Great bear : thematic anthology of oral folk poetry in the Finno-Ugrian languages 9780195210927, 0195210921

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THE GREAT BEAR A Thematic Anthology of Oral Poetry in the Finno-Ugrian Languages

Lauri

Honko,

Michael

Senni Timonen

Branch

and

Poems translated by Keith Bosley

Oxford University Press

Finnish Literature Society

Copyright © 1994 by Lauri Honko, Senni Timonen,

Michael Branch, Keith Boslev

Layoul Urpo Huhtanen

Published by Oxford University Press, Inc., 200 Madison Avenue, New York, New York 10016, by arrangement with

the Finnish Literature Society. Originally publis hed as Finnish

Literature Society Editions 533 (1993).

Oxford is a registered trademark of Oxford University Press, Inc.

All rights reserved. No Part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, Photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior Permission of the Publisher.

Library of Congress Cata loging-i

n-Publication Data The great bear: a thematic anthology of oral Poetry in Finno-Lgrian language the s / Laur Michael Branch: Poems tran i Honko, Senni Timonen, slated by Keith Bosley. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references,

ISBN 0-19-521092.1

1. Folk poetry, FinnoUgric-

Translations into Eng I. Honko, Lauri. If. lish, Timonen, Senni, JI. Branch, Mi hacl IV. Bosley, Keith. PH87.E5G74 1994 ees 398.2'04945-de20) Pieksamaki 1994 Sisdlahetysseuran kirjapaino Raamat tutalo The Raamattutala Press

Contents

PREFACE 13 TRANSLITERATION AND TRANSCRIPTION — 17 TRANSLATOR’S NOTE 19 ABBREVIATIONS 21 ETHNONYMS 22

The tradition-ccological dimension of

comparison

Context ‘Linn Herkor

and

undocumented

From ethnics to national groups A Finno-Lynan

Towards

world

identity

nation states

35

37

history

34

and

25 32

36

Ingredicnts of identity: history, language, cullure 38 Towards political identities: Finland, [:stonia, Hungary 40 Identity renewal 41 Oral Poetry: The Comparative Approach (Lauri Honkor 43 A comparative, multidisciplinary undertaking 44 44 A shift of paradigm Three alternative approaches 47

The tradition-phenomenological dimension of comparison

63

Forms of subsistence, annual and life cycles,

The Finno-Ugrian Peoples ‘Michael Branch 25 Proto-languayes, languages and speakers Affinities and influences 2S The written word 3] In the modern Identities 36

of

Belief and Ritual: The Phenomenological

INTRODUCTION

Documented

5]

The tradition-historical dimension comparison 37

50)

rehyion

65

Evolution of twpes of religion 66 Cosmology: dialogue with basic myths and SN mbhals

69

°

Hunting and fishing: dialogue with nature

70

Nomadism and animal husbandry: dialogue with the owners of domains 71 Agriculture’ dialogue with gods of sky and earth 72

Sanctuaries and offerings: from occasional to social

73

Shamans and other mediators: crisis rites Ancestors, spirits and heroes: models and wuardians of life 75

1 THE

COSMOS

Introduction

(Liurt Honkor

The power of cosmography

An active or passive Creator? Crisis and intervention s4

The origin of pain Tribal origins 87

Gods

near and

far

8

82

83

86

88

Culture hero and cataclysm

90

74

99

1 In the Beginning #7: Ai nS 2 Skv -Column, Farth- . avvel Chin:

3 On the High Mountain Mari

4 5 6 7 $ 9

The Creation Fsfesize 5 The Creation Aref Yp ur The Great Birch MM UN The Great Oak Aarelaie yu The Great Oak Esforsiz: The Great Oak Vere 100

U3

oy

12 The Blind Shooter Aarelai 13 The Archer Kianiv 104

101

Bear-hunting as ritual

Guest of honour

Son of the sky

44 45 46 47 48

134

127

132

The bear's wedding = 137

19 20 21 22 23 24

52 33 34 35 36 148

25 Departure to the Forest Finnish

149

28 Bear, Summoned

156

26 Fruits of the Forest Mother Mordvin 27 The Great Bear Khanty 152 Khanty

Introduction (Laur Hlonkey Solidarity and competition Ploughing the sacred soil Praving for growth = 196 Harvest songs 197

31 Burn-Beat Spell Finish

138

A Hunter's Bestiary Lapp 141 Sacrificial Praver Khanty 145 Fishing Praver Mordvin 146 Seine-Net Prayer Finnish 147 Autumn Hunting Spell Udinurt Hunting Prayer Mari 148

Anew

178

182

= 183

151

37 38 59 60 61

180 182

Where Was Bruin Given Birth Finnish At the Bear’s Lair Karehian 184 Off You Go, Gold One Karelian 185 Welcome Home, Bruin Karelia 185 The Bear Feast Punish 186

49 Reminders Udiunirt 201 50 The Farmer's Year Kom

Hunting the mythical bear = 135 138

Mansi

II] AGRICULTURE

151

Resurrection and departure

Go round the Headland

43 Setting Out to Hunt Fianish

117

Remnants of Lapp bear ceremony

The sacred mea]

178

42 The Bright One of the Hills Lapp

125

Finnish-Karelian bear drama

Manst

41 Wake Up Now, Brother Lapp

= 112

Totemic ancestor 126 Ob-Ugrian bear dances: ritual and play Delusion rites of the sacred night = 130

Negotiating taboo

37 Dance Song:

at the Feast-House

121

123

160

Stalker's Song Mausr lo] Song of the Witch of Kasvm Alwity = 165 Play: Song of the Dead Khanty 168 Plav: The Mismatch Mans: 170 Plav: Hunters in a Boat Khanty 173 Dance Song: Women, Women Khauty 177

39 Crane Song Mansi 179 40 Song of the Departing Bear Mansi

105 107

Il HUNTING Introduction (Lauri Houke) The owners of nature 117 The sacred bear 120

Let Down

38 Dance Song: Kuurinka Seemanowna

= 103

14 Why Heaven Is so High Merdtin 15 Climb up to the Great God Mari 16 Song of the Flood Mavs: 109 17 The Kantele Finish 110 18 The Three Fishes Mordvin

He Was

30 Song of the Bear Viens 31 32 33 34 35 36

10 The Visiting Night of Ged Licenian 11 The Origin of Man figrian 102

In Pls Cradle Marist 157

193 194 195

201

202

Wind Spell Karelian 202 Corn Mother Mordvin 203 Praver to a River Udinurt 204 The Farm-Boy Huigarian 205 The Peasant Hungarian 205

Summoning Gods Mari 206 Farmer's Prayer Udmurt 206 Orphan's Share Karelian 207 Holy Wedding Karelian 207 Prayer with a Handful of Seed Mordvin 208 62 Sacrifice to Keremet Mordvin 209 63 Rain-Making Finnish 211

184

64+ God's

Walk

brcuiman

211

65 Ehyah Invecation Praver frgran 66 Rve Spell Vepsian 212 67 Rain-Making Spell Hianarian o& Praver for the Children

69 70 71 7.72 73

Mari

Spell to Prevent Rain Faust Boat Song Komi 214 Mowing Song Vote 214 Harvesters

215

74 To His Seythe Hungarian

4 2

Arrive Estonian

The Reapers Ken

211

215

216

75 The Reaper's Jov Hungarian 216 76 The Weary Reaper Fanigarian 217

77 Harvest Spell Estoman 78 79 80 81

217

Corn to the Earth Finnish 218 Harvest Hungarian 218 The Poor Reaper Hungarian 219 Spring-Cleaning Komi 219

82 After Work Ingrian 220 83 Threshing Song Iigrian 220

84 Winemaking Hungarian 221 85 Bee Prayer Mari 221 86 Prayer in Autumn Udeurt 222

IV ANIMAL HUSBANDRY NOMADISM

AND

The nomad,

87 88 89 90

proud

and

231

free...

Herd

232

bigrian

92 Against the Bear Fiimish 93 Drive Your

94 Orphan

Herd

Vepsian

Fiamish

238

237

237

238

95 The Evil Mistress Finnish 239 96 Water below, above Estenian 239

97 Rain Spell Livenian

98 Sun Spell Estonian

239

240

104 105 106 107 108 109

Prayer Karelian

99 Roll, Darling Sun Livonian 240 240) 100 Where the Sun Sleeps Lionian

241 242

Milking Song Estonian 242 Old Wives’ Day Mondint: 245 The Great Ox Finnish 243 Bring Me Cow-Luck Fish 244 St Catherine Estemian 245 Reindeer Song Mansi 246

110 Spring Migration

Komi

246

Introduction (Lauri Honko) Types of feast 260 Guest behaviour 261

259

11} 112 113 114 115

Autumn Migration Lapp 247 Sacrificial Joik Lapp 245 Run, Dear Reindeer Lapp 249 Temptation Lapp 230 A Reindeer Herdsman’s Improvisation Lapp 250 116 The End of Herding Lapp 251 253 117 Herdsmen Hungarian 118 The Shepherd Hungarian 254

FESTIVITIES

The singer and the feast

261

119 Shrovetide Song Vote 120 Easter Song Livonia

265 265

121

Mistress’s Spring Prayer Karelia nu 235 Spell to Protect Cattle drerian 236 Walls Vepsian 236 Against Wolves [sfonian 236

91 Watch ever My

103 Milking

A place tor dance

Introduction (Lauri Honke) = 227 Protectors of cattle 227 The herdsman’s world = 229 End of the outdoor season 230

Origins of nomadism

101 Herdsman’s Song Fumusi 102 Cow Call Livonia 241

122 123 {24 125 [26 127

Midsummer

262

Bonfire higrian

266

Dear Thomas Finnish 266 St Stephen Finnish 267 Husband, Master ligrian 267 The Guests’ Arrival Mari 269 Greeting Song Udaimrt 270 Relatives in the Place of Honour Udmurt 270 128 Singer's Prologue Udmurt 271 (29 Singing Partners Karelian 272

130 The Power of Song Finnish

131 132 133 134 135 136 137

272

Ring Out, Forest! Estonian = 272 Not in the Mood Udmurt 273 Drink and Sing Mari 273 The Origin of Beer Finnish 274 The Origin of Beer Estonian 274 The Origin of Beer Mordvin 275 Drinking Song Hungarian 276

138 139 140 141 142

Little Brother Booze Estoman 276 Singer's Epilogue Fiiish 276 Eulogy: In Praise of the Host Mart Eulogy: Compliments Udaniat = 277 Eulogy: Children’s Song Mari 277

143 Eulogy: Hosts to Guests Udaiirt

170 1 Went

277

148 I Would Sing Some Songs Vepsian

278

280 280

Boys’ Song Mari 281 Teasing Song Hungarian 282 Dancing-Clothes Hungarian 282 Ready for Dancing Hungarian 282 Bagpipe Song Hungarian 283

156 Dance Song Huigarian

284

Could I Go Hungarian

176 177 178 179

308

into Your Garden 308

Love Hungarian

Meeting Mari 310 The Cock Begins to Crow Mari Where Did You Sleep? Udmurt Into the Forest You Go Udmurt

309

310 310 311

180 Where Have You Gone? Hungarian 312 181 When the Gully Spring Runs Dry Mari 312

182 She Is Not with

Me

Udmurt

312

314

187 Reindeer, Trot Faster Lapp 188 Song for a Bride Lapp 316 189 It Was

I Who

Jilted You

316

Komi

317

190 | Dream My Darling Comes Mordvin

Introduction (Senni Timonen) 287 A Hungarian typology of love 287 Baltic-Finnish themes 288 Arctic passion 290 Abundance of styles: Komi, Mordvin, Mari, Udmurt 291 Alone or in company? 292 Search 293 Pairing and bonding 294 Apart 295 Wedlock 296 .. and after 297

159 Kate Cooper Hungarian 299 160 We Saw Handsome Lads Vepsian 162 163 164 165 166 167 168 169

308

173 Starlike You Are Lovely Manst

185 I'd Run after You Estonian 314 186 If the One I Know Came Now Finnish; Karelian 315

VI LOVE

161 I Say to a Maid Estonian

307

183 Jobbing Oscar Lapp 313 184 My Burning Heart Lapp

283

157 Dance Song Mari 283 158 Village, Be Praised for Ever! Mari

307

Me Mari

175 1 Had a Handsome

279

149 Room to Dance Karelian 280 150 Give Us a Room to Roar In Estonian

151 152 153 154 155

Mari

172 If You Sleep with 174

144 Invitation: Guests to Host Mart 278 145 The Guests’ Departure Mari 279

146 Sorry to Leave Udmurt 279 147 ] Would Go to the Party Vepsian

for Water

171 My Heart Boils Vepsian

302

302

Look! Here Comes a Maid Komi 303 Boys and Girls Finnish 303 A Greybeard Wooed Me Estonian 303 Nobody to Embrace Estonian 304 A Hunter Would Find Me Mordvin 305 The Maid for Me Estonian 306 I'll Kiss a Fir Tree Finnish 306 His Eyes like Seed-Oil Vepsian 307

191

1 Part from

My

319

193 He Takes Me Off Komi 321 194 Like Sweetmeats We Lived Mari 195 Your Face Is a Shade Mari 323

322

318

Lover Hungarian

192 Annie Miller Hungarian

319

196 Thinking Thoughts of You Mari 197 What Shall | Do? Mari

323

198 The Rejected Suitor Mansi

199 Restore

Me

Now

Hungarian

323

324

325

200 My Wife Doesn’t Like Me Komi

325

201 Satan Dropped Me Udmurt 326 202 Others Were Given Sweet Maids Estonian 326 203 I Lived with an Evil Man Komi 327

204 If That Puff-eyed One Should Die Finnish

328

205 [ Don't Need a Man Khanty

206 | Have Thought of You Mansi

207 Life Is Passing Udmurt

330

328

329

208 I Had a Lover Komi 331 209 A Bird without Its Mate Hungarian

210 [ Long for My Love Finnish 333 211 Clement the Mason Hungarian 333

332

VIT SELF Introduction (Senn Timonen) 339 The personal song: explicit and implicit Mental landscapes 341 Woman's world 343 Gratitude 345 Distress 345 Defiance 346 Man and serf 347

Looking back

212 213 214 215 216 217 218 219 220 221 222 223 224 225 226 227 228 229 230 231 232 233 234 235 236 237

348

Children of the Sky Lapp 351 Songs of Light Ingrian; Estonian 351 To the Wind Lapp 352 Uncle Wind Mansi 352 Many Praise the Sea Ingrian 353 The Sea Bellows Livonian 354 My Sweet Water Mansi 354 My Village Mansi; Vote 356 Leaving Buolbmat Lapp 357 Here Is the New Dwelling Mordvin 358 Sister-in-Law’s Song Mar: 359 Dangers Karelian 359 Daughter-in-Law's World Estonian 360 To a Mother-in-Law Komi 360 Sleep, Baby, Sleep Hungarian 361 Lully, Lully, Doronia! Udmurt 361 My Fair Lump of Gold Udinurt 362 My Wall of Stone Kom: 362 Grow Up Fast Mordvin 363 The Girl Who Killed Her Baby Mari 364 Rock the Child to Tuanela Finnish 364 Hush, Hush Little Child Estonia 365 1 Rock the Child to Keep Me Iigrian 365 Three Sons ] Had Finnish 365 Song of the Proud Mother Mansi 366 How to Pay for Mother's Pains Estonian 368

238 Mother, My Sweet One Estonian

239 240 241 242

339

369

Regrets Ingrian 369 Short Lyrics Vepsiai 370 The Survivor Mari 371 No Mother Feels Her Children’s Care Mari 371 243 Who Shall I Call Father? Ingrian 372 244 The Orphan Children Livonian 373 245 The Orphan Mari 373

246 My Soul Wanders like a Cloud Hungarian 374 247 World Colder than Snow Udmurt 375 248 Oh My Coal-Black Heart Estonian 376 249 Them and Us Mari 377 250 Our Mothers Cursed Us Hungarian 377 251 Where Sorrow Lives Komi-Permyak 378 252 O My Body, My Body Udinurt 378 253 The Flowering Wayside Lime Tree Udmurt 379

254 Chilly the Sparrow's Belly Finnish

380

255 Whither Shall { Go? Estonian 380 256 Woe My Dinner, My Supper Hungarian 381 257 Had I Known How Deep the Snow Mari 382 258 The Skirt of Care Estonian 382 259 Wolves Will Howl and Dogs Will Bark Finnish 383 260 Your Father Would Never Weep Karelia 383 261 He Comes Home, or He Does Not Estonian 384 262 Song of Conversion Mansi 384 263 The Resourceful Widow Khanty 386 264 | Miss Life in the Open Lapp 387 265 | Set to Ploughing Estonian 388 266 Ah Me, a Landless Peasant Finnish 388 389 267 At Our Expense Estonian 268 Hell's Windows Are Burning Estonian 389 269 Day-Labour Mordvin 390 390 270 Daniel’s Son Lazarus Mordvin 271 The Magistrate's Horse Hungarian 391 272 Weak Lords over Us Ingrian 392 273 The Hired Man's Trap Estonian 393 394 274 The Serf in Heaven Estonian 275 Death Got Him All the Same Lapp 396 276 We Cannot Buy Youth Back Komi 396 277 Youth Lasts as Long Udmurt 397 278 The Cuckoo Udmurt 398 279 The Pleasant Disease Finnish 398 280 Song of the Childless Mansi 399 281 Song Made by My Grandfather Mansi 399

VI

THE

318 Kazan Hill Kou 443 319 Swan, Eagle, Swallows

CONSCRIPT

Introduction (Laurt Honked Origins 406 The village scene 407 Horrors of conscription and Laments at departure 410 Active farewells 411 Soldier's songs 412

320 How Shall | Calm

405 war

286 The Sun Rises Red

Introduction (Laurt Honke) 451 Social death and resurrection 451

Marr

+419

423

the French

424

War

Estonian

289 | Go to the Recruiting Hut Udwuirt 290

I Come from the Recruiting Uderurt 427

291 A Bold Volunteer Hutgarian

427

294 Rise Up, One I Raised [teria

428

430

431

Born on an Unlucky Day Vole 43] I Lay You ina Living Coffin Mordvin 433 Where Will You Be Then? Estonian 434 The Last Bath Estonian 434 Mother, Why Do You Cry? Mari 435 The River Bank Is Left Mari 435 Like White Birches the Girls Mari 436

304 Things Left Udmurt 436 305 Leaving Their Nests Udururt 437 306 I Ama Soldier Hungarian 437 438

311 The Crown's

439

310 Dear One Who Bore Me Vepsian Hand

Estonian

Has Seen Him

Weep? Mordvin

317 Who

Will Collect Our

316 My Sorrowful Days Hungarian

10

Bones?

442

Udmurt

463

454 457 459 460

465

321 The Eagle Karelian 469 322 The Betrothed Iigrian 470

323 Swaddle Me for a Fair Grave Vote 324 Don't Hurry to Strip Me Kareliau 325 The Deal Done Mordevin 473

470 472

326 Wedding Preparations Mari 474 327 They Have Heated the Sauna Vepsian 328

452

453

Hunting, abduction and barter 455 Gifts and socio-economic bonding 456 Village wedding and kin-group wedding Separation and incorporation 458 Secret and public, and territorial passage Creative flux and formalization of roles ‘They are eating my flesh’ 461 The magnificent groom 462

329 330 331 332 333 334

439

312 My Sword Rings Hungarian 440 313 Home's Best Hungarian 440 314 In Kossuth’s Camp Hungarian 440 315 Who

Lament wedding and song wedding

Lament, eulogy and ritual insult Instructing the bride 465 The first night as ritual 466 The bride’s return 466

428

307 The Bride Weeps Mari 438 308 Off to War Udmurt 438 309 How Long, How Short Mari

Substitution of key persons 453 Stable components, unstable order

Departure in tears

295 Fair-Faced One | Carried Karelian 296 Your Swift Feet Will Grow Tired

Vepsian

425

426

Hut

292 The Veteran Mordvin 428 293 Rise, Earth, Watch, Soil Karelian

297 298 299 300 301 302 303

446

The long passage: from daughter to wife

287 Mother, Conceal Me Hurrgarian 288 A Paper from

444

IX MARRYING

409

282 The Brother's Tale of War Esfouian 415 283 The Muster fugrian 417 418 284 Now They Are Recruiting Hungarian

285 The Conscript Iugrian

Kon

My Breast? Mordom

Bathe Me with Your Luckier Hands Karelian 476 The Bride’s Mother Karelian 476 My White Freedom Vepsian 478 A Bride and Her Beauty Komi 478 The Bridesmaid to the Bride Komi 480 The Bridegroom’s Bath Karclian 481 Bathe, Bathe, My Brother Vote 482

475

335 The Winding Way Mari 483 336 Who Are These People Coming? Karelian

441 443

483

337 When They Come for the Bride Vote 338 The Strawberries Mari 485 339 The Best Seat Ingrian 486 340 Hail Moon, Hail Sun Ingrian

487

484

341

Maid’s

Estate Mordvin

487

342 Making the Bride Weep ligrian

488

343 Grief Comes Like Winter's Cold Mari 344 Bride's Lament Udmurt 489 345 The Bride to Her Father Koni 491

346

489

Brothers, You Have Got Up Early

347 348 349 350 351 352 353

Mordvin 493 Litany Komi 493 The Broken Pitchfork Mordvin 495 | Must Go My Way Estonian 498 The Bride-Price Estonian 500 Get Dressed, Maid Estonian 501 The Empty House Estonian 501 The Elopement Finish 502

355 356 357 358 359 360 361 362

Beyond the Black Forest Udmurt 504 Looking Back Mari 504 In Praise of the Bride Mari 505 The New Daughter-in-Law Mari 505 Just a Cup Udmurt 506 In Praise of the Host Udniurt 506 Praising the Bride Hungarian 507 The Mocking Livonian 509

354 The Bride’s Farewell Hungarian

366 All Made

Up Mari

512

367 Against Matchmakers Udmurt 368 Instructing the Bride Karelian 369 Three Cares Too

Many

Estonian

512 513

514

370 Putting Up the Hair Hungarian 515 371 The Trembling Song Udmurt 515 372 Hard

to Get Mordom

516

373 Going to Bed Fiinttsh 517 374 Leaving the Bride Udmurt

518

375 Reunion with a Young Wife Udmurt 518 376 Lament of a Young Wife Mordvin 519

Introduction (Lauri Honke) The shaman 523 Mythical models 525 Power dressing

377 Rise, My Spirit Karelian 533 378 Self-Defence Karelia 533 379 The Spirit Speaks through the Shaman Mans 534 380 To Heal a Child Khiaity 536 381 Assembly of Spirits Khanty 537 382 Three Lapps Put a Spell on Me Furnish 384 To Induce Depression Mordvin

385 Against Timidity Mordvin 386 Against Bleeding Estonian

540

539

541

542 543

387 Against Bleeding Finnish 543 388 Against Bleeding Mari 544

389 390 391 392 393

Against Snakebite Vepsian 544 Against Snakebite Estonian 545 Against Snakebite Finnish 545 Love Spell Vepsian 546 Cooling-off Spell Vepsian 546

394 Love Spell Mari 547 395 Cooling-off Spell Mari 548 396 Love Spell Udmurt 548

512

397 Against the Evil Eye Komi

398 Exorcism

Udmurt

549

549

399 Against Belly-Ache Mari 550 400 Against Bedbugs Komi 550 401

Fire Never Burns Those Estonian 551

402 Against Thrush Morden

It Knows

551

403 Against Frostbite Karelian 552 404 Sacrificial Prayer to the Old-One-of-theKnife Mans: 553 405 Invocation to the Man-Who-Watchesover-the-World Mansi 553 406 Healing Charm Finnish 554 555 407 Healing Charm Finnish

408 Sauna Invocation to the Virgin Mary

X HEALING

Private symbols

530

383 Against Enchantment Estonian

502

363 Teasing the Bridegroom Finnisit 510 364 Teasing the Bride Karelian 511 365 The Diminutive Bridegroom Hunearian

The sauna as ritual centre Ancient formulae 531

523

525

526

Dialogue and combat

527

Wizard-folk and soul-loss Power healing 529

528

Karelian 556 409 Labour Charm

Estonian

557

410 Against a Cow’s Bewitching Hungarian 558 411 Against Bewitching Hungarian 412 Against Gout Finish 559 413 Against Pain in the Neck Hungarian 559 414 Against a Sprain Finnish 561

558

11

415

439 Six Weeks without You Kea 607 440 Memorial Supper Vepsian 608 441 Anniversary Vote 609

Against Boils, Carbuncles, St Antony's Fire Hisigarni

36)

442 The Bird Vepsia

XI DEATH Introduction (Lauri Hoke) 365 Categories of the deceased 565 Ancestors, spirits, saints 366 Four strong lament traditions 567 Laments and songs at wake and burial 568 Laments: focal or peripheral genre? 569 The art of metaphor and metonymy 570 Ecology of lament traditions 571 Maintaining life in the otherworld 572

Expression and control of grief Waking up for the journey Post-burial commemoration

574 576

Introduction (Lauri Honko)

Historicity of Ob-Ugrian epics

579

590

425 Struck by Lightning Hungarian

591

592

594

428 Lament at Daybreak Mordvin

429 Lament for a Mother Ingrian 430 The Gate Mari

597

596

436 A Mother’s Lament Mansi 605 437 On Her Own Mordvin 606 438 When | Die Mari 607

12

Absence of long epic 628 Ontrei Malinen’s Sampo epic

630

627

Interpretation of folk models

445 The Feud

Khauty

633

446 Brother Yevilyo Kon

447 Onesimus Mordvin 644 448 Litova Mordvtn 648

449 The Highwayman 450 The Sampo

Karelian

631

640

Estonian 655

653

769

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS _

598

433 At a Father's Burial litgrian 601 434 The Psychopomp Mordvin 602 435 Visiting a Husband's Grave Hungarian

626

BIBLIOGRAPHY

595

431 At Her Mother's Burial /ugrian 597 432 Lament Sequence for Aleksandra Ivanovna Koni

625

Context of epic performance

Ecology of long epic

617

COMMENTARY (Senni Timonen and Michael Branch) 665

426 Lament of the Migrant Worker's Widow Komi

617

Literary, tradition-based and oral epics Kalevala, Kalevipoeg, Sijazar 620 The problem of textualization 621 Oral cycles and the Kalevala 622 Epic among the northern Khanty 623

417 To the Coffin-Makers Karelian 580 418 This Time I Come Karelian 581 419 Lament for an Unmarried Girl Mordvin 584 420 A Woman Laments Her Son on the Bench Karelian 586 421 A Girl Laments Her Mother Estonian 587 422 A Man Laments His Wife Udiurt 389 423. A Woman Laments Her Daughter Udmurt 590

427 The Orphan Vote

610 Mother

Xi THE EPIC

5372

416 To the Body-Washers Karelian

424 The Widow Hungarian

610

443 Rise Up, Husband Vote 444. A Woman Laments Her Karelian 611

787

ILLUSTRATIONS Ob-Ugrian Bear-Feast Tradition (following page

604

Hungarian Wedding Tradition in Transylvania (following page 465)

The Tver’-Karelian

Funeral

(following page 577)

Preface

ollections of oral poetry in the Finno-Ugrian languages have usually been arranged for publication according to peoples and languages, and have rarely allowed for a comparison of tradition among the Finno-Ugrian peoples. This anthology takes a new approach, grouping the poems in thematic domains according to context and function. The linking factor is neither linguistic nor territorial, it is tradition-phenomeno-

logical. Determined by basic situations and activities central to the lives of poets and performers, such an approach allows the reader to draw comparisons between poems in different languages.

Phenomenological

linking

does

not,

greatly helped in this approach by the strong international school of research into the belief

systems of the Finno-Ugrian peoples. We refer

to this research frequently in the thematic introductions and the Commentary. Even the most detailed and extensive studies in this research tradition, however, can only touch upon oral poetry; they rarely reproduce poems in their entirety. Because descriptions of ritual and cus-

toms more often refer to poems, rather than cite

passages from them, such descriptions cannot do justice to the genres of oral poetry. In this respect, we hope this anthology will convey to readers a more tangible sense of the original verbal expression and thereby extend their knowledge and understanding of myth and ritual, folk belief and custom.

however, imply a common genetic origin of the poems compared. Instead, it focuses on certain similarities of content, form or function between phenomena and also explores the range of variation and dissimilarity in other dimensions of the

support

emphasizes the pragmatic nature of oral poetry: a functional poetry whose aesthetics can only be understood in the context of its social background and its combined relationship to everyday life and the celebration of special calendrical and life-cycle occasions. Placing the poems in the context of performance and function highlights the significance of

secondly, language; thirdly, a postulated ancient history; and fourthly, various cultural features. The concept of a common racial origin is probably the least useful of these criteria when considering affinity. Even if it were possible to demonstrate certain racial features, they would not be particularly relevant to our understanding of the history and culture of the Finno-

of a poem’s message. Poetry develops hand in hand with religion and custom. We have been

demonstrable, although the evidence for it is more to be found in common structures than in

same

phenomena.

beliefs, myths

and

Above

all, the arrangement

rituals in the interpretation

In the past, scholars have sought evidence in

from

of the idea of Finno-Ugrian

at least four sources:

Ugrian

peoples.

affinity

first, racial affinity;

Linguistic affinity is clearly

13

lexicon. The oldest lexical elements common to all or most of the Finno-Ugrian languages are insufficient to allow theoretical postulation about anv aspect of life (e.g. religion, technology) some five millennia ago. Nor has an interdisciplinary approach based on archaeology and linguistics been able to offer clear guidance for the compilation of a coherent prehistory of any of the Finno-Ugrian groups. Recent research has increased rather than reduced the complexitv of anv kind of historical reconstruction. Cultural and oral-poetry materials, however, offer a fourth means of comparison between the Finno-Ugrian peoples. The poetic tradition has its structures and systems, and irrespective of language is surprisingly resilient. Thus — though this is not the primary purpose of the present anthology - it is possible to acquire some insights into earlier cultural forms by studying the structures and systems of tradition as represented in these poems. This anthology rarely offers anv hypotheses about common, ancient or ‘original’ features in the traditions of the Finno-Ugrian peoples. Where old strata of tradition do occur (as in bear ceremonies),

we

may occasionally speak of genetic links between traditions which are geographically widely separated. Generally, however, we are not concerned with ‘Finno-Ugrian traditions’ but with ‘traditions found among the Finno-Ugrian peo-

ples’.

with similar basic questions of life and culture. Our concentration on poems collected among speakers of Finno-Ugrian languages does not mean that comparable poetry and _ traditions among neighbouring peoples who do not speak Finno-Ugrian languages — such as the Russians - are of any less interest or value. On the contrary, a tradition-ecological approach requires us to give specific attention to regional] interaction as part of our consideration of the nature of tradition systems within one particular community. We are looking for different cultural and environmental ‘climates’ and ‘zones’ in which tradition develops in similar ways regardless of language. We believe that with more material and systematic comparison such a method would provide macro-ecological hypotheses concerning, for example, the development of certain genres and, at the microecological level, sketches or profiles of particular

poetry cultures maintained by ethnic groups or mixed, multi-ethnic populations. Reference is made to common features which cross language boundaries where this illuminates a particular point (although it has not been possible here to extend this approach to a systematic comparison with neighbouring cultures). The importance of oral poetry in constructing the cultural identities of ethnic groups and nations, which owes so much to J. G. von Herder

(1744-1803), is also mentioned

briefly in our

Against this background it can be seen why our general approach has to be phenomenological rather than historical. The abundance of poetic traditions in the Finno-Ugrian languages

Introduction. The need to create national identities has often been a driving force for scholars, and offers yet another dimension for considera-

distinctiveness, to permit an examination of phenomenological categories in which similari-

possible to examine this phenomenon

is sufficient, both in historical depth and local ties and differences are of equal interest. This

allows us to find some evidence about where the cultural focuses of Finno-Ugrian ethnic communities may lie and to draw comparisons on the level of meaning between traditions which may not have been in contact but are concerned

14

tion in the study of oral tradition — the political

application of oral poetry. While it has not been

in detail,

it is worth noting that such a motivation never characterizes the whole of a research tradition but is almost always linked to a very limited

historical situation in which the interest of a

particular ethnic group and its relationship to other groups is dominant. The process by which this happens offers yet another fruitful source

for further research. The various questions and approaches alluded to here are developed in detail in the main body of the anthology. The general [atroduction starts with an overview of the FinnoUgrian languages and the distribution of the peoples who speak them together with a brief sketch of the documented histories of these peoples. The second part of the [nfroduction outlines the theoretical basis of our comparative approach and shows how it is possible to construe phenomenological, tradition-ecological and _ historical profiles of oral poetry in the Finno-Ugrian languages. The third part of the Introduction attempts to present a coherent picture of the forms and development of the religious life of the Finno-Ugrian peoples; it is this which constitutes above all else the context for the performance of the poems published here and the basis of our analysis of their social function. The twelve thematic domains in which the poems are arranged are based on an idea conceived by Lauri Honko and developed together with the other editors. Each domain is introduced by a two-part discussion which articulates many of the ideas considered in the general infreduction. The first part examines its theme in both a Finno-Ugrian and, where appropriate, in a wider, global context, paying particular attention to theoretical questions, and contacts and interactions between the cultures which produced the poetry. The second part of each thematic introduction focuses on the selected poems. It aims to place each poem in its social context and to locate it in a larger performative entity on the basis of the information contained in the poem itself and in other sources. A demanding and largely hypothetical attempt has been made to decode or postulate meanings which the singers may have embedded in their texts during actual performance. The thematic discussion and poetry sections are supported by a separate commentary for each poem. In

addition to providing performance and collection data, the commentary provides any supplementary information that may be necessary for cultural, functional and performance contextualization. Throughout the anthology, we have attempted to assist the reader in capturing the resonances between traditions and cultures by frequent use of cross-references. Although individual responsibility for the various sections in this anthology is shown, The Great Bear is nevertheless the outcome ofa multi-

disciplinary, collective undertaking in which the

editors have worked closely, criticizing and commenting on each other's drafts at every stage. We owe a great debt to the colleagues who assisted us during the many years it has taken to complete this anthology and whom we thank

in

however,

the

we

Acknowledgements.

would

In

like to thank

particular,

Ulla-Maija

Kulonen (University of Helsinki) and Satu Tanner (National Languages Research Institute, Helsinki) for taking responsibility for the enormous task of preparing the original-language versions of the poems. Ulla-Maija Kulonen produced a standardized orthography and transcribed all the poems, while Satu Tanner prepared all the original-language texts for the printer. We are greatly indebted to Ulo Tedre (Estonian Academy of Sciences) for his advice and copious notes in selecting and commenting on the Estonian poems. Similarly, we must thank

Péter Domokos,

Vilmos

Voigt and Imre

Katona (all of Eotvés Lorand University, Budapest) for their invaluable help in selecting the Hungarian poems and in preparing com-

mentaries. To Urpo

Vento, Secretary General of

the Finnish Literature Society, we wish to express special thanks for the initiative which led to the compilation of this book and to him and his colleagues Paivi Vallisaari and Matti Suurpaa for their encouragement and unfailing patience during the anthology’s gestation. We hope we have made proper use of the help and advice of those mentioned here and in the

15

Acknowledgements. For mconsistencies, imperfections and anv errors that remain, we are ourselves wholly responsible. Our final expression of thanks must go — for the most part posthumously - to the singers who performed the poems and the collectors who noted them down, often in the most difficult of conditions. The collections of poetry in the Finno-Ugrian languages represent a unique cultural legacy, largely c concealed from the public because of the technical difficulties of tran-

scription, translation and publication. During our work, we have become more and more convinced that the heritage of the singers and collectors deserves a wider and indeed an international audience. Hence our final declaration of thanks must go to Keith Bosley whose translations have allowed the voice of our poets and singers to transcend time, space and cultures

and

to live again

English.

through

Lauri Honko, Turku Sennt Timouen, Helsinki

Michael Branch, Bloomsbury

the

medium

of

August 1993

Transliteration and

Transcription

exts in the Cyrillic alphabet have been transliterated using a simplified version (i.e. without ligatures) of the system recommended by the United States Library of Congress. Maximum simplicity and readability were the guiding principles behind the transcriptions used in original-language texts in Finno-Ugrian languages. The texts published in this volume, however,

should

phonological

latin-letter

not

work.

be

Poems

orthographies

used

as sources

for

in languages with

(Finnish,

Estonian,

Hungarian, and most of the Lapp languages) have been left unchanged, although they may contain dialect words and word-forms. The Ingrian and Karelian poems have been written broadly to accord with Finnish orthography. The remaining languages have been transcribed in a greatly simplified version of traditional

Finno-Ugrian

notation,

with

the

use

of

extra letters (beyond the usual twenty-six) and of diacritics reduced to a minimum (the transcription symbols used in this book are given below).

