the deep experiences of women employees who desire to climb up the leadership career ladder, as well as those who have achieved promotion into top management position. 3. Critical theory studies can focus on the oppression that exists in the Japanese culture in keeping women from leadership positions. This may require longitudinal research combined with action research to track changes that occur for women envisioning leadership roles to see if specific interventions, including those included in this chapter, are successful. 4. Several questions requiring quantitative data could not be answered by the available articles because recent data were simply not available. These are big questions that may need to be funded by the Diet (parliament) in order to get countrywide data.

15

THE RISING SUN FOR WOMEN IN LEADERSHIP IN JAPAN

315

5. Quasi-experimental research can be used to compare outcomes from several interventions. For example, a target could be set for moving women into leadership roles, in one organization, compared with no interventions in a similar organization. Such studies can be carried out by exploring several interventions, to determine which approach appears to be most effective. 6. Cross-country and cross-regional studies could also be helpful, not just to Japan and the eastern region of Asia, but also to the country or region included in the comparative study. While there are cultural differences to be taken into account in such research, the differences that exist among countries and regions might well serve to highlight possible policies and practices that have succeeded in those countries or regions that have not yet been tried in Japan and vice versa. This is not an exhaustive list of possible research studies that could be carried out that would dramatically improve our understanding of why women have not been more effective in moving into leadership positions in Japan.

Conclusion Yukichi Fukuzawa (1899-1950), who established the first university in Japan, among his many quotes, said: “Heaven does not create one person above or below another” (various translations exist, some using exclusive language). His solution to the inequality that he observed between people was education. Educators, above all others, need to acknowledge their role in overcoming the existing inequality and creating a culture and environment in which women and men both have the same opportunities—in the home, in the parliament, in the community, and in the workplace. Only that will create the reality of Fukuzawa’s vision. It will take everyone working together to create such a heaven!

References Anderson, L. H. (2020). Challenging our gendered idea of mentoring. Harvard Business Review. Retrieved from https://hbr.org/2020/01/challenging-ourgendered-idea-of-mentorship. Fukuzawa, Y. (1899 [1980]). Autobiography of Yukichi Fukuzawa. New York, NY: Columbia University Press.

316

G. N. MCLEAN

Ibarra, H. (2019). A lack of sponsorship is keeping women from advancing into leadership. Harvard Business Review. Retrieved from hbr.org/2019/08/alack-of-sponsorship-is-keeping-women-from-advancing-into-leadership. Joo, B. K., Sushko, J. S., & McLean, G. N. (2012). Multiple faces of coaching: A comparison of formal mentoring, executive coaching, and managerial coaching. Organization Development Journal, 30(1), 19–38. Retrieved from https://gwlaw.idm.oclc.org/login?, https://search.proquest.com/doc view/963777418?accountid=147036. McLean, G. N., Kaneko, T., & van Dijk, M. S. (2003). Changing corporate culture across countries: A case study of Sumitomo 3M Limited (Japan). In C. T. Akaraborworn, A. M. Osman-Gani, & G. N. McLean (Eds.), Human resource development in Asia: National policy perspectives (pp. 1-1– 1-9). Bangkok, Thailand, and Bowling Green, OH: National Institute of Development Administration and Academy of Human Resource Development. OECD (Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development). (2017). How does JAPAN compare? Retrieved from: www.oecd.org/japan/Gender 2017-JPN-en.pdf. Roosevelt, E. (2005). The future belongs …. In L. C. Schlup & D. W. Whisenhunt (Eds.), It seems to me: Selected letters of Eleanor Roosevelt. Lexington, KY: University Press of Kentucky. Smith, W. (2020). Flag of Japan. Encyclopedia Britannica. Retrieved from https://www.britannica.com/place/Japan/The-role-of-government. Womenomics 5.0. (2019). Goldman Sachs, Portfolio strategy portfolio. Retrieved from https://www.goldmansachs.com/insights/pages/womenomics-5.0/ multimedia/womenomics-5.0-report.pdf.

Index

0–9 1947 Civil Code, 32 2008–2009 Global financial crisis, 6 30% Club, 285 3M, 307, 313 A Abe Administration, 63, 66, 73, 168 Abe, Shinzo, 3, 27, 66, 68, 230 Academia, 71 Academic achievement. See Achievement(s) Accenture, 134, 292 Access to self-governance, 166 Accommodations, 8 Accountability, 177, 181–183, 286 Achievement(s), 39, 52, 89, 113, 120, 243, 254, 270, 274, 276 Action Plan of the Basic Act for the Activation of Small-Sized Businesses, 148, 157 Action plans, 15, 63, 69, 77, 78, 168, 176, 197, 198, 217, 266, 276, 297, 307, 309

Acts, Laws Act for the Promotion of Women’s Participation and Advancement in the Workplace, 168 Act on Equality between Women and Men, 290 Act on Promotion of Activities in Women’s Occupational Life, 266 Act on the Promotion of Specified Non-Profit Activities, 239 Act to Advance Women’s Success in their Working Life, 125 Basic Act for a Gender Equal Society, 168 Basic Law for a Gender Equal Society, 6, 246, 266 Child Care and Family Care Leave Law, 76 Employment Insurance Act, 76 Equal Employment Opportunity Act, 7. See also Equal Employment Opportunity Law

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2021 Y. T. Nakamura et al. (eds.), Japanese Women in Leadership, Current Perspectives on Asian Women in Leadership, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-36304-8

317

318

INDEX

Equal Employment Opportunity Law, 6, 88, 99, 110, 128, 129, 168 Female Employment Promotion Law, 15 gender parity law, 166, 177, 178, 182 Josei Katsuyaku Suishin H¯ o (Law to Promote Women’s Employment), 68, 78 Law on Assembly and Political Association, 166 Law on Securing Equal Opportunity and Treatment between Men and Women in Employment, 48 Public Nursing Care Insurance Law, 247 Teachers’ Pay Act, Act on Special Measures Concerning Salaries and Other Conditions for Education Personnel of Public Compulsory Education Schools, 196. See also Basic Law for a Gender Equal Society Administrative agencies, 238, 252–256 Administrators, 72, 310 Advancement of Measures to Support Raising Next-Generation Children, 76 Affirmative action program, 200 AFFrinnovation (The Sixth Industry), 230 Agency theory, 154 Aging, Aging population, 3, 14, 27, 33 Agricultural cooperatives, 221, 223, 224 Agriculture, Agricultural, 70, 75, 146, 150, 201–203, 213–218, 221, 224, 228–233, 244, 257

agricultural commissioners, agricultural commissions, 216, 217, 221, 222, 229 agricultural cooperatives, 215–217, 221, 223, 224, 230 Agricultural Extension Service Centers, 217 agricultural labor force, 218 agritourism, 229 Aichi, 77, 240 Akamatsu, Ryoko, 181, 246, 250, 251 A Medium- and Long-Term Vision for Women of Rural Communities, 214, 217 Anthropology, 54 Anti-democratic leaders, 182 Anti-egalitarian, 186 Anti-establishment, 172 Apple, 127 Area Shain (Regionally Bound Employee), 16 Arinori, Mori, 30. See also Meiji, The Meiji Six Thinkers Arms tied behind their backs, 177 Asia, Asian, 125, 126, 135, 136, 169, 205, 244, 265, 266, 268, 269, 272, 273, 278, 315 Asian contexts, 268, 281 Asian countries and regions, 79, 244 Asian society, 266, 268 Assassin candidates, 172 Assessment, 52, 100, 117 Association for the Promotion of Quotas (QnoKai), 177, 181 Athena-like model, 152 Authority, 31, 32, 126, 136, 137, 139–141, 215, 251, 296 Autonomous management, 255 AXA Life Insurance Co., 292

