Bollingen: An Adventure in Collecting the Past - Updated Edition 9780691218335

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BOLLINGEN SERIES

Jung's tower at Bollmgen

BOLLINGEN AN ADVENTURE IN COLLECTING THE PAST By William McGuire

BOLLINGEN SERIES PRINCETON UNIVERSITY PRESS

Copyright © 1982 by Princeton University Press Published by Princeton University Press, 41 William Street, Princeton, New Jersey In the United Kingdom: Princeton University Press, Guilford, Surrey Revised edition and first Princeton Paperback printing, 1989 THIS IS AN OUT-OF-SERIES VOLUME IN BOLLINGEN SERIES SPONSORED BY BOLLINGEN FOUNDATION LIBRARY OF CONGRESS CATALOGING IN PUBLICATION DATA

McGuire, William, 1917Bollingen, an adventure in collecting the past. (Bollingen series) Bibliography: p. Includes index. 1. Bollingen Foundation. I. Title. II. Series. AS911.B63M35 1982 O61'.47'l 82-47625 AACR2 ISBN 0-691-09951-0 ISBN 0-691-01885-5, pbk. Clothbound editions of Princeton University Press books are printed on acid-free paper, and binding materials are chosen for strength and durability. Paperbacks, while satisfactory for personal collections, are not usually suitable for library rebinding. Printed in the United States of America by Princeton University Press, Princeton, New Jersey

For JACK BARRETT VAUN GILLMOR WOLFGANG SAUERLANDER

N O T E TO THE S E C O N D E D I T I O N (1989)

During the seven years since the appearance of this story of a unique adventure in publishing and cultural benefaction, Bollingen Series moved closer toward the completion of its original program. Still remaining to be published are several more volumes of the Notebooks of S. T. Coleridge, the Collected Coleridge, the Samothrace archaeological reports, C. G. Jung's seminars, Emile Male's studies in religious iconography, and the A. W. Mellon Lectures in the Fine Arts. Nearly three-quarters of the volumes in the original list remain in print; many titles have been issued in paperback editions; other titles—the Muqaddimah of Ibn Khaldun, The Mustard Seed Garden Manual of Painting, Kathleen Raine's Blake and Tradition, C. G. Jung's Letters, Vladimir Nabokov's translation of Eugene Onegin, and E. R. Goodenough's Jewish Symbols in the Greco-Roman Period—have been reworked in abridged editions, which reach a broader public; selections of Jung's writings have been regrouped topically in paperback editions useful to students and general readers. Meanwhile, the extraordinary public interest focused on the work of the late Joseph Campbell because of Bill Moyers' television interviews created a great demand not only for Campbell's contributions to the Series but also for related volumes—notably those of Zimmer, Jung, Neumann, Eliade, and other writers identified with the Eranos conferences. Furthermore, the famous Baynes/Wilhelm translation of the / Ching, ' 'regarded as the most authentic by aficionados" according to the New York Times, has continued to prosper in its compact, hip-pocket-size format. For the present edition of Bollingen, the text remains the same except for minor corrections; the list of the titles comprising Bollingen Series, beginning on page 295, however, has been brought up to date. WILLIAM MCGUIRE

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CONTENTS

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS PREFACE

ix XV

I From Kansas City to Lake Maggiore II "Bollingen Is My Eranos!" I I I Bollingen Revived IV Eranos, Jung, and the Mythic V Letters, Arts, and the Ancient Past VI A Legacy

1 43 83 117 183 271

APPENDIXES BOLLINGEN SERIES THE BOLLINGEN FELLOWS

293 295 311

SOURCES AND ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

329

INDEX

345

Vll

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Frontispiece Jung's tower at Bollingen. Leni Iselin Plates, following page 168 1 Mary Mellon, 1938. Oil on canvas, by Gerald L. Brockhurst. Courtesy of Paul Mellon 2 Mary Conover, graduate of the Sunset Hill School, 1921. Courtesy of the Sunset Hill School 3 Mary as song leader at Commencement, Vassar, 1926. Courtesy of Gertrude Garnsey 4 Mary Conover Brown, photographed by George Platt Lynes, about 1934. Courtesy of John Barrett 5 Paul Mellon with the dragoman Mohamed Sayed, Luxor, March 1935. Courtesy of Nancy Wilson Ross 6 John Barrett, Venice, about 1935. Courtesy of John Barrett 7 Jung's tower at Bollingen as it appeared at about the time of the Mellons' visit in 1938. Courtesy of the Jung family 8 Mary, Paul, and Cathy at Ascona, 1939. Eranos Foundation 9 Casa Eranos and Casa Gabriella from Lake Maggiore. Pancaldi, Ascona 10 Paul Mellon and Heinrich Zimmer, Eranos 1939. Eranos Foundation 11 Mary Mellon with two Eranos guests, 1939. Eranos Foundation

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12 Ascona. William McGuire 13 Olga Froebe-Kapteyn and C. G. Jung, Eranos 1933. Eranos Foundation 14 An Eranos picnic, 1935: Heyer, Jung, Cary Baynes, and Toni Wolff. Eranos Foundation 15 Jolande Jacobi and Gustav Heyer, Eranos 1935. Eranos Foundation 16 Symbolic device at Casa Eranos, by Olga Froebe. N. T. Gidal 17 Genio loci ignoto: "To the unknown genius of this place." N. T. Gidal 18 Mary Mellon at Oak Spring, around 1944. "Darling," Middlebury, Virginia, courtesy of Gertrude Garnsey 19 Mary, around 1946. Courtesy of John Barrett 20 "Genius Row." 41 Washington Square South is the second house from the right. Drawing by Edward C. Caswell, The Villager, September 25, 1947 21 Stanley Young and Nancy Wilson Ross, Rome, 1945. Toni Frizzell, courtesy of Nancy Wilson Ross 22 Denis de Rougemont, New York, 1942. Kate Weissmann 23 Huntington Cairns, late 1940s. Beville, National Gallery of Art 24 Kurt Wolff and Jacques Schiffrin in the Pantheon office, about 1946. Courtesy of Helen Wolff 25 Hermann Broch, late 1940s. Courtesy of Vaun Gillmor 26 Paul Radin, early 1940s. Courtesy of Melba Phillips 27 Maud Oakes at Todos Santos, 1946. Hans Namuth 28 Bernard V. Bothmer, Alexandre Piankoff, Helene Piankoff, and Natacha Rambova at the temple of Edfu, south of Luxor, January 1950. L. F. Husson 29 Ximena de Angulo and C. G. Jung, Eranos 1950. Eranos Foundation

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

30

Olga Froebe, Kurt Wolff, and Gilles Quispel, Eranos 1950. Eranos Foundation 31 Joseph Campbell, Jean Erdman, R.F.C. Hull, and Jeremy Hull, on the Piazza, Ascona, 1954. Eranos Foundation 32 D. T. Suzuki and Mihoko Okamura, Eranos 1953. Eranos Foundation 33 John Barrett, Eranos 1956. Eranos Foundation 34 Mircea Eliade and Louis Massignon, Eranos 1956. Eranos Foundation 35

Gershom Scholem, Eranos 1958. N. T. Gidal

36 John Layard and Erich Neumann, Eranos 1958. N. T. Gidal 37 Karl Kerenyi, Eranos 1958. Eranos Foundation 38

Chung-yuan Chang lecturing, Eranos 1958. N. T. Gidal

39 Conversation at the Albergo Tamaro, Eranos 1958: (from left) Herbert Read, Vaun Gillmor, R.F.C. Hull, and John Barrett. N. T. Gidal 40

Olga Froebe at Casa Gabriella, 1958. N. T. Gidal

41

Adolf Portmann, second director of Eranos, 1974. Luciano Soave

42

The Round Table, 1975. Luciano Soave

43

Emma Jung and C. G. Jung at Bollingen, 1954. William McGuire

AA Gerhard Adler, Hella Adler, Frieda Fordham, and Michael Fordham, at the Adlers' cottage in Oxfordshire, late 1950s. William McGuire 45 A.S.B. Glover and Janet Glover at the British Museum, 1965. Elizabeth Oldham 46 Herbert Read and the Yorkshire moors, 1964. William McGuire xi

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

47

Dorothy Leger, Francis Biddle, Alexis Leger, and Katherine Biddle at "Les Vigneaux," October 1960. Dalmas, courtesy of Mine Alexis Leger

48

Ralph Manheim, Marthiel Mathews, Mary Manheim, and Jackson Mathews, Paris, around 1958. William McGuire

49

Charles S. Singleton, around 1960. Courtesy of C. S. Singleton 50 William McGuire and Hans Meyerhoff, Bad Godesberg, 1963. Mary Meyerhoff 51 Kathleen Coburn working on the Notebooks—a recent photograph. David Lloyd, courtesy of Kathleen Coburn 52 Bart Winer, London, early 1970s. Courtesy of Bart Winer 53 54 55 56 57

58 59

Kathleen Raine, London, early 1950s. Courtesy of Kathleen Raine Vladimir Nabokov, Montreux, about 1970. Courtesy of Vera Nabokov T. S. Eliot and E. McKnight Kauffer, about 1949. Courtesy of Vaun Gillmor Wolfgang Sauerlander, Munich, 1965. Paula McGuire Bi Hull, Anthony Kerrigan, Aniela Jarre, R.F.C. Hull, and Elaine Kerrigan, Palma de Mallorca, 1962. Courtesy of Bi Hull The Kariye Djami, Istanbul, with the rebuilt minaret at left, 1976. William McGuire Paul Underwood, Dumbarton Oaks, 1960. Courtesy of Irene Underwood

60 Sardis: the apse of the Roman synagogue, before restoration. Sardis Expedition, Harvard University 61 The sanctuary at Samothrace: the Hieron, 1976. William McGuire xii

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

62 Phyllis Williams Lehmann at the excavation, Samothrace, 1964. Nicholas Ohly 63 Karl Lehmann, aboard ship en route to Samothrace, 1947. Phyllis W. Lehmann 64 140 East 62nd Street: the three joined houses, headquarters of the Bollingen Foundation and the Old Dominion Foundation from 1949 to 1969 and thereafter of the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation. /. Kellum Smith, Jr. 65 Vaun Gillmor and John Barrett, Princeton University, 1971. William McGuire 66 John Barrett and Paul Mellon, Antigua, mid-1970s. Courtesy of Paul Mellon 67 Bollingen Series, 1982. Howard Allen, courtesy of Paul Mellon

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PREFACE

On a sunny New York fall day in 1948, I first visited the premises shared by the Bollingen Foundation and Pantheon Books, at 41 Washington Square South, a nineteenth-century row house that had been converted into studio apartments. The upper floors had in turn been converted into offices, which, with their large casement windows, still had the air of time-worn ateliers. After climbing twoflightsof scuffed stairs and entering a former hall bedroom, where two or three women, at desks very close together, were working on typewriters and ledgers, I was shown into the adjoining large front room, overlooking the Square. This, the main office, contained (also quite close together) the desks of the editor and assistant editor of Bollingen Series and, for visitors, a couple of lounge chairs set around a brass Moorish coffee table with a sunken center, like a soup plate. There was a wide fireplace, and on the walls were unframed prints of, as I later discovered, Navaho pollen paintings. I was vaguely aware that Bollingen Series was a program of book publishing sponsored by the Foundation. I had come to deliver some editorial work I had taken on in order to help out another freelance editor who had been obliged suddenly to leave town with the work unfinished. I did so with the approval of Helen Wolff, of Pantheon, who at that time arranged editorial services for both Bollingen and Pantheon, and now I was to hand over my sheaf of galleys to the editor of the Series, John Barrett. I had not been very long in the book world, for, after abandoning academia, I had started out as a newspaper and magazine reporter and then worked as an all-purpose editor/writer in the United Nations Secretariat. A compulsion to write on my own had prompted me to cast

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loose and become, not a published writer, but a freelance editor of almost anything that came my way. My first assignment for Bollingen Series had been to read the proofs of Lectures in Criticism, a literary symposium that had been held at the Johns Hopkins University. As I had been a graduate student there only a few years earlier, I approached the proofs with a certain sentiment and sedulously capitalized the article before the name of the university. That improvement was apparently appreciated, for Mr. Barrett, a youngish man whose elegance, calm, and kindness made an immediate impression, and his breezy yet seemly and sympathetic secretary Vaun Gillmor ("Mr. B." and "Miss G." they always were) found other assignments for me. Meanwhile, I made the acquaintance of the people working in the back rooms on the same floor. These were chiefly the staff of Pantheon Books, the firm that published the Series for the Foundation alongside its own list, which was devoted to notable European literature. The occupants of the large back room, overlooking the ailanthus trees in the courtyard, included some secretaries or file clerks, sometimes a small boy (the Wolffs' son Christian) stuffing envelopes, and Helen Wolff herself, a gracious and overburdened woman who seemed to do nearly everything at Pantheon, and who soon afterward gladly ceded to Miss G. the responsibility of finding freelance editorial help for the Bollingen books. Kurt Wolff, who with his wife had founded the firm several years earlier, had the tiny hall bedroom to himself. The Foundation's legal counsel and secretary-treasurer, Ernest Brooks, sat at a desk in the corner of Pantheon's back room, as, being a newcomer, he could not be squeezed into the front office, which Mr. B. had to share with the assistant editor, Hugh Chisholm. When a Draft Board office in the basement of an adjacent house had become free after the war, the space was occupied by Pantheon's sales manager and president, Kyrill Schabert; the designer and production manager, Jacques Schiffrin; the bookkeeper, Wolfgang Sauerlander; and the stock of both Pantheon and Bollingen.

xvi

PREFACE

I embarked on my next Bollingen assignment also at the proof stage, because the original editor had gone abroad. The book was Joseph Campbell's The Hero with a Thousand Faces, whose galleys I eagerly began to read as I took them home on the subway. An encounter with psychoanalysis made me see significance in every image. (The encounter had been Freudian; some time passed before I realized that the Bollingen Foundation had something to do with C. G. Jung, not to mention Paul Mellon.) When I met Campbell over the Moorish coffee table, as we went through the index I had been commissioned to make, he seemed the easiest person in the world to please, though the index, my first, ventured in directions far from index orthodoxy. The defection of the previous editor had thrown the publishing date out and desolated Campbell, who would have welcomed almost any literate and willing substitute. My enthusiasm seemed to encourage him. When I commented on the aptness of the correspondences he traced between symbolic instances drawn from many mythologies and folklores on one hand, and individual dreams and fantasies on the other, he exclaimed, "Yes! You see, it all fits!" Soon enough, I came to see that, diverse as the contents of the Bollingen books appeared to be, everything somehow fitted a larger scheme. Another assignment helped to drive the point home. Because of my success with Joe Campbell and the Hero index, I was asked to minister to Professor Gladys Reichard, an anthropologist at Barnard College, whose direct abruptness dismayed the polite Bollingen editors. She was understandably wrought up because, in the proofs of her book Navaho Religion, based on her diligent field studies over many summers on the reservation, something had gone wrong with the setting of words in the Navaho language. To avoid resetting most of the 700 pages, we argued out a compromise that managed to save face, time, and money (and was not deprecated by any scholarly reviewer). Professor Reichard could never understand why her ethnological treatise was keeping company with Jungian psycholxvii

PREFACE

ogy and St.-John Perse's poetry. Her "study in symbolism" was, in fact, full of meat for students of Jung's school. In 1949, evicted when New York University proceeded to demolish the area south of Washington Square for its own expansion, Pantheon moved a block west to 333 Sixth Avenue, in an office building tenanted also by New Directions and the Nation; the Foundation moved uptown to a fourstory brownstone in a sedate block of East Sixty-second Street. I worked at home, on Morningside Heights near the Columbia University libraries, and traveled as business required to the East Side or Greenwich Village. In the library of the new Bollingen premises there was hung an oil painting of the late Mary Conover Mellon, and I became aware, for the first time, of the remarkable woman who in the early 1940s had been the "founding nurturer" of the Series and the Foundation and, with the editorial aid first of Ximena de Angulo and then of Stanley Young, had led the program until her sudden death in 1946. In the day-to-day editorial routines that involved me, her name had scarcely been mentioned, but I realized that the dominant impulses of the program had originated with Mary Mellon. I learned from her close friend Maud Oakes, whose book The Two Crosses of Todos Santos I was working on at the time, that Mary had been deeply interested in ethnology, the mystical, and Jung's psychology. From John Barrett, as old and close a friend of Mary's as Maud, I learned that she had been devoted to European literature, archaeology, and the ancient past. Joseph Campbell told me that mythology, folklore, and the Orient were driving concerns of hers. Natacha Rambova, with whom I began to work on publications in Egyptian religion, was witness to Mary's abiding interest in the occult tradition. Mary Mellon had woven these and other strands into her Bollingen design, which Barrett was carrying forward at Paul Mellon's wish. As the assignments that Miss G. gave me began to occupy my full time, I was given the title Special Editor and later, when my responsibilities warranted it, Managing Editor. xviii

PREFACE

Around 1951 I began to serve also as the house editor for the first volume in the Collected Works of C. G. Jung, which— it had come home to me—was the keystone of Bollingen Series. My personal experience in another camp of depth psychology, it seemed to me and perhaps to the Bollingen administration, gave me an edge of objectivity and also a certain relish in the plunges into the unconscious that Jungian editing entailed. As the edition moved forward, volume by volume, I was obliged to make an annual circuit of visits to the Editors of the Collected Works, in London, and to Professor Jung himself, usually at his retreat at the village of Bollingen, on the Lake of Zurich, which was indeed the omphalos of the Foundation's program. At Ascona, in Italianspeaking Switzerland, I conferred with the translator of the edition and paid my respects to the mistress of the nearby Eranos establishment, which, if a being could have more than one, was Bollingen's other omphalos. During nearly twenty years of those journeys I met and worked with many of the people in the Bollingen world, besides many others who came to East Sixty-second Street. I acquired a sense—though more intuitively than rationally— of the enlacements and mutualities that created the coherence of Bollingen, though I also became aware of areas of activity that had no communication with one another, except in the mind of Mary Mellon or of John Barrett. In a way, the Bollingen enterprise was an ambitious effort to collect the past, or certain departments of the past. The entire campaign—embracing archaeology, mythology and folklore, the evidence of ethnology, religious manifestations, the art of all ages, prehistorical and historical records, and the literature of imagination—resembled nothing more than the gathering, ordering, and observing of amplificatory data in a Jungian analysis. From another point of view, collecting the past is among the loftiest of obsessional activities. However regarded, the Bollingen program resulted in an enrichment both of the common culture and of the intellectual and imaginal storehouse of the individual who chose to share it. xix

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A predominant stimulus of Bollingen came from abroad— not only the subject matter of the Series and the other programs, but the vigorous tide of refugee intellect on which the Foundation drew and the numerous foreign scholars, analysts, and artists who became involved as authors and fellows. And yet the members of the Bollingen work force— the officers, editors, advisers—were chiefly in the American grain. They represented not only the Eastern Establishment and Mary Conover's hometown, Kansas City, but almost every quarter of the United States, including Salt Lake City. After 1946, the guiding hand and mind were John Barrett's, working in close concert with Vaun Gillmor and Ernest Brooks. Many projects were generated through the Jungian focus and the seedbed of Eranos; others, outside those areas, through the Foundation's general interest in the mythic and religious impulse. In the other principal mode, the aesthetic, including the historical, the energy of Barrett himself was most influential, and other clusters of activity flowered from the ideas of Kurt Wolff, Huntington Cairns, and Herbert Read. Paul Mellon was a tactful overseer always, first as the Foundation's president, later as its chairman of the board. If his compelling interests seemed to veer away from those that motivated the establishment of Bollingen, his sympathy was unwavering. In 1961, he spoke of the Bollingen Foundation as "the extension of Jung's intellectual influence into the far distant future," and in 1980, more than forty years after his first encounter with the world of Jung, he could write of "archetypal symbols" that will "always stir up deep and moving ancestral memories in every human being." As early as 1956, the principal editorial adviser to Bollingen Series, Wallace Brockway, proposed to John Barrett the preparation of a book to be called "The Bollingen Century," in which he would survey the first hundred numbers in the Series. His model was The Nonesuch Century, a record of the first hundred publications of the Nonesuch Press of London. xx

PREFACE

Essentially, he had in mind a lavish catalogue, with full data on each book, biographies of authors, illustrations, and so on. Brockway's proposal was accepted in principle by John Barrett, a supplement was added to his annual fee, and over the next ten years he evidently worked on the Bollingen survey, in New York and during several extended trips to Europe that he made on the Foundation's behalf. His connection with the Foundation ended in 1969, and when Brockway died in November 1972, none of his work on the survey was found, either in the Foundation's files or in his own papers. Meanwhile, in the mid-1960s, Mary Curtis Ritter, administrative assistant at the Foundation, began to compile a Twenty-Year Report of the Foundation's activities, which appeared in 1967 and listed almost everything the organization had accomplished between 1945 and 1965, though it cast its net back to the beginning of the Series under the Old Dominion Foundation in 1943 and forward to 1967, the year the Series was transferred to Princeton University Press. As a record, the Report—a handsome 200-page book, designed by Bert Clarke, bound in red and illustrated with facsimiles from the books and archaeological photographs— accomplished much of what Brockway's survey had intended. My hope of assembling an account of Bollingen, dwelling on its accomplishments and personalities, was encouraged by John Barrett, Vaun Gillmor, and Herbert S. Bailey, Jr., the director of Princeton University Press, which had become the publisher of Bollingen Series. Research in the Foundation's papers, deposited in the Library of Congress, interviews with people in and on the fringes of the Bollingen world, and my own recollections and notes, all supported the effort. I discovered that there was a great deal I had never known, and much that everyone had forgotten. The significance of the ideas and aims that possessed Mary Mellon and her early advisers and determined the program that took form—this became clear. The germinal fact of Mary and Paul Mellon's early encounter with Jung, in New York and Switzerland, xxi

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emerged as I read letters and talked with witnesses. Then the amplification, enrichment, stabilization, and disciplining of Bollingen, when John Barrett succeeded Mary Mellon, came truly home. The vitality of the program sometimes seemed to emanate from a tension between two poles of its interests, the mythic and the aesthetic. I also discerned another kind of polarity, between the academic and the adventurous, which became more evident after Mary's passing. And, in the view of the scoffers, there was a tripolarity: the effete (Valery, etc.), the earthy (Radin, Oakes), and the obscurantist (Jung, Eranos). None of these simplistic schemes works, nor does the attempt to see Bollingen as a consciously propelled current in American thought. Bollingen eludes brief definition. Kenneth Rexroth wrote that there had never been another publishing enterprise like it, and Alan Watts praised its support of "unusual, unconventional, and highly imaginative projects." To Congressman Wright Patman, it was "an organization that seems to specialize in sending thousands of dollars abroad for the development of trivia into nonsense." Walter Muir Whitehill felt that it "had done more to elevate the spirit of man in the United States than anything else that I know of." Paul Mellon hoped that its policies could justifiably be called "imaginative, creative, and representative of the best in humanistic values." To Jung, it was "a shining beacon in the darkness of the atomic age." The author of The Education of Henry A dams claimed as his intention: "to satisfy himself whether, by the severest process of stating, with the least possible comment, such facts as seemed sure, in such order as seemed rigorously consequent, he could fix for a familiar moment a necessary sequence of human movement." The writer of such a chronicle as the following one could not hope to do otherwise. W. McG. xxii

FROM KANSAS CITY TO LAKE MAGGIORE

B

ollingen, a village of a few houses, lies within the canton of Saint Gallen at the shallow upper end of the Lake of Zurich, about twenty-five miles east of Kiisnacht, the Zurich suburb where C. G. Jung had his home. Another mile eastward, on the edge of the reedy water, Jung bought a piece of land in 1922 and set to building a house. From a quarry near the village he got the raw stones; and, working with two stonemasons from nearby, he learned to split, dress, and place them himself. In 1923 he finished a tower of two stories. At intervals over twelve years he built an annex, another tower, and a loggia. The house, surrounded by woods and water, was reached by a perilous crossing over the railway tracks, which further isolated it. Without electricity or telephone, this was Jung's refuge, a place for repose and renewal, where he went for weekends and vacations, often alone. It was spoken of as the Bollingen house, or the Tower at Bollingen, and in time it became, to Jung and those who knew him well, simply Bollingen. "In Bollingen," he wrote, "silence surrounds me almost audibly, and I live 'in modest harmony with nature.' Thoughts rise to the surface which reach back into the centuries, and accordingly anticipate a remote future. . . . There is nothing in the Tower that has not grown into its own form over the decades, nothing with which I am not linked." One spring afternoon in 1940, Mary and Paul Mellon came out from Zurich for tea with Jung at Bollingen; afterward the name had an aura for them both, and most tellingly for Mary. It was she who gave that name to the Foundation of which a few years later she was, in Paul Mellon's words, the "inspirational initiator, the founding nurturer." By all accounts, she was an intuitive, outgoing, and dynamic woman, handsome, warmly humorous and human, whose impulsive enthusiasm and visionary planning molded the early concepts of the Bollingen Foundation and

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its eventual programs of fellowships, scholarly publications, and contributions to humanistic learning. She was born Mary Elizabeth Conover in Kansas City, Missouri, on May 25, 1904. Both her parents' families had long been in the Middle West. Her father, Charles Clinton Conover, was a locally educated physician, and her mother, Perla Petty, a trained nurse. They met on hospital duty. After postgraduate study in Boston, Dr. Conover became an internist and cardiologist, and was one of the first physicians to take up psychosomatic medicine. He read widely in psychology, medicine, and philosophy, and when Mary and her sister Catherine, ten years younger, were children, he read to them in the evenings from the myths and the classics. He was a celebrated and beloved doctor in his hometown; after his death (both of Mary's parents lived to be ninety) a medical center there was named in his memory. Even in childhood, Mary was prone to attacks of asthma, which, it seemed, was aggravated principally by horse dust. Dr. Conover, walking with Mary along a Kansas City street, would cross to avoid passing near a horse. It was his daughter's case that made him a psychosomatic specialist, and he himself supervised her treatment. Mary—in those days nicknamed Mim—was sent to the Sunset Hill School for girls, which was John-Dewey-progressive and had a Vassar tradition. She studied French from kindergarten on, took piano lessons, edited the school magazine, but shied away from sports. Religion was only a low-key concern of the Conovers, who were formally Episcopalian. The exotic, the mystical, the Oriental, surely did not figure in Mary's education. The most one can say is that she read a good deal of Kipling and the books of D. G. Mukerji, an East Indian writer for young people. Mary's mother, a devoted Francophile, took her to France for several summers, and Mary became a reasonably fluent speaker. She saw the sights and went through the art museums of Western Europe. After Sunset Hill, she spent a preparatory year at the old Bradford Academy, near Andover, Massachusetts.

FROM KANSAS CITY TO LAKE MAGGIORE

At Vassar, where she started in 1922, Mary was no bluestocking. Her average over the four years was approximately C-plus. French was her major, music her favorite subject. She scorned and sidestepped courses in psychology and Bible, and she did not go out for publications or games or student government. Her only club was Le Cercle Francais. Curiously, her allergy to horses subsided while she was in college, and she liked to ride. It was in music that Mary (at Vassar, universally Mim) was renowned. She played the piano constantly, loudly, heartily. She was wonderful at ragtime, jazz, show tunes, marches, whatever required brio. She led the Glee Club and was the song leader of her class, in the traditional singing on the dorm steps, or the Sunset Lake ceremony at commencement, in which she gloried. A classmate recalls, "She led the singing like someone possessed—vibrant, tense, gesturing in a staccato way. A vein in her neck stood out." And another: "She was a joyous spirit who jumped into all gaiety and gave enormously to it, with an instant laugh and a quick remark. Everybody loved her." But some snubbed her, too—the Kansas City doctor's daughter, a girl of slender means at a rich girl's college. As for Mary, she snubbed no one. Gertrude Garnsey, from Seneca Falls, New York, who became Mary's close friend during the last year or two at Vassar, was the only classmate with whom Mary kept in constant touch during the rest of her life. In the mid-1930s Gertrude became the alumnae secretary of the college and served until she retired. It was she who, some twenty years later, took the initiative that led to the establishment at Vassar, in Mary's memory, of a psychiatric guidance program for students. As a Vassar girl, Gertrude Garnsey was on the track and hockey teams, a major in economics and psychology, chief justice of the Students' Association—all the activities that Mary made light of. "When I signed up for a religion course," Gertrude recalled, "Mim laughed at me. 'What in the world are you taking all that stuff for?' She was a great skeptic, but all the same she was interested." Gertrude Garn-

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sey remembered how Mary loved to read aloud from Kipling's Just So Stories, intoning "On the banks of the great, grey-green greasy Limpopo River" as her father must have done. "Thanks to him, Mim was steeped in literature of every kind, and especially in French literature." But even more, as her friends of those days remember, she had a zest for proms, fun, dresses, dancing, music, and bouquets. After Vassar, Mary spent a year at the Sorbonne; then New York, and a year of graduate study in French at Columbia. In early 1929, at Trinity Church, she married a Yale graduate ('23) from Allentown, Pennsylvania, Karl Stanley Brown, at that time in advertising, later in Wall Street. With the onset of the Depression, Mary, in need of a job, answered a classified ad for a new art gallery that John Becker was opening on Madison Avenue. She became its manager, receptionist, secretary, packer, and bartender, and soon knew a great deal about avant-garde art, the stock in trade of the Becker Gallery. Her asthma problem returned, and Dr. Conover showed Karl Brown how to give Mary injections. During the summer of 1932, she went abroad and looked up friends and artists in France and Scandinavia. A Kansas City paper published her impressions of Stockholm's modern architecture and her cruise by banana boat from Stockholm to Hamburg. Then, in the summer of 1933, Mary and Karl Brown were divorced. She kept on with the Becker Gallery, and her friends came more and more from the milieu of art. Among them were Isamu Noguchi, Fernand Leger, Marian Willard, the photographer Walker Evans, the architect Charles Fuller, and John D. Barrett, Jr., who had invested in the gallery and helped to bring Hans Arp, Georges Braque, Jean Lurc.at, and Le Corbusier into John Becker's fold. Through Barrett, Mary met Maud Oakes, from the Pacific Northwest, who had been studying art at Fontainebleau, and Nancy Wilson Ross, also from the Northwest, who had been a student at the Bauhaus in Germany, and who one summer had attended the School of Spiritual Research near Ascona, Switzerland, which was led by two sibylline women, Alice Bailey and Olga Froebe-Kapteyn.

FROM KANSAS CITY TO LAKE MAGGIORE

When John Becker had to close his gallery in 1933, Mary went to work as assistant to a stylish photographer, George Platt Lynes. Also at this stage of her life, Mary experienced three momentous changes. For one, she acquired a new name, or rather nickname. Her friend "Maudie Oakes from Fontainebleau" (as Mary called her) transformed "Mim" into "Mima"; Mary liked the sound of it, and it caught on. The two nicknames formed a kind of watershed in Mary's life. Friends from Kansas City, Vassar, and the earlier New York years continued to call her Mim. To her new friends, she was Mima. The dynamics of a name change can be significant; with a renaming one may behold the transformation of a persona and of deeper layers of personality. Jung wrote that the bestowal of a new name can be a magical procedure —a kind of rebirth, or the acquisition of a new soul. The name Mim, which has a down-to-earth ring, became by the simplest alteration Mima, which has connotations of the exotic. But Mary's transformation, the shift of her interests, came gradually. One of her friends during the 1930s recalls Mary as being interested chiefly in "gaiety, clothes, not least of all beauty, certainly people and music. There was a great deal of talk about psychoanalysis, but even the idea of mental therapy was distasteful to her, and she would say, 'What's the use of it?' meaning T don't need it.' " Another said, "Mim was completely vivacious, easy, wonderful company. She was no intellectual, but she had a terribly bright, curious mind that engaged itself in whatever happened to interest her." The novelist Glenway Wescott remembers Mary at that time as "one of the most amusing women I ever knew, but she was far from being an intellectual." On the day after Christmas 1933, with New York's first heavy snowfall of the winter still fresh, one of Karl Brown's college friends, Lucius Beebe, invited Mary to go sleighriding. She met him at a restaurant on Madison Avenue, where the sleigh and its driver were waiting at the curb. Beebe had brought along another friend, a young Pittsburgh banker named Paul Mellon, and they drove off together through the snow to the Central Park Casino for luncheon. Eddie Duchin

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was playing the piano. Reviving a pre-Prohibition custom, the Casino presented a magnum of champagne to the first party arriving by sleigh in the season's first snowfall—Mary and her two escorts. Thus the second change. A few weeks later, a party including Mary, Nancy Wilson Ross, Maud Oakes, and John Barrett drove up to Hartford for the premiere of Virgil Thomson and Gertrude Stein's opera Four Saints in Three Acts. Psychoanalysis, particularly of the Jungian school, had become Nancy's preoccupation since her return from Europe, and she was talking about it in her spirited way. Mary turned to someone and said, "I think it's all absolute nonsense, and I just hope that nobody gets caught in it." Yet, it was not long afterward that she began having analytical interviews with Ann Moyer, a therapist of Jungian orientation whom Nancy and Maud were seeing. That was the third change. It was also around this time that Mary and her friends devised a parlor game whose object was to describe people in terms of symbols. One player leaves the room and the others pick someone known to them all and agree on examples of music, color, furniture, fabric, setting, and drink that symbolize the subject. The player returns and tries to guess. The game became popular, and Vanity Fair wrote it up as "Parlor Tag—the new rage." The year 1934 was marked by the unfolding of Mary's relationship with Paul and her discovery of Jung. She read all the books available in English, chiefly Modern Man in Search of a Soul and Jung's first famous book, the document that marked his break with Freud in 1912, Psychology of the Unconscious. This had been translated in 1916 by the analyst Beatrice M. Hinkle, M.D., an articulate champion of Jung's school, though, in the opinion of some, not quite satisfactory as a translator. The corpus of Jung in English was inadequate in more than one sense. Yet Psychology of the Unconscious was fascinating reading for anyone prepared to make a commitment to Jung. He made his case for a theory of libido not based on sexuality and for symbolic rather than actual incest; he laid the basis for his concept of the collective uncon-

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scious, supported by a plenitude of parallels from the religion, mythology, and literature of a sweep of cultures graced by heroes ranging from Osiris to Hiawatha. Even if dimly understood the effect could be dazzling. Modern Man in Search of a Soul (1933), as titled by a canny publisher, was a collection of eleven recent articles in which Jung dwelt on enough topics to give a fair grasp of the highlights of his thought—dream analysis, types, life stages, Freud, the psychology of literature, and the "spiritual problem." The title caught the eye of the introspective. Mary struggled with these texts, alternately abstruse and commonsensically lucid, unlike anything she had encountered at Vassar or thought of encountering afterward. And inevitably Paul became as involved as she was. Paul Mellon, born in 1907, had grown up partly in Pittsburgh, partly in England, his mother's home. His childhood impressions (John Barrett wrote in a memoir of his friend) "came alive in the English countryside—in Windsor Park, in boats on the Thames, at the seaside in Dartmouth. After the war these summer trips continued, when the first of many visits was made to the National Gallery, the Tate, the Wallace Collection, and to some of the great galleries of the Continent." Paul entered Yale in 1925, the year Mary was a senior at Vassar. His undergraduate interests were literary and scholarly. After graduating from Yale in 1929 he went on to Cambridge University for an A.B., and found himself more taken up with English life and book collecting than with studies. He might have preferred a career in teaching or publishing, but in 1931 he took a post at the Mellon National Bank in Pittsburgh. During the time his father, Andrew W. Mellon, served as ambassador to Great Britain in 1932 and 1933, Paul was often abroad. When back in gloomy Pittsburgh, he escaped often to New York: thus the Christmas sleighride, the Central Park Casino, and Mary. Mary and Paul were married in New York on February 2, 1935,

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and sailed on the liner Rex for Naples. Their honeymoon took them on to Egypt, where they chartered a houseboat and ascended the Nile as far as Abu Simbel. Helping to plan the trip was John Barrett—he had been three years in advance of Paul at Yale, where they were slightly acquainted, but their friendship warmed after Paul met Mary. Barrett had traveled in Egypt, and he arranged for Thomas Cook's chief dragoman, Mohamed Sayed, whom he knew, to take charge of the dahabeah in which the Mellons sailed the Nile. Paul and Mary were keenly touched by their glimpses of ancient Egypt. By now they had been through enough of Jung to have a sense of the mythical in what they were experiencing. To seal it tangibly, they had their wedding rings made by a goldsmith in one of the souks of Cairo. After lingering for a week or two in Paris, where they were joined by Barrett, just back from a cruise of the Aegean, Mary and Paul went home to Pittsburgh, to the somber Victorian mansion on Woodlawn Road that was Andrew MelIon's. They often got away to New York, where they rented a small house in the east seventies. And now both were in analysis with Ann Moyer and her husband, Erlo van Waveren, who shared a Jungian-oriented practice. Paul and Mary worked with them and did the required reading. In Zurich, Mary Foote, an American woman who edited the notes of Jung's seminars, received an urgent request from the Mellons for "everything possible." She sent a dozen seminar volumes off to Pittsburgh. When Maud Oakes came out to Pittsburgh to celebrate her and Mary's joint birthday on May 25, 1936, she found that Mary had won Andrew Mellon's affection. "The best description I could give of Mima as she was then, before the asthma got bad," Maud recalled, "was that when she walked into a room, you'd feel that the sunlight had come in. She was radiant. She was so vivacious, just the opposite of quiet Paul, that his father took right to her." The birthday feature was a spider-web party. As Maud described it, "Each guest was given a card with a string attached, and that string was 10

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wound in and out all over the house, under chairs, and on top of tables. You followed your string and wound it up and when you got to the end, there was a prize for you. So there we were, all of us, including Mr. Mellon, crawling on the floor and in and out of closets." The year 1936 saw the first architectural plans that Andrew Mellon had commissioned for the National Gallery of Art, to be his gift to the nation, and on December 30 the birth of Paul and Mary's daughter Cathy, named for Mary's sister Catherine. In January of 1937, President Roosevelt accepted Mellon's donation of his collection of paintings and sculpture along with the Gallery building. Andrew Mellon died seven months later, at the age of 82. Paul gave the Woodlawn Road house to Chatham College, and he and Mary took up residence in rural Virginia, near Upperville, on a horse-breeding farm called Rokeby. Having succeeded to the presidency of the National Gallery of Art, Paul had to be often in Washington. And he and Mary went regularly to New York for their analytical hours. In October 1937, Jung was invited to Yale University to give the Terry Lectures on Religion in the Light of Science and Philosophy. His subject was "Psychology and Religion," and he dwelt on alchemy, an ancient occult tradition in which he had become immersed. Some years earlier, he had found that his analytical patients produced in their dreams and fantasies symbols similar to those found in the mystery religions of antiquity, in mythology, folklore, fairy tales, and— he later determined—in the curious formulations of such esoteric cults as alchemy. This discovery was the basis of Jung's theory of the collective unconscious and the archetypes that inhabit it. The vast documentation of alchemy, recorded chiefly in Latin manuscripts of the Renaissance and earlier, was a fertile field for parallels to the symbolic contents of dreams and fantasies. After his Yale lectures, Jung came to New York and, under the auspices of the Analytical Psychology Club, gave a five-part seminar at the MacDowell Club on East Seventy-third Street: "Dream Symbols of the 11