In most

cases, such simplification

has

resulted in a reasonable approximation to the phonemic system of the original dialect or language, although in the case of some of the older sources, particularly those for Khanty and Mansi,

it has

not always

been

possible

to be

certain about details: such texts have been ‘normalized’ and may therefore bear little surface resemblance to the originals on which they 2

THE GREAT

BEAR

are based. The original transcriptions of J. Fellman’s Lapp text (Poem 19) and Antal Reguly’s Khanty text (Poem 13) have been left unchanged for their inherent interest.

Phonetic guide to the transcription used in this book Vowels

General:

Short vowels are written single, long vowels are written double, e.g. i as in French pic, Italian birra. ii as in French pire, Italian lira. Extra-short vowels (in Mari written with a breve, e.g. 6.

and

Khanty)

are

Specific: ae¢tou Roughly as in Spanish or Italian. y Roughly as in English tool, But with lips spread (i.e. not rounded or pouted). Exception: Finnish and Karelian, for which see ff, below. i Roughly as in German ii (/itibsch) or French u (crt). 6 Roughly as in German 6 (Gétter) or French eu (peu). Exception:

Udmurt,

Komi

and

Komi-

17

Permyak,

for which

see d, below.

Roughly as in French cau, Bur with lips spread (i.c. not rounded or pouted).

o

Schwa,

neither Roughly another. Roughly Roughly

fi a

i.e. a short, indeterminate

vowel;

high nor low, front nor back. as first and last vowels of English as in southern English bat. as in southern English /rot.

Consonants the exception

of Lapp,

p t k

nounced unaspirated (as in French).

are pro-

Double Setters (pp tt kk ss etc.) represent long

consonants

(as in Italian).

The diacritic “, e.g. fj # 1°17 indicates a palatal

as (fz as as

in English fs (cats, tsetse fly) or (Zug, Satz). in English ch (churclt). in English d (rider).

Ba

or palatalized consonant.

Specific: c Roughly German é Roughly d Roughly

Exc errion: between vowels in Mari, d represents a sound similar to English th (Here); this same fHi-sound is written d and 6 in Lapp orthographies. Roughly as in first and last sounds of English judge. Roughly as in English pagan. Exceprion:

h

General: With

dz

ee

6

In

Khanty

and

Mansi,

and

between vowels in Mari, ¢ represents a voiced velar fricative (similar to Parisian r). In Lapp, this sound is represented by g. Roughly as in English hot. Excertion: In Khanty, Mansi and Mordvin, ft represents a voiceless velar or palatal fricative (German Bach, ich). Roughly as in English y (yes, rayon, say). Roughly as in English ng in ring or singer. The letter-sequence ng represents the sound-sequence of English finger. Roughly as in English sh (shin, cashew, wish). Roughly as in English s of measure, g of beige.

Ufla-Maija Kulonen, Helsinki

Translator’s Note

he Finnish, Karelian and Ingrian poems in this book were translated direct from the originals; the Hungarian, Khanty and Mansi in collaboration with Peter Sherwood,

Lecturer in

Hungarian Language and Literature at the School of Slavonic and East European Studies in the University of London; the rest were trans-

lated from literal versions in Finnish, German or English, with the originals always to hand, prepared either by the collectors themselves or by colleagues in Finland who assisted in the compilation of this book. There are fashions in translation, as in everything else: a comparison of the English translations of the Shi Jing by Jennings (1891), Waley (1937) and Pound (1954) reveals a diversity so great that one is tempted to wonder whether they are indeed translations of the same text. Similarly, an individual translator's reading may vary over the years: Pound’s “Song of the Bowmen of Shu’ (1915) and Ode 167 (1954) scarcely seem translations of the same poem. Such differences are due partly to the obscurity of the text, partly to the approach of the translator. Jennings,

equivalent,

the missionary,

to

achieve

aims at a cultural

which

he

uses

the

rhythms of the hymn book; Waley, the scholar, communicates the strangeness of the original with a close reading in free verse; Pound, the

the present work is Le Pouvoir du Chant. Antholovie de la poésie populaire ouralienne, edited by Péter Domokos with translations by Jean-Luc Moreau (Budapest, 1980). We have many texts in common, and our anthologies were originally to be published at the same time. Whoever compares the two books will probably decide that Moreau is of Waley’s party, and I - for better or worse - of Jennings’. More than a decade after doing the work, Iam not sure how I would do it now,

or indeed whether I would do it at all. The obscurity of the present texts is of a different kind from that of the Chinese classic. Though much nearer home geographically, some of these texts embody far more rudimentary notions of poetry. Among the huntergatherers of the Ob basin in western Siberia, poetry seems to have been little more than language at full stretch, paced with music. Epithet was piled on epithet, phrase upon phrase: On this my loon-running-on long river-stretch, on my grebe-sitting-on noble river-stretch, on my beautiful river-stretch, on my lovely river-stretch, with my from-one-womb-born seven sons what trouble to me, a sprightly woman, will come? My from-onewomb-born seven sons hunt ...

{Poem 236, opening)

poet, is himself.

The main predecessor of the translations in

19

Much of the power of the more ‘primitive’ oral poetry in Finno-Ugrian languages depends on parallelism, as in ancient Hebrew poetry; but an agglutinating language is capable of more complex linguistic structures, which in English must be rendered by string after string of subordinate clauses. These, instead of producing a cumulative effect as in the original, slow a poem down to the point of tedium. So in the translations which follow, parallelisms have often been reduced by eliding those repetitive elements which do not throw a diverse element into relief, which seem to serve a grammatical rather than an artistic purpose. Apart from this, the translations are as close as may be. The English translator is then faced with the tone of an original from a very different culture, ranging from ample Khanty to laconic Udmurt lyric; European enthusiasts for Japanese lyric may well learn something in their own back yard. Since most of these languages had no written form when the poems were collected, the originals are most often recorded in phonetics; and since little is known about their prosody, many

texts are set out according

to syntax

—

which may or may not correspond to a verse line or a sung phrase. In my missionary position, 1 worked towards cultural equivalents: after extensive trial and error, many ‘big’ poems ended up in blank verse, many ‘little’ poems acquired rhymes. Some poems seemed to work best in English in the metre I evolved for translating Kalevala-metre poetry, though the originals are not Finnish and not in this form. A more radical approach seemed necessary for the Lapp chant,

the joik, when

it improvises

words: lacking the music, in Poems

on

a few

113-115 I

have attempted to turn time into space (albeit short) in the manner of concrete poetry. As one

moves

south-west

towards

the

Baltic

and

Central Europe, one encounters written texts and more formalized singing-styles: here, where Finno-Ugrian oral tradition reaches its twin peaks of Kalevala-metre poetry and Hungarian ballad, the translations are mostly line for line with the originals. Some of these translations first appeared in Adam,

Books from

Finland,

Finnish

Folk

Eptc and The Elek Book of Oriental Verse.

Poetry:

Keith Bosley, Upton-cum-Chalvey

Abbreviations

AE

Acta

ASSF

Acta Societatis Scientiarum

BU

Bibliotheca

CIFU

Congressus Internationalis Fenno-Ugristarum 1 Budapest 1963

Ethnographica

Hungaricae,

Budapest

Academiae Fennicae,

Scientiarum Helsinki

Uralica, Budapest

KV

Kalevalaseuran vuosikirja, Helsinki

lit.

literally

Md.

Mordvin

MSFOu

Mémoires

NKNT

Népi kultura — népi tarsadalom. A magyar tudomanyos akadémia néprajzi kutaté csoportjanak

2 Helsinki 1965

évk6nyve,

ed. Gyula

3 Tallinn 1970 4 Budapest 1975-83

Rom.

Romanian

6 Syktyvkar 1985

Ru.

Russian

SF

Studia

SKST

Suomalaisen Helsinki

SKVR

Suomen Kansan sinki, 1908-48

Sm.

Samoyed

5 Turku 1980

7 Debrecen 1990 Commentary

Eesti rahvalaulud antoloogia, 4 vols, ed. Ulo Tedre,

Tallinn,

1969-74

Estonian

Folklore Fellows’ Communications.

Helsinki.

Finnisch-Ugrische Forschungen,

Helsinki

Greek Ingrian

Journal de la Société Finno-ougrienne, Helsinki Karelian Komi

Fennica,

Tietolipas,

Finnish

Km.

de la Société Finno-ougrienne, Helsinki

UA] UPTM

Ortutay, Budapest

Helsinki

Kirjallisuuden Vanhat

toimituksia,

Runot, Vols I-XIV, Hel-

Helsinki

Ural-Altaische Jahrbuicher,

Ustno-poeticheskue

naroda,

Seuran

Vols

Wiesbaden

tvorchestvo

I-8, Saransk,

mordovskogo

1963-1978

VFU

Voprosy finno-ugrovedeniia, Vol. 5, loshkar-Ola, 1970; Vol. 6, Saransk, 1975

VGEG

Verhandlungen der Gelehrten estnischen Gesellschaft, Tartu

VMFI

Voprosy mariiskogo fol’klora i iskusstva, loshkarOla

21

Ethnonyms

The use of ethnonyms in this anthology follows the guidelines set out in 1989 by the International Information System in Uralistics Working

Group of the Library of the University of Helsin-

ki. The Group adopted as a general principle the use of traditional English terminology where an ethnonym was well-established and where the introduction of a new name could lead to confusion (i.e. Lapp). Where a new English name, based on usage in a Finno-Ugrian or Samoyed language, has come into use and does not lead to confusion, the Working Group recommended its adoption for all subsequent usage in English. We have followed these recommendations throughout the present anthology and list here the names we have used together with older or alternative forms which the reader may encounter elsewhere, especially in older publications.

Names

used here

Older or alternative forms

Finno-Ugrian: Hungarian Khanty

Mansi Komi Komi-Permyak Udmurt Mari Mordvin

Magyar Ostyak Vogul Zyryan Permyak Votyak Cheremis

Erzya Mordvin Moksha

Lapp

Mordvin

Finnish Karelian

Saami, Sami, SabmelaS

Lude

Vepsian Ingrian

Izhor Vote Estonian

Livonian

Samoyed: Nganasan Enets Nenets Selqup

Tavgi Yenisei Samoyed

Yurak Samoyed Selkup

INTRODUCTION

The Finno-Ugrian Peoples Oral Poetry: The Comparative Approach Belief and Ritual: The Phenomenological Context

The Finno-Ugrian Peoples

Tr Finno-Ugrian languages (also known as Fenno-Ugric or Ugro-Finnic) together with the four Samoyed languages form the Uralic group of languages. The Finno-Ugrian languages are spoken by some twenty-one million people and comprise fifteen languages, each with a variety of dialects. They are spoken as the mother tongue in Fenno-Scandinavia, in Latvia and Estonia, in northern regions of Russia in an arc stretching from Karelia to western Siberia, in the Volga-Kama basin, and in Central Europe in Hungary and adjacent parts of Austria, Slovakia, Belarus, Romania, Croatia and Serbia. Economic and political migrations over

more

than

a century

account

for active

though shrinking numbers of speakers of Estonian, Finnish and Hungarian in parts of Western Europe, North America and Australia. As a scholarly term, “Finno-Ugrian’ refers nowadays to language affinity. For various historical reasons, however,

the term has acquired

associations — mostly in the nineteenth century — with ethnic affinity, folk migrations and a shared culture. The non-linguistic connotations have their place in the study of politics and culture, particularly in respect of the emergence of nation states, about which more will be said

below. Here the intention is to set out as succinctly as possible a current view of the taxonomy of the Uralic languages and to discuss briefly the linguistic phenomena on which this theory of affinity is founded.

Proto-languages, languages and speakers Theories of language affinity are at their simplest based on a concept of a theoretical protolanguage and its subsequent differentiation. In reality, differentiation must have consisted of complex processes of linguistic and cultural interaction and integration with speakers of cognate and non-cognate languages in many different places and over vast lengths of time. To establish a chronology for this process in respect of the Finno-Ugrian languages has become all the more difficult in the light of linguistic, archeological and historical research carried out in the last twenty years with its emphasis on the multiplicity of such processes. Recent findings have also extended the period of time over which these processes took place by several millennia. It is generally assumed that a Uralic protolanguage began to divide into Finno-Ugrian and Samoyed proto-languages between 10,000 and 6000 BC. Today the four Samoyed languages — Nenets, Enets, Nganasan, Selqup — are spoken by some 34,000 people living on the shores of the Arctic Ocean and along rivers flowing into it between the Taimyr and Kanin Peninsulas. According to Mikko Korhonen in a recent examination of the concept of Uralic affinity, com-

parative and distributional evidence of the Uralic languages suggests that the proto-language could have been spoken in one or more of three

25

forest zones: the middle reaches of the Volga River, or the northern Urals, or somewhere between the Urals and the east Baltic region. With considerable reservation, Korhonen sees the third of these possibilities as the most likely. Using similar methodologies, linguists locate the region where a Finno-Ugrian proto-language was spoken as being somewhere between the Lral Mountains and the middle reaches of the Volga. The next stage in the differentiation process was the emergence of a Ugrian group of languages, possibly about 5000-3000 BC. This group was to evolve further into the Ob-Ugrian languages - Khanty and Mansi - and Hungarian. Bevond the scant evidence of loanwords, very little is known about the process or about the route by which the three languages reached the areas where thev are spoken today. All three languages appear to have had considerable contact with speakers of various Turkic languages. The ancestors of the present-day Khanty and Mansi reached the northern areas of western Siberia,

where

their descendants

now

live, in

the early Middle Ages. Speakers of Hungarian arrived in the Pannonia Basin at about the same time; ancient borrowings in Hungarian indicate contacts with peoples speaking non-FinnoUgrian languages in the vicinity of the Caucasus and the Black Sea. The evolution of the other Finno-Ugrian languages has become increasingly uncertain in the light of the most recent research. The four geneTic proto-languages are commonly known as Permian-Finnic,

Volga-Finnic,

Pre-Finnic

and

Proto-Finnic. At one time, evolution into the present-day derivatives of these proto-languages was seen as more or less vertical: VolgaFinnic evolving from Permian-Finnic with the subsequent differentiation of the Permian-Finnic protu-language into Komi, Udmurt and a mixed form - Komi-Permyak ~ which are spoken in northern Russia. Differentiation of Volga-Finnic is thought to have produced PreFinnic, the proto-language from which Proto-

26

Lapp and Proto-Finnic evolved, while VolgaFinnic itself subsequently evolved into Mari (Meadow and Mountain Mari) and Mordvin (Erzya and Moksha Mordvin), which are spoken

in central Russia, along with at least two other languages which became extinct in the Middle

Ages, Merja and Muroma. The speakers of the ten languages which evolved from Proto-Lapp live today in the northern regions of Fenno-

Scandinavia and in north-western Russia, while

eight languages spoken in the north-east Baltic region and known collectively as Baltic-Finnic represent the present-day derivatives of ProtoFinnic: Livonian, Estonian, Vote, Izhor, Finnish

(including Ingrian-Finnish dialects), Karelian, Veps and Lude. Recent research points to the possibility that the differentiation of the main generic subgroups was not the relatively straightforward historical continuum that the above

might suggest. Although it may be possible to

postulate some measure of vertical derivation, there are now grounds for placing much greater emphasis on a very early basic differentiation with subsequent concurrent development in the various subgroups. The fact that in ancient times, food-gathcerers and herders travelled far greater distances than has hitherto been assumed has led some scholars to argue that there could have been significant and frequently renewed contacts between speakers of FinnoUgrian languages (and other peoples too) at numerous periods during their separate histories.

The first of the following two tables illustrates the present-day distribution of the speakers of Uralic languages. It lists the languages in their generic order, the speakers’ ethnonym, their numbers (1989), and present location. The second table presents a scheme of the evolution of the Uralic languages, based on that of Raimo Anttila, which

attempts

to take account of the

findings of recent research. From the mid-nineteenth

century

until the

Table

THE

1

Generic Language Group Samoyed

Ethnonym

Nenets

Enets

Nganasan Selqup Ob-Ugrian

1,278 3,612

10,064,360 4,500,000

LANGUAGES Present

Location

Nenets and Jamal Nenets Autonomous Districts in north-western Russia and western Siberia

Northern Siberia in the Taimyr District along the lower reaches of the Ob River

Taimyr Peninsula Western Siberia between the Ob and Yenisey Rivers

Khanty-Mansi Autonomous in western Siberia

District

Hungary Neighbouring European states, Western Europe, North America Republic of Komi and neighbouring

Komi Komi-

344,319 152,060

regions

Udmurt

746,700

Udmurt Republic and neighbouring regions

Mordvin Mari

Baltic-Finnic Livonian Estonian

209

Magyar

Permyak

Lapp

34,665

22,521 8,474

Permian-Finnic

Volga-Finnic

Numbers

Khanty Mansi

Hungarian

URALIC

Sabmelas Saami, Sami

Randali

Eestlane

1,153,987 670,868 ca 50-

80,000

226 1,026,649

Mordovian Republic, neighbouring republics, Siberia, Russian Central Asia and Far East Republic of Marii-El, neighbouring republics, Republic of Bashkortostan North-western

Norway

Peninsula

and

northern

and Sweden,

regions of

northern Finland, Kola

Latvia

Estonia, Siberia, Caucasus, Western Europe, North America, Australia

27

Ethnonym

Generic Language Group

Vad'd'alaine Karjalain Suomalainen

Vote Izhor Ingrian Vepsian

Vepslaane, Ly-

dinik

Lude

Numbers

Present

ca 40 820 ca 15,000

Coastal area west of St Petersburg

12,501

Lyvdikoi

no reliable figures Karjalaine, Liy131,357 gilaine Suomalainen ca 5,000,000 ca 500,000

Karelian Finnish

present day, the theory of Uralic linguistic affinity has been constructed in parallel with the development of the theory of Indo-European affinity,

using

similar

methods

of synchronic

and diachronic comparison. A significant difference between the comparative study of IndoEuropean languages and Uralic languages, however, has been in the quality and quantity of source materials. For specialists in Indo-European languages, there have been more languages to study, far more documentary materials and far more scholars to undertake the detailed task of linguistic analysis, comparison and reconstruction. Indo-European specialists have had at their disposal substantial sources of documentary evidence going back as far as six thousand years. For specialists in Uralic languages, however, the documentary record is scant. Hungarian is the best recorded with literary sources dating from the Middle Ages. Texts and

fragments

of medieval

Finnish,

Estonian

and Komi and one fragment of medieval Karelian have also survived. Finnish and Estonian have a written tradition dating from the six-

28

Location

St Petersburg and environs St Petersburg and environs, Republic of Karelia Republic of Karelia, Leningrad oblast’

and Vologda

Republic of Karelia

Republic of Karelia, Leningrad and Tver’ oblast’ Finland Neighbouring European states, Western Europe, North America, Australia

teenth century; works have sporadically in Lapp since the tury. Lexical examples of most can be found in the accounts chants,

explorers

and

been published seventeenth cenUralic languages of foreign mer-

travellers

from

the six-

teenth century on. Rudimentary descriptions of grammar date from the seventeenth century for Hungarian, Finnish and Estonian and from the eighteenth century for several other languages. Detailed systematic descriptions, however, of most of the Uralic languages date only from the nineteenth century. In short, specialists in the Uralic languages have at their disposal reliable evidence only of very recent forms.

Affinities and influences Thus the Uralic specialist, far more than the specialist in the Indo-European languages with the evidence of Sanscrit, ancient Greek and Latin to assist in comparative and historical research, must construct a concept of Uralic affinity almost solely by theoretical deduction. The crite-

Table 2

EVOLUTION

OF THE

Generic Group

URALIC

LANGUAGES

Proto-language

Present-day Language Nenets

a

URALIC

10,000-6000BO

eee

*North Samoyed y

ee

South Samoyed

SAMOYED

0

FINNO-UGRIAN ——————-

“Ob-Ugrian

6000 - 4000 BC

Ugrian

WRAL

a

WD

kK

Mansi

ac

MOUNTAINS «perpmjan,

————__-

Ss

———_H——_

Hungarian

——————(——~« Vikar si and Fuchs 1952: : 317;and BeMunkacAcsi r

and

258. The Skirt of Care Estonian Anu Tamber,

Haljala, Laine-Virumaa, Estonia 1892

J. A. Rehber,

Tedre ERA

2477

In common with Karelian and Ingrian practice, Estonian lyric women’s plaints were generally improvised in performance from a sequence of motifs reflecting various cares and anxieties often characterized as physical objects — and thematically similar enough to produce a coherent whole. The present text is a typical example of such a sequence. The opening lines, listing common female names (I]. 1-3),

1966

ated as a motif in songs ofa melancholy nature, especially those performed b

1956

Ortutay and Katona 1975 (2): 624, 627

nur raion, Republic of Marii-El

ern Estonia, was frequently incorpor-

Bukovina,

See also p. 346

Kugu Mushko/Bol’shaia Mushka, Ser-

This lyric plaint, widespread in north-

Istensegits,

bia during the Second World War (cf. Poem 249),

Mari V. I. Shaverdina

255. Whither Shall I Go?

1892 T. Wiedemann

14) indicates exile as the cause of sor-

row. The performer had grown up in the Hungarian-speaking village of Istensegits in the Bukovina where he had learnt the keserves tradition, but had moved west and settled in Transdanu-

257. Had I Known How Deep the Snow

Kuusi 1963: 265-70

Estonian Anon. Johvi, Virumaa,

zas 3 and 4, which represent the individual situation. Stanza 3 is a broad allusion to the performer’s own life while the fourth stanza with its specific reference to the Somogy apple tree (1.

Bereczki 1971: 410; Vika

reezki 1979: 481, 510

are unusual in variants of this poem. The performer's purpose in selectin them appears to have been to signa that she was speaking not only for herself but for women in general. The hyperbole conveying the idea of the burden of care at Il. 4-9, based on the ‘worry-horse’ motif (i.e. ‘my sorrows

are so many that only a horse can carry them’), is equally common and widespread throughout Ingria and Karelia. See alsoAy

346

Tedre ERA IV: 187-88

259. Wolves Will Howl and Dogs Will Bark

Finnish Anon.

Tuupovaara, North Karelia, Finland 1838 E. Lénnrot SKVR VIIp2083

The present text looks at the world

through the eyes of an ‘outsider’, one

who does not feel a part of any community, or has been rejected by a community. The poem conveys the hatred that the outsider sensed. Attention focuses on the singer's almost paranoid belief that he or she is the victim of

village anger. Most of the motifs usedto in the present song (Il. 1-12) appear

have been borrowed from epic poetry. The closing lines (Il. 13-16) reflect

723

plaint style in the use of nature images to express the performer's mood and to dramatize his perception of how others see him. See also p. 346 260. You Father Would

Never Weep

Karelian

Miihkali Perttunen Latvajarvi, Kalevala raion, Republic of

Karelia 1877

The opening lines of this ArchangelKarelian lullaby (Il. 1-4) are typical of the genre. Further south, the theme is frequently incorporated in lyric poems as an antithetical feature introducing a plaint (i.e. the performer has good reason to weep but has no ep to weep in) and as a topos in child-protection spells. The main part of the poem, at

. 5-12, is a formulaic statement of the reasons why the infant boy should not weep. In the present text, performed

by a male singer, the reasons have been

selected from stock heroic-epic mate-

rials.

Estonia

A. Laugei, J. Einmann Tedre ERA 1999

This poem was known mainly along the northern coast of Estonia east of

Tallinn, although occasional variants have also been collected inland. The underlying idea appears to be to ward

off danger when embarking on a

peril-

ous task or journeyby acknowledging the precariousness of life and a readi-

ness to meet death. The formula and structure of the opening metaphors (Il. 3-5) have an affinity with the BalticFinnish proverb type: ‘When a man

724

IV:

to be his response to the missionaries’ determination to convert him in 1715. The first-person account and intense subjectivity classify the poem as a personal song. The individual experience of the prince presents a Mansi point of view of the contradictory nature of the situation,

especially

ty-Mansi Autonomous sian Federation 1843-44

A. Reguly

District,

Rus-

naries’ military

This Mansi text is a unique record of version to Christianity and destruction of a self-sufficient culture. Sporadic attempts to convert the Ob-Ugrian peomany

uniforms or simply to

their trousers):

imprisonment

of the

prince; trickery (presenting fine clothes without disclosing them to be baptism 1]. 49-53);

armed

resistance

the personal

advantages

of accepting

the new religion. The leaders’ independence in the past is symbolized in the song by the prince’s father. At the end

of the song, the father’s attri-

butes — the house Fre built himself, an

emptying treasure chest, the sacrificial place pushed aside ~ are removed ‘until the thousandth day’.

a personal response to enforced con-

for

missionaries®

their being persuaded, on the other, by

1896: 122-27

tempts succeeded

the

use of violence: armed attack (slitarsed’ in]. 29 refers either to the missio-

y Mansi leaders; attachment to their own way of life on the one hand, but

Mansi Anon. Konda river, Kondinskoe raion, Khan-

Munkacsi

unknown Mansi prince and is thought

parments,

262. Song of Conversion

though

261. He Comes Home, or He Does Not

1892-94

ERA

ples began in the fifteenth century, al-

See also p. 347

Haljala, Laane-Virumaa,

See also p. 340, 347 Kuusi et al. 1985: 295; Tedre

166

A. A. Borenius SKVR 131824

Estonian Mari Bahblum

sets off to kill a bear, he carries his grave-board on his back’ (ef. Poem 223 and com.). The death imagery in the Estonian poem probably denotes the garments in which the corpse was dressed. The three place-names in the concluding lines of the poem refer to two islands off the Finnish coast and a coastal parish which were frequently the destination - and at the same time points of danger — for Estonian seamen trading with Finland.

decades

such

See also p. 347 Bartens

1986c:

40-42;

Birnbaum

et al.

jalainen

1921:

9-15;

Munkacsi

1902:

1977: 149-52; Bosley 1979: 172-73; Kar-

CXVIII-CXXVII

at-

only in provoking

fierce resistance. After the conquest of

263. The Resourceful Widow

and Mansi tribal leaders in particular were renewed. Despite the conversion of leaders (e.g. the baptism of seven Mansi princes In 1624), no fundamental change occurred in the beliefs of the Ob-Ugrian peoples until missionary efforts were renewed at the beginning of the eighteenth century. Strong opposition led to an edict in 1710 ordering the destruction of ‘idols’. Privileges were granted to those accepting conversion, while those refusing were threatened with death. By 1714, the Pelymka Mansi had been baptized and

Khanty

Siberia, efforts to convert

the

Khanty

the following year saw the conversion

of those along the Konda River. Worship of idols continued sporadically into the twentieth century. The present text is attributed to an

Anon. Obdorsk/Salekhard, lamal-Nenets Autonomous District, Russian Federation

1877 A. Sobrin

Ahlqvist

1880: 23-24

Together with three other songs collected by Sobrin for the Finnish scholar A.

Ahiqvist,

this

text

represents

the

oldest and most northern example of personal song. The poem is succinct and to the point. The economy of expression and the refrain item imo at the end of each line are suggestive of the

style both of the Lapp joik and Samoyed

songs. The inherent instability of the reindeer-breeding economy and the ca-

tastrophic results of its collapse are per-

tinently conveyed posed

at a time

in this song, com-

when

the Khanty

de-

ended for a large part of their liveli-

hood on the reindeer. The scale of collapse is illustrated by the effects of a

reindeer epidemic

in 1877, which

duced the herd of Prince Taishkin Obdorsk from 10,000 to 100 head,

See also p. 347

Ahigvist 305-06

1885:

188-92,

207-08,

re-

of

249,

Lapp

fear old girl

Sweden Late 1840s

West

Bothnian

Lapland,

J. U. Grénlund Donner 1876: 127

Both the theme of this poem — a plaint about the dying out of the pastoral way of life - and its mode of performance

provide an illustration of the effects of economic,

socia]

and

cultural

while the motif at Il. a

change.

See also

p. 347

153-56

IV: 171

This poem illustrates social attitudes in the wake of revision of property rights in the Ladoga region during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. As a result of various treaties between Sweden and Russia in the eighteenth century, large areas of eastern Sweden-

Finland came under Russian rule. It

was not until 1812 that most of the regas Old

Finland, was

de-

even

longer before

the

tached from Russia and incorporated in the autonomous Grand Duchy of and

land-tenure system in the region was changed. In various parts of Old Fin-

population.

Landowning

Estonian

peasants became tenants, while former cottars (Fi. and Ka. populi, cf. Ru. bobyl’) were correspondingly reduced in sta-

1879

The present text is an example of poems expressing the frustration and

This north

Estonian

tus.

sense of injustice felt by

of various stock materials, is probably of recent composition. It appears to

have functioned as a drinking song performed by men in inns. The open-

Ing (II. 1-3) comes from materials about the various legal measures enacted

during

the

the cottars

sons (cf. |. 1), many of whom were left text, a composite

nineteenth

century

to

1969:

Estonian Anon.

This serf song, known mainly in south-

K. Krohn

speaking

M. Kolluk Tedre ERA 2100

Voionmaa

267. At Our Expense

land, much of the land had been given to Russian nobles with consequent changes in the social position of sections of the Finnish- and Karelian-

Rein Kolluk (2) aiuse, Jogevamaa, Estonia

66-67;

SKVR VII,2752

Finland,

265. I Set to Ploughing

1989:

1982 H. Raa Tedre ERA 2789

themes, mixed male and_ female themes, and switched languages from

See also p. 347 Donner fa76. 126-34

See also p. 347

Finnish Liena Luukkonen Hippola, Pitkaranta raion, Republic of Karelia 1884

ion, known

Lapp to Swedish.

8-9 are an impossible-task challenge motif which occurs frequently in Finnish and Karelian epic poetry as one of the tasks set for suitors. Sihvo

266. Ah Me, a Landless Peasant

The style of performance was random.

