Charter for national action

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al - Ittihad al - Ishtiraki al - Sudani .

Al - Amanah

al - ' Ammah .

Charter for national action .

STANFORD LIBRARIES

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587185

Vill S E I

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RD VI

HOOVER INSTITUTION Twar, Revolution , and Peace FOUNDED BY HERBERT HOOVER, 1919

ne -It had al - Ishtirakı al - Sudani.

SUDANESE SOCIALIST UNION

CHARTER FOR NATIONAL ACTION

SECRETARIAT . GENERAL

RD RARIES O F N LIB STA surtout

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IN THE NAME OF GOD THE GRACEFUL AND COMPASSIONATE MAY GOD PUT US ON THE RIGHT PATH AND HELP US FOR THE GOOD

PREAMBLE

THE MAY REVOLUTION

Out of the aspirations of the Sudanese people through their continuous struggle, their suffering, sacrifices and the blood of their martys; through the struggle of workers and farmers , the intellecuals and national capitalism and

all other revolutionary forces on different fronts, which struggle was inspired by the realities of our time and the behests of the future, the Revolution of May 25th . was born as a legitimate expression of our struggle for liberation and socialism .

In continuity of the heroic history of the ranks of our people since the 1924

revolution , the revolutionary vanguards in the People's Armed Forces in alliance with other patriotic forces have siezed power from the reactionary forces and

agents of imperialism for the benefit of our people, thereby leading our country into a new era, building its unity , augmenting its economic resources , formulat ing its social life along the road of Socialist development, and actively contribut ing to liberation and progressive movements all over the world .

The forces of the imperialism and reaction were trampling underfoot all the legitimate whishes of our people for progress and social change . They resorted either to deceit or violence to achieve that end . They tried to impose an overall rightist setback over the wreckage of the October Revolution . But the revolutionary vision among the masses and among the armed forces as well .

continued to escalate the courogeious popular struggle against the confiscation of democratic liberties and the liquidation of nationalist forces . Thus our people were able to resist reaction and to deep up revolutionary spirit until the Re volution of May overthrew the reactionary regime. Our armed forces have never been alien to the people . They have been

brought up among the masses, feeling their pains, sharing their hopes and making with them our history. The national struggle of our people has always had its echo among the armed forces , reflecting upon them the movement for social change aimed at deflecting the march of our Society from exploiting capitalism linked

with imperialism , to the road of liberation , progress and socialism . Our great people were looking forward tofhe May Revolution . Hence was the homogeneity and the genuine reciprocation between what

happened on May 25th . and the deeprooted pupular movement in our country. The May Revolution had a solid base of rich experience precipitated

in the conscience of our people while resisting reactionary attempts to liquidate the fundamental gains of the October Revolution. Inspired by that experience, the May Revolution was endowed with revolutionary visibility and popular support. Hence its ability to promote alliance between the armed Forces and the masses, set up a revolutionary power, with a revolutionary programme combat conspiraies of reactionary forces and agents of imperialism , and tran

scend national action to new horizons that would realise the aspirations of our people towards progress and socialism . 1

The seizure of power from reactionary forces allied with imperialism and putting that power in the hands of nationalist forces , has opened before our

people the way to Socialist development . This emphasizes the fact that what happened on May 25th . was a genuine revolution that would rally the energies of the masses , liberate their will, and enable them to formulate and implement

the programme of political , economic and social change and set up the basic foundations for socialism .

Hence, the May Revolution is progressive revolution

associated with socialist thought. Therin , the alliance of the forces that have interest in the revolution .

The May Revolution emanates from the realities of popular struggle and the characteristics of the Sudanese society - its legacy, religion and national heritage . Through all this, the Revolution polarises , along its victorious

march, all positive elements as a driving force towards reformulating society along the lines of sufficiency, justice and equality in accordance with the ability and endeavour of all citizens .

The May Revolution , by its political thought and by its behaviour aims , on the internal front , at the following : 1 ) Liberatig the will of the people from all forms of economic exploita

tion , adminstrative, tribal, sectarian and ideological opression , putting power-on all its levels - in the hands of the people through the applica tion of new democracy, to enable them , thereby, to actively partici pate in the progress of the revolution .

2) To change all obsolete laws and replace them by new laws concomitant

with the new social relations, embracing different aspects of life in our country and functioning as an instrument of revolutionary change. Thus the new laws should liberate the energies of the people guarantee their basic liberties , ensure their legitimate rights and recommence their duties in the context of the revolution , and safe-guard the supre

macy of law, and independence of the judiciary so that it may assume the responsibility of true justice .

3) To liberate society from backwarness and subordination , develop it democratically and build it up in a socialist pattern , thereby crowning the popular struggle, protecting our fatherland and its people, and insuring the rights of the coming generations in progressive , human, spiritual and material welfare . (4) To accelerate economic development relying on modern scientific planning in drawing up its programmes, its organization, manage ment and implementation . This is the way to put into action our abundant natural resources in the fields of agriculture, commerce, industry and mining. In this respect work shall be the objective cri

terion for the assessment of contributions made by citizens to acheiving the aims and reaching the goals of the Revolution . Work , in our Revolutionary society is an honour, a right and duty. Work realizes development and with it the society of the revolution flourishes.

(5) To liberate the rural areas from inherited manifestations of backward

ness by putting into force a drastic agrarian reform, by reformulating relations of production for the benefit of the poor farmers, agricultural workersand nomads, and by abolishing, tribal and native administeration . Another urgent task is to handle the problems of the countryside dras tically-by combatting the problem of thirst, setting the nomade, deve

loping animal resources and agricultural production, introducing indus tries linked with agriculture, solving problems of transport, campaign educational and health services,

ing against illeteracy, broadening

and intensifying the cooperative movement . 2

(6) Liberating human energies and developing them in the way that would expediate the march of the revolution and serve production and progress To equalize women with men in the field of work . To emancipate women socially and grant them all their rights in connection with per sonal affairs, thus providing them with a fair chance to Contribute to the progress of society. (7 ) Due attention is to be given to the family in the fields of education , health services and other social securities ; child and mother protection . Care of the juveniles and youth by providing them with the necessary

cultivation , training and political education and directing their ener gies to building and serving the masses . (8) Promotion of national ingradients by achieving a drastic cultural revolution based on science and aimed at the eradication of illiteracy

as well as developing and universalizing education . Special attention is to be given to our national heritage , culture literature and arts and the propagation of socialist thought . Deep

respect is to be given to spiritual values , providing every necessary guarantee and means for the preservation of their sanctity, their dom from superstition and other alien imputities, whereby the conscience and minds of the people are free , and can play their positive role in building up our society. (9) Realization of national unity by eliminating imperialist pockets , app lication of regional self-government within the frame-work of the one Sudan in the Southern part of our country, and the removal of all causes of division and disunity represented by racial, tribal , sectrain and re gional tedencies and by polarising all the working forces of our people : workers, farmers, soldiers, intelectuals and national capitalists around issues of economic and social development, liberation and socialism .

( 10) In order to attain efficiency and competence in government organs as instruments of serving the masses, these organs are to be rebuilt on national and scientific bases .

( 11 ) Developing and strengthening the security forces, enabling them to play their role in protecting the revolution and its achievements , in

full unity with the people. As a friend of the people the security forces are the protector of the people and their property. To live up to that task they are to be trained , educated in the thought of May

Revolution, to enable them to carry out their responsibilities effectively ( 12) The People's Armed Forces are the protective Shield of the Revolu tion and its invincible citadel . Hence the necessity of strengthening the armed forces to defend the freedom of the country and its unity ,

to guard the accomplishments of the Revolution and the gains of the

people. This is to be achieved by good training, high organization, efficient armaments, deepening socialist thought and the domination of the spirit of unity between the people and the Armed Forces . Op portunity should be made available to citizens to have the honour of joining the armed forces as a patriotic and sacred duty.