INDEX

B Backgrounds, 54, 113, 135, 204, 266, 276, 295 Balance, 17, 31, 36, 38, 39, 49, 51, 76, 88, 97, 128, 135, 140, 141, 177, 178, 182, 183, 185, 274, 290 Bangladesh, 271 Barriers, 14, 37, 47, 48, 99, 132, 139, 185, 251, 269, 272, 274, 282, 293, 296, 313 Barriers to electoral office, 166. See also Electoral politics; Electoral system Basic Act for a Gender Equal Society. See Acts, Laws Basic Design for Peace and Health (Global Health Cooperation), 72 Basic Law for a Gender Equal Society. See Acts, Laws Basic Law on Food, Agriculture and Rural Areas. See Acts, Laws Behavior patterns, 37, 268 Beijing Declaration and Platform of Action, 63 Benchmarking of processes, 309 Birth rate, 147, 155, 158, 175, 266, 277, 305 birthrate decline, 155 Board room culture, 293 Boards. See Company boards Buddha, Buddhism, 275 Bullying, school, 176 Bushi-do (chivalry), 4 Business ecosystem, 148, 160 Business farmers, 217, 228, 232 Business functions. See Functions Business networking, 232 Business-type non-profit organization (NPO), 237. See also Non-profit organizations

319

C Cabinet Office, 3, 4, 6, 7, 10, 11, 14, 17, 45, 48, 62, 63, 66, 69–71, 76–78, 88, 97, 112, 128, 147, 168, 173, 174, 194, 200, 201, 206, 238–240, 249 Council for Gender Equality, 217 Gender Equality Bureau, 217, 238 Order on Disclosure of Corporate Affairs, 64 Calling, 29, 250 Capacity building, 266–268 Career advancement, 16–19, 34, 63, 65, 92, 97, 99, 100, 113, 115, 117, 119, 140 Career break, 92 Career counseling, 205 Career development, 9, 46, 49, 52, 54, 116, 119, 135, 151, 152, 228, 232, 233, 249, 278, 291, 295, 296, 310 Career development center, 47 Career education, 205 Career formation, 214, 228 Career interest, 6 Career interruption, 28 Career knowledge, 204 Career ladder, 46, 75, 115, 131, 313, 314 Career path(s), 6, 16, 17, 28, 34, 40, 46, 47, 111, 132, 151, 159, 293 Career planning, 204 Career(s), 4–6, 12–16, 28, 31, 33, 34, 36, 37, 39, 40, 46–55, 65, 70, 71, 75, 80, 87–95, 97, 99–101, 109, 110, 112, 113, 115, 117–119, 128–130, 132, 134, 149, 150, 153, 160, 195, 196, 200, 204, 218, 228, 230, 232, 243, 268, 292, 294, 310 Career skills, 204 Career success, 79

320

INDEX

Career transitions, 53 Caring role, 199 Case study, 47, 153, 214, 250, 307 CEDAW. See Committee on the Elimination of All forms of Discrimination against Women; Convention on the Elimination of All forms of Discrimination against Women Census of Agriculture and Forestry, 221, 223 Certification, 15, 16, 76, 223, 224, 230, 244 Certified farmers, 217, 223, 224, 229 Challenges, 3, 4, 6, 7, 14, 18, 30, 33, 46, 51, 52, 55, 73, 74, 77, 89, 90, 97, 98, 101, 111, 115, 118, 125, 126, 129, 132, 135, 137, 138, 147, 150, 153, 154, 156, 159, 160, 176, 185, 214, 228, 239, 256, 276, 281, 290, 291, 295 Change, 5, 9, 13, 18, 28–33, 35, 38, 40, 41, 46, 47, 50, 52–54, 81, 88, 90–92, 99, 100, 110, 111, 115–119, 127, 129, 132, 138, 140, 148, 150, 155, 156, 158–160, 168, 172, 175, 182, 200, 215, 221, 224, 232, 245, 250, 253, 256, 265–267, 274, 276–278, 307–309, 311, 313, 314 Charter for Work-life Balance and Action Policy for Promoting Work-life Balance, 69 Charter Oath, 28, 29 Chief Executive Officer (CEO), 111–113, 118, 156, 284–286, 293. See also C-Suite, CXOs Childbirth, 28, 37, 92, 110, 111, 130, 207, 232, 274, 293

Childcare, 4, 9, 10, 13, 17, 37, 40, 64, 66, 73–76, 88, 128, 133, 134, 140, 141, 150, 151, 158, 196, 207, 241, 256, 268, 274, 275, 277, 278, 293, 294, 305, 309, 312, 313 Child Care and Family Care Leave Law. See Acts, Laws Childcare leave benefits, 64, 72, 73 Child rearing, 51, 72, 92, 150, 172, 232, 249, 274 Children, 5, 6, 13, 28–30, 32, 34, 37, 47, 49, 64, 66, 73, 76, 80, 89, 94, 98, 134, 150, 154, 176, 198, 215, 229, 245, 248, 273–275, 277, 296, 305, 309, 310, 312 China, 96, 149, 269, 272 Christianity, 275 Chubu Bureau of Economy, Trade and Industry, 77 Circular economy, 78 Citibank, 127 Citizenship education, 187 Civic activities, 246 Civic responsibilities, 187 Civil Code, 28, 29, 32, 215 Clean image, 175 Clientelist networks, 171 Coaching, Coaches, 17, 91, 95, 96, 98, 119, 292 Coalition of women’s organizations, 178 Coca-Cola, 127 Collaboration, 73, 75, 111, 138, 152, 203, 204, 206, 207, 243, 253–256 Collectivist, 154 College, 6, 14, 50, 53, 79, 93, 110, 155, 156, 187, 195, 196 Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), 195, 199, 246, 247

INDEX

Communism, 72, 75, 77, 80 Community centers, 14, 313 Community support groups, 313 Company boards, 288, 295 Company director, 286 Competencies, 31, 88, 130, 135, 137, 204–206, 296, 297 Competition of ideas, 183 Compliance, 183, 185, 288 compliance mechanism, 166, 177, 183, 184 Confidence, 91, 98, 115–117, 130, 182, 206 Confucian, Confucianism, 5, 6 Confucian ethical system, 5 Confucian scholar, 36 Confucius, 275 Constituency Facetime, 172 Constituency support, jiban, 178 Constitution, Democratic obligations, 185 Construction and Manufacturing, 8 Consulting, Consultants, 91, 126, 133, 138, 307, 313 Contextual backgrounds. See Cultural contexts Contracted position, 3 Convention on the Elimination of All forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), 63, 168, 195, 199, 216, 246 Cooperation, 63, 77, 207, 238, 239, 244, 245, 253, 254, 256 Corporate governance, 73, 154, 281, 282, 288 Corporate philosophy, 96, 155 Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR), 128 Corruption scandals, 175 Council for Gender Equality, 217 Council for Supporting Women to Shine, 64

321

Council of Executives of Public and Private Sectors to Promote Work-Life Balance, 69 Counselors, School, 97, 310 Counter-cultural, 307, 308, 313 Countryside, 9, 11, 12, 17 Creativity, 206, 207 Credit Suisse Research Institute, 281, 283, 286, 287, 289, 291, 294 Critical actor, 178 Critical mass, 178, 285, 286 Critical theory, 18, 314 Cross-country comparison studies, 55 C-suite, CXOs, 112, 114, 117, 285, 311 Cultural change, 98, 118, 138, 277, 278, 308 Cultural comparison, 273 Cultural contexts, 27, 126, 131 Cultural differences, 315 Cultural factors, 35–37, 81, 268, 274, 275 Cultural norms, 181 Cultural traditions. See Tradition, Traditional Culture, Cultures, 5, 28, 31, 36–38, 40, 47, 54, 69, 71, 79, 81, 99, 119, 126, 129, 131, 133, 138, 141, 159, 160, 275, 278, 290, 296, 307–309, 314, 315 D Daily Life Services, 8 Data, Reliable, Standardized, 4, 7, 27, 33, 35, 80, 128, 136, 148, 153, 154, 159, 170, 171, 173, 175, 183, 185, 238, 240, 270, 273, 314 Daycare, 175, 273, 275, 310 Daycare waiting lists, 66, 176 Decision-making, 48, 131, 184, 233, 253, 257

