Iban Rites of Passage and Some Related Ritual Acts: A Description of Forms and Functions

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IBAN RITES OF PASSAGE AND SOME RELATED RITUAL ACTS a description of forms and functions HENRY GANA NGADI

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Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka Kementerian Pendidikan Malaysia Kuala Lumpur 1998

This book is produced by the Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka Sarawak Branch, Jalan Datuk Patinggi Haji Abdul Rahman Yaakub, Petra Jaya, 93050 Kuching, Sarawak.

First Published, 1998 O Henry Gana Ngadi, 1998 All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including ^otoCopying, rmrding, or any infbrmatiorra&rage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the Director * General, Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka, Kuala Dumpur, P.O. Box 10803, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. Negotiation is subjected to the calculation of royalty or honorarium.

Perpustakaan Negara Malaysia Cataloghing-in-Publication Data

Henry Gana Ngadi Iban rites of passage and some related ritual acts : a description of forms and functions / Henry Gana Ngadi ISBN 983-62-4857-9 1. Iban (Bornean people) - Social life and customs 2. Iban (Bornean people) - Rites and Ceremonies. I. Judul. 390.0959522

Memonai UDnvy of Wisconsin • MmMqd 726 State Street Mwteon. WI 53706>140< Printed by: Percetakan Nasional Malaysia Berhad, Jalan Tun Abang Hsyi Openg, 93554 Kuching, Sarawak.

'YOWl P^G&S’iOSS Noble Guardians Of The People And Culture

Wji.

*... as I have stressed, no human social institutions or relation­ ships can be adequately understood unless account is taken of the expectations, beliefs and values which they involved' (Beattie 1964:65)

CORRIGENDA Chapter S

Page 83

S.3.i Brief ElaboraSiort ef a Few ExeerpU

Missing text - lastpara:

(line 5 )... (C0tvoj Pangkang Tiaag ), and ihe excerpts are taken from two main compo­ nents: (i) invoking the spirits of the past Iban chiefs; (u)RajaAi>da Mara (Ddiy of Wealth) letums from the sky. The exceqtu quoted here form a small pan of each component, and the brief elaboration only sufGces to serve as an introduction. (A) INVITING THE SPIRITS OF PAST IBAN CHIEFS •

(NGEKINTAJ TVAl IBAN)

This panof thepengflp chant is concerned with inviting the spirits of famous chiefsand figures of the post. Many names are mentioned, but in this discussion I am referring only to three: (i) Then calling for Arabau, Who came from Tabau landing place, Surrounded by many goods. Of the successful Tawang traders. ffratulated from Sandin 1976:33) Aitiau was a leader who, eighteen generations ago (Sandin 1967:96), led an Iban group from the Kapuas area, in what is now Indonesian Borneo, to migrate to the Lubok Antu district of present-day Sarawak. He had a title parUt as also had his father Teliang. grand­ father Iri, great-grandfather Gurang and the ancestors Rendah, Rejap. and Simpong before them. According to Rjchards(1981:157). the title pariA is a Sanskrit one, meaning ‘minicter'. ‘high officer’, and in Kapuas usage meaning ’local chief officially recognised as administrator and junior magistrate’. The title most probably dates back to Majapahit times, when parts of the Kapuas region came under Hindu-Javanese influence. ’The ‘Tawang’ trad­ ers mentioned here'were Thwang Malay traders from the area of Lake Kuan and Tawang river (Kapuas) who used to call at Ambau’s house at Pangkalan (landing place) Tabau’ (Sandin 1967:7), (ii) Ye Oatu Patinggi Ngadan, The first to be buried, At the Batu Api cemetery.

(Translated from iUd.:34} Dam Patinggi Ngadan was ‘one ofthe most importanl pioneers in the Sarlbas area.... Page 85

Repetition of teat for entire page. Please ignore.

Chapter

6

Page 92

Missing Itxl • last para ttfcontinut after last Bae:

... the whole Imaginary circumstances ■ the comitig of the dead from Hades, the feasting, and the return’ (Perham in Roth 1968:1,209). 6.1

DIRGE OF REMEMBRANCE - AN OUTLINE

Next. I provide a close but brieftoolcai a Dirge of Remembrance (SabaJc Kenangft. It is followed by a short discussion of some aspects of the dirge and Hades. First 1 summarise the verses of a Dirge of Rememhranre. originally piihli«hy Th? upg*

word ■praTei* for the Iban ward tompi ftllowi Rlchardi

«fcna«n (1974:63) wrote: 'Saa^l provide the eleanst picture of the eplrita MoeoBted with apedfie ritea and undorteldngs and their functloae'. ■ la war-teleted ritee, efierisgs prepared by non-werriore are coneidered by the epinU and dcitiw ae musty food, eo they will not attend the ritae. * Yellow rice bare means the yeUow-eeloundnneeokad rice which la tcettered as the ^..^.ftprayeriebeineiittared. as practised to certain rites. So 'being paesed by the flight