3

In view of its democratic socialist nature, its african-Arab orientation and

its humanitarian content , the May Revolution aims at the following in the field of international relati ns :

( 1) Liquidation of imperialism in all its manifestations, the elimination of its political, economic, social and cultural aftermath. In its struggle to reach this end the Revolution gives its unqualified support to all colleagues -in - arms the world over, and to all peoples, fighting for free dom , progress, socialism and world peace.

(2) Resisting international zionism , fully supporting the Palestinian Re volution and the right of the fraternal Palestinian people to return to their homeland .

Broadening all forms of solidarity on both official and popular levels in the battle against the imperialist zionist aggression , the li quidation of its hotbed - Israel-through glorious struggle with the Arab

people, and in solidarity with forces of liberation , progress and socialism all over the world .

(3) Promoting alliance between Arab Revolutioary forces by strengthening the charter of Tripoli as an important instrument in the forces of

confronting imperialism , zionism and reaction , and in building up Arab unity based on popular will and the interests of the masses.

(4) Giving moral and material support to liberation movements in Africa fighting against old and new colonialism , racial discrmination ; promot

ing solidarity and co -operation among all forces of liberation and pro gress in Africa .

(5) The realization of cohesion and unity of action and purpose between the African and Arab Revolutions. Such endeavor is in accordance

with the progressive aims of the May Revolution .

(6) Pursuance of effective co-operation within regional, continental and world organizations, upholding the objectives and principles of these organiza tions, respect of soveriegnty and good neighbour relations . Thus the victorious May Revolution -the Revolution of liberation and socialism sets up its aims internally and externally. It strives for the ache vement of these aims armed with sober vision and capable performance .

4

CHAPTER I

THE STRUGGLE OF OUR PEOPLE 1

Since the dawn of history the banks of the Nile had witnessed a civilization that in its own time, and for long ages thereafter was a harbinger of civilzations; a munificent civilization that , throughout the history of the ancient world gave and took , and with a truly creative genius participated in initiating and shaping events, systems, ideas and beliefs , an active civilization that extended from the

Sudan and Egypt to Mesopotamia, across Africa to the coasts of the African Continent, and the shores of the Red Sea and across Africa to the heart of the

Atlantic. It played a positive role in the great events of those ages with the Assyrians, Hyksos, Libians, Persians, Greeks and the Romans, It exchanged with those peoples political systems and rulers, religious be liefs, gods, public occasions, arts, culture and commerce . These great civiliza tions were the link between Africa and the old world and a centre of cultural radiation across the ages.

The two civilizations of Nabta and Merawi have gone down in history as twins of the Pharaohonic civilization and coevals influencing the civilizations of the Mediteranean and Asia-Minor and influenced by them as well . From Merawi the ironcraft spread throughout Africa, thus giving the con tinent a new land -mark in Human progress. The Marvels of the Sudanese pene trated equatorial and West Africa uplifting them to a higher level of progress .

Christianity entered the Sudan through Egypt in the 6th. Century. It was adopted at the beginning by the kings and princes .

Later on it

spread gradually among the people in northern Sudan and the Nile Valley. In a thousand years , however, its influence was extinct , but left its imprint on

the subsequent history of our people; until today the influence of christianity is to be found in some customs and practices.

Sudan Arab relations began before the advent of Christianity and Islam and was strengthened by the coming of Islam . After the advent of Islam

intensive waves of Arab immigrants entered through the Red Sea, Egypt, North and East Africa .

Since the fifteenth century the Arab Islamic culture became predominant

and influenced the social, cultural and political structure. That manifested itself in the rise of a number of Islamic sultanates: the kingdom of the Abdallab in the North , the Fung Sultanate whose influence extended to the North and to the east , the kingdoms of Tagali and Mussaba'at in Kurdofan, and the Fur Sultanate in Darfur .

The general character of the Sudan throughout those periods till nowmanifes ted positive interaction with the prevalent trends of thought in the area contri buting to them a great deal. They, also, had their impacts on the Sudan starting from the Nile civilizations across the civilizations of the Mediteranean Basin to the Christian and Arab Islamic civilizations.

In all this, Egypt was always the major outlet and means of agress to the Sudan . The Sudan, on the other hand, was Egypt's outlet to Africa. Such was the nature of the relations between the two peoples-one civilization , one

destiny and mutual struggle to attain their aspirations. 5

By the to decline .

Fung sultanate began 18th. century the the of end It started to disintoegrate into hostile factions. This spened

the wayto Mohammed Ali Basha, the ruler of Egypt to conquer the Sudan in 1821 , following his usurp of power in Egypt itself. By conquering the Sudan he meant to protect his military and economic positions in the face of the Sultan

(in Turkey) and the European imperialists. However, his military expeditions faced remarkable resistence in some areas of the Sudan; but he was finally able through military superiority to extend his domination over the whole country, and set up for the first time a uniform modern system of administration which shaped the map of the new Sudan .

But his rule and that of his successors was based on oppression, exploitation and drainage of the wealth of the country in the most brutal ways. an extension of the rule he imposed on Egypt.

It was

Out of the corruption of the state machine created by the Turks, the social and economic chaos and moral decadence , and out of the rebellious attitute

of the people against the imposed Turkish pattern of government and conco mitant with the Urabi Revolution in Egypt, the Mhadist Revolution broke In it was manifested a magnificent national alliance of the masses,

transcending regional and tribal differences under the leadership of Mohammed Ahmed El Mahdi.

That national alliance together with the valiance of the

people and their sacrifices, was crowned with the victory of the revolution - the triumph of the will of the people .

A Sudanese government, with an Islamic noture was set up, aiming at just ice and drastic reform . The new state in Sudan took up the task of refining Isl am from distortions and impurities. On the world scale the new state preac

hed the genuine precept of Islam , and stood against the concept of the Isla

mic caliphate as a corrupt institution in the guise of spiritual concepts of an Islamic state .

The Mahdist Revolution left over a rich heritage of national experiences in the field of internal organization against imperialist intervention . The banner of the Mahdist state fell only after glorious sacrifices were offered in resisting

the imperialist conquest which was equipped with highly developed weapons. One of the outstanding factors that led to the fall of the Mahdist state was

the failure of its leadership to preserve national unity - the weapon that enabled it to win victory in the first place. In place of national unity there prevailed

individual absolutism , tribal strife and consequently, distintegration and defeat. By the end of the battle of Karari , the struggle against imperialism took another form . Our people did not put down arms. They continued their stru

ggle to preserve their national indentity and repel values alien to its entity and indiginous characteristics.

Our people took advantage of contradictions created by imperialism itself in its attempts to exploit and plunder the resources of the country. On a limited scale the imperialists set up certain institutions to serve their ends - education,

mass media, transport, administration and a modern economy. The Sudanese people utilized those institutions in their struggle for freedom and independence. Popular resistence against British imperialism began as early as the turn of the century in the form of religous insurgences : the revolt of Wad Habboba in the Gezira, and Suhaini in Southern Darfur , and national movements: the

the insurrections in the Nuba mountains, Southern Fung, and the tribe in South ern Sudan ; these people did not capitulate to imperialism as is often alleged ; on the contrary, the people in the south greatly contributed to the Unti-im perialist struggle. 6

The revolt of the Sultan of Darfur in 1914 was the biggest uprising at that time . The revolt was ruthlessly put down and British domination ove ther whok : country was complete. All those isurgences did not have a common link; they were sporadic and isolated from one another. Although the colonial administration was able to put them down , they nevertheless inteasified the spirit of resistence among the

people, and linked the past of their struggle with its future. In 1924 , the Sudanese national movement was born in its modern full- fled

ged form . The 1919, Egyptian revolution found great response among the , Sudanese officers and soldiers.

