Der Palast im antiken und islamischen Orient: 9. Internationales Colloquium der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft 30. März – 1. April 2016, Frankfurt am Main. Im Auftrag des Vorstands der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft 3447110716, 9783447110716

Table of contents :
Cover
Titel
Impressum
Inhalt
Vorwort
Teilnehmer
Tagungsprogramm
Alfonso Archi: “Palace” at Ebla: an Emic Approach
Ilya Arkhipov: Who kept records in the palace of Mari, and why?
Marcella Frangipane: The secularization of power: A precocious birth and collapse of a palatial system at Arslantepe (Malatya, Turkey) in the 4th millennium BC
Melanie Gross: Der königliche Hof in neuassyrischer Zeit
Stefan R. Hauser: „Basileia“ and „Royal oikoi“. Remarks on Arsacid Palaces and Palace Culture
Florian Janoscha Kreppner: Neuassyrische palatiale Architektur urbaner Eliten: Das Rote Haus von Dūr-Katlimmu
Augusta McMahon: The Mitanni Palace and Settlement at Tell Brak, Northeast Syria
Cécile Michel: Palaces at Kaneš during the Old Assyrian Period
Peter A. Miglus: Der altbabylonische Palast in Tuttul (Tall Biʿa: funktionale und historische Aspekte
Manuel Molina: The Palace of Adab during the Sargonic period
Martina Müller-Wiener: Der Palast als ‚Soziotop‘ – Funktionen und Funktionsträger in frühislamischen Residenzen. Zwischen archäologischem Befund und Textquellen
Mirko Novák – Jochen Schmid: The Palaces of Gōzāna (Tall Ḥalaf)
Peter Pfälzner: The Royal Palace of Qaṭna and the classification of Syrian palatial architecture of the 2nd millennium BC
Alexander Pruß: Die „Paläste“ von Tell Beydar
Stefan Riedel: Achaemenid Reminiscences in the Ptolemaic Royal Quarter? Towards the Integrative Potential of the „Basileia“ of Alexandria
Michael Roaf: Achaemenid palaces and their Mesopotamian predecessors
Philipp Serba: NIMRŪD 2.0. Ein 3D-Modell als relationale Datenbank apotropäischer Reliefs aus dem Nordwest-Palast
Alexander Tamm: Tell Chuera – Palast F. Leben und Nachleben eines offiziellen Gebäudes
Indices

Citation preview

CDOG 9   Der Palast im antiken und islamischen Orient

204923-OHV-Wicke-CDOG-9.indd 1

Harrassowitz

www.harrassowitz-verlag.de

Colloquien der Deutschen OrientGesellschaft

9. Colloquium, Frankfurt am Main 2016

Band 9

Der Palast im antiken und islamischen Orient Herausgegeben von Dirk Wicke

CDOG 9

Harrassowitz Verlag

12.02.19 16:42

Der Palast im antiken und islamischen Orient

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11071-6 — ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19841-7

Colloquien der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft Band 9

2019

Harrassowitz Verlag · Wiesbaden

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11071-6 — ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19841-7

Der Palast im antiken und islamischen Orient 9. Internationales Colloquium der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft 30. März – 1. April 2016, Frankfurt am Main Im Auftrag des Vorstands der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft herausgegeben von Dirk Wicke

2019

Harrassowitz Verlag · Wiesbaden

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11071-6 — ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19841-7

Die Bände 1–3 der Reihe sind in der Saarländischen Druckerei & Verlag GmbH, Saarwellingen erschienen. Gedruckt mit freundlicher Unterstützung der Fritz Thyssen-Stiftung.

Bibliografische Information der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie; detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über http://dnb.dnb.de abrufbar. Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data are available in the internet at http://dnb.dnb.de.

Informationen zum Verlagsprogramm finden Sie unter http://www.harrassowitz-verlag.de © Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden 2019 Das Werk einschließlich aller seiner Teile ist urheberrechtlich geschützt. Jede Verwertung außerhalb der engen Grenzen des Urheberrechtsgesetzes ist ohne Zustimmung des Verlages unzulässig und strafbar. Das gilt insbesondere für Vervielfältigungen jeder Art, Übersetzungen, Mikroverfilmungen und für die Einspeicherung in elektronische Systeme. Gedruckt auf alterungsbeständigem Papier. Druck und Verarbeitung: Memminger MedienCentrum AG Printed in Germany ISSN 1433-7401 ISBN 978-3-447-11071-6 e-ISBN PDF 978-3-447-19841-7

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11071-6 — ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19841-7

Inhalt Vorwort .................................................................................................................. VII Teilnehmer ............................................................................................................. XIII Tagungsprogramm ................................................................................................. XV Alfonso Archi “Palace” at Ebla: an Emic Approach...................................................................... 1 Ilya Arkhipov Who kept records in the palace of Mari, and why?................................................ 35 Marcella Frangipane The secularization of power: A precocious birth and collapse of a palatial system at Arslantepe (Malatya, Turkey) in the 4th millennium BC....... 43 Melanie Gross Der königliche Hof in neuassyrischer Zeit ............................................................ 61 Stefan R. Hauser Basileia and Royal oikoi. Remarks on Arsacid Palaces and Palace Culture......... 73 Florian Janoscha K reppner Neuassyrische palatiale Architektur urbaner Eliten: Das Rote Haus von Dūr-Katlimmu........................................................................ 91 Augusta McMahon The Mitanni Palace and Settlement at Tell Brak, Northeast Syria........................ 109 Cécile Michel Palaces at Kaneš during the Old Assyrian Period ................................................. 121 Peter A. Miglus Der altbabylonische Palast in Tuttul (Tall Biʿa): funktionale und historische Aspekte ..................................................................... 139 Manuel Molina The Palace of Adab during the Sargonic period.................................................... 151

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11071-6 — ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19841-7

VI

Inhalt

MARTINA MÜLLER-WIENER Der Palast als ‚Soziotop‘ – Funktionen und Funktionsträger in frühislamischen Residenzen. Zwischen archäologischem Befund und Textquellen ..................................................................................................... 201 MIRKO NOVÁK – JOCHEN SCHMID The Palaces of Gōzāna (Tall Ḥalaf) ...................................................................... 215 PETER PFÄLZNER The Royal Palace of Qaṭna and the classification of Syrian palatial architecture of the 2nd millennium BC ..................................... 235 ALEXANDER PRUSS Die „Paläste“ von Tell Beydar ............................................................................... 261 STEFAN R IEDEL Achaemenid Reminiscences in the Ptolemaic Royal Quarter? Towards the Integrative Potential of the Basileia of Alexandria .......................... 281 MICHAEL ROAF Achaemenid palaces and their Mesopotamian predecessors ................................ 297 PHILIPP SERBA NIMRŪD 2.0. Ein 3D-Modell als relationale Datenbank apotropäischer Reliefs aus dem Nordwest-Palast ................................................. 313 ALEXANDER TAMM Tell Chuera – Palast F Leben und Nachleben eines offiziellen Gebäudes ................................................ 327 Indices .................................................................................................................... 343

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11071-6 — ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19841-7

Vorwort

Zentrum der herrscherlichen Macht und Schaltstelle des Reiches, Wohnstätte und Rückzugsort der Herrscher, Arbeitgeber für Hundertschaften von Dienern und Beamten – dies sind erste Assoziationen, die sich mit dem Palast im antiken wie islamischen Orient verbinden lassen. Der Palast ist aber mehr als nur das Gebäude, in dem der Herrscher residiert, repräsentiert und administriert, in ihm spiegeln sich Selbstverständnis und Außenbild des Königtums wider, und er konzentriert damit die Ideologie der herrschenden Elite an einem Ort, in einer Institution. Der Palast ist ein bedeutender Wirtschaftsfaktor und zugleich ein fein abgestimmtes hierarchisches System weltlicher und geistiger Ordnung; ein Stück weit Abbild der Gesellschaft und gleichzeitig ein Kosmos für sich; ein Platz der großen Politik ebenso wie ein Ort von Haremsintrigen und Thronfolgezwisten. Und nicht zuletzt ist der Palast auch ein Hort von Wissenschaft, Kultur und Kunst – stilprägend und tonangebend in Mode und höfischer Etikette. Diesem Thema hat sich das 9. Internationale Colloquium der Deutschen OrientGesellschaft gewidmet. Die Wahl des Themas trägt dem breiteren Publikum der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft Rechnung, da es zahlreiche Anknüpfungspunkte für Betrachtungen bietet, die sich mit dem Palast als Institution ebenso befassen wie mit den Gebäuden und baulichen Konzepten. Dabei wird bewusst eine zeitliche Weite von rund 4.000 Jahren überspannt, die ganz im Sinne einer longue-durée die Kontinuitäten und Transformationen sichtbar und „den Palast“ als ein überzeitliches und überregionales Phänomen begreifbar machen soll. Insofern ist der islamische Orient in die Tagung mit einbezogen worden, da nicht zuletzt die historisch besser dokumentierte islamische Epoche, die den altorientalischen Palästen vor allem auch räumlich nahe steht, zum besseren Verständnis der antiken Fallbeispiele dienen kann. Die Frankfurter Tagung will die verschiedenen Forschungsrichtungen von Archäologie, Philologie, und Bauforschung zusammenführen und auf einzelne Problemstellungen konzentrieren. Das Thema greift mit dem „Palast“ gezielt die zweite große Institution der Alten Welt neben dem Tempel auf und komplementiert so das 7. ICDOG in München (Kaniuth et al. 2013). Die Frankfurter Veranstaltung knüpft letztlich auch an die bereits im 1. ICDOG zur altorientalischen Stadt (Wilhelm 1997) begonnene Behandlung der großen gesellschaftlichen und städtebaulichen Körper

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11071-6 — ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19841-7

VIII

Dirk Wicke

an. Nicht zuletzt hat die Deutsche Orient-Gesellschaft mit der Durchführung und Förderung zahlreicher Ausgrabungen im Vorderen Orient maßgeblich zur Erforschung gleich mehrerer orientalischer Paläste beigetragen.

Forschungsstand Die wichtigste Publikation zum Thema bleibt selbst nach über 30 Jahren immer noch Ernst Heinrichs „Die Paläste im Alten Mesopotamien“ von 1984, welche die architekturhistorischen Grundlagen zu diesem Thema zusammenfasste und nun einer Überarbeitung bedürfte. Im Wesentlichen auf die bronzezeitlichen Paläste beschränkt blieb die Arbeit von J.-Cl. Margueron, „Recherches sur les palais mésopotamienne del’âge du bronze“ von 1982. Älter ist die wegweisende 19. Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale in Paris 1971 mit dem Titel „Le palais et la royauté“ (Garelli 1974), die – wie auch die Frankfurter Tagung – die unterschiedlichen Forschungsrichtungen vereinte und den altorientalischen Palast und die darin zum Ausdruck gebrachten Ideen des altorientalischen Königtums zum Thema hatte. Kurz darauf, 1975, wurde das Verhältnis staatlich-palatialer Wirtschaft mit der des Tempels in einer weiteren Tagung beleuchtet (Lipiński 1979), die beide Institutionen als Hauptpole der alt orientalischen Gesellschaft gegenüberstellte. Eine notwendigerweise komprimierte, wenngleich kompetente Zusammenschau bietet der Eintrag „Palast“ im Reallexikon der Assyriologie und Vorderasiatischen Archäologie von 2003–5 von verschiedenen Autoren. Seither ist das Thema in einzelnen Aufsätzen etwa zum Landschaftsbezug altorientalischer Paläste (Novák 1996) oder der Bauform des Hilani (zusammenfassend und mit älterer Literatur Osborne 2012) berücksichtigt worden. Eine Tagung zum Thema der neuassyrischen Paläste fand 2011 in Heidelberg statt (Miglus / Kertai 2013; s.a. Kertai 2015), die die Neufunde diverser assyrischer Palastanlagen vor allem unter dem Blickwinkel ihrer bauhistorischen Bedeutung in Einzelbeiträgen präsentierte. Das Seminar „De la maison à la ville dans l’Orient ancien: Bâtiments publics et lieux de pouvoir“, Nanterre 2013 (cf. Michel 2015), hat im Rahmen dieses Oberthemas auch einige Aspekte zum Komplex „Palast“ behandelt. Fokussiert auf jeweils einzelne Orte wie Assur (Pedde / Lundström 2008) oder Tell Bi’a (Strommenger / Miglus 2007) wurden die archäologischen Ergebnisse zu den Palastanlagen dieser Orte teils neu vorgestellt. Paläste waren auch Gegenstand mehrerer Dissertationen in jüngerer Zeit wie eine Studie zur sasanidischen Palastarchitektur 2006 von Marion-Isabell Hoffmann (München). Die Arbeiten zu den palatialen Bauwerken von Tell Chuera (Tamm 2018), Tell Mozan Urkesh (Buccellati 2016) und auch Tell Halaf (Novák / Ghafour 2012) wurden jüngst mit wichtigen neuen Erkenntnissen zu den jeweiligen Bauwerken abgeschlossen. Darüber hinaus haben die Paläste von Qatna (vgl. Kat. Schätze 2009; Pfälzner / Schmid 2019; Geith / Abdel Hay / Schmid 2019) weitere wichtige Ergänzungen zum Bestand der altorientali-

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Vorwort

IX

schen Palastanlagen erbracht und dabei in spektakulärer Weise verdeutlicht, welche Überraschungen auch heute noch in den vorderasiatischen Ruinenhügeln auf den geduldigen Archäologen warten können. Die Neuaufnahme der Arbeiten im parthischen Nisa lassen ebenfalls neue Funde erwarten (Invernizzi / Lippolis 2008). Mit den restauratorischen Arbeiten an dem frühislamischen Wüstenschloss Mschatta, dessen Fassade sich heute in Berlin befindet, machte ein weiterer orientalischer Palast unlängst von sich reden (Troelenberg 2014), und nicht zuletzt werfen die aktuellen Zerstörungen der Paläste in Nimrud ein zusätzliches Licht auf den Gegenstand der Tagung. Im Bereich der islamischen Archäologie hat das Thema „Palastarchitektur“ nicht zuletzt wegen der markanten Wüstenschlösser mehrfach eine Behandlung erfahren (cf. Bloch 2011; Genequand 2012) und wurde vor kurzem auch in einem weiteren Rahmen diskutiert (Sack / Spiegel / Gussone 2016). In der Nachbardisziplin der Klassischen Archäologie fanden die Paläste der hellenistischen Könige anlässlich eines viel beachteten internationalen Symposions 1992 ein Forum (Hoepfner 1996), was in einer Tagung 2001 in einem weiteren geographischen Rahmen vertieft wurde (Nielsen 2001). In ähnlicher Weise wurde das Thema der vormodernen orientalischen Paläste bei einer Tagung in Harvard 1992 unter Anregung von G. Necipoǧlu mit Beispielen von der sasanidischen bis in die osmanische Epoche behandelt (Necipoǧlu 1993). Forschungen zum Thema „Palast“ fanden 2006–2012 auch im Cluster 3 „Politische Räume: Orte der Herrschaft“ des DAI statt, allerdings weitgehend ohne Berücksichtigung der altorientalischen Paläste.

Konzeptualisierung der Tagung Es versteht sich, dass angesichts der Fülle und Heterogenität des Materials keine vollständige Behandlung der Thematik des Palastes im antiken und islamischen Orient erreicht werden kann. In den nach Epochen bzw. Regionen gegliederten Vortragsblöcken wurden vielmehr verschiedene Blickwinkel aus Archäologie, Philologie und Bauforschung an das Oberthema herangetragen, wodurch ein Gesamtbild sichtbar werden sollte. 32 Sprecher aus dem In- und Ausland haben in ihren Beiträgen das Thema aus unterschiedlichen Perspektiven beleuchtet und vom 30. März bis 1. April 2016 zum Erfolg des Colloquiums beigetragen.

Danksagung Die Veranstaltung wurde finanziell maßgeblich getragen von der Fritz Thyssen-Stiftung sowie der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft e.V.; weitere Unterstützung gewährte der Verein der Freunde und Förderer der Goethe-Universität e.V. sowie der Förderverein zum Alten Orient Enki e.V. Für diese großzügige Unterstützung bin ich den genannten Förderern zu herzlichem Dank verpflichtet.

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X

Dirk Wicke

Die Tagung konnte ferner dank der Unterstützung der Goethe-Universität Frankfurt am Main im Hörsaalzentrum auf dem Campus Westend der Goethe-Universität unter idealen räumlichen Bedingungen stattfinden. Bei Organisation und Durchführung halfen die Studierenden der Abteilung für Vorderasiatische Archäologie im Institut für Archäologische Wissenschaften der Goethe-Universität äußerst tatkräftig mit und sorgten für einen reibungslosen Ablauf der Veranstaltung. Eine zuverlässige und unablässige Hilfe zu allen Phasen der Tagung bis hin zur Drucklegung dieses Bandes war Dr. Michael Würz, ohne den die Veranstaltung und auch die Publikation nicht möglich gewesen wäre. Allen diesen Personen und Institutionen gilt mein ausdrücklicher Dank für das Gelingen des Colloquiums, das auch mir in äußerst positiver Erinnerung bleiben wird. Dirk Wicke Frankfurt, September 2018

Literatur Bloch, F. 2011: Das umayyadische ‚Wüstenschloss‘ und die Siedlung am Ğabal Says. DAF 14. Mainz. Buccellati, F. 2016: Three-dimensional Volumetric Analysis in an Archaeological Context. Urkesh/Mozan Studies 6. BM 30. Malibu. Garelli, P. (Hrsg.) 1974: Le palais et la royauté: archéologie et civilisation. RAI 19. Paris. Geith, E. / Abd-el Hay, T. / Schmid, J. (Hrsg.) 2019: Der Königspalast von Qatna. Teil II: Architektur, Stratigraphie, Keramik und Funde des westlichen Zentralbereiches. QS 6. Wiesbaden. Genequand, D. 2012: Les établissements des élites omeyyades en Palmyrène et au ProcheOrient. BAH 200. Beirut. Heinrich, E. 1984: Die Paläste im Alten Mesopotamien. Berlin. Hoepfner, W. (Hrsg.) 1996: Basileia: die Paläste der hellenistischen Könige. Mainz. Hoffmann, M.-I. 2006: Sasanidische Palastarchitektur: Forschung, Grundlagen, Funktion. Dissertationsschrift München. Invernizzi, A. / Lippolis, C. (Hrsg.) 2008: Nisa partica. Ricerche nel complesso monumentale arsacide 1990–2006. Florenz. Kaniuth, K. et al. (Hrsg.) 2013: Tempel im Alten Orient. CDOG 7. Wiesbaden. Kat. Schätze 2009: Schätze des Alten Syrien. Die Entdeckung des Königreichs Qatna, herausgegeben vom Landesmuseum Württemberg, Stuttgart, in Zusammenarbeit mit M. alMaqdissi, D. Morandi Bonacossi, P. Pfälzner. Darmstadt. Kertai, D. 2015: The Assyrian Royal Palaces. Oxford. Lipiński, E. (Hrsg.) 1979: State and Temple Economy in the Ancient Near East. OLA 5–6. Leuven. Margueron, J.-Cl. 1982: Recherches sur les palais mésopotamiens del’ âge du bronze. Paris.

© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11071-6 — ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19841-7

Vorwort

XI

Michel, C. 2015: De la maison à la ville dan l’Orient ancient: Bâtiments publics et lieux de pouvoir, Nanterre. Online: http://www.mae.u-paris10.fr/arscan/De-la-maison-a-la-villedans-l,1434.html. Miglus, P. / Kertai, D. (Hrsg.) 2013: New research on Late Assyrian Palaces. HSAO 15. Heidelberg. Necipoǧlu, G. (Hrsg.) 1993: Pre-modern Islamic Palaces, Ars Orientalis 23 (Sonderband). Michigan. Nielsen, I. (Hrsg.) 2001: The Royal Palace Institution in the first millennium BC. Aarhus. Novák, M. 1996: Der Landschaftsbezug in der orientalischen Palastarchitektur, AoF 23, 335–378. Novák, M. / Abdel Ghafour, S. 2012: Ausgrabungen im Assyrischen Statthalterpalast (Nordost-Palast), in: A.H. Baghdo / L. Martin / M. Novák / W. Orthmann (Hrsg.), Vorbericht über die dritte bis fünfte syrisch-deutsche Grabungskampagne auf dem Tell Halaf. VFMFOS 3,2. Wiesbaden. 89–108. Osborne, J. 2012: Communicating Power in the Bīt Ḫilāni, BASOR 368, 2012, 26–66. Pfälzner, P. / Schmid, J. (Hrsg.) 2019: Der Königspalast von Qatna. Teil I: Chronologie, Grundriss, Baugeschichte und Bautechniken. QS 5. Wiesbaden. Pedde, F. / Lundström, S. 2008: Der Alte Palast in Assur. WVDOG 120. Wiesbaden. Sack, D. / Spiegel, D. / Gussone, M. (Hrsg.) 2016: Wohnen – Reisen – Residieren. Herrschaftliche Repräsentation zwischen temporärer Hofhaltung und dauerhafter Residenz in Orient und Okzident. BBBD 15. Petersberg. Strommenger, E. / Miglus, P. 2007: Tall Bi’a. Der Palast A. WVDOG 114. Wiesbaden. Tamm, A. 2018: Tell Chuēra: Palast F – Architektur, Stratigraphie und Kleinfunde. VFMFOS 2,7. Frankfurt. Troelenberg, E.-M. 2014: Mschatta in Berlin. Dortmund. Wilhelm, G. (Hrsg.) 1997: Die orientalische Stadt: Kontinuität – Wandel – Bruch. CDOG 1. Saarbrücken.

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© 2019, Otto Harrassowitz GmbH & Co. KG, Wiesbaden ISBN Print: 978-3-447-11071-6 — ISBN E-Book: 978-3-447-19841-7

Teilnehmer Lukas Ahlborn  • Saber Ahmed-Saber  • Jumana Alasaad  • Alfonso Archi  • Ilya Arkhipov  • Sanna Aro-Valjus  • Alexander Banholzer  • Vitali Bartash  • David Bauer  • Jörg Becker  • Vanessa Becker  • Sebastian Bender  • Johannes Bieber  • Manfred Bietak  • Anne-Birte Binder  • Hille Binder  • Patrick André Blasco  • Franziska Bloch  • Pierre Borsdorf  • Benno Brandt  • Federico Buccellati  • Pascal Butterlin  • Eva Cancik-Kirschbaum  • Ruben Davtyan  • Francesco Del Bravo  • Berthold Einwag  • Hanna Erftenbeck  • Moein Eslami  • Sandra Feix  • Christoph Fink  • Marcella Frangipane  • Susanne Goerke  • Joëlle Graber-Pesonen  • Susanne Gräbner  • Christine Graupner  • Melanie Groß  • Stefan Hauser  • Nils-Peter Heeßel  • Yvonne Helmholz  • Oliver Hense  • Michael Herles  • Larissa-Heather Herzina  • Julia Hoffmann  • Dietrich Hotze  • Eva-Maria Huber  • Stefanos Karampekos  • Harald Klein  • Jörg Klinger  • Matthias Kolbe  • Janoscha Kreppner   • Guido Kryszat  • Ulas Kücükünlü  • Hartmut Kühne  • Werner Kühnemann  • Hans-Peter Kuhnen  • Fikri Kulakoğlu  • Anna Kurmangaliev  • Evelyn Kutzer  • Claude Legueltel  • Hartmut Leppin  • Bruno Leukert  • Julia Linke  • Anne Löhnert  • Ralph Lübbe  • Joachim Marzahn  • Natascha Mathyschok  • Paolo Mat­ thiae  • Sepideh Maziar  • Augusta McMahon  • Wolfgang Messerschmidt  • Kai Metzler • Jan-Waalke Meyer  • Cecile Michel  • Peter Miglus  • Manuel Molina  • Martina Müller-Wiener  • Melanie Neumann  • Inge Nielsen  • Mirko Novàk  • Adelheid Otto  • Marie-Claire Perroudon  • Peter Pfälzner  • Guido Pfeifer  • Nicholas Postgate  • Libia Potes Salazar  • Doris Prechel  • Silvia Prell  • Alexander Pruß  • Ivana Puljiz  • Margot Püttner  • Ellen Rehm  • Heike Richter  • Thomas Richter  • Stefan Riedel  • Michael Roaf  • Horst Roepenack  • Anya Rothmund  • Horst Ruder  • Michael Rummel  • Franke Sabina  • Beate Salje  • Walter Sallaberger  • Christa Schäfer-Lichtenberg  • Marion Scheiblecker  • Maja Scheller  • Eva Schmalenberger  • Aaron Schmitt  • Gerwulf Schneider  • Gudrun Schneider  • Helga Schneider-Ludorff  • Andreas Scholz  • Daniel Schwemer  • Philipp Serba  • Birgit Sewekow  • Ulrich Sewekow  • Ali Shojaee Esfahani  • Walter Sommerfeld  • Minoas Sotiriadis  • Gisela Stiehler-Alegria  • Lukas Stier  • Laurin Stöckert  • Karl Strobel  • Evgenia Tachatou  • Alexander Tamm  • Jenni Tkatsch  • Cemile Türkmen  • Tara Unkell  • Hedda Unsöld  • Vincent Van Exel  • Nicholas Vanderroost  • Marion Victor  • E. Vogelsang  • R. Vogelsang  • Elisabeth Von der Osten-Sacken  • Bethany Walker  • Miriam Wallner  • Peter Werner  • Dirk Wicke  • Else Wieland  • Gernot Wilhelm  • Anne Wissing  • Michael Würz  • Ali Zalaghi  • Katharina Zartner  • Nele Ziegler  • Pascal Selim Zillich-Ünal  • Torsten Zimmer  • Antje Zimmermann

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Die Tagungsteilnehmer im Hörsaalzentrum, Campus Westend. (Aufnahme B. Schödel, Institut für Archäologische Wissenschaften, Goethe-Universität Frankfurt am Main, 01.04.2016)

XIV Teilnehmer

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Tagungsprogramm 30.3.2016 Mittwoch 11:00–14:00 Registrierung 13:30–14:00 Begrüßung 14:00–14:30 A. Tamm (München): Tell Chuera Palast F – Leben und Nach leben eines offiziellen Gebäudes 14:30–15:00 A. Pruß (Mainz): Die „Paläste“ von Tell Beydar 15:00–15:30 F. Buccellati (Berlin): Social space and authorship in palatial architecture: The palace of Tupkish at Urkesh Pause 16:00–16:30 16:30–17:00 17:00–17:30 Pause 18:00–20:00 31.3.2016 09:00–09:30 09:30–10:00 10:00–10:30 Pause 11:00–11:30 11:30–12:00 12:00–12:30 Pause 14:00–14:30 14:30–15:00

M. Frangipane (Rom): Early Palaces: The secularization of power: A very precocious process of palace formation and collapse in the 4th millennium BCE at Arslantepe, Malatya (Turkey) M. Molina (Madrid): Sargonic Adab: The palace of Adab through the Sargonic period A. Archi (Rom): ‘Palace’ at Ebla: An emic approach J.N. Postgate (Cambridge): Life and death in the “Big House” Donnerstag P. Matthiae (Rom): The Middle Bronze Age palace at Ebla P. Miglus (Heidelberg): Der altbabylonische Palast in Tuttul (Tall Biʿa): funktionale und historische Aspekte P. Butterlin (Paris): New insights on the evolution of the palatial compound in Mari: About the many lives of a palace I. Arkhipov (Moskau): Who kept records in the palace of Mari, and why? N. Ziegler (Paris): Die Palastbediensteten von Mari C. Michel (Nanterre): The Palace at Kaneš during the Old Assyrian Period F. Kulakoğlu (Ankara): Administrative and sacral buildings of the Early and Middle Bronze Age period at Kültepe, ancient Kanesh P. Pfälzner (Tübingen): Der Palast von Qatna

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XVI

Tagungsprogramm

15:00–15:30

A. McMahon (Cambridge): The Mitanni Palace at Brak and Its Built Environment

Pause 16:00–16:30 16:30–17:00 17:00–17:30

A. Löhnert (München): Die politische Dimension in den Verwaltungsurkunden des Palastes von Nuzi A. Schmitt (Mainz): Die Paläste in Assur E. Cancik-Kirschbaum (Berlin): Alltag im Palast in Assur in der 2. Hälfte des 2. Jts. v.Chr.

1.4.2016 Freitag 09:00–09:30 P. Serba (Frankfurt): Nimrud 2.0 – Ein 3D-Modell als relationale Datenbank apotropäischer Reliefs aus dem NW-Palast 09:30–10:00 M. Groß (Leuven): Vom Palastaufseher zum Küchenjungen – Der königliche Haushalt in neuassyrischer Zeit 10:00–10:30 H. Kühne / J. Kreppner (Berlin): Neuassyrische palatiale Architektur urbaner Eliten – Das Rote Haus von Dūr-Katlimmu Pause 11:00–11:30 V. van Exel (München): The Palaces of Zincirli 11:30–12:00 M. Novák (Bern) / J. Schmid (Berlin): Die Paläste von Gōzāna – Vom Hilani zum assyrischen Provinzpalast 12:00–12:30 M. Roaf (München): Achaemenid palaces and their Mesopotamian predecessors Pause 14:00–14:30 S. Riedel (Bochum): Zur Basileia in Alexandria 14:30–15:00 S. Hauser (Konstanz): Basileia und herrscherlicher Oikos – Anmerkungen zum arsakidisch-sasanidischen Palastbau 15:00–15:30 A. Shojaee (Isfahan): Archaeological Excavations on the site of the Safavid Jahānnamā Palace Pause 16:00–16:30 F. Bloch (Berlin): Die Wüstenschlösser der Umayyaden 16:30–17:00 M. Würz (Frankfurt): Stadt, Markt und Palast: Kharab Sayyar in frühislamischer Zeit 17:00–17:30 B. Walker (Bonn): Qaṣr or Qalʿah? The Multiple Roles of the Governor’s ‘Palace’ at Tall Ḥisbān, Jordan 17:30–18:00 Abschlusssitzung 18:00–20:00 M. Müller-Wiener (Bonn / Berlin): Der Palast als ‚Soziotop‘. Funktionen und Funktionsträger in frühislamischen Residenzen. Zwischen archäologischem Befund und Textquellen

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“Palace” at Ebla: an Emic Approach* Alfonso Archi Ebla, Ib-laki, was the name of the city and the country, from the geographical and from the socio-political point of view. Igriš-Ḫalab and Irkab-damu were “kings of Ebla” (ARET XIII 2 obv.I 2‒3, rev. II 6‒III 1). Enna-Dagan, “king of Mari”, addressed a letter to “the king of Ebla” (ARET XIII 4 § 1). Political treaties bound countries, e.g. Ebla and Abarsal (ARET XIII 5). In that time, as in later periods, the name of a country might characterize a product, for example a kind of gown: dùl-túg Ib-laki, ARET XX 24 obv. VIII 18, IX 6; dùl-túg Ma-ríki, ARET XX 2 obv. V 9, rev. XII 3. Statues might be devoted to a god by the king and queen, in their own name, and in the name of their country, MEE II 48 obv. I 1‒II 12: “6 minas (2.82 kg) of silver to make statues (an-dùl-an-dùl) (for) the temple of ᵓAdabal of Luban; 8 minas (3.76 kg) of silver to make statues as gift (níg-ba) (for) Rašap of ᵓAdani: redemption (níg-du8) of the king, and redemption of the queen, and redemption of Ebla”. Towns belonged to (the kingdom of) Ebla, ARET IX 104 § 3: “(the king) went (to) the towns of Ebla”, du uruki-uruki Ib-raki. “Ebla”, the name of a political entity, meant “the state” not only in opposition to another state, but as a general term as opposed to a particular administrative sector. “Total: 138 people of the Palace (sa.zaxki) and of Ebla who did not go to Alaga”. (TM.)75.(G.)2012 (= MEE 10 38) rev. V 1‒7 “40,810[+x] sheep: tribute (igi-du8) ‒ 18,220 kids ... delivery (mudu) ‒ 210 sheep taken in possession (šu-du8) (by) the mountain lands (kur-kur) ‒ ... ‒ 3,000 sheep taken in possession (by) Ebla. Total: 79,300 sheep of the king (en)”. 75.1845 75.2093: “10,000 sheep: of (the minister) Ibbi‒zikir ‒ 3,000 udu (counted in) silver ‒ 3,600 kids and 2,655 sheep of Ebla ‒ 102 sheep competence of the king (níg-ki-za en) ‒ ...”1 * Concise presentations of the data concerning “Palace” at Ebla have been already given in Archi 2003/2005, and Archi 2009/2011. Special Abbreviations: AAM: Annual Account of Deliveries of Metals; Ibr.: minister Ibrium; I.Z.: minister Ibbi-zikir. 1 75.1959 lists a number of “gates”, ká, that is administrative districts, and their chiefs, and also the kal-zi-kal-zi Ib-laki (rev. II 3–4).

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75.2634 lists “houses”, é, allotted to the Palace (sa.zaxki), the king, the mother of the king, the chiefes of the “gates”, other officials, villages. In this case all these houses, 46,240 in number, are defined as “the houses of Ebla”, é-é Ib-laki. (Archi 1984, 71‒72): ARET IX 68 §§ 19–20 lists rations for several men mentioned by name and the “gods”. The total concerns “victuals (for) the Palace and Ebla”, kú sa.zaxki wa Ib-laki (cf. § 38). ARET X 110 is parallel to IX 68 § 19, and gives the number of the men under the command of 9 men (probably ugula “overseers”), who are: Ig-da-be, In-ma-lik, Ibdur-iš-lu, I-ti-dGa-mi-iš, Du-ne-ti, [Bù-zi(?)], [Bíl-za-ì(?)], Ar[-ra-zi-kir], A-bù-d Kura. “Total: 367 é-duru5ki (i.e. 7340) people (na-se11) (who received) malt (for) beverages, of the Palace and Ebla (sa.zaxki wa Ib-la!ki)”. The following two documents distinguish instead between men under the command of some overseers(?), who are therefore “of the sa.zaxki,” and men dislocated in villages outside the city, therefore “of Ebla”, who receive also in this case malt for beverages. ARET X 104: the overseers(?) are: Kam4-mi, Su-še-gú, Ù-ne-a-nu, Ba-za-a, [X], ᵓÀ-daš, šubur. The villages are: A-lu-luki an-šè, A-lu-luki an-ki, A-ba-zuki, ni-ra-ar ki, [X], Ḫu-za-nuki. ARET X 106: the overseers(?) of the men of the sa.zaxki are: I-bí-zi-kir (160 men), Mu-gàr (160 men), A-du-lu (120 men), En-na-ì (100 men), Íl-zi (100 men), Da-rí-ibki (100 men at Ebla), Ìr-a-tum (80 men), Mi-ga-ì lú Zi-zu-du (100 men), dumu-nita ir11 (60 men), nagar (60 men), zag-ús en-mar (120 men), zagús (120 men), Ma-ríki (160 men at Ebla), ᵓÀ-da-ša lú Zu-mu-na-nu (140 men), ku-li Du-bù-ḫu-dᵓÀ-da (40 men), Ì-ti-ne-duki (40 men), Gi-za-nuki (40 men), ugula ká-ká (80 men), ku-li Íl-zi (20 men), kas4-kas4 en-mar (60 men), kas4kas4 [Ib-za-d]a-mu (60 men), Na-gàr ki (80 men at Ebla). [Total: 2000 men]. The men belonging to the villages are: ku-li ugula-ugula (40), Kam4-mi (60), Du-bí-šum mar-núm (100), Kul-ba-anki (120), A-da-áški (60), Nu-ga-muki (60), Ig-du-luki (80), Dag-ba-al6ki (80), A-lu-luki an-ki (60?), A-lu-luki an-šè (100), A-ba-zuki, ni-ra-ar ki (100), [X], [X]. [Total: 860 + x men].

Terminology The Sumerian word é-gal (lit. “big house”) for “Palace” is attested in the unilingual Lexical Lists of Ebla, and also in the bilingual ones, but without an Eblaite equivalence (MEE 4, 235 no. 320). While é-gal (*haykal) was adopted already in OAkk. (Gelb 1957, 25–26), becoming the “univerbiert”2 ekallu(m), *haykal was not used in 2 Edzard 2003 / 2005, 205–206.

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“Palace” at Ebla: an Emic Approach

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the administrative and chancellery documents of Ebla.3 One has, therefore, to date this loanword in the West (Ugar. hkl, Aram. hēkālā, Heb. hēkal, Ar. haykal) to a later period. The Eblaites maintained their own terminology for their institutions, adapting the Sumerian lexicon (known to them through the written materials) to their own terminology, and ignoring the conventions in use in Babylonia. Their term for “king” was malkum, which they equated to Sumerian en, used in archaic times for “king”, with religious connotation (which agrees with the kingship in Ebla, Archi 2017a). Because their highest officials had the title of baᶜlum “lord”, this term was equated with lugal, which in Akkadian was šarrum, but also bēlum. For maliktum “queen”, the Eblaites avoided NIN = ereš, because they used nin(-ni) for “sister”. They had to accept, however, the use of lugal to refer to the kings of Mari and Kiš, and ereš to the queen of Mari.

The Royal Palace (Palace G) Eblaite society was under the control of the Palace, one of the two “Great Organizations”, theorized by A. L. Oppenheim (1964, 95–109) for Mesopotamia. The other one, the Temple, had no economic relevance at Ebla: it did not accumulate capital of its own, and its personnel was extremely reduced. The king not only represented the community in front of the gods, as in Mesopotamia, but performed the most important cultic rites, together with the queen, the crown prince and other members of his family (Archi 2017a). The residence of the king was in “the house of the king”, é en /bayt malkim/, a big house indeed, although it did not receive this name. The sections of the Royal Palace G which the excavations have brought to light on the western side of the acropolis extends over ca. 4,500 m 2, and measures about 220 m north‒south (Fig. 1).4 The so-called Central-Complex is preceded by the Court of Audience, a large open space ca. 60 m long and ca. 42 m wide, with porches along the two preserved north and east walls (Fig 1, A). A podium for the throne was placed against the north wall, which the king could reach from his (not preserved) apartments on the first floor by going down the four flights of the staircase inside the tower in the northeastern corner (at the ground floor, behind the central pillar of the staircase, was a small lieu d’aisance). This court (and the Central Complex behind it) must have been built by king Igriš-Ḫalab, whose death fell in the 47th year before the final destruction of the city, or, less probably, in the initial six years of reign of his successor 3 ARET I 1 § 63 has: I-nu-sar me-sig é-gal “Inu-šar, the guardian of the ‛big house’”, where é-gal cannot be Palace. It is surely a slip of the scribe or a hypercorrection for me-sig é en “the house of the king”, cf. MEE 12 36 obv. XXII 1‒3; 75.2365 rev. XIII 4‒6. There is also me-sig é-siki, MEE 12 37 rev. XXII 10‒11. In this second case, one can have simply: me-sig é, MEE 10 29 rev. 27‒28; 75.2362 obv. III 16. 4 There are two comprehensive short overviews of the so-called Palace G given by Matthiae 2008, 41–61; 2013a, 49–59.

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Fig. 1: Tell Mardikh – Ebla. Palazzo Reale G, BA IVA.