322

INDEX

Decision-making process, 68, 217, 221, 222, 233, 253, 257, 266, 267, 293 Declaration on Action, 63, 64 Deliberation, caliber of, 184 Demand for managers, 305 Democracy, quality of, 184, 185 Democratic culture, 183 Democratic decision-making, 187 Democratic literacy, 187 Democratic rights and freedoms, 185, 187 Democratize Japanese political parties, 181 Descendants of incumbents, 171 Descriptive representation, 166, 169, 170, 172, 186 Development, 4, 28, 30, 34, 40, 46, 49, 63, 67, 68, 74, 82, 87, 88, 90–92, 94, 95, 101, 118, 120, 127, 134, 136, 160, 194, 195, 204, 207, 228, 239, 241, 249, 250, 252, 253, 255, 256, 267, 278, 292, 293, 296, 307, 311 Developmental tasks, 228, 229 Development Cooperation Charter, 61, 66 Directors. See Company directors Direct stakes in an issue, 255 Disarmament, 241, 244 Disaster reduction, 250 Discrimination. See Gender discrimination social discrimination, 278 Disparity, 12 Diverse, 7, 14, 63, 69, 77, 111, 113, 125, 134, 139, 140, 150, 160, 170, 182, 186, 200, 207, 232, 257 Diversify faces and bodies, 181 Diversity, 16, 40, 65, 100, 110–112, 128, 132–134, 136, 139–141,

152, 156, 159, 181, 187, 203, 206, 207, 250, 258, 267, 275, 282, 285–287, 290, 291, 295 Diversity Management, 111 Diversity Management Selection 100, 111 Division of labor, 36–38, 132, 213, 232, 254 Doi, Takako, 172, 184 Double pricing, 243, 244 Dreams, 305 Dual board system, 286 Dual-career couples, 17

E East Asia, 274, 275 Economic development, 5, 33, 88 Economic empowerment, 69, 74, 75, 168 Economic independence, 40, 132, 195, 196 Economic participation, 71, 110, 169, 269, 282, 283 Economics, Economy, 4, 18, 27, 28, 31, 33–37, 39, 41, 49, 52, 55, 62–64, 67, 68, 73, 74, 88, 110, 145, 146, 159, 160, 175, 178, 181, 184, 196, 199, 201, 215, 216, 246, 257, 276–278, 284, 298 Edo period, 4, 5, 36 Education higher education, 110, 194–196, 200, 204, 206–209, 268, 270, 275, 310, 312 primary education, 30, 268 secondary education, 270, 271 Educational attainment, 169, 269, 276 Educational institutions, 75, 158, 207, 314

INDEX

Educational opportunities, 74, 207, 275 Education for All Movement, 276 Education ministry, 310 Elder Care, Eldercare, 40, 172, 175, 274, 275, 309, 310, 313 Election, 127, 166, 167, 169–173, 175, 178, 181–184, 221, 242, 245, 250, 251, 253 Electoral politics, 178, 184 Electoral system, 170, 172, 182, 183 Eligibility, 166, 170 The Elimination of All forms of Discrimination Against Women, 246 Emily’s List, 250 Emotion, Emotional, 40, 98, 119, 137 Employment, 4, 7–9, 12–14, 16, 31, 33–35, 45–48, 50, 52–55, 63, 68–70, 73, 75, 78, 81, 88, 94, 110, 129, 130, 132, 141, 196, 216, 257, 269, 271, 272, 274, 275, 278, 291, 294, 297, 311, 314 Employment Insurance Act. See Acts, Laws Employment system, 45, 48, 55, 141 Empowerment, 51, 52, 63, 64, 67, 68, 70, 73, 80, 99, 154, 245, 255, 272 Enrollment, 269–271, 274 Entertainment, 8, 112, 151 Entrepreneurial activities, 148, 152, 157, 217, 218, 224, 227, 230 Entrepreneurial attitudes, 147–152 Entrepreneurship, Entrepreneurs, 75, 112, 146–154, 156–160, 238, 313, 314 Environment, 6, 8, 9, 12, 13, 15, 16, 37, 39, 40, 45, 54, 55, 80, 87–90, 92, 97–101, 109–111,

323

116–118, 139, 151, 155–157, 159, 160, 177, 202, 203, 206, 241, 245, 246, 254, 267, 273, 274, 276, 281, 310, 313, 315 Environmental sociologist, 177 EPMEWSE. See Japan Inter-Society Liaison Association Committee for Promoting Equal Participation of Men and Women in Science and Engineering Equal Employment Opportunity, 38 Equal Employment Opportunity Act. See Acts, Laws Equal Employment Opportunity Law. See Acts, Laws Equality, 30–32 Equality principle, Violating, 182 Equal Partnership with the Administration, 254 Equal playing field, 175, 181 Eruboshi (Star system), 52, 53 Ethics, 5, 6 Ethnicity, 159 Exchange-work, 298 Executive, 7, 52, 64, 69, 73, 89, 90, 93, 94, 99, 112–115, 119, 120, 131, 135, 146, 250, 284, 285, 287, 290, 292, 295, 307, 311 Expatriate entrepreneurship, 74 Expatriates, 47, 74, 305, 311 Expectation, 6, 7, 9, 36, 48, 54, 87–90, 94, 98, 100, 110, 115, 117, 127, 135, 136, 139, 169, 175, 199, 254, 273, 277, 294, 308 Expert, 71, 184, 221, 247 Extension workers for home-life improvement, 215, 218, 224, 228

324

INDEX

F Faces, 19, 29, 34, 37, 55, 61, 77, 80, 81, 96–98, 117, 126, 132, 135, 138, 147, 150, 153, 154, 166, 172, 182, 255, 283, 293 Facilitator model, 152 Facilities, 8, 40, 64, 66, 74–76, 134, 156, 200, 310, 311 Faculty, 201, 312 Failure of representative democracy, 165, 169 Family, 5, 16, 17, 28–34, 36, 37, 39, 40, 47, 49, 76, 81, 89, 90, 98, 100, 110–112, 119, 133, 134, 140, 151, 154, 155, 159, 167, 172, 196, 214, 215, 217, 224, 228, 229, 251, 272–274, 276, 278, 290, 294, 295, 313 Family business, 29, 89, 147, 154–156, 160, 214, 314 Family caregiving, 30 Family duties, 47, 49, 52 Family dynasty, 171 Family farm(ing), 70, 213–215, 228, 231, 232 Family-friendly, 8 Family inheritance, 171 Family management agreements, 217, 218, 224, 227–229 Family structures, 28, 31, 33 Farmer’s pension, 224 Farm households, 214, 224 Farm management, 214, 216–218, 229 Farm women, 213, 214, 216–218, 228, 232 Feedback, 95, 96, 98, 119, 292, 310 Female Employment Promotion Law. See Acts, Laws Feminine subjects, 199 Feminism, Feminist, 18, 28, 29, 31, 40, 242

Feminist activism, 165 Field of education, 204 Fifth Science and Technology Basic Plan, 70, 203 Filipinos. See Philippines Financial services, 8, 75 Finland, 281, 282, 286, 288–290, 295, 296 Five study groups (Labs), 231 Flag, Japan, 166, 306 Flexibility of working conditions, 53 Flextime, 159 Focus group interview, 228, 229 Food and Beverage Services, 8 Foreign-affiliated companies, 125, 126, 128–137, 139–141 Fourth Basic Plan for Gender Equality, 266 Fourth Science and Technology Basic Plan, 203 France, 17, 45, 46, 149, 169, 281–283, 286–288, 290, 295, 296 Fukoku Kyohei (national enrichment and security), 5 Fukui, 240 Fukuoka, 231, 240 Full-time, 9, 13, 47, 49, 50, 201, 228, 238, 294 Functions, 46, 47, 53, 158, 166, 185, 284, 287, 293, 294, 297 Future, 11, 16, 51, 71, 73, 80, 81, 93, 95, 97, 98, 101, 118, 187, 194, 198, 199, 203, 204, 208, 238, 251, 258, 277, 284, 292, 298, 305 Future research, 4, 16, 18, 28, 46, 53, 54, 80, 100, 118, 140, 159, 184, 256 G G20 Leaders Declaration, 68