The 1924 revolution in

the

Sudan

was

the manifestation of that response , expressing our people's rejection of British the road of the mutual struggle between the Sudanese and Egyptian peoples

Oppression. The 1924 revolution stands also as a landmark on the road of the mutual struggle between the Sudanese and Egyptian peoples on the one hand an the role of the Sudanese intellectuals as pioneers in the national movement on th other. The officers who led the 1924 insstuction were the military arm of the While Banner Society (El Liwa El Abdia) od the Sudanese Union ( El/ Ittihad El Sudani ) .

The colonial adminstration ruthlessly crushed the 1924 revolution . The executions and dismissals , however, motivated the continuation of struggle.

At this point the imperialism began to adopt new tactics : the intellectuals from the masses. Secondly; the creation of religous and tribal sects on which the

colonial rule could rely in dealing with prospective popular movements Newe legislations were enacted for tribal administration and the so-called indirect rul

was introduced transferring power to the hands of tribal lcders with adminis trative , financial and judicial powers whereby tribal lcders turned into emperors in the service of colonialism.

At the same time the colonial administration went along with strengthening leaders of religious sects politically and economically. Religious sectarianism was fully utilized as an instrument of hypnotizing the people and leading them astray. The colonial rulers were under the illusion that , by so doing, they would

prolong their domination . The leaders of religous sects and tribes were happy with their new social and political prestige . The colonial government went still further with its malicious plan for creat ing positions of power to be utilized whenever necessary. It was the South this time . They isolated the South from the North and turned it into a " Closed Dis trict " , utilizing here the cultural and ethnical differences between the South

and the North . Here they inlisted the help of missionaries to expediate the process of spiritual, cultural and social isolation . They resisted the spread of Islam , and the use of the Arabic language and Arab

dress in the South . Thereby widening the gulf between the Sudan -one people and handicapping national unity.

They obstructed the process of interaction

between the North and the South , thus leaving the South in overall economic and social backwardness .

The period that followed the 1924 revolution and preceded the graduates congress, was one of preparation and alertness under coercion and oppression. The Intellectuals assumed another line of action under those circumstances, they formed among themselves reading and discussion circles, held seminars,

wrote stories, and Poems in the papers to ventilate their national aspirations, and studied the experiences of African and Asian peoples in the struggle against imperialism .

In 1936, following the conclusion of the Anglo-Egyptian treaty, the Suda nese intellectuals started ot move again, demanding this time the specification of the Sudan's political status after the said treaty. Later on they agreed, upon setting up a graduates ' congress to bring them together as a form for na tional demands. The congress was set up in 1938. Its activities soon expressed 7

the characteristics of national liberation movements.

It was linked with the

masses in fields of popular education , social activities and political work . The graduates congress objected to sending Sudanese soldiers to the war without a definite pledge of freedom for the country. Later, in 1942, came its wellknown memorandum demanding the right of self -determination for the Sudan . Consequently the mass basis of the Congress broadened to comprise farmers, workers, students and merchants . The congress developed into a depository for thought and action that shaped

up the destiny of modern Sudan . Parties and organizations that led the popular struggle against imperialism originated from the congress.

The congress, however, included at the beginning a certain political trend that proved to be a natural outcome of ideological, economic and political positions created by imperialism. That trend collaborated with the colonial power, opposed mutual struggle with the Egyptian people, and accepted to enter the mazes of the so -called constitutional evolution drawn up by imperialism

The struggle within the congress between the two camps led to a split at at the end of the second world war.

Each camp formed its own political party

to ocmmunicateits views to the people thus giving the struggle between them a new form. Whereas the colonial administration coopted their stooges, the

great majority of the people went over to the national camp. This choice of the people was manifested in the rejection of the advisory Council for Northern Sudan ( 1944) and the Legislative Assembly ( 1948 ). Many a martyr fell but both

institutions were still-born ; their membership did not go beyond some tribal chiefs, semifendalists and intellectuals arsociated with them. Popular struggle was given additional force by th birth of the mass organiza tion of students, workers and farmers , and the movements of Youth, women

and intellectuals. All those popular sections were influenced by the escalating struggle of the Egyptian people, the peoples of Africa and Asia, and the interna tional liberation and peace movement.

The final outcome of the struggle of our people was to turn the so -called

constitutional institutions into corpses void of spirit and content. The imperialist lost their heads, and started to look for a new antidote, While popular struggle was escalating in our country, the revolutionary

vanguards of the Egyptian armed forces detonated the epoch -making July Revolution. The mutual struggle of the Egyptian and Sudanese people reached a level that forced imperialism to conclude the 1953 agreement which extended to the Sudan the right of self-determination.

The transitional period of self-determination continued from January 1954 to the end of 1955 during which period the imperialists tried , by continued intrigues to abort the gains of the people and cause a constitutional breakdown . Hence, was the massacre of March, 1954, and then the armed mutiny in the South in August, 1955, carried out by separatist agents and engineered by mis sionaries and British personnel. Here they took full advantage of the absence

of vigilance on the part of the national government and its inability either to adopt the correct outlook or to move wisely and create the necessry objective conditions that would block the way to mutiny. Our people, however, stood firm in the face of imperialism and its hirelings. Their determination was

crowned with Independance in January, 1956. That victory was a harbinger of freedom in the heart of the African continent. The winds of freedom blew

in Africa after the independence of Sudan , and the gates of hope were wide open . 8

The Sudan extending from northern to southern out -reaches of Africa,

linking them together, incarnates the African hopes in unity and progress. The independence of Sudan broadened the scope of freedom in the continent. The African people looked forward to our country for experience and support . The impact of our struggle across our borders was fast and powerful; African struggle had entered a new, wonderful era .

The ignition of the African flame broadened.

in its turn the horizons of the world liberation movement.

The African Revolu

tion was linked with its Arab twin through the people of Sudan. They both en riched human endeavour for freedom , progress and peace.

The successive governments which led our country after independenace and lacked genuine national spirit and revolutionary vision so much so that they failed to live up to the aspirations of our people to give real support and solidarity to liberation movements . Under ten governments that succeeded one another since Independence our people lived in lostlesseness . The political life was on and off between European liberal democracy and outright military dictatoriship. In spite of

quantitative progress in the field of economic and social development, the conditions of the masses saw little change if any. The hopes of the people came to nil. The successive governments failed to attach to independence

its real meaning: a planned economy directed towards improving the living conditions of the masses - the very same masses who fought and sacrificed to make independence a reality. Those governments did not possess the comprehensive ideological percep tion

that

would

enable them to

developments in the interest of the masses .

handle

problems

of

economic

As a matter of fact their intellect

was extinct after the proclamation of independence. Ignorant of the duties of the new era , they started to chew their memories of the past . The political meaning of the independence was divorsed from its social content. Furthermore, those governments took as a base of their political movement reactionary social circles oriented against progress : those were the tribal chiefs, leaders of religious sects, those whose tinterests coincided with imperialist in erests and big bureaucrats . A barier was thus set up between those governmnets and the masses; they were unable to know the aspirations of the masses, let alone realize them . The masses gave their leaderships one chance after another but to no avail. Their loyalty was met with denial and ungratefulness . Confusion and unstability in political life was the natural outcome of the application of libral democracy in a country where the will of the people was shackled by sectarianis , regionalism and continous struggle for power. Under such circumstances national unity was beyond reach , though it was the only way to mobilize national energies and direct them toward socialist construction. Most of those ten governments adopted a reactionary foreign policy orbitt ing with imperialism . They let down the African Revolution and stabbed

the Arab revolution from behind; some of them tried to provoke enmity with Egypt. of the

That foreign policy had no connection with the reality or aspirations Sudanese

people .