•

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CHAPTERS

• tt i. beU»«l tt.^XuL (1974:62). pew where the deitiee m lai^ 5^’ **V? “ “V P^ "f the ritual feetieal will pwduee ■ Bornln* "*'*^‘ “ *** ««“6 • PVi liver next ’ See Roth (1968a 168-218; 11174-183). Per Dore detaile refer to Sandin (1980:14-16.101-102). and Richard. (1981:54)

I

89

I i 11

CHAPTER 6 DIRGE abak is the noun form of the verb nyabak (nypbak means 'cry/crying* or ‘weep/weeping')‘. In ritual usage sabak means a type of funeral song with certain types of death rites. Various terms have been given in English for sabak: the lament' (Hose, in Both 1968J, 318); 'song of mourning* (Gomes 19H:135);'dirge' (Sandin: Sarawak Museum Jourrial vol. 14, 28-29:15); 'poems of lament* (Richards 1981:315). Here we are using the term 'dirge*. In a proper traditional setting there are three death rites in which a dirge is sung: (i) during the last night of the wake (malam rabat); (ii) at the end of the pdna rite a few days after the burial; (iii) at the Ritual Festival for ihe Spirits (.Gawai Antu) (cf. Richards 1981:315). The dirge sung at each ofthe rites differs from the other, and has its specific purpose. A dirge is sung by a female professional waller’. liie dirge sung during the night of the wake is referred to

S

either as Sabak Bebuah (Full Dirge) or Sabak Kenang (Dirge of Remembrance). The purpose of the dirge here is to assist the soul of the deceased to find its way to the world of the dead (Ssbayan). The professional waller sits on a swing or in a chair near the head of the corpse with a piece of iron placed near her feet for her to tread on, to ritually 'strengthen* her soul. In a highly figurative language she describes the reluctance of the soul of the deceased to leave the house and this world. Then she speaks 91

IBAN RITES OF PASSAGE, AND SOME RELATED RITUAL ACTS

Of the journey to Hades(cf, Gomes 1911:135).'The amgefso^ spirit also goes to the other world in order to descnbe it and she loses herself in telling: precautions are taken to secure her spirit's return; cf. pengap (Richards 1981:315). Norm^ly the waller starts 'singing* the dirge at about eight in the eve^g and does not finish until about five in the morning, after which the coffin is sealed and then taken to the cemetery. Inthepanarite,wherefoodisBymbolicanydehveredtotte soul of the deceased, the Sabak Ngerengkai is sung (ibid.). WffcrengAa is derived from the wordperengka, one meamng of which is 'offering* (the other meanings being furniture, material, the wherewithal, spare parts ) (ibid..278).

■

. it is not enough to throw the oaring of food out.ofthe window at the back of the house. The waller JJnd that food to Hades. She sings her incitation calls upon the adjutant bird to and th^ears and sobs of relatives to the bird 80 sings the waller, speeds on its way, and arrives at th^Country of the Dead. There the spirits are^ see the visitant, and inquire where it comes ifl the object of its journey... A large vessebs^u^, the crowd stand expectant around, and the bird poure out tne offering of food, and Lot the eatables, m‘well as th® tews and 80& ofthe living which accompany them, eold and silver and precious stones wondrously But the inhabitants of Hades caMOt all means, and quarrel among themselve^ Then an old reamed woman*... explained that the bird has wme ^m the land of the living with presents for them from their

earthly

made, the Dyaksay the soul of the

dead man is unsettled. It has not ^te Hades will not receive it or give it food and dmik. B^^r this observance it is received and welwm^ as a regular - denizen of the spirit world (Gines 1911:140). In the GaioaiAntu dirge the professional wailer singsatogeof a different nature, a sort of a reverse of what is sung ^e night of the wake: where formerly she sent a soul to thedead, now she narrates the coming ofthe spmts to the ntu^ festival, "The waUer, of course, is present, and her office now is to invoke the spirit of the winds to invite the dead to come and feast once more vrith the Uving; and she goes on to describe m song the whole imaginary circumstances - the coming of the

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CHAPTER 6

A dirge singer invokes the spirits of the dead to attend a Ritual of the Dead (Cawai Aniu). ICountsy Saniwak Museum)

(4)

fences. Then the spirits of the elements in the sky call out, lamenting how he will not see or make use of them any more; they are the spirits of the storms, lightning, thun­ der, clouds, moon, sun, stars.