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“Palace” at Ebla: an Emic Approach

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Irkab-damu (who died in his 12th year of reign, 36th year before the fall of Ebla). In fact, the Central Archive (a small room, L. 2769, 5.10 x 3.55 m; Fig. 1, B) was built under the east porch, with the northern and the western walls of only one brick thick. It is clearly a later addition, also because it held only around 60 administrative documents, mostly concerning deliveries of silver (and also clothes) to the central administration, and four chancellery texts (certainly a small selection of a much richer collection) datable to the intial six years of Irkab-damu. A complete series of monthly accounts of expenditure of clothes (ca. 62 in number) were instead filed there, together with other tablets of this period, covering the five years of the mandate of Arrukum, Irkab-damu’s minister for his last five years, who introduced this genre of documentation (with a particular format) into the administrative practice.5 In room L. 2712, built in the north-east corner of the Audience Hall, was kept the documentation of the last three years concerning the provisions of cereals and oil expended for consumption at the Palace, together with a large number of vessels (Fig. 1, C). Allotments of cereals for the seven previous years were recorded in a single account, and the detailed registrations destroyed. From the east side of the Court of Audience the Monumental Stairway (preserved for 22 m) was the access to the (not preserved) building complex of the Acropolis. Two rooms opening onto the north side of this Stairway were the kitchen related to the Court of Audience; with more than eight fireplaces located in L. 2890, and several jars in L. 2834. The Administrative Quarter (44 m south-north, and ca. 13 m large) was entered through a passage under the eastern porch, which had on its right side a vestibule (L. 2875, D) behind which was the entrance to the Central Archive (B). In D several chancellery documents were temporarily kept (ARET XVI 13, 15, 17‒19; ARET XVIII) together with fragmentary texts of the agricultural administration.6 A court, probably with porches and walls decorated with panels, had on its north side a trapezoidal room (L. 2764), where ca. 12 tablets (in many pieces) with totals of the cereal production for the year in progress were temporarily collected, together with 17 small tablets dealing with animals or precious metals (E). Another entrance, parallel to that of L. 2764, gave the access to the first floor via a narrow staircase. On the opposite side, through the south wall of the court (M. 2862), one reached the Throne Room (16 x 11 m) (F). Several fragments of two life-size hairstyles were found in front of this wall. It was deduced that this entrance was provided with a portal decorated with a male and a female statue with a core in wood, while faces, hands, and feet were covered with leaves of gold, and the figure with leaves of silver, similar to descriptions of statues given in the texts. The two statues must have represented either the god ᵓAdabal and his Lady (Baᶜltum), or the royal couple Išᶜar-damu and Tabur-damu (Archi 2005, 92–98 = Archi 2015a, 749–757). 5 59 monthly accounts have been published by F. Pomponio, in ARET XV. The documents concerning silver are ARET XIV 1–44, and those listed in Archi 2016, 3–6, nos. 3–18. The chancellery documents are ARET XIII 1. 3. 5. 6 On the archives, see Archi 2015a, 77–92.

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Two small rooms were later built inside the Throne Room, where 13 lenticular tablets concerning objects decorated mostly with gold (and also silver) were found, together with small decorative pieces and a jewel in gold, the only one to have escaped the plundering (Archi 2015c) (G). Through an entrance in the south wall one accessed two square rooms (L. 2982, L. 2984), without any other entrance. The contents of the documents show that the incoming and outgoing precious metals were administered in the Throne Room. It seems quite probable, therefore, that the rooms L. 2982 and L. 2984 (L) originally contained precious goods, and have to be identified with the é-siki “the house of wool”, where gold and silver were hoarded, that is “the treasure”, notwithstanding its archaic name (see infra). North of the Monumental Stairway a large terracing wall (M. 3905) delimited the West Unit, on a higher level than the Audience Court and the Administrative Quarter. This included several rooms used for the preparation and conservation of food, as is proven by benches provided with basalt grinding stones and jars. Close to these rooms, in the thresholds of the small rooms L. 4436 and L. 4420, wooden planks had been placed on whose hidden wooden faces, at the moment of the installation, there were inlays in limestone still in place, representing soldiers with captured enemies, in some cases slaughtering them, or carrying cut off heads. Other inlays represent the well-known Mesopotamian pattern of the lion-headed eagle, in this case dominating two man-headed bulls (Matthiae 2013b, 499–502). This remarkable object in archaic style celebrated a great victory, perhaps that of king Igriš-Ḫalab over Abarsal (Tell Ḫuēra), or (perhaps better) was a trophy brought from that city, reused later for its wood because damaged. Towards the Acropolis, 5.85 m below the level of the floor, was the Hypogeum G4, which consisted of two communicating rooms, each roughly 5.2 x 4 m in size, the ceiling of which had collapsed (Matthiae 1997) (H). The two rooms were completely empty, and since it is unlikely that not even a single fragment of funerary furnishing would have survived the later sacking, one can conclude that the hypogeum was never used. Some documents dated to the minister Ibrium (first half of the Išᶜar-damu’s reign) register expenditures of gold and silver for “the grave of the king(s)”, é×pap en. It is therefore probable that the two preceding kings, Igriš-Ḫalab and Irkab-damu, were buried in the Mausoleum of nenaš, where some of their ancestor lay, and the custom of burying the kings in an intra-mural grave was introduced later, in coincidence with a greater centralisation of power (Archi 2012, 11‒14 = Archi 2015a, 534‒541). The Northern Quarter, one of whose entrances faced west, and another perhaps in front of the temple of Kura (Red-Temple), included two long storerooms, judging from their finds. In L. 2586, close to the bottom of a broken jar, were 32 lenticular tablets of economic character and in cursive writing, to be dated to the third year before the final destruction, and a kind of mnemonic exercise: a list of 72 personal names opened by those of the 26 kings of the Eblaite dynasty (I), while in L. 2601 the remains of precious wood furniture have been found. This last room was delimited to the north by a staircase with two flights, beyond which are two rooms: L. 8605 and L. 8606. In

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this second room, in the material used for preparing the last floor, a votive plaque was found together with the tablet 03.1000, which has to be dated to the three years of reign of Nizi, king of Mari, or to the very last years of his predecessor, Iblul-il.7 This quarter was just a few meters south of the temple of the city-god Kura (D2; Red Temple), but at a lower level; it was, therefore related to Palace G. Its restoration has to be dated either to the last five years of Irkab-damu or in the first years of his son Išᶜar-damu, confirming for that period some works of restoration and changes (Central Archive, Hypogeum) in several sectors of Palace G. The Southern Quarter was attached to the southeast rooms of the Administrative Quarter, but without any access to it. Five tablets were found on the floor of room L. 3462 (M); one of these, 82.266, is an account of large numbers of fields, cattle and sheep, and large amounts of silver and gold, whose more detailed data could have been obtained from documents from the Central Archive. It has been suggested that this could have been the office of minister Ibbi-zikir (Archi 1993, 10–18).

é en “house of the king”, and the treasury, é-siki “house of the wool” Already the archaic name for “treasury”, é-siki(-siki), litt. “house of wool”, is meaningful: it attests to the passage from wool to silver and gold as the most precious hoarded goods, although processing wool for clothing was still the first industry of the state.8 The Annual Accounts of Expenditures of Metals (AAM) of king Išᶜar-damu, concerning mostly the expenditures of wrought silver and gold, but also of copper and tin, are closed by a balance concerning the silver. The usual wording is, e.g., in 75.1860 (I.Z. 1) l. edge 4‒6: an.šè.gú è 573 ma-na babbar:kù ap 430 ma-na babbar:kù al6-gál é siki-siki “totals: expenditures 269.31 kg of silver and 210.10 kg present (in) the house of the wool”. In 75.2359 (Ibr. 9) rev. XV 4‒9 and 75.2465 (Ibr. 16) rev. XIX 23‒24 one has instead: al6-gál é en “present in the house of the king”.9 Another proof that the é-siki was a quarter of the é en is given by the AAM MEE 12 37 (I.Z. 9), which lists in § 113: 1;45 minas (822 g) of gold and 2 minas (940 g) of silver for plating 20 + 20 + 10 + 40 bracelets (gú-li-lum) for the me-sig “watchmen” 7 For the archaeological data concerning these two rooms, see Matthiae 2004, 306‒309; for an evaluation of the cuneiform tablet, see Archi 2016, 12‒13. 8 Gelb (1986, 158) wrote: “In the face of the extraordinary number of texts pertaining to wool and textiles at Ebla, one feels somewhat like Francisco Pissarro when he first entered an Inca storehouse in Cuzco and was overwhelmed by the mountains of wool blankets piled up from the floor to the ceiling”. This remark concerns, however, the administrative files, not the textile production, which was very important also in southern Mesopotamia according to the Ur III archives. Notwithstanding the fact that Ebla controlled large herds of sheep, wool had to be imported from Mari (Archi 2020). 9 In MEE 12 36 rev. XXXI 28‒29 and in 75.10201 rev. XXVI 5‒6 there is: al6-gál é, presumably: “the house (of the king)”. A list of the AAMs (in chronological order) is given in Archi 2015b, 168 and 170.

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of the é-siki.10 These officials are always related to the é en, and had to be a kind of gardes d’honneur of “the house of the king”. They wore bracelets of different values as a distinguishing mark. This datum is found already in the documents of the mi­ nister Arrukum. 75.1379 obv. V 16‒19: 235 g of gold (for) a bracelet: to the watchmen of the house of the king, 30 (gín) kù-gi gú-li-lum me-sig é en. 75.1406 rev. X 4‒5: 3.30 minas (1.64 kg) of silver for bracelets: gift for the watchmen of the house of the king, 3;30 ma-na babbar:kù gú-li-lum níg-ba me-sig é en. MEE 2 12 obv. II 2: [x] gold (for) plating 45 bracelets of copper: supply (for) the house of the king, [x kù-g]i nu11-za 45 gú-li-lum a-gar5-gar5 gaba-ru é en. At the time of Ibrium and his son Ibbi-zikir, who succeeded Arrukum, the value and number of these bracelets for these watchmen increased, as already MEE 12 37 § 13 (I.Z. 9; supra) has shown. 75.2333 (Ibr. 0?) rev. XIV 9–XV 10: 6 minas (2.82 kg) of silver and 1 mina (470 gr.) of gold for making and plating 10 + 20 + 15 + 5 + 5 bracelets: supply (for) the house of the king, gaba-ru é en. 75.10077 (Ibr. 2a) obv. XV 17–22: 3;20 minas (1.57 kg) of silver for making 20 bracelets: supply for the house of the king, handed over to the watchmen, gaba-ru é en “taka4” igi.igi. 75.2362 (Ibr. 2b) obv. IV 18–V 3: 46 shekels (360 gr.) of silver for plating 3 + 10 bracelets of copper for the me-sig é-en; rev. XIII 7‒11: 40 shekels (313 gr.) of silver for plating 20 bracelets for the me-sig é-en. 75.1771 (Ibr. 4) rev. IX 5–14: 1;05 minas (509 gr.) of gold for plating 10 + 5 + 10 + 10 bracelets of copper for the me-sig é-en. 75.2365 (Ibr. 13) rev. XII 28–XIII 6: 50 shekels (391 gr.) of gold for plating 15 + 14 bracelets of copper for the me-sig é-en. 75.1730(+) (Ibr. 14) obv. XV 13–22: 1;15 minas (587 gr.) of gold for plating 5 + 10 + 5 + 10 bracelets of copper for the me-sig é-en. 10 On the me-sig officials, see Catagnoti (2019), passage [31] 75.1997 obv. II 2–4 mentions ᵓÀ-zi me-sig of the gate of the king (ká en); according to passage [32] MEE 7 35 obv. IV 9‒13, En-na-ì was the me-sig of the treasure of the king (zax en). The scribes of the archive L. 2712 used the writing: igi-sig, see ARET IX, 190.

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75.2502 (Ibr. 15) obv. VIII 2–16: 1;04 minas (501 gr.) of gold and 3 minas (1.41 kg) of silver for plating 20 + 40 + 20 bracelets of copper for the me-sig é-en. 75.2465 (Ibr. 16) rev. XI 5–17: 5 minas (2.35 kg of silver and 1 mina (470 gr.) of gold for making and plating 1 + 2 + 5 + 1 bracelets for the me-sig é-en. 75.10074 (I.Z. 6) rev. XXIII 1‒11: 1;30 minas (705 g of gold 2;40 minas (1.25 kg) of silver for plating 20 + [x +] 20 + 40 bracelets of copper for the me-sig é MEE 12 36 (I.Z. 10) § 38: 1;04 minas (501 gr.) of gold and 2 minas (940 g) of silver for plating 20 + 30 + 10 + 40 bracelets of copper for the me-sig é-en.11 It is impossible to know why the staff of the “watchmen”, me-sig, received so often the same kind of objects: these bracelets were intended either to be hoarded, or, perhaps more probably, these men were in office for a limited period. One can estimate that these men were about 25 to 30 in number. According to the AAM 75.2464 (Ibr. 3), they also received 23 plates of gold and copper, obv. V 4–7: 23 dib a-gar5-gar5 kù-gi. The “house of the king” had, of course, at its disposition precious vessels, 75.2062 obv. IV 6–10: 5 ma-na kù-gi 10 an-zam x 50 (gín) kù-gi 10 zi-bar é en “(2.35 kg) of gold (for) 10 cups (and) 391 gr. of gold (for) 10 goblets (for) the house of the king”. Precious objects belonging to the king were kept in the é-siki, 75.2074 obv. IV 2‒V 5: “Total: 20;20 minas (9.56 kg) of gold, competence of the king: expended (nígki-za en è). 4;15 minas (2 kg) of gold, a big torque (ti-gi-na maḫ): competence of the king: present in the é-siki”. 76.534 rev. XI 7–11: “4 minas (1.88 kg): 2 pedestals for the statue(s) (lagab an-dùl) of the king : kept in the é-siki”. ARET XIV 92 rev. III 3‒6: “24 minas (11.28 kg) of gold: frontlets and blinkers of 24 traders (níg-anše-ak-níg-anše-ak kù-sal-kù-sal 24 u5, of the é-siki)”. “The house of the king”, é en, made a cumulative rich gift to the house of the minister Ibbi-zikir on the occasion of the marriage (níg-mu-sá), presumably of the minister, 75.1397 rev. V 1–2: “Total: 21;50 minas (10.26 kg) of gold, 4;35 minas (2.15 kg) of silver” (Archi 1985, 26‒28). “The house of the wool” was not only that quarter of “the house of the king” where silver and gold were hoarded, but also where objects were manufactured, such as valuable weapons. MEE 12 35 rev. VII 34–38: 4 ḫa-zi maḫ, (big axes) 3 gín gal maḫ (big hatchets) 2 dub.nagar maḫ (big chisels) decorated with gold (lú é-siki); MEE 12 37 rev. VI 16‒19: 60 gín gal 30 ḫa-zi zabar; 75.2507 obv. XIX 3–4: 20 gín gal 10 ḫa-zi; 75.10074 obv. XXVII 1‒5: 12 gín gal zabar 7 dub.nagar 1 gín tur (all these passages are determined with lú é-siki). 11 Another document of minister Ibrium which registers many expenditures of precious objects, 75.1840(+) has in obv. XII 18‒XIII 8: “1;08 minas (533 gr.) for plating 2 / 4 / 20 bracelets for the me-sig é-en, handed over (on the occasion of) the review of the men by ‛the grain heap’, zarki”.

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One can outline the following historical process: Originally the house of the chief was the centre where power was exercised and goods collected. With the increasing complexity of the state, the house of the king expanded significantly. It remained the decisional centre and also the seat of the treasure. It was however necessary to build an administrative sector for the increased personnel and provide a place where primary goods could be processed for their maintenance. Cult places were also included, so that the king and his family could perform the duties which justified their supremacy. This entire complex, the palace according to our terminology, é-gal / ekallum in Mesopotamia, was called sa.zaxki.

Defining the é en “house of the king” The excavations have brought to light only the sections where supreme authority was exercised by controlling the administration, besides two large temples: that of the city-god Kura, immediately north of the Audience Court, and another one in the south-east area of the lower city. A “rite of purification of the house of the king”, a-tu5 é en, was celebrated every first month (iti i-si) of the year by Adulu, the “servant”, pāšišu, of the god Kura, until the first years of minister Ibrium, when he was succeeded by his son Enna-il.12 In the Throne‒room even the daily expenditures of precious objects were registered (G), while at the entrance of the Administrative Quarter the instructions of the king and the minister were drawn up and temporarily collected at its entrance (D), and the administrative documentation was kept for a long period (Central Archive, B). The documentation concerning the primary production was temporarily kept in one room of this quarter (E). The registers concerning the victual provisions for the court (é en) and the personnel of the Palace (sa.zaxki) were kept instead in a room in the north-east corner of the Audience Hall (C), for the limited period of about three years. I-bu16(ni)-bù(?) was an “overseer of the house of the king”, ugula é en, in the year Ibr. 3 (75.2362 rev. XVI 19‒21).13 He has to be identified with I-bù-ka×kid agrig é en, “the chief steward of the house of the king”, who wrote the letter of Irkab-damu to Zizi, king of Ḫamazi, (ARET XIII 314) qualifying himself as agrig, he adopted in this letter a terminology more usual in Babylonia. This term is registered in the Bilingual Lists (see ARET XIII 32), but did not belong to the administrative lexicon of Ebla. 12 The term a-tu5 was explained by Bonechi (1989); the ceremony was defined by Viganò (1995); details by Archi (1996b). 13 The name is written in graffito. 14 It is hardly believable that the Eblaite messenger who went to Ḫamazi was Tira-il, the scribe of the letter, as Bonechi (2016b, 15–16) suggests: He would have gone to Kiš to specialize in cuneiform studies, and on his way back to Ebla via Mari, he would have “soggiornato anche a Ḫamazi”, taking the initiative to write to king Zizi of Ḫamazi in the name of his own king, with the precaution, however, of sending a copy of his letter at home!

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“Palace” at Ebla: an Emic Approach

11

An equivalent term was bad (baᶜal) é en, the title of Bù-da-ma-lik (75.10074 obv. 34‒36, year I.Z. 6), and Ìl-zi who also was bad é en “lord of the house of the king, majordomo” presumably for most of the period of Ibbi-zikir (75.10080 rev. X 11‒12). The administrative documents, given their nature, do not enlighten us as to how the people of the “house of the king” were distributed throughout the complex of buildings, of which the excavations have brought to light only the sectors on the western slopes of the acropolis. We can suppose that “the women of the king”, dam en, were provided with their own quarters, although these did not receive a denomination worth being recorded in the written sources. The texts relating to the distribution of clothing list these women by name all together and in a strictly hierarchical order: first Dusigu, “the mother of the king” (until her death in the 3rd year of the minister Ibbi-zikir = 21st year of the reign of Išᶜar-damu), followed by “the queen”, maliktum (from the 14th year of the king), and then all the other women. These lists are closed by the women who lived in secondary residences ᵓAzan, Lub, Mabarra, Mara, outside the city. Except these women, the others (including their daughters) must have resided in a single sector, while the queen, Tabur-damu, upon whom so many duties, in particular of cultic character, were laid, could have had rooms closer to the king.15 The powerful Dusigu, who had given to king Irkab-damu his throne heir without becoming queen, and survived so many years after the king’s death, had her own quarters: ARET XX 9 § 77 registers a “house of the mother of the king” provided with 11 women under the control of 2 “expert women”, dam maḫ. Administrative practices reflected status and functions, not topographical locations. 75.2551 lists an expenditure of mantels (zara6-túg) for 26 ladies of first rank, and less precious mantels (túg-ni.ni) to another 73 women. Reasons are not given, but because a prosopographic analysis dates this text to Irkab-damu, and his wife is not mentioned, the occasion could have been the funerary rites of queen Kešdut. 75.2168, instead, lists 53 other important women (in obv. III 6 is the name of Dusigu, the future favourite of Irkab-damu) who received a túg-ni.ni of good quality each, and 107 other women to whom each a normal túg-ni.ni was given. In obv. VIII 3‒5, 15 “servants”, pa4 -šeš, of Kešdut are mentioned; this second text could refer to gifts given on the occasion of the marriage of the queen.16 It is unthinkable that all these 160 women had found a place in the king’s residence: most of them must have been in the service of the “women of the king”. L. Milano (1990, 323‒343) who has studied the accounting concerning the “rations”, še-ba, (i.e. the victuals) for the Palace, has stressed that in these documents the principles according to which the personnel is grouped might be quite different from document to document: social status, activity, age, topographical location. This is the reason why terms such as “house of the king”, and Palace (lit. “House of the Goods”, 15 The lists of “the women of the king” have been collected by Archi 1988, 245–259, and have been ordered chronologically by Tonietti 1989. For an evaluation of these women, see Archi 2002, 3–4 = Archi 2015a, 253–255. 16 These two texts have been presented in Archi 1996a, where Kešdut was considered the spouse of Irkab-damu. This statement has been corrected in Archi 2016, 6–7.