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Individuation Process," continuing a seminar he had given the previous summer at Bailey Island, Maine, the summer home of the analysts Kristine Mann, Esther Harding, and Eleanor Bertine. Paul and Mary, having obtained entree through the van Waverens, came in from Pittsburgh to attend the seminar sessions. At the last one, Maud Oakes joined them. Jung's subject matter, abstruse in the extreme, focused on the dream series of a scientist under analysis; the dream symbolism, Jung showed, paralleled that of alchemy. Paul was staggered when Jung described the Tao symbol, which Paul had seen in a dream a few nights before. "That made a big impression on me," he said, "whereas I really hadn't been able to get very interested in anything that had come up in my analysis." Mary later wrote, in a letter to Jung, "I was sitting directly beneath the platform under a large black hat. You began to talk, and I understood not one word, but I thought, 'Though I don't know what he means, this has something very much to do with me.' And so it had." The Mellons and Maud were invited to a supper party afterward in Jung's honor. Maud remembers that Jung at one point turned away from the talkative crowd, took out a big bonehandled pocketknife and a stick of wood, and began to whittle. Later he sat down with her and the Mellons at a table where there was a bottle of Chianti to be served when supper came on. Not standing on ceremony, Jung took out his knife, opened its corkscrew, drew the cork, and poured out the wine. That remained in Paul's memory. The supper party had its hilarious moments. The Club members sang a song to the tune of "The Daring Young Man on the Flying Trapeze," with such verses (composed by Eleanor Bertine, M.D.) as: Jung spoke of the functions, how thinking's not wise. How feeling may be but the ego's disguise, Intuition and sense but a parcel of lies. They got what they needed to know! 12

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Paul and Mary talked a little with Jung about their hope of consulting him in Zurich, before the throng of devotees drew him away. On December 6, 1937, Paul, at Rokeby, wrote to Jung: "Mrs. Mellon and I have been working with Mrs. Ann Moyer van Waveren in New York over a period of three years. It was through her that we were able to attend the seminar which you gave in New York in October of this year. We are both very eager to attend your seminar in Zurich during next May and June, and are writing to ask if it would be possible. Also, each of us would be grateful for as little or for as much time as you could possibly give us individually." Jung's secretary, Marie-Jeanne Schmid, replied that the Mellons could attend the seminar, but it would probably be impossible for them to see Jung personally. Nevertheless, in March 1938, Paul and Mary and their daughter Cathy sailed to England. While they were in London, Mary and Cathy had their portraits painted by Gerald Brockhurst, a famous portraitist of the time. Mary posed in a dark green cape, which the couturiere Valentina had designed for her, against a bit of scenic background that could be a Tuscan landscape. Her only ornament was a barely visible gold bracelet with a four-leaf-clover pendant, a gift from Paul. Her costume, high fashion in its time, could be taken for an academic gown. Mary told Gertrude Garnsey she wanted it to be simple, classic, dignified, and undatable. She wanted to be painted as a woman of serious concerns. "I hope that someday I grow up to that portrait," she said. Some of those close to Mary thought the portrait was stiff and mannered, scarcely the vivid, gay person that Mary then was. After the Bollingen Foundation was installed in its house on East Sixty-second Street, in 1949, the Brockhurst portrait hung over the mantelpiece in the library, the room where visitors were received and where receptions were sometimes held. Through the years of the Foundation, Mary seemed to preside with a serene, scholarly, rather severe presence over the activities that she had set into motion. 13

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The Mellon family arrived in Zurich in early May. Mary joined Jung's English seminar at the Psychological Club on Nietzsche's Thus Spake Zarathustra. Since June 1937 there had been a hiatus in the seminar while Jung lectured at the Eranos conference, Yale, and New York, traveled to India, and returned, ill with dysentery. He resumed lecturing in May with the words, "Here we are again at our old Zarathustra!—And when I looked through the chapters . . . we still have to deal with, I must tell you frankly, I got bored stiff, chiefly by the style." But the seminar went on in high spirit, and Mary found herself sitting among the most prominent members of the Zurich inner circle, including Emma Jung, Toni Wolff, Barbara Hannah, Cary Baynes, Alice Lewisohn Crowley, Mary Foote, Marie-Louise von Franz, Hans Baumann, and Eugene Henley. As the transcript shows, Mary spoke up at least twice in the discussion. Jung was lecturing on chapter 46, "The Vision and the Enigma," and he asked the seminar members if any of them knew a parallel to the story of the sleeping shepherd into whose mouth a black snake crawled while he was asleep. "Jonah," Mary called out. "Yes," Jung replied, "Jonah was swallowed by the whale but he didn't crawl in, the whale seized him." After several other guesses from the students, Jung said, "Well, as a matter of fact, there are no exact parallels as far as my knowledge goes." However, Mary tried again, and it was evident she had been reading the right texts. "The statue of Aion in the Mithraic rituals," she offered, "is depicted as a lion-headed god with a snake in his mouth." Jung: "No, it is coiled round him, and the head of the snake projects forward from behind over the lion's head. That is the Deus Leontocephalus, the syncretistic symbol for Zrwanakarana, that Iranian or Zarathustrian idea of the infinitely long time. But that has nothing to do with this symbolism." Then Dr. Joseph Henderson, who hailed from Elko, Nevada, came forward with a parallel almost on target: "The Hopi Indians dance with snakes in their mouths." Jung's seminars were an important feature of his working 14

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methodology. They served several purposes. For Jung they were a means of trying out new ideas, and some of the material, though by no means all, reappeared in his subsequent writings. Perhaps the seminar structure also gave him a forum for material he did not intend to publish. As most of the seminar members were analysands of Jung or another of the analysts in Zurich, whose permission was a requisite for attendance, the experience had an evident psychotherapeutic function. Before any Jungian institute had been established, the seminars were also a form of training for intending analysts. And it would appear that they gratified Jung's zeal to teach. From 1905 to 1913 he had lectured in the medical faculty of Zurich University, on the psychoneuroses and psychology; he withdrew because, after the break with Freud, "my own intellectual situation was nothing but a mass of doubts." In summer 1920, he gave the first English seminar we know of, in Cornwall. It was not recorded, but another in 1923 was. Thereafter, the seminars became a standard element of the Zurich curriculum, and Jung's extemporaneous discourse as well as the questions and comments of the students were stenographically taken down, transcribed, multigraphed, and issued in characteristic gray-mottled board covers, for an extremely restricted readership—the seminar members and others who had permission from their analyst or from Jung himself. From the 1920s until the outbreak of World War II, Jung gavefiveEnglish seminars at the Psychological Club, some of which met for several continuous years. In addition, from 1933 to 1939 he gave public lectures in German regularly at the Federal Technical Institute (the Eidgenossische Technische Hochschule, known as the ETH, "ay tay hah"), similar in style to the seminars, and these were recorded, translated, and multigraphed in the same way. Mary Mellon (but not Paul) attended the Zarathustra seminar at the Club in 1938 and again in fall 1939, when she also attended some of the ETH lectures. These were on the Spiritual Exercises of Saint Ignatius Loyola and were in 15

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German, of which she had little if any understanding. She purchased all the volumes of the seminars and lectures, and her copies were annotated and underscored. The subjects of the seminars included Dream Analysis (1928-1930), The Interpretation of Visions (1930-1933), The Kundalini Yoga (1932), and The Psychological Analysis of Nietzsche's Zarathustra (1934-1939); a seminar on children's dreams was given in German intermittently during the years 1936-1941, and was partially translated. One of Mary's aspirations was to publish the seminars, but in those days such an idea was heretical. Many years later, with Jung's consent, the seminars were included in the program of Bollingen Series. While other Jungfrauen were responsible for the earliest transcriptions of the seminars, the work was taken over in 1929 and carried on thereafter by Mary Foote, one of the most conspicuous, if most introverted, of the circle. The Mellons found themselves drawn to her. Born in Connecticut in 1872, Mary Foote was a tall, rather elegant woman, intensely deprecatory of herself and fairly neurotic despite a decade in Zurich. Earlier in life she had been a portrait painter of some reputation, living variously in Washington Square, Paris, and Peking. Her friends numbered Isadora Duncan, Henry James, Mabel Dodge (later Luhan), Gertrude Stein, and the stage designer Robert Edmond Jones, of New York, who, after his own analysis with Jung and Toni Wolff, persuaded Mary Foote to go to Zurich. She arrived in 1928 and stayed for thirty years, becoming a truly key person in the Jung world through her editing of the seminars, which she sold at cost, by subscription, to the qualified few. Miss Foote at first financed her work with her small income, and later it was generously supported by Alice Lewisohn Crowley, also a New Yorker who had been referred to Jung by Robert Edmond Jones, her colleague in the Neighborhood Playhouse on the Lower East Side. When Mary Mellon found that some of the earlier seminar volumes were out of print, she and Paul also contributed funds to enable Mary Foote to bring out a new edition..That, indeed, was the first instance of their giving practical aid to Jungian publication. 16

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Another imposing member of the seminar group was Barbara Hannah, also a painter, and the daughter of the dean of Chichester. She came to Zurich to analyze with Jung in January 1929 and never left. She participated in the work of recording the seminars, and she also became an analyst, a lecturer, a translator of Jung's writings, and a writer herself on the Jungian interpretation of literature. Her close friend Marie-Louise von Franz was the youngest of the inner circle, and the most scholarly. She had earned a doctorate in classical philology before beginning to work with Jung. The old alchemical tracts are largely in medieval Latin, and throughout most of Jung's work on alchemy Dr. von Franz was his researcher and bibliographer. She too became an analyst, a lecturer, and a writer. Aside from Emma Jung, Toni Wolff was closest to Jung of those in the circle; her association with him went back to the time when he worked with Freud, and she accompanied Carl and Emma Jung to the famous Weimar Psychoanalytic Congress in 1911. By the late 1930s she had become, next to Jung himself, the most sought after of the Jungian analysts. Sophistication, subtlety, and hauteur were said to be her qualities. Toni Wolff did not always attend the seminars, but it was often she, if not Emma Jung, who reviewed the texts in Jung's behalf. For many years she had been president of the Psychological Club, which Jung had founded in 1916 because, as Barbara Hannah explained, "people in analysis badly needed a place where they could meet other people with the same interests, exchange views, and find companionship." The enterprise was handsomely financed by an American patient, Edith Rockefeller McCormick, who lived in Zurich from 1913 to 1923. She also subvented some of Jung's publications in those years, and it was said that she had wanted to sponsor a collected edition. By the time Mary and Paul arrived in Zurich, Mrs. McCormick had been dead for several years, but she survived as a legend in the Psychological Club. Toni Wolff invited the Mellons to attend events at the Club, and they became aware of this American precursor. The dark, ivy-covered Victorian villa that Edith McCormick 17

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had bought for the Club later became the headquarters of the C. G. Jung Institute. The member of the seminar to whom Mary and Paul gravitated most surely and who became closest to them as a friend was Cary Baynes. She had been born Cary Fink in 1883 and grew up in Louisville, Kentucky. At Vassar ('06), she had been a pupil of Kristine Mann, who was then a professor of English and later became a physician and Jungian analyst. Cary Fink received an M.D. at the Johns Hopkins University in 1911, but she never practiced medicine. Her first husband was Jaime de Angulo, from Spain via California, also a Johns Hopkins M.D., who became well known later as a writer on American Indian folklore and languages. In 1921, Cary, with her small daughter Ximena, went to Zurich at the suggestion of Kristine Mann, who was studying there with Jung. Cary was soon caught up in analytical psychology, and she was the first to transcribe and circulate one of Jung's Zurich seminars, in 1925. She became a close friend of both of the Jungs. In 1927 she married H. Godwin Baynes, M.D., a British psychiatrist, who was then Jung's medical assistant, and together they translated two volumes of Jung's writings. For several years they lived in California; H. G. Baynes practiced in Berkeley and introduced analytical psychology to the San Francisco Bay area. Subsequently, with W. S. Dell, another American member of the seminar, Cary translated Modern Man in Search of a Soul. When the Mellons met her in 1938, Cary (no longer married to Baynes) had for eight years been working at Jung's suggestion on a translation of Richard Wilhelm's German version of the / Ching. She had just completed a first draft. The Mellons asked her to help them cast an / Ching oracle, and Mary threw the first hexagram, Ch'ien, The Creative, consisting of six unbroken lines. The "Judgment" states: "The Creative works sublime success,/Furthering through perseverance," and the "Image": "The movement of heaven is full of power./Thus the superior man makes himself strong and untiring." Mary was elated. She exclaimed, "Mrs. Baynes, we'd be happy to fi18

FROM KANSAS CITY TO LAKE MAGGIORE nance the publication of your translation. I must have a copy of the / ChingV Cary replied, with her slow stammer, "I'm terribly sorry, that's very nice of you, but I've already signed a contract with a publisher in London." Mary was persevering, strong, and untiring, and so was Cary Baynes. The Baynes/Wilhelm / Ching appeared in Bollingen Series twelve years later. The / Ching, or Book of Changes, is a Chinese classic that, in the opinion of Richard Wilhelm, may be as much as three thousand years old. It is traditionally consulted as an oracle. Its basis is sixty-four hexagrams, each composed of six lines, either solid (yang) or broken (yin). Over the centuries each hexagram acquired a name and a unique symbolism, expressed in gnomic texts called the "Judgment," "Image," and "Lines," to which the commentaries of a succession of Chinese sages, including Confucius, have become attached. The / Ching is consulted by randomly tossing three coins or by the elaborate manipulation of a bundle of yarrow stalks. The texts of the hexagram one arrives at are a response to the question or problem one has put to the oracle. Jung discovered the / Ching around 1920, in the 1882 English translation of James Legge, and experimented with it for several years. After Richard Wilhelm's German translation appeared in 1924, the two men met and became friends. The plan for an English translation under Wilhelm's supervision was made in 1929, and Cary Baynes bought the English rights from the German publisher for $250; the publisher observed that it would not appeal to a very large circle of readers. Wilhelm died in 1930, and Cary's work went slowly thereafter. The translation was conceived as of interest primarily to Oriental scholars, besides Jungians, for whom it became a central document, a key to unconscious processes. Even before Jung's own writings and the Eranos lectures, it was the first work that Mary Mellon resolved to publish. After the Zarathustra seminar recessed for the summer, Cary Baynes and the van Waverens suggested that the Mel19

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Ions go down to Ascona and meet Olga Froebe-Kapteyn. This was opportune, as Jung was going to Ascona for a holiday and he had consented to see Paul and Mary each privately while he was there. Cary and her daughter Ximena were spending the summer with Olga Froebe at Casa Gabriella, her house overlooking Lake Maggiore. The Mellons drove south over the Saint Gotthard pass in an open car and spent ten days at the Hotel Monte Verita, an elegant legendary establishment set high above the village and the lake. They were often at Casa Gabriella, talking over tea with Olga and Cary about the need for a good translation of Jung's works, turning through Olga's books and her "Eranos Archive" of archetypal pictures, visiting the lecture hall in Casa Eranos, with its symbolic pictures and imposing lectern, walking in the luxuriant terraced garden where stood the round table at which the Eranos speakers gathered. As Erlo van Waveren remarked, "Olga cast her spell on Paul and Mima. They clicked right away. Olga had magic, and so had Mima, and she caught fire immediately." Years later, Mary wrote to Olga: "The first thought that went through my mind when I stepped onto the terrace at Casa Gabriella was 'This is where I belong.' " Before they left Ascona, the Mellons had pledged a subsidy for a volume of Eranos lectures on the Great Mother and for Olga's trip during the coming winter to Rome and Greece in search of archetypal pictures for her archive. On the last day in Ascona, June 29, Paul and Mary each had an appointment with Jung. Mary reported later that her first words were: "Dr. Jung, we have too much money. What can we do with it?" In any event, Jung agreed to see them on a regular basis in Zurich beginning a year later. They sailed home from Bremerhaven July 1 on the Europa. Mary Mellon's irresistible drive to create, to synthesize, awakened by her encounter with Jung's psychology, had found a sudden focus in her meeting with Olga Froebe in

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Ascona, where a new growth of European heterodox thought had taken hold and flowered for many years. Olga Froebe-Kapteyn became one of the dominant voices in the Bollingen world. She was born in 1881 in London of Dutch parents and grew up in Bloomsbury. Her father, Albert Kapteyn, was the director of the London office of the Westinghouse Brake and Signal Company and a photographer; her mother, Gertrude Muijsken, was a philosophical anarchist, a writer on social questions, a friend of George Bernard Shaw and Prince Kropotkin. Olga later studied applied art in Zurich, made jewelry and embroidery, and helped in her father's darkroom. She used to say that her fascination as a girl with the brightening image on the developing film shaped her later preoccupation with the archetypal elements of images. Olga moreover was an equestrienne in the circus ring, a prize-winning skier, and, it was said, the first woman to climb Mont Blanc. She married an Austrian musician, Iwan Froebe, who in 1915 was killed in a plane crash while testing an aerial camera for the Austrian army. After his death, twin daughters were born, one of whom was retarded and was put to death years later under the Nazi regime in Germany. Around 1920, Olga and her father went to the Monte Verita sanatorium in Ascona for a rest cure and liked the little town. Kapteyn bought Casa Gabriella for his daughter and settled a comfortable amount of money on her. She invited artists, poets, interesting people, to visit and meanwhile pursued her search for meaning variously in Theosophy, Roman Catholicism, and Eastern thought. Her circle of friends included the mystical German poet Ludwig Derleth, who aspired to be elected pope; Andre Germain, a wealthy French dilettante who preached pan-Europeanism; Alastair, a bizarre traveler, given to fantastic costumes and art of a "limpidly refined vulgarity," in Carl Van Vechten's words; Martin Buber, who lectured on Taoism at Monte Verita, with Olga asking for a chair while the others sat on the grass; Baron Eduard von der Heydt, formerly the Kaiser's banker, 21

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who in the mid-1920s purchased the top of Monte Verita, with its magnificent view, and built a hotel de luxe, which he embellished with his collection of Oriental art; and, rumor had it, the Theosophical leaders Annie Besant and Jiddu Krishnamurti. Ascona itself had been an outpost of advanced thought and morality since the late nineteenth century. Freethinkers, nudists, and vegetarians had their communes on the slopes of Monte Verita. Artists, writers, dancers, political radicals, Utopians, gurus, found their way to Ascona. The list included Lenin, Trotsky, Bakunin, Kropotkin, Hesse, Stefan George, Rudolf Steiner, Mary Wigman, Isadora Duncan, Hans Arp, Paul Klee, Emil Jannings, Emil Ludwig, and Erich-Maria Remarque. The rebel psychiatrist Otto Gross, who was treated by Jung during a psychotic breakdown in 1908, later was drawn to Ascona, where, as Jung once remarked, "he mostly frequented artists, litterateurs, political fanatics, degenerates of all descriptions, and in the swamps of Ascona carried on miserable and disgusting orgies." The setting, in any event, was and is of great natural beauty. At the northern end of Lake Maggiore, a few miles below Locarno, the village lies on a bay looking due south into Italy. The Lepontine Alps rise steeply on both sides of the lake. Palms, cactus, oleander, roses, and bamboo flourish in the mild climate. The old village, at the foot of Monte Verita, is picturesque and carefully kept so: crooked narrow alleys, ancient stone houses whose stucco is splashed a faded yellow or red, walled gardens with iron gates. Southward a narrow, twisting corniche runs toward Italy. After a little more than a mile, a few houses compose the hamlet of Moscia, and there is Casa Gabriella, between road and lake on a narrow, steep strip of land that was once a terraced vineyard. The house, older than anyone remembers, with its beautiful grounds, was Olga Froebe's patrimony. A process of transformation was taking its course in Olga's life during the 1920s, a period over which she always drew a veil. She was deeply influenced, certainly, by Ludwig Der-

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leth's dream of founding a Utopian community based on idealistic Christian and occultist principles, the members of which would practice alchemy and asceticism under a Master, and Derleth had considered Ascona as the site. In 1928, Olga built a lecture hall on her grounds, overlooking the lake, for a purpose not yet revealed to her, and a guest house, which she named Casa Shanti in a Hindu ceremony. A year or two later, she went to the United States and sought out Alice A. Bailey, in Stamford, Connecticut, a former Theosophist who led a movement called the Arcane School. Mrs. Bailey, whom Nancy Wilson Ross has described as a woman of great dignity, kindness, and integrity, aimed like Olga Froebe at the raising of consciousness and the bridging of East and West. She lived with a mystic presence, "the Tibetan," presumably one of the Theosophical Masters, who used her as an instrument to write a number of books devoted to Higher Truth and, also through Alice Bailey, accepted initiates who attained a prescribed degree of spirituality through meditation. (Olga was not among those chosen.) The two women established the School of Spiritual Research, which, beginning in 1930, convened in late summer on Olga's estate and under her patronage. The lecturers, predominantly esoteric, included the neurologist Roberto Assagioli from Rome, who founded the psychosynthesis movement, and the Grand Duke Alexander of Russia. Admission was free. Among those in attendance one summer were Nancy Wilson Ross and Ann Moyer. Alice Bailey's business manager was a young Netherlander, Erlo van Waveren. Inevitably, Olga Froebe and Alice Bailey, two strongwilled women, clashed, quarreled, and parted, and the School of Spiritual Research closed its doors. Mrs. Bailey feared "corruption and ancient evil" in the shadows of the district, beautiful as it was. She believed that it had been the center of a cult of the Black Mass. Olga, for her part, felt herself led toward the founding of a meeting place for East and West. In November 1932, she visited Rudolf Otto, scholar of mysticism and comparatist of Eastern and West23

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ern religion, in Marburg. "As I rang his door bell," she wrote, "I entered into one of those creative moments and, as on a stage, the curtain lifted." Otto responded warmly to Olga's plan for a lecture program and proposed the name Eranos, which in Greek means a shared feast. The first lecturer she sought out was Heinrich Zimmer, professor of Indology at Heidelberg. "He accepted enthusiastically," Olga wrote, "as if he had known of Eranos for years." She had learned of him in an international journal, Yoga, only one number of which appeared, in 1931. The same source led her to another Indologist, J. W. Hauer, the Buddhist scholar Mrs. Rhys Davids, and the Sinologist Erwin Rousselle. She had met Jung at Count Hermann Keyserling's School of Wisdom, at Darmstadt, in 1930—that institution was another model for Eranos—and Alice Bailey had wanted to invite him to the School of Spiritual Research, but Olga, feeling the time not ready, had demurred. Now she invited him to the first Eranos conference, in August 1933, on the subject "Yoga and Meditation in East and West." Jung accepted, and expounded the psychological process he called individuation—the achievement of a whole personality through analysis or through some other form of spiritual discipline. His paradigm was the alchemical symbolism in a series of pictures painted during her analysis by an American patient of his. Gradually, over the first few years of Eranos, Jung became—however reluctantly—its dominant figure. The Eranos speakers and audience, who in the beginning were chiefly German, became more international, and Olga Froebe liked to say that the conferences, founded in the year the Nazis came to power, gradually became a counterforce to Nazism. She intended, however, that Eranos be apolitical. The roster of speakers the first year was an interesting sample. Rousselle, who had succeeded the late Richard Wilhelm as director of the China Institute at the University of Frankfurt, was to be dismissed from his university posts by the Nazi regime and officially silenced. Friedrich Heiler, a professor of religion at Marburg, was to resign his chair in protest

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against the enactment of the Nuremberg Laws by the Nazis. Ernesto Buonaiuti, professor of the history of early Christianity at the University of Rome, would be dismissed for refusing to take the Fascist oath of allegiance and excommunicated by the Vatican because of his prominence in the Modernist movement. Zimmer, increasingly beleaguered at Heidelberg, would be dismissed from his chair in 1938 and driven into exile. On the other hand, Gustav-Richard Heyer, M.D., a neurologist and Jungian analyst from Munich, slid toward Nazism and joined the Party in 1937—despite which, in 1938, he was once more to speak at Eranos. Jung in 1933 was evidently struggling to coexist with all realities. That summer he accepted the presidency of the newly created International Medical Society for Psychotherapy, with headquarters in Zurich; there was a national society in each member country, the largest being in Germany. Jung's unavoidable contacts with the bureaucracy in Berlin exposed him to the charge of pro-Nazi sympathies. The matter has continued to be controversial. In the same summer, Jung was interviewed on Radio Berlin by a German neurologist partial to the regime. Jung's responses to leading questions give an impression of tolerance, if not approval, of events in Germany; or they might be adjudged somewhere between tactful and ambiguous. On the same day, however, Jung began giving a week's seminar to a group of analytical psychologists, at least four of whom were Jewish and soon to flee the country. Barbara Hannah, who was also present, has written that, at that time, Jung took a "dim view of the new government and the prospects for Germany." In May 1934, Jung wrote to one of the seminar members, James Kirsch, M.D., by then in Palestine: "as honorary president of the International Society for Psychotherapy I could not leave the Society in the lurch at the moment when [Professor Ernst] Kretschmer [the former president] resigned. I have been urgently requested by the German doctors to retain this position and have subsequently done what anyone would have done in my place, namely, my duty towards the Inter25

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national Society . . . in preserving the framework of the international organization and in affiliating to it the German Society. . . . At my suggestion a special provision was adopted whereby German Jewish doctors can individually join the International Society." Jung remained as president until 1940, but by 1936 he had abandoned any pretense of tolerance or tact in publicly criticizing the Nazi movement. Allen W. Dulles, later the director of the CIA, went on record to state that when he met Jung at the Harvard Tercentenary Conference in 1936, "I had a long talk with him about what was going on in Germany and Italy, and I do not recall the slightest trace of anything Jung said which indicated other than a deep anti-Nazi and anti-Fascist sentiment." During World War II, when Dulles was chief of the OSS mission in Switzerland, his association with Jung was close, as we shall learn. Christiane Zimmer, the wife of the Indologist, recalled long afterward, "In the beginning Jung saw these things too much through his collective unconscious. He was observing an interesting phenomenon, but what this phenomenon would lead to I think he didn't realize. He had a certain slightly destructive pleasure in watching it, until the reality dawned on him." In the event, Olga Froebe aimed to proscribe politics at Eranos, either in the lectures or in the ensuing discussions. At the 1934 conference, the rule was broken by J. W. Hauer, the professor of Indology at Tubingen, who lectured on the self in Indo-Aryan mysticism. During an informal exchange with the audience he embarked on an apologia for the political scene in Germany. Martin Buber, who had lectured on an aspect of Judaism, saved the situation by turning it into a discussion of Meister Eckhart. Hauer was not invited again. Subsequently, he became the founder and leader of the "German Faith Movement," which aimed to establish a "religion" based on German and Nordic writings and traditions; it was conciliatory toward the Nazi government. Jung criticized Hauer in his essay "Wotan," in 1936, and their ways divided. 26

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Among the other 1933 lecturers, Mrs. Rhys Davids, the British authority on Pali Buddhism, was presumably apolitical. She returned to lecture for three more years, and there were three other women lecturers during the early phase of Eranos. One of them, in 1938, was an outspoken British archaeologist, V.C.C. Collum, who somehow ruffled Olga Froebe with a lecture on the Celtic mother goddess. Thereafter, through Olga's lifetime, women were tacitly excluded from the Eranos platform. The consensus was that she had difficulty in working with another woman on an equal basis. And yet she was more than prepared to work with Mary Mellon. Years later, she was to write, in a kind of private testament, "Jung, Mary, and I all had a definite life work, submitted to each of us by the same Force. Each of us was independent, ruthless, isolated, yet bound together. . . . I remember Mary Mellon saying: 'Bollingen is my Eranos!' She too was dedicated to Jung's work and then to Eranos. She, Jung, and I were in the identical pattern, energized by the same Power and thereby bound up with each other." For Olga Froebe, Eranos, which she insisted was without plan or program, was animated by a spirit to which she had intuitive access and which assumed the characteristics of an archetype. Insofar as Olga had become the celebrant of Eranos, the guardian of its flame, the impresario who intuited the themes, assembled the speakers, and orchestrated their interplay, her arduous journey to individuation was complete. Jung and his thought, furthermore, had become central for her. She was never, formally speaking, an analysand, and yet it seemed that she was perpetually Jung's analysand. Her relationship to Jung and the opposing facets of her personality were observed by an American living in Switzerland during World War II, Mary Bancroft. "Mrs. Froebe was walking along the road to Ascona with Jung— walking, talking, talking—and Jung was clumping along beside her, smoking his pipe, and listening. She was dressed as always—large hat, loose garment too long to be fashionable, and around her neck chains or beads of 'things' of esoteric significance. I got the impression that she was in possession

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of some mysterious talisman—and Jung in a way was it— the talisman. It always seemed to me so odd that she could do anything—organize anything. She struck me as one of those people who float through life an inch or two off the ground. And yet I realized she had to be enormously efficient to organize those conferences." Indeed, the conferences were not as unplanned or unprogrammed as Olga insisted. The administrative work was fairly heavy, and she managed it alone and effectively. Over the winter, she chose the theme of the next summer's conference and recruited the speakers, most of whom had spoken there before. The announcements and programs were printed in good time and mailed out. Accommodations were booked, the catering of lunches and dinners planned ahead, transport and traffic arrangements made with the local authorities. Eranos always met in mid- to late August for about two weeks. Usually each lecturer had an entire morning and could divide his performance into two or three parts. At intermission, the lecturer was offered a glass of champagne, and the audience, gratefully released from their cramped seats, mingled on the roofed veranda, smoking and watching for a chance to talk with one of the more charismatic personalities, particularly Jung. Or one could take a dip in the lake from the stone bathing place below the hall. A gong, struck by Frau Froebe, signaled the beginning or resumption of the lecture. Questions from the auditors were forbidden, and at noon they dispersed to the bathing place or went home, except for any whom Olga invited to lunch with the lecturers and house guests. As Olga later wrote, "A huge green Round Table found its place on the terrace, and became the true meeting place for the scholars. It was a concretized mandala, with all the qualities of that symbol reflected in it. The most important talks were held there, and gradually it became apparent that this Table was a creative circle." In 1935, perhaps stimulated by the pictures from ancient alchemical manuscripts that Jung had shown during his lecture, Olga Froebe conceived the plan of systematically col-

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lecting pictures that exemplified the archetypes, as a complement to Jung's writings. This project soon became a major occupation, and she traveled at Jung's bidding to the great libraries of Rome, Paris, London, and elsewhere in Europe, ferreting out and purchasing photographs of ancient frescoes and other paintings, sculpture, manuscript illumination, and primitive and folk art. These she classified according to archetype in what became known as the Eranos Archive, located for want of other space in her own bedroom at Casa Gabriella. By 1938, Olga had spent nearly all of her patrimony on Eranos. The lecturers had not been paid fees, but the costs of transport, lodging, entertainment, and publication ran high, and Olga carried those expenses as well as the costs of the picture collecting. In spring 1938 she applied to the Rockefeller Foundation in New York for support, but nothing came of that (partly because of the dearth of information on Olga's history before 1930); meanwhile, Mary and Paul Mellon providentially arrived on her doorstep. The 1938 Eranos conference had as its theme "The Great Mother," and it introduced a new feature: an exhibition of blown-up photographs from the Eranos Archive, complementing the lectures. Hildegard Nagel, from the Analytical Psychology Club of New York, took the collection back for exhibition at the Club: the debut of Eranos in America. The pictures became the basis eventually of Erich Neumann's book The Great Mother. Olga embarked on her research tour. In Rome, besides her own collecting, at Mary Mellon's request she ordered photographs of an illuminated manuscript of the Divine Comedy that was in the Apostolic Library of the Vatican, and she wrote Mary: "I feel as if I were going into the unknown, because this cruise into the territory of the Magna Mater, where all her cults were alive, is a different thing from getting her images from northern museums. I am going to collect every archetypal representation I can find. . . . [e.g.] the Crucifixion, the Baptism, the Descent into Hell, the 29

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Resurrection, the fight with the Dragon. . . . We are immensely grateful to Mr. Mellon for his generosity and understanding in helping the publication of the American edition of the Great Mother lectures." In Crete, she had "the greatest psychological experience of my life." Encouraged by the Mellons' generosity, Olga extended her tour to Holland, London, Paris, Bonn, Trier, "picture-hunting everywhere," and finally Berlin, where she had to request formal permission from the government for three lecturers she wanted at the next conference. From the beginning, in 1933, the Eranos lectures appeared in the Eranos Jahrbiicher, yearbooks bound in ecru linen, published by the Rhein Verlag, a Zurich firm owned by Dr. Daniel Brody, who was of Hungarian-Jewish origin. Olga set her mind on having Eranos in English, and over the winter of 1938-39 the Mellons found themselves involved in negotiations with a New York publisher, John Farrar, for a volume of lectures on the Great Mother. Cary Baynes, back in New England, recruited a translator, and Jung wrote an introduction, attempting not very successfully to explain the Eranos mystique to Americans. It must be said that the book never did materialize, though some years later Bollingen Series brought out six volumes of Eranos selections. The darkening events in Europe did not discourage Paul and Mary from their plan to settle down in Zurich for Jungian analysis. In July 1939 they sailed to Genoa and drove up to Ascona. They attended the entire Eranos conference, whose theme was "The Symbolism of Rebirth." For the Mellons the most captivating personality among the lecturers, presumably next to Jung, was Heinrich Zimmer, the Heidelberg mythologist who by then had taken leave of Nazi Germany and gone to Oxford University. Hildegard Nagel, who also attended the 1939 conference, described Zimmer in a report written for the Analytical Psychology Club in New York. "He is a marvelous artist in words," she wrote. "When he is

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excited or has had a glass of Italian wine, he spouts vocabulary like a geyser or like James Joyce. To hear him is like watching Shankar dance. It is mythology orchestrated." Though Zimmer's Eranos lecture on "Death and Rebirth in the Light of India" would have been inaccessible to the MelIons, who knew little German, he spoke a racy, fluent, if odd sort of English. Most days, Olga Froebe invited Paul and Mary to join the inner circle for lunch at the round table on the terrace, and thus they got on friendlier terms not only with Jung and Zimmer but with the French scholar of Islam, Louis Massignon, an electrifying speaker to whom Mary particularly responded. Massignon's name went down on her list of publishing prospects. Another was a young English scholar from Cambridge, Charles Allberry, who lectured on Manichaeism. The Mellons took a liking to Allberry, and Mary resolved to extract a book from him, too. (He became an RAF pilot and was shot down in 1943. C. P. Snow based the protagonist of his novel The Light and the Dark on Allberry. ) Jung had originally not intended to speak, but under the impact of the others he found himself composing a lecture on "The Different Aspects of Rebirth," which brought the conference to its close. His spur-of-the-moment address culminated in an example of a rebirth mystery drawn from the Koran—the legend of the Seven Sleepers and of the Islamic angel El Khidr, a favorite theme of Louis Massignon, whose lecture on "Resurrection in the Mohammedan World" had opened the conference. A crucial conference of a different sort took place soon after the 1939 Eranos. Jung, Cary Baynes, Toni Wolff, the Mellons, and several other well-wishers met because Olga's funds were nearly all gone and she was talking of selling Casa Gabriella. Jung said, "Casa Gabriella has to stay. We need the round table. It's absolutely necessary to have a place to gather after lectures." Erlo van Waveren, who had worked on the figures with Olga, divulged how much money was needed and suggested that each one present contribute what he or she could. As it turned out, the Mellons and a 31

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wealthy Swiss, Fritz Allemann, contributed funds to stave off the crisis and pledged to continue. Unaware of her friends' action, Olga was voicing her gratification that at the past Eranos, the French and German speakers were almost in balance, and the international spirit was more cordial than ever before. She was already planning the 1940 meeting, on the origins of Christianity and Gnosis. At the end of August, the Mellons drove across the Saint Gothard pass to Zurich. Mary Foote helped them find an apartment on the Plattenstrasse, a short walk from the Psychological Club, where Jung's seminars took place, and the ETH, where he lectured. In addition to analytical work with both Jung and Toni Wolff and Mary's German lessons with one of the Jungfrauen, the Mellons were caught up in the life of Zurich Jungians—Jung's seminars and lectures, studies in the Club library, tea parties and cocktail parties, Alpine excursions, and the museums, music, theater, and elegant shopping of Zurich. That Germany had invaded Poland on September 1 did not greatly affect existence in Switzerland, though Jung sent Mary a message on September 5: "I thought you had left Switzerland under the present somewhat unpleasant conditions. It is courageous of you to stay and to share whatever fate has in store for us." As the damp, cloudy Zurich autumn came on, Mary had several bad attacks of asthma. She kept hard at work (even attending the ETH lectures in German), but spells of ill health kept interfering. A skiing holiday at Arosa had to be cut short because of an asthmatic attack, and during March she had to have an operation for acute appendicitis. War or no war, Olga Froebe, with a gift of a thousand Swiss francs from the Mellons, sailed to New York in October 1939, accompanied by Cary Baynes. She brought an enlarged exhibition of some three hundred "Great Mother" pictures for display at the Analytical Psychology Club, and she lectured on the pictures and on Eranos, which she now planned to transfer to America if the Nazis took Switzerland. She made another studious approach to the Rockefeller

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Foundation for support of Eranos, and tried to interest Princeton University in her Archive as an adjunct to its Index of Christian Art. Neither attempt bore fruit, and Olga sailed home at the end of the year. In April, Paul Mellon and Jung were both in Locarno on holiday. As Mellon has recalled, "I walked with him up in the hills behind Ascona and Locarno, far up into places where one hardly ever saw a human being. He was peaceful, serene, and had a hearty and ribald humor. But the thing I remember most about Dr. Jung was his simplicity: the directness of his vision and the aptness of his descriptions. Of the simple religious shrines one saw everywhere, he said: 'They are in the same places where the forefathers of these people worshiped their nature gods, and often at places of potential danger, to ward off evil. We who are so civilized and unsuperstitious would do better perhaps to have a little more superstition and to be closer to nature—to take the Devil into account.' " One remembers Alice Bailey's apprehension that traces of the Black Mass were still in the Ticinese air. At last, on the afternoon of April 29, Jung invited the Mellons to visit his tower retreat at Bollingen. He was there alone, and they talked at length. Mary spoke of her plan to start a program of book publishing, in which Jung's works would be central, and he nodded in approval. The elegiac charm of Bollingen, its tranquillity, the timelessness of sunlight and dappling shade, left their impress on Mary and impelled her to give that unknown Swiss place-name to her project. Still another consequence of Mary's Zurich sojourn was a kindling of interest in all the avenues of learning that radiated from Jung's thought—religion, mysticism, ethnology, archaeology, symbolism, and in particular alchemy— and an obsession to acquire all the books. Indeed, Mary got a list of Jung's library from his secretary and sought to emulate his collection. Through dealers, she collected widely in the field of alchemy; her collection of ancient alchemical books and manuscripts, carried on subsequently by Paul Mellon, is now in the Yale University Library. If a German invasion had

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forced Jung to leave Switzerland during the war—and he was indeed on a Gestapo blacklist—he would have found a goodly part of his own library duplicated at the Mellons' house, Oak Spring. The war, somnolent through the winter, suddenly erupted. The danger could not be ignored. On May 3, Mary with her little daughter, the nurse, and the family's butler sailed from Genoa. She had left a fund on deposit with Mary Foote's secretary, Emily Koppel, to buy books, gifts, and so on. Paul stayed behind for more analytical work, and then, after packing and shipping the family's effects, followed two weeks later. The Germans had invaded the Low Countries and France, Italy entered the war, and Switzerland was entirely surrounded by Axis-controlled territory. The country was soon under blackout and strict rationing. Jung wrote to Mary in June, believing that all communications with America would be cut: "I think the night has descended upon Europe. Heaven knows if and when and under which conditions we shall meet again. There is only one certainty—nothing can put out the light within." The light of Eranos almost went out, for the foreign speakers Olga had invited for August 1940 could not travel. Instead she arranged a symbolic Eranos: she invited a single lecturer, the Swiss mathematician Andreas Speiser, to talk on "Plato's Unknown God." "Could you possibly give your lecture for me alone?" she wrote him. "I'll represent the audience, you the speakers. As usual I'll open the Tagung with a few words, and after your lecture is over we'll have lunch in the garden and drink a bottle of Chianti, and it will be a perfectly valid Tagung!" Unexpectedly forty people attended, including Jung, who was inspired to give another extemporaneous lecture, on "The Psychology of the Trinity." After the meeting, he wrote Mary, "We are still afraid that Germany will destroy us. One does not see what good it would do to her, but we understand that reason is not the criterion by which one should appreciate German mentality. It is thoroughly irrational and mystical, a mistaken quest for the eternal kingdom.