Subbordination of the ruling circles to imperialism reached its extreme limits in the late fifties when , in the face of growing popular opposition , they handed over power to an isolated military regime. They became aware that things were going out of hand.

The military regime continued on the same blind alley until the masses, allied with the revolutionary vanguards in the armed forces, overthrew it in

in October , 1964. The indefeatable will of the people scored another victory. In October the masses were the masters of the situation . 9

They staged an over - all political strike that brought the military regime

into complete paralysis. Nation-wide demonstrations flooded the country

everywhere; many a myrtr fell . At long last the unconquerable will of the people won

victory .

The revolutionary vanguards of the armed forces played their distinguished role in bringing down the reactionary military regime . They refused to put up arms in the face of popular demonstra tions, and demanded the immediate abdication of senior officers, thus playing a decisive role in the revolution .

At that time negoitiations among reactionary party leaderships, senior

Officer, leaders of religious sects and many other opportunists were in full swing to contain the revolution. The October government was an outcome of that power struggle with all its contradictions from extreme right to extreme left . The way was thus open for a setback , and their it was , a debacle of popular re volution with an unlimited potantial.

Furthermore, along the line of the debacle, a campaign was launched against the revolutionary vanguards in the armed forces. Arrests, dismissals, and , isolating revolutionary traials became a usual practice with a view to officers from the course of events , broadening the gulf between the army and

the people, and returning to liberal democracy - the suitable atmosphere for rcaction .

Once more the reactionary forces went along with power in the maze of negativity, and lassitude, draining the energies and resources of the people under the guise of the so -called democracy. Democracy was , in the way they applied it, intrigue, deceit, and intimidation , all employed to serve the whims of a selected minority at the expense of the masses . The October Revolution was a pioneer popular experience which disclosed

the abilities and mettle of our people, not-withstanding its numerous drawbacks It was a popular uprising looking for a capable leadership aware of the aspira tions of the people. It lacked a revolutionary leadership endowed with vision

and perceptiveness. The “ Front of Associations ” that took over the leader ship at the beginning was not a “ Front” that brought together the national forces around a specific programme; it was rather an assembly of a trade union nature open to all on minimum political basis; abolishing the military regime and lay ing down basis for a sound government within the old context. The charter put forward by the “ Front of Associations” included only

some prescriptions for liberal democracy.

True, it called for some reforms in

the administrative, social and economic set up, but not for a drastic change

in social relationships, nor for conditions leading to non - capitalist development like wise the May Revolution. That was the charter of action at that time . The demands of the masses were something else . Reaction and opportunism within the traditional parties and the Front sticked to that charter utilising its loopholes. They would not accept another reference. Outside the content of the charter political action took another form . Dif ferent forces comprizing the Front returned to their old fold in the parties. The ideological groups mistook the nature of the Front: The communists assigned to it the tasks of a revolutionary alliance, which was beyond its capacity. The

rightists, on the other hand, denied it the right of political action even on the liberal minimum provided for in the charter. 10

Th final outcome of that contlict was absence of objective understanding

of things on the one hand, and malicious intrigue leading to a stronger grip of the reaction in the armed forces on the other. Thus reactionary forces, following their success in isolating revolutionary elements in the army, found the Front an easy prey. They liquadated it completely. Thus the reactionary forces imposed once more their dominatin over the country .

Dreary months and years followed one another, heavy and burdensome, under successive governments leavig nothing behind for the people but back wardness and poverty .

But , nevertheless, the after math of October remained glowing in the hearts

of the people, giving them still more inspiration and impelling them for more action under the new circumstances of ihe reactionary setback . In spite of everything, the October Revolutoin remained as a signpost of the people's revolutionary potential, in fighting for natoinal liberation, progress and socialism Our people continued their struggle against the reactionary regime. They prevented an overallsetback in the country. Then came May crowning the struggle of the people, giving it its real in terpretatation and turning dreams into reality.

11

The people entrusted the May Revolution with their destiny . CHAPTER II

ON

LIBERTY , DEMOCRACY AND SOCIALISM :

Liberty :

Liberty is to free man from all shackles , from all political , economic and social pressures handicapping his energies and creative abilities ; it is to free man

from explitation , oppression, fear, need, ignorance and disease . Liberty is to enable man to enjoy the fruits of his endeavor, and realize his material and spiritual needs . Man exercises his freedom within the freedom of society, Man is not free in a society of exploitation nor in a colonized country nor in a society unable to decide its destiny. Freedom , in its real meaning can only be fully realized

in a socialist society where the personality if man attains its force fullness, ma turity and integrity , and where freedom becomes a respoisibility towards pro gress and enrichment of life .

Freedom has never been an abstract conception . Throughout all ages

its interpretation depended upon the nature of the dominating social forces . At the same time the struggle for freedom was always connected with economic and social liberation. The more the people gain freedom , the more they exer

their political popular organisations , and pave the way cise democracyandthrough socialism . to progress

Our people won political independence in 1956, through their continous,

perseverant struggle, and openning the way for ever-all independent develop ment in economic , social and cultural fields.

But the social forces that came to power during that period hampered the march of progress . Those forces, owing to their poor vision , their hunt of personal interests and their lack of an independant outlook were bound to

indentify themselves with patriarchal, sectarian and semi- feudal formations and to assume capitalist development orbitted with imperialism . They failed ,

therefore , to give leadership to the movement of social change, nor real social content to independence. Now, under May Revolution , the whole future is open before us . Our freedom now lies in our will and ability to surmount difficulties, remove obs tacles and break the shackles .

The worth of revolution is what it realizes

for

the people through revolutionary enlightened work .

The task of the revolution will always be to keep the spirit of aspiration ever glowing, most glorious , most advanced form of life , kindled within the soul of every individual. The revolution, with its positive apporach to free dom abide by the principles of equality and social justice and the elimination

of social disparities. The May Revolution will always remain to be the genuine expression of the determination of our people. It relies on the alliance of the working people , soldiers, , peasants , workers, intellectuals and national capi talists. This alliance will provide the guarantee for the continuation of the

revolution and its protection against the conspiracies of imperialism and reac tion . It is also a national formula for political freedom .

In May our people got their political freedom , and defended that freedom in the face of many odds .

First in the historic confronatin with armed reac

tionary forces in March , 1970, and then in July , 1371 when the Sudanese com munist party tried to burgle the revolution. The revolutionary forces arose and put down the conspiracy of July, 19th , offering martyrsunder the banner of freedom , 12

Internal trade, on the other hand , has traditionally been in the han is of the private sector . It is necessary to re -organize and redirect it in order to re alize the abundance of commodities and stabilize their prices . The co -operative sector has also an important role to play in this respect , i.e. , the availability of

basic commodities and strict supervision over prices and price swingness, and guarding against made-up seasonal scarcity of certain commodities. The revolution should never come to a standstill .