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sa.za x ki)

have, in most cases, an administrative rather than a topographic meaning, although these sometimes overlap. ARET IX 13 registers “the barley (845 gú-bar) for the rations of the house of the king” for making bread and beer (§ 13). The detailed list of the expenditures has (§§ 1‒3) barley for: the king; 1000 “men” (guruš-guruš) of the sa.zaxki; 20 “representatives” (maškim) of the sons of the king; 20 representatives of Ilzi, the majordomo of the house of the king; 20 cooks and a-am servant; 20 people in charge of the wardrobe (túg-zi.zi); 20 people “at the service”, al6-du11-ga, of the queen. There follows (§ 4) the beer for: the men of the sa.zaxki ; the elders; the representatives of the allied kings and of Armi; the “pleaders”, gú-di and men of the king of Ḫutimu; the city-god Kura. In the totals, also the breads for “the gods of the suburbs”, dingir-dingir-dingir eri-bar, are included (§ 11). While all these expenditures belonged to the “house of the king” (§ 13), the rations for the women are recorded separately. First the queen with two ladies of the highest rank: Tiš-damu and Enna-dUtu (§ 14); 10 women of the king and 10 women of the elders (ábba, § 15); 22 “younger women of the king”, dam en tur (§ 16); 300 women on half rations (níg-á-gá-II) (§ 17); 80 women of the village of Buzuga (just outside the city walls) (§ 18). The document closes with the rations for 42 ib, 21 a-am, 60 “providers”, ú-a (§§ 19‒21); these men belonged to the sa.zaxki, according to other documents, who had to control the work of these women (no. 44 § 26, with the commentary). Text no. 14 presents this same format, while a particular form of accounting was in general reserved to the rations for the women of the king and several other women (texts nos. 37‒45 and 46‒59). No. 37, for example, lists by name 16 dam en (§§ 1‒4), 28 dam en tur (§§ 5‒6); 5 + 3 + 2 + 1 dam (§§ 7‒8); 90 “millers”, dam kikken (§ 9); the sons of the king (§§ 10‒11); the god Kura (§ 13); the ib men of Ilzi and Ibdura, those of the é-am and the é nagar (§ 14). According to the accounts relating to rations, the “house of the king” included no fewer than 200 individuals (ARET IX, 333), among whom are the elders (whose number varies: 35, 38, 48, see ARET IX, 377, s.v. ab×áš), but not the “women of the king”, whose residence must, however, been connected with that of the king. The other women, instead, must have lived in some sector of the sa.zaxki or in the suburbs (e.g., in Buzuga). Similarly, in the case of the elders, their women (29 / 35 in number, texts nos. 43, 44) received rations separately, and in the “house of the elders” (no. 43 rev. I 3).17 sa.za x ki

cults

“centre of the administration of the goods; Palace”, and seat of the

The term sa.šita.gunûki has been read by G. Pettinato sa.zaxki, and understood as “governatorato” (Pettinato, MEE 2 31 and 196).18 The second element of the name, 17 Some documents distinguish between elders “who sit (by) the throne”, and elders who had to go on “a military expedition”, níg-kas4, see Personnel of the Palace 2.1., in ARET XX. 18 A definition of the sa.zaxki in relation to “Ebla” was first attempted by Arcari 1988.

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“Palace” at Ebla: an Emic Approach

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za x (šita.gunû),

occurs in the Ebla documents with the meaning “goods, property”.19 On the term u.šita.gunû in the documents before the Ur III period, Edzard (1968, 121) noted: “Er steht immer hinter Inventaren, dürfte also eine Sammelbezeichnung für die aufgezählten Immobilien, Sklaven, Gegenstände und Bargeldbeträge sein”.20 Because zax has its own meaning different from sa.zaxki, the sign sa has not to be interpreted as a phonetic indicator in sa.zaxki (a possibility suggested by Civil 1983, 240), but as é in ligature with šita.gunû, plus the determinative ki. The basic meaning of this term is therefore: “centre of the administration of goods”, with a precise topographical location. In the ritual of the wedding of the royal couple, “the queen, until she enters the temple of Kura (the city-god), does not enter within the walls (bàd ki); outside the walls the queen sleeps ... On the day on which the queen arrives at the sa.zaxki, then the queen brings (the gifts) to the temple of Kura”, ARET XI 1 §§ 5. 6. 1; 2 §§ 7. 8). The sa.zaxki occupied, therefore, an area inside the city-walls and included the temple of Kura, which has to be identified with the so-called “Red Temple”, on the western edge of the acropolis, a few meters north of the Royal Palace G.21 The monthly documents of allotments of sheep have a first section which lists the sheep for “the temples”, é-é dingir-dingir(-dingir), and a second one for the sheep as “supply / victuals of the Palace”, gaba-ru / kú sa.zaxki (75.1764 rev. I 19 and IV 27‒28; 75.2075 obv. IX 16‒17 and XII 2‒3; 75.2238 rev. IV 2 and IX 2‒3; Pettinato 1979, 137 and 139; 153‒154; 171 and 173), while the third section concerns the victuals for the king, members of his family, and several officials for their journeys. In this way one distinguished between two different genres of receivers: the gods and the human beings who lived or worked at the Palace, together with its visitors, e.g., Ilba‒damu, king of Kakmium; Iniḫi-lim, an overseer of Kablul; Tiša-lim, an Eblaite princess who became queen of Emar (ARET XIV 64 § 31, MEE 7 34 obv. XV 5‒9, rev. IX 30‒X 3, respectively), and many others. After the defeat of Mari by Terqa, in the 15th year of the minister Ibbi-zikir, the prince Ultum-ḫuḫu of Nagar came to Ebla to marry the princess Tagriš-damu, and seal the alliance between the two cities. His train included Nizi, his envoy, ur4; 10 el-

19 ARET I 308, lists: an ugula zax “overseer of the goods”; and: zax en “goods of the king”; zaxzax nagar-nagar: “tools of the carpenters”. ARET XIV 92 registers the deliveries of gold to the administration by the minister Ibbi-zikir over 17 years; the total in § 18 is: “287;33 minas of gold, 98;52 minas of silver: goods (ZA x) of Ibbi-zikir”. 75.1871 rev. VIII 17–IX 2: [... 1 ma-na kù-gi] zax-zax sa.zaxki “[... 1 mina of gold:] goods of the sa.zaxki. 20 See, further, Krecher 1973, 240–241, and Civil 1983, who has produced the full evidence of the Mesopotamian documentation of the 3rd millennium. 21 75.1464, a yearly document of the year Ibrium 12 (= king Išᶜar-damu 12) registers in obv. XIV, 15–18 “10 minas (4.70 kg) of gold to make (unken-ak) the temple of Kura”. This could refer just to a reshaping of the furniture of the temple. If Išᶜar-damu, rebuilt the temple instead, that would explain why its cella was “a moderate Langraum”, while the Temple of the Rock, in the lower city, is a moderate Breitraum, therefore slightly older (on the plans of these two temples, see Matthiae 2015, 78–79).

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ders; 40 people of major rank, 2 é-duru5ki maḫ; another 40 people, and 6 singers, nar. They all “received (gifts) at the Palace”, in sa.zaxki šu-ba4-ti (75.125’ obv. I 1–II 10).22 There is no doubt that temples and shrines were located in the sa.zaxki. Some gods received even a particular hypostasis: that “of the sa.zaxki”. The queen offered 2 sheep to “Rašap of Adani and Rašap of the sa.zaxki”, 75.1173 obv. IX 12‒18. Riᶜi‒malik was valet (pa4-šeš) of Rašap of the sa.zaxki, 75.1729 obv. V 3‒6. In 75.2403 obv. I 17‒19 and II 24‒III 2 a d Ra-sa-ap in sa.zaxki, and a d Ra-sa-ap ᵓÀ-da-niki in sa.zaxki are quoted. Also a dᵓA5 -da-“bal” sa.zaxki, and a dutu (the Sun-deity) of the sa.zaxki are often mentioned, cf. 75.2403 obv. III 20‒21 and 75.1414 rev. VIII 9‒10; as well as a Hadda and an Eštar of the sa.zaxki, 75.2462 rev. VII 21‒22 and 75.2507 obv. III 6‒7. The kings of the allied cities came to swear their loyalty in the temple of Kura, therefore at the sa.zaxki; see, e.g., the kings of ᵓIrar and Manuwat, 75.1923 rev. XIV  6‒10: nam-tar-nam-tar en Ì-ra-ar ki é d Ku-ra; 75.2359 rev. I 2–9: I-bí-du-lum en Manu-wa-at ki nam-tar é d Ku-ra. MEE 12 35 § 33b: “PN of Ibal who came to the Palace for the offering of the oil”, du.du si-in sa.zaxki nídba ì-giš.23 Not only the king of Ebla, but also the queen, the crown prince and his spouse, sons and daughters of the royal couple, and sometimes also the minister, offered sheep to the gods in the sa.zaxki, month after month. The three well preserved monthly lists which have been published register respectively: 246 sheep for the temples and 548 sheep as victuals for (the people present at) the sa.zaxki, in month III (75.1764); 140 and 619 sheep respectively for the temples and the sa.zaxki, in month X (75.2075); 328 and 773 sheep respectively for the temples and the sa.zaxki in month III of another year (75.2238).24 The tablet 75.2538 gives the total of the sheep expended by the central administration, that is by “the Palace as a household and seat of government”, in one of the years (“from month III to month III”) immediately preceding the two years before the fall of Ebla, documented by the 22 monthly lists. Here the tripartite division of the monthly lists was not followed: temples ‒ sa.zaxki ‒ travels (kaskal-kaskal), that is victuals for people of the central administration who had to travel inside the country (or abroad), and for guests travelling inside the kingdom. The expenditures are classified instead according to the major receivers.

22 See Biga 1998, 19–20. ARET X 106 § 23 register the expenditure of an alcoholic “drink at the Palace (for these) “80 men of Nagar”. 1 é-duruki was a group of 20 people. After the victory over Mari, also 6 singers of Kiš came to the Palace, 75.2426 obv. VIII 7–13: 6 nar Kiški lú ì-ti in níg-kas4 Ma-ríki in sa.za xki. 23 This contradicts Bonechi (2016c: 67‒68) according to whom “‛Saza’ cannot be inside Tell Mardikh ... a better explanation (would be to) interpret this term as an indication of the ‛crown possession in countryside’ around Mardikh”. The analysis of the passages in ARET XI on which Bonechi bases his reasoning has been already criticized by Sallaberger (2018, 119‒120). 24 See the already mentioned passages 75.1764 rev. I 18‒19 and IV 26‒28; 75.2075 obv. IX 15‒17 and XII 1‒3; 75.2238 rev. IV 1‒2 and IX 1‒3; Pettinato 1979, 137 and 139; 153‒154; 170 and 173.

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15

“Palace” at Ebla: an Emic Approach

obv. I.

II.

III.

1.

4 li 8 mi udu é dingir-dingir-dingir-dingir

4,800 sheep: the temples.

3.

1 li 7 mi 80 udu kú

1,780 sheep: victuals

1.

en Ìr-ᵓà-ag-da-mu

(for) the king (and the crown prince) Irᵓak‒damu.

3.

1 li 6 mi 45 udu al6-du11-ga

1,645 sheep: requested.

5.

2 li 9 mi 66 udu kú sa.za x ki wa Ib-laki é Du ˹bù˺-ḫu-

2,966 sheep: victuals (for) the sa.zaxki and Ebla (and) the house of Tubuḫu-Hadda (son of the minister). 1,803 sheep: victuals (for) the sa.zaxki by (the minister) Ibbi-zikir (and his son) Ruzi-malik.

1. 3. 5. 7.

IV.

9. 1.

1 li 8 mi 3 udu kú sa.za x ki áš-da I-bí-zi-kir Ru12 -zi-ma-lik

rev. I.

3.

3 mi 6 udu Ar-miki

306 sheep: (people from) Armi (at Ebla).

5.

5 mi udu šu-du8-máš

500 sheep: for taking omina.

1.

2 li 5 mi 50 udu gaba[-ru] [sa.z]axki

2,550 sheep: supply (for) the sa.zaxki

(6) 4 l[i] 8 ˹mi˺ 60 udu

4,860

3.

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II. 1. 3. III. 1.

še-ba rations Ib-laki (for) Ebla. (unwritten) (unwritten) [ ] 10 udu [ ] 10 sheep.

(7) IV. 1. (unwritten) áš-d[a] From iti za-’à-tum month III 3. si-in to iti za-’à-tum month III. The need for that year was of 21,210(+10) sheep in total. While in the monthly lists the sheep for the king, the crown prince, the minister, and the other officials were included either in the section: “supply / victuals for the sa.zaxki”, or in that of “journeys”, in this document one chose to be more detailed. As has already been noted above, é en and sa.zaxki may have a bureaucratic meaning in the accountability besides a topographic meaning.25 “Temples” refers to the gods who received offerings in the city of Ebla, more precisely in the sa.zaxki (as noted above). Very few individual temples are mentioned, and most of the gods (probably even Hadda of Ḫalab) received their offerings in the temple of another god, mostly in that of Kura. The victuals for the king and Irᵓak-damu were clearly those for the é en “the house of the king”. The fact that the amounts for the highest officials, that is the minister and two of his sons, were associated with that of the sa.zaxki confirms that they were based in the sa.zaxki to fulfill their “public” duties. “Ebla”, in this text (obv. III 3, rev. II 2), means other personnel (men and women) present (temporarily ?) in the sa.zaxki or in its vicinity.

An overview of the royal court, its guests and the Palace personnel 75.2280(+) reflects the structure of the court and the diplomatic system which kept bound to Ebla the whole of northern Syria as far as the Baliḫ area (beyond the Euphrates), and also the great powers with which relations increased in the last period. It is a unique document considering also the extraordinary richness of the gifts which were distributed. The first part concerns the king and all the royal family with the personnel which provided the service at the court. Then come the kings of 17 cities which recognized the hegemony of Ebla during the period of the minister Ibbi-zikir, who sometimes came personally to the sa.zaxki, but who were usually represented by a delegation which travelled to Ebla at least once a year to exchange ceremonial gifts. They are followed by the representatives of the towns of the kingdom, and lastly by the person25 See, further, Milano ARET IX 332.

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nel which belonged to the sa.zaxki (including “the elders of the sa.zaxki”, rev. XIII 7–8) who provided for the functioning of the state. Surprisingly, the minister Ibbi-zikir seems not to have been mentioned (there are a few short lacunae), but only his son Tubuḫu-Hadda (rev. XIV 12). This document is probably to be dated about three years before the fall of Ebla: princess Kešdut had not yet left the court to marry a son of the king of Kiš. Išᶜar‒ damu, who had married in the 14th year of his reign (presumably at about 17 years of age) was in his early thirties. The first nine princes were sons he had by several women, while the last three were quite probably his half‒brothers, whom his father Irkab-damu had by several women (but not from his spouse Kešdut).26 a) The king received 800[+x] minas of silver plus objects for a further 48;55 minas for a total of about 400 kg The objects in gold needed 17;16 minas of gold in the relation of 1 : 4 with silver, and another 80;25 minas in the relation of 1 : 2½, that is 8.14 and 37.80 kg, respectively. The crown prince Irᵓak-damu received objects decorated with 12;44 minas of gold [1 : 4] and 7;13 minas of gold [1 : 2½]; that is 6.38 and 3.39 kg The queen received 12 + 12 mantels and several objects for 47;14 minas of gold [1 : 4] (22.20 kg). The “women of the queen” and the princesses (presumably 27 in number) received 27 mantels, 15;20 minas of gold [1 : 2½] (7.21 kg) and 6 minas of silver (2.82 kg). Kešdut, “the daughter of the (king and) queen”, received two bracelets of gold 1 : 4 for a total of 1;30 minas (705 gr.). The sons of the king were Igsub-damu and Ze-damu; Gadum, Ziᵓib-damu and Sag-damu; Ibte-damu, Ilzi-damu, Irkab-rizu, and ne.ḫar-damu. Each person of these three groups received respectively 1 plate, 1 belt with sheath and pendant, frontlets and blinkers for their chariots in gold [1 : 2½] of the following weights: 1 mina ‒ 40 shekels ‒ 1;30 minas; 40 shekels ‒ 30 shekels ‒ 1;30 mina; 30 shekels ‒ 20 shekels ‒ 1 mina. Gender roles were imposed and not “negotiated”, as contemporary anthropology likes to suggest. To the stable of “the house of the king” were assigned objects for 48 mina of gold [1 : 2½] (22.56 kg), 7;03 minas of silver (3.31 kg), 35;20 minas of copper (16.61 kg), and 1 mina of tin (470 gr.). Each of the princes Maḫra-damu, Ḫaba and Šura-damu, sons of the previous king, Irkab-damu, received 1 plate and 1 dagger with a belt in gold [1 : 2½] of 30 + 30 shekels (470 gr.). The personnel of the house of the king was grouped under ib-ib maḫ, 57 in number, and 750 among ib-ib tur, ir11-ir11, ú-a-ú-a. The term ib is the denomination of a profession very rarely attested in the Sargonic documents.27 At Ebla a distinction was made 26 The “sons of the king” had been distinguished in a first group of eight individuals, therefore sons of Irkab-damu (some, perhaps of Igriš-Ḫalab), and a second group of nine sons of Išᶜardamu, Archi 1988, 223–224. On the identification of the Kešdut of the early years of minister Arrukum with the spouse of Irkab-damu, see Archi 2015b, 6–7. 27 Gelb, 1955, 217 mentions an: ib gal, with the Akkadian equivalent muᵓirru “director”.

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between “senior, expert”, maḫ, and “junior”, tur, ib. ú-a “provider”, (Akk. zāninum), has in the Lexical Lists (no. 297) the equivalence ga-si-lu / qāširu(m)/, from *qšr (Conti 1990, 114–115). They received 1 cloth and 1 kilt each. The female personnel was qualified as ama-gi4 “manumitted women”; they received all together 473 túg-ni.ni (a kind of mantel) and 930 sal-túg (a kind of tunic), and numbered probably about 900.28 b) The second group of people was formed by 17 kings of the allied cities and by some of their “elders”, ábba, that is those of: ᵓIrar, Kakmium, Raᵓak, Burman, Dub, Imar, Garmu, Lumnan, Ibuᵓib, Utigu, Ursᵓum, Nagar, Dulu, Iritum, Gudadanum, Ḫarran, Sanapzugum. Each of these kings received 1 plate of gold [1 : 2½] of 1 mina / 40 / 30 shekels according to their importance. The number of the elders (two or three) was also in relation with the importance of their cities; they received 1 plate of 30 or 20 shekels each. The elders of ᵓIrar were exceptionally 12 in number, but only 2 received a plate. Each individual received also 1 cloth and 1 kilt. Differently from all of these cities, Nagar (Tell Brāk) was a regional state like Ebla (it controlled the region of the Upper Ḫabur), and received particular treatment. It was represented by Nizi, whose title was ur4 “courier”, but in this particular case something like “envoy, ambassador”, who in one mission accompanied the son of his king, Ultum-ḫuḫu to Ebla, to be introduced to princess Tagriš-damu, whom he was to marry (75.2426 rev. II 3‒13). Together with Nizi, 7 elders are mentioned, who received 1 plate of 30 shekels and 6 of 30 shekels. It is not that a meeting was organized for all these people, but it is certain that these kings and their retinues, or at least some of their representatives came to Ebla in that particular year. They met Išᶜar-damu either in the Audience Hall or in the Throne Room (depending on the rank of the visitors and the weather). Formally, it was made clear that in many cases they came “to (si-in) the sa.zaxki”, where they were provided with victuals. The documents dated in the years preceding the fall of the city, attest to the presence at the sa.zaxki of many of such delegations, some of which visited Ebla even more than once in a year (Archi 2019). There then follows a second lists of cities: Sarḫu, Arḫadu, Naḫi, Zumunanu, (a man from) Ḫutimu (and his 5 elders), kú izi, Šura-garru and his 9 brothers. Tisum, (a man from) Kablul and 4 of his elders, Ugaranu, Abu, (a man of) du (and 2 of his elders), (a man from) Iritum (and 1 of his elders), Dasadu, Asalu, Ašu, Adur, Luatum, Amurum. Of these, Kablul was also an important city-state; Arḫadu and Ḫutimu were also ruled by a king. Luatum was at the head of a group of Eblaite fortified centres north of Karkamiš. These places were included regularly in lists of cities which received annually a gift of clothes (listed in ARET I 219–225), together with

28 The “deliveries (for) the house of the king”, mu- du é en, obv. IX 19–21 concern objects in metals for chariots. The number of the ib-ib maḫ is deduced from two groups of clothing they received: 31 + 26 clothes and 57 kilts ‒ 20 + 30 clothes and 50 kilts. That of the ib-ib tur, ir11-ir11 and ú-aú-a from 350 + 400 clothes and 750 kilts. The number of the ‛manumitted’ women, ama-gi4 is uncertain: they received 473 túg-ni.ni (a mantel) and 930 sal-túg (a kind of tunic).