Niram's Multitude Arrives from Hades (Bala Niratn Datai art Sebayan ) (5)

A blue butterfly comes, signalling the impending arrival ofthe spirits from the dead coming to fetch the soul ofthe deceased. They then arrive, led by Niram, the King of Hades, with a noise like that of a storm. They stop at the bathing place in the river and clean themselves. While bathing they find several charms. They then dress them­

93

IBAN RITES OP PASSAGE. AND SOME RELATED RITUAL ACTS

selves in their finest clothes and ornaments and proceed (6)

in' a long column to the longhouse. The deceased looks out ofthe house and sees his ancestors at the courtyard, and knows that they are going to fetch him. He says that he does not want to die yet, and begs that his soul be locked securely away in a chest or sealed

(7)

(8)

(9)

in a valuable jar. The spirits from Hades enter the longhouse and sit on the gallery. When asked as to the purpose of the visit, their chief says that he will not relate it yet, not until a propitiatory rite is performed for them. This is quickly done. He then says that they are coming to fetch the soul of the newly dead. The deceased says that he does not want to leave his family; he does not want to die yet. The spirit chief says that the deceased cannot help going to Hades as he has touched the fruit of the mythical palm (ranyca). The deceased then tells his family members that he accepts death and that they are to equip him with the wherewithal for his use in the next life. Then Niram orders his followers to leave many charms with the deceased's family, to compensate for their loss of the person. The spirits leave charms to help in farming; to prevent their rice stock from being quickly used up; to help becoming expert cloth weavers; to ensure success in war. Then the spiritual shaman Manang Jaban is said to perform a rite to preventharm from befalling the longhouse occupants arising from the heavy presence of many spir­

its of the dead in the longhouse. The Spirits Leaving the Longhouse ( Samengat Ninggal ka Rumah ) (10)

(11)

The King ofthe Dead 'curses’ theladder for not being able to hold back the life dfthe deceased. But it is a good curse,, for he said, that before long a victorious war party, assisted by the deities, will bring backmany trophy heads

and walk upon the ladder. The party passes the courtyard, the ritual plants, and the

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bathing place. The deceased laments that no more will he clean himself there. (12) They then pass the sites of former longhouses, where many fruit-laden trees are growing. Eventually they pass the territory of the cuckoo spirit, who ensures that fruit trees bear fruits. (13) Upon passing the site of their previous year's farm the deceased recalls how weU the padi grew there, and that the good harvest enabled them to purchase a valuablejar.

Passing the Territories of the Spirits of Omen Birds ( Mansa Mienoa burortff ) (14)

(15)

(16)

(17)

(18)

The ghostly entourage passes the territories ofthe spirits of ram birds; each territory and its owner beautifully described by the wailer. The deceased finally realizes that he is really dead for he does not see the clouds anymore. They then pass several sites where some rites were held previously by shamans in their efforts to retrieve human souls. ' They journey through the territory of a female spirit named Lenyu, thenthe territory of Semalendik or Enselua, where dwell the souls of aborted foetuses. These are the most miserable of souls, as they were not given iron implements by their parents, so had nothing to farm with. They then come upon road junctions, each road used by the foUowing: Anda Mara (Deity of Wealth) and Simpulang Gana (Deity of Earth and Plants); Singalang Burong (Deity of War); and Gelanyang ManangNyara (Celestial Shaman). They then reach the one leading to Hades. Entering and leaving the territories of the spirits of Bunsu Kamba (Dwarf Spirit), and spirits of the foUo­ wing birds: (Dundun (coucal); Semalau (magpie); 7Vup Api (plaintive cuckoo); Subut (crow pheasant).

Bridge of Fear* (Andau Titi Bawan) (19)

The party crosses The Bridge of Pear, which spans the river of Hades {Sungai Mandat), and then arrives at the territory of Burong Raya bird (the adjutant bird which 95

’

I

WAN RITES OP PASSAGE, AND SOME RELATED RITUAL ACTS (20)

sends the food and Other things in the pono rite). The spirits walk on and pass the territories of the spirits Bunsu Seraganti. Bunsu Selampandai, Bunsu Kuang Kebat, Bunsu Remaong, Bunsu Raja Siba-Iba, Langau Lunyong, Manggi, Bunsu Mengalai, and eventuaUy reach­

ing a place called Embawang Ruroh. The Door of the Earth and Opening It ( Mua Pintu Tanah ) (21)

•

The territory of the Spirit of the Earthworm (Bunsu Belut) is reached. She is keeper of the door leading to the earth. She has no time to open the door for them, as she is busy weaving cloth. The ancient warriors do their best to open the door, but fail. Spumed by their sweethearts, many heroes of Hades show their bravado, but all to no avail, only to be scolded by the keeper, who finaUy opens it for them, using only two of her wearing tools - a porcupine quill and a beater-in (fcelw). After the spirits have passed through, the door is locked tightly again by

the keeper. , „ The party passes the territories of R^ja Sandik-an^, Bunsu Ensing Jara (guardian spirit of fighting coc^)(23) Then they pass the separate territories ofthose who Mve .died from the following causes: lost in the forest; cl^dbirtl^ falling down from trees; and drowning. The Imitog place on the river of Hades (pengfta/on Ma^t) is reached. It is guarded by the spirit Bunsu Rsja Jinggan.