The singer confused ancient materials (e.g. bear-rite poetry) with Christian

e a fragment

froman older drinking song, which has also been Incorporated in numerous male boasting songs. Tedre ERA

264. 1 Miss Life in the Open

Vilhelmina,

Prevent peasants from hunting. Lines are a common ploughing topos

without rights to their land or homes

and were compelled to work as labourers. Thus they came to represent lowest stratum in Ladoga-

arelian

the on society. The performer has drawn materials, reworking yarious stock to

fashion them in a novel and ironical for ex convey his feelings. Lines 5-7, while ll. ample, are from spell poetry,

Tartu-Maarja, Tartumaa, Estonia

eastern Estonia, was performed by women as they returned home from working in the fields of the local estate. According to some informants, it was sung especially loudly as they passed the estate owner's house. Common to all the variants of this song is the use of a simple two-part antithetical structure to convey the message that the beauty, good health and finery of the idle nobility were dependent on the labour and suffering of the serfs. See also p. 348

Kokamagi 1976: 256-66; Tedre ERA IV:

200

268. Hell's Windows Are Burning Estonian Mari Vandrik Simuna, Laane-Virumaa, Estonia 1895 K. Raud Tedre ERA 2667

Serf songs about a fantasy in which the serf punishes his master’s family were widespread throughout Estonia. Performed by men and women, the variants show little variation in motifs or is arrangement. Typical of such songs the performer's focus on an actual estate (here at I]. 12-13). The motif of the pillar at ll. 7-11 refers to the estate's whipping posts. Comparison of the mansion to hell (11. 1-3) - a formulaic

729

feature in songs about retribution — is also common in other Estonian sert songs. In many variants, the performer

describes escape from the estate and

how he or she turned at a safe distance to watch as ‘hell's windows are burning. See also p. 348

Kokamagi 1983: 13-62; Tedre ERA IV: 195-96

the hapless Lazarus presents an insight into a serf's powerful sense of right and wrong. By reference to one particular incident, the performer exposes the injustice which permeated the whole of society. The subject of the poem is the harsh destruction of parents’ aspirations for their son and of their son’s own modest

thoughts

about

his

future

(small

Mordvin Anon. Sukhoi Karabulak, Bazarnyi Karabulak raion, Saratov oblast’, Russian Federation

1905-06 A. A. Shahmatov UPTM 7 (1): 309-10

casional lament’, one part of their rich lament tradition. See also p. 348

protest poeins and songs is the placing

of people and events in a context per-

ceived as real rather than imaginary (thus accounting for the use of real perSee also p. 348

Shuliaev 1975: 304-06

tonian serf song

Hungarian Anon. Szend, Szabolcs county, Hungary Before 1840 Unknown Ortutay and Katona 1975 (1): 606

3645,

the dominant

nineteenth century. In its present form,

Poems and songs conveying a social Proves make up a prominent group in ordvin oral tradition and appear to have been composed in the wake of the 1861 land-use reforms. The present text illustrates the characteristic combination in these materials of social and commonplace themes. Though in part narrative, the poem about the fate of

726

tone

veils

the

powerful underlying social antipath characteristic of songs of this kind, composed and performed in circumstances still largely feudal in nature.

occurs

in

Estonian

serf

wish

to see the destruction of his mas-

ter’s property and the loss of his freedom, Estonian singers longed to see their masters forced into hard labour.

See also p. 348 Alho 1979. 24-64; Alho 1981: 63-77 273. The Hired Man’s Trap

Estonia

G. J. Treuman

Ingrian

1883 V. Porkka SKVR III 1562

also

1874

Lords over Us

Kortee’s wife Makkyla, Kingisepp raion, oblast, Russia Federation

complaining that the

songs. In place of the Ingrian serf’s

Estonian Anon. Risti, Harjumaa,

See also p. 348 272. Weak

when

masters worked their serfs almost to the last drop of blood. The idea of revenge, providing the link between the two parts of the song at Il. 24~27 and

Mordvin

raion, Mor-

of a female serf, even

of the song (II. 18-23, 28-35) ori inated as an almost exact translation of an Es-

tales), the present text illustrates a type

dovian Republic 1954 L. S. Kavtas’kin UPTM 1: 347-49

nobles as a means of expressing their

discontent. Performers drew on a large stock of motifs to illustrate the hardships of the serf’s conditions and the owner's absolute right over the serf's body and soul. The present song refers to harsh punishment for trivial offences and to the master’s inhuman

she is in labour (II. 16-17). The last part

271. The Magistrate's Horse

ironic

which had some affinity with those of the Russian system. The version of the song published

treatment

of Hungarian serf song common in the

Krasnaia Gorka, Ruzaevka

fa (lit. *king’s authority” and ‘noble’s

here was performed by serfs owned by

characteristic feature of Mordvin social

270, Daniel’s Son Lazarus

Village women

the song, kunirkaan valta and herran val-

pressed position of women. Compared to other types of Mordvin poetry, a

First published in 1846 in Janos Erdélyi's Népdalok és Monddk (Folksongs and

Shuliaev 1975: 304-06

called state serfs. The Ingrian terms in

wages, prayers). The social message at the end of the poem is associated with

sonal and place-names).

Social protest of the kind evident in Estonian serf songs (cf. Poems 268-70) is also present in this Mordvin plaint about the burdens of barssina (payment of rent through labour). The structure and form for the expression of this kind of social comment among the Mordvins was provided by the so-called ‘oc-

serfs of nobles lived in far worse conditions than those of the tsar, the so-

authority’ respectively), derive from the earlier Swedish administration of Ingria and refer to taxation obligations

murder. Other stock materials used in this function were robbery and the op-

269. Day-Labour

This Ingrian text combines elements of widespread serf songs. The opening (IL. 1-7) refers to the social hierarchy of which the Ingrian serfs were part. The

Tedre ERA 3190 Leningrad 6

This Estonian protest fantasy casts light on the life of those in the very lowest stratum of the nineteenth-century Estonian social hierarchy: the peasant’s own hired labourer. Per-

formed by men in western Estonia and in the northern coastal areas, this poem was less widespread than serf songs. All the characteristic features of this type of poem are illustrated in the present example: emphasis on the labourer’s poor conditions — he had to work not only for his own master but also for his master’s master — conflict between the labourer and his master’s family, and revenge. The central focus of the labourer’s grievance - on the

poor quality

of his Bod is also charac-

concepts 0° Poa ustice are alrea present in the belief in afterlife retribd uion. See also B: 348 34150 Haavi,o1 535 2b: 368~70; uusi Kusi et etal. 1977: :

Lapp

J. Nuorgam

See also p. 348 Tedre ERA IV: 214

1936 T. L. Itkonen Itkonen T. I. 1939: 14

274. The Serf in Heaven

This Lapp joik recalls the memory of

1869-96

H. Kase

Tedre ERA

Inari, Finnish Lapland

Estonia

112

The theme of the present text is a popular adaptation of the parable of Dives and Lazarus (Luke 16). Textual evidence suggests that the poem reached the Baltic-Finnish region from Western Europe and survived longest in those areas south of the Gulf of Finland, especially in Estonia and Ingria, where the oppressive Baltic-German system of land tenure, and later the Russian sys-

tem, led to bitter antipathy between

tich and poor. It is possible that at one time the poem functioned as the text of a miniature morality play. In Estonia, the poem survived as a popular song. Close textual similarities exist be-

tween the present text and variants col-

lected in southern Karelia and Ingria. Better than any other Baltic-Finnish poem, ‘The Serf in Heaven’ illustrates a traditional perception of torments in hell and rewards in heaven, emphasizing the uncompromising way in which the poor understood sin and virtue and

their consequences for the afterlife. As

the present text shows, concepts of a

feparate heaven and hell had still to take root (life after death was thought

to be in the same place though in differIng conditions), although Christian

style.

Although

the

traditional

porary concepts: in I. 13 ‘bank notes* ave replaced squirrel skins as a unit

of exchange, and a swift reindeer has

Biven way to the ‘aeroplane’ in 1. 15. See also p. 348

275. Death Got Him All the Same

teristic of this type.

Estonian Anon. Karksi, Viljandimaa,

ent

form is used, it accommodates contem-

one Piera, said to have amassed great wealth in various though uncertain ways. In some variants, a third stanza

describes how Piera's joik-chanting host had been seen riding over the ells on a reindeer and how his herds

had been destroyed by the evil eye. In Lapp traditional beliefs, the motif of a mouse gnawing garments (I. 1) is an omen of evil. The reindeer mentioned at l. 4 are prize creatures not normally bred for slaughter. See also Itkonen

. 348 . L 1939: 15

276. We Cannot Buy Youth Back Komi Melar’ia Il'inichna Bessonova

Novikbozh, Pechora raion, Republic of

Komi 1960

Mikushev and Chistalev 1968: 10, 181

277, Youth Lasts as Long Udmurt Semen Feodotov

Bemyzh/Verkhnii Bemyzh, Kizner raion, Udmurt Republic 1915-16 B. Munkacsi Munkacsi and Fuchs 1952: 393

The transience of youth in particular and of life in general is a popular theme in Udmurt oral poetry (cf. Poems 207, 208). The present text, which likens youth to the most fleeting of moments, was widely known with minimal variation in the Elabuga region. In structure, the poem is close to the spiral form characteristic of Mari poetry (cf.

p. 341).

See also p. 348 278. The Cuckoo

Udmurt Anon. Dz‘any/Bolshoi Karlygan or Siz’nyr/ Starii Sizner, Mari Turek raion, Republic of Marii-El

1891-92

A. K. Mikushev or P. I. Chistalev Mikushev and Chistalev 1968: 56-57

Y. Wichmann Wichmann Y. 1893b: 57

This song is in the tradition of Komi work on improvisations lament themes. Though performed as a mem-

The cuckoo symbolized grief in Ud-

formuoir improvisation, features and

lae typical of work-lament tradition include depiction of walkin (ll. >710) and repetition of verb forms. The accompanying melody was also simi: work ie lar to those of improvised 1lus-

ents. The present improvisation lamtrates the adaptability of the Komi

mutt tradition. In the present text, the cuckoo is also a ‘soul bird’, a motif

which together with that of the gravetree displays some affinity with Mari ems performed in connection with urial or memorial occasions (cf. Poems

430, 438).

See also z 348 Bartens

1990a: 37

727

on the grounds that it was the gift of Toorem (God; heaven, cf. 1. 3). Sometimes singers portraved the especially

279. The Pleasant Disease Finnish

Juhana Kainulainen Kesalahti, North Karelia, Finland

revered spirit, the “Man-who-watchesover-the-world’, with a bottle of vodka in his hand.

1828 E. Lonnrot

SKVR VII51987 The core of this Ivric composite, a wide-

spread Baltic-Finnish elegy, is found at 621.

Performed

by men

or women,

the speaker compares an antithetical series of places where he or she might have died (e.g. home /backwoods), usually presenting death at home as preferable. In the present text, the elegy theme has been developed to create a new song, strongly masculine in tone and near epic in proportion. The performer has prefaced the core elegy with stock farewell materials drawn from

wedding poetry (Il. 1-5). The compo-

site is rounded off with a widespread departure-for-war motif which in its

mimary

context

was

usually

per-

ormed by men. Lénnrot later adapted and incorporated a version of this song

in his depiction of Kullervo’s departure for war in the second edition of

(36: 23-36).

Kalevala

See also p. 348

Mansi

Feodor Lepifanovich Eblankov

Vershina, Ivdel town area, Sverdlovsk oblast’, Russian Federation

1906

A. Kannisto Kannisto and

Liimola

This Mansi personal song was composed by one Nikolai Mikhailovich, rother of the performer's grandfather.

The text is known to have been performed by the childless couple as a drinking song. While it is evident that the effects of intoxication overcame the

ex-

ression of a sense of desolation at the

ack of children,

the association

with

alcohol may also have had an addition-

al significance. Distilled spirit was held in the highest respect among the Mansi

728

and

Lii-

Mansi Anon. Konda River, Kondinskoe raion, Khan-

ty-Mansit Autonomous

sian Federation

District,

Rus-

1844 A. Reguly Munkacsi 1896: 114-17

A central theme in Ob-Ugrian personal

songs was the poet's concern that his or her song should be remembered and properly performed after death. The

song of a Konda known example of

this theme and was composed

in the

eighteenth century by the performer's

The Conscript Brother’s Tale of War

Estonian Anon. Karksi, Viljandimaa,

1888 J. Tiiddt Tedre ERA 3520

Estonia

This widespread Estonian poem - also known in Ingria and southern Karelia

~ was first published in 1778 by Herder in his Stinmen der Volker in Liedern. The Baltic-Finnish redactions are thought to derive mainly from a composite Russian poem which itself combined two oems: death of a soldier and how his orse carried the news home, and departure of a kinsman, often to war, and

his companion’s return with his horse

and news of his death. Thought to have

been

composed

between

1200

and

1400, ‘The Brother's Tale of War’ is the

of the coffin, a supranormal feature not

oldest known Baltic-Finnish war poem. The poem brings together in a coherent whole numerous widespread war motifs. The motif of the bird carry-

e first part of the poem (Il. 1-28) deals with authorship rights. The second part (11. 29-45) shows evidence of actual funeral practices: I]. 32-35 refer to the

specifically, with birds conveying reetings between a conscript and his

grandfather. The poet's approach to his subject includes features of heroic son (e.g. the dead poet tapping on the li found

in

personal

songs).

Mansi grave built on and not below ground, and to the custom of holding a memoria! ceremony at the grave a

week after death (‘sacred week’) when

1963: 89

singer's inhibitions and allowed

Kannisto

281. Song Made by My Grandfather

enerally

280. Song of the Childless

VU

282. The

See also p. 348 Kannisto 1930: 206; mola 1963: 247-48

present text, the rince, is the best

1979: 172-73; Munkacsi 1896: 110-27: Munkacsi and Kalman 1963: 130-32

various beverages were poured on the grave. The miraculous motif is also

elaborated in the present text. By pla-

cing the musical instrument in the coffin, the community signals its recognition of the poem’s authorship and

thereby allows the poet’s soul to depart

in peace. Hence the underlying theme is that although a good poem spreads

ing news of war (Il. 1-4) has affinities both with birds carrying news of death in narrative poems generally and, more amily in Russian and Ingrian conscript poems (cf. p. 729). The most stable component

in the Baltic-Finnish

poem

is

the sisters advice (Il. 14-24), a borrowing from themes in Russian koliada songs in praise of warrior courage. This passage illustrates the emphasis on the home and women

in departure

ritual, features which otherwise occur most commonly

in laments. A typical

feature of the advice passage in the Es-

the name and character of the poet also be remembered.

tonian versions of the poem is the inclusion of the widespread East European apocalyptic motif in which the whole world is seen to be in the enp

See also p. 348 Bartens 1986c: 43-48,

with comparable Russian materials the

uickly, as it should, it is essential that

252-53;

Bosley

of death and flowing with blood (cf. Il. 25-29). The Estonian poem also shares

impossible event as a life-token prophecy to mark the soldier's imminent return home if he survives the fighting (IL 32-36). The remaining part of the poem appears to be a distinctive Esto-

nian development.

Whereas

in other

traditions he dies on the battlefield, in

Estonian

poems

the

soldier

returns

home, albeit much changed in appearance and character (Il. 44-54, 61-68). The fact that the soldier's return occurs

only after long absence led to the use of these materials by Estonian singers to depict conscript fife.

See also p. 409

Kuusi et al. 1977: 499-501, 576; Oinas 1969: 93-136; Penttinen 1947; Tedre

ERA IV: 229

283. The Muster

Saatind /Slobodka, Kingise P_ raion, Leningrad oblast’, Russian ‘ederation 1883

V. Porkka SKVR III 1403

This conscription poem is one of several hundred recorded in Ingria. As such itrepresents not so mucha single poem as an individual realization of themes from

a common

stock of mate-

Tials amounting to some five hundred lines. Viewed as a whole, this stock of materials conveys a

realistic and ethno-

graphically accurate step-by-step account of the induction of conscripts in-

to the army (cf. also Paent 285). Starting

with the announcement of the conscription order, the materials go on to describe the village meeting to select the young men, their transport to the

training

centre,

medical

Inspection,

haircut, putting on their uniform and basic training. In addition to these nartative

themes,

the

stock

of materials

also included common lyric lament themes. In Ingria, conscript poems were gener-

ally

composed

e materials, She desc the very pst phase in the cons ribes crip Process: the official proclamation tion each autumn. To evoke the moomade d of the occasion,

the performer has used

various lyric plaint themes to conv e the mother’s state of mind (II. 3-19) and

horrors of war (Il. 33-55). The latter are

expressed by incorporation of the poem “Description of War’, a theme thought to have some affinity with eschatological descriptions (cf. the bloodbath imagery at the end of the Passage,

ll. 52-55).

See also p. 409

Penttinen 1947: 133-38; Salminen 1930: 171-92; Salminen 1934: 346-54

284. Now They Are Recruiting

Ingrian Uljaana

drawn

the

present text construc her poem in roughly equal Proportited ons from lyric and narrativ

End

performed

b

women, although there is some evidence of the conscripts also havin, performed the songs themselves during their military service. The performer of

Hungarian Anon. Variously Counties Abauj, Nyitra, Sza-

boles, Papa, Hungary

Before 1840 Unknown

Ortutay and Katona 1975 (2): 305-06 This composite Hungarian conscript son circulated both orally and in written form (it was also included by Erdélyi in his Népdalok és Mondik). The song was widespread in Hungarian-speaking areas during the years of compulsory military service in the nineteenth century when conscripts were literally roped together on departure to the ar-

my (cf. it 3-4). The sharp attack on

social injustice at the end of the song explains its popularity. The present text contrasts informatively with the boisterous recruiting poems current during the 1848-49 Hungarian War of Independence (cf. Poems 145, 291, 314).

See also p. 409

oblast’,

Compared

to Poem 283, the present In-

gran conscript

poem

comprises

; ; raion, Leningrad

Russian Federation

a

selection of stock materials with the emphasis mainly on the narrative rather than the lyric dimension. The detailed description of the various phases in the enlistment process leads to a more general allusion to army life. The image of the tsar pondering whether to recruit a rich man (I. 40-49) represents a popular perception, reflecting the fact that different regulations regarding public service applied to the gentry. The passage is probably a surrogate text to express a sense of social

injustice. The sympathetic portrayal of the tsar typifies the love and respect in which he was traditionally held by Russian peasants. The depiction of him as ‘captive’ at |. 2 arises from the corruption of Ing. vanhin ‘eldest’ to vanki ‘prisoner’. The performer uses the popular motif of birds carrying news for the climax of the poem (cf. Poem 282 and com.). The delivery of two different messages by the birds, however, has a

contradictory effect. The performer uses the motif first to convey the conscript’s despair, while the second message tells the opposite story. A possible purpose of the second, encouraging message was to console the conscript’s mother. Equally, however, this passage

could be interpreted as ironical.

See also p. 409

Kuusi et al. 1977: 577; Salminen

171-92

1930:

286. The Sun Rises Red Mari F. A. Chernovskaia _— Jolasal/Elasy, Gornomariskii Republic of Marii-El

raton,

. Vikar, rik G. G. B Bereczki ki Vikée and Bereczki 1971: 325-26

285. The Conscript Ingrian Stepu Takavalia, Kingisepp

1883

V. Porkka Kuusi et al. 1977: 512-16

Traditional conscript songs were sung until very recently on the departure to the army of young Mari men. The

729

songs were performed within the framework of a mourning ceremony. Similar practices survived even longer

among the neighbouring Chuvash; as recent'y as the late 1950s, conscripts walked in procession through their village singing traditional conscript

songs.

The present text appears to have been composed from separate fragments. The first two stanzas (II. 1-8)

are a motif found in many Mari conscript songs; the motif is often followed by the parallel one of the boy's mistak-

ing his father’s weeping for the crowing of the cock. The mother’s plans to arrange her son’s wedding (If. 13-16) indicate the possibility of the son's exemption as a married man from military service,

See also pp. 409-10 Vikar

and

Bereczki

1971:

55, 66, 458;

Vikar and Bereczki 1979: 76 287. Mother, Conceal

Hungarian Anon.

in central

whose phvsical condition did not meet

peace-time requirements (cf, fl. 14-15). Textual evidence indicates composition at a time when poet-singers were moving away from the traditional word-initial assonance of the trochaic tetrameter and were beginning to develop end-rhymes. See also

Tedre E

. 410 IV: 228

289. | Go to the Recruiting Hut 290. | Come from the Recruiting Hut Udmurt Nikolai and Mikhaila Miklaj Sandi (290)

Ivanov Sentiag,

lovo raion, Udmurt Republic 1885

(289), Zav‘ia-

Munkdacsi 1887: 196-97, 199 These two poems, recorded in the same

village, iNustrate typical Udmurt con-

Ortutay and Katona 1975 (2): 305

script-poetry symbolism - bird (Poent

Textual evidence suggests that this Hungarian soldier's lament took shape in the nineteenth century despite its old

style dialogue ballad form. Although songs

about

conscription

were well known throughout the

Hun-

garian-speaking regions, the present song appears to have been performed

only in those districts where oral tradition survived particularly strongly.

See also pp. 409-10 288. A Paper from the French War

Estonian

Jaan Parm

Kolga Jani, Viljandimaa, Estonia 187 Hurt 1886 (2): 317

730

survived

Vuzh-Zum‘ia/Novyi

Me

Romania

193) P. P. Domokos

J. Bergman

which

Estonia, was adapted from materials commonly used in conscript poems during the Russian mobilization for war against Napoleon in 1812. The urgency of the situation is shown by the authorities’ readiness to enlist men

B. Munkacsi

Lécped, Moldova,

soldier’s

This poem,

289:1,

24; Poem 290:1-2, 6-8), things left

behind (Poem 289:11-20) - and are intended to evoke and heighten the contradictory moods at parting. The apparent enthusiasm of the departing conscript, conveyed by the-new hat metaphor in both poems (indicating travel

and freedom), contrasts with the

sorrow engendered in most poems of this type. Such songs were perhaps encouraged as a form of propaganda, or they represent the conscript's, or his family’s, efforts to overcome their grief at the time of departure. Yet another explanation is that the poem represents an ironical comment on the need to undertake military service; it was cast in this form since direct protest would not have been permitted. See also p. 410

Domokos 1975a: 97-98; Munkacsi 1887: 196-206

291. A Bold

Volunteer

Hungarian Anon. Szentgal, Veszprém county, Hungary Unknown L. Lajtha Ortutay and Katona 1975 (2): 280 Only a small number of hussar recruit-

ing songs have been recorded in the Hungarian-speaking

regions.

The

present example, which became widely

nown through its association with recruitment for the army of Lajos Kos-

suth (1802-94) during the 1848-49 Hungarian War of Independence, originated as the accompaniment toa hussar dance. The flowers in the departing soldier's cap (I. 11) indicate the practice

of presenting a recruit with a bunch of flowers as he left for the army.

See also p. 410

Ortutay 1952: 307 292. The Veteran Mordvin

Jehrem, Baldhead Van‘o’'s son Jegorofka/Novoegorevka, Abdulino raion, Orenburg oblast’, Russian Federation

1889 A. Genetz, S. Nyman Paasonen

1891:

100-01

The essential role of the horse in military life accounts for the frequency of its personification in poerns about war and the army. The horse is also an important figure in Mordvin epic songs. n its personified form, the horse acquires human speech and behaviour and is frequently the medium through which the soldier expresses his

thoughts about army life. In many vari-

ants,

the

horse

presents

a poetic

and

dramatic picture of its former handsome condition and how this came to a sorry end (e.g. ‘My eyes shone like candles, they were blinded by canon

smoke’). This Mordvin example of the personified

horse

is one of the most

widespread types of Mordvin soldier's

poems. The image of the Tatar (variously a Bashkir or a powerful master)

trying to catch a horse (IL 13) was a local metaphor for conscription,

Watch,

Soil

Karelian

Kalevala

raion,

Re-

1889

J. Merilainen

SKVR 14,2087 This Karelian protection charm (also known in eastern Finland) was performed as a soldier was setting off to war. The central motifs — protective fences,

stones,

cloaks,

swords

- recur

in many types of protection charms; certain of these motifs also occur in war

episodes in heroic epic (Il. 2-3, 10-11).

Specific ritual acts intended to harden the soldier against bullets usually accompanied the performance of this

charm. These included donning a dead person’s shirt and

placing a bullet in

the charm, the man

for whom

the mouth. Before the performance of protec-

tion was sought had to sleep one night

with sharp swords at his head and feet and loaded muskets or flintlocks on his

chest. He dug a hole immediately before departure at the junction of three

paths, placed silver in the hole and recited the charm. See also p. 410 294. Rise Up, One

I Raised

Ingrian Tarja Rodionova Koskenkyla, Lomonosov raion, Leningrad oblast’, Russian

1916 K. Tynni Honko et al. MS 3367

This

lament

was

drew on materials from both lament types in the performance of conscriptpoems. The references to eparture Austria and Turkey (II. 27-28) combine memories of former wars (e.g. Napo-

style to simple prose. Metaphor is rare except in personal address fog. I. 1, 56, 9-10) when only the most common stock materials are used. The topos

the grave. Women

leon s invasion,

Jehkima Ohvonasjev Uhtua/Kalevala, public of Karelia

Performed by a mother as a departure lament, this poem illustrates the prefer-

from

See also p. 410 Maskaev 1964: 253-58 293. Rise, Earth,

on her wedding morning, and wi those death and memorial lament which urge the deceased to rise up

Federation

performed

as_ the

singer woke her son on the day of his departure to the army. The poem has various affinities in structure and con-

tent with the lament to wake a bride

in Hungary

Russian

commonly

ence in Vepsian lament tradition for direct, factual statement often close in

intervention

of the most common in Vepsian oral

in 1848-49, wars fought

‘strange and chilly shore’ (1. 7) is one

nineteenth centuries) with action on various Russian fronts during the First World War.

poetry. Itis especially frequent in wedding laments (cf. Poem 327 and personal lyric plaints performed by newlywed women about the wretchedness of life in the husband’s home.

See also pp. 410-11

See also pp. 410-11

against the Turks in the eighteenth and

Honko et al. MS 3367, 4368 and com.

297. Born on an Unlucky Day 295. Fair-Faced One I Carried Karelian Maria Petrovna Suvorova Klevtsova, Maksatikha raion, oblast’, Russian Federation

Vote Anna Ivanovna

Kattila/Kotly, Kingisepp raion, Lenin-

Tver’

1976

L. Honko, A. V. Punzhina

Turku University Folklore Archive: au-

dio tape 76/38

The text illustrates the two motifs common in Tver’-Karelian conscript lament tradition: putting on the uniform (Il. 5-8), correspondence (II. 19-24). The form of expression throughout the poem draws on common stock materials. Women’s advice to their sons and at all brothers to obey their superiors behatheir in s cautiou be to and times conviour in order to secure the safest ditions (Il. 10-14) is an old motif which poy occurs elsewhere in women’s 282). about the army and war (cf. Poent p. 410-11 See also ta 1986: 175-76, Vistarantvand Virtaran

265

Grow Tired 296. Your Swift Feet Will Vepsian ; Anon. Vytegra raion, /Shimozero, Shimgar’ Federation Vologda oblast’, Russian

1889

_H. Kala

bal

et al. 1951: 540-41

rad oblast’, Russian

844

Federation

E. Lonnrot Honko et al. MS 3719

This text is the opening passage of a long Vote lament performed by a sister to her brother as he left for the army. The lament provides an elaborate illustration of the distinctive metaphor technique of Ingrian and Vote lament poetry. Characteristic of the whole poem is the presence in each line of the ersonal address form. This may be deined as a subject-object-verb statement located in the second half of each line (the subject-object order is reversed in the translation) and communicated through a specific fixed linguistic form (i.e. nominal phrase comprising a nomina] form in the genitive case + nominal form in the nominative case). The repeated use of this metaphor type female emphasizes the lamenters is worldview. For them the addressed not perceived in terms of personal ualities or skills, but in terms of the link between mother and child. The performer asks in her openin fe passage why the choice of conscriptfate to bn her kinsman; attributing his 4-7) is birth at the wrong moment (Il. (cf. a common motif in lyric poetry for Poem 248). Another common reason - is demisfortune — the will of God

731

veloped later, in the par of the lament

not published here when the performer ponders what her brother might have done to incur God's anger. The perform-

er also highlights the practical con-

cerns of army ‘life as seen from a woman's point of view. In order to be sure

of

receiving

sufficient

rations,

the

brother is urged to behave with humili-

ty before his superiors and God. The

performer suggests that had his mother own

his

fate,

she

would

have

left

him out to die when he was still in swaddling bands (cf. Poems 238, 239).

The lament concludes with the assertion that they have no choice but to accept their fate, wait for the birds to

trv.

formula, commonly used as the second component of Estonian conscript

See also pp. 410-11

jects which

the homeless in Baltic-Finnish oral poe-

poems,

Harva 1952: 141; Kavtas’kin 10

1975: 105-

is an inventory of material ob-

the departing son left be-

hind (a similar formula is common Mari poems, cf. Poent 307).

299. Where Will You Be Then?

See also p. 411 Tedre ERA IV: 232

Estonian Anon. Narva, Virumaa,

301. Mother, Why

Estonia

1897 J. Sirdnak Tedre ERA 3612

Do You Cry?

Mari Anon. Tsermesh-al/Chermyshevo,

bring news of the brother, and to ask

Estonia where it is of limited distribu-

See also p. 410

1905-06 A. Lebedev Wichmann Y. 1931: 173-74

occasionally also by men), style and

The

tion. Normally recited by women (very

Honko et al. MS 3719 and com.; Neno-

la-Kallio 1982: 52-55

this

and

Mordvin

Mordovian Republic

Kovylkino

raion,

1889 H. Paasonen Paasonen and Ravila 1947: 604-06

This conscript lament was addressed by a Moksha-Mordvin mother to her son as he left to join the army. Com-

posed in a tightly controlled style, im-

ages such as ‘living grave’ (1. 3) and the ‘four corners of the earth’ (1. 4) are typical of this genre. Underlying the

second of these images is a

Mordvin

belief that the world has four corners,

each one of which corresponds to one

of the four main compass points. A

wind mother sits in a great barrel at each corner of the world. For most of

the time the barrels are closed, but oc-

casionally the lid on one of them lifts up and a wind mother flies out causing the wind to blow from that point of the

compass (cf. p. 91). Other topoi, such as weapons to be the soldier’s wife and

friends, the earth and rain for his bed (cf. also Poem 282), are common in corre-

sponding laments and songs and also occur with reference to orphans and

732

suggest

that laments

of

type lie between traditional lament

and lyric poetry. No weeping, for example, interrupted the performance,

298. I Lay You in a Living Coffin Anon. Imalav/Mamolaevo,

performance

compared

to laments generally,

this type shows less evidence of improvisation in performance. Whether this style derives from an earlier local lam-

ent style, or whether it took shape as the result of later influence from nearby Vote tradition is uncertain. As conscription did not begin in Estonia until 1796, the associated

lament tradition is

in any case relatively recent. See also

Tedre E

p. 410

IV: 233

_Gorno-

mariiskii raion, Republic of Marii-El

This text represents a lament type known only in northern and eastern

the wind to carry their greetings to him.

in

inventory

of objects

associated

with the conscript and which remain

at home after his departure are a recurrent

songs

feature (cf.

in

Poems

most commonly

houses, chattels,

people.

The

west

302,

Mari 303,

conscript

307).

The

horses

and

mentioned objects are clothes,

humorous

incremental

component with which the present inventory ends probably symbolizes the new family symbiosis after the son’s

departure. The

formulaic

translation)

occurs,

rhetorical

uestion addressed to each member of the family (abbreviated in the English also

for example,

in Mari wedding poems performed on the arrival of the bridegroom's folk to fetch the bride.

300. The Last Bath

See also p. 411

Estonian Anon. Peetri, Jarvamaa, F. Russi

86

Saarinen

Estonia

302. The River Bank Is Left

1889 Tedre ERA 3586

‘The Last Bath’, composed

1990: 14-15; Sebeok 1974: 84-

in the nine-

teenth century, was performed by men in central Estonia. The opening refers toa ritual departure sauna (Il. 1-2). The

following three lines use a synecdochic

topos to indicate conscription and are followed by the widespread departure theme of the loss to the family of the son’s labour (Il. 6-9). An alternative

Mari Anon.

;

Tsibiknur, Medvedevo raion, Republic of Marii-E] Unknown T. Jevsevjev

Finno-Ugrian Society Archive: Jevsevjev MS 320

One of the most common metaphors in Mari

departure

materials

is illus-

trated in this sony: the departing conscript likened to a flowing river on the

banks of which relatives and friends are left standing (cf. Poem 303). Although stereotyped in structure and content, the anonymous performer has heightened the pathos by subtle allusion. The idea in which the spiral cul-

304.

Things Left

L. Kalman Ortutay and Katona 1975 (2): 322

Udmurt Ogapja Ivanovna, Mavra Petrovna Diftem/Dintem

Vam’ia,

raion, Udmurt Republic

This departure song is an early twenti-

Zav'ialovo

minates, ‘our name is left’, conveys the

B. Munkacsi Munkacsi 1887: 198

name is left.” In the Mari text, the same form of the verb (i.e. kodesh *remain’)

The distress caused by conscription is expressed in this Udmurt poem by the common device of recalling objects and people left behind after the conscript’s

normally unmentioned personal tragedy of conscription through its allusion to the Mari proverb: “A man dies, his

and the related syntactic features are repeated five times. The opposition be-

tween those remaining at home and the departing soldiers is thus dramatized and at the same time expresses the division of the singer into two parts: one

is leaving, the other — the inner person — stays at home.

departure (cf. Poem 301). An additional

feature of interest is the reference to the multi-ethnic population of the villages in this part of nineteenth-century Russia. It would not have been unusual for the same village to send to the army

Tatar, Russian and Udmurt conscripts.