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Šura-garru and “his brothers”, therefore a sheikh with the chiefs of his tribes, and “the eaters of fire”, also a population of the desert area. In this group is included even a delegation of 6 men from Kiš, the major Mesopotamian power, allied with Ebla against Mari; its chief received a plate of 30 shekels of gold (1 : 2½), the other members of the delegation a plate of 20 shekels each. c) The last part of the document concerns first several dozen officials of the sa.zaxki, mentioned by name but not qualified by a function; only for Išgi-barzu it is noted that he was at the head of 60 “messengers”, kas4-kas4. The “elders”, ábba-ábba, of the sa.zaxki were 180, as is deduced from the fact that they received in a cumulative way, this number of clothes and kilts (rev. XIII 7–8).29 There are then 8 groups of several hundreds of men organized in gàr-sar: gàr-sar of Du-bí-šum wa ˹x˺-rí-tum (966 men); (x men) of the gàr-sar who resided in Ḫa-a-bíduki; gàr-sar of Ib-gi-da-mu (640 men); [X]; [gàr-sar] of ḫar-ḫu-ru12 [X men]; gàr-sar of A-zú-gú-ra (800 men); gàr-sar of Mu-gàr (790 men); ne-zi ([400+x] men). These groups have to be those which usually receive the name of ìr-a-núm. In fact, other documents confirm that Dubi-šum, ḫar ḫuru12, Azu-gura, Mugar, nezi were at the head of an ìr-a-núm.30 The last part of the document lists five groups of “representatives”, maškim (each group from 20 to 40 men) coming under an official known also from other documents (the preserved names are those of Ibdulu, Tubuḫu-Hadda, son of the minister Ibbi-zikir, Samum, Ilzi). Notwithstanding some lacunae, one can determine that the personnel included: 27 “dancers”, ne-di; 15 “lyre players”, balag-di; 49 “charioteers of teams of mules”, ugula sur x-kúnga; [5 groups in lacuna]; 55 “singers”, nar-nar; 37 “messengers”, kas4-kas4; 27 “cooks”, muḫaldim-muḫaldim; [x “metalworkers”, simug]; [x] “carpenters”, nagar; 66 “(men in charge of making) arrows”, giš-ti. These all belong to the sa.zaxki, according to the documents collected in ARET XX, where they are listed after the men grouped in ᶜirānum. Text 75.2280(+) was drawn up on a particular solemn occasion. The long list of the allied cities is that known for the last period of the minister Ibbi-zikir. Princess Kešdut (“the daughter of the queen”) was still at court. Her particular position in this list suggests that she was already promised as spouse to a prince of Kiš. This is confirmed by the presence of a delegation of 6 men from Kiš, who had undoubtedly arrived to define the alliance between the two states after the defeat of Mari by Ebla in the year Ibbi-zikir 15 (Ebla was destroyed in year 18). Similarly to 75.2280(+), two 29 According to ARET XX 7 12 and 14 (concerning different years), they were respectively 160, 186, 172.; see ARET XX 190–191, Personnel (2.1). 30 See the indices in ARET XX, where a large group of monthly documents with lists of ìr-anúm “gangs (of men)” has been published. The term gàr-sar seems to be attested only in this administrative document. In the bilingual lists it appears in a group of words determined by SAR, referring therefore to plants, and has si-da-ru12 as its Eblaite equivalence, see MEE 4 317, no. 1075. Because gàr-sar cannot be a botanical term in 75.2280(+), one can suggest deriving / sidārum / meaning “group, gang”, from sadārum “aneinander reihen; ständig tun”, a verb attested to in OB and Aram., see AHw, 1000–1001.

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parallel documents drawn up after the victory register the gift of 1 plate of 1 mina of gold and 3 garments to 12 kings of the allied cities, as well as to other representatives of these same and other cities, among whom is a certain Dubi-zuinu (Tūb-ī-Suᵓen) from Kiš, who received a plate of 40 shekels of gold (texts 75.2335 and 75.2426; Archi / Biga 2003, 40–44). It is quite probable that 75.2280(+) was the conclusive account of the goods distributed to celebrate this victory over Mari, and included data previously registered in other documents. One wonders if the 800[+x] minas of silver for the king were not the tribute paid by Mari.31 In this way, we have a definition of the political and administrative structure of the state. At the head was the king with his family assisted by their servants. Then the allied kings, who represented the political system which made Ebla a regional state extending its control over the whole of northern Syria, as far as the area of the upper Ḫabur dominated by Nagar, and having its border in the Euphrates valley between Emar and Tuttul. They are followed in the list by several officials of the city of Ebla and by the elders who represented the communities of the small centres at the palace, sa.zaxki; the gangs of men which formed the regular army (infra); some overseers of the palace structure; and, at the end, the groups of people employed at the palace in menial and manufacturing tasks, including “artists”, such as dancers, acrobats and lyre players.32 Mutatis mutandis, this document reflects a situation comparable to that represented in the Neo-Assyrian text K.8669, which describes a ceremonial meal of the king at which many members of the court and the administration took part (Müller 1937; cf. the analysis by Ermidoro 2015, 161–189).

Topographical and administrative uses of sa.zaxki “Palace” and é en “house of the king” sa.za x ki

was the area delimited by the city-walls, or part of it, where political and cultic functions were wielded: it was the place where the representatives of the other city-states were received and which hosted the temples (supra). The allied kings were received at the sa.zaxki, in the Audience Court or in the Throne room, and swore their oath promising fidelity to Ebla in the temple of the city-god Kura, immediately north of the palatial structures defined as “Royal Palace G”. The term for performing the monthly cultic duties by the royal family should be šumu-nígin “circumambulation”. On the occasion of the marriage of Tabur-damu with Išᶜar-damu, the royal bride had to perform such an act, MEE 7 34 rev. XVI 2–14: [...] níg-ba d Ra-sa-ap [...] níg-ba d A-da-ma gú-núm ma-lik-tum ì-na-sum in ud šu-mu-nígin 31 The passage is only in part preserved, obv. I 14ff.: [2+]6 [mi-]at [x m]a-na [ bab]bar:[k]ù [...]. 32 Other documents add many details, e.g., in 75.1826 rev. VI 1‒16 are registered 3 overseers of teams of mules of the king; 1 overseer of the team of mules of the mother of the king, and 4 mules whose barley was provided by the sa.za xki.

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é dingir-dingir-dingir “ (a dagger) gift (for) Rašap, (2 toggle-pins) gift (for) Adammma-gunum: the queen has given on the occasion of the circumambulation of the temples”. This act had been requested in relation with administrative and political events. 75.3481 rev. VI 2‒6: in ud šu-mu-nígin sa.zaxki “([...] javelin points PN has received) on the occasion of the circumambulation of the sa.zaxki”. Representatives of Armi delivered remarkable amounts of precious metals to the minister Arrukum and the “lords” coming to the sa.zaxki, 75.2596 obv. V 5‒VI 5: “Total: 54;03 minas (25.40 kg) of gold, 168;45 minas (79.21 kg) of silver Armi has given on the occasion of the circumambulation of the sa.zaxki”.33 A market was organized at the sa.zaxki, as well as by several temples in the kingdoms, where also the central administration “purchased” several goods.34 ARET VII 11 § 7: (silver) n(íg)-s(a10) (clothing) k(i)-l(am7) s(a).z(axki); ARET XV 37 § 77: (wool) n.-s. dye and wood k.-l. s.z.; 75.1353 obv. I 1–6: 1;30 minas of silver n.-s. 12 clothes 28 kilts k.-l. s.z.; 75.1464 rev. III 8‒21: 15;52 minas of silver n.-s. 187 clothes 580 kilts, reins for the king k.-l. s.z.; 75.1872 obv. XII 7‒XIII 3: 7;05 minas n.-s. 130 clothes k.-l. s.z., rev. II 8‒10: 4 minas n.-s. kilts s.z.; 75.1923 obv. VII 1‒2: ...] k.-l. s.z.; 75.10143 rev. I 22‒II 3: 10 minas of silver n.-s. 60+24 clothes k.-l. s.z.; 75.10201 rev. XVII 1‒XVIII 17: silver n.-s. clothes k.-l. d A-dam-ma k.-l. ᵓÀ-da-niki k.-l. ni-abki k.-l. s.z. k.-l. Me-ᵓà-muki k.-l. Du-du-luki k.-l. dᵓÀ-da. From the administrative point of view, however, on the one hand the “rations” for the é en included, besides the king, 1000 men plus other people of the sa.zaxki, the elders, Kura and other gods, but not the “women of the king” (cfr. ARET IX 13 §§ 1‒13; 18 §§ 1‒14; supra); on the other, the monthly documents of allotments of sheep, distinguish instead between the animals sacrificed in “the temples of the gods”, and those destined as victuals for the sa.zaxki, which included in this case the king and his family (supra). From the functional point of view, the residence of the king was, of course, in the é en: his apartments on the first floor on the excavated western edge of the acropolis are not preserved. The “women of the king” who lived at Ebla must have had their rooms in the vicinity. Although they had a different line of victuals supply, according to ARET IX 51 a first group of “14 elderly women, 14 young women of the king”: spouses of second rank and probably their younger daughters, are followed 33 In ARET IX 27 §§ 14–14 and 104 § 4, it is the king who came back to “the city”, eri, from a circumambulation which included sanctuaries in the territory around Ebla. 34 Biga 2002, 282‒288 gives a long lists of these events.

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by a list of 312 women “resident”, al6-tuš (rev. II 3), which means “resident in the é en”, as is specified in the parallel text ARET IX 47 obv. VI 2‒3, and another 64 / 80 women were placed in “the suburbs”, eri-bar (51 § 5; 47 § 9). Again, topographical and administrative specifications are in conflict: it is unlikely that these 312 women “resided” in the royal apartments; their functions related to the ladies of the é en, and their lodgings must have been in the area more generally defined as sa.zaxki. To the é en belonged units topographically defined as “the house of the wool”, ésiki (supra), and é-am (infra). The central archive, where the administrative documents covering the last fourty years were filed (with a selection of documents of the six preceding years) together with some chancellery texts (political treaties, letters, ordinances), was in the Audience Court. The archive which collected the documentation concerning the victuals supplies for the sa.zaxki was also placed in this Court. Behind the eastern wall of this Court was the so-called Administrative Quarter with the Throne Room, where other documents were kept temporarily. The entire wing was the seat of government. It was part of the sa.zaxki, a term which we can equate to Palace, according to a terminology which we have received from Rome, referring to an institution which governed later also the Second Rome (Ϻέγα Παλάτιον). The Empire which took the place of the Second Rome placed its centre of power in roughly the same area. Palace is the name with which we translate Sum. é-gal, Akk. ekallum, an institution with similar functions (Postgate 2003/2005; Sallaberger 2003/2005; Edzard 2003/2005). It is peculiar that the minister, in whose hands were large sectors of the administration and who led the army in war (Archi 2014; 2017b), is very rarely mentioned in the documents of the victuals supplies. In 75.2538 obv. III 6‒IV 2 are registered “1,803 sheep: victuals (for) the sa.zaxki by (áš-da) (the minister) Ibbi-zikir (and his son) Ruzi-malik” (supra).

The Personnel of the é en and the sa.zaxki During the mandate of minister Arrukum years (40‒36 before the fall of Ebla), Aḫaar was at the head of the sa.zaxki”. 75.1402 is a “document concerning expenditures and deliveries of (the minister) Arrukum when Aḫa-ar was the lord of the Palace”, rev. VI 2‒8: dub-gar è mu-du Ar-ru12-gúm in ud A-ḫa-ar lugal sa.zaxki (Milano 1980, 4). MEE 2 42 is an expenditure of clothes delivered by Ibrium, “when Aḫa-ar was lord of the Palace”. He was probably followed by Ìr-ni-ba ugula sa.zaxki, mentioned in 75.1379 obv. X 2‒3, an AAM of Arrukum. See, further, MEE 2 12 obv. I 4‒5, rev. I 1‒2. The term ugula may stand sometimes for lugal, so that it is possible that he had the same functions as Aḫa-ar. A few years later, Bagama was “overseer”, ugula, of the sa.zaxki, 75.2464 (AAM Ibr. 3) rev. XIV 14‒15. This Bagama would have been the same who appears in ARET II 13 § 22 (Ibr. 6).

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MEE 7 16 (= ARET XIV 36), to be dated to a very few years before the mandate of Arrukum, gives a total of the “men”, guruš-guruš, who belonged to the sa.zaxki: 4,700 in number, while those under the responsibility of 14 lords (lugal; in the first place is Tir), and did not resided at Ebla, numbered 7,000, for a total of 11,700 men. This is a unique document; in any case, the number of 4,700 individuals is not very different from data which one obtains from texts of different genres of the later years (infra). One can only determine in an approximate manner the competence of the several administrative centres and the number of their personnel only in an approximate way.35 ARET X 122 (75.336; to be dated to two or three years before the fall of the city) gives a partial picture concerning the personnel of the “house of the king” and the buildings connected with it.36 1) PN1‒PN20 ugula é-duru5 maḫ 100 ir11-ir11 é-duru5 maḫ 2) PN1‒PN20 ugula é-duru5-II 98 ir11-ir11 é-duru5-II 3) PN1‒PN10 ugula 30 ir11-ir11 é-duru5-III 4) 25 še gú-bar 50 na-se11 maškim Íl-zi 5) PN1‒PN21 ugula 50 ir11-ir11 é-duru5-IV 6) 10 še gú-bar 21 na-se11 maškim ni-da-ba-du 7) PN1-PN10 ugula 10 na-se11 60 ir11-ir11 10 na-se11 a-am é en 8) PN1-PN10 ugula 10 na-se11 55 ir11-ir11 10 na-se11 a-am é-maḫ 9) 10 še gú-bar 20 na-se11 a-am-am 10) 16½ še gú-bar 33 na-se11 1 še gú-bar 3 na-se11 ú-a Ìr-ni-ba 10 še gú-bar 20 na-se11 ú-a Ar-šè-a-ḫu 3½ še gú-bar 7 na-se11 ú-a gigirki 60 ir11-ir11 ú-a 11) PN1-PN20 10 še bar 20 na-se11 35 ir11-ir11 lú é-am 12) [...] še bar nu-šu-ba4-ti lú ir11-ir11 13) an.šè.gú 85 še gú-bar 1 mi-at 70 na-se11 še-b[a ...] š[u-ba4-ti] i[ti] d[A-damma / ama-ra] 1) PN1‒PN20: (20) overseers of the first team (and) 100 serfs of the first team. 2) PN1‒PN20: (20) overseers of the second team (and) 98 serfs of the second team. 3) PN1‒PN10: (10) overseers (and) 30 serfs of the third team. 4) (Total:) 25 gú-bar of barley, 50 people, representatives of Ilzi. 5) PN1‒PN21 (21) overseers (and) 50 serfs of the fourth team. 6) (Total:) 10 gú-bar of barley, 21 people, representatives of nida-badu. 7) PN1–PN10: (10) overseers, (that is) 10 people (and) 60 serfs; 10 a-am people of the house of the king. 8) PN1–PN10: (10) overseers, (that is) 10 people (and) 55 serfs; 10 a-am people of the High House. 9) (Total:) 10 gú-bar of barley 20 na-se11 a-am-am 35 The accounting of the victuals provisions for the city of Ebla has been studied by L. Milano, ARET IX 323–343, on the basis of the archive L. 2752. 36 Pettinato 1981, 136–145, gave a transliteration and a premature interpretation of this text.

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10) 16½ gú-bar of barley, 33 people; 1 gú-bar of barley, 3 people: providers of Ir niba. 10 gú-bar of barley, 20 people: providers of Arše-aḫu. 3½ gú-bar of barley, 7 people: providers of the Stables. 60 serfs. (Total: 63) providers. 11) PN1–PN20: (20) overseers; 10 gú-bar of barley. 20 people, 35 serfs of the é-am 12) [... x] gú-bar of barley, not received; of the serfs. 13) Total: 85 gú-bar of barley: 170 people. Ra[tions ...] ha[ve received]. Month [I / III]. The total of the “people”, na-se11, is 174 (50 + 21 + 20 + 63 + 20; not 170!). Ilzi had 50 “overseers”, ugula, as his “representatives”, maškim, and nida-badu other 21. 10 and 10 overseers were the a-am respectively of the house of the king and the High Houses. The “providers”, ú-a, were 63, and the “serfs”, ir11-ir11, 488. Considering that Ilzi was the majordomo, “the lord of the house of the king” (ARET XX 21 obv. IV 20–22: Íl-zi bad é en), and the connections of the é-maḫ and the é-am with the é en (infra), one has to deduce that all these individuals were associated with “the house of the king”, and that the a-am(-am) were free people, who could have the functions of an ugula. This does not mean, of course, that all these people lived there, nor that the stables (§ 10) were close to the residence of the king! From the administrative point of view, they belonged to the sa.zaxki. A document, ARET X 100 (75.427), which registers the totals of the “cereal rations”, še-ba, listed month after month over seven years (I.Z. 9‒15), was drawn up in relation to all the personnel of the sa.zaxki, therefore also those employed in “the house of the king”, é en.37 The receivers were usually the “men”, guruš, both those employed at the Palace and those who were present having returned from a military expedition, cfr. obv. I 5‒14: “540 gú-bar of emmer: rations for the men (of the sa.zaxki). 250 gú-bar of emmer: victuals of the sa.zaxki (for those who) returned (from) the military expedition (against) Zabu. Month V.” The following month (VI), I 15‒26 needed “380 gú-bar of emmer for the rations of the guruš of the Palace; 40 gú-bar of emmer expended (for) meat; 580 gú-bar of emmer: victuals of the sa.zaxki for the review of the guruš-guruš (who came back from the military expedition)”. The expenditures in the following months are similar. In month X, 45 gú-bar of emmer were needed for the “providers”, ga-si-ru12 (i.e., ú-a); the “messengers”, kas4, received some cereals in month XII. The ga-si-ru12 received rations again in the months I‒XI of the following year, and similarly in the other months (but not every month). Every year there is a month in which the presence of men returning from a military expedition is registered. The women employed as millers, dam kikken, received rations only in several months of year 2. Since it is not possible that the providers and the millers did not receive their rations regularly, this text is a good example of how approximate one might be in detailing the expenditures; apparently, the scribe did not follow a standard format. There were 37 75.427 was edited by Pettinato, 1974/77. ARET X 122 must have been drawn up about one or two years later than this multi-year document.