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People like that are miserable and spread misery. . . . Miss Wolff has been a good citizen and undergone a training course as an ambulance chauffeur. I feel like a heap of scrap iron, rusty and deformed." During the years that prepared the way for Mary Mellon's Bollingen program, she had formed an almost passionate transference to Jung and had fervently embraced and assimilated his ideas. Her compelling interest now was in publishing Jung's writings and propagating his ideas in the United States. She did not, incidentally, resume analytical work when she came home. Her other allegiance, only slightly less fervent, was to Olga Froebe and Eranos, and she was determined not only to publish the Eranos lectures but to guarantee the Eranos domain and Olga's personal security. The Bollingen Press was what Mary first called her venture, and at the outset, in late 1940, it was quite innocent of professionalism. On Zimmer's recommendation, she appointed as editor Ximena de Angulo, newly graduated from Bennington College, who since 1936 had spent the summers at Casa Gabriella and attended the Eranos meetings. Having grown up in Jungian Zurich, she took analytical psychology for granted and was at home in the Eranos milieu, besides being bilingual in German and English. The editorial office of the Bollingen Press was in Washington, Connecticut, at the house of her mother, Cary Baynes, who herself was still laboring on the / Ching translation. (She wrote in a letter to Paul, "I feel that my epitaph will bear the sad legend: Killed by the Book of Changes") Ximena and her Bennington colleague Betty Mills helped Cary, prodded the Eranos translators, edited the translations, and prospected for other manuscripts. Paul Mellon enrolled at Saint John's College, in Annapolis, in fall 1940, and its president, Stringfellow Barr, became an adviser to the Bollingen Press, along with two refugee scholars from Germany, the art historian Edgar Wind and Heinrich Zimmer, who had arrived with his family dur-

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ing the previous summer and settled in New Rochelle. In the fall, Olga made another trip to America, at the Mellons' invitation and expense; she flew by Pan American Clipper from Lisbon and arrived just as Franklin Roosevelt was being elected for his third term. Her symbol-oriented eye noticed on a dollar bill the Great Seal of the United States, with venerable Masonic symbols and the motto Novus ordo seclorum —"A new order of the ages"—which struck her as propitious. She wrote to Eleanor Roosevelt pointing out its significance and suggesting that the president be informed. On Armistice Day, at the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier, Roosevelt made his first formal speech after the election. His theme was "A New Order of the Ages," and he closed with the peroration: "Over and above the present, over and above this moment, we recognize and salute the eternal verities that lie with us in the future of mankind." The words could have been spoken at Eranos. Mary had been voted in as an associate member of the New York Analytical Psychology Club, having accumulated the mandatory hundred hours of analysis. Whether she ever attended the meetings is not recorded, though she may have gone to hear Olga lecture to the Club on the Great Seal of the United States; and Mary and Paul gave a dinner party in Olga's honor. When Olga flew back to Europe in March, unable on short notice to get a French visa, she got a German one and flew from Lisbon to Zurich via Stuttgart. When she went through passport control in Bermuda, her German visa and her portfolio of strange symbolic pictures did not go unnoticed by British Intelligence. Letters between Mary and Jung were frequent and sometimes very personal. He wrote her on April 18, 1941, that he had been "very tired and deeply depressed by the senselessness of this war. It is mere destruction. Why in hell is Man unable to grow up? The Lord of this world is surely the Devil. Mrs. Froebe brought me cheerful news about yourself and the splendid work you do. She was in high spirits. . . . You can hardly imagine the thickness of the black cloud suspend36

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ed over Europe, and one wishes to escape from the soundless pressure of evil and dull idiocy." He analyzed a dream that Mary had sent him, and went on: "I wish you could come again to Ascona. But the world-wide darkness is still on the increase. I am grateful to fate that you have such dreams, otherwise the world would be rather empty in the Western Hemisphere." The volume of Eranos lectures was the only active item on Mary's Bollingen program. Negotiations to publish with John Farrar had not carried through, and Ximena, who keenly felt there should be more professional arrangements, proposed that Mary make a connection with a university press. Paul approached Yale University Press, and discussions with George Parmly Day, its founder and director, and his editors went on throughout 1941. When Day finally submitted a formal plan for publishing the Bollingen program, Mary rejected it. The Yale Press wanted to control the choice of titles and to have Yale professors of psychology on the editorial board; she felt that her allegiance to Jung was at stake. In late July, meanwhile, when Mary cabled Jung greetings on his sixty-sixth birthday, she added two items of news: they had laid the cornerstone and raised the rooftree of their new house in Virginia, Oak Spring; and Paul had volunteered for enlistment in the United States Cavalry. After going through basic training at the Cavalry Replacement Training Center in Fort Riley, Kansas, he joined the staff of the Cavalry School there as an instructor in horsemanship and received a commission. He spent a year in that duty, until, in spring 1943, he was sent overseas. While Paul was at Fort Riley, Mary rented a house in Kansas City, near her parents, and parceled her time among New York, Oak Spring, Hobe Sound, and her hometown. Olga Froebe, confident of her American backing, concentrated on extending the concept of the Eranos Archive with an en-

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larged pictorial collection, a reference library, and plans for a dream-and-vision department and a text department, for which she employed as assistant Jung's bright young researcher Marie-Louise von Franz. For the 1941 conference, in early August, there were three lecturers. Jung spoke at great length on "Transformation Symbolism in the Mass," the outgrowth of interviews with a Catholic priest. The Swiss writer and graphologist Max Pulver lectured on Gnosticism, and so did another newcomer, Karl Kerenyi, who was to become one of the pillars of Eranos. In 1941 he was a professor of classical philosophy in his native Hungary; since 1929 he had been a pupil of the noted classicist W. F. Otto, and subsequently he was in close contact with Thomas Mann and with Jung, who began collaborating with him on studies of the Virgin and the Divine Child in 1939. Jung had recommended him to Olga Froebe, and in 1940 she chartered a private plane andflewto Rome in order to enlist him. In 1942, as a means of maintaining contact with the Allies in spite of Nazi domination, the Hungarian prime minister, Miklos Kallay, appointed Kerenyi a cultural attache in Switzerland, residing in Ascona. When the Germans occupied Hungary a year later, Kerenyi and his family chose permanent exile. Among the Eranos lecturers he was renowned as the most dramatic: with a mane of white hair, deep-set piercing eyes, an aquiline profile, and a magniloquent style, he seemed a shamanlike figure. Heinrich Zimmer, in scarcely a year and a half, had become deeply involved in his new American life. Upon arriving in New York with his family in June 1940, he began styling himself Henry R. Zimmer (though his publishers reverted to the German original). Zimmer was born in 1890, the son of a famous Celtic scholar of the same name. At the University of Berlin he began in European literature and language. Germanic philology led him to Sanskrit, and he found himself fascinated by everything to do with India. He received his Berlin Ph.D. in 1913, with a thesis on Vedic Brahmin

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family clans. He was in the German army throughout the Great War, emerged unscathed, and returned to academic life, feeling like "a ghostly revenant, a guest from the other world," for having survived. At Heidelberg University, where he was professor until 1938, he abandoned the traditional pattern of interpretation he had followed and was able to express his own vision of India. He was a brilliant speaker, sparkling and overflowing with ideas, fundamentally serious, even grave. His great gift was said to be the ability to see the truth with his inner eye. In the late 1920s, Zimmer married one of his students—Christiane, the daughter of the Austrian poet and playwright Hugo von Hofmannsthal. Zimmer's interest in Hindu Tantrism had led him to apply his cultic knowledge to Indian art in his first book, Kunstjorm und Yoga. As a study of, among other things, the mandala (Sanskrit for a geometrical circular form appropriate for meditation and symbolic use), the book came to Jung's attention and prepared the way for their meeting in 1932. They were introduced by Zimmer's fellow Indologist J. W. Hauer, who had not yet compromised himself by his involvement with National Socialism. When Jung invited Hauer to join him in a seminar on the Kundalini Yoga in Zurich, Hauer brought along Zimmer, who also spoke on types of Yoga. Thereafter Zimmer was invited to lecture at Jungian clubs in various cities. His friendship with Jung was cemented when they both appeared on the first Eranos platform, in 1933. By 1938, the Nazi persecution of the Jews had become severe—the Hofmannsthal family were partly of Jewish ancestry—and Zimmer, who had been outspoken in criticizing the regime, was dismissed from his chair. The Zimmers left Germany for Oxford, where Zimmer had a year's unpaid appointment. During that difficult time, the family was helped out by Alice Astor, Raimund von Hofmannsthal's former wife. Zimmer became a friend of the classicist C. M. Bowra, who later wrote that, even if he ordinarily was reluctant to apply the word "genius" to any man of learning, in Zimmer's case it was the only word that suited. In August 1939 the 39

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Zimmers went to the Eranos conference, and there they became friends of Mary and Paul Mellon. After waiting two years for visas the family, including three sons aged ten, eight, and six, was able to sail for the United States in June 1940, zigzagging in convoy. Aboard they found a friend, the English photographer Cecil Beaton, who wrote in his journal : "Zimmer, a man of intensity and torrentlike vitality, who works in Intelligence, says he knew after the first two months that Germany had lost the war. He is so robust and optimistic, so strong within his convictions, that he makes me feel like a wriggling winkle. His intellectual range is enormous." The Zimmers rented a house in New Rochelle, where an aunt of Christiane's lived. They were not friendless. Besides the Mellons, Cary Baynes, Ximena, and other American Jungians they had met at Eranos, there was an ever-growing number of German intellectuals in exile. Zimmer lectured occasionally at the Analytical Psychology Club, and in November he gave the Hideyo Noguchi Lectures on the History of Medicine at Johns Hopkins University. With his wife, Zimmer took an auto trip to California and back in spring 1941, marveling at Chicago, the Pacific Ocean, and the Grand Canyon. In Taos, New Mexico, he met Mountain Lake, the Pueblo Indian wise man whom Jung had befriended in 1925. Zimmer, summing up his transcontinental journey, was stunned by the "overwhelming, sometimes crushing reality of American life, which fades into a kind of silently roaring, triumphantly ghastly mirage." In fall 1941, Zimmer was appointed a visiting lecturer in the Division of Philosophy, Psychology, and Anthropology at Columbia University. The post was part-time and poorly paid, half from the university, half from one of the organizations set up to help displaced foreign scholars. Zimmer gave successive courses on the art of India, Indian philosophy, and myth and symbol in Indian art and culture, at the Bush Museum, a modest collection of Indian art in the attic of Low Memorial Library. The museum curator, Dr. Marguerite Block, had met Zimmer at the Analytical Psychology Club

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and had helped him get the appointment. The lectures were at first attended by a handful, including the budding mythologist Joseph Campbell; but Zimmer addressed his audience as if they filled a large auditorium, and its number gradually increased to fifty or more. Whether Mary Mellon ever attended the lectures is not a matter of record, but she and Ximena were constantly in touch with Zimmer on the details of their work. The creative scholarship that went into his Columbia lectures would also, Mary was determined, go into the books she was intent on publishing. He became the mentor and guide of her Bollingen adventure.

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II "BOLLINGEN IS MY ERANOS!"

O

n December 1, 1941, six days before Pearl Harbor, Paul Mellon established the Old Dominion Foundation under the laws of the Commonwealth of Virginia. He was at the time a private at Fort Riley. The formalities were supervised in Washington and Richmond by Donald D. Shepard, who since 1927 had been a legal and tax adviser first to Andrew Mellon and then to Paul, and, since its establishment in 1937 was secretary, treasurer, and general counsel of the National Gallery of Art. The Foundation's trustees included two business associates of the family, Adolph Schmidt and George Wyckoff, and Mary. The Old Dominion would pursue a conventional philanthropic program concerned with the humanities, liberal education, the arts, mental health, and conservation, though for several years its funds were devoted largely to war relief. A month later, on January 6, 1942—the country having meanwhile entered the war—the Bollingen Foundation was incorporated under the laws of the State of New York. Mary was president, and the board of trustees included Schmidt, two New York lawyers, and Stringfellow Barr, the president of Saint John's College. The Foundation letterhead placed its headquarters at Washington, Connecticut, but its affairs were paternally overseen by Donald Shepard in Washington, D.C. Its certificate of incorporation stated that "its operations are principally to be conducted in the City of New York" and its purposes were "to stimulate, encourage and develop scholarship and research in the liberal arts and sciences and other fields of cultural endeavor generally." There was an editorial board made up of Zimmer, Barr, Edgar Wind, Ximena, Cary Baynes, and Betty Mills. As Ximena recalled later, "Mary knew from the start that it was to be a big venture, and she had me keep record of all our transactions and correspondence, as it would all be of interest in later years." In late January, Ximena wrote to Olga Froebe: "Our main 45

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problem is to find the right book to start out with. The / Ching wouldn't be bad, but I think a more general and less unknown proposition might be even better." She broke the news that Mary had decided not to publish an Eranos anthology, but instead to try to get a complete Yearbook together. Above all, the 1934 lecture by J. W. Hauer, on the self in Indo-Aryan mysticism, had to be dropped. His leadership of the German Faith Movement had drawn him into the Nazi net. "It is quite impossible to publish [the lecture] as one of our initial enterprises now that the country is in the war. . . . It might endanger the whole purpose of our undertaking and keep us from having any cultural function at all." That Hauer was a liability, regardless of the excellence of the lecture, had come home to the Bollingen staff when Eugene Jolas, the editor of transition, upon hearing Hauer mentioned during a visit he paid to the Baynes-Bollingen household, exclaimed, "What do you want that damned Nazi for?" A letter to Mary from Jung, written on January 31 in reply to hers of two months earlier, thanked her for the flowers, food, and books she had sent at Christmas. "I suppose Mr. Mellon is now with the army," Jung wrote. "I always had the impression that he had the psychology of somebody who is waiting to be picked up by something which wasn't yet in sight. "Even if I don't refer to your letters I read them very carefully. So I'm looking forward to another because I really like to hear from the other side of the Ocean. The European condition is simply indescribable, at least as we experience it in Switzerland. It is the most hellish suspense one can imagine. Everything is provisional, and life moves from day to day like the ticking of a clock. And the clock doesn't know whether there is somebody that will wind it again." The negotiations with Yale University Press had been resumed. Day's first model of a working arrangement had been shelved, but on February 3, he offered a different proposal, including the provision that no volume could be issued under the Yale imprint without the approval and sanction of its

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editor and its governing board. He advised the Foundation not to contract for any manuscript before clearing it with Yale. Mary found its terms unattractive, but she postponed a decision. Her editorial staff, meanwhile, was busy. Ximena seemed to be in constant motion between Connecticut and New York for conferences. Both Barr and Zimmer thought that a period of contact making and prospecting was in order. Zimmer promised to talk to his friend Paul Tillich at Union Theological Seminary. And he himself was planning a book based on his lectures at Columbia on Indian philosophy, with the intrinsic and essential unity of thought and Yoga experience as its central theme. Ximena also consulted Edgar Wind, then teaching at the Institute of Fine Arts of New York University. A product of the Warburg Institute, he was concerned with the history of ideas, symbols, images—thus, iconography. "We had lunch together," she wrote Mary, "and he was just as helpful and interested as he could be. Really, we have a wonderful Board! And it is possible that we have found with him what we need: he said he would have something for us by the end of the summer, and when I pressed him, it turned out to be a perfectly monumental piece of work!" Indeed, it was a three-volume opus on the religious symbolism of Michelangelo, of which the first volume might supply the required "sound, important thing to start with." Wind, though not a Jungian, was a cornucopia of ideas. He alerted Ximena to other likely prospects—books in preparation by Jean Seznec at Harvard, on Flaubert (a different work of Seznec's, The Survival of the Pagan Gods, was a Bollingen title in 1953); by George Kubler and Chauncey Tinker at Yale; by Wind's teacher Erwin Panofsky at the Institute for Advanced Study in Princeton (he, too, eventually became a Bollingen author). Among the other books considered for publication in 1943, which are testimony to the direction in which Mary intended to go, there were Jungian treatises by H. G. Baynes, Andrew Gibb, Toni Wolff, and Emma Jung (her unfinished study of the Holy Grail), a "Manual of Indian Art" by Zimmer, and

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a monograph on "The Artist as Scapegoat" by the critic William Troy. Zimmer himself was scouting, and he offered as a prospect Meyer Schapiro, the Columbia art historian. "He looks like an archangel, Gabriel for instance, who, through some curse quite common among late Hindu divinities, has made a temporary avatar and has to submit to being reborn in a shady resort of Manhattan's lower East side. I like his candor and sort of genius. . . . You might extract a suitable manuscript from him." Zimmer had got together with Wind for an exchange of views on the Bollingen program, "soaring up and down on the swing between the celestial realm of ideas and the symbols of everyday life . . . up and down, between Greek mysteries and the Magic Flute, Reincarnation and Hogarth." Despite all this exuberance, not a great deal actually materialized. This was an exuberant time for Mary Mellon too. Between trips to Kansas City and New York she was supervising the work on the Georgian house, Oak Spring, closely modeled on the eighteenth-century Hammond-Harwood house in Annapolis, which Paul had admired while he was studying at Saint John's. She was interested in founding a Museum of the American Southwest, focusing on the Navaho. She joined a group of friends in backing a supper club on East Fiftyfourth Street in New York, frequented by gin-rummy players, the 1-2-3 Club. But the Bollingen Foundation had first claim on her seemingly boundless energy. In late February, writing Jung to describe her plans in detail, Mary made her first explicit proposal to publish his collected writings. "I have a vision of publishing all of your works in a beautiful, substantial and uniform edition bit by bit, so that they can be got at by people and are all in order." She also proposed publishing, in "a beautiful leather binding," Jung's curious Seven Sermons to the Dead, a pseudoGnostic fantasy that he had brought out privately and pseudonymously in 1916. She went on: "As I founded this Press with you as the keystone and for the purpose of disseminating your teaching as my contribution to your work, it is most

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important for me to have your ideas of how you want your books dealt with. I do so want this Press to be a substantial and dignified one and as far as I can see it will be so. . . . The world is in such a mess that it becomes all the more important to me to do what I can to keep alive and make available such works as yours, and those of others who can contribute real, scholarly and imaginative books about Man, and the history of his soul. It is all I can do and I want to do it well. But I want your advice and help." Mary's letter was six weeks in transit, and Jung's response, dated April 10, was as long getting back to her. He replied in careful detail. Concerning the Seven Sermons, he told her to wait. "I had in mind to add certain materials, but I have hesitated for years." Indeed, patience was his advice altogether: she should follow the Swiss editions of his writings, some of which were in the course of revision. The London firm of Kegan Paul, which had been publishing his work since 1916, had expressed interest in the essays on the Virgin and the Child he had written in collaboration with Kerenyi. Jung was at his Bollingen retreat, and he added, "Living here without a car becomes a primitive problem. Yesterday we had to tramp for one hour and a half in order to get two sausages for our dinner. The misery in the occupied countries is indescribable. The air vibrates with lies and rumors and it is almost impossible to discern between true and false information." Jung's letters to Mary during these early war years, often handwritten, were long, and cordial, even affectionate. The countertransference was evident. Mary was sending parcels of coffee, sugar, butter, and olive oil to her friends in Switzerland via Macy's and the Red Cross, and she wanted to extend help in a more general way, through the Old Dominion, to needy people suffering in Europe. She asked Donald Shepard to find out what agencies dealt with relief in Switzerland and the Allied countries. In mid-May, while waiting for the information, Mary got a letter from one of her lawyers, Francis Carmody, handwritten, from his home on Long Island: 49

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Dear Mary: Craigh Leonard [another lawyer] called me this evening and stated that he had spoken to Miss Mills today about some matters which had caused him alarm. Apparently the girls are having correspondence with and sending cables to persons in Switzerland about possible publications. As you probably know, the "Trading with the Enemy Act" imposed drastic penalties and jail sentences upon dealing with enemy aliens directly or indirectly. While the girls might be dealing with agents in Switzerland, they in turn may be dealing with enemy aliens in Germany or elsewhere, in which case Bollingen and its officers and directors could be put in a most serious position. As you know all cables going out of the country are censored. It is quite possible that owing to the regularity of cables going from the girls to Switzerland that suspicion of dealing indirectly with enemy aliens has already been aroused. And once aroused the consequences are unpredictable, regardless of the innocence of officers or agents of Bollingen! As far as you and Paul are concerned, I know you wish to avoid all possibilities of a mess even though the matter were eventually straightened out. Don't forget that the administration is still trying to pillory "those that have," especially when they are Republicans. Please don't think me an alarmist—but I feel . . . that the possible consequences are so far reaching—yes, they could result in you and Paul being painted before the public as unpatriotic which would be a calamity—that I earnestly urge you to: 1. Telephone the girls immediately to cease all communication with anyone outside of the United States and perhaps England at once and until further notice. 2. Make absolutely no further disbursements from any account you have in Switzerland for any purpose. Carmody urged Mary to get to New York for a conference

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with him, meanwhile asking "the girls to tread water for the time being" and to inform her of all contacts they had had with people abroad. "Excuse my writing so bluntly,—but I would feel most remiss and not worthy of the confidence you and Paul have placed in me if I did otherwise." Donald Shepard took the matter in hand. He went to see J. Edgar Hoover's first assistant, Edward A. Tamm, and learned that the FBI had been investigating Olga FroebeKapteyn, acting on an advisory from British Intelligence, which had considered her a suspicious character when she passed through Bermuda in March 1941, not only with a German visa, but with some cryptic pictures in her portfolio. The FBI file was begun a month after that episode. Agents questioned Paul at Fort Riley, Mary, Cary Baynes and Ximena, the Rockefeller Foundation, and the Barbizon Hotel for Women, where Olga had stayed while in New York. The Foundation setup, Shepard found out, was regarded as typical of the cover-ups used by the Germans and the Japanese in espionage work. The FBI would eventually close the file on Olga Froebe, having found no proof that she was a foreign agent. In spring 1942, however, at the worst of the war, the Bureau advised the Foundation, through Shepard, "unequivocally to cease all activities, correspondence, and financing of its work in Switzerland. Unwittingly, these might give aid and comfort to the enemy with serious results and untold embarrassment." Shepard wrote Paul that Tamm was "quite sympathetic and appreciated the connection of the Mellon name. I think that the F.B.I, has no doubt that the motives in back of this Foundation are entirely altruistic and innocent, but on the other hand, in these times, it is most important not to have any contact or association or dealings with anyone who is under suspicion, and even with those who are not directly under suspicion but who have contact with those under suspicion." Thus Dr. Jung, "although he apparently, from what I hear, is without question opposed to the Axis principles," would fall into the same category, "somewhat like a person exposed to some contagious disease, and who 51

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may be quarantined, even though he may not have the disease." Tamm further advised that Mary write a letter for the record, definitely advising the contacts in Switzerland that the Foundation was ceasing its activities there for the duration of the war. Paul telephoned from Kansas and urged Mary to take heed. Shepard drafted the letter, and Mary had it retyped on her "Oak Spring" stationery, signed it, and sent it to Jung under the date of May 25: Dear Dr. Jung: Paul and I have discussed a question which has arisen about the future activities of the Bollingen Foundation during the period of the war, it being as you know the fund which I set up to carry on the educational work with which you are familiar, namely, the advancement in the study and research in the field of psychology and other scientific and educational matters. The Foundation has in mind publishing each year some six books, in scientific fields, for the benefit of scholars and educational institutions, which books would ordinarily not be published because of their cost. Thus, the Foundation would serve to benefit education and preserve for posterity the manuscripts and writings of scholars which might otherwise be lost. Paul and I have, as you know, been interested in study and research in psychology, in which you so generously and remarkably contribute. I have also discussed the matter with members of the Board of the Bollingen Foundation, and others, and because of the war emergency, we have decided that our activities during the war period should be restricted, particularly as applied to the collection from abroad of manuscripts and material for the printing of our books; and, in fact, we have decided to discontinue all activities abroad, including correspondence and financial aid, such as we have been rendering to Frau Froebe Kaptyn at Ascona for research and study for these books. As you may not know, I feel I should advise you that our 52

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Government has put into effect a Trading with the Enemy Act, which has drastic provisions against our citizens dealing with enemy aliens directly or indirectly. While members and employees of the Foundation, in their correspondence with persons in Switzerland about manuscripts or study and research, have not to our knowledge or information had any dealings with any enemy aliens, nevertheless it might be that if such activities were continued, unwittingly and without our knowledge such persons might come within the prohibited category of persons with whom we might properly have dealings. It stands without question that none of us desire to have any dealings, directly or indirectly, with any enemy alien, or to give any such person any aid or assistance, as above all it is the fervent hope and opinion of Paul and myself that our country will win this war and vanquish the Axis powers and what they stand for. Accordingly, Paul and I feel, as we all do, that it is most desirable to cease all activities in Switzerland, including corresponding with persons there, and the sending of any money for the purchase of materials for the Bollingen Foundation or the aid of anyone engaged in study or research or the preparation of manuscripts or the collection of materials for its books. Only in this way can we be assured that we may not be directly or indirectly in contact with our enemies, or in some manner assisting them, which above all things we do not wish. I will be grateful if you will advise those whom you know are connected with this work of our decision to cease all activities in Switzerland, and that from now on they must not expect us (Paul and myself, or the Foundation) to render any aid, or to correspond with them. I regret very much that it is necessary to take this course of action, which may interfere with the fine educational program laid out for the Bollingen Foundation, but above all we do not wish in any way, unwittingly or otherwise, to do anything which might render assistance to our enemies, or which might be subject to criticism. Until the war is ended, we will 53

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confine the activities of the Foundation to the manuscripts and materials collected only in this country. Hoping this finds you well and with kind regards, I remain Sincerely yours Mary Mellon Jung passed on the bad news to Olga Froebe, with the comment, "A message from Job, which was to be expected!" The Mellon lawyers set to work meeting the recommendations of the FBI. The contributions Mary wanted the Old Dominion Foundation to make to Swiss charity were canceled (though others, to British, Greek, Polish, Dutch, Russian, and Chinese war relief, were paid). Paul and Mary's account in the Credit Suisse was closed and transferred to the Mellon National Bank in Pittsburgh. All the files of correspondence with persons in Switzerland were delivered to the FBI for study. Instructions were given expressly forbidding any contact with Olga Froebe. Cary Baynes, feeling her own friendships with Olga and Jung were too close, resigned from the editorial board. There followed a lull, and Zimmer remarked that such a step had the wholehearted endorsement of the / Ching; the postponement was in harmony with the Tao; it was wise to conform to the trends of the circling tides. Zimmer continued quietly to bring promising Bollingen prospects to Mary's attention. One was Joseph Campbell, "a clever and intuitive Irishman, energetic, sound and full of life, who knows a lot about Indian stuff." Others were the art historian and philosopher Ananda K. Coomaraswamy, "the only man in my field who, whenever I read a paper of his, gives me a genuine inferiority complex, through his subtle and vigorous flight of ideas. . . . His wonderful essays on esoteric topics are buried in scientific periodicals"; and Professor Karl Lehmann of New York University, who was interested in the relation of ancient art and religion and had been excavating, before the war, on the island of Samothrace. And Zimmer himself was keeping busy "on Bollingen stuff." 54

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Mary had decided, somewhat earlier, to seek publishing advice of a different character. She wanted a bolder approach and had received the impression that university presses, by their very nature, were too stuffy to commit themselves to a program such as she had in mind. She preferred to look to trade publishing. Stanley Young, an editor at Harcourt, Brace, was introduced to her by Nancy Wilson Ross. He was, indeed, Nancy's fiance. Young was put on the editorial board, and Ximena convened a meeting on May 25, at which she introduced Young to Zimmer and Wind. The three were to recruit an editor. Ximena, whose precise function had never been spelled out very clearly, decided to withdraw gradually. She busied herself tying up loose ends. She returned some manuscripts to Paul Tillich and advised him to write on Protestantism and the War. ("He isn't well enough known over here to have any hope of interesting a publisher," she wrote Mary.) While she was on Morningside Heights, she returned some other manuscripts to the Columbia anthropologist Ruth Benedict. And, with Stanley Young's help, she began to look for a job in New York publishing. Young was asked by Mary to draw up an organizational plan, and he submitted a comprehensive "publishing memorandum." He ofEered advice that was more professional than any that Mary had yet received. Young's point of view was distinctly tradeoriented, and it seemed closer to what Mary needed, though at the beginning he had rather a slight grasp of the sources of her inspiration—or he would never have advised dropping the name "Bollingen," which he thought was difficult to pronounce, nor would he have recommended the works of Leibniz, Voltaire, and Hume as projects. Each board member, it seemed, had a candidate for the editorship. Wind proposed Hyatt Mayor, assistant curator of prints at the Metropolitan; Barr proposed Lambert Davis, a Harcourt, Brace editor; Zimmer proposed Joseph Campbell. Young had no candidate, but Mary proposed him for the appointment. In June he went on vacation to ponder whether he would accept it. But just then the Foundation's lawyers,

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with Paul's approval and Mary's reluctant assent, came to another drastic decision. On June 23, the Foundation was liquidated entirely. Another letter went out to Jung, this time over Donald Shepard's signature, ten days later. It was more summary, more explicit, certainly more diplomatic, and in its final prospect more encouraging than the letter of May 25 that Mary had reluctantly put her name to. Actually, Mary had heavily rewritten Shepard's draft of the second letter. Dear Sir: Mrs. Mary Mellon, for whom I act as attorney, has asked me to reply to your letter of April 10th, so that you may be informed as to the steps which have been taken since she wrote you last. I am advised that Mrs. Mellon wrote you some weeks ago that, because of the war emergency and the resulting restrictions which have been placed on our citizens in their relations with persons abroad, she and the Board of Directors of the Bollingen Foundation had decided to cease all activities abroad, and in Switzerland particularly, during the war period. Since Mrs. Mellon's advice to you, the question of the functioning of the Foundation during the war period has been further considered by those concerned and, because of the difficulties connected with publishing books of an international nature during the war and other circumstances, Mrs. Mellon felt it to be the best course for the Foundation to cease all activities whatsoever. It was decided therefore, that the Foundation should be liquidated and dissolved. Accordingly, upon instructions from the Directors of the Foundation, its attorneys arranged for the complete liquidation and dissolution of the corporation, and the Foundation is now out of existence. Following its liquidation and dissolution, such funds as the Bollingen Foundation had remaining were turned over to Yale University for the use of the Yale Press in its educational work. 56

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Mrs. Mellon is very disappointed that circumstances have necessitated stopping what she considers to be a much needed and worth while work in the advancement of education, and particularly the delay which will be occasioned in the publication of your works in the field of psychology. She would like me to advise you, however, that she will maintain a deep interest in the project and that, following the termination of the war and when circumstances permit, she will revive the Foundation so that the work laid out by you and outlined in your letter of April 10th may be carried forward immediately. She hopes that you will see fit to reserve publication of those items mentioned in your letter until her Foundation is able to function once more. Besides the small residue of funds, Yale University Press was given the completed translations of ten Eranos lectures; Yale had no interest in publishing them, and they vanished in the files. Yale was also offered Cary Baynes's / Ching translation but declined it as being a work so specialized that it would find few readers. Although nothing on record shows that Jung was angered by the cold letters, so uncharacteristic of Mary Mellon, citing the "Trading with the Enemy Act" and announcing the end of the Foundation dedicated to propagating his work, in later years friends of his in Zurich gave Cary Baynes an account of his resentment. Certainly, for three years, Jung's letters to Mary were infrequent and, such as they were, reserved to the point of impersonality. Ironically, during those war years Jung often conversed with Allen Dulles, the chief of the OSS in Switzerland, who wanted his psychological advice on the likely reactions of the "sinister leaders" of Germany and Italy to passing events. As Dulles later observed, "Jung's judgment was of real help to me in gauging the political situation. His deep antipathy to what Nazism and

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Fascism stood for was clearly evidenced in these conversations." In late July, the Mellons cabled Jung greetings on his sixtyseventh birthday and news of their son Timothy's birth on July 22. (Mary said, in a letter to Olga, she named him Timothy because, in the New Testament, Timothy is Paul's companion and friend.) Otherwise, the line to Zurich and Ascona was now silent. News of Eranos, however, came to the Analytical Psychology Club in Olga Froebe's letters. The 1942 conference, the tenth, on "The Hermetic Principle in Mythology, Gnosis, and Alchemy," had five lecturers, including Jung and Kerenyi. "It was the most united, the most peaceful and the most human Eranos meeting we ever had," Olga wrote. "A foundation is being laid for the first Institute for the Study of Symbology. Here we have the collective unconscious, gradually being classified into the various archetypes, and chaos is becoming order. This Institute will, I believe, be instrumental in proving the existence of the archetypal world in a way acceptable to scientific minds. . . . No funds have reached me from overseas since America entered the war, but I think the research work can be carried on." Jung had helped her get a little support from a Swiss cultural foundation, Pro Helvetia, and from the ETH—the Federal Technical Institute. In November, however, she wrote Jung that she was still in the dark about the situation in America. "It would help me get over my hard feelings if I only knew something definite."

In early 1943, the Bollingen program, having lain dormant for half a year, began to stir again. Stanley Young had stayed on with Harcourt, Brace, but now Mary was eager for him to take over as her Bollingen editor. On December 6, 1942, he and Nancy Wilson Ross had married; Mary played the Wedding March on the piano (followed by some boogie-woogie).

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In January she invested $20,000 in a comedy by Young that opened on Broadway and closed after two weeks. Young, who hailed from Indiana, was a versatile man of letters. He had reported for the Paris Herald, taught English at Williams College, written for the New York Times, worked as a tradebook editor, published poems and a novel, and had two plays previously produced on Broadway. The most celebrated work from his pen did not carry his name: a book called My Sister and I: The Diary of a Dutch Boy Refugee, supposedly by a twelve-year-old, which Stanley turned out for the War Writers Board. He donated the considerable royalties to Dutch War Relief, and his authorship was kept secret until after his death. During the war years he often left his editorial desk to take on war-correspondent assignments for the Saturday Evening Post. He started the Bollingen job on Mary's private payroll months before the formal establishment of the Bollingen Series in June. Paul Mellon, by then a first lieutenant, had spent several weeks in the East, during spring 1943, awaiting his orders to duty in Europe. In Washington, he looked into National Gallery of Art affairs and met the Gallery's new secretary, treasurer, and general counsel, Huntington Cairns, whom Donald Shepard had picked as his own successor. Shepard had more than enough to do, with the Old Dominion presidency. Paul approved Mary's plan to revive her Bollingen program under the Old Dominion. In May he was in a convoy bound for England. He was assigned to the Special Operations branch of the OSS in London, training, briefing, and supervising intelligence agents who were parachuted into occupied Europe. Mary had decided against publishing with the Yale University Press, and it was Zimmer who came up with a solution. In February he wrote her, "I could name you an editor who might perfectly suit your purposes. It is Kurt Wolff. I feel his kind of editing and his kind of shop would be the right thing for your plan." That advice happened to coincide with what Stanley Young had said in his publishing memo59

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randum a year before—tie up with a good trade publisher. In late February, Mary met Wolff at the office of Pantheon Books, 41 Washington Square South, where they reached quick agreement, in principle, that Wolff's firm would produce and publish Mary's books. Pantheon Books was then probably the youngest publishing house in New York. It had been incorporated in February 1942, and its first list, in lanuary 1943, announced books by Jacob Burckhardt, Stefan George, Charles Peguy, and Erich Kahler. Kurt Wolff was, indeed, among the most distinguished publishers in town. Born in the Rhineland in 1887, he began his publishing career while still a university student. The Kurt Wolff Verlag of Leipzig and Munich was the outstanding house in Germany for contemporary literature before and after the Great War. In the mid-1920s, Wolff founded a second firm, Pantheon Casa Editrice, based in Italy, devoted to publishing scholarly art books in five languages. With the rise of the Nazis, Wolff (whose mother was Jewish) liquidated his publishing properties and left Germany, not to return until after the war. In 1933 he married Helen Mosel, a scholarly young art editor, who was gifted in languages. (The first present that Kurt Wolff had given her was a copy of Richard Wilhelm's Secret of the Golden Flower, with Jung's "European Commentary.") They lived in Switzerland, France, and finally Italy, near Florence, always in touch with the intellectual currents of Western Europe. Friends leaving Nazi Germany to seek exile abroad often found refuge at the Wolffs' villa. When in 1938 Italy, too, became impossible, the Wolffs and their small son moved to France, settling in Paris. Here the war caught up with them. After great hardship—internment, separation—they were able to obtain American visas and crossed the Pyrenees in February 1941. They arrived in New York on a Portuguese vessel on March 30. Wolff was fifty-four and cut off from most of his financial resources. By the following December, he had obtained the backing to start a publishing house: $7,500 from Curt von Faber du Faur, a 60

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Munich friend then in Cambridge, Massachusetts, and his American stepson, Kyrill Schabert, to be matched with an equal sum. Pantheon Books was incorporated on February 26, 1942; its office was in the Wolffs' apartment on Washington Square South, in a block called "Genius Row," where many creative people had lived—Willa Cather, John Sloan, Lincoln Steffens, John Reed, though not, as legend would have it, Henry James. Schabert, being an American citizen, was made president of the firm. Its first employee was Wolfgang Sauerlander, a young German whose family had known Kurt Wolff in Munich. He presented himself at the Wolffs' front door in military posture, with the words "I would like to offer you my services," and started as a bookkeeper and stock clerk. An anti-Nazi Protestant, Sauerlander had arrived in New York with the artist Josef Scharl in 1939, supposedly to see the World's Fair, and both had stayed. The Wolffs were later joined by still another emigre, Jacques Schiffrin, who, born in Baku and reared in Saint Petersburg, had moved on to Paris after the Russian Revolution and set up as a publisher. In the early 1930s he established the distinguished Bibliotheque de la Pleiade, devoted to the French and other classics; in 1937, he merged his house with Gallimard. At Pantheon, he was vice-president, designer, production manager, and editor of books in French. These made up the production and publishing staff that would be at Mary Mellon's disposal. Her good fortune was manifested by what Hellmut LehmannHaupt wrote a year or two later in his The Book in America: "The very significant thing about Pantheon Books is the fact that it has not issued a single trivial or merely popular title, nor a book chosen primarily because of its income-producing possibilities. Every book on the list is of unquestionable cultural value, or of decided artistic significance, or a genuine attempt to contribute to the solution of the intellectual and spiritual dilemma of these difficult years." The terms that Kurt Wolff proposed to Mary Mellon, in a 61

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letter of April 22, 1943, set a standard and pattern of publishing relationship that, with periodic revision of details, endured for more than twenty-five years: My dear Mrs. Mellon: It is a rare experience for a European to find an American so well versed in European thought as you are. It gives quite another scope to conversation—for whatever we say or do, we have been nourished by the same roots. I propose that I undertake to supervise the manufacturing of the books, according to your instructions, to the best of my ability, keeping the production costs as reasonable as possible. The Foundation pays the production costs as they occur, including author's fees and all cash expenditures as they arise in connection with production and promotion. . . . For the work to be done in the Pantheon office—both my own and clerical work—and for the use of the office and our entire set up, promotion apparatus, etc. a monthly fee of $250.appears to me adequate. This payment would cover all work connected with production and promotion, planning and supervision of manufacture, correspondence and dealings with authors, editors, illustrators, printers, binders, etc., supervision of reproduction work, and promotion planning. Such an arrangement would make Pantheon completely disinterested in the actual production cost. I would advise you in each case with an entirely free mind, in the best interest of the book. But if I wish to keep Pantheon completely disinterested in the production, the firm should be interested in the sale. For this reason I propose that Pantheon will be credited for services connected with the actual sale at the rate of 10% of the net receipts.