This song seems to indicate that the Udmurt were the first to be sent to the

See also pp. 411-12

303. Like White Birches the Girls

305. Leaving Their Nests

Mari

Udmurt Anon.

Olga Stepanovna

Jurtoshur kaks’y/lurtoshur Kaksi, Mozh-

Wichmann

892 I. Filipov Wichmann Y. 1893b: 85

Y. 1931:

171

Relatives and friends watching the young Mari man disappear into the distance are described in this departure song in poignant nature similes, a feature also common in wedding poetry (ef. Poem 356) and other lyric songs,

where birches

often

ciated symbol

because

symbolize girls

which contrasts the flowing river with its stationary banks illustrates one of the most characteristic metaphors of

Mari conscript and wedding poetry (cf.

Poem 302).

See also pp. 411-12

Saarinen 1990: 32

the

Russia.

Hungarian , Anon. Torontal E hazaskér-Verbica, t 8 Transylvania, Romania

widespread popularity as a lyric poem, the present text retained its function as a soldier’s song only in Transylvania. See also p. 412

307. The Bride Weeps Mari Anon.

Az-jal/Az’ial, Morki raion, Republic of

Marii-E] 1912-28 T. Jevsevjev Finno-Ugrian Society Archive: Jevsevjev MS 178

last two lines. References to ‘thief’ (Il.

of conscription and the authorities responsible for it.

See also p. 412 308. Off to War Udmurt / Natal’ia Vasil’evna oblast’, Multan, Malmysh raion, Kirov Russian Federation

306. | Am a Soldier

Barly twentieth century

and

1,5) and ‘bear’ (J. 3) convey the loathing

symbolizing departure to distant parts,, pigeon are commonly the swallow, nce to nightingale or hawk. The refere of the tsar (1. 7) as the personificationconin conscription is a common topos

See also p. 412

of

spiral leading to the focal image in the

, The birds in the nature introduction

position of bee-keeping (cf. Poe 142). imilarly, the conclusion (Il 6-9),

Several

attention is drawn to the distress and light of the conscripts young wife. Phe structure of the poem is a Mari

Udmurt soldier's songs are often cast as a two-part quatrain (cf. pp. 54-55).

script poetry composed in

of the central

centuries.

Hungarian

hind, as in the present example, where

a raion, Udmurt Republic

and oaks boys; bees are a much appre-

nineteenth

of a

in the eighteenth

Mari conscript departure songs, composed and performed by the departing young men, normally focused on their emotions. In some variants — especially in the Az-jal district — the subject was the state of a person or object left be-

;

Jolasal/Elasy, Gornomariiskii raion, Re-

public of Marii-E] 1905-06 Y. Wichmann

version

older motifs remain (e.g. peace-keeping, mourning). Although it enjoyed

army.

See also BP 411-12 Sebeok 1974: 70-88

eth-century

song common

1885

1885

B. Munkacsi Coun

;

;

Munkacsi 1887: 197-98 of the This song captures the mood when the conscripts and their families

733

young men departed for the army in the late autumn as the first snow fell. The reference to the tsar at Il. 5-6 ts characteristic of Udmurt soldier's songs (cf. Poenr 305), although the purpose of the allusion varies. In some songs, the tsar svmbolizes the army; in others ~ as in the present text — both respect and anger are implicit in the performer's attitude. The sense of anger may on occasions be expressed without any attempt to veil the emo-

tion (e.g. ‘the tsar ate our heads’),

the form of address to the mother at the beginning of the poem (II. 1-2). The letter motif (cf. pp. 729, 731; Poci 295)

Wichmann Y. 1893b: 45

Mari Anon. Shernur/Sernur, Sernur raion, Repub-

lic of Marii-E} 1906 I. N. Nagorskich Wichmann Y. 1931: 257-58

‘deep bow made in church, cf. Ru. poklon; Mahosloviad, 1. 6, ‘blessing’ in the

versions generally omit the hate element and retain either praise of army life or add, as the second component,

1. 3, ‘greeting’ and, more specifically, a

strictly religious sense of the word, cf.

311. The Crown’s Hand Estonian Villem Breiberg Koeru, Jarvamaa, Estonia 1931

L. Ploompuu Tedre ERA 3641

The theme of this popular Mari con-

script song was also known among the Udmurts. The structure is a simple spiral with the focal image in the concluding two lines. The other components represent three life-symbols:

This Estonian conscript poem, a type performed by men, combines wide-

Mari

spread motifs in an original sequence. € poem's central idea is a characteristic theme of Estonian conscript poetry: comparison of one’s own misfor-

representive of the more eastern type in its concentration wholly on the sor-

Its context - the mustering of conscripts for transport to the army train-

the reference to the tsar at 1.6 see com.

of poetry. The road metaphor at Il. 813 was especially popular as an intro-

night,

road,

river.

Unlike

west

songs (cf. e.g. Poem 301), this text is rowful mood of the recruits with no reference to their families. Concerning to Poem 308.

Saarinen 1990: 15-16 310. Dear One

Who

Vepsian Anon. Shimgar’ /Shimozero,

the good fortune of others.

ing base — is also typical of this kind ductory

motif in north Estonian vari-

See also p. 412 Tedre ERA IV: 234 Bore Me

312. My Sword Rings Vytegra

raion,

Vologda oblast’, Russian Federation 1889 J. H. Kala Setala et al. 1951: 542

This Vepsian conscript plaint incorporates various lament features, including

734

tune with

ants of the poem.

See also p. 412

by the

present text, was followed by various themes such as the expression of hate for a particular enemy and the need to fight. Popularized in chap-books circu-

See also p. 412

309. How Long, How Short

he happy opening, represented

has been developed here into the main focus and given a symbolic protective function. The use of vocabulary specifically associated with Orthodox Church ceremony heightens the solemnitv of the performance (e.g. poklonad,

Ru. blagoslovenie).

See also p. 412

This Hungarian song originated as a roduct of government propaganda.

Hungarian Anon. Dombegyhaza, Csanad County, Hungary About 1900 From the notebook of an unknown easant

almany 1952: 241

lated by the authorities, such songs

found their way into oral tradition, par-

ticularly in southern Hungary. The oral

sentiments describing

the soldier's sor-

row at being apart from his beloved. Among infantry soldiers, the song later aquired an ironical sense. It may also have served as dance accompaniment.

See also p. 412 313. Home’s Best Hungarian Anon.

Probably Nagyabony, Pest county, Hungary Mid-nineteenth century Unknown Ortutay and Katona 1975 (2): 328 Originally a local soldier's song, the present Hungarian text circulated more widely as a march accompani-

ment. It became widespread through

inclusion by Kodaly in his folk opera based on the stories related by Janos Hary (cf. com. to Poem 117). The song

probably took shape during the years when the 32nd Infantry Regiment of the Austrian Imperial army, levied in

Nagyabony,

was garrisoned

(it was Austrian

in Milan

policy to station troops

far away from their home district), i-e. between 1838 and 1851. See also p. 412 314. In Kossuth’s Camp Hungarian Anon.

Kassa, Slovakia

1916 Z. Kodaly Ortutay and Katona 1975 (2): 279

Known

throughout

the

Hungarian-

speaking regions, this is one of the few

traditional

soldier's

songs

to remain

popular with soldiers after the Second orld War. The reference to Kossuth

in the opening line indicates composition at the time of the 1848-49 Hunarian War of Independence (cf. Poe 91).

The present text, which the collect ors classified as a garrison song, is a com-

osite of materials from several wellnown poems; the third stanza was especially widespread. The components include conscript-poem materials. The reference to the length of

service in the opening line refers to the time served by the conscript in the Aus-

trian Imperial army in the first half of

See also p. 412

the nineteenth century.

315. Who Has Seen Him Weep?

See also p. 416

Mordvin

F. I. Panisheva

Tashto

Shentala/Staraia

Shentala,

Shentala raion, Samara oblast’, Russian

Federation 1956 L. S. Kavtas’kin UPTM 2: 302-04

The present Mordvin text illustrates several characteristic features of conscript poetry. Frequently close in theme to corresponding Russian matetials, from which there was considerable borrowing, these features include performance by a woman (thought to explain the absence in Mordvin conscript songs of battle descriptions or teference

to

heroic

virtues,

and

the

presence of some affinity of content

with poems about women’s fate), the prominence given to the theme of searation from home and family, and a

frequent focus on the severity of train-

ing and hardships of garrison life. The emphasis of the song is also distinctively Mord vin: the loneliness of the Mordvin soldier surrounded by Russians and Tatars (cf. I. 10-20). See also p. 412 Shuliaev 1975: 298-99; UPTM 316. My

2: 356

Sorrowful Days

Hungarian Anon.

317. Who Will Collect Our Bones? Udmurt Vasilii Semenov Ul6én-gurt/Oshtorma Ium‘ia, Kukmor raion, Republic of Tatarstan 1916

B. Munkacsi Munkacsi and Fuchs 1952: 336-37

This variant of a widespread Udmurt

soldier’s song was collected in circumstances unusually pertinent to its theme. The informant was one of several Udmurt soldiers serving in the Russian army during the First World War, who were captured and held as prisoners-of-war at a camp in Esztergom, Hungary. The present text is of particular interest in that it was also known in several other of the languages spoken in the Volga-Ural region with variants

recorded

in Mari,

Chuvash

and Tatar. Although the swan motif occurs in all the variants, the conclud-

ing idea varies. The Chuvash perforus mer asks: ‘Who will worry about will here?’; in the Tatar version: ‘Who

bury

you?’; and in the Mari version:

lives? ‘Who will protect our young See

also p. 416

Benzing

953:

218; Honko

Sebeok 1974: 122-23

1985:

137;

Kokvitsa, Vym region, Republic of Ko-

mi 1901-02

Y. Wichmann Wichmann Y. 1916: 197-200

Several versions have been recorded of this widespread ballad-like Komi poem. Some concentrate on the meet-

ing of the two lovers, in others the description of war and the soldiers’ tragic fate form the main focus. The poem itself is an example of comparatively recent syncreticism in which the influence of Russian historical and soldier's songs is prominent. The present text retains the main theme of the corresponding Russian materials: Kazan’ as the symbol of both happiness and death. The Russian ‘Kazan’ Town’ has become ‘Kazan Hill’ in the Komi version. The contrasting images in Russian tradition are: freshly ploughed field / field of blood; threshing/battle; treasure/bones along the riverbank; the Komi performers, on the other hand, preferred oppositions such as: rivers of blood/wine; streams/ tears;

grass/hair;

stones/skulls.

The

Komi imagery also has some affinity with Baltic-Finnish poems about war and with Slavic and Baltic-Finnish oems in which the dead send warnings to their living descendants (cf. Poems 252, 253, 282, 283). Russian features have also been changed in the process of adaptation to Komi structural forms. The two-part parallelism characteristic of the Russian poem, for example, has been adapted toa pical three-part Komi structure (e.g.‘By KaHill there flows a river / a river zan does not flow there / the tears of soldiers flow there’). As the ancient centre of the region, Kazan’ city occurs promlnently as a symbol in the oral tradition of the surrounding peoples. Popular

among the Mordvins, for example, was an epic song in which a young Mordvin engirl had to be sacrified in order to the sure the successful construction of

city (a theme known in many parts of Europe, cf. Poem 211 and com.).

Magyarhermany, Udvarhely County, Transylvania, Romania

318. Kazan Hill

See also p. 416 1973: Mackaev'l 964: 79-112; Mikushev

E. Benedek, J. Sebesi

Komi Klimushev

271; Oinas 1969: 137-50

1880s

Ortutay and Katona 1975 (2): 329

1966: 208-19; Mikushev and Chistalev

735

319. Swan, Eagle, Swallows Komi

Female five-voice choir

L’al‘i, Kniazh-Pogost raion, Republic of

Komi

1964 K. Rédei Rédei 1978: 162-65

dead son. The text is the opening section of a dramatically structured poem some two hundred lines in length. The series of rhetorical questions with

which the performer begins (Il. 1-3) is

a typical stylistic feature of Mordvin funeral lament and wedding poetry. The handling of the imagery, however,

indicates a performer of exceptional sensitivity

and

imagination.

The de-

This Komi text is a version of a wide-

claration of her son’s death at ll. 4-11

song. In some variants, the wife's tears are said to ‘dry like the morning dew and she remarries (an ironical feature Teminiscent of various Baltic-Finnish

cond series of rhetorical questions (Il. 12-20) about the fate of her son's

spread

and

probably

old

lyric-epic

sets out the reasons for mourning in a factual manner before shifting to a se-

dead son is greater than the grief of

corpse. This passage incorporates the widespread theme of birds and fish feeding on the corpse. The performer returns to the imagined moment of

particular variant shows the flexibility of the main theme. Here the wife's grief

lament into a general condemnation of war (Il. 27-32).

songs about family relationships). The theme is how a mother’s grief

for her

riage settlement: “Eagle song’ (Il. 1-19), and ‘Enquiry song” (IL. 20-33) of which only the opening 1s published here. ‘Eagle song’ probably originated as part of the rites performed at the bride's home in confirmation of the marriage settlement, although it is also known to have been performed on the occasion of the betrothal. The epically struc-

tured

description

of

the

eagle

is

thought to derive from a very old type of wedding poetry associated with hunting culture. In “Enquiry song’, the emphasis is more on agrarian tradition.

Association with what was perceived as courtly custom accounts for the personified

noun-attribute

20, 29), derived

tent-shaped

from

bed

teltamoine

(IL

the image of the

curtain.

‘Enquiry

death (Il. 21-26) before developing her

song’ is structured as a dialogue be-

The remaining part of the lament, omitted here, elaborates the horrors of

25-33). The bridegroom’s answer to the

is contrasted with that of the sister's momentary sorrow (‘morning dew’, |.

of death personified. Knife in hand, a cup of poison in his bag, death seizes

lines, omitted here, are rich in imagery

based

waist and head. Traditional Mordvin concepts of the soul may be reflected in the closing lines as the mother ima-

any other of the deceased's kin. This

is presented as being as powerful and as lasting as the mother’s (cf. ‘swift

stream’,

I]. 22, 27). Together their grief

24). Although it appears to have been on

a

Russian

version

(You

Mountains of Vorob’ev’), this song has

incorpora ted many Komi features. The motif of birds as carriers of news is common

in soldier's songs

(cf. Poem

tween the bride's mother (I. 20-24) and

the bridegroom or his spokesman (Il.

war, concluding with a vivid portrayal

first question (Il. 25-27) refers to smoke from the house-fire. The remaining 64

her son

drawn from agrarian culture. The mother praises her daughter's skills

by his

trembling

feet, hands,

gines the circumstances in which her son's soul left his body and bade fare-

and diligence, regretting in conclusion

that she neglected to build a secret ca-

bin where her daughter could have hidden at the approach of suitors.

well to its corpse: "Farewell, farewell

tion of motif, imagery and narrative.

my body: we lived together, together we suffered want.’

See also p. 461 Harva 1929: 7-55; Sarmela 1981b: 30-31

See also p. 412 Mikushev 1956: 42-43; Mikushev 1973:

See also pp. 412-13

322. The Betrothed

285); other bird motifs have also been

incorporated creating a rich combina-

219-23; Mikushev and Chistalev 1966: 7,271; Mikushev et al. 1971: 38-40, 230;

Wichmann Y. 1916: 219

Shugurovo,

Bol’shie

Mordovian Republic 1950 F. A. Makarov UPTM 7 (1): 334-37

Berezniki

raion,

The revival of the Mordvin lament tradition during the Second World War and afterwards is illustrated by this lam-

ent performed

736

1983: 35; Harva

1952: 21

Ingrian

Anon. Kallivieri /Kallivere, Kingisepp raion, Leningrad oblast’, Russian Fe eration

IX Marrying

320. How Shall I Calm My Breast? Mordvin Ekaterina Andreevna Kaliadina

Dugantsy

by a mother for her

1858 J. Lankela

321. The Eagle Karelian Miitrei’s widow Kivijarvi, Kalevala Karelia

Honko

raion,

Republic

of

1871

A. A. Borenius

SKVR 131515

This text comes from a Karelian sequence in which two separate songs were performed in confirmation of the mar-

et al. MS

2808

This betrothal Jament comes from the wedding tradition of the Lutheran Inrians of western Ingria. It was perormed by the newly-betrothed girl immediately after her parents had agreed to the marriage and the suitor’s spokesman had left to take the news back to the suitor’s home. The text illustrates two of the most common Ingrian wedding-lament motifs: the question

whether betrothal is punishment for

46

disobedience (1. 1-16), and the wish to spend one more vear at home (IL. 17+

18). Lutheran

Ingrians borrowed

their

lament tradition for the most part from their Orthodox neighbours, although it

subsequently underwent considerable modification and development within the framework of the grians’ own tradition.

Wutheran

In-

Me

when her parents married her toa man without her consent. To another collec-

tor, for whom she also performed the

present

for a Fair Grave

Vote Tanja, Volodja‘s wife

Kattila/Kotly, Kingisepp raion, Leninrad oblast’, Russian

901

Federation

was

celebrate the betrothal honour of the bridal new family relationand her female friends

in another

bride offered

room

where

the

them drink brought by

the spokesman. After the groom’s fol

had

left, the bride began an elaborate

lament rite, lamenting

to all the mem-

bers of her family in turn. The present

text was addressed to the mother. In addition to the usual plaints, the con-

cluding passage (11. 23-32) incorporates the theme of wishing to be dead, common in female lyric poetry throughout Fp) alte Finnish area (cf. Poems 238, See also p. 461 Honko

et al. MS

47 THE GREAT BEAR

she

variation, the two recorded versions of

Shutiaeva

content,

the text

conveys a wide scale of emotional states and illustrates clearly the factual

simplicity

and

forthright statement

characteristic of Tver’-Karelian laments. It also provides examples of the most

common

motifs

on

which

lam-

enters drew: loss of maidenhood and freedom; resistance to the idea of mar-

riage; the wish to remain at home for

another year; the girl's fear of being a burden to her parents; expectation of visiting the parents’ home after marriage. See also p. 461 Virtaranta and Virtaranta 1986: 203-04 325. The Deal Done

trothal period could

weeks,

during

which

last for several time

the bride

was known as maksan’kaj (betrothed one). The negotiations between the two families were followed by a feast which the bride and the groom did not attend. The groom stayed at his parents’ home, while the bride visited her friends and

only returned home as the guests were

about to leave. Feigning surprise at the crowd of people in herhome, the bride

performed the present lament. The

protests

and

ad-

reproaches

dressed to the father, with which the lament begins, are stock materials. A distinctive Mordvin feature is the death theme at I]. 26-37, expressing the bride’s desire to sit on the bench where the dead are laid out. Her wish to es-

cape this world by ascending to the sky in a cradle has been compared to the cradle motif in Ob-Ugrian and Finnish bear poetry, although in bear poetry it is descent to earth, rather than ascent,

which is depicted in such terms (cf. Poems 27, 29, 43, 44, 92).

See also p. 461

Bartens 1990b: 107-23; UPTM 6 (1): 315,

466-67

326. Wedding Preparations Mari Sof’ia Ivanovna Kvardakova Kuvan-Kolmash, Urzhum raion, Kirov oblast’, Russian Federation

1950-70

D. Kul’shetov Kul’shetov 1971: 102-03

MordoSabancheevo, Atiashevo raion, vian Republic A. G. Borisov

or the bridal couple.

Anna Mikhailovna Kozlova

sul itors i age of Sabancheevo, the vill e and settled matters

asgtomarily cam

= including the bride-prist

/

shook hands; thereafter the marriage settlement was irrevocable. The be-

This widespread east Mari poem Is a succinct impressionist sketch of the principal features of the wedding preparations. It is cast in a Mari spiral structure which, depending on the

Mordvin

UPTM 6 (1): 316-18

Kozlova, Spirovo raion, Tver’ oblast’, Russian Federation 1977

1970s,

1962

2725 com.

324. Don’t Hurry to Strip Me Karelian Anna Andreevna

the

claimed to have learnt the lament from a girl in her village, who had performed it prostrate at her father’s feet after being betrothed against her will (cf. 1. 11). Apart from typical lexical

ed in structure and

the first of a series

had been formally agreed, the brideroom’s folk and the villagers who had

remained

in

essentially formulaic and relatively fix-

performed by a Vote bride as part of the wedding rites. Once the betrothal

een invited to drank toasts in couple and the ship. The bride

lament

the lament differ only in the order in which the motifs are arranged. Though

V. Alava Honko et al. MS 2725 This lament

This text, a newly-betrothed girl’s lament to her father, was performed by one of the best Tver’-Karelian lamenters (born 1910), According to the lamenter, she had first performed wed-

ding laments at her own wedding

See also p. 461 Honko et al. MS 2808 com. 323. Swaddle

L. Honko Turku University Folklore Archive: audio tape Honko77/58 meas

of detail ’sparents ha on the day after the rideAfter Fear hing l. otha betr the to eed agr of the settlement, the fathers a their mittens and on put om gro and

bride variant, culminates in either the

See also p. 461 143, 155 Vikar and Bereczki 1971: 66, Sauna 327. They Have Heated the

Vepsian Maria, Rod’ka's daughter

737

Enarv/Vonozero, Lodeinve Pole raion, Leningrad oblast’, Russtan Federation

1916

A. O. Vaisanen

Finnish Literature Society Folklore Archive: Vaisanen MS 19 So strongly was Vepsian wedding tra-

dition influenced by that of the neigh-

bouring Russians that most of the songs accompanying it were performed in Russian. Wedding laments, however, formed an exception, and were performed in Vepsian at three

phases in the wedding rites: at the betrothal, in connection with the ‘virgin

sauna’ on the wedding eve, and on the

wedding day. A feature characteristic of Vepsian wedding laments is their

dialogue form. The present south Vep-

sian text is the opening of a lament dialogue between the bride and her female friends, performed

on the eve of

the wedding as they led her to the ritual ‘virgin sauna’. Among Vepsians further north, where the same ritual sauna

was

customary,

entry

into

the bath-

house was often preceded by the bride being driven around the village by a male relative. On some occasions, she

was also taken to see her new home.

In the remaining part of the lament, omitted here, the bride sings about the

uncertainty of her fate in her new

home. The phrase ‘to a strange shore’ (Il. 8, 19) is a common topos in Vepsian lament and lyric poetry (cf. Poent 296).

See also p. 461

Kettunen 1925b: 47; Perttola 51; Salve 1986: 253-71

328.

Bathe Me Hands

with

Your

MS:

37-

Luckier

Karelian

Mistress of Rantsi holding Karkku, Pitkadranta raion, Republic of

Karelia 1934

when the unmarried girls of the village

Vologda oblast’, Russian Federation

came to fetch her for the ritual ‘virgin sauna’ (cf. Poem 327). The rite symbol-

Setala et al. 1951: 310-11

(i.e. ‘vou who wear gold braids’, |. 7) ized the end of the bride's maiden-

hood. The transition to her new life was marked by putting on her wedding

clothes (cf. I. 16-17). See also pp. 461-62

Ojajarvi 1959: 294-97; Sarmela 21

Finnish Literature Society Folklore Ar-

1977

L. Honko Turku University Folklore Archive: audio tape Honko 77/82

fewer

mother’s

than

daughter on her wedding morning, and later the same day as the bride put

on her wedding clothes. Mother's laments drew for the most part on the same stock of materials as the bride’s laments. The statement

about the groom (II. 15-23) and the wish to remain at home one more year (11. 28-30) are common motifs throughout Tver’ Karelia. The one feature peculiar to the mother’s lament is the un-

the killin

this rite took

moved

to

another

house.

place

home had

Having

sought the blessing of her relatives, the

bride went out into the yard and knelt ona large cloth before the steps leading into the house. As she was performing

the lament, a female relative untied the

cord at the nape of the bride’s neck and

let her hair fall loose.

See also p. 462 Holmberg 165-75;

1924:

Mahler

9-12;

1960:

Konkka

229-53;

MS: 37; Salve 1986: 260-61

1985:

Perttola

331. A Bride and Her Beauty Komi

Mariia Ivanovna levleva Noshul’, Luza region, Republic of Ko-

mi

1961

P. I. Chistalev Mikushev and Chistalev 1966: 238-39

derlying idea expressed at ll. 25-26 that she could have helped her daughter

With

See also p. 462

performed on the wedding day after

find a better husband had she known earlier of her daughter's wish to marry. 1936: 179; Virtaranta

Vepsian Anon.

738

laments

bride's laments have been collected, indicating that their performance probably occupied a less prominent role in Tver’-Karelian wedding rites. There were two occasions in the wedding when a Tver’-Karelian mother was expected to lament: when she woke her

Laments of the present type were perKarelia by the bride

ing to one source,

oblast’, Russian Federation

330. My White Freedom

ding in Ladoga

poetic fantasies, depicting

on the wedding day at the bride's after the groom and his family

Shubatshikha, Maksatikha raion, Tver’

chive: Haavio MS 1615

formed on the evening before the wed-

anxiety finds expression in a series of erformed by the bride after she had een told to let down her hair. Accord-

Karelian Mariia Filippovna Belova

Far

The present Vepsian lament conveys the bride's anxietv about the fate of her maidenhood (‘freedom’) once she has entered into her new social state. This of the freedom as it wanders alone, an

329. The Bride’s Mother

Alava

M. Haavio

1981a:

1888-89 E.N. Setala

Shimgar’/Shimozero,

1961: 164

Udora

the exception of the Izhma and areas,

lament

raion,

by

the

taking the ritual sauna and before setting off for the actual marriage ceremony. Laments of this type could also be performed before the ritual sauna and sometimes on the evening before

the wedding. In the

Vytegra

farewells

bride to her maidenhood beauty occupied an important position in Komi wedding laments. The present text was

present text, the

personified maidenhood wanders alone in search of a new home. The

bride’s concern in the account

maidenhood) 332).

for ils fate is presented of her ‘beauty’s’ (i.e.

journey

(ef. Poenis 330,

See also p. 462

Mikushev and Chistalev 1966: 281; Ple-

sovskii 1968: 45, 52-54, 207-14

was heated and a departure song performed either as he was going to the

sauna or at the sauna door while he was bathing. Various themes in the departure song have also been recorded in the southern parts of the Baltic-Finnish region (cf. Poein 334). Departure

songs of this kind are normally structured as a dialogue between brother

and sister (although it is possible that

332. The Bridesmaid to the Bride

‘my brother’ is merely a convention used by a mother and nota sister). They are in two parts: bathing song, dressing song. In the former, the groom asks the members of his family to heat the sauna

335. The Winding Way Mari Anon. Polanur, Medvedevo of Marii-E]

raion, Republic

1912-18 T. Jevsevjev Finno-Ugrian Society Archive: Jevsevjev MS 307

See also p. 462 Harva 1929: 56-57; Sarmela 1981b: 29

The present song was performed in some Mari areas by the groom's folk as they arrived at the bride’s home for the wedding. The description of the journey — the main theme of this widespread song — recurs in most variants together with the accompanying age variation of the stallion and verb repetition; only the opening and closing passages display some variation of content. The silk-thread motif at the beginning of the text is a popular metahor for life in Mari oral poetry (cf.

oems 330, 331). The same theme is common in bride’s laments, the context

334. Bathe, Bathe, My Brother

See also p. 462 Wichmann 1931: 282

the present performance, it was the bridesmaid who lamented, as she and

Vote Tan’a, Volod’a’s wife

336. Who Are These People Coming?

Komi

Dovnia Popova Letka village, Luza region, Republic of

Komi 1901-02

Y. Wichmann Wichmann Y. 1916: 287-89 The main

theme of this lament — the

harsh fate awaiting the bride’s maidenhood once separated from her by the transition to

her new social state - is

for him. In the present fragment, the

mother or sister urges him to take the last sauna of his childhood. The dressing poems focus on the groom’s request to his mother to bring him his wedding clothes.

perceived in very realistic images (cf. in which it occurs most frequently. In the bride sat side by side with

their

heads covered by a single cloth. The

structure of the lament — introductory

Kattila/Kotly, Kingisepp raion, Leninrad oblast’; Russian Federation 901

thetorical questions (Il. 1-16) followed

V. Alava SKVR IV 4712

recurrent beauty epithet jugyd lunandj (bright daystar).

The groom’s ritual sauna on the evening Before the wedding, a characteristic and of wedding rites in Archangel

by a series of statements — is characteristic of Letka local tradition, as too the

ocOlonets Karelia (cf. Poem 333), also

See also p. 462 Plesovskii 1968: 222 333. The

Bridegroom’s

Bath

Karelian Okki Gordeinen Repola/Reboly, Muezersk public of Karelia 1877

raion, Re-

A. A. Borenius

SKVR

II 461

In Archangel and Olonets Karelia, the first stage in the wedding was marked preparations before by the groom’s leaving for the bride’s home. The sauna

in Incupied an important position rn Ingrian and Vote tradition in westeat the gria. There the bathing rite by a room’s home was accompanied the girls of Bathin song erformed by ce to the the village either in the entran Ingrians the sauna or outside. Among were adand Votes, the same songs

with dressed to the bride andin groom the opening minimal variation

only thepresent te lines. A basic feature in In three groom the of ng washi is the

different kinds of water.

See also p. 462 ; Salminen 1929: Salminen 1917: 5 0-70

106-14

oems 3, 68).

Karelian Okki Gordeinen Repola/Reboly, Muezersk

public of Karelia 1877

raion,

Re-

A. A. Borenius

SKVR II 488

This song, performed on the arrival of the groom and his folk at the bride’s home, consists of a series of questions

and answers conveying praise and gratitude. Enquiries about the identit and standing of the approaching people are followed by advice to the household, delivered in extended, ceremoniousl courteous passages, about the hospital

his ity to be shown to the groom on arrival. the The present text reproduces only conopening of the 169-line poem. The entry finuation describes the groom’s ainto the bride’s house and is accomp praise. nied by further expressions of an epic The poem is characterized by fantasy. quality in its level and scale of

739

Certain of the features in this and other wedding

poems

recur

frequently

in

Finnish and Karelian oral epic. In particular, the harness-decoration svnecdoche (Il. 35-46) and the horse-movement hyperbole (Il. 20-24) are wide-

spread as a device to depict travel. See also BP. 462-63, 465

Harva 1929: 68-127; Sarmela 1981b: 29-

30

337. When They Come for the Bride

See also

p. 463

Alava 1908: 28; Salminen Setala et al. 1951: 313

1929: 136-38;

in barrels (Il 19-20) is a relic of the practice of burving

Mishkino

raion,

Republic of Bashkortostan 1964

340. Hail Moon, Hail Sun Ol’a Saatina, Kingisepp raion, Leningrad oblast’, Russian Federation 1892 V. Alava SKVR III 2265

wedding

This Ingrian greeting - also known in

L. Vikar Vikar and Bereczki 1971: 119-120

Ingrian

Federation

This

song

going to fetch the bride, when entering the gate of the bride's parents, when looking for the bride, when presenting

Kattila/Kotly, Kingisepp raion, Lenin-

Vote

wedding

was

alternately at the various stages of the

per-

formed by the bride’s folk as the groom and his folk were coming to fetch the bride. Many kinds of rites took place at this phase in the Vote wedding, inGuding the groom's driving all round the village before his arrival at the

bride’s Bouse, performance of the bride’s laments and performance of songs by the bride’s folk. The present

song emphasizes with particular force the contradictory duality with which the groom is received. On the one hand, he is perceived as a dangerous enemy, while on the other, he has to be treated

and addressed as the most honoured of all the guests.

The substance of the Vote song can

be compared

to that of the Karelian

poem on the same theme (cf. Poem 336) and also to arrival poetry in Vepsian

wedding tradition. In a Vepsian lament, for example, the bride compares the approaching bridegroom - as here

— to a

black cloud:

A dark cloud looms, there is

a great rush, a great roar over my dear father’s house: the sweet windows darken

the bright panes rust over.

That cloud has risen over my white

freedom over my free will ... (tr. Keith Bosley)

740

and other

See also p. 463 Salminen 1917: 180-202

Mari A. A. Ainusheva Mishkan/Mishkino,

tad oblast’, Russian 844 E. Lonnrot SKVR IV 4635

Ivanovna

money

valuables in times of danger.