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also some extraordinary expenditures, for example for a ceremony performed by the queen for the god Kura (obv. IV 7‒11; IX 4‒7). Another text (from the central archive) lists instead the deliveries of barley for rations for the “men of the house of the king”, and other personnel as being of “the house of (the minister) Ibbi-zikir”. 75.1976. 3 li 3 mi 23 še gú-bar še-ba guruš-guruš [é] en 4 mi 50 še gú-bar [še-b]a en 1 mi še gú-bar libir wa 1 mi še še gú-bar gibil é Ib-du-lu 1 mi še gú-bar gibil é I-bí-zi-kir A-bu šu-ba4-ti 1 li 3 mi 50 še gú-bar gibil 1 li 5 mi 80 še gú-bar libir al6-gál áš-da en-sa-gi-iš “3,323 g.-b. of barley: rations (for) the men of [the house] of the king. 450 g.b. of barley: [rati]ons (for) the king. 100 g.-b. of barley of the previous (year) and 100 g.-b. of barley of the new (year) (for) the house of Ibdulu. 100 g.-b. of barley of the new (year) (for) the house of Ibbi-zikir, Abu has received. 1350 g.-b. of barley of the new (year) and 1580 g.-b. of barley of the previous (year) stocked by ensa-giš(u).” These “men” would be those usually said to be “of the sa.zaxki”. Ibdulu/Ibdura was an official who had an important function at the sa.zaxki”. ensa-gišu was at the head of a group of guruš-guruš (ARET IX obv. I 2, II 9, III 9, rev. V 2). Ilzi, “the lord of the house of the king”, is not mentioned. The period of time to which this document refers is not given, and it is difficult to deduce it from the amounts of the allotments, although we may presume that it was a yearly account. ARET IX 22 concerns expenditures of barley and other victuals over five months for the royal family, the elders, the guruš-guruš (in part under the control of ensagišu), dam kikken, and some guests from the city of Armi. The total was of 1865 gúbar of barley of the new year and 1100 gú-bar of the previous year for five months. According to the format of similar documents, these receivers should belong to the é en. But again, these classifications should not mislead us. In ARET IX 61 § 3 (a distribution of malt parallel to no. 60) “the house of the king”, é en, is opposed to “the groups (of the female menial personnel)”, gá×gi-gá×gi. These two entities (é en and gá×gi) are however considered as belonging to the sa.za x ki giving the total of the jars of malt, § 5: nag sa.zaxki “beverage (for) the Palace”.

Sources of the Victuals Provisions for the sa.zaxki The system which ensured a supply of victuals supply to the city represents the real crux in the interpretation of the Eblaite documentation: the texts are relatively few, were not drawn up according to standard rules, do not include general elements allowing to date them precisely and are particularly terse. This is an example of how enigmatic these data may be:

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75.1410 obv. I 1‒11, II 8‒11; rev. IX 1–7: 80 na-se11 sa.zaxki 200 na-se11 ú-šim kú 1 gú-bar 800 gána-kešda-ki Gú-rí-suki 10 sa.zaxki 30 ú-šim Su-gur-a-nuki ... an.šè.gú 90 na-se11 sa.zaxki 263 na-se11 ú-šim 2,980 gána-kešda Ib-du-ra ... šu-nígin 1 mi-at 42 na-se11 sa.zaxki 1113 na-se11 ú-šim kú gú-bar 30,330 gánakešda Ib-dur-i-šar. “80 people of the Palace, 200 people of the ú.; (their) victuals: 1 g. (of barley each) (from) 800 measures g.k.k. of fields (in the village of) Gurisu. 10 (people) of the Palace, 30 (people) of ú.: in (the village of) Suguranu. ... Total: 90 people of the Palace, 263 people ú.: 2,980 measures g.k.k. of fields: (overseer) Ibdura. ... Grand total: 142 people of the Palace, 1113 people ú. (providers): (their) victuals g (each, from) 30,330 g.k.k. measures of fields”. The first problem is that we do not know the value of these measures. The gú-bar could be equivalent to 20 or also 24 níg-sagšu (that is: sìla). If we presume that the sìla had the same value of a little less than 1 liter as in Mesopotamia (which seems unavoidable), 1 gú-bar would be barely sufficient to nourish 1 person for one month at subsistence level; this would mean that these people did not have a family, which is hardly believable. The dimension of a gána-kešda-ki is a matter of pure speculation. The term ú-šim has in the Lexical Lists the equivalence: mar-a-tum /marᶜaytum/, Akk. merītum “pasture, pasture-land”, rītu “id.” (Conti 1990, 113). Passages such as ARET XIII 20 § 6 and XVI 1 § 37 require this meaning. In the field texts ú-šim has to mean “(people of) the pasture-lands”, cfr. 76.754 I’ 1’‒3’: 5 é ú-šim 2 é maškim ugula ká “5 houses of (the people of) the pasture-lands, 2 houses of the representatives of the overseer of the ‛Gate’”; 76.766 I’ 2‒3: 8 é guruš-guruš 5 é ú-šim “8 houses of the workers; 5 houses of (the people of) the pasture-lands”; 76.189 rev. I 1: 238 udu ú-šim “238 sheep of (the people of) the pasture-lands”. The term sipad udu was also used at Ebla, and it is difficult to distingush the difference in meaning between the two terms. As a matter of fact, “Houses of the Palace”, that is productive units provided with workers, were distributed in the territory of the kingdom, beside “houses” in favour of other recipients, sometimes included in “Gates”. This is the case in 75.2634; e.g. obv. I 1‒II 6: 1,342 é guruš ú-šim nu-su dumu-nita ir11 sa.zaxki wa na-se11 ugula ká 100 é [ir11] en wa ama-gal en 75 é sa.zaxki 227 maškim sa.zaxki an.šè.gú 1744 é sa10 gud-gud ká Bar-za-ma-ù “1,342 houses of workers, (people of) the pasture-lands, widows, children, serfs of the Palace and people of the overseer of the ‛Gate’. 100 houses: [serfs] of the king and the mother of the king. 75 houses of the Palace. 227 representatives of the Palace. Total: 1744 houses; purchase of oxen; ‛Gate’ of Barzamau”.

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A long list of “houses” in the area belonging to the village of Arulu gives the following totals of those belonging to the Palace: 75.10250 rev. XVIII 1–12: [an.šè.gú x+]1 é guruš 890 é ú-šim 283 a-“ur4” ugula ká 215 é nu-su 286 é engar sa.zaxki “[Total: x+]1 houses of workers; 890 houses, (people of) the pasture-lands, 283 harvester of the overseer of the ‛Gate’, 215 houses of widows, 286 houses of farmers of the Palace”. 75.1831(+) is a list of land grants, for the total of 50,200 gána-kešda, whose receivers were judges, scribes, a servant of the gods, overseers of ‛Gates’, someone who went to Mari, etc. The colophon is: dub kéš-da sa.zaxki “document (concerning personnel) bound to the Palace”. These data compel us to accept the idea that the maintenance of the personnel of the sa.za x ki was provided by several units of production scattered over the territory, a rather complicated system indeed. Text 76.2052, with its simple structure, leaves no doubt. The “Gate” whose centre was the village of Samudu counted 6071 “houses”. The majority of these belonged to the Palace, and some of their people were serfs; the other houses were under the direct control of the “overseer of the ‛Gate’”. The houses of the “people”, na-se11, would have included women and children, so the population of rural centres must have been rather numerous. 76.2052 (1) 2,622 é na-[se11] wa nu-su dumu-nita wa nu-su nu-dumu-nita lú 2 [šu ugula] ká (2) [3,]449 [é] sa.zaxki wa ir11-ir11 (3) an.šè.gú 6,071 é ká Sa-mu-du[ki] “(1) 2,622 houses of people, and widows with children, and widows without children. In the [hands of the overseer of the ‛Gate’. (2) 3,449 [houses] of the Palace, and serfs. (3) Total: 6,071 houses of the ‛Gate’ of the village of Samudu.” Another typology of documents is represented by ARET II 26, where it is specified that “7,000 gána-ki measures of field: (are for) victuals (kú) (for) the village (of Arimamu). 720 gána-ki: rations (še-ba) (for its workers ?). 3,600 gána-ki: victuals (for) the sa.zaxki. 3,000 gána-ki (for) the sons of Igi. Fields of the town of Arimamu”. This village has to be identified with Arimu (ARES II, 109–110). According to this text, the palace received about the same amount of products of the village; the sons of Igi appear also in other field texts. This is a rare case in which it is said that a village delivered an amount of cereals to the sa.zaxki. In general texts register deliveries of cereals and also oil without

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mentioning any receiver. Their terminology is rather enigmatic: še / zíz ‒ dul / nudul (or: nu-I, nu-II), “barley / emmer expended / not (expended)”, in the case that dul was an abbreviation for dul.du = è. The expended cereal could be that for the sa.za x ki, while the other amounts were kept in the villages for local consumption or for sowing, še numun. Several other documents register, instead, allotments to groups of personnel without mentioning the origin of the products. Most of these were kept in the archive L. 2712 (supra). 75.10218+12113 (from the central archive) registers some totals of barley delivered to groups of men organized in “Gates”, under overseers. A section concerns also deliveries for “the gangs of men of the Palace over 6 months” of a not definable year. 75.10218+12113 obv. VI 2–VII 10: (x barley) Du-bí-zi-kir (.....) [ᵓÀ]-zi (.....) U9(.....) En-àr-Ar-miki (.....) Ne-zi (.....) ᵓÀ-bí (.....) ᵓÀ-da-ša Gi-ra-ma-lik (.....) Rí-ti (.....) [PN] (.....) [PN] (.....) Kùn-da-ba-an lú Du-bí an.šè.gú 3 rí-pap 7 li-im 9 mi-[at] 50 še gú-bar še-ba 6 iti 5 li 1 mi 94 guruš-guruš lú ìr-a-núm sa.za x ki 5 mi-at 60 lá-2 guruš lú nu é-duru5ki lú ugula-ugula ká-ká 17,256 dam dumu-nita [x še gú-bar] [[x dam / nu-su] dumu-nita 7 li-im 5 mi 72 še gú-bar še-ba 6 iti áš-du iti ga-sum si-in iti i-si ne-a-an

“Dubi-zikir ... ᵓAzi ... Uneaᵓan ... Enar-Armi ... Nezi ... ᵓAbi ... ᵓAdaša (and) Gira-malik ... Riti ... [PN] ... [PN] ... Kun-daban of Dubi. Total: 37,950 gúbar of barley: rations of 6 months (for) 5194 men of the gangs of the Palace (and ?) 558 men not in teams of 20 men of the overseers of the “Gates”. 17,256 women (with) children: [x gúbar of barley]. [x women / widows] (with) children: 7572 gúbar of barley. Rations of 6 months, from month VII until (the beginning of) month I”. If one adds to the 5,194 guruš-guruš organized in ᶜirānum the 558 guruš of the “Gates”, each man received 6.60 gú-bar, that is practically 1 gú-bar for each (administrative) month of 30 days, which seems in line with other data. The high number of the women and children can be justified if one attributes two children to each woman. These women were kept (at least from the administrative point of view), separated from the men.

The High House(s), é-(é-)maḫ and the é-am(-am) The name “high house(s)” points to the elevated position of this building, therefore on the acropolis.38 Although this term refers usually to the complex in the city of Ebla, 38 For Bonechi 2016a, 1922, é-(é-)maḫ “can simply mean ‛Upper Apartment(s)’, an inner and well protected sector of the é en”. If this is intended to mean the apartments of the royal family, the

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it could have a general meaning, ARET VII 156 obv. III 11‒IV 1: 1 é-maḫ lú sa.zaxki GN “1 high house belonging to the Palace, in GN”.39 In the year Ibbi-zikir 3 (75.10088 rev. XV 23‒25) the High Houses needed a modest restoration, and 1 mina of silver was expended for wood, níg-sa10 giš-giš. In the year Ibbi-zikir 10 the é-é-maḫ were provided with a lavish portal. MEE 12 36 rev. XXIV 11‒20: 10 lá-3 ma-na šúךa gín dilmun babbar:kù wa 24 ma-na šúךa gín dilmun babbar:kù šu-bal-ak 6 ma-na 7 gín dilmun kù-gi nu11-za nin.ušmušen lux lú al6 ká é-émaḫ “3.29 kg of silver, ... 2.87 kg of gold: sheets (for plating) a lion-headed eagle (and) a human-faced bull which (are placed) at the gate of the High Houses”; XXVII 11‒20: 30 lá-2 56 gín dilmun babbar:kù šu-bal-ak 10 lá-3 ma-na 14 gín dilmun kù-gi 2 ma-na ša-pi 3 gín dilmun babbar:kù nu11-za 2 da-rí-ga-tum wa 2 an-dùl 1 lux 1 am-gag lú al6 2 ká é-é-maḫ “... 3.40 kg of gold (and) 1.28 kg of silver: sheets (for plating) 2 socles and 2 statues: 1 human-faced bull (and) a bull ... which (are placed) at the 2 gates of the High Houses”. It was a monumental gate, probably with two statues plated with gold and silver placed on socles, and a frieze with an eagle and a human-faced bull above, which confirms that this building complex had to be in the inner part of the citadel. During the period of minister Ibrium a kind of overseer of the é-maḫ was a man, 75.2239 rev. X 24‒27: 8 “kin” siki a-am-a-am Ìr-bax-zé bad é-maḫ “8 K. measures of wool for the a-am, (to) PN, the lord of the High Houses”. According to ARET III 616 III 4‒5, the bad é-maḫ was instead a woman Ra-péš-tum; she was probably at the head of the women who worked there. In the fragment ARET XII 1185 II 1‒4 it is Ìr-i-ba who had 31 women of the é-maḫ under his control. ARET X 122, a list of allotments of barley of the very last years (cf. supra, p. 23), mentions first Ilzi, “the lord of the house of the king”; then it distinguishes between “overseers” and “serfs” of the “house of the king” and that of the é-maḫ: 10 ugula 60 ir11-ir11 a-am é en (rev. II 11‒III 2); 10 ugula 55 ir11-ir11 a-am é-maḫ (rev. IV 2‒4). The é-(é-)maḫ had at disposal a large number of women. According to ARET XX 9 § 70 the “secluded women”, dam ᵓa5-za-ru12, of the é-maḫ were 65, and an “expert woman”, dam maḫ, was in charge of them. In ARET III 492 III 1‒4, these women were 64 in number; in ARET XX 15 rev. V 10‒13, there were 82 under two expert women, beside 9 ú-a “providers” (registered in rev. VII 27‒28; the ᵓa5-za-ru12 is not mentioned). 10 / 11 “girls” were employed as cleaners, ARET III 798 rev. III 11‒13, 749 I 5‒7: dumu-munus-dumu-munus luḫ-luḫ é-maḫ; they numbered only 5 according to ARET XIX 6 rev. V 5‒7. ARET IX 51 has a first group of “14 elderly women, 14 young women of the king”, spouses of second rank and probably their younger daughters. They are followed by a list of 312 women “resident”, al6-tuš, (in the é en, according to the parallel text ARET IX 47 § 4) and 64 women of “the suburbs”, eri-bar. Many groups of these “resident” women are qualified by the name of their overseer, others by their function: 8 women fact that they served also as storerooms (infra) shows that it was not. This building complex already existed at the time of Igriš-Ḫalab, see ARET XIV 4. 39 The term é-maḫ refers to a temple in ARET XIII 1 § 63, a text from Mari, concerning a king of that city: “For what I entered the house, the High Temple of the god? (é é-maḫ dingir)”.

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of the clothing storeroom (é ti-túg), 5 female cooks, 6 um-lu-lu, 3 ú-a (“providers”) of the gods, 30 of the é-maḫ, and many others. In ARET IX 43 rev. IV 2‒35, 5 women of the é-maḫ are listed between 5 servants of the queen and 10 in charge of milling (kikken). According to ARET XIV 4, both the é-(é-)maḫ and the é-am(-am) could be used as storerooms, and the é-am was included in é-é-maḫ. The text lists deliveries of spearheads and goads mostly by the lords Darmia and Tir, rev. V 1–5: an.šè.gú 8 li-im giš-gu-kak-gíd šub 1 li-im 12 giš-gu-kak-gíd šub kúnga-kúnga 1 mi-at [1+]1 šu-gur zabar gál:al6 é-é-maḫ “Total: 8,000 spearheads; 1,012 goads of mules; 102 rings of bronze: stocked in the ‛High Houses’”. 300 of these spearheads, belonging to “the messengers”, kas4-kas4, together with 20 goads, were stored in the é-am-am (obv. IV 6‒V 2; VII 1‒3). This text has to be dated to the first year of king Irkab-damu, rev. IV 2–4: Ig-rí-iš-Ḫa-lab4 en Ib-laki. From MEE 7 13 (75.1642), an “inventory of the é-am”, šid é-am, it transpires that the spearheads of the “house of the king”, é en, 13,540 in number, were stored there, together with several other thousands. 650 of these spearheads were the residual amount of what was provided by the Palace, sa.zaxki, for a military expedition, and were deposited by Enna-i(l) “of the é-am”. Enna-i(l) had to be (one of ) the overseer(s) of this “house” for a long period under the minister Ibbi-zikir, because he is mentioned in several documents, just as lú é-am, e.g. 75.1253 rev. II 14‒15; 75.2276 rev. II 7‒8; 75.2278 rev. VIII 15‒16. The é-(é-)maḫ, with the é-am (which was directly linked to the former),40 was therefore a building complex used also as storerooms. The é-am should be the house of the a-am(-am). Their personnel, which included also a large number of women, was in function of the “house of the king”, é en.

The House of the Metalworkers, é simug, and the House of the Carpenters, é nagar The number of the “carpenters”, nagar-nagar, at the sa.zaxki during the period of the minister Ibbi-zikir was 140 individuals, while the “metalworkers”, simug-simug, were 500; this last number, however, included (in some cases) also other craftsmen such, as ropemakers, male dyers, dressmakers, as well as arrows makers (ARET XX 191–197). Also the carpenters were sometimes associated with the metalworkers. MEE 12 35 § 101c: “1 mina of tin to be melted with 7 minas of copper to forge tools of the carpenters of the house of the metalworkers (nagar-nagar é simug)”; § 101d gives a long lists of “new” tools “of the carpenters of the house of the metalworkers”. A similar passage is in 75.2507 obv. XXI 7‒25, while in 75.10202 rev. XV 23‒35 a distinction is made between “the tools of the carpenters of the house of the king”, and “the tools of the carpenters [of the house of the metalworkers (?)]. ARET XIV 92 40 See also ARET X 122, supra, The Personnel of the é en and the sa.za xki.

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rev. III 7‒11 registers 11 minas (5.17 kg) to decorate the wheels of 24 chariots stocked (al6-gál) in the house of the carpenters. An “inventory of the house of the carpenters”, šid é nagar, 75.1432, lists vessels, food provisions, clothing, a large amount of barley, 600 sheep, and 680 javelin points. Barley rations for ib men are registered in ARET IX 37 § 14: 20 ib of Ilzi (the “lord of the house of the king”), 15 of Ibdura, 4 of the é am, and 3 of the é nagar. The names of these people are listed in ARET IX 44 § 26. A small amount of gold in the house of the metalworkers for decorating chariots is registered in 75.1810 rev. II 1‒4 , and in 75.2088 obv. I 4‒6 1 mina of silver was expended for getting emmer for the house of the metalworkers.41

References Arcari, E. 1988: City of Ebla, in: H. Waetzoldt / H. Hauptmann (eds.), Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft von Ebla (HSAO 2), Heidelberg. 125–129. Archi, A. 1984: Allevamento e distribuzione del bestiame ad Ebla, Studi Eblaiti 7, 45–81. — 1985: Circulation d’objets en metal précieux de poids standardisé à Ebla, in: J.-M. Durand / J.-R. Kupper (eds.), Miscellanea Babylonica. Mélanges offerts à Maurice Birot. Paris. 25‒34. — 1988: Studies in Eblaite Prosopography, in A. Archi (ed.), Eblaite Personal Names and Semitic Name-Giving. Papers of a Symposium Held in Rome, July 15–17, 1985. Roma. 205‒284. — 1993: Five Tablets form the Southern Wing of Palace G ‒ Ebla. SMS 5/2). Malibu. — 1996a: Les femmes du roi Irkab-Damu, Amurru 1, 101‒124. — 1996b: Eblaita: pāšišu “colui che è addetto all’unzione; sacerdote purificatiore; cameriere al servizio di una persona, Vicino Oriente 10, 37–71. — 2002: The Role of Women in the Society of Ebla, in: S. Parpola / R. M. Whiting (eds.), Sex and Gender in the Ancient Near East. Proceedings of the 47th Rencontre Assiryologique Internatinale, Helsinki, July 2‒6, 200, I. Helsinki. 1‒9. — 2003/2005: Palast. A. II. Ebla, RlA 10, 204‒205. — 2005: The Head of Kura ‒ the Head of Hadabal, JNES 64, 81‒100. — 2009/2011: SA.ZA xki, RlA 12, 108‒110. — 2012: Cult of the Ancestors and Funerary Practices at Ebla, in P. Pfälzner / H. Niehr / E. Pernicka / A. Wissing (eds.), (Re-)Constructing Funerary Rituals in the Ancient Near East. Proceedings of the First International Symposium of the Tübingen Post-Graduate School ‛Symbols of the Dead’ in May 2009. Wiesbaden. 5‒31. — 2014: Who led the army of Ebla?, in: H. Neumann et al. (eds.), Krieg und Frieden im Alten Vorderasien. 52e Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale. Münster, 17.‒21. Juli 2006. Münster. 19–25. — 2015a: Ebla and its Archives. Texts, History, and Society. Boston / Berlin. — 2015b: The chronology of Ebla and Synchronisms with Abarsal, Tuttul, Nagar and Nabada, Mari, Kish, in: W. Sallaberger / I. Schrakamp (eds.), History & Philology (ARCANE III). Turnhout. 163–179. — 2015c: The Tablets of the Throne Room of the Royal Palace G of Ebla, AfO 53, 9–18. 41 For rations to the metalworkers, see ARET IX 404.