The continued forward

movement is the only guarantee of the life of revolution . Every achievement of the revolution should be taken as a point of departure to other achievements . In this ideological context, the economic revolution is the main driving force to sufficiency of production and social prosperity and a healthy socialist society built upon socialist thought and Sudanese experience. On Social Revolution :

The contemporary Sudanese soceity, which gave birth to the revolution as

an expression of its aspirations and manifistation of the will for change, has its own characteristics and complex problems. To envisage a revolutionary refor mulation requires a thorough understanding of its functional and organic comp osition .

True it is one political entity as far as national sovereighty is concerned . But the most outstanding phenomenon , nevertheless , is that it comprises different

societies, district socially and economically made so by different historical impacts and different social relations as well as diverse modes of life imposed by distances of time and place .

The most pressing task of the revolution , in this connection, is to nationally reformulate this society on the basis of the basis of conscious rights and duties the Sudanese society should be brought framework . They should fold together

socialist relations of production and of of citizenship . The social framework of into unison with the political and legal both in level and quality, valves and

trends , rights and duties. Only then will the political homeland also become the social homeland; the citizen then never feels alienated socially or economic

ally in his own fatherland.

There will be one belonging and one loyalty.

This means the elimination of local orientations and loyalties, and the mo bilization of all for the society as a whole, the citizen should therefore be liberated from all forms of tirbal organisms and the administrative bodeies built upon them , and then enrol into national organizations . Religion came to, complement the dignity of man and to uphold his freedom . It should be pure and devoted to God that created man in the way he is and entrusted him with the custody

of the world. Therewill be no exploitation in the name of religion. This also means that the whole society should be liberated from all forms of economic exploitation ,which are based on tribalism and religious sectarianism . The 'society must be free from the grip of nature-man should be able to bring it under his control and utilize it for his own good. Then the nomads shall se ttle , the village shall extend to the town, the town mix with the life of the village.

Traditions and customs which have lost their social function shall disappear . The basis for changing and reformulating this society is social planning

based on deep studies which proceed wise revolutionary change and which sp ecify problems and their nature and plan the strategy, the tools and means by whichrevolutionary chage is realized. Revolutionary change is achieved through practising of rights and duties of citizenship within the framework of revolut

ionary organizations and institutions. 21

One way to realize this is modernizing means of production and substituting new relations for old ones, taking care of the family, which is the corner-stone of the society, giving care and adequate security to its members and extending services that help in its promotion and enhance its capability to build the nation

and increase its productivity, universalization of education, unification and promotion of its curricula, illiteracy campaign, adult education, concentration of youth activity, planned child care, emancipation of women increasing their

participation in public activity, spreading revolutionary though by every means, active participation in the political, economic , social and qualitative organizat ions of the revolution and the creation of a positive trend towards social change and its acceptacnce .

The qualitative social change is the gist of the programme of the revolution and a true interpretation of its targets which aim at creating the new society .

The revolution is always the voice and image of the future . Society exercises its rights dutifully and carries out its duties rightfully. Citizenship is a communal obligation where duty involves right and right includ es duty. Hence the relation between the revolutionary authority and the rev olutionary citizens is not a relation between the ruler and the ruled, but one of comradeship in work and struggle, Under the revolution an employee is a cit

izen in as much as he is a responsible employee . The citizen has to be respon sible in as much as he participates in the revolutionary process. Under the revolution people should not wait for change but must be participants in bring ing about chang in as much as they are themselves the subject of change . This is the way by which the revolution regenerates itself; the revolution is a perpet ual qualitative process, getting momentum from imitiative , excellence and impartiality .

Upon the principles we can cite thousands of examples of daily work and achievements. This is so because the process of change is perpetual . It is not brought about once and for all, since change itself brings about other changes.

No programme of action could succeed unless it becomes part of people's daily life and behaviour. This is the attitude of the revolution , for social change is,

essentially, the change of both man and soceity and the change of the conditions in which they are found .

Education, in all its aspects, is still the cornerstone in the process of perpetual change; it is the unequalled weapon with which man faces new situations, through renewed knowledge man is freed from superstition and archaic traditions and links up with objective scientific thinking. Under the revolution education is available to all citizens, both as a right

and a duty in gaining and offering it , democratic in its practice and functional in its nature. Education must be closely linked with the social and economic development plan . It must bring about qualitative, ideological and vocational change on its recipients, to renew the society and build for the future. In its different forms and stages, form regular to adult education, in schools, institutes and universities education is connected series in the process of social change . Revolutionary change has to include all contemporary generations. Thus functional adult education should play its role as an important factor in the field field of political conciousness and economic and social liberation among men and women. Education will thus raise the abilities of the people in the field of producation and enhance their participation in social change.

Health services, enviromental improvement, medical care for child and mother, Eradication of endemic diseases are important aspects of revolutionary change. They are all democratic rights of the entire people without discrimina tion - they are important factors in social and economic producation . They are also basic rights and obligations . 22

Work is an honour and a duty. Opportunity of work should be found to all citizens. Work should not be sought as an aim in itself where a secure job turns into a form of diguised unemployment. The revolutionary concept of work renders it a lever of economic and social revolution and means of raising the standard of living. The concept of work must change : work is an honour

and a responsibity, not an easy way of earning a living. It is work that gives man his true value not his job .

The people's concept of jobs should be of a social nature; a job should not be looked upon as a tree that grows by time ; time alone is not the decisive factor

in professional growth. The important factor should be production, initiative and honesty in assuming revolutionary responsibility. It is a responsibility on all citizens in a society of social justice, the society of the revolution .

The exchange of ideasand commodities must spread among citizens of the whole country. Hence the importance of means of transport as a main factor of economic and social unity.

In this respect care should also be given to cultural communication through mass media and cultural and educational institutions for their important role

in social expression . This will helpto create a unified public opinion on national and international issues.

Spiritual, social, cultural and sports sectors are all fields for guidance, en lightenment and adoption of progressive ideas and socialist concept . All these, in the eyes of the revolution ; are rest for training , national integrity, civics and vocational

direction .

The revolution believes that all these organisations are a revolutionary re

sponsibility and so gives then due care and assistance. They are part of the revolutionary organizations in the political sector .

Revolutionary democracy, in the aspects of public work is a means of popular participation. Democracy is expressed in all revolutionary organizat ions; the political organizations are perhaps the most advanced in this respect . The Sudanese Socialist Union, the Peoples Councils executive councils, the vill

age councils, together with all other representative institutions are forms of

struggle for progress and socialism . Their membership is not a privilege nor an ornamental decoration, but a serious responsibility and sincere obligation to the progress of the revolution .

All these activities must aim at formulating the responsible citizen on whom

all the characteristics of our people and the hopes of the revolutionaries in prog ress are reflected . These activities aim at creating the new Sudan of the revol

ution, which makes its children generation after generation, proud of belonging to its great history, to its soil and to its great future . On Cultural Revolution :

Culture is the result of human experiences, values, and systems of behav iour - it is the framework of group life and the centre around which it revolves . A people's culture is their way of life , intellect , their practices and their means and ends. Culture is a comprehensive concept , which may meet with the concept of education which is one of its main tributaries.

To speak of culture in the Sudan is, as a matter of fact, to speak of values and trends current in the Sudanese society. Thus it becomes the subject of revolutionary work in its change , promotion or consolidation . There are as pects of our culture which must be consolidated and respected. Our great 23

monuments, with their ingenious formative art , our great architecture , our verbal, rhythmic and formative arts are all parts of our culture. . Our language, an honourable past of our culture, is the essence ofSudanese personality with its noble characteristics, its courgage, valour and generosity are all fruits of our culture .