INDEX

G7 Ise-Shima Summit . See Ise-Shima Summit Gakugei University, 81 Games. See Boys’ Games; Girls’ Games Gap, Gender gap, 4, 17, 49, 51, 62, 147–149, 168, 169, 175, 186, 269, 295 Garden of Siloam, 80 Gatekeeping, 177 Gender, 29, 32, 33, 36, 40, 54, 63, 77, 129, 135, 139, 141, 151, 154, 159, 166, 172, 173, 206, 214, 237, 239, 251, 254, 277, 281, 288, 290, 294–298, 310–312 Gender-balanced recruitment, 182 Gender-based segregation, 39 Gender differences, 153 Gender discrimination, 48, 183, 310 Gender disparities, 63, 213, 276 Gender division of labor, 6, 53 Gender dynamics, 139 Gendered, 41, 69, 141, 150, 177, 268, 284, 295 Gendered division of labor, 175 Gendered social systems, 296 Gendered workplace, 39 Gender equality, 14–16, 18, 28, 32, 34, 39, 41, 45, 52, 53, 55, 61, 62, 68, 70–72, 76, 77, 127, 132, 135, 160, 165, 168, 183, 185, 194, 195, 197, 203, 216–218, 241, 242, 244, 249, 250, 253–256, 266, 267, 274, 291, 295, 309, 312 Gender Equality Association for Humanities and Social Sciences, 208 Gender Equality Bureau, 174 Gender Equality Bureau Cabinet Office, 3, 4, 6, 7, 10, 11, 14, 17, 45, 48, 62, 63, 66, 69–71, 76,

325

77, 88, 97, 112, 128, 147, 168, 170, 171, 173, 216, 217, 266, 267 Gender Equality White Paper, 206 Gender-free recruitment, 54 Gender inequality, 34, 63, 132, 268, 274 Gender issues, 140, 214, 230, 250, 307 Gender parity law. See Acts, Laws Gender perspective, 250, 277 Gender roles, 7, 12, 36, 37, 39, 54, 55, 87, 88, 99–101, 132, 136, 200, 251, 252, 266, 272, 308, 310 Gender segregation, 199 Gender stereotypes, 39, 274, 284, 310 Gender Summit, 71 Gender wage gap, 48, 50, 130 General Electric, 127 General Headquarters of American Forces (GHQ), 5, 242 Generalist, 47 Germany, 17, 45, 46, 169, 205, 281–284, 286–288, 290, 295, 296 Get Dads Cooking, 71 Glass ceiling, 47, 275, 293 Glass ceiling index, 293 Glass wall, 287 Global Gender Gap Index (GGGI), 110, 168, 282, 283 Globalization, 99, 127, 281 Goals, 3, 4, 34, 39, 41, 54, 62, 92, 97, 100, 115, 117, 120, 151, 158, 160, 168, 198, 204, 207, 216, 230, 231, 242, 290, 307, 308, 311 gojo (the five cardinal Confusion Virtues), 5

326

INDEX

Government, 3–5, 7, 9, 13–15, 29–31, 33, 35, 38, 39, 41, 62, 63, 65–72, 74–82, 89, 110, 112, 113, 120, 147, 148, 157, 159, 160, 167–169, 172, 175, 176, 178, 183, 185, 200, 202–204, 206, 208, 214, 216, 217, 229, 233, 238, 239, 241, 246, 249, 250, 252–255, 257, 265–267, 269, 277, 278, 288, 291, 295–298, 310–314 Government of Japan, 61, 67, 68, 73, 78–80, 111, 214, 216, 217, 266 Government-owned gender equality center, 250 Graduate education, 312 Grass-rooted women’s groups, 245 Great East Japan Earthquake, 156, 158, 248–250 Great Hanshin-Awaji Earthquake, 239, 246–248 Gross Domestic Product (GDP), 4, 158, 159 Guidelines for Disaster Planning Response and Reconstruction, 76 H Habits, 135, 151, 293 Hard law legislation, 288 Harvard business school, 17, 77 Hatoyama, Haruko, 30, 31 Hayashi, Fumiko, 89, 90, 176 Healthcare/Welfare, 8, 12, 17 Hidden curriculum, 199 Hideko, Fukuda, 30, 31 Hierarchy, Hierarchical, 5, 31–33, 114, 152, 215, 293–295 High potential personnel, 307 Hindu, Hinduism, 275 Hiring, 3, 6, 8, 48, 50, 52, 128, 129, 290, 296, 297 Hiroshima, 74, 77

Hi-seisyain, 49 Historically marginalized groups, 165 History, Historical, 4, 8, 28, 39, 40, 50, 109, 126, 132, 166, 168, 171, 177, 199, 204, 241, 277, 282, 294 Hokuriku, 9 Home Life Improvement Extension Service (HLIES), 214, 215, 218, 229, 230 Home Life Improvement Practice Groups, 215–217, 224, 230 Homemaker, 214, 310 Hope, 18, 52, 55, 90, 306 Horizontal relationship, 152 Horizontal relationship-building, 175 House chores. See Housework Housewives, 151, 172, 175, 215, 256 Housework, Housekeeping, 6, 17, 37, 38, 47, 54, 71, 72, 74, 75, 91, 276, 305, 309, 312, 313 Humanities, 201, 202, 208, 310 Human resource development (HRD), 18, 54, 155, 255, 258 Human resources, 15, 71, 72, 130, 203, 242, 249, 256, 277, 278, 284, 307 Human rights, 239, 241, 249, 256, 267 Husband, 5, 12, 31, 35, 37, 155, 156, 214, 218, 223, 224, 228, 229, 251, 256 Hyogo, 240 I IBM Japan, 131, 134, 292 Ichikawa Fusae Center for Women and Governance, 169, 175 Identity, 28, 31, 32, 55, 87, 88, 91–93, 100, 101, 139 Ideological views, Voters, 183 Ie (house), 4

INDEX

Ie ideology. See Ie (house) Illiteracy, 5, 276 literacy rate, 265, 269, 270 ILO Convention (No. 156) (International Labor Organization (ILO) Convention (No. 156) Concerning Equal Opportunities and Equal Treatment for Men and Women Workers, Workers with Family Responsibilities), 216 Impact assessment, 81 Implications, 4, 16, 53, 54, 69, 80, 99, 118, 126, 137, 147, 160, 206, 232, 255 Imura-Ya Group, 53 Incentives, 170, 182, 297 Inclusive leadership, 187. See also Leadership Incumbents, 176, 186 Independent, 14, 31, 91, 92, 100, 167, 176, 179, 215 India, 244, 272, 276 Indirect discrimination, 7, 8 Individual, Individualistic, 17, 18, 35, 37, 46, 47, 73, 76, 87, 117, 131, 134, 135, 137, 139, 141, 170, 171, 175, 182, 186, 204, 237, 256, 267, 268, 282, 314 Individualized career path, 46, 53, 295 Indonesia, 244, 271, 272, 275 Industrial waste disposal and treatment plant, 155 Industries, 4, 7–9, 13, 16, 17, 75, 77, 100, 112, 113, 126, 145, 146, 230, 266 Inequality, 34, 283, 315 Informal assumptions, Criteria, 52, 181 Initiative on Gender and Development (GAD), 63 Innovation, 48, 200

327

Innovative representative democracy, 183 Institute for Gender Studies, 177, 206 Institute for Global Leadership at Ochanomizu University, 15, 17 Intel, 127 Intelligence, 81, 206 Intensive Policy to Accelerate the Empowerment of Women, 65 Intermediate organizations, 255 International comparison(s), 148 International Labor Office (ILO), 281, 282, 284–287, 289, 290, 292–294 International relations, 79 InterOrganization Network (ION), 290 Investment, 34, 74, 126, 127, 157, 181 Ippanshoku (non-promotion track), 6 Ise-Shima Summit, 65 Ishizaka, Noriko, 89, 155, 156 Islam, 275