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— 2016: Ebla and Mari ‒ years 2381/2380–2369 BC, in: J. Patrier / Ph. Quenet / P. Butterlin (eds.), Milles et une empreintes. Un Alsacien en Orient (Subartu XXXVI). Turnhout. 1–16. — 2017a: Religious Duties for a Royal Family: Basing the Ideology of Social Power at Ebla, JNES 76, 293–296. — 2017b: Metals in Third Millennium B.C.: Standpoint Ebla, in F. Kulakoğlu / G. Barjamovic (eds.), Movement, Resources, Interaction. Proceedinggs of the 2nd Kültepe International Meeting, Kültepe, 26–30 July 2015 (KIM 2; Subartu 39). Turnhout. forthcoming. — 2018: Guest at the Court of Ebla, in: K. Kleber et al. (eds.), Grenzüberschreitungen. Studien zur Kulturgeschichte des Alten Orients. Festschrift für Hans Neumann zum 65. Geburtstag am 9. Mai 2018. dubsar 5. Münster. 17‒42. — 2020: Sheep and Wool at Ebla: Towards a Quantitative Analysis of the data of Ebla, AoF 47, forthcoming. Archi, A. / Biga, M. G. 2003: A Victory over Mari and the Fall of Ebla, JCS 53, 1–44. Biga, M. G. 1998: The Marriage of Eblaite Princess Tagriš-damu with a Son of Nagar’s King, in: M. Lebeau, About Subartu (Subartu IV, 2). Turnhout. 17‒22. — 2002: Les foires d’après les archives d’Ébla, in D. Charpin / J.-M. Durand (eds.), Recueil d’études à la mémoire d’André Parrot (Florilegium Marianum 6). Paris. 277–288. Bonechi, M. 1989: Un atto di culto a Ebla, in: P. Fronzaroli (ed.), Miscellanea Eblaita 2. Firenze. 131‒147. — 2016a: Building Works at Palace G. The Ebla King Between Major-domos, Carriers and Construction Workers, Studia Eblaitica 2, 1–45. — 2016b: Chi scrive cosa a chi, in: P. Corò et al. (eds.), Libiamo ai lieti calici. Ancient Near Eastern Studies presented to Lucio Milano on the Occasion of his 65th Birthday by Pupils, Colleagues and Friends. AOAT 436. Münster, 3–27. — 2016c: A Passive, and therefore Prized, Bride, RA 110, 53‒77. Catagnoti, A. 2019: Custodi e guardiani nei testi di Ebla, Studia Asiana 1 (in print). Civil, M. 1983: The Sign LAK 384, Or. 52, 233–240. Conti, G. 1990: Il Sillabario della quarta fonte della lista lessicale eblaita, in: P. Fronzaroli (ed.), Miscellanea Eblaitica 3, 1–220. Edzard, D.O. 1968: Sumerische Rechtsurkunden des III. Jahrtausends aus der Zeit vor der III. Dynastie von Ur. München. — 2003/2005: Palast. A. III. Altbabylonisch, RlA 12, 205–208. Ermidoro, St. 2015: Commensality and Ceremonial Meals in the Neo-Assyrian Period. Venezia. Gelb, I. J. 1955: Old Akkadian Inscriptions in Chicago Natural History Museum. Texts of Legal and Business Interest, Anthropology 44, 2. — 1957: Glossary of Old Akkadian. Chicago. — 1986: Ebla and Lagasch: Environmental Contrast, in: H. Weiss (ed.), The Origins of the Cities in Dry-farming Syria and Mesopotamia in the Third Millennium B.C. Guilford, Conn. 157‒167. Krecher, J. 1973: Neue sumerische Rechtsurkunden des 3. Jahrtausends, ZA 63, 145‒271. Matthiae, P. 2004: Le palais méridional dans la ville basse d’Ebla paléosyrienne : fouilles à Tell Mardikh (2002–2003), Comptes Rendus des Séances de l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres 2004, 148/1, 301–346. — 2008: Gli Archivi Reali di Ebla. La scoperta, i testi, il significato. Roma.

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— 2013a: The Royal Palace. Functions of the Quarters and the Government of the Chora, in P. Matthiae / N. Marchetti (eds.), Ebla and its Landscape. Early State Formation in the Ancient Near East. Walnut Creek, Ca. 49–59. — 2013b: Studies on the Archaeology of Ebla 1980–2010. Wiesbaden. — 2015: Cult Architecture at Ebla between Early Bronze IVA and Middle Bronze I: Continuity and Innovation in the Formative Phase of a Great Tradition. An Evaluation, Studia Eblaitica 1, 76–107. Milano, L. 1980: Due rendiconti di metalli da Ebla, Studi Eblaiti 3, 1–21. — 1990 Testi amministrativi: assegnazioni di prodotti alimentari. ARET IX. Roma. Müller, K.F. 1937: Das assyrische Ritual. Teil I: Texte zum assyrischen Königsritual. MVAG 41/3. Leipzig. Oppenheim, A.L. 1964: Ancient Mesopotamia. Portrait of a Dead Civilization. Chicago. Pettinato, G. 1974/77 Il calendario di Ebla al tempo del re Ibbi-Sipis sulla base di TM.75.G.427, AfO 25, 1–36. — 1979: Culto ufficiale ad Ebla durante il regno di Ibbi-Sipiš, OrAnt. 18, 85–215. — 1981: The Archives of Ebla. An Empire inscribed in Clay. Garden City, New York. Postgate, N. 2003/2005: Palast. Einleitung, RlA 12, 195–200. Sallaberger, W. 2003/2005: Palast. A. I. Mesopotamien im III. Jahrtausend, RlA 12, 200–204. — 2018: Kura, Youthful Ruler and Martial City-god of Ebla, in: P. Matthiae et al. (eds.), Ebla and Beyond. Ancient Near Eastern Studies after Fifty Years of Discoveries at Tell Mardikh. Prceedings of the International Congress Held in Rome, 15th‒17th December 2014. Wiesbaden. 107‒139. Tonietti, M.V. 1989: Le liste delle dam en: cronologia interna. Criteri ed elementi per una datazione relativa dei testi economici di Ebla, in: P. Fronzaroli (ed.), Miscellanea Eblaitica 2. Firenze. 79–115. Viganò L. 1995: Rituals at Ebla, JNES 54, 215–222.

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Who kept records in the palace of Mari, and why? Ilya Arkhipov* With over 17,000 tablets and fragments, the palace archives of Mari are the largest palace archives ever discovered in the Ancient Near East.1 Most of the tablets represent the so called “royal archives” of the last three sovereigns of Mari, Yahdun-Lim, Samsi-Addu, and, above all, Zimri-Lim, dating to the first half of the 18th century BC. According to the archaeological record, tablets were found in over 40 rooms of the royal palace of Mari, in numbers ranging from a single one up to several thousand tablets per room.2 Hence “royal archives of Mari” is a label for several separate archives, of which only a part were literally royal, that is, belonged to the kings of Mari. It stands to reason that reconstructing these archives is of primary importance for the study of archive-keeping and book-keeping practices in the palace of Mari. Moreover, it is no less crucial for the understanding of Mari accounting and administration, and even for the immediate understanding of administrative texts, as we are going to see. However, the reconstruction of archives has not been in the focus of Mari studies thus far.3 The present paper will attempt to provide an outline of the different archives discovered in the palace. For the purposes of our investigation, an archive means a collection of documents which once belonged to a person.4 The person controlled the archive, that is, had access to it, used the documents in his or her own discretion, added and withdrew them to and from the archive, etc. Note that an archive so defined may include documents of different genres dealing with different subjects and with activities of different persons. For the relation between ancient archives and their find spots, the notions of living archives and dead archives are helpful.5 A living archive is a storage of texts that were * Russian Presidential Academy of National Economy and Public Administration; Institute of World History, Russian Academy of Sciences. I wish to express my gratitude to Grégory Chambon for a number of helpful suggestions. 1 For an overview of the Mari archives, see Charpin / Ziegler 2003, 1–27 or Charpin 2008, 233– 248. Note that all the quantitative evaluations in the present paper are conventional, since intact tablets, fragments and joins can be counted in different ways. 2 For a plan of the palace indicating the rooms where tablets were found, see Margueron 1986, 146. 3 For the historiographical background of this state of affairs, see Arkhipov / Chambon 2015, 371f. 4 Cf. Veenhof 1986, 7ff., Brosius 2003, 10f. I deliberately avoid terms such as “institution”, “bureau” or “office”, since their meaning as applied to Mesopotamian societies still requires elucidation. 5 Charpin 1985, 255.

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preserved for their documentary value till the end of the building’s lifetime. That is, a living archive is a genuine ancient archive found in situ. An archive does not necessarily correspond to an archive room. Just like nowadays, an archival depository controlled by one person could occupy several rooms which did not even need to be contiguous.6 And vice versa, the same room could, at different moments, accommodate archives of different persons. When living archives were found in a room, this usually means that it was an archive room, but there are exceptions. Tablets could fall into a room from the second storey, if we believe that the palace had it.7 Otherwise a room could be used as an interim storage of archives during transportation (see below on room 115). A dead archive consists of texts that were thrown away or put to a secondary use in antiquity. Most frequently, clay tablets were used as construction or filling material. In such cases, texts from several former archives were often mixed together. A room where dead archives were found need not to be an archive room. However, some dead archives were found in genuine archive rooms, more precisely, inside of clay benches or under the floors of these rooms. In the case of Mari, they were often registered and published mixed up with texts from the respective living archives.8 The present paper only concerns the living archives of the palace of Mari. All of them belong to the reign of Zimri-Lim: we only have a snapshot of the situation that existed just before the destruction of the palace. The below reconstruction is a result of a systematic comparison between the provenance of tablets and their contents.9 Out of the 40-odd palace rooms where tablets were found, only a dozen contained living archives (Table 1). They belonged to, or were controlled by, five different persons. For four of them, the identity has been confirmed by the fact that the person is the main addressee of the letters the respective archive contains (Table 2). Now I am going to provide a profile of each of these five archives, with an emphasis on their Sitz im Leben. We will see that the functions of these archives were quite different, and that the function of an archive has to be taken in consideration each time we interpret a given document which belonged to it. The largest archive of the palace belonged to Zimri-Lim himself. This is in fact the only undoubtedly “royal” archive among the so-called “royal archives of Mari”. A suitable name for it will thus be the “Royal Chancellery”. Most letters and a part of accounting texts from this archive were found in room 115. Curiously, there is grow6 Cf. Brosius 2003, 2–9. For the sake of simplicity, I do not distinguish here between the archives in situ which were regularly consulted, only kept in storage or abandoned at the moment of the building’s destruction. 7 Margueron 1986, 144. 8 Charpin 1985, 254f.; Margueron 1986, 150. 9 The present paper presents the summary results of the detailed reconstruction available in Arkhipov / Chambon in preparation. For a brief description of the methods, see Arkhipov / Chambon 2015, 372. In particular, the data on the provenance of tablets have been rehabilitated as a crucial source of information, in spite of the great number of errors in the archaeologists’ records (cf. Margueron 1986).

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Who kept records in the palace of Mari, and why?

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ing recognition of the fact that it was not an archive room at Zimri-Lim’s time.10 After the sack of Mari, Babylonians used this room as a temporary deposit of the tablets that they had prepared for sending to Babylon as booty. It included letters and other texts that could contain information about Zimri-Lim’s diplomatic relations. A part of them were certainly dispatched to Babylon, but about 9,000 tablets had to remain in this room for reasons unknown. About 2,000 tablets, mainly accounting texts, were discovered in room 108. There is good reason to believe that texts from room 115 were initially stored in room 108 (or in a second-storey room above it), since texts from both rooms show no difference in subject matters and typology.11 So room 108 can be identified as the archive room of the Royal Chancellery. In sum, the Royal Chancellery archive counts ca. 7,000 letters, most of them addressed to Zimri-Lim, and ca. 4,000 administrative texts.12 The transaction objects in the documents are all kinds of goods with an emphasis on luxury items. When consumable goods such as grain or oil are registered, they usually appear in great quantities. The king Zimri-Lim is very present in the documents of this group: many of them are sealed with his own seal, while other texts specify that the transaction was effected in the king’s presence. On the contrary, documents from other palace archives only exceptionally mention the king. For what purpose did the king keep accounting tablets in his archive, and how did he use them? The texts show that goods belonging to the palace were divided between “the king’s coffer” (pišan šarrim) and a few “services” (qātum), managed by the officials, or bēl têrētim (Table 3). Texts record both receipts and expenditures of each service. Each official was responsible for a certain kind, or kinds, of goods, though the logic of this division is not always transparent to us. A raison d’être of these records is ensuring the regular operation of nipiṣ nikkassī “clearance of accounts”, when the receipts, the expenditures and the stock balance of an official were compared in order to prevent theft or negligence.13 The role of pišan šarrim “the king’s coffer” is not yet quite clear. In most documents, receipts and expenditures of the king’s coffer are restricted to gold and silver (both scrap and precious objects). We may imagine that there existed a real coffer with gold and silver, which was kept under the king’s physical control.14 However, a 10 Charpin 2001, 17f. (with previous literature). 11 Judging by the contents, many documents from rooms “Y”, “Z” and 110 also belong to the Royal Chancellery archives. Rooms “Y” and “Z” are not identifiable on the palace plan anymore (Talon 1985, iii) and may simply be another labels for rooms 108 and 115. Room 110 is situated very close to room 108, and some tablets from the two rooms may have mixed up during the excavations. 12 Almost all of ca. 2,600 published Mari letters belong to this archive, except for those discussed in the following sections. Accounting documents from the Royal Chancellery (that is, from rooms 108 and 115) were mostly published in ARM 23. 25 and 30–32, as well as FM 4 and 10–12. Here and below, the reader is invited to use the ARCHIBAB database (www.archibab.fr) for the exact quantities and references. 13 For an example of a balanced account, see ARM 32, 337 (M.5222+). 14 Villard 1992.

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series of texts shows that the pišan šarrim was also used in the abstract sense of the king’s possessions.15 These documents also suggest that any receipt of a king’s official was perceived, in accounting terms, as an expenditure from “the king’s coffer”. For example, ARM 23 55 reads as follows: 77 lú-meš, 12 munus-meš, 1 lú-tur, 9 anše-kur-ra, 4 gu₄-hi-a, 1 anše ni-qum, 1 anše babbar, te-er-de-et, bu-nu-ma-diškur, ša i-na gipisan lugal, i-le-nim, a-di u₄-um ni-ka-sí in-ne-pé-šu, ṭup-pu-um an-nu-um ša-ki-in, in-ne-pé-šuma in-ne-sé-er “77 men, 12 women, 1 child, 9 horses, 4 oxen, 1 sacrifice donkey, 1 white donkey: credited (literally “additions”) to Bunuma-Addu, debited (literally “which came up”) from the king’s coffer. This document has been established for until the accounts will be balanced. It will be exacted when they will be balanced.” The function of records concerning “the king’s coffer” must have been mnemonic, since the king did not need to audit himself. Otherwise we can hypothesize that an unnamed official was responsible for the “king’s coffer”. Note that records concerning an official were not kept by the official himself, but rather in the king’s archive. This prevented eventual manipulation with the records. The analysis of what we can call the “Kitchen archive” confirms this principle. Ca. 1,500 documents from this archive deal with alimentary products such as grain, oil, fruits and spices.16 The majority of texts from the kitchen archive record daily deliveries of bread and other ready food for the king’s meals. It is noteworthy that texts forming a unity from the viewpoint of contents and formulary come from four different rooms (5, 69, 111, and 176), situated at a considerable distance from each other.17 The chronological distribution of the documents is irregular: for example, five texts within a week can come from room 5, then two texts from room 111 follow, and so on. For now I have no explanation for this fact. The protagonist of these documents is an official named Ilukan, who was responsible for administration of grain. However, the archive was administered by another person, the king’s proxy named Sin-iddinam.18 We may suggest that the kitchen archive was still a part of the king’s archive, which had been decentralized because of its specialization and a large number of texts produced. 15 ARM 23 55–57 and M.11860 (ARM 23, p. iv). 16 Documents from rooms 5 and 111 were published in ARM 5, 11 and 12, while those from room 69 (=“79a”) mostly remain unpublished (see a few ones in FM 12, cf. as well Materne 1985). Note that a part of kitchen documents attributed to room 110 (ARM 7) must in fact come from the contiguous room 111. 17 Transactions of meat were registered elsewhere, in a small archive from room 133 to be published by Lionel Marti (a few documents have appeared in FM 12). We do not know whether it was a living or a dead archive, and who was its owner. 18 Chambon in print. Unfortunately, only three letters from room 5 are known, and only one from room 69. They are addressed to different persons and do not give a hint about the owner of the archive.

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Who kept records in the palace of Mari, and why?

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A quite different case is represented by the archives of the intendant Mukannišum, the third largest text group of the palace (ca. 500 documents). This official kept his records in several rooms, 134, 135, 215 and 143, depending on the period and the goods registered.19 Most letters from these rooms are addressed to Mukannišum. He acted as a middleman between the king, on the one hand, and craftsmen as well as other palace inhabitants, on the other hand. Mukannišum took over both deliveries of metals, wool, leather, wood etc. for craftwork, and the management of craft personnel. Moreover, he was responsible for the palace stocks of textiles and garments and was engaged in the provisioning of palace inhabitants and guests. There are reasons to believe that this was a working archive of Mukannišum, which he kept for his own unofficial use. The archive contained many memoranda without a particular formulary, as well as copies of the official records concerning Mukannišum’s receipts and expenditures. The originals were kept in the king’s archives, alongside records concerning other officials’ services. It is remarkable that the tablets from Mukannišum’s archive are almost never sealed, which confirms its unofficial character. An example is provided by two documents which are identical except for one detail: the one is sealed by the king, the other is not.20 Both texts read as follows: 12 5/6 su kù-GI, 1/3 ma-na 1 su igi 4-gál, kù-babbar, i-na na₄-há nì-šu lugal, ki-lá-bi, ih-zi ša alam kur, mu-ka-an-ni-ša-am, am-hu-ur “12 5/₆ shekels gold, 1 /₃ minas 1 1/₄ shekels silver, with the royal service weights, weight of the platings of the Mountain’s statue. From Mukannišum, I received.” It is the archival reconstruction that helps us understand the function of the documents. They represent a handover act of a piece of work between the king and Mukannišum, drawn up in two copies. The first copy comes from the king’s personal archive, the Royal Chancellery. It is sealed with the seal of the king who made write the document in the first person: “I have received.” Thus it is the recipient’s copy. The second document comes from Mukannišum’s archive, thus it is the supplier’s copy, which he preserved is his archives for his own reference.21 The archive also contained texts recording less valuable materials, such as dyes, tanning agents, fragrances, wood, glue, tallow, sinews etc., which were delivered to craftsmen. These expenditures were probably not important enough to be recorded in the king’s archive.

19 The documents were mostly edited in ARM 18, 23, 25, and 30–32. The bulk of texts from room 143 remains unpublished. 20 ARM 25 220 (room 115, sealed by Zimri-Lim) and ARM 22 236 (room 135). 21 It is noteworthy that the king’s copy is the sealed one, while we expect the contrary from the modern point of view: the supplier should better have a sealed copy in the case of a claim. However, the Mari bookkeepers’ logic may have been different: the king kept the original since he did not render an account to anyone.