However, there are negative aspects of our culture and aspects which have become detrimental because they have lost their active social role, but they continue to exist as traditions and customs, pointing to old roles wchich have dis appeared.

Some traditions and customs are semi-holy, like the involuntary inclination found deep in the souls of people to respect the past , which in some respects represents the destiny of the present and the future . The Sudanese society must develop a revolutionary culture that will house the new needs of the society in thought and behaviour. We want revolutionary morals , thought, practice and revolutionary citizenship .

This necessitates the consolidation, in the revolutionary trend , of the posit ive aspects of our intellectual and behavioural culture .

It also necessitates

changing som : of them to fit into the new trend and burrying the negative and hindering aspects which stand in the way of change, modernization and develop ment.

Culture is not necessarily ivory towers or arts .

It is , over and above that,

the wise leading of daily life to honourable aims . Culture is the addition of what is useful and beautiful of thought, art and production ; it is lifeand hope based on capability to work ; it is the deduction of what is best in life and man for the good of humanity . Culture must not be depicted as a privilege, but as a great contrbution of the society to performance and participation . Because this is the nature of culture, people must be strongly exposed to and contribute to the influence of cultural change. The first requirement of active contribution is the awareness of the movement and aims of change. It is necessary to possess the continuous means

of participation . Thus it is a revolutionary right that the revolution, the social revolution should start with the letter, the word the profession and the pract ice .

The cultural revolution presents a system for revolutionary change of the negative unemployed forms of morals, trends, behaviour and performance . In its efforts to achieve this change in the sectors of production, services and

social relations , the cultural revolution aims at adopting a new set of values in public action , social position and social role , and in discussions and resolutions . The cultural revolution , in this context , includes administrative revolution ,

public prformance, public responsibility and duties, It includes the promotion of our popular arts and our cultural heritage .

It includes the educational revol

ution and the functional democratic direction of education .

It includes the

old social aspects , changing traditional production attitudes , changing the nature of relations between the authority and the people on the basis of dutiful

right and rightful duty on the basis of the responsible citizen and the citizen

responsible and on the basis of the alliance of the people's forces, not on the basis of the struggle between them .

Connected with the realities of this country in its consciencious and wise apparture to the world, the cultural revolution is the road of the Sudan to revival and departure into the horizons of socialism . 24

Thus, the cultural revolution starts to realize these charges in all fields, among all ages and throughout the country, to streess on literacy and all activities of the society, to recruit all energies for the accomplishment of political, social

and vocational education of every citizen, to educate the society and transform it through vocation and social role so that it may become a means of accelrating change, and to become, after that, an end.

This comprehensive cultural revolution does not end with achieving liter acy but with the complete transformation of the society, because it will take the revolution to every institution : to government offices, to farms and factor ises, to economic, social and political institutions, which will raise the quality of activity in every field.

The comprehensive cultural revolution starts, in coordination with all public organs, to realize the new image of the revolutionary society, the lettered and

responsible society. It becomes vocational and social training, ability to de bate and participate in institutions, political consciousness and intellectual co nviction with the aims of the revlution, increase of production and, especially in the public sphere, changing of negative human values and the defunct aspects of the society, and it becomes a new accelerating force for life in the Sudan of the

revolution .

When the revolution provides the people with the weapon of functional education , which is purposeful in its relation with social activities and national movement , it will have achieved a gerat deal in the sphere of true popular culture

and popular capability for change and construction, Besides this educational foundation on which the comprehensive cultural revolution rests, the revolution fosters the traditional aspects of the cultural

organs and employs them to becdome purposeful tools of change and positive means of thinking. Heard and viewed mass media must widen their scope, im prove their capability and widen their activities to express anticipations, to deepen consciousness and stress revolutionary belief. The printed word is to

be activated and provided with the means necessary for material and social growth . The revolution also cares for arts and provides opportunities of progre ssive training for talent and excellence. It aims at increasing the number of technical institutes, taking care of national monuments exhibitions and theatres

which express the realities of Sudanese life and help in its development and change. It also gives native folklore due consideration, in its development within the li

nes of the revolution, to stress our cultural personality, which is an undying source of talent that enriches intellectual and artistic life and play its positive role in the new society within the scope of national unity. In all this, the revolution aims, in this aspect, at integrating with revolut ionary flow in other aspects, for there is no independent aspect - economics serves culture, and culture fosters social life in its renewal and extension, all

being aspects of the same reality. With this integrity and comprehensive nature

culture must address all the masses of the people, because it is not a privilege or a luxury directed to any one sector, but it is the property of the masses, the

image of the society - it grows by the people for the people in a manner calculated estimated and directed .

25

CHAPTER IV

NATIONAL UNITY

The stories of success and chievalry in the social history of man the ages were connected with his capability and resistance on stressing the idea of the family as a basic unit of the society to which the individual retires, and with which he links himself, through the tribe , with the people of acountry

under which sky he lives, and whose fruits he reaps and where he feels secure . With that he is ready to accept the idea of the national from the heritage of

which he derives his glory, where he finds self security, in which history he ex

tends his time life, feels across its civilizations a responsibility of enriching and accelerating the promising march for a future that aims at the unity of man in every place and time. National unity is the secret of survival of nations, their intimacy with the

soil of their country, their protcetion of their independence and sovereignity, their control of their country's resources for their good, for this National unity was, still is and will continue to be the target for imperialist intrigues, which sinfully endeavours by the means of violence, plotting and conspiracy to des

troy it so as to pave the way for controlling peoples, destinies, subjugating and exploiting them to realize their imperialist aims . Thus imperialism had the chanceto control peopleis destinies in their disunity and their lack of aim. The

method imperialism adopted to secure their stay was feeding disunity of the people and endeavouring ' to tear apart the unity of their soil by widening the gap of disagreement between the communities in the country by strengthening old relations and traditional practices by cutting means of com munication

between and by isolating them economically, socially and culturally. Imperialism widened the gap between children of the one country ; who otherwise would have achieved complete unity under normal circumstances

without effort. Imperialism used its deceitful means and forget the history of our people to sow the seeds of disunity and enmity between them. It streng thened tribal systems through native administration , filled educational curricula with factors of division, and intentionally kept parts of the Sudan backward, and established closed areas behind which it worked to keep the Sudanese citizen

backward. The best example for this sabotage on national unity is what im perialism did in the South in an attempt to make of the South a deterrent to liberty of the Sudan and means of exerting pressure on its economic and social

development to hamper the progress of the country. A lot of the suffering of national unity front is attributed to imperialist plotting which caused social, economic and cultural differences that formed obstacles in the way of national integrity . Then came May. It set the sound democratic solution , based on regional self government in the framework of the integrated Sudan, to weed out social, economic and cultural backwardness, in

compensation for the long suffering the people went through because of imperialism . The Revolution has raised the slogan of national unity on the belief that it has always been the invisible bond that kept our people , across the ages, united in their country, hopeful in building its future in spite of the gaps and

ridges which im- perialist endeavoured to create, and inspite of what took place in the field of national work after independance : aspects of separation and

dispersal, whether it was misguided by sects, tribal fanaticism , reactionary part isanism or economic or administrative exploitation .