J Japan, 3–7, 9, 10, 13, 14, 16–19, 27–41, 45–55, 61–63, 66–68, 70, 71, 73, 75, 77, 79–81, 88, 91, 92, 97, 99, 110, 114, 119, 120, 125–137, 140, 145–149, 151, 154–160, 166, 169–171, 177, 178, 183, 184, 186, 187, 194–197, 199, 200, 202, 204, 206–208, 213, 214, 216–218, 221, 229, 231–233, 237–242, 244–249, 252, 254–257, 266–269, 272, 274, 277, 278, 281–284, 286–289, 291–293, 295–297, 305–307, 309–313, 315 Japan Airlines, 93, 96, 97, 114

328

INDEX

Japan Association of National Universities, 197 Japanese Association of International Women’s Rights (JAIWR), 245 Japanese Women’s Suffrage League, 166 Japan Finance Corporation (JFC), 156–158 Japan Institute for Labour Policy and Training (JILPT), 50, 51, 69, 134, 237, 238 Japan Institute for Women’s Empowerment & Diversity Management (JIWEDM), 51, 88 Japan International Cooperation Agency, 75 Japan Inter-Society Liaison Association Committee for Promoting Equal Participation of Men and Women in Science and Engineering, 202 Japan Network of NGOs for CEDAW (JNNC), 247 Japan Revitalization Strategy, 64, 127, 230 Japan’s international ranking, 168 Japan Science and Technology Agency (JST), 71 Japan Socialist Party, 172, 184 Japan Teachers union (JTU), 195, 196 Jirei (transfer order), 47, 52 Job form (of employment), 46, 53–55, 295, 306, 311 Job function, 46, 47 Job opportunities, 6, 110 Job rotations, 46, 47, 119, 295, 311 Jokunsho (Women Training Book), 5 Josei-Juku (Women’s School), 228, 229 Josei Katsuyaku Suishin H¯ o (Law to Promote Women’s Employment). See Acts/Laws

Joshiwo Oshiyuru Hou (How to Educate Women), 36

K Kaban (financial support), 178 Kacho, 88, 112 Kada, Yukiko, 177 Kafucho (Patriarchal), 5 Kagyo (Family business), 214 Kaibara, Ekiken, 36 Kamikatsu, 78 Kanagawa, 74, 240 Kanban (name recognition), 178 Kansai Network to Support and Promote Women Entrepreneurs, 157 Kanto, 9 Kasan (family property), 214 Keidanren, 291 Kenya, 68, 80 Kering, 290 Key Performance Indicator (KPIs), 66, 111, 183, 297 Kinki, 9 Kinship ties, 171 Kiyohara, Keiko, 37, 176 Ki-Young Shin (Ochanomizu Women’s University), 186 Knowledge, 96, 97, 116, 117, 153, 157, 204, 207, 215, 232, 254, 311 Kobe University, 202 Kochi, 12 Koenkai (candidate personal support networks), 171, 172, 175 Koizumi, Junichiro, 172, 173, 218 Komeito (Komei Political Party), 178 Korea Korean Peninsula, 5 South Korea, 271, 272 Koshi, Naomi, 176

INDEX

Kotani, Mayumi, 155 Kumon, Kazuko, 80 Kurumin, 76 Kyushu, 202 Kyushu Bureau of Economy, Trade and Industry, 77

L Labor, 3, 14, 18, 27, 32, 33, 36, 37, 52, 53, 63, 70, 72, 73, 110, 111, 130–132, 147, 195, 249, 265–267, 269, 273, 276, 278, 291 Labor force, 9, 28, 32, 36, 69, 81, 110, 111, 128, 145, 147, 158, 218, 233, 274, 283, 311 Labor force participation rate, 6, 9, 12, 62, 284 Labor participation rate, 73, 147, 158, 266 Law on Assembly and Political Association. See Acts, Laws Leadership leadership aspirations, 112 leadership attributes, 113 leadership career, 4, 6, 8, 13, 200 leadership career ladder, 46, 314 leadership career path, 16, 46 leadership development, 4, 6, 7, 14–19, 35–38, 45, 46, 48, 51, 52, 54, 55, 75, 77, 80, 81, 134, 160, 206, 208, 233, 251–253, 282, 294 leadership education, 13, 204–206 leadership positions, 3–6, 13, 35, 40, 66, 88–90, 94–96, 98–101, 109, 111, 112, 117–119, 125, 135, 138, 169, 197, 200, 201, 208, 213, 233, 238, 266, 281, 282, 285, 288, 291–295, 297, 298, 306, 311, 314, 315

329

leaderships styles, 114, 152–154, 159, 160, 186, 249. See also Women in leadership; Women leadership League of Women Voters of Japan, 242 Legislative support, 9, 18 Legislator, Legislators, 242 Legitimacy, Democratic, 183 Lehman Shock, 156 Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), 171–173, 177, 178, 184 Liberal non-intervention stance, 288 Life stages, 53, 151, 218, 228, 229, 232 Lifetime employment, 46, 110, 311 Limited sogo-shoku, 52 Local, 16, 17, 63, 69, 71, 72, 75–79, 129, 131–138, 140, 141, 157, 166, 171–173, 175–178, 181, 186, 194, 208, 217, 221, 224, 232, 233, 249–254, 256, 257, 266, 278 Local assemblies, 169, 173, 174 Longitudinal studies on women’s leadership, 233, 298 Long working hours, 6, 40, 47, 119, 172, 196, 294 L’Oreal, 290 Lower houses, 33, 169, 170, 172, 178, 180 Loyalty, 5, 30, 33, 46, 97, 110 M Madonna Boom, 172 Majoritarian systems, 172 Malaysia, 272, 275 Male dominance, Male-dominated, 165, 177, 184 Male homosocial capital, 171, 172, 178, 182, 185, 186 Management

330

INDEX

management pipeline, 291 management position, 3, 12, 16, 17, 38, 39, 50, 51, 93, 94, 96, 112, 117, 131, 135, 193, 202, 282, 284, 285, 308, 312, 314 managerial roles, 7, 12 managerial skills, 153 strategic management, 77, 287 Manels (all-male panels), 183 Mansbridge, Jane, 165 Manufacturing, 8, 17, 47, 126, 132, 137, 145, 151 Marriage, Marrying, 5, 37, 88, 92, 93, 110, 111, 150, 213, 232, 274, 275, 293, 296, 305 Masanao, Nakamura, 30. See also Meiji, The Meiji Six Thinkers Masculinity, Toxic, Hegemonic, 176, 183, 268, 290 Matahara (Maternity harassment), 13 Maternal role, 199 Maternity and childcare leave, 196 Maternity leave, 13, 35, 73, 92, 134, 207 M-Curve, 33, 273 Media, 41, 71, 115, 172, 177, 183–186, 232 Median man, 172 Medium-sized businesses, Mediumsized enterprises, 145, 147, 153, 154, 157–160 Medium-sized constituency system, 171 Meiji Meiji civil code, 29, 32, 214 Meiji culture, 31 Meiji feminists, 31 Meiji period, 5, 28, 29, 31, 33, 41 Meiji reforms, 29 Meiji revolution, 28 The Meiji Six Thinkers, 30

Meirokusha or the Meiji Six Society, 30 Member form (of employment), 306 Mentoring, Mentor, 17, 98, 117, 119, 120, 134, 157, 292, 307, 308, 311 Meritocracy, Meriocratic, 185 Metropolitan, 9–11, 17, 240, 251, 252 Microsoft, 127 Mid-level management, 135 Military, 4, 29 Mind and body wellness, 14 Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries (MAFF), 70, 75, 214–217, 221–223, 226–228, 230, 231 Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry (METI), 74, 77, 111, 112, 127, 147, 157 Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology (MEXT), 193–195, 197–199, 201–205, 207, 208 Ministry of Finance, 127 Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan (MOFA), 63, 66–68, 72, 75, 127, 168, 195 Ministry of Health, Labour, and Welfare (MHLW), 7, 8, 12, 13, 15, 16, 35, 48–50, 52, 69, 111, 112 Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications (MIC), 8, 9, 11, 17, 170, 173, 174, 200, 220 Minority, Minorities, 199, 313 Minority views, 186 Miura, Mari, 165, 169, 171, 172, 177, 178, 181, 186, 242 Miyagi, 12, 77, 158 Mobil, 127 Mommy track, 47