(22)

River of Hades and Descending to It ( Ngili Sungai Maridai ) (24)

(25)

A beautifully decorated boat belonging to the Kmg of Hades is pointed out to the soul of the deceased for him to use but he only wishes to use his own boat brought from tile world of the living, meaning his own coffin. The boat, however, is not roofed yet, so the spirits of his dead warrior ancestors do the job for him. They then descend

the Mandai. . .. r r, j The flotilla passes the places of the spirits of: Raong and

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Pama frogs; Turtle; Tortoise; Banta lyan fish, Semah fish; Genali water spirit; Crocodile, Bandau monitor lizard; Giant Prawn; then passing the mouth of Ru-Limban river, and the landing place called 'Batu Kudi Sawa' (Petrified Python Stone). Landing Places of the Dead ( Pengkalan Sebayan }

(26)

They pass many scenic landing places, starting with that belonging to the King ofthe Dead, then the ones belonging to the many famous leaders and warriors of the past, on both sides of the river. The soul of the deceased is told of the owner of each landing place.

The Boat Lands ( Perau Sangkai )

Finally they reach their landing place, and the goods brought from the land of the living are unloaded. (28) The deceased bathes in the river and finds various charms on the river-bed. His mother tells him to keep them safely, for these charms are to be given to the surviving family members when the spirits visit the living on the three consecutive evenings of the fire-lighting ritual after the burial, to be given in appreciation ofthe offerings given to them by the living. (29) They then proceed to walk, led by the chief named Abu, passingterritoriesofmaidens Endu Dara Cherengga and Bunsu Indai Billai, then that ofmaiden Lulong Bekarong Bunga. Bunsu Antu Grasi Papa - the guardian of the mythical ranyai palms. She asks the multitude to stop for a while, to behold the beauty of the palms, (27)

Describing the Beauty of the Palms (Ngerara Ranyai )

(30)

The dirge describes file beauty and magical powers ofthe mythical palms. The guardian-maiden is then said to point to the various palm groves owned by the famous figures, which bear the ritual decorations {isang) of the

97

IBAN BITES OF PASSAGE, AND SOME BELATED RITUAL ACTS

trophy heads as their flowers. She also points to the sights and sounds ofthe palms, and persuades the deceased not

to think of his former world. Lopping the Mythical Ranyai Palm ( Nyelat Ranyai)

(31)

A number of spirits of well-known past chiefs cle^ wasps off several palm trees. Then another group of chief spirits, donning war jackets made of the skins of their former enemies, leap and slash bunches of fruits from ttie pa^ trees. The falling fruits are received by the ladies with their handwoven blanket, whereupon the fruits turn into

(32)

trophy heads. , , , The spirits then proceed to the longhouse of the de^. bringing the fruits of the ranyai with them. Once in the longhouse the deceased is told of their family’s room and gallery by his mother. The deceased suddenly weeps, remembering the offsprings he left behind.

Describing the Beauty of Hades {Ngerara Menoa Sebayan ) (33)

(34)

The deceasedisbrou^tto the dryingplatfo^ outside to divert him from thinking about his former famdy mem­ bers and home. Beautiful scenes are pointed out to him. the mountains at the source of the Mandai river; then m another direction, the sea and the beautifulharbours and

settlements on its shores. He is then brought back into the longhouse and is seated next to his mother. He ceases to think of his former home.

Invoking Back the Waller's Soul ( Mulai ka Samengat y (35)

In the last part of the dirge the wailer invokes back her own soul from Hades. Before itleavesthe longhouse ofthe dead, a chief s wife offers the soul some protective chams. A few shamans ofthe dead then lead the way out ofthe house. They take her soul to the Wind Spirit, who then retrieves and returns the soul to the waller's own room. There, it is said, two mortal shamans perform a nte to ensure the soul's safety, after which they are said to put it in a valuable jar and place a big gong on top to seal it.

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The waller ends the dirge with the following lines: Oh come back all the laments, the words, which I uttered the whole night through into the cheek at the jaws Come back all the sayings, the woes into the enclosure of my ribs, and reside in my lungs. Long shall I live in this world as predicted by the shaman Manang Sentuku My age will be as long as the water, and my knowledge will be as wide as the earth. Almost everyday and night, I do visit the country of the departed, yet I shall be well as other people Let my body be uplifted by the shaman Manang Empong, to the summit of the Rabong mountain. (Sandin 1966:711

6.2

BRIEF DISCUSSION OF SOME ASPECTS OF THE DIRGE AND HADES

As with tiiepengqp iuvocationary chant, a dirge is a long poem in form. It is also full of cultural allusions, metaphors, expres­ sions of cultural values, and reflections of the mutual interrela­ tionship of man, nature and the spiritual world. Of an Iban dirge, Chadwick had thia to say:

The language in which it is composed is described by Howell as ’moat classical', and he adds that although he had been thirty-two years among the Sea Dyaks, he never­ theless had to have several learned Dyaks to explain to him the meaning of much of its archaic diction and phra­ seology before he was able to translate it (Chadwick 1940:488).