26

The firm steps that the Revolution took against out -laws in the South , its

confrontation with the reactionaries in March , 1970 and the Communists in July, 71 and what preceeded came with or followed those big incidents : of dissolution

of parties, isolation and refusal of the protection of the reactionary traditional leaderships, dissolution of native administration and the misguiding sects ; all these are signs pointing at the insistance of the Revolution to eradicate whatever hinders the emergence of National Unity from the stage of the invisible bond found in the conscience of the people to become a conspicuous landmark that governs the march of constructive revolutionary work. National Unity is not a negative slogan which stops at overcoming obstacles, or a sedative whose effect ends at the momentary treatment of the causes of division which contradict the nature of things ; it is a positive idea that derives

its moral and intellectual essence from the obligation to the principles and aims of the Revolution in its liberating, socialist unionist march . It derives its es sence from the integration of the working people forces , its form from conscien cious belonging to the popular revolutionary institutions under the banner of the Sudanese Socialist Union . It derives its scientific content from the functional

connection with the demands of construction and development. National Unity is not a casual congregation to which the defeated reaction ary forces may infiltrate to spread anew its poisons, nor is it a front joined by

those longing for the past or those with predestined alliegences and conflicting idealogies. National unity is lovingly falling to the Revolution, unwavering loyalty to the principles and aims of May Revolution alone, concentration of

efforts, gathering of energies and capabilities, readiness to do the best and offer the most in the road of construction, to maintain the unity of the soil of the

country, unity of aim and unity of rank as safeguards to realizing the society of sufficiency and justice. National unity is not only refusal of putting on sensitivities inside or between

the Revolution's popular institutions ; it is necessarily organic amalgamation and partial integration between them all, like tributaries pouring in one mouth

to serve one aim. It is not running for centres of power, or suppression ; it is absolute supremancy of respect between the revolutionaries whose secondary differences are settled by objective truth and nothing else—thus the entity of

the people will crystallize and the people will qualify to practice positive super vision over what takes place in their country. The real test for National Unity is effective work which is connected with the problems of the people, its denominater is wise achievement based on science, its method is popular democracy and revolutionary frankness and finding the heal

thy climate to put problems to debate and the supremacy of truth in reports and resolution, to reach individual and group obligation towards the respons

ibilities of self aid, voluntary work and other methods of work that polarize pop ular efforts as a consolidating basis for construction and progress. National unity is the only ideal and perpetual frame-work in which barriers and differences disappear, where ideas react and creative talents disclose them

selves, and where individual capability changes to group capability, their will into integrated and accelerating popular forms of work — with it the people really become inspirers and teachers. With National unity alone the people can stand up to the problems of development and defeat under-development to liberate the citizen and build the country, with it alone the people can face the enemies in the home front and abroad to preserve their genuineness and the march of the revolution . With National Unity the people can become on

sible and effective forces in facing the problems of the nation, the continent and the problems of humanity at large. 27

CHAPTER V.

FOREIGN POLICY

Human culture, the fruit of the continued struggle of all peoples who have developed it and spread it from one region to the other influencing it and being influenced by it, is the right of all humanity. History has witnessed the creation of city states, empire states and national states whose economic development lead them to seek new materials and mark ets and to create spheres influence.

This colonial expansion was met with obstinate resistance. They stood up to resist the invaders, to defend their freedom and their natural resources.

Im

perialism has endeavoured very hard to kill the ambitions of these nations in freedom , progress and prosperity. Armed with self-confidence, faith in the fu ture and their inevitable victory, these nations kept their spirit of struggle glowing through the ages. Guided by this reality , our country had to find its place amongst the prog ressive forces of liberation and continued struggle against imperialist forces from which our people have suffered greatly. Our country had to assure the respon

sibility of probing the road of progress and social justice, and stand in the front lines of the developing nations. The foreign policy of the May Revolution is of a progressive nature and content , aimed at serving national interest. It plays and effective role in

accelerating development, unbatting backwardness, and the rebuilding of life Our foreign policy is a manifestation of the struggle of the Sudanese people for liberty and progress in the home front, and the complete participation of the Sudan in the struggle against old and new imperialist forces, against zionism and racial discrimination. It does so in complete cooperation with those strugg ling for liberation , socialism and world peace.

The May Revolution abides by a clear-out foreign policy manifested in : 1.

Mobilizing the masses to defend their national interests to defend national independence, construction and development on the line of just socialism , to stand against intrigues aimed at the country or the unity of its soil or its progressive revolution, which has been detonated as an

expression of the hopes and aspirations of the masses for progress and freedom from political and economic subordination . The masses are thus able to play their free part in accelerating forces of liberation and progress . 2.

Combatting world imperialism everywhere and endeavouring to liqu idate all its political, economic, social and cultural forms , in complete amalgamation with the forces of liberation and peace.

3.

Shouldering its Historical responsibility in consolidating and reinforcing Arab revolution, and mobilizing all its forces and energies in the service

of Arab revolution so as to achieve its control aims in liberty, socialism and unity .

4.

Accelerating and consolidating African anti-imperialist forces and re inforcing them to liberate the continet from colonialism and racial discrimination, and to rid the African people of oppression and march with them to the scopes of the future in complete cooperation

28

5.

Developing good relations and understanding with neighbouring countries, stressing mutual respect for national sovereignty, developing

cooperation with them to realize mutual benefits and spoil imperialist intrigues that aim at dispersing the efforts of nations and hampering their progress and development.

6.

Uphelding the principle of non -alignment with a new concept that matches the age and suits the conditions of the era the new workd is passing now. Non -alignment is to become a front that fights imper ialism in all its forms .

7.

Pursuing positive cooperation in international , continental and reg

ional organisations and the complete obligation to their aims and charters , so as to consolidate world peace and international cooperat ion .

The May. Revolution advocates this foreign policy among the peace and liberty loving peoples. The role of this foreign policy is made ever so important due to great world change in favour of the struggle of nations .

Imperialism is now being cornered by the peoples of Africa, Asia and Latin America. These peoples aspire to realize a just, oppression - free society. The

balance of power is now in favour of these peoples. Thus victory is apparent, since these countries now own their resources and possess their capabilities as weapons in their struggle, which give those peoples more courage effectiveness to contribute to historical development for the benefit of these peoples and humanity at large. The May Revolution , ware of all those elements , has made of its foreign po licy a weapon for defending the liberty and the soil of the country and achieveing prosperity and progress for the Sudanese citizen . The responsibility of the Sudanese People , under May never stops at the boundaries of their country . The May Revolution

obtains a perfect balance between national in

terest and international responsibility in accordance with the principles and the revolutionary morals it has come to establish both in the region and in the international fronts .

To support liberty , human dignity, African and Arabissues as well as the struggle of the oppressed everywhere are urgent obligations of our foreign policy. Just as it supports struggle against imperialism and racial discrimination in

the African continent, and the struggle for world peace, the Sudan , enternally linked to the Arab nation , denounces the occupation of Palestine and struggles hard to regain the Arab right over Palestine and the liquidation of Israel , which

is an imperialist base and an enemy of the ever growing Arab revolution . The victory over imperialist forces , which usurp the resources of the Arab nation,

will be achieved by unified Arab struggle and Arab unity, the economic and so cial roots of which extend back in histroy and are reflected on language, culture,

heritage and national characteristices, common interest and common struggle along the ages .

The struggle for unity is in facta continuation of the revolutionary Arab struggle for liberation of the land , the economy and the Arab citizen , the found ing of the socialist society where economic and social differences disappear, The call for Arab unity finds increasing support among the Arab masses because

it reflects their hopes in a modern, prosperous and free Arab nation developed

economically, socially, and culturally. The masses see in this unity a consolid ation of their sovereighty and a protection of their rights and security. 29

The struggle to realize this aim demands patience in the face of the prob lems and challenges imperialism puts in the way of the march of Arab nation . The struggle for Arab unity must continue in complete integration and coord

ination in economic , social, cutural and political fields in complete confidence and with a method that utilizes the experiences of the past and considers the

hopes of the future and secures its continuity and growth . Thus the means of struggling for unity must equal this honourable aim . The Arab struggle for unity has made a positive step forward by announcing the

Tripoli Charter which protects the Arab revolution and guarantees analgnation and reaction of all forces in the face of imperialism and zionizm . It contributes positively to the building of Arab unity which is made by the free will of the Arab masses .