338. The Strawberries

According to the collector, the present widespread wedding song was probably performed by the groom’s family: “Males and females sing it together or

Vote Anna

the icon. The eulogy of the house at i. 3-9 is a topos symbolizing good life and happiness. The reference to money

festival,

for example,

when

Estonia - was sung by

the girls of the

bride's village to the groom after he

See also p. 463

had taken his place at the weddingfeast table. Variants elaborate in ceremonial detail his attire from his hat down to his boots. The sun and moon metaphors (Il. 1-2) are thought to re-

339. The Best Seat

velopment of the poem. The greeting could be followed by a livel exchange of questions between members of the

Ingrian

mand

the various dishes, down at the table.”

or

when

sitting

Vikar and Bereczki 1971: 395

present

tion

rai-

Federa-

1891

V. Alava

SKVR

early

phase

two families, culminating

Sashka Fokaiovna Laukaansuu /Ist’-Luga, Kingisepp

on, Leningrad oblast’, Russian

an

If] 1915

This west Ingrian song opens with a

reeting poem addressed to the bride’s

amily and house by the groom and his

folk as they arrive at her home (Il. 19). The performer has elaborated the reeting by linking it to the popular

ngrian poem about ‘buying’ a place at the wedding feast (II. 10ff.), which was

normally performed by the female members of the groom's company as members of his family threw coins into a vase or sieve on the table in ‘purchase’ of their places. In the present text, the groom’s spokesman is instructed to be generous to ensure that the groom

is given the place of honour beneath

of the groom's

folk

in

the de-

in the de-

to see the

bride. Her family replies that she is in

the storehouse and asks whether the groom's family possesses the means to persuade her to come out. The present variant shifts at 1. 6 direct to the theme of the bride’s whereabouts. Once the exchange had ended, someone went to

fetch the bride. In the continuation of this variant, omitted

folk tease the groom

here,

the bride’s

with questions

about his appearance and his ability to perform even the most simple of tasks. See also p. 463 Salminen

1917: 216-24

341. Maid’s

Estate

Mordvin

‘Auntie’ Palaga ; Inelej/Velikii Vrag, Shatki raion, Nizh-

nii

tion

Novgorod oblast’, Russian Federa-

1899

H. Paasonen Paasonen and

village of Velikii Vrag, the young Ravila

This Mordvin text ts the opening of a longer poem, itself part of a sequence comprising 345 lines and

performed at

various phases in the wedding rites by the first bridesmaid (Md. kud-ava, lit. house mother, although frequently — as

in the present performance — the term

sualia is used, cf. Ru. seaklia ‘female matchmaker’). The ritual phases, when

the first bridesmaid performed, were twelve in number. She sang first as she left her own home on the morning of the

wedding;

through

her

song

she

sought the understanding of the Rouse spirit and the blessing of her parentsin-law to aid her in her task. Her second performance was on arrival at the ridegroom’s

home,

when

she stated

her business and asked for a helper. The third song advised the helper to

continue the presentations if she — the first bridesmaid - became too drunk to goon. As they climbed into the carriage to go to the bride’s house, the fourth

song — seeking a blessing from the vil-

lage’s guardian spirit — was performed. She sang her fifth song as the whole arty - bridesmaids and the groom’s olk — left for the bride’s home; once again the understanding of the house spirit and the blessing of the parentsin-law were sought, and the destination of the journey was stated. The arrival at the bride’s home took place in three clearly structured ritual phases, each of which was the occasion of per-

formance by the first bridesmaid: out-

side the yard gate when the house and icons were praised and _ greetings presented; on asking for candles after entering the yard; and on entering the house when, after praising the house spirit and seeking its indulgence, the

house was ninth

praised

phase was

men

carried the weeping bride to the house of a nearby relative. In the continuation

1939; 335-36

once again. The

the fetching of the

bride from her hiding place. The present text is ihe opening of the

song performed at the ninth phase. The custom of concealing the bride on the approach of the groom’s folk formed one of the most important episodes in Mordvin wedding rites. The moment and place of concealment varied. At the end of the nineteenth century in the

of the poem, which is not published here, the performer addressed a

ritual

to the bride and her female

greeting

the riends before expressing thankats,

See also p. 463 Alho 19 9: 40-43; Nenola-Kallio 1981: 72; Salminen 1917: 310-11, 352-57 343. Grief Comes Like Winter's Cold

tenth phase, to the bride for her gift. The eleventh phase took place on ar-

Mari Anon.

bridesmaid performed a greeting to all the women present. Her twelfth and last performance was at the groom's

mariiskii raion, Republic of Marii-El 1905-06 A. Lebedev Wichmann Y. 1931: 221-22

at

rival

church,

the

when

the

first

home after the priest had left the feast.

In the song, which is addressed to the

deity, Vere-pas, she tells how

supreme

she went to a great river and saw a old and silver duck swimming. She

caught

it, held

it to her

warmed it with her breath.

heart

and

Tsermesh-al/Chermyshevo,

Haméalainen 1913: 63-64, 72-74; Paasonen and Ravila 1939: 314-41

Gorno-

Although no evidence survives of Mari

wedding laments, the present text - a popular wedding song - bears all the

characteristics of

the weeping

songs

performed, for example, in Ingria and arelia in order to induce in the bride

mind. Plaint themes, compiled from a

series of unfulfilled wishes (cf. Il. 215), were popular in Mari conscript and

wedding songs and also occurred in ordinary lyric songs (cf. Poem 222). In

342, Making the Bride Weep

the present text, the effect of the plaint

theme is heightened by the simple similes in the final stanza: stone, rain,

Ingrian Sonja, Rikko’s wife 1893

wind. The same imagery symbolizes Mari lyric songs. an orphan’s life in Angelica (cf. |. 14) alludes to a delicacy popular with Mari children.

SKVR IV 2428

See also pp. 463-64, 465

raion, Leningrad Rondéla, Gachina oblast’, Russian Federation E. Saarinen

In

Ingrian

songs’,

the bride

7 3-

an appropriately sorrowful frame of

See also p. 463

and

2n

Karelian was

told

‘weeping

that she

had would find her childhood home the changed on her next visit there;

be highthreshold, for example, would

dead. Iner and her parents would be songs rian singers im rovised the s own bride' which compared life in the home from home with that in her new by means ials mater stock e priat appro about the ofa collage technique. Songs daughterswhich in tions condi harsh the source in-law lived were frequently nt text, prese the In als. of such materi a wee ‘ of ng openi l typica ll. 1-12 area at . ge, passa ing ollow ing song. The ce topos lyric read 13-17, is a wides ihe life. of es phas noting the critica at Il. time of g passin topos of the slow requently in Ingrian 20-27 also occurs serf songs.

Vikar and Bereczki 1971: 447 344, Bride’s Lament

Udmurt Anon. Dz’any /Bol’shoi Karlygan, Mari Turek raion, Republic of Manii-El

1891-92

Y. Wichmann Wichmann Y. 1893b: 63-65

en

shifts from one motif to

The sudd lament another in the present Udmurt underlyindicate improvisation. The same as

the ing themes, however, are Udmurt wedthose in the few recorded in wedding lading laments and also include the ments elsewhere. These

ish to stay

atl

3 (cf.

at home

for one more

yea

's Poems 322, 345), the bride

741

future life in her husband's home, the bride’s hope to return to her parents’ home at some stage (conveved at I. 32 by bird imagery), and the bride's gentle rebuke of her mother for giving her away. The strong bond between mo-

ther and daughter implicit in this lament (cf. Il. 6-7, 25-28) indicates probable

performance

ridegroom’s

as the bride set out for the

home.

The

head-dress

346. Brothers, You Have Got Up Early

wedding,

Mordvin Anon.

Imalav / Mamolaevo, Kovylkino raion,

Mordovian Republic 1889

H. Paasonen Paasonen and

Ravila

See also p. 464

wife, to lament before she left her arents home. The two women sat side y side with their heads covered by the same linen cloth. The bride's compan-

Ust’-Sysol’sk/Syktyvkar,

ion,

Komi 1901-02 Y. Wichmann Wichmann Y. 1916: 263-67

Republic of

Komi lament type which was normally

performed by the bride to her father after the handshake in confirmation of

agreement.

These

fea-

tures include an opening series of elaborate

endearments,

Moksha-Mordvin

account,

who

words:

acted

performance

as lead

‘Departed

the

bride

by her brother's

with

singer,

began

the followin

grandfathers

an

zrandmothers, / Departed fathers-inaw and mothers-in-law! / Give me a voice that sounds like a Moscow bell,

/ words that are like choice peas! /

The present text preserves relatively intact all the characteristic features of the

the marriage

the

own

was invited, generally

the

Komi Anon.

to

a reproach

ques-

tion (‘so why did you want/to give me away’, ll. 4-5), and a concluding ex-

pression of gratitude. The performer also drew on materials occurring more commonly in laments addressed by the bride to her mother (e.g. the waking

and rising motif at ll. 15-24). The performance of the girl’s household duties

Kalega, my sister-in-law, / let your dear mother / hear these words, this

voice!’ The

lead

bride alone under

singer then

left the

the cloth, while the

latter performed a series of laments to

each of her close relatives in turn. First,

the bride addressed her parents, asking why there was no longer a place for her at home despite all

She then turned

her hard work.

to her brothers and

performed the present lament of which only

the bitter opening

part is pub-

lished here. In the continuation, the per-

former

describes

the

loss

of

her

maidenhood (cf. p. 462). After the per-

formance, her brothers took her by the arms and led her, still weeping and lamenting, out of the house, across the

after her marriage (II. 31-33) and the

yard and into the carriage waiting to take her to the church.

cf. Poems 322, 344) are widespread wed-

See also p. 464

wish to stay at home for at least one more year, even as a beggar (Il. 60-68; ding-lament

themes.

Some

of

the

themes and motifs appear to have been

borrowed from corresponding Russian tradition (e6. description of the father’s rising, thought of returning home after marriage, expressions of gratitude). See also

p. 464

Haavio 1930: 9-22, 39-46: and Chistalev 1966: 281;

1968: 181-88

742

Mikushev Plesovskii

Paasonen and Ravila 1947: 513-19

347. Litany Komi Anon.

Ust’-Sysol’sk/Syktyvkar, Komi

1901-02

Y. Wichmann Wichmann Y. 1916: 256-59

of God

customarily

According

performer's

tradition.

In

some

districts,

the saints,

the bride

blessing laments were performed after the betrothal ceremony, elsewhere before the ritual sauna or before departure to church. In addition to the blessing

1947: 515-17

(tat’a) referred to at I]. 37-38 is a tvpe worn by unmarried girls.

345. The Bride to Her Father

Laments evoking blessings for the bride were an essential part of Komi

and

sought

the

blessing

of

close relatives such as her parents, brothers, sisters and godparents. The present lament, performed b

the bride beneath the family icon (cf. f 9), opens with a request for the blessing of Jesus. The performer makes formulaic use of nature similes in the enumeration of the blessings required; the use of nature similes is repeated in the main section of the poem (Il. 1452). A series of hyperbolical statements raises the excellence of the icon corner fi 9-13), after which the bride ex-

presses a sense of fear for the future,

conveyed through similes associated with stones and trees (Il. 14-25). Uncertainty about the future is also conveyed by the metaphor of the bride falling into the river and being carried to the open sea in the final part of the lament. e river/sea imagery is suggestive of Komi laments about the fate of the bride’s personified maidenhood or beauty after marriage has separated it from the girl. In laments of this kind,

the maidenhood or beauty is also finally carried out to sea (cf. Poems 331, 332).

See also p. 464 Haavio

1930:

1968: 216-21 348. The

27-28;

Broken

31-32;

Plesovskii

.

Pitchfork

Mord vin Natal‘ia Zorina Vechkan’-Vele/ Vechkanovo, raion, Samara oblast’, Russian tion

Isakly Federa-

1898

H. Paasonen Paasonen and

Republic of

Ravila

1939: 296-304

The present song was performed when

a Mordvin bride had become pregnant before marriage. It is unclear from the

text whether she was marrying the father of her child. According to Ev-

sev'ev, premarital pregnancy brought shame on the whole family and brides in this condition did not go through the normal wedding rites. A smaller and less conspicuous ceremony took place, incorporating various rites both to absolve the family of responsibility

and to humiliate the bride. in particu-

lar, the rites held at were reduced to the Only the old people wedding procession; leave her home by the

a hole in the fence preferably at night.

the bride's home bare minimum. took part in the the bride did not gate but through

(cf. Il. 107-10),

The song opens with a typical request by the bride for her father’s blessing (Il. 1-36). It is only through her penitential tears (11. 9-10, an allusion

to the Magdalene legend) and the form of her father’s reply that the exception-

al circumstances become evident. His

‘blessing’ is a curse (II. 37- 102). It cul-

minates in the ritual breaking of the pitchfork, an act symbolizing the

reaking of his daughter's heart (cf. Il.

103-06). In the continuation of the poem, which is not published here, the

daughter stands up, tearfully confesses her sin and warns other girls not to follow her example. The song ends with her seeking her parents’ forgiveness and promising to spare them further disgrace. 1959: 265-66

Pskov oblast’, Russian

1903 J. Hurt

plaints

and reproaches addressed to the father and followed by final submission to his will, is an example of the lament

per-

formed on thefirst day of the wedding. It was sung first in the morning after the arrival of the bride's relatives and tepeated later in the day after the ar-

rival of the bridegroom’s folk. Al-

though the time and number of performances varied according to locality, the underlying structure of the rite re-

mained constant. Beginning with her parents, the bride lamented individ-

ually to each person present. She knelt down three times before each person, touching the ground each time with

cf. I. 3). On completing

her forchead

the lament, she received from each

son a gift of money or handiwork. length and

per-

The

duration of the laments

depended on the number of relatives and other guests present. The physical strain of the performance was suc that the bridesmaids frequently had to help

the bride up off the floor.

See also

p. 464

Hurt 1906: 463-84; Sarv V. 1986a: 273-

77; Sarv V. 1986b: 193-98

Estonian Anon.

349. | Must Go My Way Estonian Iro Martini Kolovina, Setumaa,

bridesmaids together. The present text, comprising

Federation

raion,

Hurt 1905: 532-33

Estonian bridal laments retained their traditional forms only in the Setumaa area. They were performed at two different phases in the wedding rites: when the relatives and other guests were invited to the wedding ceremony, and on the first day of the wedding ceremony at the bride's home. The performer, or performers, was either the

Picking up the coin, adding the same amount to it and giving the total sum to her daughter as part of her dowry (cf. Il. 11-15). The second poem (Il. 2335) was sung in reply to the groom's folk as they grew impatient to be on their way (cf. Poem 351). The conclud-

ien

to the groom or his horse.

vic

See also p. 464 Sarmela 1981b: 90; Tedre 1973: 53-54; Tedre ERA IV: 297-98

fe-

ing bull image (I. 31) can refer either

351. Get Dressed, Maid Estonian Leena Reek Lihula, Laanemaa, Estonia

1889

M. Ostrov, O. Kallas

Tedre ERA 5601

Mainly known in northern Estonia, this wedding song was performed by the The performance groom's relatives. marked the beginning of the rites connected with the bride's departure from her own home to the place where the second part of the wedding ceremony was to be held. The bride's relatives customarily replied by performing ‘Let time

[the bride]’, a

to dress

song intended to delay their departure (cf. Poent 350). ;

See also

p. 464

Paistu, Viljandimaa, Estonia 1873-75

Tedre ERA

Tedre ERA 5578

352. The Empty House

M. Veske

Pechory

quired various other features through

accretion, these included the mother’s

us have

350. The Bride-Price

See also p. 464 Evsev’ev

bride herself, the bridesmaids performing on her behalf, or the bride and

s, each This text comprises two poem ’s relabride the by ing was h

of whic preparation Hives as part of the ritual e from her rtur depa 's for the bride poem (il. 1arents’ home. The first ent bride: anci of relic a 9) survives as the bri es purchase practice. Before be sea

had to departure, all the guests stood UP, he When the bride. coin in her place. bridegroom put a y , thecoin was mone ‘hem as wn Kno the br’ e's

ed.

te intended to compensa ome and rals® her mother for having 16-22 ). This rite daughter (cf. ll.

Estonian

Anon.

IV: 298

;

Risti, Harjumaa, Estonia 1896 J. Reimann Tedre ERA 5685 popular This wedding song, especiall ormed by in northern Estonia, was per home to the bride’s relatives as she left poem was o to the groom's house. The and her Ptended to induce in the brideof sadness mood ate opri appr an ly fami

743

d c re, ia-

‘at

and to make her weep (cf. Poent 342). The central motif - objects and animals left behind to mourn the bride - is presented here with great skill and sensitivity, progressing from small familjar objects in the home to embrace the whole locality.

See also p. 464 ERA IV: 301

353. The Elopement Finnish Tatjana Puruskainen Hattuvaara,

Finland 1892

Ilomantsi,

North

Karelia,

mediately before the wedding procession left the bride’s home to go to the church,

The present text, cast in lament style, combines three wedding-rite components. The first, the farewell to the bride’s mother, is the core component; separation from maidenhood is sym-

bolized by the garland and by references to the combing of the bride's hair (cf. Poent 370); the termination of her former way of life is marked by the farewell to the bride's female friends and — in the present text - also to her enemies. See also p. 464

A. F. Andberg

Balassa and Ortutay 1984: 619-20

SKVR VII22011 It is unusual in Finnish, Karelian and Ingrian wedding tradition for the bride to perform anything but laments. The present Finnish-Karelian song, of which variants have been recorded in Ladoga Karelia and North Karelia, is a rare ex-

ample of non-lament material which appears to have been incorporated in the cycle of songs performed

is an archaic feature which survives mainly in western Hungary. Farewell poems of this type were performed im-

by the

bride herself as she left her parents’

home to go to the groom's home. The style shows the influence of lyric poe-

try; similar motifs are widely used to denote final separation (cf. Poem 279), See also p. 464

Kuusi 1963: 385-86

355. Beyond the Black Forest

1905-06

A. Lebedev

Wichmann

Y. 193]: 225-27

This Mari song was performed by the

bride’s folk after their arrival at the bridegroom's home. It was customary

in some areas to isolate the bride from

all the other wedding folk after arrival;

this was often also the phase in the

ceremony when the bride changed the arrangement of her hair to inclicate her new status. The performance of the present text appears to have taken place during this isolation phase. The emphasis falls on the opposition between the permanence of the commun-

ity and the transience of the individual.

The

remaining/departure

is heightened by the typical

opposition

Mari spiral

structure culminating in the eulogy of

the bride’s village. ‘White geese are common departure similes for girls, bird cherry trees for boys (they also occur in Mari conscript poetry, cf. Poem

Udmurt Anon.

Mozhga/Busurman Mozhga, Mozhga

raion, Udmurt Republic 1891-92 Y. Wichmann Wichmann Y. 1893b: 74

Udmurt wedding songs are usually short, concise situational pictures of the

kind represented by the present text. They were sung to the bride by her friends as she left her home to go to that of the bridegroom. The present

song illustrates the finality and signifi-

303). In J. 4 shilék (table, |. 3 of the English version) refers to three benches

arranged in a horseshoe shape in the yard to mark the area where the wedding festivities take place.

See also p. 465

Hamiélainen 1913: 135-36 357. In Praise of the Bride Mari Anon. Rush-Rody, Morki raion, Republic of Marii-E] 1906 I. lakovlev Wichmann Y. 1931: 346-47

Anon. Piispdkszenterzsébet, Baranya county, Hungary

cance of the bride's departure, emphasized by the use of forbidding forest and bird imagery, and the central role of the matchmakers and their wives. Udmurt kudo ‘male matchmaker’ and tukla¢é ‘female matchmaker’ also denote respectively the father or mother of either the bride or groom (cf. similar con-

Ortutay and Katona 1975 (1): 407-08

See also p. 464

say .../that is ....) was especially popu-

Traditionally, the Hungarian bride performed her farewell poem herself,

356. Looking Back

at his home. Eulogies of this kind are

354. The Bride's Farewell

Hungarian 1954 L. Kiss

More recently, however, it has become

customary for the best man to recite or sing on her behalf while she listens sobbing. Thus the occurrence of the firstperson pronoun in this type of farewell

744

notations of Ru. svat and svat'ia).

Tsermesh-al/Chermyshevo,

Poem

in Mari

358).

The

wedding

poetry (cf.

negative/affirmative

opposition of the present text (‘do not lar in poetry of this type. ‘In Praise of the Bride’ was performed by the bridegroom’s relatives on the bride’s arrival

Hamialainen 1913: 165-66

Mari Anon.

Praise and flattery themes were wide-

spread

Gorno-

mariiskii raion, Republic of Marii-El

comparable to materials of similar function in Finnish and Karelian tradition (cf. Poem 336). See also p. 465

358. The New

Mari Anon.

Shikhmamat,

Daughter-in-Law

Medvedevo

See also p. 465

raion,

Re-

public of Marit-[2] 1912-28 T. Jevsevjev Finno-Ugrian Society Archive: Jevsevjev MS 322 , This Mari

wedding

poem,

man or by

Plesovskii 1968: 118; Travina 1964: 6

typical of

the eulogies performed in honour of the bride on her arrival at the groom’s home (cf. Poem 357), illustrates the

varying Mari use of strings of images.

While in Poem 357 they were applied to all the bride's folk and their splen-

dour, in the present text the similes fo-

cus on the bride’s adornments as symbols of her beauty. See also p. 358

direction.

someone else under his

The theme of the toast was

a fulsome eulogy of the bride: her ap-

lien

round. The text contains various reerences to the performance situation and associated events such as the

rel

pearance, personality, home and back-

360. In Praise of the Host Udmurt

Efrem Khudiakov, Terentei Markov Kyi-lud/Nylgi Vam‘ia, Siumsi raion Udmurt Republic 1915-16 B. Munkacsi

drinking

of the toast (Il. 17-18),

the

bride's journey to the wedding (II. 3740), dancing which followed as the next phase in the wedding rites (Il. 19-20, 3-36, 59-60), and the bride’s happy

and prosperous future as wife and

Munkacsi and Fuchs 1952: 26-27 The bountiful hospitality of the bride-

proom’s father was acknowledged in

dmurt wedding rites by songs of the present type addressed to the host by the matchmakers on behalf of the guests after the host had given them

read and vodka. In addition to thanks

and praise motifs, the text incorporates journey imagery of a type which served

a wide variety of purposes in Udmurt

mother (II. 29-32, 65-69). The present text also incorporates a number of biblical references typical of this genre.

See also g 465

Manga 1970: 258; Ortutay and Katona 1975 (1): 689-90 362, The Mocking Livonian Anon.

E. P. Mikhailova, E. A. Sysoeva, and others

oral poetry (cf. Poem 375 and com.) In the present context, the journey image conveys the respect with which the guests regarded the occasion: they had of the journey (ie. the way was so long

Setala and Kyréla 1953: 449-52

Udmurt Republic 1958

could not form a line along it, cf. ll. 78).

cluded the performance of songs in

359, Just a Cup Udmurt

Tuimyiyl/Toimobash,

Alnashi

raion,

I. K. Travina Travina 1964: 118-19 This Udmurt table song was

erformed

by the bride's folk at the wedding feast in the groom's home. Group performances of this type are thought to have been influenced by Tatar musical tradition. The

present

variant

opens with

journey images (cf. Poem 375). Lines 58 probably refer to the custom peculiar

to Udmurt wedding tradition of "going underground’: i.e. cup in hand the uests descended into the cellar. After tinking wine or koumiss stored there, they

returned

and

engaged

in

mock

combat with the groom's relatives and friends. Lines 9-12 are table-song matetial, whereas the demand at Il. 13-16 is an introduction to the bride-price

theme— the underlying

idea of the song

and the focal point of the concluding lines. The reference to caps of thirty threads at ll. 15-16 is a popular Udmurt splendour topos.

come despite the difficulties and length that even the local bird population

See also p. 465 Munkacsi and Fuchs 1952: 23-28, 542

;

;

Romania Csikménasag, Transylvania,

1953 . Jagamas

415-17 6 kay and Katona 1975 (1): Hungarian

Livonian wedding rites customarily in-

which the bridal couple were mocked and teased. Such songs, often bawdy and wholly unrestrained in content, were borrowed from the wedding tradition of neighbouring Latvians and

sung either in Latvian or, as here, in Livonian translation. In earlier times,

361. Praising the Bride

Hungarian Jézset Dénes

Piza, Ventspils raion, Latvia 1888 E. N. Setala

S text re resents a SUN

espread in the vein feast, once wid ons. Copies regi Hungarian-speaking seventeenth- an of the toast survive in uscript records, eighteenth-century man in nineteenth-cenand it also circulated ations, by the lic pub ide ads bro tury d become a rarity, present century, itha ; in Transylvania. e sung during wer kind this of Toasts either by the bes the wedding feast

teasing songs were performed at the bride’s home before her departure and later at the wedding feast in the

cusgroom’s home. More recently thebride-

fom of holding the feast at the the room’s home has died out and the east became the responsibility of generbride’s parents. The songs were ally performed by girls or women.

The present text was sung by the

their bride's relatives. On concludiifngto apoerformance, the girlssang as not to fogize for their lewdness: ‘We're blame. The to s wedding’ the blame, rite is apsexuality permeating the sexual mentions E [ text. the from arent organs,

contains

veiled

references to

the bride’s copulation, casts doubts on

745

id

Ire, liavic

virtue, alludes to her loss of virginity and hints at her having already borne children. See also p. 465 Loorits 1936: 415-18; Setala and Kyrola 1953: 431-56

364. Teasing the Bride

See also p. 465 Salminen 22 a

1917: 312-15; Sarmela

1981b:

tion of a

Palkeala/Zamost’e, Priozersk raion, Leningrad oblast’, Russian Federation

1915 A. Paavilainen SKVR XIII,3949

ritual teasing of the bride-

grian area, the practice was especially

common on the Karelian Isthmus. The for

this

purpose

owed their effect to conventional exag-

eration of the various qualities attri-

uted to the groom. These generally in-

cluded poverty, ugly appearance, bad habits (e.g. smoking, inking), and idleness. Little information is available

about the phase in the wedding

rites

such Poems were sometimes formed at the bride's home.

per-

when denigration took place. In Feria,

Bride-teasing poems were customarily sung by the groom’s relatives at his home. The theme of seeking the

best bride and finding the worst is a central feature of bride-teasing poems

bride was been

in Finnish, Karelian and Estonian tradi-

tion; the consistency of the theme indicates a tradition of great antiquity. The motif of travelling to Finland to find a bride (Poem 364:6) reflects the economic and social differences between Finland and Karelia. The gallery (Poem 364:7)

separated

by the

bridegroom.

childhood

friends,

it

of teasing songs directed at the bride

The denigration

challenge to his capacity mate the marriage.

the bride’s

was normally performed in the context

performed in Playful denigrato consum-

herself, In Udmurt praise and teasing songs, plants and animals are fre-

quently used as similes both for compliments and abuse. See also p. 465 368. Instructing the Bride Karelian Moarie Kivijarvi, Kalevala Karelia

366. All Made Up Mari Anon. Tsermesh-al/Chermyshevo,

Gorno-

A. Lebedev Wichmann Y. 1931: 227

This Mari teasing song was addressed

to the bride by the women accompanying her after their arrival at the groom's home. Thematically, the song is similar to the general teasing type, which denigrates the bride's unattractive and often unkempt appearance. The singers had a dual role. Their comments on the bride’s appearance were presented in the name of the groom's their

rebuttal

raion, Republic of

1872

mariiskii raion, Republic of Marti-El 1905-06

while

formally

matchmakers from her own folk. Traditionally sung by the women who had

of the groom's size probably veils a

amily,

93

of the Udmurt wedding rites when the

See also p. 465

‘oom was a part of wedding tradition throughout the Finnish-Karelian-In-

raion,

The present text belongs to the phase

This Hungarian wedding song (first published in Erdélyi’s Népdalok és Mon-

ddk) was

Glazov

Udmurt Republic 1891-92

Y. Wichmann Wichmann Y. 1893b:

Ortutay and Katona 1975 (1): 546

364. Karelian Anni Pohomov

746

Udmurt Timofet Budin Idnakar/Soldarskaia,

of mar-

J. Erdélyi (?)

Kesalaht, North Karelia, Finland 1847 F. Polén SKVR VII23053

employed

riageable age.

people

Hungarian Anon. Unknown Before 1840

363. Finnish Anon.

poems

367. Against Matchmakers

by young

365. The Diminutive Bridegroom

363. Teasing the Bridegroom

Although

was the part of the church traditionally

occupied

of

these

criticisms were made on behalf of the

A. Genetz

SKVR 131678 The final stages of Karelian-Ingrian wedding ritual, including the performance of songs to instruct the bride, took

place at the groom’s home. Instruction songs were originally performed by one of the bride's or groom’s

female

relatives, generally the mother or a sister.

In more

recent

here, professional

times,

however,

as

female singers were

engaged to perform these and other wedding-rite songs. The present fragment is from a song

advising the bride how to behave in her new home. Dramatizing the change

in her status, it contrasts in emotional

value of either the bride’s dress or her dowry.

terms the difference between life in her arents’ home with that in her new ome, and reminds her of the social norms of the extended family: unquestioning humility and hard work were

See also p. 465

of daughters-in-law.

bride’s family. The references to silver and linen may be observations on the

expected of the womenfolk, especially

In the continua-

tion of the song, which is not published here, the bride receives detailed advice about how to deport herself and the

daily round of duties which she will have to perform (c.g. mode of dress,

fetching water, cleaning floors, washing clothes, cooking).

See also Harva

pp. 465-06

1929: 225-48;

Kuusi

75; Sarmela 1981b: 32-33 369. Three Cares Too

1963:

172-

Virumaa,

1889 E. Bachmann Tedre ERA 5907

Hungarian

bride-instruction text

combines oral and literary traditions.

The main part of the text represents a song sung to the bride as the accompa-

niment to the rite of combing out her

plaits and tying her hair into a bun (ie.

in the style of a married woman). Combing and singing were performed by

women in the bridal couple's bedroom, the bride weeping as she listened. This

was also the occasion of the bride's formal instruction in her duties as a wife with particular emphasis on the

hardships of her new state. The mate-

Many

rials, however,

have been

drawn

for

the most part from songs performed by wives in which they contrast ironically a wife’s duties with a husband’s

Estonian

Anon. Liganuse,

This

Estonia

privileges: he may

go to the inn, eat

and drink of the best, while she must listen, obey and look after the home; should she protest, he has the right to

This north Estonian wedding song was

beat her. This genre has been popular in Hungarian literary and oral poetry

indicate

the song. The present text incorporates

erformed as part of the rite of covering the bride's head with a cloth, either a scarf or some other head-dress, to her

new

status

as a married

woman. In Estonian wedding tradition, this rite formally sealed the marriage bond. Depending on locality, the covering was placed on the bride’s head either at her own home or at the room’s. Normally the rite was per-

ormed by the groom's mother or a bridesmaid. Since this was regarded as

a dangerous rite of passage, it was shrouded in secrecy with the result that little detailed information is available.

The text incorporates at Il. 1-Ia

wide-

spread topos used to indicate the slow passing of time and which also occurs Tequently in Ingrian wedding and serf songs. See also pp. 465-66 Sarmela 1981b: 94-95; Tedre ERA

370. Putting

Up

IV:

the Hair

Anon.

Teramkissallo,

Hont county, Slovakia

Z. Kodaly Ortutay and Katona 1975 (1): 425-26

rites.

lien

See also p. 466

Golubkova and Pozdeev 1976: 109

Mordvin Anon. Imalav/Mamolaevo, Kovylkino raion, Mordovian Republic

1968-72

Moksha-Mordvin

was often performed

teasing

son

together wit

other erotic teasing songs which were intended to induce fertility and, more

enerally, to bring hap

iness in mar-

ried life. At the end o fhe first day of

certain motifs from literary tradition. Similarly, the song’s strophic structure

over the couple and the door of the hut. The girls of the wedding company were the last to leave. As they finally

both owe their origin to the mixing of the two traditions.

See also pp. 465-66 Balassa and Ortutay 1984: 625; Ortutay and Katona 1975 (i): 690

.

Padzhal/Pazial, murt Republic

Mozhga

raion,

Ud-

1964 Pozdeev A. N. Golubkova, P. K. 1976: 19-20 Golubkova and Pozdeev ding song, This jocu lar Udmurt wed

nt composition,

of rece degroom $ home Performed at the bri come from t he had who e by all thos held at the br e's ceremonies already appears to have on cti fun home. Its al couple towards been to lead the brid

beat their fists on the

hut and performed the

resent song. In some instances the Pridal couple had to pay the girls for the wedding bed before they were left alone. See also p. 466 122-24

kiia and ParaMariia Postnikova, Evdo ;

skov‘ia Relina

door of the

Evsev’ev

371. The Trembling Song Udmurt

their first night. A blessing was made

went out, they

1959:

lec‘eat

UPTM 6 (2): 124

the wedding rites, the bridal couple were accompanied by the guests to the sleeping hut where they were to spend

and its general air of levity, unusual in traditional bride-instruction materials,

ivic

te-

K. T. Samorodov

This

ud iweh

ure, nia-

372. Hard to Get

since the sixteenth century. Considerable interaction occurred between the great- and little-tradition versions of

robably

Hungarian

the erotic themes which at this stage begin more and more to dominate the

223-29;

UPTM

6 (2):

373. Going to Bed Finnish ; Anon. Republic of Jaakkima, Sortavala raion, Karelia

1908-09

L. Pelkonen

SKVR XIIJ24643

the bridal The rite of accompanying was perbed g din we their to couple area. lian Kare ishFinn the in formed this , ing any omp acc y oetr the Most of Karelian Isthe on t ctecd colle rite was

747

33. Od, tsu

thmus. The songs were performed ei-

ther before the bridal couple were led

to the wedding bed — as in the present instance - or more commonly after having seen the couple to bed. The room's folk hoped to ensure fertility

B. Munkacsi Munkaesi 1887: 258-59

Udmurt main

wedding

rites fell into

two

parts: jarasfion and suan. The for-

sexual desires. The present LadogaKarelian fragment represents this tvpe

mer had much in common with betrothal ceremonies elsewhere and marked the bride’s move to the bridegroom’s home for a trial period often asting several vears. The present text

songs performed by the bridesmaid’s party are included at Il. 1-5.

and relatives when they visited her in her new home on the conclusion of the

By addressing teasing remarks to the bridesmaid about the bride's powerful of song, although some

lines from

the

See also p. 466

Udmurt A. M. Isaeva, V. G. Isaeva and others raion, Udmurt

ublic 957 I. K. Travina Travina 1964: 128-30

Re-

bride’s

relatives on

speed of the journey) were a popular component of Udmurt wedding and

festive poetry (cf. Poem 360) and appear to be relics from older practices and

poems

about bride-theft, in which

the

girl's relatives gallop to release her or to

demand

suitable

compensation

(some scholars have also seen relics of

This farewell song was widespread throughout the Udmurt regions where performed

jarashon phase. The song could also be

presented by the present text (e.g. the

374. Leaving the Bride

it was

parents

performed on the relatives’ first visit to the bride after the suan ceremony. Journey descriptions of the kind re-

Sarmela 1981b: 35-36

Byzinovo, Sharkan

was performed by the bride’s

in chorus

by

the

their departure

ancient hunting culture preserved in Udmurt descriptions of the wedding journey). See also

p. 466

from the bridegroom's home after the

Buch 1882: 61-62, 96-97; Domokos 1975a: 92; Hamalainen 1913: 155-64

was fixed in content, in others each performance was largely improvised.