Heinrich Zimmer's contributions to Mary Mellon's Bollingen program were manifold. It was he who guided her de-

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cision to publish as the first number of Bollingen Series a work that had originated with Maud Oakes: Where the Two Came to Their Father: A Navaho War Ceremonial. In the same letter in which he recommended Kurt Wolff to Mary, Zimmer wrote: "I need not say how much I like the marvellous stuff which Maud brought home from the medicine-men. I hope you will make at least one volume out of these paintings; perhaps with not too much text, just a kind of Atlas, wouldn't that be the finest start for the Series dealing with pictorial symbolism, because this stuff has grown in this country and appeals deeply to the American romanticism and nostalgia of the Unconscious. After the local home and household gods are duly propitiated by this homage, they will find more acceptable your branching out to the symbolism of other fields: China, India, Christianity, Tarot. Besides, a book on the Red Indians draws more attention from the press and the scholars who shrink from what they call 'esoterism.' " Maud Oakes was, in fact, the first Bollingen fellow and the first Bollingen author. Born in 1903, she grew up near Seattle on an island where there were many Indian mounds, and she had a consciousness of the Indian past. Maud studied in New York at the Art Students League, in Paris, and in Fontainebleau, where Gurdjieff's Institute for the Harmonious Development of Man intrigued her, but she did not join it. In the ethnological exhibits at the Palais du Trocadero she became interested in primitive art and symbolism and began to collect books. During the 1920s, she came to know John Barrett through her cousin, Jerome Hill, who was his classmate at Yale, and they all traveled and made films together in Europe. It was Barrett who, around 1934, introduced Maud to Mary Conover Brown at John Becker's gallery, and soon after that she met Nancy Wilson Ross; the three became close friends. Nancy persuaded Maud to try Jungian analysis—briefly—with Ann Moyer van Waveren. Maud met Jung himself at his New York seminar in 1937, which she attended with the Mellons. (That night she 63

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dreamed of finding a red rose blooming in a castle moat.) Jung's ideas, she found, agreed with her interest in primitive art and symbolism. Her own painting began to express the symbolic. In early 1941 Maud Oakes was one of the guests at a dinner party that Mary and Paul Mellon gave for Olga Froebe. "In the middle of dinner," she later recalled, "Frau Froebe exclaimed, 'I can't understand you Americans—you don't know your own heritage. You know nothing about the American Indian.' I spoke up, on an impulse, and said, 'I'd give anything to go out and work with the Navaho shamans.' I'd been reading a book by Gladys Reichard, on Navaho sandpaintings, and the color, design, and interpretation had fascinated me." Paul asked her if she was serious. "Yes," Maud said, "but I have no qualifications. I'm not a college graduate." Paul suggested she write to Donald Shepard, who —before the Mellon foundations had been set up—headed an advisory committee that acted for Paul and Mary. She was granted a small stipend. A few weeks later, Maud arrived in Coolidge, New Mexico, near the Navaho reservation, determined to witness and record the ceremonials. She lived in a hogan and worked at her easel. Slowly, she won the confidence of the old medicine men and was welcomed to the rituals and allowed to copy the "sandpaintings" they made on the earth with powdered minerals, colored sand, pollen, and flowers. Her field notes often took the form of typewritten letters to Mary Mellon, which she illustrated with vivid pen-and-ink drawings filled in with watercolor. Thus she recorded, from the words of a Navaho ancient named Jeff King, the Blessing Ceremony performed over Navaho warriors going into battle, which was then being said over Navaho young men being inducted into the United States armed forces. Jeff King, in his eighties, directed Maud through an interpreter, as she copied the sandpaintings on brown wrapping paper with crayon. In early 1943, Maud returned to New York and put together the material, which Heinrich Zimmer read and urged Mary to pub64

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lish. Her work was also read with approval by two scholars of American Indian anthropology, Clyde Kluckhohn at Harvard and Paul Radin at Berkeley. Still another inspiration of Zimmer's was the idea of including, along with Maud Oakes's sandpaintings and her transcript of Jeff King's account of the ceremonial, a scholarly and entertaining commentary on the Navaho myth written by his pupil Joseph Campbell from the viewpoint of comparative mythology. Campbell, born in New York in 1904, received an M.A. in medieval literature at Columbia in 1926 and went on to the University of Paris. At Sylvia Beach's bookshop he discovered James Joyce's Ulysses— "Suddenly the whole modern world opened up!" Campbell later said. "Joyce had also been a Catholic and found a way out without losing his symbols." A year in Munich followed, during which Campbell mastered German, began Sanskrit and Buddhist studies, and discovered Jung, Dilthey, and Spengler. There was a youthful encounter, also, with the theosophical teacher Jiddu Krishnamurti, which left Campbell impressed with Eastern thought, if not with Theosophy. He spent the Depression years trying to write fiction, studying Sanskrit and Russian, reading Spengler, Mann, Jung, and Leo Frobenius. In 1934 he began teaching literature at Sarah Lawrence College, where he remained for thirty-eight years. In the early 1940s Campbell put his energy into two not dissimilar undertakings—writing A Skeleton Key to Finnegans Wake, in collaboration with Henry Morton Robinson, and helping the Swami Nikhilananda with a translation of the Gospel of Sri Ramakrishna, a Tantrist saint of the nineteenth century. At the Swami's Ramakrishna-Vivekananda Center, in New York, he first met Heinrich Zimmer; soon afterward he began attending Zimmer's lectures at Columbia. Also, he came to know Edgar Wind at Mrs. Josephine Crane's intellectual salon on Fifth Avenue. He was destined, it appeared, to encounter the Bollingen Series. Between Maud Oakes and Zimmer a warm rapport was established, and Zimmer began giving a series of private

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lectures on the symbolism of the Tarot cards at Maud's apartment. In early March, Zimmer insisted on lecturing despite a ferocious cold. Pneumonia developed, and a few days later, on March 20, Heinrich Zimmer was dead at 52. When Maud's book on the Navaho ceremonial was published at the end of 1943, it was dedicated to the memory of Zimmer, "who was so greatly instrumental in the founding of the Bollingen Series, and whose generous advice and help will be missed by those who carry it forward." Mary Mellon took responsibility for the education of Zimmer's three sons and for the publication of his unfinished works in Bollingen Series. Campbell, on an extended Bollingen fellowship, shaped a chaotic mass of lecture notes and fragmentary manuscripts, in German and English, into four volumes on the mythology, philosophy, and art of India that made Zimmer's name renowned years after his death. During spring 1943, well before the formal establishment of Bollingen Series, Mary was boldly pushing ahead with her plans, drawing when necessary on her own funds. She had Kurt Wolff begin arrangements for printing Where the Two Came to Their Father by commissioning the cutting of silkscreen plates for Maud Oakes's gouache renderings. Maud had brought samples of the original Navaho materials—sand, pollen, charcoal, dried flowers—from New Mexico to establish the colors. And new projects began to flow in. The offer of a translation of the Pyramid Texts of ancient Egypt by the late James Henry Breasted, which Ludlow Bull, of the New York Metropolitan Museum of Art, proposed to edit, turned up unsolicited in the mail at Washington, Connecticut. Ximena forwarded it to Mary, who, remembering her own honeymoon tour of Egypt eight years before, was immediately interested. A history of Chinese society, by Professor Karl Wittfogel, of Columbia, sponsored by the Institute of Pacific Relations and recommended by Owen Lattimore and Charles Beard, came to Stanley Young's attention: "ap-

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parently an epoch-making work," he noted. Pantheon had been considering a book called La Part du diable by Denis de Rougemont, a young Swiss writer, but Kurt Wolff thought it might be more suitable for the Bollingen list. There was another diversion of Mary's creative eagerness during this spring of 1943. She provided funds to produce a radio program for children, called "The Magic Pilot," directed by the actress Beatrice Straight and Nellie Cornish, the educator. Eight scripts were commissioned, all on themes from mythology and folklore; Mary herself was to write a script, but nothing came of that, or of "The Magic Pilot." The prospectus made the rounds of producers, but the time for "good" children's radio had not yet arrived. Besides her own two children—whom she taught to read—Mary had assumed the care of two English boys sent over for the duration. She led the War Bond drives in her county and received citations for exceptional results. She continued to collect alchemical books and manuscripts, as well as other books, rare or not, of interest to Jungians. She actually took up the study of alchemical lore, and in May 1943 she was intently reading General Ethan Hitchcock's Alchemy and the Alchemists, an 1857 interpretation which anticipated Jung's view that the alchemists were really concerned with psychology and religion. She induced her non-Jungian friends, such as Stanley Young, to read such Jungian classics as H. Rider Haggard's novel She, the eponymous figure of which incarnates the anima archetype. In May, Stanley asked her to write a statement of principles and purposes for the first announcement of Bollingen Series. She turned aside from landscaping Oak Spring to compose the draft of a manifesto. Young started to edit it but found it unworkable and asked her to try again, bearing in mind that a reader would be hearing of Bollingen Series quite out of the blue. Mary composed another draft, writing it out in her angular hand, with a good many revisions: The Bollingen Series, here introduced for the first time, is attempting to make available books in all fields

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which deal with Man in relation to himself. It will of necessity embrace all fields, since Man has approached the problem of his own consciousness from every direction. This problem is under very little consideration at this moment in history. While man is busy killing himself he has no time for why he is doing it—who he is, or who he may become for so doing. But for this very reason—that the weight is on the other side—the few who are concerned with consciousness are forced to make even more manifest their belief in the part of Man which is his ever nourishing and renewing force; and without which he cannot live. During the struggle for survival in which we are now engaged there are men in Europe, Asia, and this country who are writing & there are documents already written, neglected or perhaps not translated into English, which are concerned with the evolution of human consciousness. As the documents which have been left to us from ages past or which are being written in the present are of paramount importance at this moment, we must have a point of reference in each stage of Man's eternal struggle for consciousness if we are not to lose all we have inherited. We must also attempt to understand the new statements that are being formed—the new efforts to set forth who we are and why. It is a mistaken concept that Philosophy & Religion are the two main channels for this inquiry. Consciousness is the endeavor to bring the opposites within us together—to find out what we are in relation to ourselves & the world—to admit the nether side of ourselves in order that the [Mary broke off, drew a line, and resumed, following "endeavor"] to bring together within us. those several parts which are at odds with one another. If not correlated one part or another becomes overemphasized—thus producing an exaggerated leaning in Man toward one phase of 68

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himself or another. Man can only be explained in all his parts, and can only become conscious by admitting all sides of himself and giving them their due—in order that they may fall into place & work in harmony together. Anger and hatred, for example—if realized in their proper place—can obviate war. Therefore Philosophy & Religion are but two important facets of this question. Art in all its forms, the myth, the new science of psychology, archeology, anthropology, ethnology, & the history of the word itself are equally important. For they show Man's depth and breadth—his various expressions of himself, the variety of his experience within and without. The Series then, in short, is interested in making known to the English-speaking public those books of both past & present which will help it understand that the human soul or consciousness is not circumscribed; that it may be found in many unexpected places—and that through admitting the manifold aspects the One may be found which lies in Man himself. Mary reworked her statement at least once more, and Stanley found it "much, much improved, with more force and directness than it had before." He only murmured that the name "Bollingen" should be explained somewhere. To the confoundment of many, "Bollingen" never was explained in any announcements for the Series, nor was any use made of Mary's rather perplexing manifesto. She nevertheless cherished her drafts and had John Barrett read them when he became an editor of the Series, telling him, "This is what I really meant." When the first announcement of the Series was issued in fall 1943, only a fragment of her manifesto survived: "The Bollingen Series will attempt to make available books of the past and present which contribute to the evolution of human consciousness. The Series is particularly interested in the fields of philosophy, anthropology, arche-

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ology, psychology, mythology, comparative religion, and art in all its forms." On Friday, May 28, 1943—three days after Mary's thirtyninth birthday—the trustees of the Old Dominion Foundation met in Washington to approve formally the establishment of Bollingen Series as a program of the Old Dominion. A budget adopted for the year beginning June 15, 1943, comprised the following items: manufacture of books, $20,000 (including a fee of $3,000 for Kurt Wolff); promotion, advertising, rent, etc., $6,000: advances to authors, $6,000; salary of Stanley Young, $8,000; salary of his secretary (Betty Mills, who had returned), $1,500; incidental, $5,000. Total, $46,500. A contractual letter confirming Stanley Young's appointment as managing editor, signed on June 17 for a two-year term, included a stipulation that no books would be published "which disseminated beliefs or doctrines which may be irrational or of such a character as would make the information so disseminated illegal." The contract with Pantheon to manufacture, publish, promote, and sell the books, also for a two-year period, drafted by the seasoned publishing lawyer Melville Cane, and pored over by Donald Shepard, was signed on June 24. The Series editorial office was first in the Youngs' apartment, at 38 East Fifty-first Street. In August, when Kurt and Helen Wolff found another apartment on "Genius Row" and moved out of the third floor of number 41, Bollingen rented the two front rooms, overlooking Washington Square. Mary wanted a distinctive colophon, or house emblem— something symbolic in the best Jungian sense—and she had in mind a symmetrical circular form, a mandala. As early as 1916 Jung had discovered that such a form symbolizes psychic wholeness, or the drive toward it; he adopted for it the Sanskrit word. At that psychically troubled time in his life he was impelled to draw a mandala every morning. At Maud's suggestion Mary chose the eight-spoked wheel, a Buddhist

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or Jain symbol. So that Mary could be specific, Kurt Wolff sent her a copy of Rudolf Koch's Book of Signs, which contained several versions. On another page Mary noticed a figure she liked better, barely in time for the printing of the new stationery: that colophon subsequently became identified with Bollingen. According to Koch, "This talisman has its origin in the Gnostic conception of the world. It represents the four elements. Nothing further is known of it." In the Bollingen community it has always been called the "Gnostic wheel," though it is not a wheel but a cross, and Gnostic scholars say it is unknown to them. It is, at any rate, a classic mandala. Mary's interest in symbolism and ancient wisdom had deepened. She brought into the Series an edition of Plato's Timaeus and Critias in the translation of Thomas Taylor, an eighteenth-century Neoplatonist whose interpretations of the classical tradition appealed to those of an occult leaning. It was the first in a subseries of "Reprints of Great Classics," proposed by Natacha Rambova, whose classes on symbolism, mythology, Theosophy, and kindred lore Maud Oakes had been attending. (Natacha Rambova also, on commission, prepared astrological charts. Working on Stanley Young's chart in July, she learned that he was about toflyto Texas on a magazine assignment, and she telephoned to warn him that his chart showed he was likely to crash. Young went notwithstanding and returned safely.) The exalted temper of Mary's undertaking in the summer of 1943 is reflected in a letter that Maud Oakes wrote her, saying in part: "From Jung in Zurich to Jeff King in New Mexico and Zimmer in the world beyond, we are part of some huge plan or creative force. You have a very important part to play in it. Maybe that is why you have been given this heavy load of gold, maybe that is why when you are the real Mima you become like a symbol of the sun. You are already the alchemist starting to transmute your gold—both inner and outer. . . . The exciting wonderful thing is that you are—we are—all trying to live, accept our challenge, work, 71

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and . . . keep alive a creative something in this world of destruction." Mary had begun to write a book of her own, a study of Margaret Fuller, the New England transcendentalist. This creative exercise may have been stimulated by an upturn in her relations with Jung, whom she had not heard from directly since the "Trading with the Enemy" letters a year before. Mail between Switzerland and the United States was cut off after March 1943. In July, however, a Swiss courier named Alphonse Hattenschwiler, who flew the dangerous route via Stuttgart, Lisbon, and Bermuda, and knew both Jung and Kristine Mann, informed Mary that he could take messages in the diplomatic pouch. Mary immediately wrote Jung a six-page letter bringing him up to date on the Bollingen Series and entreating him to state in writing that he gave her the English-language rights to his works. Jung did not reply for six months. He was busy with his writing, but no busier than he had recently been. For the first time in ten years he was not on the Eranos program (though he did give an impromptu lecture, transcribed but never published, on Opicinus de Canistris, a fourteenth-century mystic). The program, on "Ancient Sun Cults and Light Symbolism," was almost up to strength, with three Swiss lecturers and three refugees; and the Frenchmen Massignon and Virolleaud had somehow sent their lectures to Ascona to be read, even though France was now entirely under German occupation. Jung had become involved in Olga Froebe's latest difficulties, which may have revived his feelings of disenchantment. Earlier in the year Olga learned that she had been denounced in Switzerland as pro-Nazi, and one of her accusers was Baron von der Heydt, owner of the Monte Verita Hotel and an early friend of Eranos, who himself had been accused of Nazi connections. At the American Legation in Bern, upon Jung's suggestion, she appealed to Allen Dulles (who, unknown to her, was actually chief of the OSS mission). After inquiring into her case, Dulles reported there was no basis for such an accusation, and that cleared Olga for good. At al-

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most the same time, Donald Shepard had become uneasy about entrusting Mary's Bollingen Series to a refugee who was also an enemy alien, and he had an OSS check run on Kurt Wolff. No right-wing entanglements were discovered, though it appeared from one informant that he had "associated with individuals of Communistic leanings." Kurt Wolff was in due course cleared of any suspicion, partly through the interest of Huntington Cairns, who advised that there was no impropriety or illegality in doing business with him. The Bollingen projects which came and went that summer included Campbell and Robinson's Skeleton Key to Finnegans Wake, a study of Kierkegaard by the French scholar Jean Wahl, and a twenty-five-volume Library of Mediaeval Mystics. Stanley Young mentioned the last two along with other publications actually in production, "whose importance to universities and secondary schools in America cannot be overestimated," when he applied to the War Production Board for a paper allowance. He reported that Bollingen Series had been in the planning since 1937. The requested allowance was granted, book production moved ahead, and the first catalogue of the Series was issued in fall 1943. It announced Where the Two Came to Their Father for the immediate season, and for 1944 the following list: Zimmer's Myths and Symbols in Indian Art and Civilization; the / Ching, with "Dr. C. G. Jung's valuable commentary"; The Pyramid Texts of Ancient Egypt; The Timaeus and Critias of Plato; Denis de Rougemont's The Devil's Share; and The Prolegomena of Ibn Khaldun. The Plato and The Devil's Share were published in 1944, the Zimmer volume in 1946, the / Ching in 1950, the work by Ibn Khaldun in 1958, and the Pyramid Texts never, as it eventually became evident that Dr. Breasted's text, prepared in 1911, was obsolete in the light of current Egyptology. The first number in Bollingen Series, Where the Two Came to Their Father—comprising eighteen silkscreen plates, 18 by 24 inches, and a booklet of text, in a buckram-bound portfolio at $8.50—was published on December 15, 1943.

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It had been heralded by an exhibition at the National Gallery of Art of Maud Oakes's original gouache renderings of the Navaho paintings and by a cocktail party at the Bollingen Series office. The party guests included Henry Seidel Canby, Edward Alden Jewell, Erich Kahler, Thomas Mann, Paul Rosenfeld, and Monroe Wheeler. The reviews of Where the Two were notably favorable; it had to be reprinted within the first year. Among the works announced for 1944, Rougemont's The Devil's Share and The Prolegomena of Ibn Khaldim departed from Mary Mellon's original contemplations. Huntington Cairns was responsible for the latter. His entry into the Bollingen constellation occurred as early as March 1943, after he had joined the National Gallery of Art and his predecessor Shepard had introduced him to Paul Mellon. Cairns met Mary soon afterward and almost immediately proposed a book for Bollingen Series: an English translation of the Prolegomena or Muqaddimah of Ibn Khaldun, an enthusiasm of his ever since, at Henry Miller's prompting, he had bought a copy of the French translation in Paris in 1936. The idea appealed strongly to Mary, though the Muqaddimah was totally unfamiliar to her and in no sense Jungian. She had John Barrett read the French translation (by W. M. de Slane, 1862-68) and give her a report on it, which was favorable. Before a translator had even been designated for this opus of more than a half-million words, Mary announced its forthcoming publication in the first Series catalogue. The Arab scholar Ibn Khaldun, a native of what is modern Tunis, wrote the Muqaddimah in 1377 as the introduction and first book of a comprehensive history of the world, which he eventually completed in seven volumes. The preliminary section, treating in almost encyclopedic detail the general problems of the philosophy of history and sociology, has become known as a self-contained work, which A. J. Toynbee called "undoubtedly the greatest work of its kind

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that has ever yet been created by any mind in any time or place." Cairns vainly prospected for a translator among American Arabists, and the search went on for several years more. Huntington Cairns was, like Kurt Wolff, another auspicious find for Mary. He had been born in Baltimore in 1904 and educated there at the high school called City College, hoping later to pursue a law career. Shortly after Cairns graduated in 1922, H. L. Mencken advised him to skip college, which would only addle his brains, and go right to law school. Cairns received his LL.B. cum laude, from the University of Maryland law school in 1925, and practiced law in Baltimore. In 1934, he was appointed a special legal adviser to the United States Department of the Treasury. There he arbitrated cases of allegedly obscene literature and art that confronted the Customs Bureau, a responsibility he held for nearly thirty years, with progressively fewer cases to handle. In 1937 he joined the Treasury staff as assistant general counsel and moved to Washington. An inveterate student, he had a remarkable knowledge of many different subjects—anthropology, legal philosophy, Plato, literary criticism, twentiethcentury poetry, and Mencken. Indeed, as Paul Mellon observed in a tribute on Cairns's seventy-fifth birthday in 1979, "His encyclopaedic knowledge and wide range of intellectual interests are astonishing. . . . A philosopher and a higher mathematician, he has always appeared to be living in a child's aura of delight and wonder." Cairns's reputation became national during 1940 and 1941 when, with Mark Van Doren and Allen Tate, he broadcast a weekly radio program, "Invitation to Learning." He had already caught Donald Shepard's eye at the Treasury, and his choice for the National Gallery job seemed predestined. Within a year, Cairns (with the collaboration of John Walker) had published Masterpieces of Painting from the National Gallery of Art, for which he supplied, facing each plate, an illuminating quotation from such writers as Eliot, Valery, Dante, and so on. (Mary regretted that Cairns had 75

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not offered the book to her instead of to Random House.) During the 1940s, undeterred by the demands of the National Gallery, Bollingen, and an active social life, Cairns produced altogether seven considerable books, on law, philosophy, art, literature, and anthropology, besides serving as secretary of the American Commission for the Protection and Salvage of Artistic and Historic Monuments in War Areas, and lecturing at the Johns Hopkins University. Denis de Rougemont was not quite an exile, though he frequented the exiles' favorite restaurant, the Lafayette, on University Place in Greenwich Village, which had some of the flavor of a Parisian cafe. A Swiss, born in Neuchatel in 1906, he had been sent to New York in 1940 by his government as a cultural emissary to the World's Fair. He arrived with a literary reputation on account of his book Love in the Western World, published earlier in the year by Harcourt, Brace. After Pearl Harbor, Rougemont was stranded, though not friendless. He spent a month writing La Part du diable, which Brentano's published, and then went to work for the Voice of America as an editor of French broadcasts. Stanley Young, then at Harcourt, Brace, was interested in La Part du diable, but his firm rejected it while he was on a war-correspondent assignment in Florida. It went next to Pantheon. Schiffrin, an old friend of Rougemont's, opted for it, but Wolff considered it a risk for a new firm. Young saw it as a possibility for Bollingen. He wrote Mary, "If it seems too thin in its present essay form, the best thing might be to encourage him to expand it. Unquestionably he is one of the few people it would be good to publish if we can launch him with his best work." He introduced Rougemont to Mary. By the end of the luncheon it was agreed that he would resign from the OWI, receive a fellowship for several months, and write some additional chapters to make his book come to a suitable length. Mary invited him to Oak Spring, where he could work in silence. In August 1943, the Finance Committee approved 76

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a six-month fellowship for Rougemont, and he signed a book contract. He was the second Bollingen fellow and the second contracted author. He spent the autumn working at Little Oak Spring, an old farmhouse some distance from the new Georgian house, and recounted the experience in his journal, later published in France. 19 October. A glance at the cultural provinces of the vast kingdom that Mary administers alone while her husband is at war. The National Gallery of Washington. . . . A publishing house devoted to the most modern studies of psychology and mythology. An ingenious system of scholarships to young authors which assures them of the vital minimum, no strings attached. Finally, numerous good works, two universities, and the Red Cross. And projects . . . that reveal precisely this form of imagination that most of our elite lack: the intuition of the myths of our age and of their profound dynamism. Does there exist in Europe one single woman who disposes of such means in the service of so firm a vision? We keep repeating that America is barbarian. But what have we done with power? We leave it to the Hitlerian brute . . . 21 October. We have invented a card game—an entirely new way of predicting the future—which allows the analysis of a subject in a quarter of an hour. . . . We were largely inspired by the researches of C. G. Jung, whose complete work M. has undertaken to publish in America. Mary's daughter, who is nine, believes in Pegasus and loves him with all her heart. They planted for her a great circle of cypresses on a field where Pegasus will descend one day, if not night. And each morning she goes to look closely at the grass to see if there is a trace of a virgin hoofprint. Rougemont told Mary about his friend Alexis Leger, 77

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whose pseudonym as a poet was St.-John Perse and who was then in Washington, living on a small stipend as a consultant to the Library of Congress. Rougemont showed her some of Leger's poems and told her about his diplomatic career. "This is exactly the man who should have a Bollingen fellowship," Rougemont said, urging her to meet him. She was intrigued but uncertain. "I don't feel prepared for it yet," she said. "It's too soon." To translate the expanded La Part du diable, Stanley Young considered several candidates—Julien Green, Bart Winer with Countess Hilda Auersperg, and others—and settled on Haakon Chevalier. (A separate British edition was translated by the poet Kathleen Raine.) The book encountered objections by Donald Shepard, on the ground that it was not an educational work and would arouse controversy. Huntington Cairns read it and adjudicated: "In essence it is an attack on rationalism. Its intent is serious, and it is clearly an educational work in the sense that it is an attempt to stabilize our moral values so that we will once again have a definite conception of the nature of good and evil." As Bollingen Series II, the book was published in early 1945 to considerable acclaim. Reviewers, from Hannah Arendt to Whittaker Chambers, found it "profound," "brilliant," "strangely beautiful." Rougemont meanwhile was signed for another Bollingen book, The Rules of the Game, "a study of the psychological implication of Tarot cards, chess, and other traditional games and the symbolism behind them," as Young informed Shepard. The contract was carried to the late 1960s but the book was never written. Still another book was signed up, Les Personnes du drame, which had been published in French. Mary Mellon undertook to translate it, but she eventually gave up, and the project was dropped. Rougemont's remark, in his journal, about Mary's "ingenious system of scholarships to young authors, no strings attached," was an allusion to still another of her extracurricular activities—her "Five-Year Plan," which Paul also called "Mary's Stable." The Plan was closely related to the Old Dominion and Bollingen fellowship programs and, as an ex-

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periment, may finally have influenced them. The few grants that had so far been made were limited in amount and duration and answered the recipient's immediate need. Mary wanted to try something more sustaining, philosophically and socially grounded, so that the writer or artist could work unvexed by the anxieties of breadwinning. The idea was Rougemont's; he, at any rate, claimed it. He had told Mary about an essay by Ortega y Gasset recounting how in medieval Spanish ethics a lord decided that his servitors—courtiers, soldiers, churchmen—should not be paid salaries but compensated according to each one's social status and courtly function. "Yes!" exclaimed Mary. "That's what a fellowship should do!" She assigned Stanley Young to work out the details of the scheme, and he enlisted the theatrical and literary lawyer John F. Wharton. Paul Mellon, then in England, signified his approval through Donald Shepard. Under the Plan, Mary agreed to pay each writer an annual stipend for five years. The writer agreed to devote his entire working time to creative work, to assign to Mary a 20 percent interest in any literary property begun and/or completed during the fiveyear period, and to submit a report semiannually. Five or more writers were to be chosen. In fact, there were four. Each one was asked what annual income would sustain his present style of living, and that was the stipend Mary paid. The FiveYear-Plan fellows and their stipends, beginning in 1944, were: Rougemont, $7,500; John Hyde Preston, novelist, $6,000; Malcolm Cowley, literary critic and New Republic editor, $5,500; and Stanley Young, $10,000. Some exceptions were agreed upon: Young could continue to devote two days per week to the Bollingen Series, for which he was separately salaried, and Cowley could write a monthly book review for the New Republic, thus keeping his company lifeinsurance policy in force. Beyond these four, no other Five-Year-Plan fellowships were ever awarded. It is not clear why "Mary's Stable" was not enlarged. Perhaps no other candidate was thought to be quite suitable. In any case, the Bollingen Foundation's fellowship program developed and later was influenced in at 79

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least one respect by Mary's rules for the five-year fellowships. Though the Bollingen fellowships were usually awarded for one year at a time, the Foundation often renewed them for additional years so that a project could be seen through to completion. But the setting of the stipend at a sum that would cover all expenses and the percentage repayment feature did not again play a part. Over his five years, Stanley Young wrote a novel, a long narrative poem, other poems, and seven plays, including two for radio. One play was Mr. Pickwick, which had a critical success in New York and London. Another, which never reached Broadway, was an adaptation of William Sloane's novel To Walk the Night, a work admired by Jung for its archetypal elements. After the Five-Year Plan ran out in 1950, Young resumed his publishing career and joined Farrar, Straus and Company as managing director. The firm's name became Farrar, Straus and Young, until he resigned in 1954, though he remained a stockholder until his death. On the Plan, Rougemont wrote a book called La Morale du but (publication projected), essays comprising the book Vivre en Amerique, essays on myth comprising The Growl of Deeper Waters, and a Journal des deux mondes about his life in Europe during 1940 and in New York and Princeton from 1941 to 1946. In 1947, he returned to Europe and became involved in the European Movement, which was to remain his driving interest for years and, in time, his main occupation as one of its leaders. In the last two years that he enjoyed under the Five-Year Plan, Rougemont wrote numerous articles in the service of the European federalist idea, later collected in L'Europe en jeu. The third fellow, John Hyde Preston, who had published several well-received books on American history, worked on a long novel about Black Mountain College, which grew into a trilogy. Preston's life was checkered by illness, accidents, and domestic problems, and his novel was never completed. Cowley's contract carried the smallest stipend and resulted in the greatest volume and quality of writing. He published more than 120 articles and reviews, plus a number of lec-

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tures, several translations, and five books. During the first year he finished the Portable Hemingway and signed a contract with Doubleday to write a history of American literature. Much of his time thereafter was spent in reading for the history. He became involved with the work of William Faulkner, whose reputation was then at low ebb; all his books but one were out of print. Convinced of Faulkner's greatness, Cowley with some difficulty persuaded Viking to allow him to do a Portable Faulkner, on which he worked closely with the author. The Portable brought about a rapid change in Faulkner's literary reputation. As the result of Cowley's efforts, Faulkner's publishers brought his work back into print. Cowley told the whole story in The Faulkner-Cowley File: Letters and Memories, 1944-1962, published in 1966 with a dedication: "For Mary Mellon, 1905-1946, in Lasting Gratitude." Despite a great deal of work on American literature, including a Portable Hawthorne and a Complete Whitman, Cowley never finished his history of American literature, and finally he bought back his contract from Doubleday. Writing to John Wharton in 1954, when his account with the FiveYear Plan was written off, Cowley said: "For the records of your office I would like to add that the contract with Mrs. Mellon was a turning point in my career, that I haven't had any grave trouble in supporting myself since the contract ended, that I hold Mrs. Mellon responsible for any little success I may have achieved, and that, if I were a Catholic, I should keep a candle burning to her memory—but the candle does burn, if only figuratively." In May 1958, the Mellon lawyers agreed to close the books on Mary's Five-Year Plan. The repayments of 20 percent of earnings, which except for Cowley's never amounted to a great deal, had dwindled to nothing. John Wharton wrote to the Mellon National Bank in Pittsburgh: "I believe you can depend on the integrity of the authors, and if by any chance any further sums become due you I think you will hear from them directly." 81

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T

he first Bollingen fellowship, the stipend granted to Maud Oakes in 1941, before the Mellon foundations had been established, was later taken over by the Old Dominion Foundation, which, during the years that Bollingen Series was under its supervision, awarded several other fellowships that were identified with Mary's program. Besides Maud Oakes, those fellows were Hermann Broch, Paul Radin, Natacha Rambova, Max Raphael, and Paul Rosenfeld. The range of their concerns typified the fellowship program that continued after 1945 under the revived Bollingen Foundation. Paul Rosenfeld had been one of the guiding spirits in the intellectual renaissance of the 1920s; he was a critic of music and literature, a novelist, and a champion of fresh and new talent in all the arts. He approached Stanley Young in the hope that Bollingen would publish a book he planned on literary genres. Young observed to Mary, "It's interesting that a man of Rosenfeld's critical stature should choose to publish with us rather than with a formal trade publisher." Mary liked Rosenfeld's proposal, and in November 1943 the Old Dominion awarded him a grant-in-aid of $100 per month for eighteen months. In 1945 he requested an extension, and the grant was renewed on the same terms. But on July 21, 1946, Rosenfeld, at fifty-six, had a fatal heart attack. His book was never published. Some of the early Bollingen fellows were part of the same tide of refugee intellect, mostly of Germanic origin, which had brought the Wolffs and Zimmer to America. Hermann Broch arrived as early as fall 1938, after foreign friends, including James Joyce, had helped him to escape from Austria. He had been arrested by the Gestapo and imprisoned for five months. Broch had been born in a Jewish industrial family in 1886. His first novel was a radically experimental work, The Sleepwalkers, published in 1932. It is ranked among the im-

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portant European novels that sought to analyze the disintegrating society preceding the war. From 1938 to 1942, living in New York on occasional foundation grants, he wrote his other major novel, The Death of Vergil. From 1942 to 1948, Broch resided in Erich Kahler's house in Princeton, engaged in psychological research on mass hysteria. When a Rockefeller grant ended, in February 1944 he applied, on Kurt Wolff's suggestion, to Stanley Young. After Broch had waited an anxious year, the Old Dominion approved a fellowship of $200 per month for eighteen months, and a book contract was included. However, Broch's study of mass hysteria never appeared in Bollingen Series or even in English; incomplete, it was published in German long after his death. His contributions to the Series were significant nevertheless. John Barrett persuaded him to write the long essays that introduced Rachel Bespaloff's On the Iliad and a volume of prose by Hofmannsthal, whom Broch approached as psychologist, critic, and fellow Austrian. He also served as an adviser and reader. Thanks to Broch's severe report, Sartre's L'Etre et le neant was not included in the Series. In 1951, Broch died suddenly of a heart attack in New Haven, where he had moved shortly before, expecting an appointment at Yale. At the time of his death, various groups in Austria and the United States had united in efforts to recommend his nomination for the Nobel Prize in Literature. Erich Kahler had come over from Europe when his friend Broch did, in fall 1938. He settled in Princeton at the suggestion of another friend, Thomas Mann, who had come there to live earlier in the year. Kahler's introduction to the Bollingen milieu came through Kurt Wolff and Wolfgang Sauerlander, whom he had known in Munich. From 1943, when he was often at the Washington Square offices for conferences at Pantheon on his book Man the Measure, he was an adviser and read numerous manuscripts for Bollingen Series. In 1947 he was awarded a fellowship (two years, $200 per month) to prepare a work on the "evolution and transformation of human consciousness," which was published only in 1964 as The Meaning of History. The inclu86

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sion of Kahler's own work in Bollingen Series, hoped for over many years, was realized in 1973, when The Inward Turn of Narrative was published, three years after his death. Another of the first Bollingen fellows and authors, Max Raphael, had been introduced by the art dealer Kurt Valentin and by Jacques Schiffrin, who was with Gallimard when that house published Raphael's La Theorie Marxiste de la connaissance in 1938. Raphael was living in New York, nearly destitute, when in March 1944 he sent Young the resume of a book on prehistoric cave painting. The book was accepted, translated by Norbert Guterman (who became one of the regular corps of Bollingen translators), and published in fall 1945 as Bollingen Series IV. Its text of only fifty pages, illustrated with collotype plates from publications of the Abbe Breuil on paleolithic art, which was then not well known, argued that the cave paintings were not primitive but had the qualities essential to works of art. Raphael dedicated the book to "the people of France and Spain who are fighting for their liberty." Born in a Polish ghetto in 1889, Raphael studied philosophy, economics, and art history in Berlin, where he taught at a workers' school. The range of his intellectual interests is shown by the themes of some of his seminars: Rembrandt; Aristotle; Meister Eckhart and mysticism; Thomas Aquinas; the dialectical methods of Hegel, Marx, and Lenin; the Doric temple. With the Nazi accession he left Germany for Paris, where he wrote on the sociology of art and on Flaubert. When the war broke out, Raphael was thrown into a concentration camp. After great hardship he managed to leave occupied France, aided by Meyer Schapiro and the Quakers, and in summer 1941 arrived in New York. He immured himself in the Metropolitan Museum of Art, studying neolithic Egyptian pottery. A second Bollingen book, Prehistoric Pottery and Civilization in Egypt, was the result, and in 1945 Raphael received a Bollingen fellowship. John Barrett carried on Mary Mellon's concern for him, and the Foundation commissioned Norbert Guterman to translate much more of his work. Raphael's suicide in July 1952, however, brought the project to a halt. In the 1960s the interest