Thus much more will be _known about Iban culture if a dirge is conjprehensively analysed, along with its poetical con­ structions. However, the field that stands to gain most from an intensive treatment of Iban dirges is likely to be eschatology.

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IBAN RITES OF PASSAGE, AND SOME RELATED RITUAL ACTS

This is because it is only in the dirge that the Iban world of the dead is most intensively described. There are references to Sebayan in the invocationary chants sung during the Ritual of the Spirits (GawaiAntuy, and also in certain types of shamanic chant (pelian), but the treatment in either case does not match the detail that is given in the dirge. It is useful to provide a brief picture of the Iban Hades as revealed in the dirge. In the first place it is believed that deities, spirits, human beings, among others, share the same universe (cf. Jensen 1974:100), and many additional accounts narrate

their inter-relatedness. The myths, legends, and ancestral tables express the manner and extent to whichpetara (deities), antu (spirits), the Iban, and other Ijfeare all related. By assembling the myths, it is possible to create a network which establishes although remotely and sometimes in spite of apparent discrepancies, the relationships which exist not only among the spirits, and between the spirits and the Iban, but also between spirits, men, and the animal and vegetable world. These relationships are not all significant in the literal sense. But the myths and tusut (genealogy) do demonstrate to the Iban that all facets of life interact and are at some point actually inter-related. The names of men and spirits - in their various manifestations, which occur like crossreferences in different mythical sequences - are sufficient proof that they all inhabit the same universe (Jensen 1974:102). It is from the belief in the continued inter-relatedness of the deities, spirits, and man, that the Iban do not hesitate to invoke the supernatural beings when an occasion warrants their presence or intervention. The media of invocation is not solely confined to the verbal, but connections between humans and the supernatural beings are also made by means of move­ ment of man’s soul, the spirits of fowls and certain birds, and the Wind Spirit. In death, it is a human soul (that ofthe professional waller) that is said to send the soul of the deceased to its final abode in Hades. So in the nature of this triangular inter­ relationship of the deities, spirits, and man, ^aphically the world of the Iban is betwixt and betweeh that of the deities and

1(»

CHAPTER 6

spirits. And there are said to be many similarities in the manner offorms, habits, and dwellings in the three supernatural beings are simply an ejrtension of human society' (Graham 1987;145). In terms of this continuum, life in Hades is said to be similar to hfe m tins world, even better: 'an inch of land in Danau^ai (a river in Hades; yields a year'spadi, a corpse more game than can be carried home' (Richards 1981:328). The Dyak believes in a future life, but it is simply a prolongation of the present state of things in anew sphere Even the journey from this world to the land of spirits is much like the journey from one part of the country to another (Gomes 1911:143). The Iban beliefregarding the world ofthe dead occurs with van Gennep’s (1960:152) description of that of other less ad­ vanced societies: the most widespread idea is that of a world analogous to ours, but more pleasant, and of a society organized m the same way as it is here'. And the journey to Sebayan parallels van Gennep's sketch of the journey to the world of the deadofpeopleatsimilarlevel8ofcivili2ation:’Thejoumeytothe other world and entrance to it comprise a series of rites of passage whose details depend on the distance and topograohv of that world'(ibid.:153). It is not a totally strange disorientating world that the soul of the dead enters. He needs no better introduction than being fetched by the souls of his parents and relatives, led by the King ofHades and his entourage.The journey to Hades is both by land and nver. So we know that the spirits walk and paddle like the living. And they do get tired in the process, as do the living, for upon reaching the landing place when fetching the soul’the followmg is uttered: 'Now, take your bath, all you expert maid­ ens because you have been so tifed after the long journey from far away Mandai Midang river' (Sandin 1966:28). It seems that the marginal territory between that of the living and the dead is the territory of the omen birds. For before that it is the site of the deceased's previous year'spadi firm, a place known to the deceased and the living. And after the territory ofthe^omen birds the deceased is said to reahze that he is really dead, for he is no more under the clouds. Immediately afterwards are the places reached and marked by the shamans

101

IBAN RITES OF PASSAGE. AND SOME RELATED RITUAL ACTS in their ritual journey to retrieve the souls ofthe seriously sick. Then the territory of aborted foetuses, after which are the roads Md junctions leading to the territories ofvarious deities and to Hades. In the marginarterritory and in Hades the geography and vegetation are said to be similar to this world. There -^e exceptions though, with some places and plants credited with magical qualities, but they are ofnames and forms known in this

world. For example:

(i)

'After leaving that place, they come to the top of a hill full of blazing cinders, if we step on them, they are not ^t all hot'. (The territory of Manggi ■ content of a verse under compo­ nent no. 21 in the outline of a dirge mentioned previously).