376. Lament of a Young Wife

wedding rites. In some areas, the song Three recurrent components,

however,

can be identified: the remaining /departure opposition (cf. Mari weddin and conscript songs, Poems 301-303,

307, 356), the image of the relatives seated around a table at home; and the

mother’s

concluding

rhetorical ques-

tions (i.e. Il. 3-4). The present text incor-

porates phrases occurring

in the associ-

ated lament tradition (cf. ]. 8).

1899

H. Paasonen

Paasonen and Ravila 1939: 412-14

1964: 6, 223

its personified

form,

haves independently bride’s emotions. See also pp. 462, 467 Borisov

maidenhood

but

1975: 79; Evsev’ev

shares

be-

the

1959; 185

X Healing 377. Rise, My Spirit 378. Self-Defence

377. Karelian Miihkali Perttunen Latvajarvi, Kalevala raion, Republic of Karelia

1877

A. A. Borenius

SKVR

[4,12

378. Karelian

Anon. Homantsi, North

1846 A. Ahlqvist SKVR VII3;44

Karelia, Finland

Poems 377 and 378 are charms belonging to a protection rite conducted either at the home of the healer before leaving for the place of healing or on arrival

there. The rite had two functions: the

healer shed his normal identity and attempted to secure his safety in the forthcoming struggle by assembling various helpers and equipment. The performer of Poem 377 invokes from

beneath the ground his /uonto (spirit,

After her wedding, the young Mordvin wife normally spent the period from St Nicholas’s Day (6 December) until Epi-

See also P; 466 Travina

Mordvin ‘Auntie’ Palaga Inelej/Velikii Vrag, Shatki raion, Nizhnil ovgorod oblast’, Russian Federation

ents of the latter type were performed as part of wedding rites (cf. pp. 462, 742). The personification — of maidenhood is typical of this genre. In

lit. nature) and halfia (guardian spirit) to assist him in the healing act. Some singers also refer to the healer’s synty (lit. birth, origin). The healer might also

375. Reunion with a Young Wife

thany at her parents’ home where she occupied herself with sewing and other handicrafts. The present Mordvin lam-

Udmurt Mikaly Sandi

her husband’s home. The text is of particular interest in that it has embedded

order to acquire the necessary powers. The recitation of the spirit-invocation charm was accompanied by many acts

maidenhood

ing splints, stepping over a scythe, and

Vuzh-Zumia/Novyi

Sentiag,

love raion, Udmurt Republic

748

Zav’ia-

ent was performed

on her return

to

in it a rite-of-passage lament similar to the type sung to mark the end of (freedom).

Generally,

lam-

repeat this charm outside the place where the act was to be performed in

to reinforce the power of the charm. These included walking through burn-

tying metal tools or weapons to oneself.

In the remainder of the present charm,

the performer describes the struggle against evil destructive forces.

Poent 378 represents a protection spell type in which the healer seeks the

aid of various forces, in the present case his ancestors (II. 30-38), snakes (IL. 3943) and bears (Il. 44-49), before performing the healing act. The opening consists typically of an account of how the healer armed

himself; the materials

used in this charm recall those used in

some poems to describe a soldier's departure to war. The magically created mail shirt and steel belt

(I . 3-5) are not

only typical battle imagery but refer also to certain factual features (e.g. the

belt). The motif of the high iron Fence (116-27),

which

also

occurs

in Vep-

sian, Mordvin and Russian spells, has

been interpreted by scholars as a snakebelt metaphor or as the magic circle (Zauberkreis) which was often marked out on the ground with the tip ofa steel

weapon or tool and from within which the healer could safely exorcise spirits. The formulaic challenge to perform an impossible task, which the

present per-

former uses to powerful effect as a pro-

tection device (cf. 1]. 11-15, 20-29, 50-

54), was more common in Russian spell poetry.

See also pp. 526-27 Haavio 1967: 283-97, 332-34; Hautala 1960: 34-35; Honko 1960: 87-91; Honko

1969: 26-55; Siikala 1992: 206-49

379. The Spirit Speaks through the Shaman Mansi Vas‘ka, Kird’s son/Vasilii Kirilich Nomin Niaksimvol, Berezovo raion, Khanty-

Mansi Autonomous Federation

District,

Russian

1888 B. Munkacsi Munkacsi 1892 (2): 428-31 Various characteristic features of a possession shamanizing session are incor-

porated in this Mansi text performed

y a widely known shaman. The shaman’s role, for example, is clearly illus-

trated in the dialogue between the Spirit, shaman and audience on the one hand, and the audience and the spirit on the other. In effecting a cure, the shaman’s role is to be the link between the world of the living and spirits in

the otherworld, represented here by a local spirit called the ‘Holy Prince of

Jowtim-soos’ and thought to be the son of the Man-who-watches-over-the-

world (cf. pp. 89-90) and a forest spirit.

The Prince of Jowtim-soos was believed to have the ability to heal human

beings. From his mother he had in-

prayer, invocation spell). The function

of such songs was to invoke an a proPriate spirit to attend a rite (often a

lien

sow songs have the following three- or five-part structure, depending on

ITC

shamanizing

session).

Normally

kaj-

whether the spirit who is invoked first

vic

quired help.

lec-

another spin, 5 provision

of the re-

herited clothes made from hare or mar-

resembled the quiet cry of wild geese

from

(cf. Il. 12-13).

The point of contact between the spirit and those present is described in the opening lines of the poem. As they

are performed, the shaman (the ‘wise

man’),

accompanying

himself

on

a

drum, falls into a trance allowing the

spirit speak veys dress,

to take possession of him and through his mouth. The text cona visual image of the shaman’s his coat typically adorned with

objects symbolic of his animal auxiliary

spirits (II. 4-15). Reference is also made to his wand to which ‘seven tassels’ are attached (1. 26, though here placed in the hand of the spirit).

See also p. 527 Honko 568. 26-55; Karjalainen 1927: 245-331; Munkacsi 1910: 0122-24; Munkacsi 1921: 626-28; Siikala 1978b: 319-41

380. To Heal a Child — 381. Assembly of Spirits

Khanty

conti

; orikoptin Berezovo AS ‘ort/ Berezov, Ob region, s Disonomou raion, Khanty-Mansi Aut on rati Fede ian Russ , trict 1899

Papay 1905: 269-71; 272-74 . Papa

s represent a These two Khanty text the norther: ng amo e known enr hanty

and Mansi

as kaj-sow (sung

ure, nia-

responds: 1 invocation of the spirit or the spirit’s helper; 2 purpose for which help is required; 3 the spirit’s response; if help is refused then 4 invocation of The specific function of Poem 380 (the opening ofa 54-line spell) is the invoca-

ten skin (cf. 1. 4-7), while his speech

ud

te-

tion ofa spirit to cure a sick child. Apart

‘eat

tions of this type were frequently performed in the context of sacrificial rites and the bear drama (cf. Poem 405). This spell has a five-part structure. In II. 112 the Man-who-watches-over-theworld is invoked as the spirit responsible for human well-being (cf. Poern 405) and is urged to come in his polden

33. Od,

this particular function, invoca-

sledge; }J. 13-28 explain why

help is

needed and request the spirit's protec-

tion. In the remaining part of the spell,

the spirit - speaking through the shaman - explains that he cannot cure the child because his folk were not responsible for the illness. The second spirit invoked by the shaman reveals the cause of the illness (breach of the taboo against treading on a lizard’s tail) and promises help. The collector observed that in the course of performing the spell, the singer fell into an ecstatic trance, a trait which possibly indicates a possession shamanizing session. The erformer, the nephew of a_wellKnown shaman and himself well versed in Khanty religious practices, had frequently participated in sacrificial and healing rites.

Poem 381 is the main part of a 115-

line spell performed as part of ashamaperson nizing session to cure a ‘broken’ ill as the (i.e. someone who had fallen or her result of physical abuse of his only image or effigy). The patient could of a be cured through the assistance

spirit, which had to effigy and restore to soul. The session, at text was performed,

find the image or it the patient's lost whic the present began with the in-

each vocation of five different spirits, - speakof which introduced himself

749

tsu

ing through the shaman - with an ac-

Lapp ethnic group but more commonly

The

session (Il. 1-47). The shaman

culture living close to the performer's community. The present text is the epic opening of a 49-line spell recited — according to

evil spirits (shajtan) penetrating the victim’s head, heart and feet. The present

count of his home and journey to the

then

turns to the most powerful of the as-

sembled spirits, the Pazhet river spirit,

and explains the cause of the illness: the effigy of a *broken’ man has been crushed? and cast into a pond in the otherworld (II. 48-56). In the remaining 59 lines, the singer describes the Pazhet

river spirit’s search for the effigy. On recovery, the doll-effigy is seen to have been pierced through the heart and to have had its head and_ shoulders hacked to pieces. The Pazhet river

spirit instructs the Sak river Spirit to remove the doll and destroy it either by burning or drowning after which the spirits all bid the patient farewell and leave. All the people present at the session bow before the corner dedi-

cated to the house spirits. See also

Karplainen

pp. 527-28 1921:

76-78;

Karjalainen

1927: 99-100, 300-04, 319; Papay 1905:

LXVIII; Siikala 1978b: 319-41

382. Three Lapps

383. Against

Put a Spell on Me

Enchantment

northern land’. It continues with an ac-

count of the Lapp’s defeat bv a sage’s

spells. The

boisterously

text is characterized

expressive

by a

first-person

presentation by the healer and the claritv of the confrontation between the ‘Lapps’ and the performer's group. The

epic opening

has been linked to ac-

counts of otherworld journeys undertaken by ashaman’s soul as the shaman lav in a state of trance. The events can

also be understood as a straightforward account of a struggle with ‘Lapp’ wizards and witches which the sage won despite being without his protective clothing, particularly his belt (cf. . 16). Poem

383,

a widespread

spell against malevolent

Estonian

people, was

recited as part of various rites, particu-

larly against the evil eye but also against slander and praise (both of which were thought to be harmful). The embodiment in the spell of the ri-

val-group

comparable

hostility

theme

to the theme

of antagonists.

Anon.

Kuhmoniemi, Kainuu, Finland 1836

J. F. Liljeblad

SKVR XII,3577

is directly

of Poem 382,

In the present text, the

inhabitants of two north Estonian provinces

(Virumaa,

tation spell formula.

Mina Esken

Kuusalu, Harjumaa,

1938 S. Lambot ERA 6858

Estonia

Finnish healer (sage) were evil witches or wizards who caused illnesses and other misfortunes. Poem 382 represents

a Finnish-Karelian spell type in which and role such refer

wizards occur freof the malevolent a context, ‘Lapp’ to members of the

and

prohibition-exhor-

See also p. 528 Haavio 1967: 335-36; Krohn 1914: 26-— 28; Kuusi

1967

The principal antagonists of the Baltic-

Harjumaa)

‘Finns’ (here probably Ingrians) are cast in this role. At II. 3-8, the text incorporates a common

383. Estonian

750

the collector - ‘when travelling in the

in which the ‘Lapps’ appear in the role

382. Finnish

‘Lapp’ witches quently in the antagonist. In did not always

to any group of people of a different

1963: 38; Vuorela

384. To Induce Depression Mordvin

illness

which

this

text

pared

shows

how

the

pre-

See also p. 529 385. Against Timidity Mordvin “Auntie? Luka Vechkan’-Vele/Vechkanovo,

on,

tion

Samara

oblast’,

Russian

Isakly rai-

Federa-

1898

H. Paasonen Paasonen and

Ravila

1941:

145

This Mordvin exorcism spell was used to help nervous or timid children. Ac-

cording to the collector, the performer

recited the spell by moonlight, licked

the child’s face several times and spat

on the child’s shadow. Underlying the rite is the belief that the child’s shadow can remove the cause of the child's ti-

midity. Hence the healer’s task was to detach the restless illness spirit from the child and attach it to the shadow.

This was done by two symbolic acts. First, the healer absorbed

the spirit in

her spittle by licking the child; then she

attached the spirit to the shadow by spitting on it. In the exorcism spell, the healer also depicts the shadow’s existence as one of great loneliness. (with no kin... no one to kiss you). The healer attempts to assist the shadow by giving

it not only the child's timidity but also by associating those responsible for bringing about the child's timidity more closely with the shadow (e.g. people, dogs): “Let these be your kin ...’

sian Federation 1899

386. Against Bleeding

Kahla et al. 1977 (6): 198-201

performer

harmful spells by a series of symbolic acts (II. 1-16). If the spell was effective, the victim would become fretful and depressed for no apparent reason.

See also p. 529

{. Zorin

spell

him- or herself for the casting of

lon Prokaev

Erz’an’ seled’ba /Mordovskaia Selit’ba, Sergievsk raion, Samara oblast’, Rus-

Mordvin

sought to induce was called su/toj foska (lit. wasting sorrow). It was caused by

Harva

1952: 23

Estonian Eeva Lillebron

Kuusalu, Harjumaa, Istonia 1911 K. Viljak, G. Vilberg Tedre ERA 7007

bleeding.

This widespread Estonian charm was

performed to stanch bleeding in people

and animals.

Like the present text, charms

of this type mostly comprise an exhor-

In the case of animals,

was used both for healing and to sto

it

the flow of blood during slaughter. Heal.

tation and a simile (or series of similes). Three kinds of similes were used in this context. A very common type exhorts

the blood to become motionless by ana-

logy with a rigid, stationary object

such as a stone, wall, fence or sword

(cf. Il. 2-3). Also common are similes

Estonian verse charms, Fowever, were

related to biblical stories such as the standing still of the River Jordan when Jesus was baptized (Il. 4-5) or the parting of the waters during the Israelites’ flight from Egypt (II. 9-10). A third type of simile is the so-called Christian moral simile which was incorporated in some parts of Europe in spells as early

The present text is an example of the

the moral simile in the present text are

ing-charm materials were borrowed by the Estonians from at least two

sources. borrowing

Numerous examples of from Germanic tradition

can be identified in Estonian prose charms against bleeding. Many of the

ture and formulae of Mari charms against bleeding were modelled on those of the Russian spell type commonly used for the same purpose (e.g. ‘When blood flows from a stone, let blood flow from a man’); the formula is also known in Latin sources. Numerous variants of this Russian spell type have been collected and written versions survive in an eighteenth-century

medical prescription Book

See also p. 529 Mansikka

1909:

280-81,

389. Against Snakebite

latter type. Since charm materials had, by their

at |. 8 Gurymen who broke their oath

of office, a particularly heinous crime

Vepsian Irina Eliseeva

change, their contents and

and ll. 6-7 (the breaking of the comwork on the mandment forbidding

Republic of Karelia 1942

very nature, an inherent resistance to

language

could easily become obscure, or even incomprehensible, as they passed from

one dialect area to another or entered

anew language area. Textual distortion

of this kind is particularly apparent in the two opening lines of the present text. The Finnish source is assumed to have begun with an exhortation of the

type: Tyydy,

fyydy,

ough, enough, Tyrja’s

Tyrjéin koski (En-

rapids), a refer-

ence to the calming of the storm on the Sea of Galilee (also ‘Sea of Tubariya’ or ‘Tiberias’ in Finnish tradition; cf.

Matthew

14:24-33)

and

typical

of the

incorporation of medieva] Christian materials into Finnish spells in order to increase their power. See also p. 529 Krohn 1901: 165-67; Levén 1904; Tedre ERA IV: 346

387. Against Bleeding Finnish Anon.

Honkajoki, Satakunta, Finland 1859

L. A. Palonen

SKVR X,2425

Similes of German origin,

transmitted

through Scandinavia, are a common

eature in west Finnish charms against

in Scandinavian lawgiving tradition)

Sabbath, once regarded

wicked sin).

as an especially

See also p. 529

Hiastesko 1918: 51-55; Levén 1904: 30-

101

388. Against Bleeding Mari

Dimitrii Rybakov

Turshemuchash,

Medvedevo

Republic of Marii-El

;

raion,

By challenging

Shoksh/Shoksha,

Prionezhskii

raion,

Numerous Vepsian snakebite charms have been recorded. The two dominant

types are connected with corresponding Russian and Finnish-Karelian tradition respectively. Characteristic of Russian influence (lacking in the present text) is an introductory reference to a location in a field, whereas

influence

accounts and

for references to the farm, home

appurtenances (cf. I. 6), good and evil

usually in the north (cf. 1.11).

blood to flow from varithe

present Mari

a wound charm against bleeding fromimpossiblethe 6 succinctly illus 4 Similar formuchallenge formula. tack chal r Mari charm (eeare employed in othe (e.g. ‘If ina! in for the same purpose

ke of a sic le, of the eye and with a stro e d flow from bloo red e mak can he

d flow ...). : red earth, let my bloo Is accompa. ant vari i_ Mar Mountaine ion to recite nied by the instruct ting each tim spit s, time e charm thre charm, should the at the end of the be repeate , it to d nee erformance es. The struc tim e nin had to be done

ona typical two-part formula in which (Il. the source of evil is first identified 1-6) and then exorcized through the

of threats (Il. 7-12). The description feature

snake's colours is a universal the threat of snakebite charms, while ap-

the snake's home

to burn down trait. pears to bea distinctive Vepsian

See also

Fee aon

are

ture,

miaavic lecHe-

itsu nal

The structure of the charm is based

etal objects,

tud

353. 0d,

A. Turunen Turunen 1952: 192

Finnish-Karelian

te

reat

ch. 7-8), and exorcism toa distant place,

1914-17 O. Beke Beke 1931: 26 ous

Sebeok

and Ingemann 1956: 280-98

as the thirteenth century. Examples of

transmitted from Finland by Ingrians.

306;

alien

p. 529-30

1852: 191-94

390. Against Snakebite

Estonian Leenu Saar

751

Ambla, Jarvamaa, 1892

snakes are addressed has been shown

Estonia

to derive from the ancient Baltic-Finnic common vocabulary.

K. Kuusik Tedre ERA 6966

This Estonian charm to prevent snakebite,

mainly

known

in

the

northern

parts of the country, is based ona common two-part formula: identification of the source of evil (Il. 14) and exhortation to go to a place where no harm can be caused (Il. 5-13). The topos at 1. 8, a common protection motif, occurs in Estonian protection charms against the powers of witches, wizards and sorcerers (cf. Poent 383). The final three lines are also frequently performed in

spells to give protection against wolves

See also pp. 529-30 Hastesko 1918: 61-75; Kuusi 1963: 21214; Oja 1947: 253-56

392. Love Spell 393. Cooling-off Spell Vepsian Gashka,

Il’ia’s wife

eration

See also pp. 529-30

Kettunen 1925a: 140-42

L. Kettunen

Kerttu, Eerik’s daughter Halikko or Paimio, South-Western Finland 1666 S. Hagferberg

Oja 1947: 254-55

Seventeenth-century Finnish trial records preserve two versions of this south-west Finnish snakebite charm.

Numerous charms to arouse or cool love have been recorded among the Vepsians. Mostly short, the charms have a simile-analogy structure. A girl,

for example, may throw the water in which she has washed

her face over

dry logs and say: ‘As this log

is dry,

may the boys dry for me, fall in love with me!’ Charms of this kind were normally composed spontaneously by the girls themselves at Twelfth-Night or Midsummer festivals.

Longer

charms

of

the

type

re-

had been communicated to her in a dream. The present text illustrates those features thought to represent the oldest characteristics of this widespread

presented by the present texts are characteristic of older materials. The opening formula also occurs frequently in Russian spells. The formula always contains a reference to an activity performed early in the morning such as rising, washing or dressing, after which the girl sets off to a field or meadow. The imagery of the open field or verdant meadow has been compared with motifs from Christian tradition (cf. the meadows of Zion). To strengthen the power of such charms, the performer sometimes made use of the sauna analogy; the temperature is

description of the snake’s colours; its

er the purpose of the charm is to arouse

The present text was dictated, though only ‘after careful negotiation’, in 1666 at

the Paimio autumn assizes where the

performer was sentenced to death for witchcraft. By her own admission, she had cured snakebites by the recitation of this charm in conjunction with the Lord’s

Prayer,

repeated

three

times,

and various other Christian prayers. The accused claimed this treatment

charm type: the enticement formula;

shape; habitat; exhortation to cure its own bite. A further indication of the antiquity of the materials is the appel-

lative use of uiku (1. 4), which together with some other words by which

752

Dimitrii Rvbakov

Turshemuchash,

public of Marii-El

either hot or cold

depending on wheth-

or to cool feelings. See also p. 530

Mansikka 1909: 1952: 195-97

Medvedevo

raion, Re-

1914-17

O. Beke Beke 1931: 25-26

Variants of the present west Mari love spell have also been recorded among

Arskaht’/Radogoshcha, Boksitogorsk raion, Leningrad oblast’, Russian Fed1898

Finnish

Mari

the eastern

(cf. Poem 380).

391. Against Snakebite

394. Love Spell

Mari.

Unlike prayers

in

Mari tradition, in which east and west Mari types are marked by different characteristics, spells and charms are very similar in structure and content among both groups. The present example illustrates the Mari spell type in which nature similes are followed first by animal similes, and finally by object

similes. The close correspondence in

the two Mari traditions may be explained by the relatively recent composition of the recorded examples of the enre, which have been powerfully inluenced by Russian tradition. Influ-

ence of this kind is particularly noticeable in love spells with their quomodo formula,

clearly

present text.

illustrated

in

the

See also p. 530 Mansikka

1909: 302-04; Sebeok and In-

geman 1956: 280-98

395. Cooling-off Spell Mari

Konstantin Nikolaevich Burnaev

Morko/Morki, of Marii-El

1885-86 V. Porkka Porkka

and

Morki

Genetz

raion,

Republic

1895: 33

This spell against love illustrates two typical features of Mari spell and charm poetry: the simile and the challenge to perform an impossible task. The similes and challenges emloyed in Mari love-aversion spells, are

requently the inverse forms of those

in love spells (cf. Poems 389, 390). The 146-169;

Turunen

present text is the opening of a longer

spell. In the full text, some three times

in

length,

a

series

of

similes

and

47

challenges is presented

they include

the impossibility of a bear ‘and wolf cohabiting, and the simile of two horses biting cach other. The full text concludes: “As hot dung bounces off a horse’s hoof, /so may Anna bounce off Vasilii’s heart, liver and

soul.”

398. Exorcism

bite of a suikséndal, a spirit (borrowed from Tatar tradition) frequently lo-

Udmurt

Akmadysha Dzhandusov Vil'-kal’mijar/Novo-Kalmiiarovo, Tatyshly raion, Republic of Bashkortosan

See also p. 530

1915-16 B. Munkacsi Munkacsi and Fuchs 1952: 160-61

396. Love Spell

In Udmurt tradition, illness caused by avenging evil spirits could only be

Udmurt Anon. Dz’any/Bolshoi Karlygan, Mari Turek raion, Republic of Marii-El

1891

of the heavenly bodies to their mother is among the similes most frequently

adapted to this formula in Udmurt oral poetry. See also p. 530

Timusheva

1964

Rédei 1978: 234

poetry has been

However,

it

is

known that charms of the present type

~ short, simply constructed and representative of those recorded to ward off the evil eye — were frequently per-

underlying

idea

is to

challenge the source of evil to accom-

plish a series of impossible tasks (II. 1-

a

S.

the condition

See also p. 530 48 THE GREAT BEAR

the spirit is addressed in ll. 22, 25-26

ant, had ‘axe’ tan)

the wise old man from learnt the spell referred with which he hacked to pieces. The series of

whom he to it as an Satan (Sajchallenges

to perform impossible tasks, on which

the spell is structured, is also common

among nearby Mari. The opening affirm-

ation of the power of Inmar

the sky

god who has

(l . 1-5),

plunged the earth

into darkness, establishes the pattern of impossibility. The second challenge (II. 6-9) incorporates the fairy-tale motif of the twelve-headed dragon hurled

in this conacross the

for achieving

its

was believed to send nightmares, steal children and even murder a lone nocturnal visitor to the sauna. The present charm against the siikséudal incorporates the formulaic challenge to perform impossible tasks, widespread among the Mari and also the Russians (cf. Poem 388). The application of the formula

here, however, with its reference to the supreme Mari deity, shows an ad-

vanced stage of local assimilation, particularly in the characteristic Mari three-part spiral structure. The challenge to the spirit to destroy god’s

child occurs in a primary form among

n public of Bashkortosta 1900 H. Paasonen 1939: 81 Paasonen and Siro

t it was believed tha the by ed caus be Id Mary the ngch-ache cou. Amorna sto

elecHeseat

53. 90d,

est.

See also p. 531

auf 2:2,

Genetz 1889: 51; Holmberg 1926a: 51;

Sebeok and Ingemann 1956: 110, 293

400. Against Bedbugs

A. K. Mikushey, P. I. Chistalev 51-52 Mikushev and Chistalev 1968:

Mishkino raion, ReChoraj/ Churaevo,

lavic

person, malevolent wizard).

See also p. 531 Holmberg 1914: 201-07

Mari

sture, onia-

‘itsu

sent The concluding exorcism — illnessa comback the way it came - is also mon feature in this type of spell.

399. Against Belly-Ache

talien J. itud 2arch

the eastern Mari whose pre-Christian beliefs survived until relatively recently. The same motif occurs regularly in west Mari charms as the component of achallenge to perform impossible tasks and which is addressed to other personified causes of diseases (e.g. deceased

. Komi a Aksin’ia Nikolaevna Kaneva, Marii Maksimovna Kaneva and Lidiia ; Grigor’evna Popova lic of Novikbozh, Pechora raion, Repub Komi

horse. heavens on Inmar’s or St lijah’s

K. Rédei

The

by a tino, the appellatives by which

ly, the challenge expected text would be to gallop

Ust’-Kulom, Ust’-Kulom raion, Republic of Komi

formed.

present text, performed

behind the sun by a great gale. Normal-

397. Against the Evil Eye

vely little charm Relati in Komi. Tecorded

cially high respect. In the which appears to be a spe

spirits but general Udmurt terms for ‘evil spirit’. According to the inform-

The quomodo simile formula employed in this Udmurt love-arousal charm, and also common in Russian tradition, was widespread in Mari spell poetry (cf. Poem 394). The motif of the return

Lidiia Dadovna

by the tuno, a sage held in espe-

are not the names of specific illness

Y. Wichmann Wichmann Y. 1893b: 174

Komi

cured

cated in or around the home, ‘most commonly in the sauna. In addition to causing stomach-ache, the siikséndal

1960

d as This Komi poem was performe al rites funer ug bedb of s serie a of art ‘Fly Funerreminiscent of the so-called Russians 1n hern nort by ised al’ pract inflicted by response to the torments three bugs rites, Komi the In insects. le, which were wrapped ina small bundhouse three the d roun ed carri was then ent text was times and buried. The pres mpaniment acco the as sung recited or magic was to these rites. Sympathetic out of the bugs drive to also used

753

). onal syO-

'O-

house. In the belief that bugs would follow each other, a nu mber were

placed in a matchbox and buried to the

accompaniment of a lament in which the bugs were assured of more congenial conditions in their new home in the otherworld. The most propitious time for the performance of such rites was believed to be Midsummer's Eve. Similar exorcism spells were performed to

rid the body of lice. Bugs (and lice) had to be addressed with great respect in

order to ensure the success of the rite. Thus it was customary to use honorifics such as Luduk Khlopotovich, with which the present poem begins, or Luduk Lu-

dukovich (Bug, son of Bug).

See also p. 531 Mikushev 1973: 36-41; Mikushev and

Chistalev 1968: 11-12

401. Fire Never Burns Those It Knows

Miina Esken

1938 S. Lambot Tedre ERA 7017

however, an appropriate charm was of-

Estonia as ‘fire spirit, appears to be a

distinctive Estonian feature. See also p. 531 Loorits

1951: 51-65

402. Against Thrush

in Estonia. In all of them,

fire

Sacrifice to fire also once formed part of Estonian wedding rites. However, only a relatively small number of spells

addressed to fire, or performed as protection against fire or to heal burns has been recorded. The present north Estonian text represents the most widespread type of charm against fire. Although’ it is known to have been performed to ward off fire and to heal burns, refer-

ence to ‘iron’ (i.e. a weapon) in the first line suggests the spell could also have been used to secure protection against

wounds (1. 3 may also indicate protec-

tion against drowning). Certain features of the spell are also common in

corresponding Ingrian and Karelian materials (e.g. reference to fire-human

kinship at ll’ 2-4, the scoop image at ll. 11-12), and together with the con-

frost, ice, liquor, animal urine or fat on

the

frozen

skin.

Before

ten recited. In Archangel

treatment,

Karelia, such

charms were extended in length and elaborate in content, frequently incorporating the repetition of invocations and curses.

‘Against Frostbite’ is the opening assage of a 67-line charm of this type.

n the remainder of the text, which is

not

published here, the help of the Vir-

Mordvin Anon. V'il’-ez’em/Pokrovskie Selishchi, Zubova Poliana raion, Mordovian Republic

gin

H. Paasonen Paasonen and

tion of various materials, including

1890

Ravila 1947: 762-63

This Mordvin healing charm had to be

of charms of this type in many parts of the world. The motifs of the sea and

is powerfully personified and devoutly revered as the oldest being on earth.

754

nineteenth century in certain parts of

fire-woman), still recognized in the late

tive. Underlying the charm is a threepart formulaic structure characteristic

Estonia

Numerous beliefs, stories and customs associated with fire have been recorded

One of the ways in which Finns and Karelians treated frostbite was to rub various substances such as snow, hoar-

recited twenty-seven times to be effec-

Estonian

Kuusalu, Harjumaa,

cepts at Il. 6-7 of ‘master’, ‘mistress of fire’ suggest a spell tvpe which may have spread into Estonia from Finland. The reference at |. 8 to [fie] caine (lit.

the tree, lightning, and heaven (Il. 1016) are all linked to the type of cosmoscreation myths which occurs frequently as a strengthening component

in healing charms (cf. pp. 69, Bp). By asserting the magnitude of the tasks

which he can perform (cf. the series of challenges to perform impossible tasks

at Il. 1-9), the healer aims to reduce the enormity of what has to be done (ie. ‘if such things can be done, then so can

this’; cf. pp. 83, 667, 753). The third and

final part of the charm is a typical command to the illness spirit to leave the patient's body. See also p. 531

403. Against Frostbite Karelian Moissei Ahonen

Latvajarvi, Kalevala raion, Republic of Karelia

1877 A. A. Borenius SKVR 1,75

Mary

is invoked to remove the pain

and heal the damaged flesh. In its earljest form, the Finnish-Karelian charm

against frostbite probably comprised a simple exhortation which was developed later through the incorporaan

historiola attributing the origin of Post

to the carcass of a horse, an account of

how frost was suckled by a snake, and

exorcism by means of heat and fire. In eastern Finland and Karelia, the charm also acquired features from a popular dialogue between the months of winter. Once widespread in Northern Europe, this dialogue was the source of certain motifs in the present charm.

The acts performed by the frost at Il. 3-9 come from part of the dialogue between February and March. The motif, which may reflect an account of an ex-

tremely hard winter, was also known

in Old Norse tradition (e.g. the idea of the last winter, Fimbulvinter, in the Edda). The numerous epithets associated with the personification of frost may be connected with St Simon whose festival (28 October) traditionally marked

the arrival of frosty weather.