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of Herbert Read, who had known Raphael since 1934, and of Wolfgang Sauerlander, who shared his devotion to the Spanish democratic cause, stimulated a revival. Another volume, The Demands of Art, was published in 1968, with a biographical introduction by Read. Begun in 1930, it contains studies of Cezanne, Degas, Giotto, Rembrandt, and Picasso. The anthropologist Paul Radin was a skeptic and a rationalist —a rare bird in the Bollingen world, with which he had several early links. While at Berkeley before 1920, he had known Jaime de Angulo and his wife Cary, later Cary Baynes. He met Cary again at Zurich in 1925, when they both were members of Jung's seminar. Radin was never a Jungian, and it may be that his skepticism was reinforced by the contact with Jung, though they continued to be friends. In the late 1930s Radin met Nancy Wilson Ross, and through her he met Maud Oakes, whose interest in the Navaho had meanwhile been aroused. He helped guide Maud's work. On an automobile trip north from Florida with Mary Mellon, Maud detoured to Black Mountain College, in North Carolina, where Radin taught for several years, and introduced them. He subsequently became another of Mary's early advisers. Radin was born in Poland in 1883, son of a rabbi, and was brought a year later to New York City, where he grew up. He was a student of the great anthropologist Franz Boas at Columbia, and received his Ph.D. there in 1910, after fieldwork with the Winnebago in Wisconsin. The study of that tribe remained his primary devotion, though Radin also did fieldwork among Indians in Canada, Mexico, California, and elsewhere. In the 1920s he spent five years at Cambridge University, pursuing research under the ethnologist W.H.R. Rivers, and three years at Fiske University, where he studied the lives and conversion experiences of former Negro slaves. He spent the Depression period and afterward again in Berkeley, sometimes on relief, working on Indian languages

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and a survey of minorities in the San Francisco Bay area, writing, and teaching. Radin's early books had a wide influence, in particular Primitive Man as Philosopher (1927), The Racial Myth (1934), Primitive Religon, Its Nature and Origin (1937), and Indians of South America (1942). It was to Maud Oakes that, in November 1943, Radin sent the unfinished manuscript of The Road of Life and Death, his version of a ritual drama of the Winnebago, which he had obtained from their medicine men as early as 1908. Its themes were the soul's journey to the next world and back and the threat of annihilation by the white man. In April 1944, on Mary Mellon's recommendation, the Finance Committee of the Old Dominion approved a five-year fellowship of $3,000 annually for Radin to finish the book, which was published as Bollingen Series V in 1945. A foreword by Mark Van Doren described Radin's gift for inducing people to confide their life stories to him. The fellowship led to a succession of Bollingen stipends that were Radin's chief support for the rest of his life, while he reported on grant applications and manuscripts, wrote and edited, lectured at the Eranos conference, and dispensed advice to Mary and later to John Barrett on a broad range of subjects. Another early Bollingen adviser, Edgar Wind, was heard from again in May 1944 when he recommended that the Series publish Herbert Friedmann's The Symbolic Goldfinch, an iconographic study of a device frequent in religious paintings. Friedmann was curator of birds at one of the Smithsonian museums; his book, submitted via the director of the National Gallery of Art, David E. Finley, was approved and published as Bollingen Series VII in 1946. It was not typically Bollingen, but coming through the National Gallery, it anticipated the A. W. Mellon Lectures in the Fine Arts, which Paul Mellon established six years later. After Where the Two Came to Their Father, Maud Oakes pondered her next project. In the winter of 1943-44, she was attending classes on symbolism, myth, astrology, and Theo-

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sophical thought given by Natacha Rambova in her apartment. Rambova's compelling interest was the universal pattern of symbolism, which she believed was based on the mysteries of initiation practiced on the continent of Atlantis and dispersed during prehistoric times in the New World and the Old. The secrets of the Mayan and the Incan civilizations, when revealed, would corroborate the Atlantean sources. Whether or not Maud subscribed entirely to that theory, she decided that the pre-Columbian past would be the basis of her research project. Rambova guided Maud's reading and instructed her in comparative symbolism, and the Old Dominion Foundation gave Maud a six-month grant of $200 per month, at the beginning of 1944, for background studies. Maud settled on fieldwork with the Indians of Mexico and Peru, and in August 1944 the Old Dominion approved still another grant of $4,000 for a year. In October, having obtained a gasoline ration card, film (which was also scarce), and a passport, Maud set forth in a 1942 Chevrolet. She wrote Mary Mellon an illustrated running account. Reaching Mexico City in late October, Maud discussed her project with Miguel Covarrubias, who urged her to focus on Guatemala. She sold her car and, on January 10, 1945, flew to Guatemala City. She took the eight-hour bus ride up to Chichicastenango, in the center of the Quiche-speaking country, lived in a small inn, studied, and observed. In April, she met Henriette Yurchenco, a musicologist who was recording folk music for the Library of Congress. Maud was enlisted as photographer of the expedition, which visited primitive Quiche villages far up remote valleys of the Cuchumatan Mountains. Natacha Rambova flew down on a visit and went over Maud's notes on the religion of the Indians, looking for Mayan origins and commenting on symbolic figurations that appeared Atlantean. Maud took Rambova to meet one of her discoveries in Guatemala City: Flavio Rodas, an elderly curator in the National Museum. He was working on a translation into Spanish of the Popol Vuh, the ancient holy book 90

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of the Quiche, which linked them with the Maya and, as Rambova conjectured, with Atlantis. She saw in Rodas's work a promising Bollingen project. After Rambova left, Maud continued her search for an isolated village where the Indians still practiced their ancestral religion. More and more, the remote pueblos were being changed by the impact of government communications, roads, official schools, and the Catholic Church. In August 1945 Maud learned of Todos Santos, a village in a high valley of the Cuchumatan range, which had three advantages for her: no roads led there, so it could be reached only on foot or horseback; there was no resident Catholic priest who might have suppressed the traditional ceremonies; and the Indians, known as Mames, lived by the ancient Mayan calendar. They also had a reputation for using their machetes on unwelcome visitors. After scouting the village on horseback, with a Spanish-speaking friend, Maud established herself in Todos Santos on November 20, 1945. Her baggage, including books on comparative ethnology, medicine, Mayan culture, and symbolism, came across the mountains by muleback. Maud had primitive but utilitarian Spanish, and she learned quickly. In time she also picked up a working store of the Quiche language. Her entree in the village was as a "doctor" —she treated and dispensed medicine to several hundred people a month. She had worked two years as a volunteer in the emergency ward and operating room of a hospital and had taken a couple of Red Cross first-aid courses. Maud lived in Todos Santos for a year and a half, the only foreigner not only in the village but in a large expanse of rugged country. After six months she was accepted by the villagers, who called her Dona Matilda, and she was in effect the village physician. She gained the confidence of the religious leaders, chimanes, as she had done with the Navaho, and acquired a detailed knowledge of the religious practices of the Mam Indians. Her book The Two Crosses of Todos Santos was published as Bollingen Series XXVII in 1951. She also published, elsewhere, Beyond the Windy Place, an 91

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account of her time in Todos Santos for the general reader. Both books were drawn from the detailed letters she wrote to Mary and Paul Mellon and John Barrett, augmented with her careful notes. In an introduction to The Two Crosses, Paul Radin wrote that the book was a "very disturbing one for the academically trained anthropologist," because of Maud Oakes's success in obtaining data on the pre-Christian Mayan culture of the Indians that had previously been unavailable—and she did this by means of an unorthodox methodology and without academic training. She displayed, Radin said, "close observation and historical penetration of a quality that the average anthropologist might well emulate." Natacha Rambova was brought into the Bollingen sphere by Maud Oakes, after they met in New York in 1941. Her appearance, preoccupations, and name were exotic, but Natacha Rambova's origins were entirely in the American grain. She was born Winifred Shaughnessy in Salt Lake City in 1897. Her mother was of a leading Mormon family; her father, an army officer, was a Roman Catholic and had his daughter baptized in the Salt Lake City cathedral. Winifred was brought up in San Francisco and finished her education in Europe under the tutelage of an aunt, the decorator Elsie de Wolfe. Museums and myths fascinated her. In her teens she ran away and joined a ballet company, which prompted a change of name to Natacha Rambova. The troupe wound up in Los Angeles, and by 1920 Rambova was designing costumes for films. In 1923 she married Rudolph Valentino, becoming almost as celebrated a Hollywood figure as he. With her mother and her stepfather, the wealthy perfumer Richard Hudnut, Rambova and Valentino shared an interest in spiritualism and the occult. After she divorced Valentino in 1926, Rambova tried several careers in New York—stage acting, newspaper reporting, designing clothes. She was also immersed in the study of ancient religion, Theosophy, the entire range of the occult. By 1933 she was living in Mallorca, 92

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married to the Count Alvaro de Urzaiz. When they toured Egypt in 1935, at Luxor, Rambova met Howard Carter, the archaeologist who had discovered Tut-Ankh-Amon's tomb, and their conversations had a telling influence. During the Spanish Civil War she left Mallorca and continued her studies at her mother's chateau in the South of France. Just before World War II, Rambova returned to New York, where she wrote for the astrological press, lectured, and practiced analytical psychology—so she described her method, though there is no record of Jungian contacts. She held classes in comparative religion, symbolism, Theosophy, and kindred topics and made astrological charts by appointment. She also specialized in an oracular technique she had learned in Egypt: reading the print of a hand pressed into sand. John Barrett had first met Rambova when a friend took him to her for such a reading. Through Maud Oakes, who attended her classes, Rambova followed intently the development of the Bollingen program, and it was she who proposed to Mary Mellon the "Reprints of Great Classics," beginning with Plato's Timaeus and Critias in the Taylor translation, which, prudently furnished with an introduction by a professor of classics, R. C. Catesby Taliaferro, became Bollingen Series III. Rambova wrote the jacket blurb, which reflected her own interpretation: "The Timaeus provides .an invaluable key to ancient cosmologies and gives the philosophic pattern and psychological meaning underlying world mythologies. The Critias is an account of the lost island of Atlantis and of the deluge referred to in the legendary history of many primitive people, notably in that of the Maya of Central America. . . . Taylor . . . was undoubtedly the most profound scholar and translator of Greek philosophy in modern times." No more "Reprints of Great Classics" ever were issued under that name, but the interest in Plato was sustained in Bollingen Series by Huntington Cairns, and Thomas Taylor reappeared in Kathleen Raine's work. In 1945 the Old Dominion approved a grant-in-aid of $500 to help Natacha Rambova in "making a collection of 93

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essential cosmological symbols for a proposed archive of comparative universal symbolism." The grant, handed on to the Bollingen Foundation upon its establishment, was renewed in early 1946. Rambova's projected archive of symbols was along the lines of Olga Froebe's Eranos Archive, devoted to archetypal symbolism. In late 1945, she and Mary Mellon discussed plans for a book drawn from her archive, which she proposed that A. K. Coomaraswamy should write. The principal themes of the archive material were derived from astrology, Theosophy, and Atlantis. Rambova wrote to Mary: "It is so necessary that gradually people be given the realization of a universal pattern of purpose and human growth, which the knowledge of the mysteries of initiation of the Atlantean past, as the source of our symbols of the Unconscious, gives. . . . Just as you said, knowledge of the meaning of the destruction of Atlantis and the present cycle of recurrence would give people an understanding of the present situation." Rambova's "archive of comparative universal symbolism" never was realized as such, though everything that she collected was source material for her own treatise on "The Myth Pattern in Ancient Symbolism," on which she continued to labor for ten years. One may speculate that Natacha Rambova's concern with symbolism and the occult tradition would have exerted a stronger influence on the Bollingen program under different circumstances. What did play an important part was Egyptology, which had intrigued Mary Mellon since her trip on the Nile in 1935, so that she eagerly and prematurely announced the Breasted Pyramid Texts in the first Bollingen Series catalogue. A closer study of the material and consultation with specialists would perhaps have disclosed that Breasted's work was quite out of date. It brought two related projects in its wake, however. James H. Breasted, Jr., offered his own book, a catalogue of Egyptian servant statues, which became Bollingen Series XIII in 1948. And Ludlow Bull, who at first was to edit the senior Breasted's manuscript, prevailed upon Mary to give a fellowship to Professor George 94

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Steindorff, an eminent eighty-five-year-old Egyptologist then living in California. This was one of the occasional Bollingen "rescue" fellowships. Later, Bollingen also supported the publication of SteindorfE's Coptic grammar. Still another strand in Mary's program, American Indian anthropology, prompted negotiations in early 1944 for a copious manuscript on Navaho Religion by Gladys A. Reichard, a Barnard College professor who had been Franz Boas's pupil. Her work, endorsed by Claude Levi-Strauss, Roman Jakobson, and Paul Radin, was so bulky that it had to be postponed until the paper shortage abated. When it was published in 1950 as Bollingen Series XVIII, after being drastically cut and refined, scholarly reviewers declared it to be a milestone in American Indian studies. For several years, Huntington Cairns had been working in his spare time on a book with an unusual plan. The idea had come to him when he was editing a volume of George Saintsbury's criticism drawn from articles in the Encyclopaedia Britannica {French Literature and Its Masters, Knopf, 1945). Cairns noticed that Saintsbury made lavish use of the superlative. Having collected numerous instances which had earned Saintsbury's praise, Cairns thought, "Why not do this systematically?" He described his method: "I read the important critics, beginning with Plato and Aristotle on up, and whenever they specified a poem short enough to print, or a sentence, I quoted it, followed by the critic's appreciation " In late 1944, Harvard University Press expressed interest, and Cairns suggested to Mary the idea of an Old Dominion subvention so that Harvard would do the book. "She said she would rather have it herself, for the Series," Cairns later commented. "I hadn't thought it appropriate for the Series, but she did. Her concept of the Series was becoming broader." Cairns entitled his fifteen-hundred-page anthology The Limits of Art, a phrase he found in the Greek Anthology. It was published as Bollingen Series XII in 1948, to consider-

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able acclaim, both scholarly and popular. The Limits of Art has been one of the most successful books in the Series. When Paul Mellon arrived home from the European theater on May 23, 1945, a major with his ETO ribbon and four bronze stars, he found Mary perplexed and anxious over the difficulty of getting Jung's formal agreement to her publishing plans. Indeed, as Ximena de Angulo later observed, she had "overstrained her limits, spread herself too thin over too large an area. If she hadn't been involved in so many different things she could have focused herself." Besides Bollingen, the children, the construction at Oak Spring, and her other preoccupations, she had, as a kind of therapy for her asthma, taken to driving about the farm in a pony cart. This rather homeopathic treatment seemed to relieve her, and she began to ride in earnest, with great pride. In June, however, she had a severe asthmatic attack, the first in a year, was rushed to the hospital, and then was under her doctor's orders to rest. In the Bollingen office overlooking Washington Square, Stanley Young was at his desk two days a week, unless away on one of his war-correspondent junkets. The chief burden was carried by his secretary, Kappo Phelan, a poet and shortstory writer who was on the staff of Commonweal. Kurt Wolff's secretary was also a writer and editor, Gertrude Buckman, formerly Delmore Schwartz's wife; after Wolff explained what information he wanted to convey in his letters, she rendered it in graceful English, comparable to his graceful German. As the two-year contract between Pantheon and the Old Dominion would expire in June 1945, Wolff and Young together drafted one providing that, instead of a fee of $3,000 per year, based on a projected six books a year, plus 10 percent of the sales income, Pantheon would receive $1,200 per title, of which five titles per year were guaranteed, plus the 10 percent. This amounted to a 100 percent increase but reflected the work Pantheon performed. Donald Shepard,

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somewhat discomfited, thought that the contract should run for only one year. However, Mary Mellon and Stanley Young were determined to stay with Kurt Wolff, and Young observed that since Bollingen Series was tied to Pantheon's paper quota under a War Production Board ruling, it could not very well change publishers. Another two-year contract was signed. John D. Barrett, Jr., joined the Bollingen staff on May 15 as associate editor, in the office two days per week. Mary set his monthly stipend at $150. For a year or two he had occasionally read for both Pantheon and Bollingen—such things as the French translation of the Muqaddimah of Ibn Khaldun. His report on that was based on interest as well as experience, for he was well acquainted with the Mediterranean world that Ibn Khaldun described. Barrett was born in 1903 in New York City and grew up there and in Greenwich, Connecticut, where his family had a summer house on the Sound. Later it became the Barretts' year-round home. After receiving his Ph.B. at Yale, Barrett traveled extensively for years. In the winter of 1926-27 he was in Egypt with a group of friends. They ascended the Nile in a Thomas Cook & Sons dahabeah. At Tell el-Amarna, at the temple of Akhenaton, they encountered Thomas Whittemore, the founder of the Byzantine Institute, of Boston. Whittemore's vivid lecture as he took them around the ruins of the great temple helped kindle Barrett's deep interest in the ancient Near East. He returned the next year and went upriver past Abu Simbel as far as Wadi Haifa. His travels eventually took him around the entire Mediterranean, the Levant, and all of Europe. During the 1930s on his occasional return trips to New York, Barrett became associated with the Becker Gallery and came to know Mary Brown and then to renew his Yale acquaintance with Paul Mellon. In 1940, when Mary returned from Europe, Barrett met her boat. She was in an "inspired state," he recalled, about her plans to publish Jung and the Eranos lectures. During World War II, Barrett worked as a volunteer, along with Andre 97

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Maurois, Ann Morgan, Elsa Schiaparelli, and many other friends of beleaguered France, in the Co-ordinating Committee of French Relief Societies. In mid-July of 1945, the Old Dominion trustees approved a two-year extension of Stanley Young's contract ($8,000 a year plus a retroactive bonus of $2,000; and he was also on the Five-Year Plan), gave official approval to John Barrett's employment, and voted to retain the services of Huntington Cairns to "review the volumes to be published and assist the Managing Editor in seeing that they clearly fall within the educational category." Cairns had to determine whether the books would attempt to influence legislation, would be political propaganda, would be hostile to religion, law, or morals, would involve libel or defamation, and so on. "The Trustees wish to avoid the publication of books which may be considered to be frivolous and erratic; also those so lacking in knowledge of the subject or based upon such discredited theories that they would be generally regarded by experts in the field to be of no general educational value." It was of concern that the books were likely to be used in university courses and be "sought after by scholars or be used as an authority." These precepts were laid down in a letter to Cairns from Shepard, which became a key document of Bollingen Series. A prospective manuscript, supported by letters from authoritative readers, had to be approved by the Trustees, who also made budgetary provision. But the book was not safely in the program until the "Cairns letter" was delivered, stating that the work "subscribes to the terms of Mr. Shepard's letter of July 10, 1945." In the early days, Cairns often read the original manuscript, and his letter not only served its legal function but usually comprised several lucid pages of summary and analysis, which provided a source of the blurbs. Later, when the staff of the Series was larger, it sufficed for Cairns to read the work in proof and to send along a "Cairns letter" of one sentence. Occasionally he exercised his veto on a manuscript. 98

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In early October 1945, Stanley Young made a sanguine report to the Trustees, accounting for books published, in production, and under consideration. A week later, he suddenly announced his resignation. He had decided to devote his full time to his own writing. "I am turning the editorship over to Mr. John D. Barrett, Jr., a newcomer to publishing," Young wrote to Publishers Weekly, and he took the occasion to explain that the Bollingen Series was a separate entity from Pantheon Books, that it published scholarly books that "might not be considered good trade risks," and that it extended grants to authors. Barrett was appointed associate editor of the Series, at an annual salary of $5,000. To Helen and Kurt Wolff, Barrett confessed his inexperience and his trepidation, and asked for their patience and help. The transition went forward smoothly. At about the same time, Paul Mellon had decided to reorganize the Old Dominion Foundation; he asked Donald Shepard to work out the details. The activities of Bollingen Series were to be transferred to "a new educational foundation set up along the lines of a university press." The Bollingen Foundation was incorporated in the Commonwealth of Virginia on December 14, 1945. In stating its objects and purposes, the Certificate of Incorporation recited the words that were used in the Certificate for the first Bollingen Foundation, except that the fields of cultural endeavor in which it was to be active would include religion and philosophy as well as the liberal arts and sciences. Paul Mellon made a deed of gift to the Foundation comprising 1,250 shares of capital stock of the Gulf Oil Corporation, valued at $75,718.75, and $25,000 in cash. The incorporating officers and trustees were Richmond lawyers, who subsequently resigned in favor of Paul Mellon, Mary Mellon, Huntington Cairns, and George Wyckoff as trustees, and as officers: Mary, president; Cairns, vice-president; Ernest Feidler, secretary; Donald Shepard, general counsel; and Charles Zinsner, treasurer and assistant secretary. The Foundation was in full legal operation on January 1, 99

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1946. To it the Old Dominion handed over the contracts with Pantheon, Barrett, and Cairns; the five books already published; eight books to be published (including books by Broch, Rougemont, and Rosenfeld, which were never published, and books by Friedmann, Cairns, Raphael, and Zimmer, which were); the fellowships held by Radin, Raphael, Broch, Rambova, and Oakes; copyrights, various publishing rights, options, and permissions; stock, paper, furniture, the telephone listing, and so on. A budget was adopted, totalling $82,000 for 1946. Mary was again president of her own Foundation. The first benefaction of the new Foundation, on January 22, was a contribution of $10,500 to the Library of Congress for a project proposed by Cairns, to make phonographic recordings of contemporary American and British poets reading their poetry. (Later, $18,000 more was put into this undertaking.) The second benefaction was a grant-in-aid to Flavio Rodas, in Guatemala City, to support his translation of the Popul Vuh from Quiche into Spanish especially for Maud Oakes's use in her work. In mid-January, Gertrude Buckman, who had become Barrett's secretary when Kappo Phelan resigned along with Young, suddenly left. Barrett recalled someone he had worked with during his four years at French Relief, Vaun Gillmor. He remembered her as efficient, intelligent, and bilingual, and offered her the secretarial job. She accepted. She had been born in Paterson, New Jersey, in 1911 and grew up there. Her father, a silk importer with Parisian connections, sent her to the College Montmorency in Paris. Vaun had just matriculated at the Sorbonne when the stock-market crash of 1929 brought her back home. She went to business school and worked in places where her French was of value—Saks Fifth Avenue for one. During the war, she was receptionist and secretary for the Co-ordinating Committee for French Relief at its offices in the Fahnestock wing of the Villard Houses on Madison Avenue. When she became Barrett's secretary, the field of publishing was entirely new to her. She 100

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took a course in publishing at Columbia, listened to the Wolffs and Schiffrin, and in a short while was handling copyrights, permissions, contracts, and foreign rights, along with the secretarial work. The / Ching remained a perennial item on the Bollingen agenda. Several times Cary Baynes had announced she was on the point of finishing the translation and then had gone back to refine and correct it. Jung's foreword, so long awaited, reached her in late 1945, and she spent three months on its translation, not because of its length or difficulty but because it went against her grain. Jung had written her, "I hope the shock did not kill you. I don't feel as if I were above the / Ching, therefore it seemed to be the only wise thing to leave the matter to its competence." He had asked the / Ching to say what it felt about his intention to present the Book to the Western mind. From the reading that the oracle produced, Jung concluded that the / Ching approved of the new edition. To Cary, apprehensive for Jung's reputation with rationalists, this approach was deplorable. She wrote Mary, "I've told him that while the shock was not lethal, it had certainly sent me reeling. Think of all the phonies that are going to misinterpret him to the end of time!" She wanted Jung to make revisions. Mary disagreed, and in February 1946 she wrote to Barrett: "There is absolutely no point in dictating to Jung what he should or should not say or in being afraid for him. That is the trouble with all the Jungian followers. They are terrified that he will be called a mystic and irrational and be criticized. However, he is a mystic in many ways, that is his strength, and he does admit the irrational or he would never know the / Ching. How are we to know that the / Ching is not the rational and we the irrational? . . . At any rate, I am not in the least afraid for him or for us." The foreword stood as written. Meanwhile, on Huntington Cairns's advice, Cary's translation of the / Ching was checked by a scholar, who gave it, for the most part, high marks. 101

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A Jungian work, The Lady of the Hare, by a British anthropologist and analyst, John Layard, which Mary wanted to publish, was struck from the list when Jung disapproved of its case material. He gave his blessing, however, to a work by M. Esther Harding, M.D., an analyst in New York, What Swimmeth Beneath, which was published in 1948 as Psychic Energy: Its Source and Goal (Bollingen Series X). During the summer of 1946, Paul Mellon undertook to edit it—his only venture into the editorial field. Dr. Harding at first thought his editing a definite improvement, if a little perfectionist. Then she became apprehensive. "I do hope that you won't feel that you have to make so many corrections in the rest of the book," she wrote him. "I am reinstating certain phrases you have deleted which are of a poetic rather than a scientific nature, because it is just such phrases that appeal to the deeper layers of the reader's understanding, evoking reverberations from the hinterland." Paul stood firm and was seconded by Cairns, whose comments as reader included "platitudinous," "too elementary," and "wanders from the point." During August Paul went up to work with the author at "The Inner Ledge," the summer place on Bailey Island, off the coast of Maine, that Dr. Harding shared with Dr. Eleanor Bertine. The editorial sessions were often interrupted by the two doctors' bird-watching expeditions, and little agreement was reached on the chapters he had revised. Events obliged Paul to give up the editing, which another editor took over. The author continued to feel that the editing had stripped the book of a "spiritual quality." Jung nevertheless contributed a foreword, and the book was well received. The first project that John Barrett accepted for the Series typified the direction of his own interests. It had nothing expressly to do with analytical psychology, though rich in the symbolic material that interests Jungians. It was the first volume of an ambitious publication, the Corpus of Ancient Near Eastern Seals in American Collections, and presented the collection of the Pierpont Morgan Library, catalogued and edited by Edith Porada in collaboration with Briggs 102

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Buchanan. The Seals came into the Series almost through an accident. Edith Porada, born in Vienna in 1912, had received a doctorate in archaeology at the University of Vienna in 1935, shortly before she left Austria and came to the United States. In 1940, the American Philosophical Society awarded her a grant to classify and catalogue the J. P. Morgan collection of seals. These were small stone artifacts, often cylinders, engraved in minuscule with scenes, usually mythological, that could be imprinted on moist clay for some ritual or commercial purpose. Porada had to make and photograph the impressions and describe the glyphs. The project was supervised by the Committee of Ancient Near Eastern Seals, composed of scholars at Yale, Chicago, and elsewhere. Five volumes were planned. In the war years, however, funds were unavailable. Edith Porada found temporary jobs—designing textiles, painting furniture, teaching. When her sister Hilda became a Pantheon employee, Edith came in to do part-time office work. One day in early 1946 she brought in some of her seal photographs to compare with mythological illustrations for a book of Russian fairy tales. Wolff happened to look over her shoulder, became engrossed, and asked her for the portfolio. He took it down the hall to Barrett, who was fascinated. A contract was made with the Committee, and Volume 1, in two parts, appeared in 1948 as Bollingen Series XIV. Edith Porada reentered the academic world and eventually became a professor of art history and archaeology at Columbia. Through the rigors of time, no more volumes of the Corpus were published, though the second volume is still in preparation. Another Viennese, the musicologist Victor Zuckerkandl was introduced to Barrett in December 1945 by Hermann Broch, who had known him in Europe. After earning his Ph.D. at the University of Vienna, Zuckerkandl had been a conductor of opera and symphonic orchestras, a music critic, and a teacher. He reached the United States in 1940, worked as a machinist in a Boston defense plant, and taught at Wellesley College and the New School for Social Research. He 103

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approached the Bollingen Foundation for a fellowship to complete a book that examined music as an instrument of philosophical inquiry. Cairns thought his theory made "a great deal of sense, though several of his main points were made by Spengler, who, however, never developed them." A fellowship was awarded. In 1948, Zuckerkandl was appointed director of music and tutor at Saint John's College, in Annapolis, where he taught for sixteen years. His Sound and Symbol was published as Bollingen Series XLIV in two volumes, in 1956 and 1973, the latter eight years after his death. In a letter to Barrett in 1962, when he was retired in Ascona, Zuckerkandl wrote, "I feel very strongly how deeply involved the course of my life is with you and the Foundation. You have launched me on my American career as a writer; you have brought me to St. John's where the abstract thought could prove itself in practice; you have built the bridge to Eranos where new and unexpected possibilities opened for me." Another venture of special interest to Barrett came through Jacques Schiffrin in early 1946. In Paris, Schiffrin had known the writer Rachel Bespaloff, of Bulgarian origin. She had begun to publish philosophical and literary articles in the 1930s that attracted the attention of Jean Wahl, Andre Malraux, and Andre Gide. As a refugee in New York, she wrote scripts for the Voice of America until, in 1943, she began teaching French at Mount Holyoke College in Massachusetts. Schiffrin, in his own list, had published a long essay by Bespaloff, De I'lliade, a copy of which he gave to Barrett. It is a study of the chief characters in the epic, possibly archetypal, though in no way Jungian. Barrett had recently been impressed by Simone Weil's essay "The Iliad, or the Poem of Force," translated by Mary McCarthy, in the review Politics, and the Bespaloff work claimed his attention and Mary MelIon's. He wanted to publish the two essays together. At Dwight Macdonald's suggestion, McCarthy was offered the job of translating Bespaloff. She set her fee at $750 (something over $40 per thousand words). When this was ques104

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tioned as high, she replied, "This is the lowest price I can afford: needing money, I have to balance the rewards for an equivalent amount of time writing fiction." The translation proved to be excellent (but the Weil essay could not be included because of difficulties over the rights). In 1947 On the Iliad was published, with a long introduction by Hermann Broch, as Bollingen Series IX, and Rachel Bespaloff was awarded a fellowship to write a work on "Esthetics and the Eternal." Malraux and Gide, supporting the application, mentioned her "high moral and intellectual qualities," "the depth of her vision and the subtle penetration of her critical mind." In April 1949, however, Rachel Bespaloff unaccountably took her own life and that of her aged mother. It was in 1946 that plans for the edition of Jung's works, often in a state of confusion and even doubt, reached the point of successful definition. Mary herself was never in doubt about what she was determined to do, though the lines of communication with Jung had been broken during the war years. As early as June 1943 she had Stanley Young initiate a study of the American copyright situation with Jung's books. He again retained Melville Cane, who applied to the Register of Copyrights for a list. Some titles were not in copyright, as they had been printed in England and imported: Harcourt, Brace's Modern Man in Search of a Soul, Psychological Types, The Secret of the Golden Flower, and Contributions to Analytical Psychology. Dodd Mead had rights to Psychology of the Unconscious and Two Essays on Analytical Psychology; Farrar and Rinehart had The Integration of the Personality and, problematically, an option on Jung's next book; Yale University Press had Psychology and Religion. Subsequently, Stanley Young and then John Barrett pursued lengthy negotiations with the various publishers for the transfer of rights to Bollingen. After Mary's long letter to Jung in summer 1943, via Alphonse Hattenschwiler's diplomatic pouch, he did not reply 105

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until January 1944, when he sent an unsigned letter in the pouch saying that he was pleased with Mary's plans for publication but could not yet give her a formal statement because the legal situation was too complicated. He hoped to be able to arrange everything. Hattenschwiler brought a copy of Psychologie und Alchemie, just published, and being translated by Barbara Hannah. Then silence for more than a year while Jung was gravely ill. On February 11, 1944, he had slipped in the snow, and the fibula of his right leg snapped. While in the hospital, reading alchemical texts, he suffered a severe thrombosis of the heart and two other thromboses that went into his lungs. For several weeks he was near death and often unconscious. During that time, Jung had the remarkable vision he describes in Memories, Dreams, Reflections—the experience of leaving the earth and looking back at the globe from a point a thousand miles in space. It was July before he could resume work. He was obliged to resign the Chair of Medical Psychology at the University of Basel, to which he had been appointed the year before. He could not attend Eranos in August or even go up to his Bollingen tower. In March 1945, another message arrived in the Hattenschwiler pouch: Jung had come to the decision that he could not grant Mrs. Mellon the publishing rights to his works "in view of the present uncertain conditions." He had decided to sign with Kegan Paul for the publication of Psychology and Alchemy in both England and the United States. It seemed more sensible, he said, if Mary did not proceed with the publication of his works and continued instead with other authors. Mary immediately cabled in dismay. She told Jung she had founded a "Library of Alchemy" within Bollingen Series and wanted to publish reprints of old alchemy books along with his book. Jung cabled back explicitly: "Sorry but settled with Kegan Paul when American communications impossible and war issues uncertain. Greetings." Mary mounted a campaign to obtain the American rights to Psychology and Alchemy from Kegan Paul, but the London publisher stated 106

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that another American firm had an option. At length, Stanley Young wrote to Cecil A. Franklin, the managing director of Kegan Paul, offering a $1,000 advance and mentioning that Bollingen Series was endowed by the Mellon family. A courteous letter came back, offering to negotiate. With the war in Europe ended and communications restored, the personal correspondence between Jung and Mary Mellon resumed. In September, Jung wrote her a vivid account of his illness and his astonishing vision the year before, and in the next paragraph asked her to send him some "Granger" pipe tobacco. Mary, replying at great length in November, described in her breathless style her plans to publish her Library of Alchemy and his works. "With your help I want to gather you up for the future," she wrote. "That is the backbone of the Bollingen Series." She again recalled her first glimpse of him at his alchemical lectures in 1937. "I had no more idea of what you were talking about than the next person, and the place was full of such; but I knew it was a part of my life. Now I want it to come out in my lifetime." She worried over Jung's health. "Stay as well as you can during this hard winter to come. I am sending you eleven pounds a week made up of butter, fats, and sugar." Jung's reply a month later, somewhat cooler, brought the news that Kegan Paul in London now planned to publish his entire oeuvre. He discouraged having a special Library of Alchemy—-"nobody but a very few scholars would be able to understand that abstruse stuff"—and he begged her not to send any more food parcels; the Jungs had to give up ration points just to claim the parcels at the post office. He accepted with thanks, however, Mary's offer of the gift of a sixteenth-century twovolume edition of Paracelsus, and whatever smoking tobacco she could send. Jung's British publishers had corresponded with him throughout the war years by means of "airgraphs," microfilmed letters, and they followed up their advantage. It is true that the diplomatic pouch was available to Mary and Jung, but not much passed through it, and Jung's reluctance to con107

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elude anything was evident. It may have been that Mary's volatile and enthusiastic style put him off. In the Jungian scheme of eight personality types, she seems to have been an "extraverted intuitive." A Jungian analyst who knew her but never had her as an analysand described Mary as "the most extraverted person I ever met." Jung once called her "a person of many plans"—visionary plans that seemed not to materialize—and her letters, eager and sincere as they were, must have struck him as rather unbusinesslike and naive. The hardheaded London publisher, however, had successfully published Jung for nearly thirty years, beginning with Psychology of the Unconscious in 1916. (The firm was actually two interlocking old houses, George Routledge & Sons and Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner. Jung's works appeared under the Kegan Paul imprint, but the business was transacted on the Routledge letterhead. In December 1947, the two firms became one: Routledge & Kegan Paul. For a hundred years, until recently, the offices were in an old building called Broadway House, near Saint Paul's Cathedral. Visitors had to step around wholesale butchers' stalls to get to the publishing house.) In November 1945, one of the editorial directors of the firm, the poet and critic Herbert Read, went over to see Jung in Kiisnacht, broached the scheme for a collected edition, and obtained his agreement. With Jung's approval, Read invited Michael Fordham, a Jungian analyst practicing in London, to become the general editor. In Read's file of correspondence there was a page from a desk calendar dated January 4, 1946, with the scribbled notation: "Complete edition in America. Pantheon Books, Mrs. Paul Millen." Evidently he had not previously heard of the Bollingen plans for an edition nor, it would appear, of the name Mellon. In March 1946, Read came to the United States to lecture on art at Yale University. Subsequently, Kurt Wolff brought him together with Mary Mellon and John Barrett in the office on Washington Square, and agreement in principle on a coventure was quickly reached. Bollin108

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gen would pay all editorial and translation costs. Mary had hoped that the editor, or one of the editors, would be Violet de Laszlo, a medical analyst of Swiss origin, recently arrived in New York from London, but Read was able to say that his candidate, Fordham, already had Jung's endorsement. Mary had also hoped that Cary Baynes would be the translator, but Cary herself declined, expressing "a whole host of fears and misgivings" about taking on the assignment, and Read again put forward his own candidate, R.F.C. Hull, an English poet and translator whom he had known for some years. In a letter of report to Kegan Paul from Chicago, the next stop on his itinerary, Read wrote: "I think we have struck oil on this particular project, and I do not anticipate any disagreements in principle or in detail. I made it quite clear, of course, that we had had the same bright idea before we had ever heard of Mellon, and the fact that I had already been to Zurich to see Jung was immensely impressive." Barrett, on his part, considered the agreement a coup because Bollingen would acquire exclusive American rights from Routledge for nothing; the Foundation had been prepared to pay the costs of the edition in any case. As Mary wrote to Jung, "The Bollingen Foundation can offer the necessary financial assistance for the realization of the concept. Paul and I are extremely pleased to have found a man like Herbert Read, who has the edition of your works at heart as much as we have. It seems miraculous that it has occurred in this way." Jung, observing that Dr. Fordham "was not sufficiently aware of the intricacies of the German language," proposed to co-opt another Jungian analyst, Dr. Gerhard Adler, whose mother tongue was German, and who had lived ten years in England. Adler and Fordham were made coeditors together with Read himself as the balance wheel and arbiter. Herbert Read was to assume a prominent place in the Bollingen scene, and not only because of the Jung edition. He was born in 1893 on a Yorkshire farm and educated at a provincial university. In the First World War he was decorat109

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ed for gallantry, and in those war years he began to write poetry that brought him an early literary renown. By the 1930s Read was established in a fivefold career—as poet, literary critic, art historian, critic of contemporary art, and publishing editor. He had taken account of psychoanalysis as a critical tool in a 1924 article, but his turn to Jung came much later. His poetic, visionary novel The Green Child (1934) is sometimes called Jungian, though when he wrote it Read had not read much Jung. In a 1937 work he expounded the Freudian theory of the artist's psychology and did not mention Jung; but in Education through Art (1943) he wrote that Jung "has had far more success than Freud in the interpretation of those collective phenomena which take the form of myth and symbol and are so much involved in expression." By then Read had become a director of Kegan Paul, Jung's publisher. Michael Fordham, born in 1904, a Cantabrigian, studied medicine and specialized in neurophysiology and psychology. "As a young psychiatrist," he wrote, "I spent hours studying a relatively uneducated paranoid schizophrenic man. I told myself that if Jung were correct it would be possible to find the content of my patient's delusions in Frazer's Golden Bough. I did find them, and my skeptical resistance broke down. I went to Zurich, met Jung, and started one of the most valued relationships of my life." Fordham entered analysis with Jung's leading British pupil, H. G. Baynes, and then trained with him. In 1936, along with Gerhard Adler, Violet de Laszlo, and others, he helped organize the Society of Practicing Analysts, and his concern turned to child psychiatry, the field in which he became most distinguished. Kegan Paul published his The Life of Childhood in 1944, through Read's interest. Fordham's colleague Gerhard Adler, born in Berlin in 1904, received a doctorate in psychology and began as a psychiatric social worker. He entered Jungian analysis with James Kirsch, who advised him to go to Zurich. Adler worked with both Jung and Toni Wolff during 1931-34, re110

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turning periodically to Berlin to practice under increasingly difficult conditions as Germany moved into National Socialism. In 1936 he emigrated to London, where Jung helped him get established professionally. Richard Francis Carrington Hull was born in 1913. He started to train as a physician but withdrew and took up journalism and poetry. During most of the 1930s he lived in Munich, learned German, and began to translate Rilke. Upon returning home in 1938 he met Herbert Read in literary London, and Read encouraged him to write and publish. During the war Hull worked as a cryptographer in the secret "Ultra" code center of the War Office at Bletchley Park, an estate north of London. He began to translate professionally after the war, particularly for Kegan Paul, specializing in philosophical works. Jung's psychology was unknown to Hull when Read proposed him as the translator of the Collected Works. Michael Fordham later recalled his first encounter with Hull. "A tall, elegant, distinguished-looking man sporting a malacca cane with a silver top entered my room and began to talk with a marked stammer. This was not encouraging, but it soon became apparent that Hull had a remarkably quick mind and a capacity to grasp essentials without beating about the bush." So it proved.