(ii)

'Below is a plain full of buloh bala bamboo plants. Their roots can be taken for charms of various uses. Especially for males, it can be taken as charms for bravery. So that they can join the Rajah's army, For females it can be taken. In order that they can become expert in weaving the embroidered ends of the loin cloth.

(One of the wonders of Hades, as described to the newly arrived soul, a content of a verse under component no. 34). (iii) The ranyai palms are said to be able to make strange sounds and movements, and bear no ordinary fruits, but trophy heads, charms, and valuables. (ibid.:67). As with flora, fauna is also referred to by names, and comprises forms known in this world, and which are said to be found in the same environment as they occupy in the world ot the living. . As found in many parts of the Iban country, settlements in Sebayan are riverine, and bear the same characteristics of such

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CHAPTERS settlements, landing place, boat, stairway, as in:

Whose landing stage is this? To which is tied a boat with curved stern. And whose staircase is this? Which is beautifully railed with bamboo. Whose is this abode? (Sandin 1966:60) The above is said in describing the places passed when descending the river of Hades, the content of a verse in compo­ nent 26. The King of the Dead and the spirits of famous leaders and warriors also live in their own respective settlements along the same river. And at landing places boats are also secured in the same way as in the human world, as described in the dirge when the boat bearing the soul of the newly dead is said to arrive at the landing place in Hades:

... one rises up to tie the rope of the boat. To a stem of ensurai ranjing tree. Which has been worn away. Due to the ceaseless moorine of rone (ibid.;63) Settlement in Hades is in the form of the traditional Iban dwelling place, a longhouse. with each 'family' having its own room and gallery section ...

Then ascending the ladder, ^^ich led into the communal passage {tempuan) of the longhouse. They walked alongside the wall, Which has always been scorched by sunshine. This is our verandah (outer gallery), Oh, you beloved son of ours. It is still covered with the 'bemban entabalane' coarse mat. Then he (the dead man) is invited to sit down on the rattan mats (ibid.:69) The denizens ofHades are said to eat the same type of food as the human Iban, they have the same occupations as the

103

IBAN RITES OF PASSAGE, AND SOME BELATED RITUAL ACTS living, and enjoy the same types of sport and pastime, most notably cockfighting and feasting. They also have their own leaders, warriors and shamans. Their tastes are also rather refined in their own way, as is evident from the descnption ot their habits andpreferences.Threeexamplesdemonstratetheir

preferences in dress and music:

(i)

(ii)

the grown-up maidens began to dress themselves. In their petticoats made of a single colour, And so strangely patterned, With the design of wild fruit. Then they put on their silver belts and chains. And silver bracelets which shine. Eventually they put on their silver hair combs. Finally they fasten their long scarves, Which blaze like fire consuming the stumps of felled trees. In a cleared padi field'. (ibid.:29) Then all the bachelors began to dress themselves up in their best wearing their turkey-red breech cloth. Together with their shell armlets, They put their hombill feathers, stuck into their head scarves. And then they fastened on their swords which have brass hilts'. (ibid)

(iii) 'Behold how beautiful are the level branches, Of the thick fruiting ranyai palms. Sounding merrily like a guitar, The cluster of bent branches. On the opposite ranyai palms, Soimd like the engkerurai pipes made of buloh bala bamboo. The stalks ofthe yellow ranyoi palms, , Sound sweetly as ifthey are the beautiful voice of a singer.

(ibid.:67)

As it is with the living Iban, the dead also hold charms and trophy heads in high esteem. It is said in the dirge that charms are found at the bathing-place and among the ranyai palms. Trophy heads hung in bundles in the galleries of warriors ml chiefs, denote similar values among the living and the dead. 104

CHAPTERS

The sense of appreciation and reciprocity prevalent among mortals thrives among the dead as well. The various charms found in Hades are specially kept and reserved, to be given to their family members on earth in appreciation of the offerings given and rites performed by their survivors for them. For in the same way that the living remember and honour ancestral spirits, they in turn look after the interests of their siblings (cf ibid.:63; Rajit 1969:87, 90).