See also p. 531

Haavio 1967: 471-73; Harva

1957: 108-

404. Sacrificial Prayer to the Old-Oneof-the-Knife Mansi

Konstantin At‘in Sartyn’ia, Lower Sosva region, KhantyMansi Autonomous District, Russian

Federation

1905

A. Kannisto Kannisto and

place and at which the most important Liimola

spirits came to honour the bear (cf. IL. 6-7). A sacred performance began with

1951; 330-31

The Old-one-ol-the-knife

was

a spirit

believed to inhabit seven. different places and to possess the ability to assume seven different forms. He was attributed with great powers, which were believed to be particularly effective in enhancing the supplicant’s physical strength and in securing success

on hunting expeditions (cf. I. 10). He

was also attributed with the power to prevent sickness. One of his dwelling places was the River Sosva, and he was especially revered among the Sosva Mansi. On various occasions such as

an invocation presented by a singer dressed in a sacrificial cloak. In the

course of the performance, the spirit appeared in the room dressed in similar fashion with sacrificial furs draped

around its neck. After dancing and receiving liquor, he left. In addition to an invocation, one or more petitions were also performed. In the present text, the petitions seek to ensure longevity and secure protection against sickness, especially for the ‘wretched’ and those ‘clad in grief’ (i.e. the poor and the sick, I. 2).

when a boat leaked, when preparing

See also p. 531

cial

and Liimola 1959: 245-46

snuff, or when a reindeer went astra in the forest, travellers brought sacrifi-

gifts for the Old-one-of-the-knife

which they delivered to the watchman or guardian of the spirit’s dwelling lace. Common

nives,

clothes.

food

and

sacrificial items were liquor,

See also p. 531

Kannisto et al. 1958:

and Liimola 1951: 464 405.

money

148-51;

and

Kannisto

Mansi Konstantin At’in Sartyn’ia, Lower Sosva region, KhantyMansi Autonomous District, Russian

Federation 1905

Liimola

1959:

11-12

As an intermediary between humans

and the higher gods (cf. Poems 16, 380),

the Man-who-watches-over-the-world

(Mir-susne-hum)

was

revered

by

the

Mansi as one of their most powerful spirits. He was attributed in particular with powers to effect good health and longevity,

a role which

is emphasized

prayers and invocations addressed him. The present invocation was recited towards the end of the Mansi bear drama, on the penultimate or final evein to

406. Healing Charm Finnish

Antti Vinne Pielisjarvi, North Karelia, Finland

1885

K. Krohn

SKVR VII41596

Invocation of the Man-WhoWatches-over-the-World

A. Kannisto Kannisto and

Kannisto et al. 1958: 111-17; Kannisto and Liimola 1958: 410-11; Kannisto

ning, when ‘sacred performances’ took

The

present text, performed ina sauna,

is a fragment from a 40-line charm for curing disease. Without any prelimito enter naries, the healer invokes God

the vapour. Attributing to God the act

stones of casting the water on the stove f — — though the healer does it himsel is a precautionary acknowledgement only that healing can be effecte y as ‘Hone ion. mediat God's gh throu on the stove the name for water thrown in bathing motif n commo a stones is an anaand healing charms, providing Poet

with supranormal salves (cf.

logy protection a0. After invoking divinehealer exorthe for the patient (ll. 9-18), through a formu cizes the illness spirit laic series of curses.

See also pp. 530-31 407. Healing Charm

; Finnish Juhana Kainulainen

Kesalahti, North Karelia, Finland

1828

E. Lonnrot

SKVR VII41758 Poem 407 is a fragment from a 311-line

charm. According to the performer, the charm was recited as the sick person bathed in the sauna. The images in the charm refer to wounds; in the case of women, they may also refer to labour

(‘tearing the thighs’, ‘opening narrow places’). In the powerful series of invocations with which the charm opens, the healer draws freely on different belief systems, summoning in turn not only the Virgin Mary and Jesus but also

the dead, evil and benevolent otherworld spirits, and even Vainamoinen, the primordial healer (cf. Poems 5, 17,

lalien u. stud earc sture, onialavic elec. Hesreat

-53. ‘90d,

450). In phrases typical of healing tradi-

vitsu

the sacred vapour the source of the af-

0. onal

tion, the healeralco seeks to learn from

fliction: water, earth, or the grave. In

the final

published

part of the spell, which is not here,

the

healer

recites

a

series of exhortations addressed variously to Jesus, Mary and ‘Red Hat, son

of the otherworld’. The invocation resent fragment eatures typical of kind. The request

of Mary illustrates materials at ll. 7-8

in the several of this to come

unbelted and with her hair uncombed

was determined by the urgency of the particular healing session: help was needed without delay, before ‘sunrise’,

to arrive before dayrequirin, Mary break after which time su ranormal prebeings were unable to travel. The area cautionary materials at ll. 23-30 the common topos to emphasize that own but healer has no powers of his of God. acts only as the intermediary

p. 530-31 See also i 1963: 277rssteske 1918: 78-81; Kuus

80; Sitkala 1992: 167-69 408. Sauna

Mary

Invocation

to the Virgin

Karelian oo. Miina Huovinen salmi, Kainuu, FinHietajirvi, Suomus land

1910-11

759

tte5lla.

or over the water which she was given to drink. Distinctive Estonian features

S. Jouhki

SKVR 1,699a

in this childbirth charm type include the frequent summoning of St Peter in

into

three

parts:

personified

identification of the

source of evil (IL 1-7); di-

version to a distant place where it can

the collectar that it was only to be recited after the patient had been placed on the sauna bench and water had been sprinkled over the stove stones three times. The opening of the spell (ll. 118) focuses on the function of the vapour. Allusions to the mythical origin of vapour (cf. I]. 12-16) are introduced by reference first to the spirit Sanervatar and then to Gad, as the healer seeks to ensure that the vapour will do its task properly and not rush too hastily into the patient's wounds. The main theme begins at |. 19 with the summoning of the Virgin Mary to bring consecrated bath-whisks and salves. The mo-

addition to the Virgin Marv.

cause no harm (Il. 17-24); alternative propection device of sending the evil

See also p. 531 Pass 1938: 538-64; Pass 1939b: 360-69;

to *hat’ (Il. 25-26) and ‘scarf" (1.27) indicate male and female respectively.

bathing and healing charms. In the present variant, Mary is assisted by a swallow, although this task is more commonly performed by a favourite

Variants of this widespread Hungarian recited charm were used as a cure for

The performer of this charm informed

tif of fetching the salve occurs in most

bee. Obtaining the salves through supranormal means from beyond the seas is symbolic of their otherworld origin.

See also BP. 530-31 Siikala 1978a: 291-301; Siikala 170-72

1992:

409. Labour Charm Estonian Ell Savisikk

Veske

1881: 23-48

nia, Romania

Unknown

Unknown Ortutay and Katona 1975 (2): 18-19 by the evil eye. The

charm employs a common formula in which the illness is first personified and then exhorted to go to another place where its power can cause no arm. The cause of the illness is identi-

were prolific. Certain features of these charms also occur in the most common corresponding materials in Ingria and

Karelia (e.g. invocation of the Virgin

Mary, petition to open the locks of bone). No details have been recorded of actual performance in Estonia. Information collected about the tradition in neighbouring Ingrian areas suggests that a midwife might recite the charm three times either as the woman entered the sauna at the onset of labour

756

evil eye had been avoided. If it sank, the gender of the caster of the evil eye was

revealed, and

soot remaining wiped.

M.

beaker

was

oo. Ostrobothnia, Fin-

Nurmio

Before the scientific classification of diseases, Finnish koi (also koisa), trans-

lated here as ‘gout’, designated a wide

Balatonszentgyérgy, Somogy County,

Hungary 1957 L. Mandoki

Ortutay and Katona 1975 (2): 20

Underlying this Hungarian charm for protection against the evil eye is the idea of persuading the malevolent to wreak

the

SKVR XI 831

Hungarian

spirit

land

1888

See also p. 531

in

See also p. 531 Mandoki 1959: 78-79

comoving

sion of the original formula.

the

er. Any water left over was drunk by the patient, on whose eyebrows the

Finnish L. Viinamaki Isokyr6, Southern

the cause is a common exten-

the forehead of

patient was washed with the sooty wat-

412. Against Gout

Janos Kiss

tonia, an area where childbirth charms

the beaker at the appropriate moment

(i.e. Il. 26, 28). If the chip floated, the

fied in the opening (Il. 1-3), while the

remaining lines are intended to effect the cure. The invocation of a legendary character (Il. 4-5) as intermediary in

Tedre ERA

This spell was collected in northern Es-

a beaker of sooty water beside the performer, who threw a chip of wood into

Kaszonaltiz, Csik County, Transylva-

411. Against Bewitching

7022

According to the informant, the sign

one time, it was also customary to place

Hungarian Anon.

Kolga-Jaani, Viljandimaa, Estonia

1928 A. Kruus

References

of the cross had to be made both before and after recitation of the charm. At

410. Against a Cow's Bewitching

illness caused

back to its source (II, 25-30).

its wickedness

else-

where. The present text is a typical example of medieval recompositions of such charms, incorporating legendar materials to strengthen the charm’s efficacy. The encounter formula falls here

range

of

illnesses

involving

physica,

decomposition and including gout an cancer. The Finnish term derives from Swedish kvesa (caries, swelling, ache, pain, gout) and probably entered Finnish together with the Swedish charm

for curing the illness. The encounter

formula found in corresponding Swedish charms and in the present west Fin,

nish example shows only minima variation. In eastern Finland, however, the variants have become embedded in more extended spells in which the sim-

ple encounter therne has been lost. i

Since the cause of koi was generally attributed to a worm (an archaic con

cept of disease, cf. tooth-worm, p. 82),

fishing worms and snake fat are some-

times mentioned in traditional treatments of the condition. More commonlv, however, ordinary unpurified animal fat was used as an ointment

which

was applied during the recita-

tion of the charm.

The

recitation was

often repeated three times with the performer spitting each time the spell ended.

See also p. 531

Brummer 1909: 97-131; Honko 33-34; Hastesko 1918: 92-95

1959a:

413. Against Pain in the Neck Hungarian

Anon. Klézse, Moldova,

1950s V. Didszegi

Romania

Ortutay and Katona 1975 (2): 22 This Hungarian charm, very similar in content to a text published in northern Hungary in 1578, was used to cure various conditions which caused swelling,

particularly of a gangrenous nature, in

the present instance in the neck. The

encounter on the road between a legendary character and the source of the pain provides an historiola of the my:

thical origin of the condition (Il. 1-18).

Once

the cause has been identified, it

is exhorted to go to a place where it can cause no harm (Il. 19-35). Typically, the cause is exorcized to an otherworld, characterized by various inverse life and impossibility symbols (e.g. dogs not barking, cocks not crowing, entry at the head and exit at the heels). The same charm, appropriately adapted, was also performed to cure other conditions. See also p. 53]

1892

A. Hildén

SKVR VIII 335

Scandinavia and Finland represent later legend tradition based on the biblical account of Jesus’ journey to Jerusalem on an ass. The final part of the charm (ll. 9-14), which remains surprisingly consistent, is thought to embody a widespread pre-Christian charm formula, a version of which can be found among the prayers in the Indian Atharvaveda. This type of charm formula may have combined with a version of the opening narrative comonent in European tradition, in which orm it could have spread into Finland

from Sweden during the Middle Ages.

The earliest documentary reference to the charm in Finland dates from 1789; since then several hundred variants have been collected in Finland and Karelia. The present text represents a west Finnish form in which the narra-

tive component (Il. 1-9) and the spell

formula have been assimilated into a brief but succinct account. The healing act linked to this charm was similar in its basic features throughout the performance area. Nine knots

were tied in a woollen

thread,

which was then tied round the sprained joint (reference to the colour of the thread is a distinctive Finnish-

Karelian feature). Athough a knotted thread is an ancient, widespread, mul-

tifunctional healing and protective de-

vice,

it may

have

had

an additional

analogous function in the healing of

sprains: the dislocated bones were urged to fit together tightly like the knots in the thread.

40Christiansen 1914; Hastesko 1918:

44; Kuusi 1963: 287-89

Finnish

Maija Karbiin

of the variants recorded in Germany, Britain, Russia, the Baltic countries,

See also p. 531

414. Against a Sprain

Marttila, South-West

Versions of the present Finnish charm to cure a sprain are widespread in Northern and Central Europe. Although the principal characters in the earliest documentary record of the charm — one of the two ninth-century Merseburg Charms — are pagan, most

Finland

St An415. Against Boils, Carbuncles,

tony’s Fire

Hungarian Anon.

Erk, Heves County, Hungary Unknown B. Gulyas Ortutay and Katona 1975 (2): 17 Although their existence was widely known in southern and western Hungary, charms of this type appear to have been performed only rarely. The combination of pre-Christian and Christian elements in the present text indicates the antiquity of the type. The opening reference to life originating from a tree in the sea is an ancient creation motif with parallels in many parts of the world (cf. pp. 83-86). The form of the motif at ll. 2-5 is very common in Hungarian charms and is typically associated here with St Ann and the

Virgin Mary (cf. Poem 1). The exorcism

topos in the last three lines is one of the most widespread of its kind in this Hungarian spell type. See also pp. 531-32

XI Death 416. To the Body-Washers Karelian Anni Lehtonen Vuonninen/Voinitsa,

Republic of Karelia 1911-17 S. Paulaharju Paulaharju 1924: 74-75

Kalevala

raion,

The Karelians laid out the body of the deceased on clean straw spread out on the floor and washed it before rigor

mortis set in. The body-washers usually

numbered two or three and were men or women depending on the gender of the deceased. According to traditional beliefs, the spirit of the deceased person would assist the washers across the Tuonela River into the otherworld when their turn came to die. The present lament was performed by a daughter and addressed to the men washing her father’s corpse. The urpose of the lament was

to ensure

that the corpse was scrubbed as clean

as

bepossible, since the deceased was

lieved to enter the otherworld in exact-

757

ly the same physical state as at burial. The daughter's exhortation to wash her father’s corpse until it looks like a white swan combines metaphor with traditional soul-bird beliefs (cf. Tl. 6-8) that the spirits of the dead were thought to return to the homes of the living as birds. The lament ends with a shift of focus from the act of washing to the expression of the performer's own grief and despair.

See also p. 373 Konkka

73-76

1985: 42-44; Paulaharju 1924:

417. To the Coffin-Makers Anon.

Suistamo, Suojarvi raion, Republic of Karelia 1870 A. Genetz Genetz 1870: 106

Honko 1963: 109-10; Konkka 1985: 5357

Karelian Anna

Ivanovna

Nikolaeva

Vieljarvi/Vedlozero, Priazha raion, Republic of Karelia 1966 L. Honko Turku University Folklore Archive: auThe performer said she had learnt the

resent lament as a twelve-year-old

from

her married sister who

had per-

house where their mother’s body lay

from

a single

iece of wood, had to be made as quick-

y as possible; in some districts, the deceased was laid out on a bench for only

one night before being placed in the coffin. The significance attached to the preparation of the coffin is shown by the association of three different types

of lament with the task. One type was

erformed when the coffin was rought into the house, the second accompanied the placing of the body in the coffin, the third was performed to

thank the coffin-makers for their help. The present text represents the first type.

he lamenter is anxious to be assured that the coffin was made from the very best timber and that it will be

to the liking of the deceased. The need

to use timber from trees in which birds

(cf. II. 9-10) re-

flects a belief in soul-birds. It was essential to avoid upsetting the deceased - should he or she return in the form

of a bird — by felling trees in which the wish

to rest. In

some versions of this lament type, the concern for the well-being of the de-

ceased in the otherworld extends to the

variation exists, depending on contextual factors such as the subject of the

performance, Names and symbolic references dependent on gender undergo

systematic change. The dead sister in the present text is expected to be pre-

paring, food (1. 25), whereas the broth-

er-in-law in the second, 1966, recording

is repairing his fishing nets. Each performance also shows variation in specific textual features. The choice of endearments and other filler words

418. This Time | Come

before burial. In 1951, Anna

fin, originally hollowed

758

_

p. 573

formed it in 1921 on arriving at the

Karelian tradition required that the cof-

soul might one day

See also

dio tape Honko 66/127:70

Karelian

had not rested or sung

provision of domestic comforts such as windows, bolstered beds and small stoves.

Ivanovna

varies, word

order changes freely, and

the performer may use synonyms to express the same concept and different phrases to convey the same metaphor.

At one performance, a motif may be the subject of elaborate development,

whereas at another it may be expressed by only the briefest allusion (or omitted if not an essential structural feature). The mode in which parts of the text

are cast also changes. Although the deceased is addressed in direct speech (cf. ll. 35-41), Anna Ivanovna does not use

it in any of the other three recorded

performed the same lament on the oc-

versions of ‘This Time I Come’.

ance of this lament have been recorded:

See also p. 573 Honko 1 b80: 21-40; Stepanova MS: 124

casion of her sister's death. Three other versions of Anna Ivanovna’s performin

1964,

addressed

to her

mother;

in

1966 to her brother-in-law; and in 1970, again with her mother as the subject. The text itself is a relatively common Karelian ritual lament of the type performed by one of the deceased's dose kin (usually a married daughter) on arrival at the house where the deceased

lay ready

for burial. The lamenter’s ac-

count of her arrival is characterized by

419. Lament for an Unmarried Girl Mordvin Anastasiia Evdokimovna

. Pivtsaikina

Mordvoskoe Davydovo, Kochkurovo raion, Mordovian Republic

the steady pace at which each phase unfolds. By her use of powerful im-

1950 L. S. Kavtas’kin UPTM 7 (1): 257-58

fore/now opposition, the lamenter cre-

This Mordvin

grief-stricken landscape. Typically, the

at the funeral of an unmarried girl in order to raise her status in the other-

agery and effective repetition of the beates an expressive picture of a silent

performer acts as if the relative is still alive. She tries to meet her sister and speak to her as a living person - combining farewells with requests for for-

giveness (cf. I], 35-36) before the eventual acceptance of the reality of death. Comparison of the four versions of the lament recorded by Anna Ivanovna shows a text unchanged in structure and themes at each performance. Within this structural and thematic framework, however, considerable scope for

the informal

lament formed part of

marriage

world, a practice which

rite per! ormed

survived until

relatively recent times. According to local custom, the mother of the eae girl remained by her side until buria took place. -

On the day of the girl's

death, het

corpse was washed, dressed in her bes in the clothes and laid out on a bench corner of the living room. While her male kin prepared the coffin and crore and

dug

the

grave,

the

female

«in

brought bread, salt and warm food. On the c¢ ay of the funeral, the deceased

girl’s female kin brought a gift of porridge. The gift served as a Jink to normal wedding rites (i.e. the *maiden’s por-

ridge’, brought to the bride on the eve

of her wedding). Directing her words at the porridge, one of the women would begin to lament. After asking the hearth spirit not to be distressed at her

voice,

she sought

had

assembled

the blessing

of

the deceased kin. All the women sat down beside the dead girl, while the lamenter performed the present text. Reminding her listeners that they for a funeral, and

not

for a wedding, the lamenter addressed herself to Nishke, the sky god, to his

wife and daughter Kastargo. The refer-

ence to the written record kept by Kastargo (Il. 46-51) is a reinterpretation of Kastargo’s traditional role in nonChristian Mordvin beliefs as the deceased’s spokesperson in the otherworld. This role has been combined here with an affirmation of the Christian belief in eventual justice and reward. The heavenly cradle, as the vehicle of the deceased (Il. 39-40) and the use of which is in Kastargo's gift

another motif common to wedding funeral laments; in the former, bride expresses her wish to use cradle as a means of escaping her (Poet 325).

is yet

and the the fate

See also p. 573

Bartens 1990b: 114; Harva 1952: 14546; Kavtas’kin 1972: 186-92; UPTM 7

(1): 255-56

420.

A Woman the Bench

Laments

Her

Son

on

Karelian

Agrafena Pavlovna Dobrokhvalova

Ruispuusta/Arzhanoe, S irovo raion, Tver’ oblast’, Russian Federation

1977

L. Honko ; Turku University Folklore Archive: au-

dio tape Honko 77/66

The performer of this Tver’-Karelian

lament, a widow born in 1908, paid

regular visits to two graveyards. In one of her she lamented in memory

parents, in the other her husband

and

two sons. The present lament was performed for her mentally handicapped son, Boris, who had been wholly deendent on her care and attention until his death at the age of twenty-six. The dominant feature of the lament is the mother’s deep regret that her son had never been able to lead a normal life. It had been necessary to keep him tied up (II. 15-18) and, on occasions of per-

sonal weakness, she had begged her ancestors and the saints to take him away (II. 25-33). The performance ends with her expression of personal guilt at not having been able to cure her son through the power of prayer (Il. 5056). The same basic features are also present in another recording of the lament made the same year. In the later recording,

however,

the lament

ends

with a new declaration: that her son’s sufferings made him worthy of canonization. See also pp. 573-74

Virtaranta and Virtaranta 1986: 273-75 421. A Girl Laments Her Mother Estonian

Darja Petrovna Krantsova

Setumaa, Pechory raion, Pskov oblast’, Russian Federation

1884 J. Hurt

Hurt 1907: 274

Death laments addressed to either the father or the mother survived in particularly large numbers until recent times in Setumaa. The kin of the deceased began the performance of laments at sunset after the corpse had been washed and dressed ready for burial. Although it reached its climax on the day of funeral, lamentation continued to be performed until the ninth day after death; subsequently, laments were performend only on annual memorial days.

The contents of the present text do

not indicate association with any one particular phase of the funeral rites, although contextual evidence suggests erformance in the home of the deceased before the funeral. The perform-

er's closing thought ~ that she might accompany her mother to the grave (II. 55-61) — is unusual in Setumaa tradition, although it does occur, for examle, in Russian and Hungarian laments

cf. com. to Poem 432).

plaint

at ll. 9-16,

The nettle-care

a common

feature

elsewhere in Estonian orphan’s and widow’s lyric songs, illustrates the particularly close relationship between Setumaa laments and lyric. Motifs from the latter are often incorporated in laments and both traditions have developed characteristic forms of expression based on similar types of alliteration and parallelism. See also p. 574

Pino MS: 1-22; Salve MS: 1-12; Sarv V.

1986b: 203-08 422. A Man

Laments His Wife

Udmurt Anon. Sordyrsk, Glazov raion, Udmurt ublic efore 1888 N. Pervukhin Wichmann 1893b: 109-10

Re-

The Udmurts’ lament poetry is unusual in that it was also performed by men, although this is a feature of the lament tradition of Besserman Turks living among

the Udmurt communities, an

was also on occasions practised by Russians, Komi and Hungarians. The recorded versions of this lament type are based on motifs corresponding to those erformed by a wife for her dead husband. Laments performed by men are generally shorter and more terse in their message, which is usually concern for the future well-being of the bereaved. See also p. 574

423. A Woman Laments Her Daughter Udmurt Anon.

Karavaevskoi, Glazov region, Udmurt Republic 1888

759

N. Pervukhin Wichmann 1893b:

See also

Kiss and 830-41

113-14

This lament combines stock Udmurt features (e.g, deceased no longer at work, loneliness of bereaved, God's will, wish for happiness in otherworld)

with various apparent improvisations associated with unlived life and loss of opportunity to marry (IL 8-10, 12). In particular, the question about wha is to perform the deceased’s household duties illustrates the work mottf, a basic and widespread feature of lament oetry. In the present text, tasks performed by girls and women are prom-

p. 574

Rajeezkv

1966: 98-99,

109-10,

A. K. Mikushev Mikushev and Chistalev

M. Csordas (?)

Ortutay and Katona 1975 (2): 104-05

song

(biicsiiztatd)

inent (Il. 2-7); in laments performed on

performed at the burial of a man struck y lightning, the present text is re-

tioned are usually ploughing, thresh-

which

the death

of a son,

the duties

ing, carpentry and general for the needs of the family.

men-

provision

until recent times in

the Protestant areas of Hungary. Num-

erous texts of funeral farewell have survived in manuscript

songs song-

books compiled by local cantors; the

See also p. 574

oldest known example dates from the sixteenth century. It is not known

whether Hungarian songs and laments

424. The Widow

Hungarian

Widow of Jézsef Katona

Nagyszalonta, Oradea region, Romania 1916 Z. Kodaly Ortutay and Katona 1975 (2): 64-65 Performed by a wife for her dead husband at their home before the start of the funeral procession, strophic laments of this type have been recorded only in areas east of the River Tisza and in Transylvania. The style of the lament reveals Calvinist influence, a feature also apparent in certain phrases and images reminiscent of the lan-

guage of

presentative of a lament-song tradition survived

Psalms and hymns. Both the

funeral farewell are parallel de-

velopments or whether the song is a later feature, which gradually replaced the lament. Apart from obvious affinities with

laments,

farewell

share certain features with

songs

also

the songs

addressed by the best man to the bride in wedding rites and with farewell

monologues of the dying hero in heroic

epic.

Typically, the song has a strophic structure and was performed at the graveside by a local cantor addressing the mourners in the first person and s eaking as through the mouth of the

eceased

(though

Il. 25-26 refer to an

earlier phase in the funeral rites). The

cantors are known to have performed

the songs in three situations: outside the house

of the bereaved

family;

on

strophic structure and use of endrhyme are thought to indicate oral poetry of relatively recent composition (this particular lament type is still common in the late twentieth century). Some scholars believe that laments of this type may also have been influenced by corresponding Romanian tradition. In addition to weeping over

the way to the graveyard, at the graveside. The present text illustrates the most common themes of this type: lament-style plaints (Il. 16-20); the deceased’s ‘own’ account of death (I!. 13-

wife customarily embraced the coffin before the funeral procession set off.

See also p. 574 Kiss and Rajeczky 1966: 88-90

the corpse (cf. Il. 17-20), the

760

Hungarian

16); farewells, thanks, blessing, instruc-

tions and warnings to those left behind

(i.

1-12,

25-28);

an

of the Migrant Worker's

1959

Hungarian Mihaly Csordas Akaszté, Pest County, Hungary 1868

farewell

Widow

Komi Irina Zakharovna Rocheva Izhma, Izhma raion, Republic of Komi

425. Struck by Lightning

A funeral

426. Lament

affirmation

Christian belief (I!. 21-24).

of

1968: 75-76

This Komi text, probably performed at home by the deceased's wife just before the departure of the funeral procession to the graveyard, concentrates on the deceased's care for his family and his

last departure from home (using his former departures for work as the frame of reference). The personal portrait in the closing lines brings out poignantly the lamenter’s grief and anxieties. The grief is heightened by the husband's death in a strange land. The Komi shared with many other peoples the belief in the importance of the members of the family being present at the moment of death when the ‘soul-

spirit’ (Km, lov, thought to dwell in the

head) left the body in the form of vapour (cf. 1. 37). Even

greater concern

was felt if the deceased was buried far from home because the soul was believed to remain in the vicinity of the lace of burial. Although only little is nown of old Komi beliefs about the relationship between the place of burial and the otherworld, the present text shows clearly that anxiety about the

soul’s journey to the atherworld was one of the lamenter’s main preoccupations.

See also p. 574 Holmberg 1914: 14-27; Mikushev and Chistalev 1968: 14 427. The Orphan Vote

Solomonida

Kuzmina

.

Kattila/Kotly, Kingisepp raion, Leninrad oblast’, Russian 943 M. Virolainen Honko et al. MS 1756

Federation

This Vote ‘waking lament’ was probably performed in the home of the de-

ceased

as she lay beneath

the family

icons. In the lament, the daughter tries

to wake her mother at dawn on the day

of burial (cf. Il. 17-20). The concentration in the present text on personal,

improvised materials arranged within

and

often also of Mordvin

tradition),

but above all by the concluding affirmation of the irreversibility of death. The opening of the lament illustrates the extent

to which

Christian

motifs

had become an integral part of the

to indicate relatively recent composi-

Mordvins’ worldview: the rising sun is compared to the priest administering

the consistent use of distinctive appellations based on the mother-child relationship and constructed from tradi-

bride just before daybreak.

a loose structural framework is thought tion. Nevertheless, features of earlier lament forms can be identified, such as

tional periphrastic forms (cf. pp. 570,

731). The motifs of the mother’s failure

to reply (Il. 27-32) and the orphaned

the ast rites. The coming of the dawn is also a central feature and symbol in laments performed by the Mordvin

daug hter’s depiction of the harshness of life (Il. 40-47) occur in similar form

See also p. 575

materials.

50-52; Mahler 1968: 416-90

in other Vote poems and also in Ingrian

See pp. 574-75 Honko

et

al. MS

Ingrian Akuliina Kirillova Loankyla/Logi, Kingisepp

Mordvin

Avdot‘ia Kuz’minicha Afon’kina Starye Naimany, Bol’shie Berezniki raion, Mordovian Republic 1936 V. A. Chesnokov UPTM 7 (1): 59-60 The relationship between the deceased and close kin acquired a special significance among the Mordvins during the two or three days the body lay be-

icons.

the family

Bartens 1990b: 113-14; Harva 1952: 38; Imiarekov 1975: 315-19; Konkka 1985:

429. Lament for a Mother

1756 com.

428. Lament at Daybreak

neath

During

this

phase, the members of the family did

not undress and slept only very little.

If they did fall asleep, the moment they woke up they compared their dreams very carefully for any message from the deceased. The most important of the laments performed during this phase, the leavereis succinctly lament, taking resented by the present text, performed by a daughter to her mother

on the morning of the funeral. The text

presents a factual picture of the funeral scene, described by the performer as if to a person present but unable to see. The realism conveyed by the text is fur-

ningrad oblast’, Russian

197

E. Kiuru

It was customary in Ingria and Karelia to address a ‘waking lament’ to the corpse each morning while it remained in the house. Such laments comprise a series of rhetorical statements reaching a climax — as illustrated in the present text — with the awakening of the corpse on the day of the funeral and the summons to partake of the last family meal. The performer (born 1902) incorporates features of her own lifehistory in the text, recalling how she was left to bring up her younger brothers and sister at W. 10-13) after her mother's death in Kazakhstan in the 1920s. Akuliina Kirillova was regarded as one of the most skilled of the last generation of Ingrian lamenters. Her re ertoire included twenty-five death laments of which five are of the ‘waking: type. All her laments in this category are characterized by the leitmotif: ‘but you cannot rise .../ You cannot wake’ (Il. 20-21). See also

Karelian

1985: 50

(typical

of

Russian,

raion, Le-

Federation

Honko et al. MS 1632

ther enhanced by the absence of refer-

ence to ritual attempts to wake the deceased

In bridal

laments, the dawn ts described as a thing of beauty; in funeral laments dawn does not come.

Honko

p. 575

A al. MS

1632 com.;

Konkka

430. The Gate Mari Kilwi,

Jasan’s

daughter

Kulwi's daughter

or

Marzan,

Nishnii Potam, Krasnoufimsk raion, Sverdlovsk oblast’, Russian Federation 1887 A. Genetz Genetz 1889: 76

This song, performed as part of memo-

rial rites (cf. Poem 438), combines cer-

tain features of the Mari perception of the otherworld with expression of anger towards the ruler of that domain (kiamat-tra). In this latter respect, the song is unusual, since Mari beliefs, bur-

ial and memorial rites (and indeed variants of the present text) customarily all display reverence and respect towards the otherworld spirit in recognition of his powers over the fate of the dead. The cuckoo calling at the graveyard gate (i.e. marking the realm of the dead) probably has some connection

with ‘soul-bird’ concepts (cf. the cus-

tom in some Mari areas of placing carved wooden birds on poles in the graveyard). See also p. 575 Bartens 1990a: 36-37; Holmberg 1926a:

15-23

431. At Her Mother’s Burial

Ingrian Anon.

Oussinmaki,

Kingisep

rad oblast’, Russian

882

raion, Lenin‘ederation

V. Porkka Honko et al. MS 1519

According to the anonymous perform-

er, this lament was

performed

as the

deceased was being taken to the graveyard. The text itself contains compo” two separate lament types. The of ts nen first, at IL. iid was performed as the mourners moved in procession to the graveyard, the second, at Il, 15-18, at the graveside. All the characteristic features of a procession lament can be identified in the text. First, the lamenter seeks for-

761

giveness on the deceased's behalf for any offence that may

have been given

to any of the mourners while alive and

even to non-human participants (II. 25). Secondly, the lamenter addresses to

the deceased a step-by-step account of the journey to the graveyard and thence to the otherworld (1. 9-14). In the latter connection, the text illustrates clearly a transformation of the lam-

enters

role into

pomp

that of the psycho-

as the deceased's soul is guided

through

the narrow

doors leading to

Tuonela, the domain of the dead. The lament also incorporates the common

wish to dig a shallow grave, reflecting

the belief that this makes it easier to remain close to the deceased. This wish

farewell to the deceased and sought forgiveness. The funeral procession halted at the edge of the village, where one of the mourners bade farewell in the name of the deceased to the sur-

rounding meadows and forest. Before

the coffin was lowered into the grave, coins were thrown into the hole ‘in payment of the burial place’. Each phase in the funeral rites was accompanied by lamentation. The present text has been compiled from the laments of two performers. ‘The Wake’ and ‘At the Coffin’ were per-

formed

by

Kocheva,

the

following

three parts by Palkina. Although Komi laments were always cast in Komi grammar and syntax, the incidence of

is expressed more explicitly in other variants, which continue with the girl's threat to dig her mother out of the earth

Russian in the lexicon is here, typically, great. Similarly, many of the motifs in

motif in Ingrian lyric poetry).

description of the coffin as being with-

with her bare hands

See also p. 575 Honko et al. MS 1978b: 79-96

(also a recurrent

1519

com.;

out windows

Honko

432. Lament Sequence for Aleksandra Ivanovna Komi Liutsiia

Palkina Koptiuga raion,

Mikhailovna

and

Kocheva,

Ust’-Vacherga,

Republic of Komi

this lament cycle correspond to those common in Russian death laments (e.g.

E.

K.