Mary Mellon made plans for a visit to Switzerland during summer 1946, to work analytically with Jung, attend Eranos, and settle the business of the Collected Works. Though Jung would be vacationing at his Bollingen tower, he cleared a fortnight of appointments for her in August. And then, in mid-July Mary suddenly canceled her plans ostensibly because she had not yet recovered from a minor operation. Barrett went to Europe as Mary's representative, briefed with a dossier of her instructions and her character sketches of the key personalities in Zurich. Of Mary Foote, for example, Mary Mellon said, "She has great style. From her you will learn about the feeling relationships among people there.

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She is very frail and I'm afraid not very well. Take her to dinner at the Baur-au-Lac and feed her on champagne and caviar." As he did. Of Toni Wolff, Mary wrote: "She is Dr. Jung's greatest pupil and has for many years helped him in his work by taking many of the patients which he felt himself unsuited to help. I analyzed with her for a good three months. She is very austere, very dignified and severe, but when you get to know her you find that she is a most warm and human creature. She is the most important person for you to know, outside of Jung himself." To Jung, Mary wrote: "I have known Jack Barrett for fifteen years and he has become one of Paul's and my best friends. He has absorbed a great deal of the real meaning of the Series . . . , has not only a thorough knowledge of the working side but, what is more important, he has the idea behind it at heart and is dedicated to helping me develop that idea. He is thorough, conscientious, perceptive, and a man of complete integrity. He has traveled all over Europe and lived there a great many years, but at the same time he is very American." At Barrett's first meeting with Jung, there was an immediate rapport; it was the same, a little later, with Toni Wolff; and his encounter with Olga Froebe at Eranos was another personal triumph. After the Tagung there was a business meeting at Casa Gabriella—Jung, Herbert Read, Fordham, and Barrett—at which general agreement was reached on all important matters. In a letter to Mary soon afterward, Barrett wrote, "I came away with a feeling of great exaltation." Barrett had also been assigned to deal with the matter of Olga and Casa Gabriella, on which topic he received intensive briefing from Mary and from Donald Shepard, who had strong reservations about the whole affair. Mary had resumed corresponding with Olga only in February 1946, and she and Paul had sent funds to tide her over. There was no earthly use, Mary wrote, for her to go into detail about the hiatus since 1942, when she could not communicate. "We did not instigate it, but all of a sudden found ourselves involved, 112

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with no power to do anything but what was told us." She would explain everything when she came. "I want to start negotiations with you for a purchase of a part of your property in order to help you. Our idea is for you to have the use of it for the rest of your life. . . . What I would like most of all is to have you be curator of Eranos on a salary, live in the house, be clothed and fed, with only the simple provision that we might be able to use it from time to time." Mary wrote Olga again on August 8, after Barrett had departed, and told her that she had consulted the / Ching about whether or not she should make the trip to Europe—the only time that she had done so since throwing it at Casa Gabriella in 1939. As the "diagnosis" she got hexagram 15, Humility (Cary Baynes finally translated this term as Modesty), and as the "prognosis" hexagram 47, Exhaustion. "For a long time I couldn't make any sense out of it all. But gradually I came to understand what it was trying to tell me. All of it has come true. I have had to become most humble in many ways and I have been and am completely exhausted. So it was not the time." Her operation had given Mary an excuse for canceling her trip. The proposed purchase of Casa Gabriella was the subject of a rather stormy meeting—Barrett with Olga and three Swiss lawyers. The matter became so complicated that no decision was possible. Barrett sent the minutes to Donald Shepard and wrote Mary, "It will need a long evening or evenings of conversation with you and Paul. I believe I have come to know her and have won her confidence, but the situation involves much which I cannot possibly write." At Oak Spring, after his return in late September, Barrett gave the Mellons a comprehensive oral report. Mary was eager for news of Jung and Zurich, of Olga and Eranos, though the complications over Casa Gabriella annoyed and discouraged her, and she began to feel doubts about pursuing that transaction and about devoting so much energy to publishing the Eranos lectures. It was Barrett, now, who had fallen under Olga's spell, and he championed the Eranos pub113

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lication project, on account of the wealth of source material the lectures provided. On October 11, 1946, a pleasant autumn day, Mary and Paul went fox-hunting early in the morning. For a year or so, she had been enjoying riding, though she always carried an atomizer containing a medication. After the hunt they were on their way back home when Mary suffered an asthma attack. The atomizer had broken, and the attack grew more severe. At Oak Spring, she was put to bed and seemed to improve. But in the early afternoon she had another attack that was too much for her heart. Her last words to Paul were "And I had so much to do." She was forty-two at her death. When John Barrett arrived at Oak Spring the next day, Paul told him immediately: "Jack, if you'll stick with me, what happened will not prevent our going on together to create what Mary wanted." The funeral was held at Oak Spring on Monday, October 14. The plain coffin, covered with flowers from the farm, rested on a small spring wagon, which was drawn by Mary's two ponies. The pallbearers walked beside the wagon, and the others walked in an uneven procession behind, Paul and Cathy first. Dr. and Mrs. Conover were driven in a car. The burial was under an old tulip tree in a little cemetery that had been on the farm for many years. The minister of the local Episcopal church read the service, which included a text that was inscribed on Mary's ring and was a favorite of Jung's: "And as Moses lifted up the serpent in the wilderness, so must the Son of Man be lifted up." A few days before Mary died, Maud Oakes had left Todos Santos and, on horseback for eight hours and then by bus, had made the trip down to Guatemala City to get a typhus shot and have her passport renewed. The news was delayed reaching her; she had not notified the Bollingen office or

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Mary of her trip. Her brother knew where she was, and he cabled her when he read of Mary's death in the paper. Maud was incredulous and cabled Paul asking if it were true. Confirmation came back from John Barrett. Afterward, when she had gone back up to Todos Santos, Maud wrote to Cathy about her mother. "To me she was very much a symbol of sunlight, for she was such a vital person. We had a great understanding that few friends have, for we were always completely honest with each other. If I am lonely, or if there is some very important thing to decide, I think, Oh, if Mima were only here she could help me. I would go to my room, or out to a lovely spot in the country. In my hand I would hold something that Mima had given me, or that had belonged to her. Then very quietly I would think of her and ask the question as if she were sitting right next to me, and the answer will come, that I am sure of." In July, a few months earlier, when Maud was in New York for a short vacation from Todos Santos, she had gone to Oak Spring with John Barrett. Mary asked her to consult her fortunetelling cards for her, and Maud found that she had forgotten to bring them. Mary said, "Maudie, this is the first time you have ever done such a thing. Maybe you forgot purposely because you felt there was something bad in the cards for me." "I didn't forget purposely," Maud said, "but it is strange."

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n late October 1946, not yet three weeks after Mary MelIon's death, Paul Mellon had to consider, among a multitude of serious questions, what to do about her Five-Year Plan. Mary had provided in her will for the agreements to go on, but the financing would be dependent on him. On October 28, he asked John Barrett to notify each of the members of the "stable," Young, Preston, Rougemont, and Cowley: "The agreement between you and Mary concerning your writing will be in no way affected by her death." Cowley proposed writing an article about Mary and the Bollingen Series for the New Republic, so that her work in publishing would have recognition, "even if brief and inadequate." Mary's Bollingen concerns had gone unremarked in the newspaper obituaries. The New York Times, besides giving her maiden name as Converse, stated that "she was much interested in psychology and was a founder of the Pantheon Press." The Times printed a correction the next day, but the article with its misinformation had already been picked up by other papers—the Pittsburgh Press, for one, as well as the county paper for Oak Spring, the Warrenton Democrat, which dwelt mainly on Mary's good works in the community. Mellon declined Cowley's offer with thanks, but agreed to a short notice in Publishers Weekly: "As founder and editor of the Bollingen Series," it ran in part, "Mrs. Mellon made possible the publication of books in the fields of philosophy, anthropology, art, comparative religion, books of a scholarly nature for small audiences which might not be considered good trade risks for commercial publishers." There were to be other, more enduring memorials to Mary. In spring 1949, the Old Dominion Foundation made a gift of two million dollars to Vassar College, to establish the Mary Conover Mellon Fund for the Advancement of Education, the purpose of which was "to help every student to achieve her highest possible degree of intellectual, emotional, 119

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and social maturity." The Fund was the inspiration of Mary's friend Gertrude Garnsey, by then the alumnae secretary at Vassar, and was planned chiefly by Ernest Brooks, Jr., the president of Old Dominion. The program was, in fact, psychiatric counseling, and its first director was the psychiatrist Carl Binger, who had studied briefly with Jung in 1929 but had turned to Freud and ended as an eclectic. The Vassar program and a similar program at Yale are carried on still. In 1961, the Old Dominion endowed two Mary Conover Mellon Chairs at Vassar, in art and in music. At the Sunset Hill School, in Kansas City, where Mary had been a member of the class of 1921, the Mary Conover Mellon Memorial Science Building was dedicated in 1949. Mary herself had first contributed to a fund for the new building in 1944, and after her death the Old Dominion gave some fifty thousand dollars to complete it. Paul and Mary's two children, Catherine and Timothy (then eleven and six), took part in the dedication; in a speech Paul Mellon said that the building was a visible symbol of Mary's view that education was "a tool for making the mind clearer and the heart more understanding." But Mary's most enduring memorial was the Bollingen Foundation and Bollingen Series.

In November 1946, Paul Mellon was elected president of the Bollingen Foundation and John Barrett was appointed editor of Bollingen Series. Over the winter, the two spent much time together, at Oak Spring, Hobe Sound, and New York, discussing the future of the Foundation. Paul was determined that Mary's Bollingen plan should go on, and he and Barrett agreed that no project which had been important to her should be neglected. Mellon wrote to Jung, assuring him that the Jungian core of the program would continue to be central. It may be that, if Mary had lived, her program would have been more forthrightly Jungian even than it was. Ximena de Angulo, remembering their talks in 1941 and 1942, said that Mary had wanted to do what was new and bold, and above 120

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all to publish books that showed how the archetypes and the collective unconscious were manifested in art, literature, dreams, and fantasies, and that she was indifferent to following established scholarly or academic lines. As the Series developed, however, rather few of its volumes, aside from Jung's Collected Works, could be called strictly Jungian demonstrations of the sort Mary had in mind, though a number of other volumes could be considered testimony in some degree to the premises of analytical psychology. Those ranged from the works of authors who acknowledged a debt to or a kinship with Jung, such as Campbell, Kerenyi, and Zimmer, to books by authors not at all concerned with Jung's ideas, chiefly books in the domains of archaeology, art, and literature, which Barrett saw as broadening the program. To be sure, Mary had intended from the beginning that her program would include works outside the Jungian temenos, and she had sent Ximena de Angulo to scout among prospects such as Paul Tillich, Ruth Benedict, and William Troy; she sought the tutelage of Edgar Wind; the first Bollingen Series list announced Ibn Khaldun and Denis de Rougemont; and the earliest recipients of fellowships included Paul Radin, Max Raphael, and Paul Rosenfeld. This union of opposites ran through the entire career of the Bollingen Foundation. On the one side was what an observer called the Mythic: analytical psychology, symbolism, religion, antipositivism, the primitive, and the entire sweep of the perennial wisdom including, above all, Platonism. On the other side, rather austerely, was the Aesthetic: the history of art, literary scholarship, literature in translation—as well as the disciplines of anthropology, archaeology, and cultural history. Yet interrelations were frequent; the Mythic side of Bollingen often nourished the Aesthetic, and the Aesthetic illuminated the Mythic. While the Foundation continued under the governance of its Board of Trustees and its finance committee, Barrett's interests gradually became manifest. Policy declarations and formal programs were not much in the scheme of things. De121

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cisions came deliberately, out of rumination and discussion, by procedures that evade description. There was a prevailing sense, a consensus, of what belonged and what did not. During the early phase, Barrett profited by the counsel of the octogenarian Abraham Flexner, who, after many years spent administering Carnegie and Rockefeller benefactions, had served as the first director (1930-1939) of the Institute for Advanced Study at Princeton. Flexner, his curiosity aroused by Bollingen publications that he saw, telephoned "whoever was in charge" and asked if he could visit the Foundation. Thereafter, for several years, he and Barrett had the custom of lunching together once a month. Flexner, Barrett later observed, helped him to establish a "Bollingen approach and attitude." Above all, Mellon decided, there now would be an expansion of effort and outlay, and the Foundation's budget was doubled—from $82,000 to $160,000, which he supported with a cash contribution. In 1948, the budget again was doubled, to $315,000. (It increased each year thereafter, though not so geometrically. Not until 1958 did it exceed $1 million.) The staff increased also. In January 1947, Hugh Chisholm was hired as assistant editor. Born at the Plaza Hotel in 1913, he was class poet of Yale 1936, studied at King's College, Cambridge, drove an ambulance in Italy during the war, and published poetry. Chisholm helped balance the rather Germanic emphasis of the Jung-Zimmer tradition, which was distant from his enthusiasms. In October, Ernest Brooks, Jr., was appointed legal adviser, assistant secretary, and treasurer of the Bollingen Foundation. His class at Yale was 1930, his LL.B. was Harvard, and he had spent the war in the OSS. As a start, Brooks investigated the practices of other foundations that had publishing programs—the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, the Carnegie Corporation, the American Council of Learned Societies, and others—in order to realign those of the Bollingen Foundation. He gradually took over Donald Shepard's functions and saw after 122

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the administrative side of the Bollingen Foundation, though his interests soon tipped him toward the Old Dominion Foundation, of which he became president in 1956. Brooks was instrumental in recruiting as a consultant to both Foundations the social scientist Siegfried Kracauer, who had left Germany in 1933, lived precariously in Paris, and, through the efforts of Meyer Schapiro and others interested in his work, reached New York in 1941. Kracauer was a celebrated critic of the cinema and, with the aid of a Bollingen fellowship, wrote Theory of Film (1960). From 1952 until his death in 1966, he advised Bollingen and Old Dominion on a diversity of potential projects, manuscripts, and fellowship applications. In spite of the "feeling of great exaltation" that animated John Barrett after the harmonious conference on the Jung edition at Ascona in August 1946, much was still to be settled, in particular the contracts: over the following winter, their fine print preoccupied Shepard and Kegan Paul's solicitors. On March 20, 1947, the contract between Kegan Paul and the Foundation was signed in Washington, and only then the Bollingen finance committee cautiously recorded its "sense that the Foundation should go forward with the project," and Paul Mellon promised the funds "to meet liabilities under the proposed contracts." The contract spelled out the respective sales territories; established a so-called editorial committee (Jung, Read, and Barrett) to supervise everything, including the employment of editors and translators, prices, format, style, and so forth; and established also an executive sub-committee (Read, Fordham, and Adler) to decide the contents and supervise the translation and the editing. Kegan Paul was to be responsible for editorial preparation and manufacture; Bollingen paid the bills. Meanwhile, Kegan Paul and Bollingen separately sent drafts of their respective contracts with Jung to Zurich. Jung, annoyed at being offered two different agreements, insisted they be conformed if not combined. After intensive transatlantic consultation, the lawyers produced virtually identical instruments. On the evening of August 25, 1947, once again 123

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at Casa Gabriella during an Eranos conference (on the theme "Man"), the contracts were signed. Olga Froebe witnessed Jung's signature. Cecil Franklin signed for Kegan Paul, witnessed by his son Norman, who added below his name "Undergraduate" (as he was, at Oxford). Read was also present. The Bollingen delegation comprised Mellon (his only trip to Switzerland on Foundation business), Barrett, and briefly Chisholm. Mellon joined Jung in initialing revisions in wording, but the contract was taken back to Washington for signature by Huntington Cairns, perhaps because he had also signed the contract with Kegan Paul. Jung, a shrewd bargainer, asked for and received an unusually high royalty, 15 percent of the list price on the first 5,000 copies sold by each publisher, and subsequently 20 percent. He insisted on a clause providing that the first volume be published within three years, barring war, acts of God, or government restrictions. Three times he reluctantly granted a year's extension, until 1953, when Psychology and Alchemy appeared. Pausing in London, Mellon and Barrett met with Read, Fordham, and Adler and agreed that Hull would be the translator. As a trial assignment he had translated, to general satisfaction, Religion and the Cure of Souls in Jung's Psychology, by a Swiss cleric, Hans Schaer (published in 1950 as Bollingen Series XXI). Hull's annual stipend was set at 500 pounds sterling (which Kegan Paul thought excessive), and he was put to work translating Psychology and Alchemy. (Jung had asked that this book be the first in the edition. Its contents had, in fact, been published in 1939 in The Integration of Personality, in a translation that had disappointed Jung.) Fordham began assembling the Collected Works, in consultation with Adler and Read. By the contract, all works from Jung's pen, published or unpublished, were to be included. Hull, who was living in a village in Essex with his wife, Joan, and three small sons, had finished translating the Alchemy book when, in late November 1947, he was admitted to the county hospital "suffering from a very severe attack of 124

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Anterior Poliomyelitis affecting all four limbs," as his doctor wrote Fordham. There Hull lay for eight months. He was at first unable to move his arms or his legs. In January, though flat on his back, he began to dictate his translation of The Psychology of the Transference to his wife. Just then, Jung, having learned that Hull had been appointed his translator (though not that he had polio), wrote Fordham, "I must say that I don't appreciate such a manner of procedure. I should really like to be informed about the decisions you take concerning translations. I know nothing of Mr. Hull and his qualifications. . . . I sincerely hope that in future I shall be at least informed about your decisions and that a hearing is given to my opinion." Barbara Hannah, Jung added, was actually busy translating The Transference. Read replied diplomatically. Hull had been chosen, he said, on the basis of his translations of Rilke and Alfred Weber. Jung, remarking that his writings were rather different from Rilke's and Weber's, said he would reserve judgment until he had seen Hull's work. By the next summer, at a conference at his house in Kiisnacht with Read and Barrett (which became an annual event), Jung had seen a chapter of Hull's translation and found it "remarkable"; compared with it, he said, Miss Hannah's was holperig, awkward. Jung accepted Hull as his translator, and Barbara Hannah was retained as a consultant; over the years Hull relied heavily on her advice. On April 2, Hull first stood up and took a few steps, but he had difficulty using a typewriter. Under the new National Health Service he was entitled to a rehabilitation grant of 150 pounds, which he wanted to use toward the purchase of an electric typewriter, in those days available only in the United States. But sterling could not be exported. The Foundation, consequently, bought Hull an IBM typewriter, and Barrett dropped it off at Southampton when he came across on the Mauretania in August 1948. British Customs impounded the machine until May 1949. Hull finally got it after he had left the hospital and moved with his family to a cramped cottage near Swanage, on the south coast. A gen125

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erator provided current for the typewriter and for the batteries of a "Solocar," a one-man vehicle supplied by the National Health Service. Hull's "fiery chariot," as Jung called it, made him reasonably mobile. He never regained normal use of his arms and legs, but his professional life seemed scarcely hampered at all. Fordham was advised by Adler, Read, and James Strachey, the editor and translator of the Standard Edition of the Psychological Works of Sigmund Freud, which was getting started at the same time. On the basis of their advice, he laid out a plan for the Collected Jung that combined a chronological and thematic arrangement in eighteen volumes. In October 1948, as a courtesy, he sent a copy of it to the Bollingen office. Barrett, meanwhile, had asked for a plan to be drawn up by Violet de Laszlo and Wallace Brockway, a former editor of the Great Books of the Western World in Chicago, who at Kurt Wolff's suggestion had been retained as an editorial consultant for Bollingen Series. They delivered an entirely different recension of the Collected Works, which was offered to Jung and to the editors in London. "Thank you," Read responded, "but we propose to adhere to the present arrangement, which is also, incidentally, Professor Jung's wish." It appeared that the Bollingen side of the enterprise would contribute only the funds. But, in 1949, Brooks noted that under the American copyright laws, only 1,500 copies of a book could be imported. To protect copyright on a larger edition, which the American market justified, it would have to be printed in the United States. British publishers, furthermore, suddenly were faced with a serious paper shortage. Thus copyediting and printing became the responsibility of Bollingen, and it was Routledge & Kegan Paul that imported sheets for the British market. By strict agreement, the American and British editions were always published on the same day. London remained the headquarters. The editors recruited an indispensable factotum, A.S.B. Glover, the managing editor of both Penguin Books and the International Journal of Psycho-Analysis, who in his spare time took care of the 126

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bibliographical work and indexes of the Collected Jung, translated Latin, Greek, and French as required, and advised on such matters as Roman Catholic liturgy, Buddhist and Hindu doctrine, and psychoanalytic terminology. In his long life Glover, an autodidact of Scottish antecedents, had adhered to several religious and political confessions; his prodigious learning and his energy and wit were celebrated in the London publishing world. He worked in close accord with the editors, Hull, and the New York office until his death in 1965, after which his widow, Janet, took over the indexing. Alan Glover gave his editorial expertise to many Bollingen books, not only the Jung edition. In August 1949, at the Kiisnacht meeting, Jung again declared his satisfaction with Hull's work on Psychology and Alchemy: "the best translation ever made of any of my books." Barrett flew to London with Read, and together they went down to Swanage to inform Hull that his annual fee would be doubled. In fall 1951, with a further improvement in his stipend, Hull and his family moved to Switzerland. The first winter they lived in Feldbach, a small town near Zurich, high above the lake, and Hull came to know Jung and the chief Jungians. Climate and terrain were problematical, however, and the next year the family moved south of the Alps to Ascona, which, together with the adjacent large town of Locarno, lies mostly on the flat delta of the Maggia River; there Hull could easily get about in his Solocar. The Hulls became friendly with Olga Froebe and with Ximena de Angulo, who was now living in the nearby mountain village of Tegna. Jung came down from Zurich once or twice a year, for Eranos or for a holiday, and he and Hull would discuss translation puzzles. Nevertheless the course of the edition was troubled. In early 1953, Jung expressed to Read "in the strongest possible terms his dissatisfaction with the progress in the publication of the Collected Works, accusing his publishers of the virtual suppression of his work"—so Read informed his coeditors. Jung's feelings were understandable. He was seventy-seven, 127

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afflicted by spells of grave illness, and the collected edition was still unrealized—after Mary Mellon's promises of the early 1940s, Kegan Paul's proposals in 1945, and the agreements and contracts that followed. Except for the thin volume of Essays on Contemporary Events, which Kegan Paul published in 1947—six articles chiefly on social and political issues, which Bollingen decided not to publish—no new book by Jung had appeared in English since 1939. It was much as Ximena de Angulo had observed in mid-1948, when she wrote to Barrett that the plan for the Collected Works "really ignores what was a great concern of Mary's, that is, making Jung's work available as soon as possible, as well as giving it definitive form later on. The public is not given the chance to keep up with Jung's work while he is still alive." A consequent editorial reorganization gave Hull, Glover, and the Bollingen house editor (myself) more freedom of action, in personal conference every year, while the editors in London advised and supervised. Jung meanwhile was mollified by the appearance, later in 1953, not only of Psychology and Alchemy (volume 12 of the edition, which constitutes Bollingen Series XX) but also of Psychological Reflections, an anthology of quotations from his writings edited by Jolande Jacobi (Bollingen Series XXXI). In early 1954, Jung was moved to write Barrett: "The Bollingen Foundation must be an unusual exception in the United States. I get the impression of a small island in an infinite sea of misunderstanding and flatness. I didn't realize what it means for the level of education when there is an almost complete absence of the humanities, and now can more appreciate the genius of Mrs. Mellon who planned the Bollingen Foundation with Paul Mellon's generous aid. "I just wanted to let you know that it is difficult for a European to size up such a mental condition which he does not know from his own country. When I hear of the difficulties of my pupils in the States whose main task is teaching, I am profoundly impressed by the effects of a one-sided education in natural sciences; all the more I know now to appre128

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ciate the cultural importance of your foundation. It is a shining beacon in the darkness of the atomic age. I heard that my books are well on the way, and I am quite overwhelmed by the speed in which they are turned out from the press. Thank you personally for all the trouble you have had in getting the things on the way, and your patience with my impatience." Jung's appreciation of his translator continued to grow. In August 1958, responding to a question about the translation of certain philosophical terms, Jung wrote Hull, "It is more important to produce a readable and easily understandable English text than to complicate it by too many philological or philosophical finesses. . . . I must leave it to your tact and judgment to create an equivalent rendering of the intention of my German text." And, a few months later: "Let me express to you . . . my gratitude for the immense work you have put into your translations. Your brilliant suggestion has shown me once more that your participation in your work is more than professional. It is alive." At the inception of the Collected Works, everyone involved—including the veteran publishers at Routledge & Kegan Paul and at Pantheon—expected that the volumes would appear at the rate of two or three per year and that the eighteen-volume edition would be finished in the mid 1950s, not some twenty years later. Jung himself contributed to the deliberate pace by continuing to turn out new works and to revise old ones, in the time he could more generously devote to writing after ending his analytical practice. These included Aion, Mysterium Coniunctionis, Synchronicity, Flying Saucers, The Undiscovered Self, and shorter works, forewords, letters, and so on, in profusion. The logistics of an editorial operation strung out between New York, London, Zurich, and Ascona (and later Mallorca, where Hull moved in 1961) created problems that no one had regarded realistically. Furthermore, because of Hull's talent as a translator, he was often given other translating assignments from Bollingen, Routledge, and Pantheon, which he gladly accepted. The 129

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last textual volume of the Collected Works appeared in 1976, thirty years after the first meeting at Casa Gabriella: volume 18, The Symbolic Life, an eight-hundred-page miscellany of writings mostly added to the original scheme. The index and bibliography volumes were published in 1979. Hull also became involved in the volumes of Jung's letters and in the autobiographical work Memories, Dreams, Reflections. The latter was the brainchild of Kurt Wolff, who in 1956 had persuaded Jung to work with his secretary, the analyst and writer Aniela Jaffe, in its preparation. Barrett and Read at first agreed that Hull could be lent as the translator. But Jung, who had stipulated that the autobiography be excluded from his scientific works and published under separate auspices (namely, Pantheon's), later ruled that it should be entrusted to other hands, and Kurt Wolff engaged Richard and Clara Winston. After Jung's death, in 1961, problems of Jungian terminology made it necessary to bring Hull back in, and he was in effect cotranslator with the Winstons. On the other hand, Hull had been relieved of translating volume 2, Experimental Researches, devoted mostly to the rather technical association experiments of Jung's pre-Freudian phase. The work was assigned to Leopold Stein, M.D., an analytical psychologist of Czech origin, with a special interest in linguistics and speech therapy. Stein had the assistance of a professional writer, Diana Riviere (a Jungian, though daughter of Freud's translator, the analyst Joan Riviere). Stein died in 1969; the volume finally appeared in 1973. When Jung agreed, in August 1957, to the publication of his seminars and letters, they were to be part of, or annexes to, the Collected Works. Subsequently they were detached and made separate projects in the Bollingen Series, with separate numbers. A posthumous selection of the English seminars (Bollingen Series XCIX), made in consultation with a panel of senior Jungians, was to be edited by Hull. Jung had requested a minimum of editorial revision, but he authorized corrections and annotation. After Hull's death, I 130

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took over the editing. For the letters, Jung asked that the selecting and editing be entrusted to a committee composed of Aniela Jaffe, his daughter Marianne Niehus-Jung (an editor of the Swiss edition of the collected works), and Gerhard Adler, as chairman and chief editor. Mrs. Niehus died in 1965, and the Swiss-German and Anglo-American editions of the selected letters (Bollingen Series XCV, 1973 and 1975) were prepared jointly by Adler and Jaffe. Michael Fordham was not party to those projects, and this was agreeable to him. With his penchant for organizing, he was preoccupied with editing the semiannual Journal of Analytical Psychology, which he had founded in 1955. For a number of years the Journal had a subvention from the Bollingen Foundation. The correspondence between Freud and Jung during the years 1906 to 1914, when they were colleagues in the psychoanalytic movement and, for most of that time, good friends, had been the subject of speculation ever since it was mentioned and quoted by Ernest Jones in Sigmund Freud: Life and Work (volume 2, 1955). During the later 1950s, the idea of publishing the correspondence was broached several times, last in August 1958, at the annual meeting of Jung, Read, Barrett, and Gillmor. Kurt Wolff, who was also present, had read the letters in their entirety and prepared a summary of them. He urged their publication as an adjunct to the Collected Works, and that was forthwith agreed upon. But a few days later Jung changed his mind, and publication was ruled out until the 1980s. "I see no particular importance in them," Jung told an interviewer in 1959. The story of how, in 1970, the Freud and Jung families agreed after all to a joint publication and to an exchange of the documents themselves has been told in my introduction as editor of The Freud/Jung Letters (Bollingen Series XCIV, 1974). Anna Freud and the Sigmund Freud Copyrights Ltd. accepted one of the regular Bollingen translators, Ralph Manheim, for the Freud letters. Hull naturally translated the Jung letters. This was his last assignment. His health, uncertain at best, con131

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tinued to decline during the year 1972-73, which Hull spent in New York; yet during that year he completed his work on the letters to Freud and on volume 18 of the Collected Works and began editing the seminars. But he could not carry on. He went back to Mallorca, and later to England, where he died in December 1974. Near the end he remarked to a friend, "My mission is completed and I no longer wish to continue. I'm glad to be on my way!" Hull's "mission" encompassed the translation or recycling of about four million words of Jung's. Besides translating the Works, letters, and interviews and collaborating on Memories, Dreams, Reflections, he read the seminars in English and in German and many other unpublished letters and interviews. Thus virtually every word that Jung wrote passed through the circuit of Hull's mind. He once likened himself to the Cambridge mathematician who served as receiver of the high-voltage wisdom and scientific knowledge of a Being from outer space in Fred Hoyle's novel The Black Cloud, a favorite of Jung's. The Cambridge man perished. It was owing to the Bollingen Foundation's realistic liberality that, in spite of the Atlantic Ocean, the Jung edition had the benefit of personal consultation among Jung, Hull, Glover, Fordham, Adler, and myself, in London, Kiisnacht, Ascona, and later Palma. A visit to Jung, at either Kiisnacht or Bollingen, was a memorable feature of the editorial rounds that I made every year. After I gave him a report on the status of the volumes in preparation, answered a few of his searching questions, and asked a few questions of my own, usually about elusive references, I listened while he delivered a hypnotic monologue about anything under the sun—the Swiss wine he was opening, the weather blowing in off the Alps, what to see in Einsiedeln (which I intended to visit), contemporary fantastic and neoexpressionist painting (which had begun to interest him during his study of UFOs), a dog he once had, the mixing of a salad dressing (as he mixed it, in a large wooden spoon), the injustices visited upon Ameri132

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can Indians and Negroes, the foibles of certain of his colleagues and pupils, a detective story he had just read, or a critique of what the Pope had said the day before. And each August there was Jung's annual meeting with Read, Barrett, and Gillmor, for matters of high policy and the consideration of new works from his pen. The last of these Jung completed ten days before his death: a long contribution to Man and His Symbols, a set of essays by him and some of his pupils, which Jung edited for a trade publisher. Death came on June 6, 1961, shortly before Jung's eighty-sixth birthday. Thereafter the August colloquys were conducted with an assemblage of Jung's heirs and his lawyer, usually at a tea party in the garden of the architect Walter Niehus, his literary executor and the husband of Marianne Niehus-Jung. The Jungian content of Bollingen Series is about a third, if one counts the separate volumes in the Series. Jung's own volumes (Collected Works, letters, interviews, seminars still to be published, books jointly with others, Psychological Reflections, and Word and Image) compose 12 percent of the Series. Fourteen volumes were written by disciples of Jung: 5 percent. Thirty-seven other volumes (including those that came via the Eranos channel, some of which are not actually Jungian, e.g., those by Scholem and Massignon) can be called works in the Jungian orbit: 13 percent. These add up to 30 percent. Of the other 70 percent, a fair number of works have a Jungian interest or utility, even though their authors or editors were not noticeably partial to Jung: thus anything to do with religion, symbolism, and the primitive tips the scales toward Jung. Of the Jungians who were published—seven in all—the one whose influence was most emphatic was Jolande Jacobi, one of the rare extraverts in the Jungian fold. In Zurich she was nicknamed "The Locomotive" for her organizational talent. Born in Budapest in 1890, of Jewish ancestry, and a Roman Catholic convert, she lived between the wars in Vi133

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enna and directed the lecture program of the Kulturbund, thus coming to know Valery, Hofmannsthal, Bartok, Zimmer, and Jung, whom she first invited to lecture in 1927. Jacobi had undergone both Adlerian and Freudian psychoanalysis, but in 1933, after Hitler came to power, she decided to train with Jung. He required that she first take a doctorate, and she earned a Ph.D. in psychology at the University of Vienna in 1938, after the Anschluss, and then fled to Switzerland, destitute. Jung accepted her as a pupil and patient. The next year she published The Psychology of C. G. Jung, an introduction that has gone through many editions and has been translated into eight languages. (The Foundation contributed the cost of its English translation for publication by Yale University Press.) Though Mary Mellon did not like Jolande Jacobi when they met at Eranos in 1939, Barrett was drawn to her, and she became a pragmatic and trusted adviser to the Foundation. Two anthologies she compiled were taken into the Series: C. G. Jung: Psychological Reflections and Paracelsus: Selected Writings, passages from the works of the sixteenth-century Swiss physician and mystic, who influenced Jung (Bollingen Series XXVIII, 1951). Besides being an author, psychotherapist, and training analyst, Jacobi was, like Olga Froebe, a picture archivist; Jung hired her to collect illustrations for several of his books, and, on a Bollingen fellowship, she formed an extensive archive of patients' "pictures of the unconscious." On another fellowship she wrote Complex/Archetype/Symbol in the Psychology of C. G. Jung (Bollingen Series LVII, 1959). Jolande Jacobi was not universally liked among the Jungians; such is the fate of the extravert among introverts. Jung valued her, however, and she took the lead in founding the C. G. Jung Institute in 1948, taught there, and was on its Curatorium for twenty years. At the start she enlisted the support of the Bollingen Foundation, which over the years contributed more than $ 150,000 to the Institute's research and teaching program. For a visitor to archetypal Zurich, Jolande Jacobi's apartment, Viennese in decor and spirit, was an 134

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island of warm hospitality, humor, and clarity. She died in April 1973, literally at her work table, in the midst of plans for celebrating Jung's centenary. Erich Neumann was the joint discovery of Olga Froebe and Jung. On their recommendation, Bollingen granted him a fellowship in 1948, extended it for many years, and published more of his books in the Series than any other Jungian author except Jung. Neumann, born in Germany in 1905, was a student of literature and Jewish mysticism before he entered medical school. He had to leave Nazi Germany in 1934 without finishing his M.D., and after analyzing with Jung, he established an analytical practice in Tel Aviv. He revisited Europe in 1947, for a vacation in Ascona, where his boyhood friend Gerhard Adler presented him to Froebe and Barrett. Neumann gave his first lecture at the Eranos conference the next year, on "Mystical Man," and thereafter lectured every year, usually as the keynote speaker, including the conference shortly before his death in fall 1960. Upon meeting Neumann in 1947, Olga Froebe had introduced him to her Eranos Archive of archetypal pictures, hoping that he would write on the various archetypal categories of images. He started with the Archetypal Feminine. What Olga had seen as a catalogue became an extended text, illustrated with 250 pictures, mostly from the Eranos Archive: The Great Mother: An Analysis of the Archetype (Bollingen Series XLVII, 1955), which, in spite of what some consider its excessive use of jargon and bizarre diagrams, has been a widely read book. No more of the special archetype volumes that Olga Froebe envisioned were published in the Bollingen Series, though Joseph Campbell's pre-Jungian Hero with a Thousand Faces is along similar lines. Such archetypal studies, as Ximena de Angulo said, were what Mary Mellon had wanted to encourage and to publish. Erich Neumann was considered to be the most original and creative of Jung's followers, in Adler's words "the only one who seemed destined to build on Jung's work and to continue it." There was a sense of this at the Bollingen 135

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Foundation, perhaps encouraged by Jung's partiality for Neumann, and the Series includes his Origins and History of Consciousness (XLII, 1954), Amor and Psyche, a commentary on Apuleius's tale as a study of feminine psychology (LIV, 1956), The Archetypal World of Henry Moore (LXVIII, 1959), and Art and the Creative Unconscious, essays on the psychology of art (LXI, 1959). Besides Harding, Schaer, Jacobi, and Neumann, three other disciples were represented in the Series. Linda Fierz-David's The Dream of Poliphilo (XXV, 1950) was a study of a curious Renaissance symbolic fantasy, the Hypnerotomachia Poliphili, which was also a celebrated incunabulum (a copy was in Mary Mellon's collection). Gerhard Adler's The Living Symbol (LXIII, 1961) is one of the most trenchant case studies in Jungian annals. Marie-Louise von Franz's edition of the Aurora Consurgens (LXXVII, 1966), a medieval alchemical tract possibly written by Saint Thomas Aquinas, was, aside from Jung's writings on alchemy, the only specimen of what Mary Mellon had aspired to publish in her Library of Alchemy in 1945. Of twenty-five Bollmgen fellowships in psychology, fourteen were for Jungian projects. Among the other categories of fellowships, some dozen are of a recognizably Jungian, or else Eranostic, orientation. All in all, about 8 percent of the fellowships could be called Jungian. Some were of long duration, however, and the funds expended were considerable. Besides the Foundation's contributions to the Jung Institute and the Journal, a large contribution was given to an entity named the International Study Center for Applied Psychology—about $96,000 over ten years, beginning in 1953. This was a project of P. W. Martin, a British international civil servant (ILO, UNESCO) and an adherent of Jung. He had the support of Herbert Read, Emma Jung, Gerhard Adler, and Professor Hadley Cantril of Princeton, but Cary Baynes was less than enthusiastic because "I think Martin has left out human nature." Martin set up his Center in 1952 on an estate in the Surrey countryside, near London, 136

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aiming "to extend scientific method to the investigation of the deep unconscious and apply the results to the conflict of ways of life at present disrupting the world." Small teams of "mature, responsible men and women in good psychological health" were brought together to "make contact with the deep unconscious" and see what they found. After a visit of inspection in 1959, the Foundation's vice-president, Jackson Mathews, reported that there had gradually been a loss of impetus, a drop in morale, "too much generality, too much 'ultimate aim,' an increasing emphasis on world-saving, and too strongly religious in motivation for a scientific enterprise." When Bollingen made a terminal grant, in 1961, Martin's Institute was putting most of its energy into a study to prove that Shakespeare's plays were written by Robert Cecil, Earl of Salisbury. Another psychological benefaction, in 1952, was awarded to the Sigmund Freud Archives, in New York. The secretary of the Archives, a prominent psychoanalyst, Kurt R. Eissler, M.D., applied to Paul Mellon personally in February for financial support, "although it is known that your main interest in modern psychology is devoted to Dr. C. G. Jung's work." The Archives were and are devoted to collecting documents by and about Freud, which are deposited in the Library of Congress, under restriction until the year 2001. After a year's rumination, the Foundation made a contribution of $20,000. Later in 1953, John Barrett persuaded Jung to see Eissler for an interview at Kiisnacht—"a very informative and delightful conversation for nearly two hours," Eissler later reported. A transcript was deposited at the Library of Congress, under the usual restriction. Bollingen later awarded a grant of $4,000, through the Archives, to Ernest Jones to support his work on the biography of Freud. Jolande Jacobi, who was in New York to lecture, urged the grant when it was in doubt. Jones afterward wrote to Ernest Brooks that the funds "enabled me to complete the work more quickly and, what is more important, much more thoroughly, than would otherwise have been possible." In the same spirit, 137