But it is no gloomy Tartarus, nor is to any superior happy Elysium to which the Dyak looks forward, but a simple prolongation ofthe present state of things in a new sphere. The dead are believed to build houses, make padi tanaa, ^d go through all the drudgery of a labouring life, and to .be subject to the same inequalities ofcondition and fortune as the living ore here. And as men helped each other in life, so death, they think, need not cut asunder the bond of mutualinterchanges ofkindlyservices; they can assist the dead with food and other necessaries; and the dead can be equ^y generous in bestowing upon them medicines of magical virtue, amulets and talismans of all kinds to help them in the work of life. This sums up the meaning of their eschatological observances which perhaps exceed those of most other races of mankind (Perham, in Roth 1968:1, 213). Notes: * Refer to Richards (ISSlotviii-xlx) for notes on Iban verbs. ’ The term 'professional waller' is used by, among others, Perham (in Roth 1963:120SX Gomes (ISILlMh Sandin (ISSIhSS); and Richards (1981-.315), ’ The'oldleamed woman' is'an ancient native of Hades... she, that is, who never was u inhabitant of this world; Dara RabaiGruda.DayangSepangKspaiya' (Perham, in Rotb 206). * * The dirge was collected by the late Mr. Benedict Sandia, an ex^Curator ofthe Sarawak Museum, and published in the Sanueai Uuteum Journal, voL 14, pp. 15R0. Wiis dirge was coUected by another Iban, a Rev. Fr, Frederick Rajit, and published in Iban ml969 by ths then Borneo Literature Bureau, ’ Thia is said to be a very long and slender single log-like 'bridge' spanning the deep wide chasm of the river of Hades (sungai Mondai). The bridge sways badly and has no handrail. Il is believed that if the soul of the deceased walks over it safety then it will get to the land ofthe dead; but if it geU scared and falls into the river below the person lives again, (cf. Richards, 1981:393).

105

CONCLUSION rphe description and analysis of Iban rites of passage here A demonstrate the applicability and validity, in the Iban case, of van Gennep’s sub-categorisation of transitional rites into prehminal, liminal, and postliminal phases. 'The rites analysed exhibit all three sub-categories. Not only are the three phases present, but the development, elaboration, and imporUnce of each phase in different circumstances do vary as van Ge^p had emphasised. For example, the analysis has sup­ ported van Gennep’s suggestion ofthe prominence ofthe liminal stage in pregnancy and bethrothal, and of postliminal in marn^e and funerals. In betrothal, which is a transitional stage between adolescence andmarriage, we see the elaboration ofthe ntes involved, which render it an independent state and pro­ vides the opportunity for the re-dupUcation of ritual arrange­ ments as had been noted by van Gennop The Iban case has also provided examples of the juxtapo­ sition and combination of other ritual elements with rites of ^ssage. For example, in the marriage ceremony we have seen tte inclusion of fertility rites; in pregnancy, birth, and rituals of infancy, we find protection and divination rites; in funerals there are defensive rites. Van Gennep had observed this admix­ ture of ntes, and thus he wrote (1960:11) that it was not his contention that all rites of birth, initiation, marriage and the like, we only rites ofpassage'; this is because In addition to their overall goal - to ensure a change of condition or a passage from one niagico-religious or secular group to another- all these ceremo­ nies have their individual purposes'. Therefore, 'Marriage cer­ emonies include fertilityrites; birth ceremonies include protec-

107

IBAN RITES OP PASSAGE, AND SOME RELATED RITUAL ACTS

tion and divination rites; funerals, defensive rites; initiations, propitiatory rites; ordinations, rites of attachment to the deity". However, in spite of the intimate intertwining of the various rites in Than religion, it is still very much possible to identifyfor analytical purposes specific rites, as well as the preliminal, liminal, and postliminal phases ofthe rites of passage involved. A conclusion that can be drawn from the compatibility of von Gennep's observation on rites of passage and those of the Iban case here is that the descriptions and analysis, to use King’s phrase (1976:202), "illustrate the accuracy and incisive­ ness of van Gennep’s original formulation’. Other than the aspects of rites of passage already referred to by van Gennep, in my descriptions and analysis of the Ib^ material we notice the interplay of the elements of separability and iTitfiTtlependencyin three areas. The first area is in the three phases of the rites of passage; for although each set of rites of separation, transition, and integration is separable entity by itself, as I have demonstrated each rite is also a composite of, and hence interdependent with, the other two. Secondly, each of the ritual elements in one particular ceremony, be it a ritual of Infancy, marriage or a funeral, though separate in itself such as the fertility rites in a marriage ceremony, is a complementary part of the rest of the rites in the whole ceremony. Thirdly, a single ritual phase is apart ofthe ritual whole for an individual, a part of his rites of passage from before the cradle to after the grave. There are many ritual acts which are functional compo­ nents of Iban rites of passage, but only three of them are discussed in this paper; (i) prayers; (ii) ritual incantation; and (iii) dirge. In the discussion it is seen that prayer is employed in many rites and ceremonies; the ritual incantation in a healing ceremony; and the dirge in several rites for the dead. Each ofthe related ritual acts constitutes a significant proportion of the rite of passage concerned, and plays an important role in that particular rite. It can be said that without the associated ritual acts the transition rites concerned simply wo^ld not exist, let alone function as such. The associated ritual acts are also more than just vital components of the rites of passage. They contain elements of Iban myths, history, world view, and values. For, as Beattie