INDEX

Mompreneurs, 150 Motivation, 9, 12, 13, 36, 37, 51, 55, 89, 90, 94, 101, 129, 150, 196, 268, 312 Mt. Fuji, 79 Multinational companies, 129. See also Foreign-affiliated companies Multi-Partisan Parliamentary Group for the Promotion of Women in Politics, 177 Myanmar, 275 N Nadeshiko brands, 73, 111 Nairobi, 80, 245 Nairobi Declaration, 68 National Action Plan (NAP) on Women, Peace and Security (WPS), 77 National Diversity Network, 207 National Federation of Regional Women’s Organizations (the Federation), 243 National Institute of Science and Technology Policy, 70 Nationality, 65 National Survey of Households with Children, 134 National university, 198 National Women’s Education Center, 202, 203, 249, 250 Natural disasters, 72, 77, 81 Necessity-driven entrepreneurs, 150 Nepal, 244, 271, 272, 276, 277 Nepotistic operations and campaigns, 182 Networking, 116, 117, 119, 138, 233 New career and leadership education program, 204 New graduates, 46, 50 New Women’s Association, 242 New Zealand, 269, 271, 272

331

Next generation, 30, 70, 184, 196, 199, 202, 229, 230, 233, 298 Next-generation women’s training programs, 255 Nikkei BP, 131, 292 Nissan, 111 Nomura Management School, 17, 77 Non-Asian, 281 Non-governmental organizations (NGOs), 237–242, 244–249, 251–258 Non-profit, 313 Non-profit organizations (NPOs), 78, 111, 158, 237–241, 246–258 Non-traditional, leadership, 186 non-traditional leadership styles, 186. See also Leadership Nougyou-Joshi Project (Women Farmers’ Project), 230–232 NPO-ization, 252 Nursery school, 198, 273, 309, 310, 312 Nursing care, 72, 207, 247 Nursing room, 113

O Obedience, 5 Obstacles invisible obstacles, 282, 294, 296 visible obstacles, 282, 294 Occupational segregation, 196, 199 Occupation, Occupational, 14, 195, 237, 275, 276, 294, 310 OECD. See Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development Office of the Special Adviser on Africa (OSAA), 68 Officers of agricultural cooperatives. See Agriculture, Agricultural, Agricultural Cooperatives

332

INDEX

Official Development Assistance (ODA), 63 Okinawa, 12, 251 One-party predominant system, 183 One Village One Product, 75 On-the-job training (OJT), 34, 46, 50, 132 Open communication, 175 Opportunities, 3–6, 13, 14, 16, 18, 34, 39, 46, 48–54, 73, 81, 88, 94–98, 100, 101, 110, 115–117, 119, 125, 126, 128, 129, 140, 148–150, 152, 153, 155, 157, 159, 160, 169, 172, 184, 186, 195, 200, 208, 232, 250, 253, 254, 256, 257, 267, 269, 276–278, 282, 283, 294, 295, 305–307, 309–311, 313–315 Opportunity-driven entrepreneurs, 150 Orange, 52, 290 Organizational culture, 35 Organizational factors, 37 Organizational psychology, 54 Organizational system, 18, 138 Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), 204 Organization-led efforts, 14, 15 Organization, Organizational, 9, 14–18, 28, 32, 33, 35–41, 63, 69, 71, 76–78, 80–82, 95, 97–100, 114, 117–119, 128, 131, 135, 137–140, 148, 154, 156, 158–160, 170, 175, 178, 181, 204, 207, 241–249, 251, 253, 254, 256–258, 278, 281, 282, 285–288, 290–297, 308, 311–315 Osaka, 9, 74, 156, 239, 240, 249 Osaka Global Shaper Hub, 79 Outsourcing of caregiving, 172

Over-representation of men’s worldviews, 167 P Paid workforce participation, 168 Pakistan, 271 Pamela Palma, 79 Parasite singles, 81 Parental leave, 13, 35, 36, 54 Parity Academy, 181 Parliament, 34, 166, 171, 178, 184, 186, 245, 250, 272, 312, 314, 315 Parliamentary participation, 312 Participation, 3, 9, 11–13, 15, 27–30, 36–38, 41, 62, 63, 65, 68, 69, 71, 75, 78, 80–82, 111, 128, 130, 132, 147, 176, 178, 198, 223, 238, 239, 241, 242, 248, 249, 253, 257, 265–268, 271–274, 276, 282, 288, 291 Partnership management, 214 Part-time, 9, 13, 33, 49, 69, 81, 147 Paternalistic, 166 Paternalistic tutelage of men, 166 Paternity leave, 35, 66, 71, 134 Pathways to political leadership, 175 Patriarchal gender roles, 168 Patriarchal leadership, 165 Patriarchal society, 30 Patriarchy, 110, 155, 268, 296 Pay, 30, 34, 35, 65, 76, 128, 129, 131, 147, 196, 254, 276, 313, 314 Peace, 67, 239, 241, 243, 245 Per capita GDP (Gross Domestic Product), 159 Performance, 15, 80, 98, 117, 119, 128–131, 136, 154, 166, 172, 268, 269 Performance management, 15, 54 Performance review, 15

INDEX

Permanent residency, 74 Personal characteristics, 129 Personal choices, 199 Personal development, 150 Personality, 205 Personal support networks, 171, 172, 175 Pfizer, 131 Phenomenology, 18 Philippines, 244, 269, 272, 273, 275 Pipeline, 16, 119, 134, 178, 283–285, 295, 297 Pitkin, Hanna, 165 Plan-Do-Check-Act Cycle (PDCA Cycle), 309 Plan for Raising Children with Peace of Mind, 76 Planning, 12, 34, 77, 89, 93, 95, 96, 241, 249, 255 Plans, 14, 15, 17, 27, 47, 49, 73, 89, 111, 119, 151, 157, 203, 217, 223, 257 Plan to Accelerate the Zero Childcare Waiting List Project, 76 Police(ing), 79 Policies, 5, 7, 12, 13, 15, 78, 80–82, 128, 130, 131, 133, 134, 140, 147, 148, 159, 160, 167, 175, 177, 184, 186, 214, 216, 218, 229, 242, 253, 255, 266, 267, 273, 291, 294, 298 Policy change, 35, 54, 313 Policy-driven debates, 183 Political authority, 184 Political backgrounds, 171 Political connections, 175 Political empowerment, 169, 269, 272 women’s political empowerment, 272, 273 Political leadership, diverse models, 166, 176, 181, 182, 184, 186 Political party organizations, 185

333

Political party performance, 177 Political party support, 175, 181 Politics, 31, 32, 37, 67, 78, 127, 165–167, 169–171, 173, 175– 178, 181, 182, 184–186, 214, 242, 244, 245, 248–250, 253, 257, 266, 272, 277, 283 Popular attitudes, 185 Positive action policy, 7, 16, 48, 266 Poverty alleviation, 241 Power alternation, 183 Practices, 12, 16, 17, 19, 28, 39–41, 45, 46, 53, 95, 99, 109, 110, 118, 126, 128, 131–133, 135, 137, 140, 141, 159, 178, 185, 199, 206, 207, 209, 233, 247, 256, 288, 292, 296, 298, 315 Predecessors, 154, 155, 176 Prefectural assemblies, 173 Pre-school. See Nursery school Prime Minister, 3, 27, 31, 52, 64, 66, 68, 73, 111, 172, 178, 230 Prime Minister Office of Japan, 77 Private sector, Companies, 4, 33, 63, 66, 78, 80, 265, 266, 290 Process improvement, 307 Pro-diversity, 186 Productivity, 40, 47, 48, 53, 54, 69, 73, 74 Professional development, 14, 51, 52, 54, 114, 292 Professional ties, 171, 172 Program for Reforming and Accelerating Systems for Nurturing Women Researchers, 202 Project Culture 9, 308 Promotion of Women‘s Empowerment, Corporate Governance Code, 65 Promotion(s), 6, 7, 12–14, 16, 18, 37, 40, 47, 48, 51, 52, 63, 65, 67, 73, 78, 90, 92–94, 98,