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Jung granted Jones access to the letters between him and Freud for the biography; in the Freud life, Jones referred to Jung's generosity and his "unusually fruitful and productive life." In 1955, a further contribution of $10,000 to the Archives brought to $34,000 the total of benefactions to projects of a Freudian nature. Eissler wrote to Bollingen that, "were it not for your understanding and generous support. . . it is likely that we would not have been able to go on with our work." The French were not notably responsive to Jung's ideas, though before the Second World War there was a small group of Jungians around Roland Cahen, M.D., a neuropsychiatrist and analyst trained in Zurich. Beginning in 1957, for eleven years the Foundation financed Cahen's project of publishing Jung's works in French, translated by himself and others. Cahen brought out some twenty volumes, under various imprints, following a somewhat random program not correlated with the uniform English, Swiss, and Italian editions. By the late 1960s the Jungian movement in France and French Switzerland was flourishing, with a professional society and most of Jung's works available in French. After Mary Mellon's death, Olga Froebe abandoned her hope that the Bollingen Foundation or Paul Mellon himself would buy her property and maintain her as its custodian. Nevertheless she and Eranos carried on. At the conference in August 1947, which Mellon and Barrett attended, the roster included Father Victor White, a Dominican theologian from Oxford, Leo Baeck, the former rabbi of Berlin, and the Dutch Gnostic scholar Gilles Quispel, along with the veterans Kerenyi, Massignon, and Father Rahner. The Swiss biologist Adolf Portmann, who first attended the year before, began to assume prominence as a spokesman for science. The self-renewing character of Eranos was never more evident. When Olga Froebe showed Mellon her budget, however, he recognized a fairly disastrous document, and he 138

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proposed a new basis for helping her: a Bollingen fellowship to her for her work on the lecture program, picture research, and publication, $3,000; his personal grant to her, $3,000; a further personal grant to the Eranos Foundation, $3,000. The annual stipends went on until the end of her life. Bollingen also supplied, as required, travel grants to bring lecturers from far away, beginning in 1948 with Erich Neumann in Tel Aviv and the mathematician Hermann Weyl in Princeton (prevented from coming by illness, but his lecture was read and published). Olga herself was given an extra grant for a three-month visit to the United States in late 1947 (after the Foundation vouched for her to the Immigration Service). Barrett had revived the plan to publish the Eranos papers, and that, together with her usual search for archetypal pictures and charismatic speakers, filled Olga's time. Joseph Campbell was on her agenda. His work on Zimmer's posthumata had impressed her, and she proposed him as editor of the Eranos volumes. He and the Foundation concurred, and Campbell was put under contract to read through the Eranos Jahrbiicher of 1933 to 1948 at $100 each and propose a publishing scheme. Kurt Wolff recommended Ralph Manheim as the Eranos translator. A Harvard alumnus, born in New York in 1907, Manheim had lived in Europe, learning languages (German, French, Italian, and a dash of Hebrew and Arabic). In 1942 he translated Hitler's Mein Kampf for Houghton Mifflin, with a certain grim satisfaction: "It was the only abominably written book that I made every effort not to improve," he said later. After serving as a private in army intelligence in Europe, Manheim resumed free-lance translating. On the evidence of his sample he was Froebe's choice, Barrett agreed strongly, and at $10 per thousand words (then considered a good rate) he went to work translating almost the entire run of lectures. Ultimately, sixtyseven lectures were published in Manheim's translation, and many others he translated were stockpiled. For the Bollingen Series he also translated works of Neumann, Jacobi, Kerenyi, 139

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Corbin, Bachofen, Auerbach, Valery, Babinger, and Freud— in all, twenty volumes, more than any other translator except for R.F.C. Hull. Meanwhile, living in Paris, he made his career as one of the most prolific, versatile, and expert of American translators. During 1948, the Foundation headquarters were transferred from Washington to New York, Donald Shepard retired, and the executive responsibility thereafter was shared by Barrett and Brooks. The overcrowded rooms on Washington Square had to be vacated; New York University was about to demolish Genius Row and the entire square block in order to build a law school. Pantheon leased offices at 333 Sixth Avenue, a block away, but Bollingen moved three miles uptown, to a renovated brownstone at 140 East Sixtysecond Street, shared with the Old Dominion Foundation. The new premises were occupied on February 23, 1949. In her budget, Olga Froebe had overlooked a few debits, such as a hypothecated mortgage about to fall due. She tried again, in September 1948, to persuade Mellon to buy not only her lakefront property but also the land across the road—a steep wooded hill (where a Druid king was buried, she once told Kerenyi), about six acres, worth in that day's market about $50,000. She hoped to amalgamate Eranos and Bollingen. That had been Mary's intention, she reminded Mellon (who, the previous May, had been married to Rachel Lambert Lloyd). He firmly declined, and wrote Olga's lawyer, "It has always seemed to me that the Eranos Foundation, well established as it is in Switzerland, should be able to obtain more substantial financial support among the Swiss people themselves." Olga Froebe's reaction was panic, in dread that Mellon would withdraw his friendship. He never did, and in autumn 1950 he brought his wife to meet Olga, and they lunched at the round table on the sunny terrace of Casa Gabriella, near the little stone monument that she had erected, inscribed "Genio loci ignoto"—"to the unknown genius of 140

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this place." But throughout the long Lepontine winters, when the idyllic weather more often turned chilly, gloomy, and foggy on the lake shore, Olga brooded alone in her old stone house, planned the next year's program, wrote letters to prospective lecturers, and composed testaments of the meaning of Eranos. Sometimes she sensed incorporeal presences around her—once, that of Richard Wilhelm, dead twenty years, whom she had never met. Since Zimmer's death, Joseph Campbell had made three volumes out of his teacher's literary remains. In 1948 he finished the third, Philosophies of India (XXVI, 1951), based on the notes of one of the Columbia courses. Where there were gaps Campbell reconstructed from the books that he knew Zimmer had used. He also had another resource. As he described it, "I would write down the questions requiring answers in order to carry on the chapter, and I'd close my eyes and ask Zimmer those questions, and I'd take down his answers. His voice was still very much alive to me." Campbell also had the advice of A. K. Coomaraswamy, the Ceylonese-English scholar of Indian religion and art and the perennial philosophy, whom Zimmer had journeyed to Boston to meet when Coomaraswamy was curator of the Indian collection at the Boston Museum of Fine Arts. Zimmer had urged Mary to take him up. Coomaraswamy contributed notes to the Zimmer volumes, which also contain many citations of his works. He was a creative influence, also, on Campbell, Mircea Eliade, Stella Kramrisch, and Kathleen Raine. After Coomaraswamy died at the age of seventy in September 1947, his widow, Dona Luisa, worked for many years on his papers, supported by a continuing Bollingen fellowship and guided at first by Campbell, later by Wallace Brockway. Her work seemed a Penelope's web, never to be completed. When she died in 1970, it was found that she had willed Coomaraswamy's papers and books to the Bollingen Foundation. They were transferred to Princeton University

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and provided the basis for two volumes of papers on art and philosophy, edited by a student of Kramrisch, Roger Lipsey, who also wrote a companion volume on Coomaraswamy's life and work (LXXIX, 1977). Well before he had met Zimmer, Campbell had begun a book of his own, The Hero with a Thousand Faces, the product of his encounter with Freud, Jung, Spengler, Frazer, Frobenius, Coomaraswamy, and other masters. He wrote it under contract to a trade publisher, whose lack of enthusiasm caused Campbell to break the contract and offer The Hero to Kurt Wolff. At first tempted, Wolff rejected the book because he feared its audience would be too limited. (Later, apologizing to Campbell, he told him that in 1917 he had rejected Spengler's Decline of the West.) On Wolff's advice, Campbell sent his manuscript to Bollingen. Its readers were enthusiastic. Brockway: "Its importance can scarcely be over-estimated!" Cairns: "It is certainly the best book of its kind I have read in many a moon." The Hero (XVII, 1949) brought Campbell the National Institute of Arts and Letters award for creative work in literature. Next to the / Ching, it has been the best known Bollingen book and the most successful in the market. Its sales have been far better than satisfactory, nearly 200,000 copies; the paperback edition averages 10,000 copies per year, and there are a number of foreign editions. Inadvertently Campbell produced the kind of archetypal study that Olga Froebe hoped the Eranos Archive would inspire. In November 1949, after a year spent reading all the Eranos Jahrbiicher, Campbell handed in a compendious report, abstracting each of 140 lectures, analyzing them by geography, religion, length, and scientific discipline, and arranging the seventy-eight lectures he considered the best as seven volumes. He argued eloquently for each volume of his scheme. "The reader is carried, at a slow, majestic pace, from the simplest fairy-tale beginnings of the human experience of the power of the spirit to the most recent discoveries of the physicists, and then beyond that to the edge of what we 142

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know."—"The collection has a magnificent sweep and really thrilling quality of clash and argument. The material is amazing, and rises to a kind of climax in the mysteries of the Great Mother." Barrett liked the scheme; Olga Froebe did not, and wrote Campbell that she was "very much upset by your method of taking apart all the volumes and then rearranging them under headings of your own. . . . My upset is not personal. I am not Eranos, I serve it. The speakers at every meeting are a unit, bound by their individual relationship to the central theme and to that dynamic force that we call Eranos. The central theme of every volume is an archetypal idea, and the speakers formulate their lectures within that frame. It is all based on Jung's discovery of the archetypal world, and anyone who has come into contact with archetypal energy will know that he is up against something immensely powerful, immensely alive and creative, in fact the creative forces themselves. The lectures move around a center, not represented by any personality but by an idea that we call Eranos. It stands for the Quest, or for the Self, or the Way of the Soul. Au fond, it escapes definition, being a paradox and an irrational thing." Olga was determined to preserve the original volume structure and to emphasize the turn, after the war, to Christianity and the Mediterranean world. She thought Campbell's approach too rational. He wanted his thematic groups, giving prominence to the Oriental material of the 1930s, and he rejected many of the Great Mother lectures as second-rate. Writing to Barrett at the height of the debate, Olga told him, "I think so often of Mary Mellon in this trouble I am in. Her intuition about Eranos was so remarkable. She was hasty, sudden, unbalanced often in her ideas, but back of them was still that rare insight into those things that are important for the new forms of culture. She knew exactly what Eranos was when she came here in 1938." The solution was an inevitable compromise. Six volumes of "Papers from the Eranos Yearbooks" were eventually published (XXX, 1954-1968), some based closely on certain yearbooks, others assembled from 143

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various volumes. The prefaces expressed only concord between Olga Froebe and Campbell, the true "sympathy of all things" that she liked to invoke. Campbell attended the Eranos conference of 1953 as a listener and returned in 1957 and 1959 to lecture himself. After his first visit, Olga Froebe urged that the Bollingen Foundation establish an Eranos-like program in the United States under the direction of Campbell and his wife, Jean Erdman, the dancer. As she wrote Paul Mellon, "The Daimon that rules and energizes Eranos, the 'Genius loci ignotus' to whom Jung told me to erect a stone . . . has been the guiding and impelling force in the whole work. Mary felt this the first time she came here, and it was this influence that also gripped her when she planned an Eranos in America. Do you remember?" An Eranos in America was not to be. During Olga Froebe's late years, however, she was honored in her own country. Eranos had attracted the attention of Queen Juliana, whose hobby was the phenomenology of religions. She invited Olga Froebe to a teatime conversation in her study, where all the Jahrbiicher stood on a bookshelf. For several years the Queen sent one of her ladies-in-waiting to Eranos as an observer. And in 1956, the Warburg Institute in London accepted Olga's gift of her entire pictorial archive. She gave photographic duplicates of the archive (made at Bollingen expense) to the Jung Institute in Zurich and the Foundation in New York. The Foundation's set was put in the care of Jessie E. Fraser, a Jungian disciple in New York, who edited, catalogued, and expanded its contents, on the model of the Index of Christian Art at Princeton University. Rechristened the Archive for Research in Archetypal Symbolism (ARAS), and augmented by photographs from the personal collections of Jung and Jacobi, it was given in 1969 to the C. G. Jung Foundation of New York, where, with study desks, reference books, and card files, and some thirteen thousand photographs, it occupies an entire floor—a far remove from a few hundred photographs in a cupboard of Olga Froebe's bedroom at Casa Gabriella. 144

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Ximena de Angulo, the editor of the first Bollingen Foundation, after its demise worked as an editor of Editions for the Armed Forces, and later as an editor of the literary quarterly Chimera. In 1950 she returned to Ascona and became Olga Froebe's assistant at Eranos besides serving as a liaison with the Foundation in New York. For the home office she wrote an account of the 1950 Eranos meeting. What struck her after being absent since 1939 was that "all the lecturers seem to take the concept of the archetypes for granted. Scarcely a speaker did not refer in this connection to Jung by name. Formerly the wealth of [lecture] material tended to provide empirical evidence for the existence of archetypal images; today, the speakers take the existence of such images for their point of departure. . . . This acceptance of the theory of the collective unconscious advances the fundamental purpose of Eranos in unifying the various branches of learning into one comprehensive science of man." Subsequently, Ximena collaborated in making a film (ironically silent) of the 1951 Eranos meeting, financed by the Bollingen Foundation. In time, however, she withdrew from the work with Olga Froebe, for whom congenial working relations seemed nearly impossible with another woman unless she was a secretary or a servant. Olga invited no woman lecturer after 1938 and was annoyed when the lecturers brought along their wives. She had scarcely any contact with her daughter. These exclusions she justified by her allegiance to Eranos. As she wrote to Ximena, "I know that I have to go my way to the end—alone. There will be no delegating. Eranos and I cannot be separated as long as I live." Through the 1950s, in any event, Ximena de Angulo continued to serve the Bollingen Foundation as an editorial adviser for the "Papers from the Eranos Yearbooks." Olga Froebe survived still another crisis. She often said that Eranos would end with her death, but in the late 1950s she was dazzled by a Swiss writer and philosopher, Walter Robert Corti, who as an editor of the lavish illustrated magazine Du had devoted the issue of April 1955 to Eranos and 145

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Jung. Corti's idee fixe was the Platonic Academy, which he aspired to establish—like Ludwig Derleth and his Utopian community. Olga invited Corti to lecture on his theme and proposed him for a Bollingen fellowship. In 1959 she signed a contract with Corti providing for the union of Eranos and his Academy under his leadership after her death. Almost at once she came to regret her involvement with Corti's project. Only at a great material sacrifice, that is, the hill above the road, where the Druid king lay, she succeeded in extricating Eranos from the projected combination. Nothing came of the Platonic Academy, though Bollingen carried Corti as a fellow until 1965. In one of the confessional ruminations she wrote during the last year or two of her life, alone at Casa Gabriella, Olga Froebe recalled her visit in 1932 to Rudolf Otto, an "experience of timelessness," a "predetermined moment" that led to Eranos. "But the formation of the idea of Eranos may well have begun in my childhood. The scholars came to me in unexpected ways . . . as though I found myself in a zone that was magnetic and drew people of special qualities into the circle. This was astonishing. I was not even learned. . . . Jung would have liked to pull Eranos entirely into his orbit, but the personality cult was not built into fate of Eranos." (That was a notion of Olga's which Jung expressis verbis denied many times.) Yet she was always in search of what Neumann called the "great personalities." The list of men she sought after who never did come, often invited year after year, is revealing. It included A. S. Eddington, Alexis Carrel, Salvador de Madariaga, Robert Briffault, Sir John Woodroffe, Leo Frobenius, Meyer Schapiro, Charles de Tolnay, T. S. Eliot, Pierre Teilhard de Chardin, J. Robert Oppenheimer, Andre Malraux, Erwin Panofsky, and A. J. Toynbee. Her last Eranos conference was that of 1961, on "Man and the Conflicting Orders," in which the participants included a new adherent, Zuckerkandl, and five who formed what she considered her guardian committee: Scholem, Corbin, Read, Eliade, and Portmann. Nearly eighty years old and be146

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reaved by Jung's death two months before, she presided as usual, but had to speak from her chair. In late September she wrote Barrett: "I was very happy about the Tagung, because it showed so much new life . . . new factors, new people, especially young people, some acting together for a renewal of Eranos. The program for next year is almost ready, and things are moving which are new and important. The first fifteen years were against the background of Jung's archetypal teaching, then after the war twelve years against Neumann's vision of the inner man, and now we stand at the beginning of a new phase issuing from Portmann's idea of the union of the humanistic and natural sciences." For 1962, she invited the Harvard physicist Gerald Holton and ten others to speak on the theme "Man, Leader and Led." Over the winter she sank into decline, and she died on April 25, 1962. At a memorial service a little later, her friend Rudolf Ritsema read from the / Ching, and her ashes were interred beside the monument to the "unknown genius of this place" in the garden of Casa Gabriella. The conference that summer took place as she had planned it. Portmann and Ritsema assumed charge of the Eranos Foundation, with the principal support of the Bollingen Foundation until 1967. Eranos, with other means, is now approaching its fiftieth year. Jung's phase of Eranos lasted from the beginning, in 1933, until 1948, when he gave a brief lecture "On the Self" drawn from his work in progress, Mysterium Coniunctionis. He spoke once more, again briefly, in 1951, "On Synchronicity," and attended Eranos for the last time in 1952, an occasion notable for Jung's walking out as Herbert Read opened his first lecture, on contemporary painting, which Jung then disdained. Altogether, Jung lectured fifteen times at Eranos, delivering each time an important statement in the development of his ideas. He was averse to being thought the leader of Eranos, and he once wrote to Olga Froebe: "I would not want it to appear that I was forcing the independent and 147

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voluntary collaboration of the other participants to flow into psychological channels, thus pressing Eranos into my service. It is exceptionally important that each speaker feel he is presenting independentfindingsrather than serving anyone else's purposes." For more than twenty years, from 1946 on, John Barrett attended every Eranos conference; from 1950, Vaun Gillmor always accompanied him, and usually Herbert Read as well. The three represented a source of power—for publishing or for grants—in the world of Jungian psychology and Eranos, and yet they were outside or beyond that world, not themselves to be counted as devotees. Their August sojourn centered on the annual editorial conference with Jung (and after his death, with his heirs) and on Eranos. Particularly for the Bollingen representatives, Ascona was a mixed experience. They were there to discuss editorial business with Olga Froebe, R.F.C. Hull (who attended Eranos faithfully, in a special seat on the terrace), and Bollingen authors among the speakers and audience, with some of whom they became close friends. But, on the Eranos veranda or at the cafe tables along the piazza of the village, they were besieged by aspirants to fellowships and publication—"wasps of every hue and size," Read once said. Just as Mary Mellon had planned, the roll of Eranos lecturers was a source of Bollingen authors, preeminently Zimmer, and later Kerenyi, Neumann, Eliade, Corbin, Suzuki, Scholem, and Massignon. Conversely, Bollingen authors were invited to lecture at Eranos: Campbell, Radin, Goodenough, Read, Zuckerkandl, Hellmut Wilhelm, and Kathleen Raine. After Zimmer, Kerenyi was the first to be taken up as an author. Barrett met him at the 1946 conference, when Kerenyi lectured for the sixth time. He continued to be one of the stars until 1950, after which Olga Froebe proscribed him. In her view, he had become too charismatic. He returned once to the Eranos platform in 1963, after Olga's death. At 148

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the end of the war, Kerenyi and his young family had been living in some hardship in Tegna, a hamlet of stone houses high in the Centovalli, west of Ascona. Politics ruled out a return to Hungary, and a Swiss university appointment was unlikely. Kerenyi earned meager royalties and fees for occasional lectures and for guiding intellectual tourists in Greece and Italy, and his wife, Magda (a scholar of Rilke), did some translating and journalism. Jung and Froebe urged the case of this exiled scholar, and Kerenyi's application also had the support of his longtime friend Thomas Mann. Kerenyi was a Bollingen fellow from 1947 until his death at seventy-six in 1973, expressly for writing works on "Archetypal Images in Greek Religion"; the subsidy enabled him to devote his life to scholarly research and writing. The first volume, Asklepios: Archetypal Image of the Physician's Existence, translated by Manheim, appeared in 1959 (LXV:3), and four volumes followed, on Prometheus, Dionysos, Eleusis, and Zeus and Hera. Since their collaboration as early as 1939 on Essays on a Science of Mythology (XXII, 1949), Kerenyi and Jung had been close. Jung described him as "one who filled the gap left by the death of Wilhelm and Zimmer. He has now supplied such a wealth of connections [of psychology] with Greek mythology that the cross-fertilization of the two branches of science can no longer be doubted." He credited Kerenyi with inspiring his own magnum opus, Mysterium Coniunctionis. Kerenyi, however, asserted that his work with Jung "continued along parallel lines but without in the least deflecting me from my own path" (as he wrote to Mann in 1944). Though he lectured for years at the C. G. Jung Institute and was one of its founders, he set himself apart from the "Jungian school" and explained that for him the word "archetype" was older than psychology, in the sense of "transcendent prototypes of the realities of human existence." And "in these works of mine, 'existence' is not used as it is in existentialist philosophy, but in its simplest and most direct sense." 149

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Mircea Eliade, born in Rumania in 1907, interrupted his studies at the University of Bucharest to spend four years at the University of Calcutta and in an ashram in the Himalayas, in research for his Ph.D. dissertation on yoga. He wrote fiction, taught, and during the war served abroad in the Rumanian diplomatic corps. When peace came, he elected to stay in the West, and led a precarious existence in Paris, writing and occasionally lecturing in the Sorbonne. As early as 1936 he had begun a correspondence with A. K. Coomaraswamy, who in 1947, when Eliade was nearly destitute, found him a job teaching French in an Arizona preparatory school; but it ended after Coomaraswamy's death. Henry Corbin, the Iranologist, whom Eliade had come to know in Paris, saw him as a possibility for Eranos, after his own debut there in 1949. He observed that Eliade had begun to write on the philosophical meaning of alchemy during the early 1930s, even before Jung had. Olga Froebe invited Eliade to speak at the 1950 conference, where he was an immediate success. Jung, who questioned him intently, told Olga that he thought it was Eliade who might fill Zimmer's place as a specialist on Hinduism (he actually talked, over the years, on many subjects, just as Zimmer would have done). Eliade recorded in his journal his fascination with the milieu of Eranos, which seemed to him "part worldly, part theosophical." Upon meeting Gershom Scholem, he found that Scholem had read all of his books. He liked Paul Radin, with his "great good humor, merchant's bald head, and enormous belly," and Radin's wife, Doris, who had seen an "amiable" dragon in the garden of Casa Gabriella. He mentioned Kerenyi, speaking without notes, theatrically, and the audience following with "a suspiciously devout silence"; and Jung, unpretentious, a good listener, uttering bitter reproaches of the "official science" that had not taken cognizance of him. When Barrett met him, Eliade, who had been robbed in Paris, had a single suitcase of belongings, and, while awaiting the verdict on his fellowship application, he was close to desperation. In December 1950, Eliade became a Bollingen fellow, at 150

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$200 per month, and he also soon joined the inner circle of Eranos, returning to lecture nearly every year until 1963, and often coming out of season to visit. He was a confidant of Olga Froebe, one of the very few persons to whom she talked about her earlier life. She told Eliade and his wife that they were occupying the bedroom which had been Alice Bailey's in the early 1930s. A Tibetan monk would come through the window in the night, until Alice Bailey dispelled his shade by reciting a ritual. Olga recalled the Theosophists, spiritualists, and occultists she had known, and then, with pride, the scholars, psychologists, philosophers, and orientalists. She told Eliade how in 1936, using glasses of wine and his ring engraved with the name "Abraxas," Jung had performed a curious "Gnostic rite" that made a bond between them. From her "strange and incongruous" library Olga loaned Eliade theosophical thrillers by Talbot Mundy. Years later, Eliade paid tribute to Eranos as "one of the most creative cultural experiences of the modern Western world. Nowhere else is to be found a comparable sustained effort of scholars to integrate, in one all-embracing perspective, the progress made in all the various fields of study." At their first meeting, Barrett expressed his interest in Eliade's book Le My the de Veternel retour, published shortly before. Its translation was assigned to Willard R. Trask, another of the uncommon translators for the Bollingen Series. Born in Berlin in 1900 of American parents, Trask not only mastered the languages of Western Europe but delved into Old French, Latin, Catalan, Finnish, Wendish, and some others. From Trask's hand camefiveworks in the Series from French, four from German, and with a Bollingen subvention he also translated Erich Auerbach's Mimesis for Princeton University Press. As a Bollingen fellow Trask translated medieval Portuguese and Galician poetry and compiled a two-volume anthology of primitive poetry. He had a marked influence on young writers and translators. Eliade's Myth of the Eternal Return (XLVI, 1954) established his name in the United States; its various editions 151

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(one was entitled Cosmos and History) have sold more than 100,000 copies. Two more books of Eliade's, translated by Trask, appeared in the Series: Yoga: Immortality and Freedom (LVI, 1958) and Shamanism: Archaic Techniques of Ecstasy (LXXVI, 1964); three essays, translated by Manheim, were in the Eranos volumes. In 1956, Eliade was invited to deliver the Haskell Lectures at the University of Chicago, and subsequently he was appointed professor of the history of religion there. He has led an important American scholarly movement in the interpretation of myth and religion, and, besides his works in Bollingen Series, many others of his scholarly books as well as his novels have been published in translation under other auspices. Eliade's sponsor at Eranos, Henry Corbin, had been introduced in turn by Louis Massignon, and he continued as an Eranos speaker until 1976, two years before his death at seventy-five. During much of his academic career, Corbin divided his year between Paris, where he was professor of Islamic religion at the Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes, and Teheran, where he taught in the Imperial Iranian Academy of Philosophy, of which the empress was a patron. Corbin's scholarship was rigorous, esoteric, unique, and heterodox; his lectures were renowned for their difficulty. Barrett called them "pure Mozart." Corbin earned a Bollingen fellowship in 1959, for studies in the phenomenology of Iranian religious consciousness. His Avicenna and the Visionary Recital, a study of the mysticism and psychology of a Persian philosopher and physician of the eleventh century, was published the next year in Trask's translation (LXVI). Two more books by Corbin, on aspects of Sufism, were published in the 1970s. Gershom Scholem was the most independent-spirited of the Eranos regulars. When Olga first invited him to lecture in 1947 he had misgivings, which he discussed with Leo Baeck, the former rabbi of Berlin. Baeck had remained as rabbi of the Jewish remnant until 1943, when he was sent to the concentration camp at Theresienstadt. When he was freed 152

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in 1945, he emigrated to London. The following year, on a visit to Zurich, he demurred from getting in touch with Jung, though he had known him since the late 1920s, when they had attended Keyserling's School of Wisdom at Darmstadt. On the basis of that acquaintance, Baeck would not have credited Jung with Nazi or anti-Semitic sentiments, but Jung's associations and utterances in the early 1930s had caused him to doubt. Jung, however, sought Baeck out at his hotel. In a long talk, Baeck reproached Jung, who defended himself but at the same time admitted, "Well, I slipped up." They were reconciled, and at Jung's prompting Olga Froebe invited Baeck to lecture at the 1947 Eranos conference. Baeck advised Scholem to accept an invitation, and he did so in 1949, the year after another Israeli, Neumann, first lectured. Scholem continued to return in nearly every successive year. During Jung's lifetime, the two enjoyed a warm intellectual friendship. Jung's discussion of Kabbalism in his late works is indebted to Scholem and to Scholem's colleague R. J. Zwi Werblowsky. Scholem on his part was reserved. Although he developed many of his insights into the Kabbalah in his Eranos lectures and was personally close to the other lecturers, he has stated: "In treating the history and world of the Kabbalah, using the conceptual terminology of psychoanalysis—either the Freudian or the Jungian version—did not seem fruitful to me. Even though I should have had a strong affinity to Jung's concepts, which were close to religious concepts, I refrained from using them [and] I particularly avoided using the theory of archetypes." Scholem was born in Berlin in 1897. He became a Zionist in 1911, in an expression of revolt against his Jewish family's bourgeois way of life. For a time he came under the influence of Martin Buber. He learned Hebrew and studied the tradition, which led him to Kabbalah, the world of mystical teachings in Judaism. In 1923 he emigrated to Palestine, where he was one of the first European Jews to be granted citizenship. He eventually became professor of Jewish mysticism at Hebrew University in Jerusalem and published ground-break153

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ing studies in his field. In the 1930s Scholem's scholarship turned to a new focus on Sabbatai Sevi, a kabbalist rabbi of seventeenth-century Smyrna, who aroused a messianic movement that spread over the Jewish world. The movement collapsed when its leader was forced to convert to Islam, though a clandestine sect survived. It was Kurt Wolff who, at the 1952 Eranos, urged Scholem to apply for a Bollingen fellowship, which enabled him to complete the original Hebrew edition of his book on Sabbatai Sevi, published in Jerusalem in 1957. Radin alerted Barrett to its importance, and the Foundation supported its masterful translation by Werblowsky, whose work was unavoidably slowed by his obligations in the university and as an officer in the Israeli army. The English version, Sabbatai Sevi: The Mystical Messiah, finally published in 1973 (XCIII), embodied a great deal of new scholarship and was opened up to English readers by Werblowsky's supplementary annotation. Scholem regarded the Bollingen edition as a highlight of his scholarship. At the only Eranos conference she attended, in 1939, Mary Mellon encountered three spellbinders: Zimmer, the young Gnostic scholar Allberry, and Massignon. Massignon's work on the Muslim mystic al-Hallaj seemed a sure prospect for the program she was determined to launch. Allberry and Zimmer died in Mary's time, but Massignon was on her horizon in 1946, when she told John Barrett to seek him out at Eranos and persuade him to write an introduction to the Muqaddimah, a project that proved to be distant from Massignon's chief interests. Barrett was gripped by the man, however, his compelling talk and his mystical allegiances, and he resolved to publish him. Massignon lectured for the last time in 1955, when he violated Olga Froebe's ban on politics by declaring his support of Algerian independence; she did not again invite him. Through his eighteen years at Eranos, Massignon had formed a warm mutuality with Jung, though he was in no way a Jungian. When Massignon held forth at the round table, Jung listened intently, and he was in debt to him for the theme of El Khidr, "the green one," from the 154

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Koran, on which he based his impromptu lecture "On Rebirth" at the 1939 Eranos. (Curiously, however, there is not a reference to Massignon in Jung's published works.) In late 1952, Massignon spent four months in North America. He lectured at many universities—Columbia, Chicago, Berkeley, Princeton, McGill—and in New York visited his Jesuit friend, Teilhard de Chardin, who was in poor health. He called on Barrett, at the Bollingen offices, pointedly conversing in English for practice. In New Orleans he encountered Alexis Leger, to whom he was distantly related. Massignon devoted his last years to the amplification of his work on alHallaj and to dedicated political activism against the war in Algeria. He died in 1962 at the age of seventy-nine. On his deathbed he said, "Please make al-Hallaj known to others." His disciple Herbert Mason wrote, "He was a prophetic presence whose words and light were rare and precious to know, and which were nurtured always and to the end by tireless energy and self-discipline." Massignon had begun Arabic studies at twenty, and two years later, at the French Archaeological Institute of Cairo in 1906, he first learned of the Persian saint, Husayn ibn Mansur al-Hallaj, who died a martyr in A.D. 922 for having dared to affront orthodoxy by personalizing Islam. Massignon gave the following years to scholarly and religious studies and, during the First World War, to military and political assignments in the Near East. In 1922 he published his doctoral thesis, La Passion d'al-Halldj, which became a classic of the history of religion and of mysticism. In 1939, Massignon told Mary Mellon about the revised edition he was at work on, and in 1946 she urged Barrett to be alert for news of its completion. Massignon told Barrett, at Eranos, that he hoped it would finally appear in Bollingen Series. At Massignon's death, however, the work was unfinished and the project was thought to be lost. Soon afterward, Walter Muir Whitehill, the director of the Boston Athenaeum, wrote Barrett—coincidentally—recommending that Massignon's work be translated by a young poet, Herbert Mason, who, while 155

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living in Paris during the late 1950s, had come to know Massignon. The great man had so fired Mason with enthusiasm for Islamic studies that he took up graduate work in Arabic at Harvard. Mason was in touch with Massignon's son Daniel and daughter Genevieve, who had undertaken to complete their father's work. Years passed before anything could result. Only in 1968, the French publisher Gallimard had the French edition in galleys. Though the Bollingen Foundation had begun to disband, the Massignon work was adopted as one of the last projects, and Mason was put under contract as translator and editor. The painstaking operation moved slowly, in Boston, where Mason had become a professor at Boston University, and in Paris, where the Massignon family were in vigilant consultation with him. The four volumes of The Passion of al-Hallaj ultimately achieved publication in 1982. The Zen Buddhist master Daisetz Teitaro Suzuki was in his eighties when Olga Froebe invited him to lecture at Eranos. He had been proposed in 1951 by Max Knoll, a physicist at Princeton University, and by Christmas Humphreys, president of the Buddhist Society of England. For many years Jung had corresponded with Suzuki and collected his books. In 1939, Jung wrote an extended foreword to the German translation (by Heinrich Zimmer) of Suzuki's Introduction to Zen Buddhism. Suzuki attended the 1953 Eranos conference, assisted by a Bollingen travel grant, which also provided for his American secretary-companion, Mihoko Okamura. Olga Froebe lodged them in the apartment above the lecture hall, where the Jungs had formerly stayed. Zen devotees would steal upstairs to leave flowers or ask for a cup of the master's bathwater. Suzuki's rambling and enigmatic lecture was a calm interlude at Eranos. Another 1953 lecturer, Ernst Benz, theologian and historian of religion, recalled how at the end of the week the speakers and audience hurried away in all directions, while Suzuki lingered, because there would be a full moon the next night and he wanted to contemplate it from the veranda of Casa Eranos, 156

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as it rose over the mountains and was reflected in the lake. And yet, before and after each Eranos conference, Suzuki traveled around Europe lecturing and conversing with other thinkers—Jung, Heidegger, Jaspers, Toynbee, Gabriel Marcel. Herbert Read, who first met him at Eranos, called Suzuki "a legendary figure in Europe, the typical wise man of the East, remote, serene, far removed from our materialistic civilization and material philosophy." From Barrett's Eranos encounter with Suzuki came the decision to publish a new edition of a 1938 work, the stock of which had been destroyed in the Tokyo air raids. Revised and enlarged, it appeared in 1959 as Zen and Japanese Culture (LXIV), with chapters on swordsmanship, the tea ceremony, haiku, and other aspects of Zen. Suzuki was born in Japan in 1870. Having learned English in school, he was a delegate to the Parliament of Religions at the Chicago World's Fair in 1893. He remained in America for fifteen years as an editor-translator for the Open Court Publishing Company. After returning to Japan, he spent forty years in university teaching and writing, and became an authority on Buddhist philosophy. From 1949 on, he lived mostly in the West, lecturing at Columbia, Harvard, and elsewhere, and traveling widely. He died in Japan in 1966, shortly after assuming the editorship of a journal, The Eastern Buddhist. Suzuki's influence, together with that of Nancy Wilson Ross, helped foster the Bollingen Foundation's interest in Buddhism and particularly Zen. Suzuki himself received a fellowship in 1956 in order to prepare a volume of mondo, enlightenment anecdotes, and a Zen glossary in English. On his advice the Foundation granted funds to the Blaisdell Institute, of Claremont, California, for the translation of a fifteenthcentury Chinese Zen classic, The Transmission of the Lamp. Another Bollingen fellow and Eranos lecturer, Chang Chungyuan, was responsible for the book, published in 1969 as Original Teachings of Ch'an Buddhism (Pantheon). Bollingen supported publications of the First Zen Institute of 157

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America in Japan and gave fellowships for Buddhist studies to Gerald Heard, Chen-chi Chiang, Gary Snyder, Senchi Murano, Alan Watts, and A. W. MacDonald. Conversely, there were the lecturers who arrived at the Eranos lectern through their connection with the Bollingen Foundation. One was Herbert Read, who, at first reluctant to accept an invitation ("he seems rather afraid of the archetypes," Olga Froebe observed to Barrett in 1948), did so in 1952. From 1956 to 1964 (four years before his death) he was a regular lecturer. Others of Bollingen provenience were Paul Radin, who lectured on North American Indian myths in 1949 and 1950; Joseph Campbell, in 1957 and 1959; Erwin R. Goodenough, invited in 1951; and Victor Zuckerkandl, whom Froebe invited in 1960. Zuckerkandl returned each year through 1964 and eventually made his home at Casa Gabriella, where he died in spring 1965. His Eranos lectures went into his book Man the Musician (part two of Sound and Symbol), but he was unable to complete a study of the sketchbooks of Beethoven, for which he had a Bollingen fellowship. Hellmut Wilhelm, the son of the translator of the / Ching, Richard Wilhelm, lectured at seven conferences between 1951 and 1967, always on aspects of the / Ching. He had spent his boyhood in China, completed his education in Germany, and returned to teach at the National University of Peking. During the Japanese occupation he lived in seclusion, writing and studying. His book Change, lectures on the / Ching that he gave to a group of Europeans stranded under the occupation, was translated by Cary Baynes and published (LXII) in 1960. Wilhelm, a professor at the University of Washington in Seattle, held two Bollingen fellowships for studies in Chinese philosophy. Bollingen fellowships were awarded to still other Eranos lecturers: Hans Banziger, Swiss analytical psychologist; Ernst Benz, German historian of Asian and Russian Orthodox religion; Fritz Meier, Swiss Orientalist; Ira Progoff, American psychotherapist; John Layard, British anthropologist; Gilles 158

ERANOS, JUNG, AND THE MYTHIC Quispel, Dutch scholar of Gnosticism; Kathleen Raine, the poet; and Rudolf Ritsema, not a lecturer but the codirector of Eranos after Olga Froebe's death and a student of the / Ching. During 1946, Natacha Rambova pressed on with her symbolistic researches, under Bollingen patronage, along with her classes, analytical practice, astrological counseling, and public lectures. In December, two months after Mary Mellon died, she applied for a grant to do research in Egypt on the symbolic designs carved on ancient scarabs made of stone or gem. "The material," she explained, "would provide proof of the link between the beliefs of Egypt and the ancient American cultures—in many ways explaining material Maud has been collecting." In February 1947, shortly after her fiftieth birthday, Rambova sailed for Egypt, where she was to spend most of the next five years on successive Bollingen fellowships. In Cairo, Luxor, and Aswan, she sought out dealers, collectors, museum keepers, tribal sheikhs, Coptic priests, and archaeologists. She sent a long typewritten report to Barrett every month, in which, remembering his affection for Egypt, she included colorful vignettes of the local scene. At Luxor, her friendship twelve years earlier with Howard Carter helped her make useful contacts. She went to Switzerland in the summer for a rest at a resort near Geneva, where she wrote another long report in which she described a popular festival she had visited near the Pyramids. "The strange chants had been handed down since time immemorial, and ancient Egyptian words could be distinguished. I remembered years before, Howard Carter translating words from a chant the workmen were using at the temple of Luxor. As they heaved their burdens they called on their ancient god Amon to give them strength." She was reading Jung and thought of going to see him and attending Eranos, but "this did not seem to be in the pattern of things." She never met either Jung or Olga Froebe. After returning to Egypt, despite