These front - line forms that work to achieve unity must affect the role of the Arab League , a which is frame work in which Arab cooperation is coordin ated . Thus the Arab League must be supported and developed . Just as it realizes its Arab belonging , The Sudan is equally aware of the obl igations and responsibilities dictated by its African belonging. It realizes the role it plays because of its geographical position , where Arab and African hopes meet and where the forces of the Arab and African revolutions unite . It plays this role to 'bridge the gap created by imperialism to seperate the two parts of the continent and to weaken the struggle of the Afro-Arab peoples for liberation , progress and prosperity. The Sudan upholds the principle of combatting imperialism in the African soil .

It supports African revolution against imperialism and racial discrimina

tion . It is determined to work hand in hand with the African revolution against old and new colonialism and racial discrimination . It supports all forms of co operation and integration between African countries . The Sudan endeavours to consolidate the Organisation of African Unity which is a forum where creative African cooperation is realized under the noble

principles and aims found in its Charter. The Sudan also endeavours to make of the organisation of African Unity a tool of struggle against imperialism and a means of realizing liberty and progress all over the continent.

The Afro -Asian peoples have united in their struggle which complemented each other in spite of the distances .

They were both aimed at by imperialist

expansion, oppression and intrigues . Faced by a common enemy, the Afro Asian peoples have united their efforts and have agreed on fixed principles and common will at Bandong. Afro-Asian cooperation becomes a necessity under the present circumstances. The May Revolution finds in this collaboration an effective weapon with which it fights for honour, freedom and peace . The Sudanese people advocate armed struggle for liberty and peace . At the same time, it calls for peace and peaceful co -existence to preserve human heritage and culture . It will continue its endeavour for peace until it realizes for itself, and for others, the perfect climate for progress so that all human cap abilities are directed to building and construction and not to sabotage and des truction . There must be international cooperation and world brotherhood , which is the hope of all peoples for which they have struggled and sacrificed . The Sudan considers the Charter of the United Nations with its noble prin

ciples, a guide to all nations to cooperate co-exist and assume a common respon sibility towards human heritage and progress .

The people of the Sudan combat imperialism, and encourage peoples of the world to fight it . They believe in an Afro - Arab belonging and Afro-- Asian collaboration . They believe in peaceful co -existence and international coopera tion that is well aware of imperialist methods and intrigues. They extend thier

hands to cooperate with all peoples of the world to work for prosperity and peace on earth . 30

VI

CHAPTER SIX

PROTECTION OF THE REVOLUTION

This charter which has been formulated by the Revolution as the harvest

of the struggle of our people , the pride of the glories of the past , achievements of the present and the confident anticipations of the future, and which has

been accepted by the people as the framework of their life and the guide for na tional action , is a trust in the hans of the peoplerepresented in the alliance of their working forces in the Sudanese Socialist Union, the vanguard of national struggle , which expresses the existence of the Sudanese people across the ages. It expresses their valient struggle , their will and persistence, their march and their eternal aims in liberty , progress , prosperity and peace . The Sudanese Socialist Union , the organisation leading the marsh of our

people and which includes all revolutionary working masses, upholds to protect the charter. The protection of the charter lies in abiding by it both intellectually and nationally, in abiding by its principles , aims and method of action. It must be

assimilated

and

reflected

in

the

every

day

behaviour.

It means the continuous objective effort to make the charter a reality that tran sfers the Sudanese Society , by the will of the masses and their performance, from economic and social backwardness to the society of economic progress and social justice - the society of Socialism and peace. The Sudan and its people thus assume their proper historical place as makers of human culture.

The masses of our people made the revolution to change the nature and aim of life in the Sudan. They fought for the revolution and rallied round it on the day it was detonated, protected it and struggled for it . They uphold to protect its charter, defend it and put it to practice . This is their obligation and trust which they will never do away with, because it is their histrory, their future and their hopes, their will and their destiny. What has been entrusted to the people will never be lost . The charter is also entrusted to the hands of the People's Armed Forces ,

which detonated the revolution and joined the people as an effective force in their popular struggle. It protects the people against intrigues. The armed forces stood up to its destiny of protecting the country , absorbed

the spirit of struggle which kindled national and revolutionary spirit among its

ranks .

The armed forces blew the bags for fighting and opended armed popular confrontation with imperialism . coordinated with the aspirations of the masses and the slogan of national movement in 1924, and showed the most noble nationr al struggle. All the time it has been in the heart of popular struggle , protect ing and enriching it to make the destiny and history of the nation .

Imperialism aimed at keeping the army weak and isolated from the people , divorced from their struggle, a weapon against their struggle, every time it progressed . They planned to neglect the army, to make it ineffective and to make it a threat to national struggle , not an honest guard that protects national struggle with arms.

Imperialism -hated to see us hope for a strong and effective army. On

the eve of independence it poltted an assault of armed outlawness on the Pe oples Armed Forces to deprive the country of the fighting ability of its army, and after that, deprive the people of their unity and freedom . 31

The people, who were disappointed with those who assumed their leader ship after independence, have always whispered into the ears of the ranks of the army to realize true independence. The assumption of authority by some sen ior army officers in November, 1958 in an attempt to save the reactionary from the seige of popular struggle , was an attitude completely alien to our peoples struggling Armed Forces. This was quickly put right by the revolutionary van guards who amalgamated with the people in October and achieved victory. What has become of the October Revolution is an ample proof that neglect of

the unity of the people and the Army is neglect of the existence and continuity of the Revolution. When the role of the army in securing the gains of popular October struggle was ignored, the October Revolution began to die and was fin

sihed off by the cunning reactionaries , that was the unforgottable lesson of life. Despite this , the spirit of revolution never died in our Armed Forces ; it was

filled with belief and hope for victory. It struggled for education armament, training and raising its fighting capability to save the unity and freedom of the country until the great victory of the May 25, 1969. From the complete despair that spread among traditional struggle , the re volutionary vanguards of the Armed Forces detonated the Revolution in close unity with all sectors of the people , believing that the control of the people over authority is the natural outcome of all struggles and that the victory of the army was for all the people .

The Revolutionary Army realizes its duty in the necessity of maintaining

unwavering confidence with the masses with which it assumes the burden of struggle which is shown in its deep understanding of the revolutionary values which it stood up to achieve .

The Armed Forces with its arms , discipline and unity is above sectarian , partisan or tribal division , which enables it to amalgamate functionally with the masses and march with them to their great ends .

The Armed Forces , which realizes that it is the property of the people , pre serves the principles and aims of the Revolution, protects the gains of the people,

is able to assume its responsibility, protect the Revolution and restrain its en emies .

The Army is responsible for maintaining the unity of Sudanese soil and tak ing active part in economic and social development. It is responsible for guard ing socialist change

The peoples' Armed Forces are responsible for achieving and stressing the position of the Sudan as part of the Arab Nation , Africa's beating heart and pat ron of freedom everywhere .

The Peoples' Armed Forces in their departure to achieve historical respon

sibilities must be strengthened by the sons of our people joining their ranks, by consolidating them with various requirements to become a perpetual fighting

force capable of assuming its patriotic and national responsibilities. The chi vlary of the army will remain by the people for the people .

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