334

INDEX

99, 101, 111–113, 117, 119, 128, 130, 131, 141, 147, 168, 197, 203, 206, 207, 239, 255, 266–268, 278, 284, 292–294, 296–298, 305, 308, 311–314 Proportional representation, 172 Proverb, 306 Psychosocial support, 292 Public debate, 184, 185 Public funding, 182 Public good, 184 Publicly-funded media, 184 Publicly-listed firms, 290, 295 Public Nursing Care Insurance Law, 247. See Acts, Laws Q QnoKai. See Association for the Promotion of Quotas Qualifications, 92, 137, 185, 215, 218, 223, 308 formal, 95, 221, 233, 296 informal, 75, 94, 95, 97, 101, 172, 233 Quantitative research, 81 Quasi-experimental research, 315 Quiet-leader model, 152 Quotas, 74, 281, 291, 295, 297, 312, 313 gender quotas, 177, 178, 281, 288, 296 R Raising children, 30, 49, 51. See also Child rearing R&D. See Research and Development Realization of Work Style Reform, 69, 73 Recommendations, 28, 100, 117, 118, 126, 140, 159, 222, 247, 256, 277, 290, 297, 309

Recruitment, 48, 50, 110, 129, 166, 169, 170, 173, 175, 178, 181, 182, 222, 284, 292, 294, 295, 308 Reform of political parties, 170, 175, 177, 183, 185 Reforms, 30, 39, 54, 55, 65, 69, 73, 195, 196, 207, 215, 288, 314 Region, 12, 18, 47, 130, 133, 140, 238, 251, 253, 257, 269, 272–277, 315 Regional disaster prevention plans, 250 Regional Sogo-Shoku, 53 Reiwa Japan, 187 Religion, 268 Religious beliefs, 275 Religious diversity, 126 Relocation, 16, 46, 47, 50, 52, 54, 311 Reporting to taxpayers, 166 Representation, of women, 63, 66, 125, 140, 177, 186, 285, 286, 288, 290 Representative democracy, 165 Research, 18, 19, 28, 39, 41, 80–82, 89, 90, 98–101, 114, 119, 126, 140, 141, 148, 153, 159, 160, 165, 166, 175, 178, 181, 185, 186, 203, 205–208, 233, 246, 256, 257, 266, 277, 278, 285, 287, 314, 315 Research and development (R&D), 187, 200, 284 Research findings, 186 Research Institute of Economy, Trade and Industry (RIETI), 131, 134 Research suggestions, 314 Resignation, 50, 51 Resistance to women, 185

INDEX

Respect, 5, 32, 114, 130, 134, 136, 137, 139, 159, 168, 186, 187, 206, 267 Responsibilities, 17, 28, 33, 36, 38, 40, 48, 49, 64, 88, 93, 95, 97, 100, 115, 116, 130, 139, 150, 167, 172, 187, 198, 232, 272, 286, 294, 309–311 Responsive self-government, 165 Retention, of women, 134 Revenue, 113, 153, 155, 158 Rhetorical, laws, 184 Rike-Jo (science women, women studying sciences), 14 Riko-challe, 70 Rising sun, 306 Risk governance, 187 Role model, 37, 45, 51, 71, 77, 79, 88, 89, 91, 92, 94, 98, 99, 117, 119, 148–150, 159, 184, 201, 203, 206, 207, 228, 250, 251, 255, 298 Roles, 3–5, 8, 9, 28–32, 34, 35, 37–41, 49, 64, 70, 74, 77, 79, 88, 92, 94, 96, 98–100, 110, 114, 117, 118, 127, 131, 132, 135, 137–141, 147, 152, 153, 157, 166, 173, 175, 178, 181, 185–187, 201, 208, 213–215, 218, 228, 229, 233, 238, 246, 249, 250, 252–258, 268, 269, 272, 275, 278, 287, 290, 296, 306, 309–315 Roosevelt, Eleanor, 305 Ross, Suzanne, 79 Rules of the game, 170 Rural rural communities, 29, 70, 213–218, 228, 232, 233 rural life, 229 rural women, 214, 217, 224, 227, 229, 230

335

rural women’s groups, 217 Ryosai kenbo (good wife, wise mother), 5, 30 S Safety and Health Superior Enterprise Mark (SHEM). See Eruboshi Sakano, Akira, 78, 79 Salaries, 48, 50, 129, 307 Salaryman, 32, 33 Sanju (the three people a woman must obey), 5 Sapporo Beer, 52, 53 Sasagawa Foundation, 181 Scholarships, 310 School education, 194, 268 School, Schools, 14, 30, 31, 46, 71, 79, 89, 96, 99, 116, 117, 181, 187, 193–199, 202, 203, 208, 209, 229, 251, 270, 273, 274, 298, 312. See also Education, Higher Education; Education, K-12 Schools School teacher, 193, 195, 198, 199 School Teachers Survey, 195, 198 Science, Technology, Engineering and Mathematics (STEM), 70, 71, 200–203, 310 Sectors, 3, 4, 13, 33, 70, 78, 80, 125, 147, 150, 160, 187, 193, 194, 196, 200, 206, 213, 214, 216, 218, 230, 233, 237, 239 Seishain Koyo, 49. See also shusin koyo Selection, 37, 166, 169, 170, 173, 177, 178, 309, 313 Self-confidence, 119, 229 Self-efficacy, 97, 98, 100, 101, 119 Self-reliant, 91, 98 Seniority, 40, 110, 130, 307, 308, 311 Senior leader, Senior leadership, 15, 137–141, 283

336

INDEX

Senior manager, Senior management, 7, 114, 292, 311 Servant leader model, 152 Sexual harassment, 48 Shichikyo-Sanju (the seven reasons for which a man may divorce his wife), 5 Shizuoka, 79 shusin koyo, 50 Singapore, 269, 271, 272 Single-member districts, 171 Sixth Tokyo International Conference on African Development (TICAD VI), 68 Skill sets, 53, 306, 311, 312 Small and Medium Enterprise Agency, 146, 151, 153, 154, 160 Small business, Small enterprise, 145, 146, 152, 153, 158 Smaller parties, 183 Social activities, 237, 246, 251, 256 Social capital, 17, 18, 75, 77, 170, 175, 178 Social Democratic Party of Japan (SDPF), 184 Social expectations, 5 Social group affinities, 186 Social groups, 172, 186 Social norms, 37, 135 Social participation, 265, 266, 269, 274, 277, 278 women’s social participation, 72, 75, 265, 267, 268, 273, 275 Social position, 255, 256 Social relations, 31 Social resources, 257 Social status, 6, 175, 195, 243, 256, 268 Socioeconomics, 172 Sociology, 54 Soft law measures, 288 Sogoshoku (promotion track), 6

South Asia, 269, 270, 274–276 Southeast Asia, 244, 274 Special ward assemblies, 173 Specified non-profit activities, 239 Sponsorships, 116, 117, 120, 131, 134, 292, 296, 297 Spontaneity, 255 Sri Lanka, 269, 270, 272, 276 Startup capital, 153 Startup stage, Startups, 146, 153, 157, 160, 217 State-Owned Enterprise (SOE), State-Owned Companies, 295, 296 Statistics Bureau of Japan, 38, 49, 70, 71, 128 STEM. See Science, Technology, Engineering and Mathematics Stem family, Stem-family system, 215, 229 Stereotype, Stereotyping, 135, 186, 272, 296, 310 Stewardship theory, 154, 155 Strategic personnel development, 297 Strengths, 8, 101, 186, 255, 311 Structured on-the-job training (SOJT), 312. See also on-the-job training Students, 14, 16, 67, 70, 197, 201, 202, 204–206, 228, 268, 274, 310, 312 Study groups, 77, 177, 215, 228, 231, 232, 249 Substantive representation, 166 Succession, Successors, 29, 89, 94, 112, 147, 154–156, 160, 213, 215, 216, 221, 224, 229, 231, 232 Success, Successful, 6, 54, 73, 79, 80, 92, 93, 96–98, 101, 112, 116, 118, 119, 125, 130, 131, 137, 138, 141, 151, 154, 155, 158, 160, 171, 172, 178, 181, 208,