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a cholera epidemic, she made collecting trips to the Delta and the Oasis of Fayum. The American University invited her to give a talk to the faculty on visual education, for which the American Embassy commended her. She had slight regard, however, for academic archaeologists. In one of her reports she wrote that, while archaeologists had endless patience for unearthing detail, "the analysis of this religious, symbolic, and psychological material is done by minds that are completely unequipped to understand either the breadth, religious feeling, philosophic outlook, or psychology of the people whose religious and cultural remains they so glibly analyze." Nonetheless, Rambova met an Egyptologist whom she found promising. While she was working in the library of the French Institute of Archaeology, the director, Alexandre Piankoff, became interested in her research, and suggested she look at his translation of the Book of Caverns. "To my amazement," Rambova wrote Barrett, "I found that it contains all the most important esoteric material. I can only compare it to the Coptic Pistis Sophia, the Tibetan Voice of the Silence, and the Hindu Sutras of Patanjali. It is what I have been searching for for years." She put aside the scarabs and began to translate Piankoff's French version of the Book of Caverns, one of the great religious compositions of ancient Egypt. One of two complete versions of it is on the walls of the tomb of Ramesses VI in the Valley of the Kings. "I feel there is no question that this was the main purpose and point of my work here in Egypt," Natacha wrote. In late November, Maud Oakes joined Rambova in Egypt. Her Bollingen fellowship had been extended for writing her book on Todos Santos, and she also wanted to study ancient Egyptian symbolism. The two went to Luxor, where Piankoff had arranged their entree to tombs closed to the public. Maud became interested in Egyptian esoterica, while continuing to work on her own book. Writing Barrett in March 1948, she said that the most important thing the Foundation could do was to support the recording of the representations in the tombs. 160

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Rambova's fellowship was again renewed, for the translation of the Book of Caverns. But now her design became grander. With the support of Father Etienne Drioton, the director general of the Egyptian Service of Antiquities, she proposed that the Foundation sponsor the recording of the entire tomb of Ramesses VI, under Piankoff's supervision. In September 1948 Piankoff was awarded a two-year fellowship, which the Foundation carried for the remaining seventeen years of his life. Alexandre Piankoff, born in St. Petersburg in 1897, was taken as a boy to see the collection of the great Egyptologist V. S. Golenischeff at the Hermitage Museum, and that decided him on his career. He studied Egyptology, Arabic, Persian, Turkish, and Coptic in Berlin and at the Sorbonne, where he earned his doctorate. During the 1930s, he worked under Thomas Whittemore for the Byzantine Institute in Paris, Istanbul, and Cairo, became a French citizen, and studied tomb inscriptions in the Valley of the Kings. In the Second World War, he was mobilized and then, in 1940, invalided to Egypt, where he remained as a member of the French Institute and representative of the National Center for Scientific Research. His stipend was not generous, and the Bollingen fellowship enabled him to survive as a scholar, and a productive one. He was a man of unusually varied interests, broad learning, wry wit, and linguistic virtuosity. Natacha Rambova, back in New York in 1949, induced the Foundation to enlarge the project. Piankoff's work on the tomb of Ramesses VI was combined with a plan to record and translate the Pyramid Texts in the nine Fifth- and Sixth-Dynasty pyramids at Sakkara, south of Cairo; furthermore, to collect enigmatic, astronomical, and symbolic texts and representations from a variety of tombs, sarcophagi, and papyri that would enable the reconstruction of little known religious rites and beliefs; and to prepare an edition of the Book of the Dead. Thus the Bollingen Egyptian Expedition came into being. Its budget, prepared by Rambova, provided for three years of activity, with the requisite cameras, floodlights, ladders, supplies, and a station wagon. About $50,000 161

BOLLINGEN

was allocated. Piankoff was director, assisted by Elizabeth Thomas, a graduate of the Oriental Institute at Chicago, who was to collect and translate the Pyramid Texts and write commentaries. Rambova, besides being the expedition's executive officer, would collect comparative material, reconstruct and analyze the texts and diagrams, and supervise the photography and art work. A photographer, L. F. Husson, and an artist and draftsman, Mark Hasselriis, who had already spent a season at Chicago House in Luxor, were recruited. When the party gathered on October 6, 1949, at the Mena House Hotel, near the Pyramids, to plan the Sakkara campaign, Elizabeth Thomas had disastrous news: though the Egyptian Service of Antiquities had authorized their work in the nine pyramids, it had not been made clear that eight of them were inaccessible because of drifted sand. The Service had, perhaps, hoped that the American expedition would clear the sand—a huge engineering operation. Only the pyramid of King Unas (twenty-fourth century B.C.) could be entered, and it stayed in the plan. As that was the earliest pyramid with inscriptions, and thus one of the oldest literary monuments of the world, there was still important work to be done. But priority was given to photographing the tomb of Ramesses VI, and the expedition repaired to Luxor for the winter season. Elizabeth Thomas shortly afterward withdrew because of a difference of views on methodology, Piankoff remained in Cairo most of the time, and Rambova was in full charge in Luxor. In the summer of 1950, Rambova made a trip to Mallorca, where she had lived as the Condesa de Urzaiz in the 1930s. When work resumed in the fall, Hasselriis made drawings in Cairo of the representations on the funerary shrines of TutAnkh-Amon in the Cairo Museum, while Husson, under Rambova's direction, photographed the inscriptions in the pyramid of Unas and then departed, his work being complete. Piankoff had completed his translation (into English, in which he was fluent) of the texts in the tomb of Ramesses VI, which comprised virtually complete versions of other great 162

ERANOS, JUNG, AND THE MYTHIC

religious compositions—the Book of Gates, the Book of What Is in the Netherworld, the Book of Day, and the Book of Night. Rambova organized the complex body of material —translation, commentary, annotation, photographs, and drawings—and shaped it as a book. In late 1951 she was in New York, working with the Bollingen editors, including Wallace Brockway, who wrote in a report to Barrett: "This earnest, impassioned woman has a genius for exhaustive recapitulation. I have the most unqualified admiration for her. Were Miss Rambova to be given her head, Egypt would all but submerge our activities." The publications of the Expedition, "Egyptian Religious Texts and Representations" (Bollingen Series XL), were "prepared under the supervision of Alexandre Piankoff, and edited by N. Rambova." The first volume, The Tomb of Ramesses VI, was published in 1954: a volume of texts (461 pages, with two facsimile paintings in color, the work of Maimai Sze) and a portfolio of 196 photographic plates giving an entire record of the tomb. Volume 2, The Shrines of TutAnkh-Amon, the next year, was devoted to the texts and representations on the four gold-encrusted shrines that enclosed the king's sarcophagus; its illustrations included two "gold facsimile" plates. During the preparation of volume 3, Mythological Papyri, a conflict between Piankoff and Rambova surfaced. She had always expected that the books would be vehicles for her commentaries on religious symbolism, in order to provide material on the ancient mysteries for students of religion, philosophy, and psychology. Piankoff was equally determined that her interpretations not be applied to his scholarly work. In Mythological Papyri, Rambova was allotted a separate chapter, under her name, on the symbolism of the papyri. A book-shaped box held thirty-one papyri on folding collotype plates, some as much as ten feet long. After volume 3, Rambova withdrew from the project to concentrate on her own studies. Having come into a bequest from her mother, she moved to a country house in Connecticut and devoted much of her energy to collecting the 163

BOLLINGEN

art not only of Egypt but of the Himalayas and Luristan. Three more volumes of the project were published under Piankoff's name alone, though each of them benefited from Rambova's original work. Piankoff dedicated volume 4, The Litany of Re, to her. He had nearly completed volume 5, The Pyramid of Unas, and volume 6, The Wandering of the Soul, and he was beginning work on his translation of The Book of the Dead, when he died of a heart attack in Brussels, on July 20, 1966, never having learned that Natacha Rambova had died the previous June 5 in a sanitarium at Pasadena, California. The last two volumes were seen through the press posthumously by fellow Egyptologists: volume 5 by Bernard V. Bothmer (1968) and volume 6 by Helen Jacquet-Gordon (1974). Rambova's book on "The Myth Pattern in Ancient Symbolism," which Mary Mellon had encouraged her to write and which continued to preoccupy her through the 1950s, never achieved publication or, in her own view, perfection. She hoped for Jung's approval, and when he saw an outline, he commented, "The book ought to be quite fabulous . . . but I just cannot see how such a mass of material out of all times and places could be dealt with. Can this lady possibly be a connoisseur of hieroglyphics, cuneiform texts, western antiquity, the middle ages, not to speak of the primitives and, not least, of modern man?" He handed over a sample, the section on Number Symbolism, to his pupil, Marie-Louise von Franz, to read from "a scientific standpoint." She reported that the material was grounded on a "wrong basic hypothesis," and if Rambova would come to Zurich, she would work with her to put the book right. Rambova rejected the advice. Radin and Campbell felt that the book merited publication, but the Foundation deferred a decision. Rambova left a typescript of more than one thousand pages, with numerous drawings by Hasselriis and photographs from her original symbolic archive. She bestowed her art collections and her books on museums and on students. The Philadelphia Museum of Art has her Tibetan and Nepalese art in the 164

ERANOS, JUNG, AND THE MYTHIC

"Natacha Rambova Gallery," and her Egyptian collection is in the museum of the University of Utah. Rambova's influence was also felt through her pupils, Maud Oakes most prominently. Another was Mai-mai Sze, born in China in 1910. Her father was ambassador in Washington and in London, and her education was Western. She made her mark as a painter, and met the then Mary Brown and Maud Oakes in the New York art milieu of the mid-1930s. Maud introduced her to Rambova's classes, which Mai-mai Sze attended regularly for several years. Coomaraswamy, Mary Mellon, and Rambova encouraged her project of translating a seventeenth-century Chinese classic, The Mustard Seed Garden Manual of Painting. In 1950 she was granted a three-year fellowship, and four years later the manuscript was submitted, subjected to scholarly scrutiny, approved, and in due course published under the title The Tao of Painting: A Study of the Ritual Disposition of Chinese Painting (XLIX, 1956). It was a noteworthy piece of bookmaking. The Manual, in a volume of some 500 pages, reproduced all the pages of the Chinese edition, accompanied by translation. Another volume was given to Sze's introductory essay, which set forth the Taoist philosophical background and the symbolism of the Manual, illustrated by eleven Chinese paintings in American collections reproduced in collotype. Among the students in Rambova's classes were the Taoist scholar Chung-yuan Chang, who translated The Transmission of the Lamp, and the costume designer Irene Sharaff, who Rambova considered her keenest student. The painter Buffie Johnson was a member for several years. Mark Hasselriis faithfully attended and later propagated Rambova's ideas through public lectures of his own. Besides his careful brush drawings for the volumes of Egyptian Religious Texts and Representations, his work appeared in several other volumes of the Series, notably Joseph Campbell's The Mythic Image. Dorothy Norman, authority on photography and on

165

BOLLINGEN

India, attended the classes, and it was she who introduced Stella Kramrisch, whom she had met in India. Kramrisch, of Austrian origin, studied in Vienna and Oxford, and as a young woman went to India at the invitation of Rabindranath Tagore to teach in his college. She became professor of Indian art in the University of Calcutta, knew Coomaraswamy, and followed his work and Zimmer's. In 1950 the Bollingen Foundation made a contribution to the University of Pennsylvania so that Kramrisch could be brought over to teach and do research. A fellowship followed, its funds being drawn partly from the budget of the Egyptian Religious Texts project, as Kramrisch's work "is related to and will be of value to that project." Kramrisch made weekly trips from Philadelphia to attend Rambova's class in zodiacal and number symbolism. It was she, in turn, who guided Rambova's collection of Himalayan art. For more than ten years the Foundation supported Kramrisch's project of research in the religious symbolism underlying Indian thought. Its culmination was an exhibition, "Manifestations of Shiva," at the Philadelphia Museum of Art in 1981. After Maud Oakes's sojourn in Egypt during the winter of 1947-48, she went to Big Sur, where she had bought a house overlooking the Pacific. There she finished writing The Two Crosses of Todos Santos, then devoted herself to study and painting, except for an interlude in New York in spring 1949, when she attended Rambova's class on astronomical symbolism in the Mysteries. In the ensuing years she was a constant Bollingen fellow. Her luck ran against her, however. In 1950 she planned to go to India and study the religion and symbolism of a primitive people, the Nagas, but because of an uprising she abruptly changed her terrain to Peru, where she intended to study the remains of Inca culture. A jeep and photographic equipment were shipped from San Francisco, and in April, with a Peruvian woman companion, Maud started out from Lima. High in the Andes, in a driving rainstorm at night, the jeep struck a washout and rolled down the mountainside. Both women were injured, the venture 166

ERANOS, JUNG, AND THE MYTHIC

was abandoned, and Maud returned to New York with a fractured neck. After recovering, she went to Zurich. Her interest had veered to Jung, in particular to the large stone cube he had carved with symbols and Latin texts at his Bollingen tower. Returning to Big Sur, she entered Jungian analysis and buried herself in Jung's writings; the New York office sent her galley proofs of the collected volumes in progress. Intermittently she returned to her Navaho interest: She gave illustrated lectures and contributed sandpaintings and a recorded myth to Leland C. Wyman's Beautyway: A Navaho Ceremonial (LIII, 1957). In 1954 she resumed her study of the Maya and decided to tackle the problem of deciphering the Mayan glyphs. All her paintings, papers, and books perished when her house at Big Sur burned down. After a roundthe-world trip in 1956, with her godchild Cathy Mellon, Maud returned to the subject of Jung's stone at Bollingen, and she went again to Switzerland to study it and talk with Jung. Upon returning to California, she ultimately completed her book on "The Stone"—in effect, her own story, and perhaps her best work, as yet unpublished. To go back some years: The project of the Popol Vuh, the pre-Columbian sacred book that Flavio Rodas, in Guatemala, was translating from Quiche to Spanish, required philological scrutiny. Harriet de Onis, a professional translator that Alfred Knopf recommended, and her husband, Federico de Onis, a noted Hispanist at Columbia University, were sent to Guatemala to appraise Rodas's work. Their report was discouraging, and Paul Radin, commenting as an ethnologist, agreed. The Foundation terminated the project with a final payment to Rodas "in the nature of a gift." The Popol Vuh had nevertheless exemplified Mary Mellon's curiosity about the data of anthropology, prehistory, social history, religion, those fertile fields for the detection of the archetypal. She was guided by Jung's view that the elements of man's collective unconscious could be traced through the information those 167

BOLLINGEN

disciplines provided. Accordingly, the Bollingen enterprise enlisted such people as Paul Radin, whose unusually broad interests, fields of authority, and tolerances made him a valuable adviser. Neither a Jungian nor an esotericist, he nevertheless could view emanations of the transcendental with patience and sympathy—thus his generous estimate of the worth of Rambova's work. His primary concern was anthropology tempered with philosophy, and for fifteen years, while the Foundation perennially renewed his fellowship, he kept at research and writing of his own while continuing to give advice. The Foundation created an imprint in 1949, Special Publications, expressly for technical monographs by Radin, eventually issuing five, mostly about the Winnebago. Another specialism, the anthropology of Africa, involved him in 1946 with Pantheon to edit a book on African folk tales uniform with the Pantheon editions of the Grimms' and Russian fairy tales. Bollingen took over the project, which was enlarged to include primitive art. Radin collected eighty-odd tales from all over sub-Saharan Africa, and James Johnson Sweeney, the art historian, collector, and museum director, supplied some 160 photographs (mostly by Eliot Elisofon and Walker Evans) of African masks, figures, heads, and implements. African Folktales and Sculpture (XXII, 1952), a large book with a handsome Kauffer jacket, contained introductory essays by Radin and Sweeney that are quite innocent of psychological analysis. Radin and his wife moved in 1952 to Lugano, Switzerland, along with most of his library. Among other writings he produced a study of the trickster motif in American Indian folklore, which was published with psychological and mythological commentaries by, respectively, Jung and Kerenyi. From that distance he continued to report on manuscripts and fellowship applications, and in letters to Barrett he dwelt on matters of Bollingen interest. In early 1953, he described a visit to Jung, who had had a heart attack and talked constantly of dying and of his disappointment that the Collected Works would not have begun publication before his death. 168

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1 Mary Mellon, 1938. Oil on canvas, by Gerald L. Brockhurst

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4 Mary Conover Brown, photographed by George Platt Lynes, about 1934

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6 John Barrett, Venice, about 1935

7 Jung's tower at Bollingen as it appeared at about the time of the Mellons' visit in 1938

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8 Mary, Paul, and Cathy at Ascona, 1939

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10 Paul Mellon and Heinrich Zimmer, Eranos 1939 11 Mary Mellon with two Eranos guests, 1939

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13 Olga Froebe-Kapteyn and C. G. Jung, Eranos 1933

14 An Eranos picnic, 1935: Gustav Heyer, Jung, Cary Baynes, and Toni Wolff

16 Symbolic device at Casa Eranos, by Olga Froebe

15 Jolande Jacobi and Heyer, Eranos 1935

17 Genio loci ignoto; "To the unknown genius of this place"

18 (Top) Mary Mellon al Oak Spring, around 1944 19 (LW7) Mary, around 1946

20 "Genius Row." 41 Washington Square South is the second house from the right. The Villager, September 25, 1947

21 Stanley Young and Nancy Wilson Ross, Rome, 1945

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24 Kurt Wolff and Jacques Schiffrin in the Pantheon office, about 1946

25 Hermann Broch, late 1940s

26 Paul Radin, early 1940s

27 Maud Oakes at Todos Santos, 1946

28 Bernard V. Bothmer, Alexandre Piankoflf, Helene Piankoff, and Natacha Rambova at the temple of Edfu, south of Luxor, January 1950

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34 Mircea Eliade and Louis Massignon, Eranos 1956

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35 (Top) Gershom Scholem, Eranos 1958 36 (Left) John Layard and Erich Neumann, Eranos 1958 37 (Bottom) Karl Kerenyi, Eranos 1958

38 Chung-yuan Chang lecturing, Eranos 1958

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< ! ' ' ' ' ' ' 5 6 5 9 6 4 75 7 9 92 9 6 9 7 ' ' - > ' > ' ' 99,102,113,114,119,120, 122 123 124 137 1 3 8 9 140 > > > > " ' > 144, 185, 188, 189, 200, 214, 2 18, 2 23, 269, 275, 276, 277, 278-82, 287; ill. 5, 8, 10, 66 Mellon (Paul) Centre for British Art, 277

354

INDEX Mellon (Paul) Foundation for British Art, 240, 277 Mellon, Rachel Lambert Lloyd, 140, 275 Mellon, Timothy, 58, 120 Memories, Dreams, Reflections, 106, 130, 132, 273, 274 Mencken, H. L., 75, 207, 292 Mercer, S.A.B., 252 Meriden Gravure Company, 269 Meridian Books, 278 Metochites, Theodore, 256 Meyerhoff, Hans, 221; ill. 50 Michigan, University of, 253 Michigan, University of, Press, 285 Middleton, Christopher, 192 Migne, J. P., Patrologiae, 206-7 Miles, Suzanne W., 170 Mills, Betty, 35, 45, 50 Mimesis, 151, 193 Minnesota, University of, 249 Modern Man in Search of a Soul, 8,9, 18 Modern Poetry Association, 207, 215 Mohamed Sayed, 10; ill. 5 Moi, 197 Moitessier, Gunvor, 178 Monnier, Adrienne, 196 Monod, Julien P., 199-201 Monsieur Teste, 194, 197, 198, 201 Monte Verita (hotel), 20, 21, 22,72 Moore, Marianne, 198, 204-5, 234, 267 Morgantina, 249 Mountain Lake, 40 Moyer, Ann, see van Waveren, Ann Moyer Mudra, 173 Muijsken, Gertrude, 21 Muir, Edwin, 205, 236

Muir, Willa, 205, 236 Murano, Senchi, 158 Mustard Seed Garden Manual of Painting, The, 165 Mycenae, 248-9 Mylonas, George, 249 Mysterium Coniunctionis, 129, 149 Mythic Image, The, 165, 179 Myth of the Eternal Return, The, 151-2 Mythological Papyri, 163 Myth, Religion, and Mother Right, see Bachofen, J. J. Myths and Symbols in Indian Art and Civilization, 73 Nabokov, Dmitri, 260, 262 Nabokov, Vera, 261, 262 Nabokov, Vladimir, 189, 198, 226, 234, 258-66 Nadal, Octave, 200 Nagel, Hildegard, 29, 30-31 National Book Award, 201, 217, 240 National Gallery of Art, 11, 59, 74, 75, 77, 218-21, 282 Navaho, 48, 64-6, 95, 167, 169 Navaho Religion, xvii, 95 Nazism, 24-6, 32, 38, 39, 46, 57, 60, 72, 85, 87, 134, 135, 172, 186, 193,221,242 Nemrud Dagh, 248 Nerval, Gerard de, 199 Neumann, Erich, 29, 135-6, 139, 146, 147, 251; ill. 36 New York University, xviii, 241, 242 New Yorker, The, 206 Nicoll, Allardyce, 207 Niehus, Walter, 133 Niehus-Jung, Marianne, 131, 133 Nietzsche, Friedrich, 14, 16, 194, 240

355

INDEX Nikhilananda, Swami, 65, 178 Nobel Prize in Literature, 86, 190, 236 Noguchi, Isamu, 6, 204 Norin, C. Arthur, 286 Norman, Dorothy, 165-6 Nozick, Martin, 239, 240 Nubia, 252 Nude, The: A Study in Ideal Form, 219, 220, 270 Oakes, Maud, xviii, xxii, 6, 7, 8, 10-11, 12, 63-6, 71, 85, 88, 89-92, 114-15, 160, 165, 166-7, 257; ill. 27 Oak Spring, 48, 76-7, 96, 113-15 Obolensky, D., 259 Of Divers Arts, 220-21 O'Grady, Standish H., 257 Okamura, Mihoko, 156; ill. 32 Old Dominion Foundation, xxi, 45, 49, 54, 59, 70, 85, 90, 93, 98-100, 119, 123, 218,223, 255, 275, 276, 283, 284, 286, 287; ill. 64 Oldham, Elizabeth, 276 1-2-3 Club, 48 Onis, Federico de, 167, 238-9 Onis, Harriet de, 167, 238, 239 On the Iliad, 104-5 Opicinus de Canistris, 72 Oppenheimer, J. Robert, 146, 276 Origins and History of Consciousness, The, 136 Ortega y Gasset, Jose, 79, 207, 236, 240 Osborn, Donald R., 283 Otto, Rudolf, 23-4, 146 Otto, W. F., 38 Our Lord Don Quixote, 239 Paestum, 247-8 Painting and Reality, 219 Pale Fire, 263

Pandora's Box, 172 Panofsky, Dora, 172 Panofsky, Erwin, 47, 146, 171-2, 242 Pantheon Books, xv-xvi, xviii, 60-62, 96-7, 129, 157, 168, 180, 214, 237, 273-4, 277, 285, 288; see also Wolff, Kurt Papers from the Eranos Yearbooks, xxiii, 30, 142-4, 270 Paracelsus, 107, 134; Selected Writings, 134 Parelhoff, A. D., 213 "Parlor Tag," 8 Parry, Albert, 262 Part du diable, La, see Devil's Share, The Passion of Al-Halldj, The, 155-6 Patman, Wright, xxii, 288-90 Paul, David, 197, 198, 226 Pauli, Wolfgang, 171 P.E.N. Medal for Translation, 217 Pennsylvania, University of, 252 Perse, St.-John; Collected Poems, 190; Letters, 190-91; see also Leger, Alexis St. Leger Personnes du drame, Les, 78 Peyre, Henri M., 207 Phelan, Kappo, 96, 100 Philip II of Macedonia, 242, 243 Philosophies of India, 141, 177 Piankoff, Alexandre, 160-64, 175, 252, 254; ill. 28 Pierpont Morgan Library, 102-3 Pisan Cantos, 209, 210, 211, 212 Plato, 221, 234; The Timaeus and the Critias, 71, 73, 93; see also Collected Dialogues of Plato Plato (Friedlander), 221-2 Platonic Academy, 146 Poetry (magazine), 187, 207, 211, 215

356

INDEX Polynesia, 257 Pomes, Mathilde, 237, 238 Popol Vuh, 90, 100, 167-8, 238 Porada, Edith, 102-3 Porada, Hilda, 103 Porter, Katherine Anne, 198, 208 Portmann, Adolf, 138, 146, 147; ill. 41 Pound, Ezra, 205, 208-12, 216, 217 Poussin, Nicolas, 220 Prehistoric Cave Paintings, 87 Prehistoric Pottery and Civilization in Egypt, 87 Preston, John Hyde, 79, 80, 119 Preston, Kerrison, 235 Princeton University, 33, 218, 249, 250, 253, 287 Princeton University Press, xxi, 151, 180, 193,202,278,285-6, 287, 288, 292 Pritsak, Omeljan, 259 Progoff, Ira, 158 Psychic Energy: Its Source and Goal, 102 Psychological Club (Zurich), 15, 17-18 Psychological Reflections, 128, 134 Psychology and Alchemy, 106, 124, 127, 128 Psychology of Art, The, 202, 268 Psychology of C. G. Jung, The, 134 Psychology of the Transference, The, 125 Psychology of the Unconscious, 8, 108 Publishers Weekly, 99, 119, 288 Pulver, Max, 38 Pushkin, Aleksandr, see Eugene Onegin Pylos, 249

Pyramid of Unas, The, 162, 164 Pyramid Texts, 66, 73, 94, 161-4 Quispel, Gilles, 138, 158-9; 111. 30 Radin, Doris Woodward, 150 Radin, Paul, xxii, 65, 85, 88-9, 92, 95, 121, 150, 154, 158, 164, 167-70, 196, 261, 276, 284; ill. 26 Rahner, Hugo, 138 Raine, Kathleen, 78, 93, 141, 159, 205, 220, 233-6, 291; ill. 53 Rambova, Natacha, xviii, 71, 85, 90-91, 92-4, 159-65, 166, 171, 235, 252; ill. 28 Ramesses VI, 160-63 Rand, Paul, 268 Random House, 273-4, 277-8 Ransom, John Crowe, 207 Raphael, Max, 85, 87-8, 121 Read, Herbert, xx, 88, 108-11, 112, 123, 125, 126, 127-8, 133, 146, 147, 148, 157, 158, 185, 194, 198, 207, 219, 221, 227, 229, 230, 233, 234, 235, 236, 237, 238, 286; ill. 39, 46 Reichard, Gladys A., xvii, 64, 95, 258 Religion and the Cure of Souls in Jung's Psychology, 124 Researches on the I Ching, 181 Reverdin, Olivier, 223 Rexroth, Kenneth, xxii, 291-2 Rhein Verlag, 30 Rhys Davids, Mrs., 24, 27 Richards, I. A., 207-8, 233 Richman, Robert, 234 Ringstrom, Algot, 268 Ritsema, Rudolf, 147, 159 Ritter, Mary Curtis, xxi, 276, 287 Riviere, Diana, 130

357

INDEX Road of Life and Death, The, 89 Rockefeller Foundation, 29, 32-3, 51, 86 Rodas, Flavio, 90-91, 101, 167 Roelli, Will, 239 Roelli, Ximena, see Angulo, Ximena de Rokeby, 11; see also Oak Spring Rollins, Carl Purington, 221, 268 Roman Forum, 251 Rooke, Barbara, 232 Roosevelt, Eleanor, 36 Roosevelt, Franklin D., 11, 36, 186 Rosenfeld, Paul, 85, 121 Rosenthal, Franz, 206 Rosenwald, Lessing, 215 Ross, Marvin C , 291 Ross, Nancy Wilson, 6, 8, 23, 55, 58, 63, 88, 157, 233; ill. 21 Rossiter, A. P., 231 Rougemont, Denis de, 67, 73, 76-9,80, 119, 185, 190,277; ill. 22 Rousselle, Erwin, 24 Routledge and Kegan Paul, 108, 126, 129, 229, 232, 233, 274, 277; see also Kegan Paul Rules of the Game, The, 78 Russ, Nancy, 276 Sabbatai Sevi: The Mystical Messiah, 154, 251 St. Elizabeths Hospital, 211-12, 217 Saint John's College, 35, 45, 104, 173 Saintsbury, George, 95, 207 Salmony, Alfred, 178 Salter, Stefan, 266 Samothrace, 54, 241, 242-6; Excavations, 241-5; ill. 61 Samothracian Reflections: Aspects of the Revival of the Antique, 246

Sardis, 249-51; ill. 60 Sartre, Jean Paul, 86 Saturday Review of Literature, 213-16,218 Sauerlander, Beata, see Wachstein, Beata Sauerlander, Wolfgang, xvi, 61, 86, 88, 222, 227, 236-9, 246-7, 268, 273, 274, 276, 286; ill. 56 Saunders, E. Dale, 173 Schabert, Kyrill, xvi, 61, 273, 274 Schaer, Hans, 124 Schapiro, Meyer, 48, 87, 123, 146 Scharl, Josef, 61 Schiffrin, Andre, 274 Schiffrin, Jacques, xvi, 61, 76, 172, 189, 196, 197, 202, 266, 268, 274; ill. 24 Schmid, Marie-Jeanne, 13 Schmidt, Adolph, 45 Scholem, Gershom, 133, 146, 150, 152-4, 175, 251; ill. 35 School of Spiritual Research, 6, 23 Schorer, Mark, 205 Secret of the Golden Flower, The, 60, 233 Sessions, Barbara, 171 Seven Sermons to the Dead, 48-9 Seznec, Jean, 47, 171 Shamanism: Archaic Techniques of Ecstasy, 152 Shapiro, Karl, 208, 209, 210, 212-13, 215 Sharaff, Irene, 165 Shattuck, Roger, 198 Shaughnessy, Winifred, 92; see also Rambova, Natacha Shaw, Stuart M., 244 Shchutskii, I. K., 181 Shechem, 251 Shepard, Donald D., 45, 49, 51, 52, 56, 64, 70, 73, 78, 79, 96,

358

INDEX 98,99, 112, 113, 122, 123, 140, 188,218,282 Sherrard, Philip, 234, 236 Shrines of Tut-Ankh-Amon, The, 163 Sicily, 249 Sigmund Freud Archives, 137-8 Simpson, William Kelly, 252 Simson, Otto von, 172 Sinai, 253 Singleton, Charles S., 189, 195, 217, 224-7; ill. 49 Singleton, Eula Duke, 195, 225 Sitwell, Edith, 190, 267 Sjoqvist, Erik, 249 Skeleton Key to Finnegans Wake, A, 65, 73 Skira, Albert, 202, 268 Skopas, 243 Sloane, William, 80 Smith, Harrison, 218 Snow, C. P., 31 Snyder, Gary, 158 Societa Magna Grecia, 248 Song for an Equinox, 190 Sound and Symbol, 104, 158 Special Publications, 168 Speiser, Andreas, 34 Spencer, Theodore, 208, 210 Spender, Stephen, 191-2, 234 Spengler, Oswald, 65, 142 Spink, Walter, 178 Starkie, Walter, 239 Stein, Leopold, 130 Steindorff, George, 94-5 Steiner, Herbert, 191, 192, 200 Stern, James and Tania, 191, 192 Stevens, Stoddard M., 282-3, 285 Stevens, Wallace, 216 Stock, Noel, 205 Strachey, James, 126 Strachey, Lytton, 205 Straight, Beatrice, 67 Strauss, Richard, 192 Stravinsky, Igor, 198

Sullivan & Cromwell, 282-3 Sunset Hill School, 4, 120 Survival of the Pagan Gods, The, 47, 171 Suzuki, D. T., 156-8, 234, 291 Sweeney, James Johnson, 168, 188 Symbolic Goldfinch, The, 89 Symbolic Life, The, 130 Symbols of Transformation, 196 Synchronicity, 129, 171 Sze, Mai-mai, 163, 165, 235 Szeftel, Marc, 258, 259 Taliaferro, R.C.C., 93 Tamm, Edward A., 51 Tao of Painting, The, 165, 268, 270, 291 Tate, Allen, 75, 188, 205, 207, 208-9, 218, 224 Taylor, Basil, 277 Taylor, Thomas, 71, 234-5 Taylour, William, 249 Teilhard de Chardin, Pierre, 146, 155 Thacher, John S., 255 Thatcher, S. G., 181 Theosophy, 22, 23, 151 Thomas, Eliazbeth, 162 Thorp, Willard, 208, 215 Tillich, Paul, 47, 55, 121 Timaeus and the Critias, The, 71,73,93 Tinker, Chauncey, 47 Todd, Ruthven, 233 Todos Santos, 91-2, 114 Tomb of Ramesses VI, The, 162-3 Tomlin, E.W.F., 291 Torchbooks, 278 Toynbee, A. J., 74-5, 146 Toynbee, Paget, 225, 226 Tragic Sense of Life, The, 239 Trask, Willard R., 151, 152, 193, 198, 240

359

INDEX Troy, William, 48, 121 Turkish Department of Ancient Monuments and Museums, 256 Turnell, Martin, 198 Tut-Ankh-Amon, 162, 163 Two Crosses of Todos Santos, The, xviii, 91-2, 160, 166 Unamuno, Miguel de: Selected Works, 189, 236-40 Unas, King, 162, 164 Underwood, Paul A., 254-7; ill. 59 Undiscovered Self, The, 129 UNESCO, 252 United States, 128 Untermeyer, Louis, 212 Valentin, Kurt, 87 Valentina (Mrs. George Schlee), 13 Valentino, Rudolph, 92 Valery, Agathe, 198 Valery, Francois, 195, 196, 198 Valery, Paul, 134, 195, 197, 199, 205; Collected Works, xxii, 189, 194-201, 267, 268, 284, 286 Valeryanum, 199-201 Van Doren, Mark, 75, 89, 205 Van Doren, Paula, 274 van Waveren, Ann Moyer, 8, 10, 13, 19, 23, 63 van Waveren, Erlo, 10, 19-20, 23,31 Varese, Louise, 187 Vassar College, 5, 119-20 Veii, 251 Ventris, Michael, 249 Verita, Monte, 22; see also Monte Verita (hotel) Vidal-Megret, Madame, 200 Villa, Jose Garcia, 205 Virolleaud, Charles, 72

Visionary and Dreamer: Two Poetic Painters, 286 Voices of Silence, The, 202-3 Volochova, Sonia, 263 Wace, Alan J. B., 248-9 Wachstein, Beata, 276 Wahl, Jean, 73, 104 Walker, John, 75, 219 Walpole, Horace, 221 Wandering of the Soul, The, 164 Warburg Institute, 47, 144, 171 Warren, Anne Waring, 276 Warren, Robert Penn, 208 Watkins, Vernon, 192 Watts, Alan, xxii, 158, 290 Waugh, Evelyn, 254 Weil, Simone, 104 Weitzmann, Kurt, 253 Wen Fu, 208 Werblowsky, R. J. Zwi, 153, 154 Wertham, Fredric, 216 Wescott, Glenway, 7, 188 Wesleyan University Press, 285 Weyl, Hermann, 139 Whalley, George, 231 Wharton, John F., 79, 81 Wheelwright, Philip, 269 Where the Two Came to Their Father, 63, 64-5, 66, 73-4, 179 White, Victor, 138 Whitehill, Walter Muir, xxii, 155, 289, 290 Whittemore, Thomas, 97, 161, 253-4, 255 Wilbur, Richard, 217 Wilder, Thornton, 191, 212 Wilhelm, Hellmut, 158, 180, 181 Wilhelm, Richard, 18-19, 141, 158, 180-81 Wilkinson, Elizabeth Mary, 231 Willard, Marian, 6 Williams, William Carlos, 215

360

INDEX Wilson, Edmund, 196-7, 207, 260-61, 265, 266 Wilson, Thomas, 285 Wind, Edgar, 35, 45, 47, 55, 65, 89, 121, 235 Winds, 187, 189, 190 Winer, Bart, 78, 232, 263, 264 Winnebago, 88-9, 168, 169 Winston, Richard and Clara, 130, 194 Wittfogel, Karl, 66 Wittkower, Rudolf, 203 Wolff, Christian, xvi, 60 Wolff, Eleanor, 198 Wolff, Helen, xv, xvi, 60-61, 99, 191, 239, 273, 288 Wolff, Kurt, xvi, xx, 59-62, 66, 70,71,73,76,86,96-7,99, 103, 108, 126, 130, 131, 139, 142, 154, 172, 174, 178, 187, 191, 202, 223, 239, 241, 273-5; ill. 24, 30 Wolff, Toni, 17,31,32,35,47, 110, 112; ill. 14 Wolff (H.) Book Manufacturing Company, 269 Wormser, Rene, 264 Wyckoff, George, 45, 99 Wylie, Philip, 216 Wyman, Leland C , 167

Yale University, 9, 11, 252, 277 Yale University Library, 33, 189, 216-17, 276 Yale University Press, 37, 46-7, 56-7, 59, 105, 134, 285 Yoga: Immortality and Freedom, 152 Young, Stanley, xviii, 55, 58-9, 66-7, 69, 70, 71, 73, 78, 79, 80, 85, 86, 96, 98, 99, 105, 119; ill. 21 Young, Mrs. Stanley, see Ross, Nancy Wilson Yurchenco, Henriette, 90 Zancani Montuoro, Paola, 247 Zanotti-Bianco, Umberto, 247 Zen and Japanese Culture, 157, 291 Zen Buddhism, 156-8 Zimmer, Christiane, 26, 39 Zimmer, Heinrich, 24, 25, 30-31, 35, 38-41, 45, 47, 48, 54, 59, 62-3, 65-6, 71, 121, 134, 141, 149, 150, 154, 156, 169, 173, 177-9, 191, 241, 266, 276, 284, 291; ill. 10 Zinsner, Charles, 99 Zuckerkandl, Victor, 103-4, 146, 158

361

Bollingen COMPOSED BY PRINCETON UNIVERSITY PRESS IN LINOTYPE TIMES ROMAN UNDER THE SUPERVISION OF CARL HILLMAN PRINTED BY PRINCETON UNIVERSITY PRESS ON WARREN'S ANTIQUE DESIGNED BY LAURY A. EGAN

WILLIAM MCGUIRE, born in Florida in 1917, began his association with the Bollingen Foundation as a freelance editor in 1948. He became managing editor of Bollingen Series and executive editor of The Collected Works ofC. G. Jung, and was also editor of The Freud/Jung Letters and of volumes of Jung's Seminars, and coeditor, with R.F.C. Hull, of C. G. Jung Speaking, all in Bollingen Series, published by Princeton University Press. He is also author of Poetry's Catbird Seat (The Library of Congress, 1989).