Udora

1961, 1966

A. K. Mikushev Mikushev et al. 1971: 166-69

blocked by growth, ll. 16-24). In content

and

was

kept,

since it was

762

text

is

home except on specific ritual memorial

occasions.

The

resolution

of

this

conflict is provided by the widespread Karelian-Ingrian

belief in the return of

the soul of the deceased

to its former

dwelling place in the form of a bird (IL. 25-29).

See also p. 575 Honko

et al.

1985: 68-69

MS

1314

com.;

Konkka

434, The Psychopomp Mordvin

Pelageia Nikitichna Pokrovkina

Permisi, Bol’shie Berezniki raion, Mor-

dovian Republic 1936 L. S. Kavtas’kin

UPTM

7 (1): 116-17

any kin appellations (the deceased is

This Mordvin lament was the last in a cycle performed as the accompaniment to funeral rites. Performance was by a

only) suggests that the performer may have been a neighbour or professional

in place. Most of the preceding laments

addressed

See also p. 575 Mahler

in the text of

by first name and patronym

lamenter brought 1968:

in for the occasion.

408-16;

1971: 10-12, 241

Ingrian Anon.

left over

present

vidual features, absence

ody after which they laid it out on a bench or table in the icon corner. Any soap

the

uestions, requests for forgiveness, arewells and certain distinctive indi-

433. Ata

believed to offer protection against disease and hostile spells. The coffin was laced on wooden trestles beside the ody. Wood remaining after the coffin had been made was burnt. Once the funeral party was ready to leave the house, the body was placed in the coffin. As the party left, the door was closed three times as protection against another death in the near future. At the same time, members of the family bade

style,

characterized by its factuality and lack of embellishment. Despite rhetorical

In the Udora region, the Komi lament cycle accompanying funeral rites be-

an with the old people washing the

or door, Il. 43-45; paths

central theme of the lament, developed at Il. 15-32, is the idea of meeting the deceased once more in the world of the living, despite the commonly held view (apparent in tales and beliefs) that the soul was unwelcome in the former

Mikushev

et al.

Lomonosov

in the cycle had concentrated on de-

scribing to the deceased the activity taking place around her. The purpose of the concluding

from conveying

laments

was,

apart

the final farewell, to

provide advice and guidance for life in

Father's Burial

Harjavalta,

daughter after her mother’s grave had been filled with earth and the cross put

raion,

grad oblast’, Russian Federation

Lenin-

1859 A. Torneroos, T. Tallqvist Honko et al. MS 1314

This lament was performed as the lam-

enter’s father was being lowered into

the grave. It contains a typical account of the event with the main focus on the perception of the grave as a cramped, Prison-like, eternally dreary place. The

the otherworld. Reference had already been made to the otherworld in the two laments performed immediately before the present one through requests to the deceased's grandparents to receive her soul and open the graveyard gates. It is only in ‘The Boychopomp, how-

ever, that the deceased begins to tread

the path leading to the otherworld. The

lament conveys succinctly the Mord-

vins’

‘dismal’,

perception ‘dark

of

the

forests’

otherworld:

(JJ.

6-11),

lo-

cated beyond a river, underground (cf. ll. 14-16),

ued

where

the deceased

to live the same

before

death

kind

(comparable

about the journey

contin-

of life as laments

to the otherworld

were also performed by Karelians). The concluding section of the lament (IL. 3039) synthesizes non-Christian and Christian elements. From the moment of leaving the body at death, six weeks

had to pass before the deceased's spirit, valde ope (it. bright spirit) underwent

Judgement (1. 36° when — it was believed — the pravers of the deceased's

kin on her behalf might be taken into account.

See also

p. 575

Harva 1952: 20-24, 127-34; Honko 1978b:

79-96; Konkka

1985: 50-53

Dénes

Romania

Ortutay and Katona 1975 (2): 60-61

This Hungarian lament was performed by

while

a

seventy-one-year-old

visiting her

widow

husband’s grave.

Graveside lamenting of this kind, which could continue for many years after burial, was still widespread in the

1920s. The most frequent themes in

Hungarian laments for husbands were: 1 pain at loss; 2 factual but ersonal account of the cause of death; 3 anxiety about the future of the children; 4 plea

to the husband to return home, if only in a dream, and advise what is to be done; 5 complaints about loneliness. The present text is constructed from Themes

2, 4 and 5 with particular em-

phasis on Theme 4. Features of special interest include the emotional intensity (e.g. the wife wants to join her husband in death), use of bird metaphor common in Hungarian tradition and associated with the human soul, wides

(cf. Il. 13-19); secondly, the mother lam-

Savelii Vingalev

Sartyi ia, Lower Sosva region, KhantyMansi Autonomous District, Russian Federation

1905

A. Kannisto Kannisto and

Liimola 1963: 99-100

Although the Khanty and Mansi are known to have had a lament tradition, only a few short texts have been recorded. The present lament was performed by a mother at her son’s graveon the third day after

mediately after burial, a funeral

Gyimesk6zéplok, Csik/Harghita 1958 B. Sarosi

Mansi

read

is a belief that life in the otherworld reflection of life before death, and ~ in the this context — the wife's anxiety for 12Il. (cf. deceased the of g well-bein 13).

See alsa p. 576 781Kiss and Rajeczky 1966: 93-100, 1975 Katona and Ortutay 1049-86; 841, (2): 627-28

feast

was served from wooden dishes set out on the grave cover. Feasting took place again three days later, when the resent text may also have been perormed. Certain features of the lament illuminate old Mansi concepts of the

place of the dead: located under round

on ‘the other side of heaven’ (Il. 3-4) where — it was believed — the deceased continued to pursue their former way of life, here as hunter and fisherman.

Although it was performed by a man, rethe present text is nevertheless

presentative of women’s lament tradition.

256-57; Kannisto and Liimola 1963: Karjalainen Kannisto et al. 1958: 31-64; 1921: 129-78

437. On Her Own

Mordovian Republic 1889

Kovylkino raion,

H. Paasonen 1947: 593-95 Paasonen and Ravila

This Moksha-Mordvin

has

lost

the

person

who

ents the loss of a companion (cf. Il. 8-11); the third loss is of the person responsible for arranging her own funeral and thus securing Ber a proper passage to the otherworld. The awesome significance of this last loss is alluded to in |. 12. The full horror of the mother’s life is conveyed in the final part of the lament, in which she fore-

sees that her loneliness and shelterlessness wil] last for ever. Without proper

observance of the funeral rites, her sou!

will not even be able to pass to the otherworld, but will have to wander eternally as a ghost from place to place (cf. Il. 30-33). To convey the horror of this fate, the performer has drawn on materials used by Moksha-Mordvin lamenters to depict the fate of orphaned children reduced to a life of begging. See also p. 576

Harva 1952: 20-21

438. When I Die Mari U. S. Iandulova

Kuknur, Marii-El

Sernur

rayon,

Republic

of

1966

See also p. 576

Mordvin Anon. Imalav/Mamolaevo,

she

would have cared for her in old age

death, the traditional funeral day. Im-

Hungarian

County, Transylvania,

First,

side, probably

435. Visiting a Husband’s Grave Anna

436. A Mother's Lament

jament was ad-

her son, who dressed by a mother to lasting twelve ess illn an r afte had died healers nayers and ears and whom From the . 2-7) 1. ie cure to had failed of view, the loss performer's point death is threefold. s son’ the caused by

L. Vikdr, G. Bereczki Vikdr and Bereczki 1971: 214-15

Short songs were performed b the Mari in connection with memorial rites held on the third, seventh and fortieth days after a relative’s death. The usual of this type were the themes in songs finality of death, longing for the family and the deceased’s concern for those rmleft alive. The effect of such perfo ances was heightened by accompantof bagment on the Mari suft’r, a kind sed at pipe. The presence of the decea lthe memorial rites was often symbo friend ized by the participation of a s; alterdressed in the deceased's clothe on

natively, the clothes were placed memodisplay during the rite. In many espread rial songs, as in the present wi nce was prese example, the deceased's ges prefurther symbolized by passa1 the deas sented in the first person

763

ceased were addressing the mourners. A lyric song based on a comparable tree motif was also known among the

Udmurt (cf. Poent 278).

See also p. 576 Holmberg 1926a: 12-3; Karmazin 1931:

378-79; Sebeok and Ingemann_ 1956: 158-61; Vikar and Bereczki 1971: 66; Vikar and Bereczki 1979: 76

439. Six Weeks without You

K. Rédei

Mikushev et al. 1971: 132

This Komi lament was performed as part of memorial rites held on the fortieth day or six weeks (cf. |. 3) after

and

attended

orial rites. At least forty guests had

to be invited and were expected to bring pastries and other baked foods as their contribution to the feast (cf. Il. 33-43). The motif of the cruel father at ture in the improvisation, since stock

Evgeniia Grigor’evna Trosheva Shoshki, Kniazh-Pogost raion, Republic of Komi 1964

death

ight. Its purpose was to raise the deceased from the grave so that she could join the feast (cf. Il. 16-17), Among the Vepsians, the fortieth-day celebrations were the most important of all the mem-

ll. 7-13 may reflect an individual fea-

Komi

A. K. Mikushev,

evidence suggests that the lament was erformed in the gravevard before first

by all the de-

ceased’s kin. The mourners sat at a table in male and female groups according to the degree of relationship to the deceased. Feasting followed formal commemoration of the deceased. Sometimes wine was poured at the foot of the grave cross or into holes dug for

maltreatment

images

(e.g.

beating,

forcing to rise early) — contrasting with

the gentle loving mother - are normail

associated in Baltic-Finnish oral tradition with the mother-n-law or an unrelated housewife. The reference to parents’ at Il. 23-24 probably means that because of the father’s cruelty the

dead mother ought to represent both parents.

See also

p. 576-77

441. Anniversary

was always laid, or the deceased was represented at the feast by the person

A. Reguly Honko et al. MS 1706

Holmberg 1971: 12,

1914: 34-35; Mikushev et al. 239

440. Memorial Supper Vepsian

Anon. Shimgar /Shimozero,

Vytegra

raion,

Vologda oblast’, Russian’ Federation

1889 J. H. Kala Setala et al. 1951: 536-39

This lament was addressed by a daughter to her mother at the memorial feast

which took after death

764.

a

place on the fortieth day Il. 14-15,

1841

Sung by

See also p. 576

22). Textual

a wife to her husband or by

a daughter

Vepsian

Pelageia Nikolaevna Bogdanova Nemzh/Nemzha, Podporozhe raion, Leningrad

1965

oblast’,

R. P. Lonin Zaitseva and

Russian

Mullonen

Federation

1969: 35

This Vepsian lament was performed at a spring-memorial festival. The opening (1]. 1-4) comprises a typical rhetorical question and endearments followed by affirmation of the mother’s metamorphosis into a cuckoo since her death in early spring. The lament con-

cludes with

the daughter seeking a

sign

by which to recognize her mother. Underlying this imagery are beliefs, wide-

spread throughout

Northern Eurasia,

in the ability of the human soul to enter flying creatures after death (ie. birds, insects). This belief is illustrated in the themes and motifs of Baltic-Finnish on - often in elaborate poetic language — the petition represented in its most basic form in the present Vepsian text. The soul-bird belief was also reflected

this purpose. As the deceased was be-

who had washed the corpse.

Bird

and Russian laments, all of which draw

Joalaid Me. 10-11

Vote Anna Ivanovna Kattila/Kotly, Kingisepp raion, Leningrad oblast’, Russian Federation

lieved to return from the grave to take part in the feast, an additional place

442. The

to her father,

the

present

memorial lament type was performed

for three successive years on the anniversary of death. The memorial rite

in various associated customs. Among the Vepsians, for example, all the birds

encountered on yard to celebrate orial rites were in case the soul entered into one

the way to the grave the fortieth-day meminvited to take part of the deceased had of them.

See also p. 577

;

Haavio 1959a: 61-81; Joalaid Sdéderholm 1980: 141-48

took place at the graveside. In addition to the immediate members of the fam-

443. Rise Up, Husband

The opening petition to ‘open Death’s

Solomonida

MS: 11,

ily, it was attended by all the other kin.

Vote

doors’

Kattila/Kotly, Kingisepp raion, Lenintad oblast’, Russian Federation 942 P. Ariste

is addressed here, unusually, to

the father

himself

instead

of to the

spiri ts who receive the newly deceased.

e motif of the deceased giving his hand from the grave occurs only rarel in Vote and Ingrian tradition, a thoug it is common among Setumaa Esto-

nians,

See also p. 577 Honko et al. MS 1706 com.

Kuzmina

/

Honko et al. MS 1736

Solomonida Kuzmina (born 1877) was one of the last Vote singers. A skilled lamenter, she was frequently asked to

lament on behalf of families to which

she was not related. Characteristic of

her recorded performances (and t al of lament tradition in Ingria picin its final phase) is the improvised incorporation of numerous personal features. Versions of the same lament recorded on different occasions show considerable variation. The prese nt memorial

lament,

performed

at

her

husband's graveside, is an example of one of her most personal compositions. In addition to bird imagery in 1.3, only II, 12-14 retain traditional stereotyped materials (e.g. ‘cold village’, ‘to be rocked by every jaw’). See also 577 Ariste 1960: 68-70; 1736 com.

444. A Woman

version, the performer concentrates on the closeness of the Telationship between mother and daughter (cf. repetition of the phrase ‘gentle words of

mouth’ in Il. 40, 59, 73), while in a per-

formance some months earlier, the em-

phasis fell more on the personal hard-

ships experienced during her life.

by

the performer

See also p. 577

Virtaranta 1980: 93-112; Virtaranta and ragtaranta 1986: 216-17; Virtaranta

et al, MS

XII The Epic 445. The Feud

Laments

Her Mother

Khanty

Anna Andreevna Shutiaeva 1977

]. Papay

Kozlova, Spirovo raion, Tver’ oblast’, Russian Federation L. Honko

Turku University Folklore Archive: au-

Autonomous

District, Russian Federation

1899

This text comprises the beginning and

This type of Tver’-Karelian lament was

song about events associated with an area around Spirit Mountain (lonk-

her mother,

the closest

and most recent of her deceased kin (she had died thirteen years before). The content of the lament remained partly unchanged on the four occasions when it was recorded. It has a clear three-part framework. In each version, the lament opens with the summons to

wake and rise from the dead (II. 1-17);

the second part asserts the lamenter’s gratitude (If. 18-29), while the conclusion refers to events in the performer's own life (Il. 30-74). The autobiographical events mentioned in the conclusion varied between performances and touched variously upon how the perhad left her, the early

death of her own daughter-in-law, her

care of her grandchild, and gratitude

for her mother’s advice and guidance. Within the three-part framework, considerable variation occurs in detail, emphasis and verse form. In the present

end of a 1082-line north Khanty heroic

dwet-nyol), in the vicinity of Obdorsk

where Spirit River (lonkang

Shaitanka) flows into the

jogan, Ru.

Ob. Accord-

ing to the songs, a ‘Town upon a terraced silver cape’ once stood place. The present song tells of the deeds of the seven brothers who

over the town. ers

triplein this heroic ruled

The two most important of the brothwere

the

first-person

narrator,

‘Hero Prince of the triple-terraced sil-

ver cape’ and his youn. town

governor

‘Hero

er brother, the

rince,

the men

of seven rivers, the men of seven lands fear, who

holds back

the bloody

feet

of men from seven river places.’ The

brothers’ extended epithets are typical

of personal names in Ob-Ugrian tradition

which,

hero,

for

example,

is

according

into a duck (II. 34-25), The hero-brothers’ sister is not mentioned by name but is referred to by the common ObUgrian use of a praise metaphor (rising/setting sun, 1]. 38-39) to denote an admired woman. The action springs from the wooing of the heroes’ sister. At her wedding, the narrator-hero’s Russian wife deserts him and tries to return with the

suitors. The narrator kills his wife and,

Papay and Erdélyi 1972; 256-341

dio tape Honko 77/61

performed by women at the family rave on one of the annual memorial easts. The performer of the present

one

characterized by his ability to change

Nikolai Selimov Obdorsk, Iamal-Nenets

former’s husband

social standing (cf. Vértes on common plot features, p. 626). The name of the Narrator of this poem indicates the place where he lives. The younger Tother’s name is more complex ‘in structure, containing references both to his reputation as 2 hero feared by his enemies and to the climactic event in his life when he halted his enemies’ advance by changing in the midst of battle into a ‘war-blood’ coloured tree. The names of the other brothers refer principally to features of character (II. 3-34);

Honko

Karelian

text addresses

place; important events in his life; his

heroic

to Vértes,

encapsulate a condensed personal sketch containing information about one or more of the following: the subject’s personal features; appearance; clothes and equipment; character; habitual occupation; ancestry or dwelling

aided by his brothers, embarks on a bloody war. Fighting in pairs or alone, the brothers have many adventures. Sometimes they flee for safety, at other

times, assuming

the shape of an animal

(e.g. a bear, Il. 80-82), they pursue their enemies. Two of the brothers are killed, but five finally return home safely. The narrator and his town-governor broth: er succeed in killing their principal opponents and, according to the usual practice in Khanty heroic songs, tie their enemies’ scalps to their belts (cf.

1. 195). It was only once this had been

done that an enemy was wholly

dead;

only then was it impossible for his soul to wander freely after the death of his body. If a hero is severely wounded, his soul can leave his body and ascend

to heaven, a frequent occurrence in this

song (cf. I]. 91-93). Sometimes the soul is refused by the sky god. [f it is admitted by the god, the hero dies and be-

comes a star or a stone (cf. II. 66-67).

The brothers’ success is made possi-

ble by

the aid of the water spirit’s son,

who lives in the middle of the Ob near their home and with whom

their rela-

tions seem to be very close. Relations

with the water spirit’s son are also central in the three other recorded

765

songs of the heroes of the town. In one of them, collected in the 1840s, the narrator-hero goes down into the water,

lives long under the spirit’s son's ‘damp roof, and is ~ as if he were a child - cared for by the daughter of the spirit’s son. He finally marries her and receives from his father-in-law the special strength needed to become a great hero. In another song, performed in 1899 by the singer of the present song, it is the daughter of the water spirits son — now said to be the narrator's sister — who helps the ‘Hero Prince of the tripple-terraced silver cape’ to overcome the evil forest spirits and thus free his future wife from their power. Judging from his songs, the

hero of

the Silver Cape does not appear to belong to the group of the most famous spirits, although he was widely known in the north Khanty area. Consequently, his songs do not end in the

way

of the songs of the famous spirits

with a declaration that he is now a god to whom people must offer sacrifice. He was remembered in song because of his strength as a warrior and his relationship (through marriage, kinship or neighbourhood) to a powerful

local water spirit. This affinity is dem-

onstrated by the fact that songs about him and the spirit's son sometimes have the same name among the north-

em Khanty: Song of the Spirit Mountain (lonk-dwet nyol dr).

See pp. 623-25

Karjalainen 1921: 23-49; Karjalainen 1922: 234-50; Papay 1905: LXVII-LIX, 100-37; rapay 1909; Papay and Erdélyi 1972: 342-467; Papay

and

(2): 112-329; Patkanov and Zsirai 1951: 120-79

Vertes 1990

1975;

Reguly

446. Brother Yevilyo Komi

feuds; suitors’ adventures. These themes are also common in the poetry of the neighbouring Nenets Samoyeds whose

influence is apparent in the Samoyed

ancestry of the hero of the present text (cf. 1. 2) and in several Samoyed loanwords (e.g. |. 33: Sm. saji “enemy, ene-

my troops’). ‘Brother Yevilyo” is a typical though relatively short example of the three-part structure of north mi epic songs:

Ko-

1 short characterization of the hero and his family (cf. Il. 1-5)

in Samoved songs). In addition to refer-

ring to a former matriarchal order, the present singer appears to introduce

views of her own by seemingly identifying herself with Yevilyo’s sister (cf.

1. 27).

References to skis trimmed with fur

(e.g.

‘otter-trimmed’,

Il. 19, and

‘bea-

ment of the victory of good over evil (cf. Il. 144-57)

lel to the Jength of the ski; this provided a firm grip when gathering speed and

3 final scene with its laconic stateSuch songs may also end unhappily.

In the present example, the story proper begins with the struggle against the enemies who have come to steal the

reindeer belonging to Yevilyo’s family.

The robbers’ intention can be inferred from the formulaic phrases ‘big path’ and ‘little path’ (ll. 8-10), signifying

both approaching danger and the per-

manent and temporary pasture of large and small reindeer herds. After killin

Yevilyo’s father, the robbers carry off his sister and add insult to injury by

giving her her dead father’s head to eat ]. 73-82; ajbar’c in 1.76 is a special term for a meal consisting of slices of raw fish or reindeer). To avenge his family’s

honour, Yevilyo declares a blood feud

and kills the robbers and their families

(ll. 86-110). The end of this episode marks the beginning of the story of Ye-

vilyo’s courtship i. 111-57). A link with the previous episode is provided by the murder of Yevilyo’s father. omeless, Yevilyo, his mother and sister are given shelter by his mother’s

brother (cf. Il. 120-25): According

to

Mikushev, this feature indicates the existence at one time of a matriarchal so-

This epic song depicts typical themes of north Komi epic tradition: tribal] warfare among reindeer herders; blood

his uncle’s daughter and receives his uncle’s approval of the marriage (although the uncle asserts a father’s tra-

766

halfway to her abductor’s tent, cf. ID. 142-43, a motif which is also common

6-143)

2 actual story, which may comprise several separate adventures (cf. Il.

cial order among

1969: 236-43

before she has been carried more than

ver-trimmed’, |. 23) are another examle of a formulaic expression which can e interpreted on two levels. Animal skins were attached to the underside

U. A. Koskova Kolva, Pechora raion, Republic of Komi 1966 G. G. Baraksanov Mikushev

ditional right to claim back his abducted daughter if he can overtake her

the northern Komi; a

maternal uncle had a responsibility for his sister's children who could also in-

herit his possessions if he died without children of his own. Yevilyo abducts

of the ski with the grain of the fur paralsmooth gliding. The associated mythic-

al idea is of heroes who could cover vast distances in a single moment.

See also p. 628

Mikushev 1969: 20, 283; Mikushev 1973: 47-62; Mikushev 1991: 29-33, 361-62; Vaszolyi 1967: 451

447. Onesimus Mord vin “Uncle* Igna Stepnoj Shentala/Stepnaia Shentala, Koshki raion, Samara oblast’, Russian Federation 1899 H. Paasonen Paasonen and Ravila 1938: 17-25 Poems about a fisherman who was captured by a water spirit and obtained his release only by promising his son, daughter or sister to the spirit were very popular in Mordvin oral tradition

and

survived

until recent times. The

underlying idea was probably punishment for the violation of a taboo: the

fisherman had attempted to catch the sacred fish on whose back the Mordvins believed the world to rest (cf. Poem 18). Expiation of such a sin required human sacrifice. In some variants, this underlying

idea

is

made

explict

by

direct reference to the sacred fish. Gener-

ally,

however,

motifs and

accretion

of

various

themes has obscured the

underlying plot. Sometimes punishment is for neglecting to pay ‘tax’ (Le. the obligatory offering of seasonal sacrifice); in other variants, the sin is neglect of agricultural or filial duties. Moralizing, attitudes of this kind are a common feature of Mordvin oral poetry. The present Erzya-Mordvin text represents those variants in which the fisherman is punished for his neglect of the appropriate seasonal sacrifice (cf. Il. 5-6, 16-33). His son’s escape from death indicates composition at a time when the old pre-Christian beliefs in nature spirits were weakening. Similarly, the dialogue between the water spirit and Satan Br ther signifies the ascendancy of Christian beliefs and their influence on traditional poetry.

Mordvin fisherman poems incorporate various motifs and themes familiar

elsewhere in Northern Europe. The boat

which sticks fast is a variation of the bib-

lical Jonah motif widespread in oral poetry and tales (e.g. the Russian ‘Sadko’

bylina, the Finnish-Karelian ‘Kantele’ and

‘Voyage’ epic poems). The lost-child mo-

tif also occurs with minimal variation in stories in which ‘that which is not

known’

(i.e. one’s own offspring) is

promised to a water spirit or, more often, to the devil. The objects and persons offered in expiation are comparable to the forfeits offered by the loser in the Finnish-Karelian ‘Singing Match’ epic poem. See also p. 629 Harva 1952: 231-55; Kuusi 1976: 316—17; Kuusi et al. 1977: 532-33; Maskaev

1964: 233-40

Stepnoj

Shentala/Stepnaia

Koshki raion, Samara Federation 1899 H. Paasonen

ascends

Shentala,

oblast’, Russian

Paasonen and Ravila 1938: 282-95

A girl called Litova was the subject of numerous Mordvin songs, some of which are still occasionally performed.

The songs are of two types. In one, the

to heaven

to become

the

wife of the supreme deity, the thunder god, or of his son, lightning. In the se-

cond type, a rejected girl is married off to a passing stranger. Common to both

types is the description of the girl's return to her parents after the wedding.

The first type is thought to be very old, retaining some affinity to pre-Christian Mordvin concepts of the supranormal.

During a thunderstorm, for example, a

Mordvin would shout to his ‘kinsman, Litova’s husband’. While the theme of marriage between mortal and immortal is widespread throughout the world, the particular theme of abduction to heaven can be compared to various Bulgarian, Hungarian and Finnish narrative poems. The action of the song generally occurs at the beginning of the growing season — spring or early summer - a time of thunderstorms. This was also the time of year when the Mordvins customarily constructed swings, thus explaining the reference in many variants to a swing at the time of Litova’s present text, Litova

In the

abduction.

heaven in ‘a silver

up to

is carried

cradle / ona brazen chain’ (Il. 117-18),

a motif bear’s

associated

usually

earth

to

descent

in

with

the

Finnish,

poetry (cf. Poems 27,

Khanty and Mansi

29, 44,92 and com. In Mordvin tradi-

tion, clearly the ‘cradle’ and funeral is the bride lifted up

illustrated in this poem, motif occurs in wedding laments (cf. p. 759) and it or the deceased who is

to heaven.

In such contexts,

the motif is clearly connected to traditional Mordvin ways of expressing wo-

men’s

448. Litova Mordvin ‘Uncle’ Igna

girl

sorrow.

most

In

variants,

the

parents’ coolness towards their daughter is not explained, significant as it rich seems. Here her refusal to accept suitors is an improvisation by the performer. The passage describing the girl's return to her parents reflects the widespread

custom of the newly-wed

bride returning to her parents’ home fora visit of some weeks before settling ermanently into her husband's home. The tradition associated with this practice, signalled by the parents’ attitude, would

a certain

tension

matriarchal

world-

have created

in the minds of the listeners. Some scholars have seen in ‘Litova’ evidence of an

underlying

view;

as

patriarchal

forces

grew

in

strength, Litova struggled in vain against the subjection of women.

See also p. 629 Harva 1952: 147-49, 160-66; Kuusi et al. 1977: 430-31, 569; Maskaev 1964: 112-66; Maskaev 1975: 211-18; Paasonen 1897a: 131-32

449, The Highwayman Estonian

M. Esken Kuusalu, Harjumaa, Estonia 1903 M. Esken Tedre ERA 38 This widespread north Estonian tion poem is believed to have shape during the Middle Ages. mental or framework repetition dealing with themes of love and ty, as seen

from

a woman's

repetitaken Increpoems chasti-

point of

view and characterized by frequent use

of dialogue, were a development of a

medieval ballad form popular in areas south of the Gulf of Finland. The refrain structure suggests that such poems may have served as the accompaniment to a game or dance. The object of the woman’s protest in

such

poems

is usually

particular a noble, a

a stranger,

in

Hanse trader or a

riest, although it could also be a hus-

and or lover. The poems are formulaic in structure: the man attempts sexual relations with the woman, she refuses and either runs away, kills the man, or kills herself. The present text is a relatively straightforward example of this kind of structure, cast ina form thought

to represent an old version. The identity of Kalev is obscure. Available evidence suggests that despite his role as a giant in Estonian prose tradition, in Estonian poetry his role was more akin to that of a local noble or chieftain, and very often a Hanse trader. The occurrence of characters bearing cognate forms of the name (i.e. Finnish-Karelian Kaleva) in the role of seducer in ems collected over anarea extendin rom Estonia in the south to as far north as Archangel Karelia has prompted the assumption that the poem has some

767

affinity with ballads about a tragic union between a human and a nature spirit. The names ‘Kaleva’ and ‘Kalew’ have

acquired a particular cultural historical] interest. In both Finland and Estonia,

they have been incorporated in the re-

spective national epics: Lénnrot’s Kalevala (land of Kaleva) in Finland and Kreutzwald’s Kalevipoeg (son of Kalev) in Estonia. Features of a short variant of the present song were incorporated in Song 17 of the Kalevipoeg (Il. 699-

721).

Kallas 1901: 298-334; Kuusi 1963: 340-

44; Loorits 1949: 63-64, 470-77; Tedre

REA IV: 96

raion, Republic of Karelia 1825 A. J. Sjogren SKVR 1,79

Kalevala

by Lénnrot from Malinen in 1833 is the same

as this version.

(Lénnrot also had a copy of the Sjégren text when he was preparing the second edition of the Kalevala in the 1840s.) The Finnish-Karelian story of the and

why

it was made, its

theft and loss, has excited scholars more than any other theme from Finnish and Karelian oral poetry. This is explained in part by the central role of

the Sampo-cycle in the Kalevala, reflect-

ing the importance and centrality of the theme in Finnish-Karelian source mate-

tials. Another reason, however, is the mystery surrounding the identity of the Sampo. The singers themselves did not agree about what it actually was.

Some depicted it as a device which prounending

wealth,

others

as-

cribed to its fragments the fertility of the land and sea, while yet others be-

768

to have

forged

Archangel Karelia. The poem has clear

that enjoys

most

support

poems about the forging of the Sanpo to refer to a world

pillar,

indicating an act of cosmological creation comparable to those of creation

myths. In poems about the theft of the

Sampo, however, it is seen as a miniature world pillar, probably made out tion

of ensuring

success

in

hunting,

fishing and agriculture. More recently, scholars have shown less interest in establishing the identity questions relating to the cohesion of the Samipo-

cycle, the interrelationship of the separate poems from which it is compiled, and the history and meaning of these

poems. The present view is that the ampo-cycle has consisted for many centuries of a Sequence of poems of derives

of Archangel-Karelian long epic collected in the field. A version recorded

is said

are thought

theory

varying degrees of fixity, each of which

This text is the earliest known example

Ilmarinen

interprets the Sampo as two different objects, depending on context. The

The

structure and

Ontrei Malinen Vuokkiniemi/Voknavolok,

has to perform to win his bride. Moreo-

ver,

the skv and the heavens, a_heroic deed Re rallel in greatness to the forging of the Santpo. 3 The theft of the Sampo (1. 192 fp. The core of the cycle, this poem is wide-

vanced numerous theories, although none has found common acceptance.

instead to

Karelian

duced

have ad-

of the Sampo. Their attention has turned

450. The Sampo

Sampo, how

mill. For their part, scholars

of metal and with the symbolic func-

See also pp. 629-30

essentially

lieved it to be some kind of miraculous

from

older,

unrelated

myth

poems. Matti Kuusi identifies the three main

parts of the sequence as:

1 The shooting of Vainaméinen and the creation (il. 1-103 in the present text). The account of the creation here is an old Baltic-Finnish myth which was performed as a separate song in most

and

parts of southern Karelia, Ingria

Estonia (cf. Poems

4, 5). In Ar-

changel Karelia, the poem was recast

to form an introduction to the Sanpocycle in which Vainaéméinen’s standin as a creator god was reinforced and he was given the main role in the cycle overall. The shooting of Vainamédinen is based on an older myth of the blind archer, possibly a myth of the origin of death oe Poem 12) 8 2 For ing of the Sampo (Il. 104-91). Although not show

the surviving materials do whether it was ever per-

formed as a separate song, the episode contains interesting points of contact

with epic poems

about

courtship,

in

which the forging of the Sampo is often set as one of the tasks that the suitor

spread

in eastern Finland, Finnish and

arallels in Norse medieval mythicalneroic tales (fornaldarsdgur), in which

heroes travel to a distant land in the north to steal a wondrous device or to obtain the release of a maiden guarded by a witch; the latter is portrayed either as a bird or as assisted by a monstrous bird. The theft of the Sampo usually

takes

been

place immediately

after it has

forged. The theme of making a

separate journey to steal the Sampo occurs only in the most northern variants

of the poem. The description of the journey home with the stolen Sampo combines — according to area — several different epic poems, including poems about a voyage, the making and playing of the kanfele, and the freeing of the sun. The present text represents a version

in which the focus is clearly on the Sampo theme. Other themes, such as court-

ship, are not developed. The performer, Ontrei Malinen, came from a re-

nowned family of singers who had preserved what is thought to have been a very. old version of the Sampo tradition. The family also appears to have preserved an awareness of at least one of the ritual contexts of the Sampo-cy-

cle. One of Malinen’s grandsons told a

later collector: *... during spring and autumn sowing, a sowing spell was sun

followed by the song of the forging an theft of the Sampo and the escape from the Mistress of Pohjola. The song ended

with a description of how Vainamor nen overcame the deadly frost sent by the Mistress of Pohjola.” See pp. 630-31 Kuusi

1949; Kuusi 1963: 64-68, 223-29;

Kuusi et al. 1977: 525-29; Kuusi 1990:

133-55

Senni Timonen Michael Branch

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