INDEX

238, 253, 275, 278, 292, 294, 308, 309, 313, 314 Suffrage, 167, 184, 243 Sumitomo 3M, 278, 307, 308 Supervisors, 15, 36, 90, 95, 98, 308 Supervisory board, 286, 287, 290, 295. See also Company boards; Dual Board System Support of spouse and family, 175 Sustainability for women’s representation, 173 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), 61 Symbolic representation, 166 Symbolism, 32, 306 Systemic bias, 184 Systems, 5–7, 15, 30–32, 35, 45, 46, 48, 52–55, 75, 76, 99, 110, 118, 119, 126, 127, 132–135, 155, 172, 183, 194, 196, 206, 214, 215, 218, 222, 224, 233, 238, 239, 245–247, 253, 255, 256, 258, 273, 274, 287, 288, 290, 291, 294, 295, 297, 298, 308, 311, 314 Systems of employment, 306 System-wide diversification, 166

T Taiwan, 273, 274 Talent development, 54 Talente, 282, 295, 296 Talented women, 182, 296 Targets, women in managerial positions, 4, 8, 10, 12, 45, 63, 88, 112, 113, 168, 198, 238, 296 Teachers, 87, 194–201, 203, 206–208, 310, 312 Teachers’ Pay Act, Act on Special Measures Concerning Salaries and Other Conditions for Education

337

Personnel of Public Compulsory Education Schools. See Acts, Laws Teaching and Learning International Survey (TALIS), 196 Teikoku Data Bank, 46, 112 Television. See Media Thailand, Thai, 275 Thank You Papa Project, 71 Theory, Theories, 18, 51, 96, 114, 154, 215, 233, 251 Third Basic Plan for Promoting Equal Participation between Men and Women, 203 Todofuken (prefectures), 7 Tokai, 9 Token, Tokenism, 291, 296–298 Tokugawa Bakufu, Tokugawa Era (the Feudal Japanese Military Government), 4 Tokushima, 78 Tokyo, 9, 66, 68, 74, 81, 93, 94, 156, 239, 240, 249–251 Tokyo Stock Exchange, 73, 111, 112 Toshiko, Kishida, The Way for Women, 30, 31 Total Early-Stage Entrepreneurial Activity (TEA), 148, 149 Toxic masculinity, 186 Toyama, 12, 247 Tradition, Traditional traditional beliefs, 34, 275 traditional cultures, 79 traditional roles, 37 Training, Training and Development (T&D), 18, 126, 136, 268, 305, 309 leadership training, 12, 17, 18, 73, 119, 134, 204, 255, 297 Transformation, 9, 19, 28, 69, 73, 308 Transformational change, 155, 298 Transparency, 16, 78, 183, 185

338

INDEX

Two-tiered system. See Company boards; Dual Board System Two-track employment system. See Employment system U Unconscious bias, 99, 100, 182, 207, 294 Unconventionality, 251, 252 Undergraduate education, 310 Under-representation of women, 165, 175 Under-represented, 4, 6 Uneven distribution, 72, 194, 197, 199 Union, 34, 195, 308 Japan Teacher’s Union (JTU), 195 United Nations (UN) UN Charter, 241 UN Decade for Women (1975-1985), 168 UN Economic and Social Council, 246 UN General Assembly, 195 UN International Women’s Year, 244 United Nations’ Global Compact, 288 UN NGO, 246 UN NGO Women’s Committee, 243 UN Security Council Resolution 1325, 77 UN Sustainable Development Summit, 61 UN World Conferences on Women, 63, 216, 217 United States, U.S., USA, 17, 45, 46, 50, 125, 127, 136, 149, 153, 169, 181, 205, 215, 242, 244, 245, 250, 275, 281, 282, 284, 286, 289–291, 295, 296

University-led, 17 University, Universities, 6, 14, 17, 34, 46, 70, 71, 77, 110, 112, 194, 196–208, 268, 269, 274, 310, 315 University Women’s Association, 242 Unpaid work, 255 Upper management, 39, 292 Urbanization, 216 Urushi, 79 U.S. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), 9, 10 V Vertical promotion, Vertical mobility, 293 Vietnam, 244, 271, 272, 275 Vocational school, 31 Voice, 48, 116, 232, 253, 281, 306 Volunteers, 155, 237, 239, 246, 247, 251, 255, 313 Volunteer work, 255 Vote mobilization, 172 W WAW!. See World Assembly for Women West, Western, 5, 30, 31, 127, 291 Wholesale, Retail, 8, 40, 127, 145, 150, 151 Winner-take-all competition, 172 Winning profile, 172 WIN-WIN. See Women in the New World International Network Woman, 5, 32, 47, 64, 90, 91, 94, 130–133, 136, 137, 151, 152, 172, 195, 198, 205, 215, 221, 223, 245, 249, 251, 287, 292, 308 Women Agricultural Specialists, 224 Women community leaders, 253

INDEX

Women entrepreneurs. See Entrepreneurs Women farmers, 70, 75, 214, 217, 218, 223, 224, 228, 230–233 Women in Development (WID), 63 Women in leadership. See Leadership Women in leadership roles. See Roles Women in the New World International Network, 250 Women labor participation rate, 66 Women leader nurturing program, 204 Women leaders. See Leaders Women leadership. See Leadership Women lecturers, 197, 198 Women-led NGO, 248 Women-led NPOs/NGOs, 252, 253, 255, 256 Women managers and executives, 168 Womenomics, 3, 66, 68, 166, 168, 178, 287 Women on Boards, 285, 286, 290 Women researchers, 70, 71, 200–203, 206–208 Women’s career choice, 45 Women school principal, 197 Women scientists, 199, 207 Women’s clubs of agricultural cooperatives. See Agriculture, Agricultural, Agricultural cooperatives Women’s Democratic Club, 242 Women’s employment, 9, 49, 78, 195, 204 Women’s empowerment, 29, 61, 62, 64–66, 68, 70, 72, 75, 205, 206, 214, 230, 267 Women’s exclusion, 165–167, 169 Women shine, 63, 80, 168, 230 Women’s human rights, 168 Women’s Initiative for Leadership (WIL), 77

339

Women’s leadership, 4, 7, 15–18, 37, 55, 67, 71, 74, 126, 131, 140, 141, 152, 194, 200, 204, 205, 209, 232, 233, 237, 238, 241, 249–253, 256–258, 269, 272, 297 women’s leadership development. See Leadership, Leadership development women’s political leadership, 181, 185 Women’s organizations, 175, 183 Women’s roles. See Roles Women’s social status, 160 Women’s studies, 228 Women’s suffrage movement, 242 Women’s voting rights, 5 Work and family, 51 Workforce, 4, 6, 9, 12, 27, 28, 32–34, 39, 41, 45, 62, 63, 68, 80, 100, 110, 112, 130, 132, 147, 176, 269, 271, 273, 276, 291, 305 Working environment, 39, 141, 206 Working women, 9, 32, 33, 91, 93, 132, 147, 256 Work-life balance, 7, 16, 35, 36, 38, 47, 48, 54, 65, 69, 75, 110, 150, 159, 200, 267 Workplace, 15, 16, 34, 36, 37, 40, 51, 63, 65, 69, 73, 89, 90, 100, 111, 128, 129, 132, 140, 148, 157, 193–197, 250, 254, 268, 273, 275, 277, 278, 282, 288, 291, 312–315 World Assembly for Women (WAW!), 66–68 World Conference on Women, 63, 216 World Economic Forum, 35, 62, 78, 110, 169, 178, 265, 266, 269–272, 282, 283 Worldviews, 167

340

INDEX

World War II, 242 Supreme Commander, Allied Powers (SCAP), 32, 195 Worst offender, 178

Yashiki, Kazuko, 93, 96, 114 Yokohama, 127, 176 Yukichi, Fukuzawa, 315. See also Meiji, The Meiji Six Thinkers

Y Yamada, Masahiro, 4–6, 13, 81, 175 Yamagata, 9

Z Zero Waste, 78