108

CONCLUSION (1964:74) wrote, Relief and action, values and social institutaons, are xne^cably bound up with one another'. In the anguage employed, and in construction and forms, they are ^eat works of art, and hence form an important part of Iban literature, ^d it is this literature, with its evocative, allusive Si

if properly analysed, will help to

world. It is this element in language that Beattie had in mind when he (ibid.:68) wrote: The predominantly scientific orientation ofmodem thought has much obscured the fact that peoples who we lesa concerned that Western Europeans are with scientific

rffij th? symbolic and literary’ an scienhfic. This is no less true of EuropS remote African or OceMie uyustice to the subtle allusive and meaningful to co^orm towe therequire rules ofall syUogism Sd

inductive inference. Coherent thinking can be symbolic as well as scientific, and if we are sensible we doS subject Sb/w ®““® of examination that we apply to a scientific hypothesis. Prom my description and analysis, it can be concluded that a comprehensive and exhaustive analysis of the whole range of tban ri^ ofpassage and the related ritual acts will reveal much about Iban society. This brings us to two fundamental points that much more research needs to be undertaken on Iban culture, and that the work has to be done without further delay. On the first point there is no doubt that a subst^tial amount ofinformation m the Iban people has been published, but this available Uterature wmpnsesstuiesdonebyvariedauthoritiesonasporadicbasis and 18 of mixed quality and content. What is needed is a totally government-sponsored agency to run a properly disciplined and siutamed research and pubUcation programme in addition to individual and private efforts. On the second point, comprehensive and exhaustive re­ search on Iban culture must commence now. This is because the repositones of Iban literature and scriptures ■ the shaman bMds, au^, and other experts - are fast diminishing. In the c anging Iban social values, the believers and practitioners of

109

IBAN RITES OP PASSAGE, AND SOME RELATED RITUAL ACTS the old ways and life are, as in the other changing societies, decreasing. So unless retrieval work is done fast, such know­ ledge is going to be deposited in the greatest repository of all

time :2 the graveyard. A coroUy to both points above is that it is important that much of the research work be done by the Iban themselves, for they are the ones who are in the best position to reveal what is theirs in terms of oral tradition. There already exists at the moment enough profesionally-trained Iban to form a nucleus of the research unit. It remains only to pool them into the organi­ sation needed to undertake the job, and then recruit and train others later. At the risk of repetition, only the trained Iban themselves are in the best position to research and explain what constitutes their oral tradition. Foreigners may run th§ risk of substituting biased or prejudiced (for whatever reasons) opin­ ions, faulty summarisations, pre-determined conclusions, and elements of ethnocentricity for accurate findings, though there have been many outstanding studies done about Iban by non-

Iban among such faulty ones. This knowledge on Iban culture is not only important for the Iban themselves, for as Sandin (1977:6) said. Tn this era of newly-emerging nations, the attention of the Western world is increasingly being drawn to the proud heritage of people who have maintained their traditions in oral rather than written literature*. Iban culture is part of Malaysian culture; thus all Malaysians should be proud of it and hence dread its loss in the face of modernisation. Here one is reminded of what James Cowles Prichard (Lienhardt 1969:4) said thinking about the effects of European expansion, ‘Many problems of the most interesting and curious kind will have left unsolved if the various races of mantrind become diminished in number, and when the diversified tribes of America, Australia and many parts of Asia shall have ceased to exist*. To conclude, I wish to quote at some length what EvansPritchard (1982:126) wrote about the social structures and cultures of people technologically less advanced, because much ofit is very appropriate in an understanding of Iban culture and society. Futhermore, and though I understand the sense in

no

CONCLUSION

which Evans-Pritchard uses the term ‘primitive’, it can be a misleading usage, and I am not suggesting that the Ihan can be classified as ‘primitive’ in any social or cultural sense.

... beneath this superficial simplicity of life there lie complex social structures and rich cultures. We are soused to thinking of culture and social institutions in terms of material rivili7.flt.inn and size, that we miss them alto­ gether among primitive peoples unless we search for them. We then discover that all primitive peoples have a reli­ gious faith, expressed in dogmas and rites; that they have marriage, brought about by ceremonial and other observ­ ances, and family life centred in a home; that they have a kinship system, often a very complicated system and wider than anything of the kind in our own society that they have clubs and associations for special purposes; that they have rules, often elaborate rules, or etiquette and manners; that they have regulations, often enforced by courts, constitut­ ing codes ofcivil and criminal law; that their languages are often extremely complex, phonetically and grammatically, and have vast vocabularies; that they have a vernacular literature of poetry, rich in symbolism, and chronicles, myths, folktales, and proverbs; that they have plastic arts; that they have systems ofhusbandry wUch require consid­ erable knowledge of seasons and soils of plant and animal life; that they are expert fishers and hunters and adven­ turers by sea and land; and that they have great stories of knowledge • of magic, of witchcraft, and of oracles and divination - to which we are strangers.

Ill

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