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Tab. 1: Archives of the palace of Mari by the end of Zimri-Lim’s reign. Published texts only. The letters with broken address are not taken into account. Letters

Other texts

Owner

Rooms

Notes

Zimri-Lim

108, 110?, 115

~7,000

~4,000

The king’s archive (“Royal Chancellery”)

Sin-iddinam?

5, 69, 111

4*

~1,500

The archive of the royal kitchens under the scribe’s control

Mukannišum

134, 135, 143, 215

61*

~500

The intendant’s working archive

Iddiyatum

24

47*

~200

The chief merchant’s personal archive

Šibtu

52

13*

~200

The queen’s archive

Tab. 2: Find spots of letters in the palace of Mari. Published texts only. The letters with broken address are not taken into account. The numbers are from the ARCHIBAB database (www.archibab.fr). Rooms

Letters to other addressees

Archive owner

Letters to archive owner

108, 115

Zimri-Lim

~1,600

~900

24

Iddiyatum

45

2

134, 135, 215

Mukannišum

44

3

52

Šibtu

8

2

The archive of the chief-merchant Iddiyatum (alias Iddin-Numušda) was found in room 24.22 It had yet another function: this was a personal archive, despite the fact that it was situated in the palace. This is suggested by a document from room 24: 1 šu-ši dug-hi-a geštin, a-na ka-an-nim, šu-ti-a é-gal-lim, it-ti id-di-ya-tim “16 pots of wine for the stand. Receipt by the palace from Iddiyatum.”23

22 Charpin 2001, 30 n. 56. Letters addressed to Iddiyatum, in particular ARM 13 58–101, all come from room 24. Of ca. 200 accounting documents from room 24, only a handful have been published, mostly in ARM 23. Note that a part of documents attributed to room 5 must also belong to Iddiyatum’s archive (Ziegler 1999, 19f.). The two rooms were excavated during the same season, and a documentation error could occur. 23 FM 11 131, sealed by Dariš-libur.

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Who kept records in the palace of Mari, and why?

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Tab. 3: “Services” (têrtum, qātum) of Zimri-Lim’s palace

Wares Precious metals, livestock, staff

pišan šarrim “the king’s coffer”

Textiles, jewellery, weapons

Dariš-libur

Textiles, jewellery, weapons, raw materials

Mukannišum (šatammum “intendant”)

Textiles

Šarkassumatum, Yabni-Dagan

Royal tableware

Balan, Puzur-Šamaš, Yašub-Dagan (šāqûm “cupbearers”)

Alimentary products

Ilukan

Livestock

Addu-rabi, Bunuma-Addu, Dabium, Dagan-šaduni, Iddin-Kubi, Šarrum-nurmatišu, Sin-reṣušu, Šubnalu (kuruštûm “animal-fatteners”)

For the documents that do not mention women, we may also hypothesize that Šibtu kept some records in her archive when the king was absent, since we know that she played a major role in the economic administration of the palace.24

References Arkhipov, I. / Chambon, G. 2015: Pratiques comptables dans le palais de Mari au ProcheOrient ancien (début du IIe millénaire av. J.-C.), in: O. Mattéoni / P. Beck (éd.), Classer, dire, compter. Discipline du chiffre et fabrique d’une norme comptable à la fin du Moyen Âge. Colloque des 10 et 11 octobre 2012. Paris. 361–374. — in preparation: Pratiques archivistiques et comptables dans le Palais de Mari sous le règne de Zimri-Lim. Brosius, M. 2003: Ancient Archives and Concepts of Record-Keeping: An Introduction, in: M. Brosius (ed.), Ancient Archives and Archival Traditions: Concepts of Record-Keeping in the Ancient World. Oxford. 1–17. Chambon, G. in print: Les Archives d’Ilu-kân : gestion et comptabilité du grain dans le palais de Mari. FM 15. Paris. Charpin, D. 1985: Les archives d’époque “assyrienne” dans le palais de Mari, MARI 4, 243–268. — 1995: La fin des archives dans le palais de Mari, RA 89, 29–40. — 2001: L’archivage des tablettes dans le palais de Mari: nouvelles données, in: W. H. van Soldt / J. G. Dercksen / N. J. C. Kouwenberg / Th. J. H. Krispijn (eds.), Veenhof Anniver24 Ziegler 1999, 55.

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sary Volume. Studies Presented to Klaas R. Veenhof on the Occasion of His Sixty-fifth Birthday. PIHANS 89. Leiden. 13–30. — 2008: Tell Hariri / Mari: Textes. II. Les archives de l’époque amorrite, in: Supplément au dictionnaire de la Bible. Fasc. 77–78. Paris. 234–249. Charpin, D. / Ziegler, N. 2003: Mari et le Proche-Orient à l’époque amorrite : essai d’histoire politique. FM 5. Paris. Margueron, J. 1986: [with contribution by D. Charpin and J.-M. Durand] Quelques remarques concernant les archives retrouvées dans le palais de Mari, in: Cuneiform Archives and Libraries. Papers read at the 30e Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale. Leiden, 4–8 July 1983. PIHANS 57. Leiden. 141–152. Materne, J.-P. 1985: Remarques sur l’écriture des « repas royaux » sous Zimri-Lim, in: J.-M. Durand / J.-R. Kupper (éd.), Miscellanea babylonica. Mélanges offerts à Maurice Birot. Paris. 223–231. Veenhof, K.R. 1986: Cuneiform Archives: An Introduction, in: Cuneiform Archives and Libraries. Papers read at the 30e Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale. Leiden, 4–8 July 1983. PIHANS 57. Leiden. 1–36. Villard, P. 1992: Le déplacement des trésors royaux d’après les archives royales de Mari, in: D. Charpin / F. Joannès (éds.), La circulation des biens, des personnes et des idées dans le Proche-Orient ancien, Actes de la XXXVIIIe Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale (Paris, 8–10 juillet 1991). Paris. 195–205. Ziegler, N. 1999: Le Harem de Zimrî-Lîm. FM 4. Paris.

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The secularization of power: A precocious birth and collapse of a palatial system at Arslantepe (Malatya, Turkey) in the 4th millennium BC Marcella Frangipane

Greater Mesopotamia as the birthplace of centralised societies It is well-known that forms of centralised leadership had already emerged in Mesopotamia in the 5th millennium BC, in the Ubaid period, with leaders able to interfere in the life of the population by partly regulating and managing the local circulation of staple goods, and exercising close control over the ideological sphere (Adams 1966; Frangipane 2007; Pollock 1999; 2001; 2012; Stein 1994). This interference became increasingly more pervasive, gradually transforming these leaders into institutionalised rulers, able to steer the production system, controlling the means of production and labour to some degree, and giving rise, in the course of the 4th millennium BC, to a powerful authority system, which tended to expand its sphere of action (Adams 2004; Algaze 2008; Bernbeck 2009; Frangipane 2017; Liverani 1998; Nissen 1986; 2015; Wright 1969). The political economy of these leaders appears to have revolved essentially around staple goods, whose circuit management was the main basis of their power (Emberling 2016; Frangipane 2016; 2017). The public areas in which this authority was exercised however still retained their prevalent ceremonial/religious connotations up to the 4th millennium (Butterlin 2012; Eichmann 2007), demonstrating that power was mediated by a powerful cultic/religious ideology, as a means of ensuring social consensus and maintaining the investiture of the rulers by society. The Mesopotamian system of centralising resources and political authority in the course of the second half of the fourth millennium was well established throughout the whole Mesopotamian and Mesopotamian-related world as far as Jezirah and the mountainous regions of Eastern Anatolia and western Iran (the so-called “Greater Mesopotamia”), and appears to have developed into early forms of State organisations, with power being delegated to increasingly more numerous individuals and social categories, constituting a real class of bureaucrats who administered goods, mainly foodstuffs, in the name and on behalf of the rulers (Emberling 2002; Frangipane et al. 2007; McMahon 2015; Nissen 2015; Yoffee 2005). This process was accompanied by a pronounced urbanisation, which was nevertheless only limited to

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Fig. 1: The Arslantepe mound with Period VII remains (Late Chalcolithic 3–4).

a few regions, namely the large alluvial plains of Southern Mesopotamia, Susiana, and the well-watered Khabur basin, each of which in their own ways offered high agricultural potential (Frangipane 2017). The development of more institutionalised forms of collecting staple goods and labour may have entailed a certain control over the rural hinterland and a substantial change in the very concept of political power and in the way it was exercised, probably creating new relations between the leaders and their community. These may have become increasingly more subject to codified rules and unbalanced in favour of the ruling classes, strengthening what must have been increasingly unchallenged power. Nevertheless, the ‘secularisation’ of this power was not yet clearly recognisable in the 4th millennium public areas of the Mesopotamian sites, which were still essentially ‘temple areas’, albeit to varying degrees in different sub-regions, and the ideological/religious features of the activities performed there were still, at least formally, predominant. The legitimacy of the rulers’ authority still appears to have been

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The secularization of power

Fig. 2: Arslantepe, elite buildings and materials from Period VII (LC 3–4, 3900–3400 BC). (a) An elite residence on the top of the mound. (b) Mass-produced bowls from Temple C (photo by R. Ceccacci). (c) Plan of the superimposed elite buildings of Period VII excavated so far in the upper part of the mound. (d–e) Clay-sealings from Temples C and D.

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strongly underpinned by an ideology that emphasised their close proximity to the world of the divine (Frangipane 2017). The prevailing and to some extent contradictory aspects that must have characterised the power systems in 4th millennium Mesopotamia in this crucial period emerge clearly from the glyptics imagery at Uruk-Warka. Here, the contexts in which the socalled ‘King-Priest’ appears and manifests his prerogatives highlight the three nodal aspects around which the sovereignty of the Mesopotamian rulers revolved: religious authority (expressed by the persistent depiction of the ‘Temple’), the economic ability to extract resources from the population based on the same religious authority (displayed by the reiterated scenes of processions of people offering staple goods to the Temple), and the exercise of force (with individuals kneeling and bound before the King-Priest). The latter scene may illustrate either the capture of prisoners or (and perhaps more probably) the punishment inflicted for transgressions and disrespect for the social order (Bernbeck 2009, 51–52; Nissen 2015, 120).

The development of a precocious form of ‘palatial system’ at Arslantepe, on the Upper Euphrates The excavations conducted over many years at Arslantepe-Malatya, in South-Eastern Turkey, have made it possible to discover an unexpectedly precocious development of the ‘secularisation’ of power in the final centuries of the 4th millennium, in the course of a peculiar process of pristine state formation occurring in a cultural and natural environment different from Mesopotamia’s but related to it in a network of wide-ranging interactions shaping ‘Greater Mesopotamia’. This process culminated at Arslantepe with the foundation of a very large unprecedented public architectural complex, whose dominant feature, notwithstanding the presence of two small ‘temples’, was not religious, but political, economic and administrative. This appears to have been a first experimental example of a public ‘Palace’, that was fated to collapse shortly thereafter. The 2014–2015 findings in the northern part of this complex, in particular, provided unequivocal evidence of a new secular form of exercising and expressing authority and power, unparalleled in this period, and showed that a far-reaching and quite rapid change occurred on the site since the previous Period VII (Late Chalcolithic 3–4) around 3400 BC.

The first half of the 4th millennium BC (Period VII): Centralisation in ritual and ceremonial environments In the Arslantepe Period VII, which covered a long time span running roughly from 3900 to 3400 BC, evidence was found of the existence of an elite that occupied areas set apart from the living quarters of the common population. The settlement in this

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Fig. 3: Arslantepe, period VIA (Late Chalcolithic 5). The early core of the ‘palatial’ complex. ◄ (a) Plan of the public and elite residential area. ▼ (b) 3D drawing of the public complex.

period covered the whole mound and even extended to its outskirts that had previously been unoccupied, probably being more extensive and highly populated than in any other phase. The excavations have revealed a clear spatial differentiation between an elite zone, on the top of the ancient mound, and the area of common dwellings built along the slopes and down to the margins of the tell (Fig. 1). The elite area consisted of two types of fairly imposing buildings: some that offer no evidence of any public, religious or administrative activities, suggesting that they were probably residences of high-rank families, and a ‘temple’ area adjacent to them to the south (Fig. 2). Two large and monumental ceremonial buildings, Temple C and Temple D, were built in succession one after the other at the very end of period VII, both constructed in architectural continuity with the elite residences, but with no direct connection with them. We do yet not know whether these temples were the last in a series of buildings of the same type (perhaps erected elsewhere) or whether they were founded for the first time in the middle of the 4th millennium BC, denoting a change in the Arslantepe society.

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Fig. 4: Arslantepe, Period VIA: (a) the monumental Building 37 and (b) the large court.

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Large substantial buildings, probably residences of high-status persons, had certainly already existed in the same area before the construction of the temples1, suggesting that strong elite groups had already emerged at Arslantepe in the first half of the 4th millennium BC, who were able to express and visibly display their social distinction through the monumentality of their houses, though we have no clear indications on the nature of their possible public role. Although seriously damaged, Temple C clearly shows a tripartite layout, consisting of a large central hall and two rows of side rooms (unfortunately badly damaged), and was built on an imposing raised base or platform made of huge stone slabs covered by clay layers and standing on a series of parallel wooden poles arranged horizontally underneath the stones. Both the tripartite layout and the raised platform were unusual in the Arslantepe architectural tradition. Temple C, which was the nearest to the western edge of the mound, probably in order to be clearly visible from the plain, was the seat of very intensive redistribution practices, evidenced from about a thousand mass-produced bowls and many dozens of clay sealings (D’Anna 2012; D’Anna and Guarino 2010; Frangipane 2016) (Fig. 2b, d, e). The second ‘temple’, Temple D, was recently uncovered in the area immediately adjacent to Temple C, closer to the inner part of the mound. It seems to have been built shortly before Temple C, although both structures may have been in use simultaneously for a while2 (Fig. 2c). Only a small part of Temple D has unfortunately been preserved, having been destroyed by the later construction of the palace to the east, and by large pits dug out in the palace ruins soon after its final destruction to the south and south-east. Despite being poorly preserved, the building seems to have been as large and imposing as Temple C, with a probable tripartite layout and the walls of the main hall decorated with multiple recessed niches in the Mesopotamian style combined with plastic geometrical motifs (triangles and lozenges) painted in red and black in a local style. Whereas the architecture of these two ceremonial buildings harks back to Mesopotamian traditions, the pottery found in these levels was entirely local and only generically connected to a northern Late Chalcolithic horizon, mostly recalling the Amuq F wares. Reference to the Mesopotamian model only in the ritual and ideological sphere linked to the authority therefore suggests some southern influence, perhaps beginning in earlier periods (Ubaid?), which may have led to emulation phenomena mainly restricted to the elite environment and their public activities, thereby further legitimising their status and role. Both temples have yielded thousands of mass-produced bowls and, all together, more than a hundred clay-sealings bearing the impressions of numerous seals, almost all stamp seals, found in different locations in the two buildings: laying on the ground and found in the collapse layers in one of the side rooms (A932) of Temple C, and 1 A complex of these buildings were brought to light underneath Temple C in the last 2017 excavation campaign. 2 The stratigraphic relations between the two buildings have been uncovered in the last 2017 campaign and are in process of being clarified.

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Fig. 5: Arslantepe, Building 37. (a) The building during the excavation of in situ materials in the ‘audience’ room; (b) The three step-platform with charred wood remains.

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Fig. 6: Arslantepe, Period VIA. Plan of the Palace complex.

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discarded after use in successive dump layers in the corner stair-room (A1416–962) in Temple D. Three of the seals had been affixed on sealings found in both temples, confirming that the two structures, which together may have constituted a large sacred area, were at least partially in use simultaneously. Food redistribution must have been the focus of the activities in this area, and, even though it occurred in ceremonial/sacred contexts, probably in the form of ritualised events, it was carefully administratively controlled and managed.

The secularisation of power. The rise of a very early Palace complex in the second half of the 4th millennium BC (Period VIA) Temple C and Temple D were suddenly abandoned around 3500–3400 BC, and the following period – Period VIA in the Arslantepe sequence (LC5, 3400–3100 BC) – saw a radical change in the organisation of the public area and public activities, suggesting that a radical change had taken place in the way power was conceived and exercised. The residences of the elite were rebuilt on the same upper part of the mound on which the elite houses of Period VII had previously stood, but they were now linked directly to a new public area that radically differed in terms of architectural design and functions (Fig. 3 a and b). This reveals that new relations had taken place between the elites and the population, which were no longer embedded, or prevailingly embedded, in the ritual sphere. A monumental and very imposing building (Building 37), very high but much smaller in size than the previous temples and without any evident religious features, now seems to have formed the core of this new public area. An entrance corridor decorated with impressed lozenge motifs and wall paintings led into a very large courtyard, where visitors would have found themselves faced by the magnificent Building 37 (Frangipane 2016, figs. 8. 9. 11) (Fig. 4). The contact point with the public was a small room in this building occupied entirely by a high raised platform with three steps leading up to it, on which the remains of pieces of small charred wood have been found (Fig. 5b). These wood pieces, identified as juniper (Juniperus) (C. Vignola in Frangipane et al 2017), had a diameter of up to 8–9 cm. and were different from other larger wood pieces found in the room, which were mainly fragments of pine (Pinus sylvestris), alder (Alnus), poplar (Populus), and elm (Ulmus) belonging to beams collapsed from the roof (Frangipane et al., 2017: 77–80). The juniper woods found on the platform may be therefore interpreted as the remains of a piece of furniture, perhaps a chair or ‘throne’, hypothesis supported by the prominent position of the platform, that was clearly visible from the courtyard and the entrance corridor. Facing the platform, in the area of a wide opening connecting the room to the courtyard and preceded by a stone ramp or staircase, there were two small raised clay bases, built perfectly in line with each other, which must have marked the places where visitors had to stop when presenting themselves to the person in authority (Fig. 4b). This may therefore have been the place in which the leader addressed the

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public and held audiences to people gathered in the wide court, in a ceremonial environment without any cultic or religious connotations. The public did not go further into the building, because access to the internal hall could only be reached passing through a small side room, whereas two windows in the wall behind the platform only allowed a partial visibility of what was happening inside the hall and vice versa. The entry therefore appears to have been restricted only to authorised persons. On the other hand, a door in the northern wall of the large hall led from the building to the elite residences on the upper part of the mound. Building 37 was therefore both the connection point and the dividing line between the public and private area in this new, totally transformed, architectural complex. On the south-eastern edge of the courtyard there was a building used for cultic purposes (Temple B), whose floor plan was the same as that of the ‘Audience’ Building 37, but whose internal features, including two altars and two small podia on the edge of an unusual rectangular hearth, provide evidence of a cultic use of the structure (Fig. 3). Though the materials found in situ in the building obviously belong to the last phase of use of the whole complex and we do not know how the structure had been used in the earliest period of its foundation, it is nevertheless interesting to note that the materials found in Temple B provide some indication of a cultic consumption of meals reserved for a few. In addition to three high-stemmed bowls in front of the main altar and jars for preparing and containing food located in a corner of the large room, there were only a few medium to large mass-produced bowls, instead of the hundreds of items found in Temples C and D (Frangipane 1997; D’Anna 2010; 2012). A larger-than-usual quantity of adult cattle bones were also found in this building, indicating rich meals for the elites, rather than wide distribution of food to the population (Bartosiewicz 2010). Moreover, in this case too, unlike the situation in the temples from the previous period, access to the cult room was limited and restricted, with only one entrance passing through a corner side room. Unlike the case of Temple C, ritual meals, ceremonies and cult practices must have therefore been limited and reserved for a few, probably high status, people. It is noteworthy that the wall decorations, made of impressed red-coloured lozenges and traces of painting, were located in the side rooms, where people had to stop, and not in the main cult room, as was conversely the case in the earlier temples of Period VII, where archaeological evidence indicates that a large number of people took part in the ceremonies. It therefore appears that a process had begun to exclude the population from the collective ceremonies and rituals, and the place in which authority was exercised was no longer a sacred shared place, but a broad open space where people gathered and the ruler appeared publicly acting directly without any religious mediation. Even though the religious legitimacy of the leaders must still have been the main means of obtaining consensus and securing support to their authority, guaranteeing stability to their power, as evidenced by the symbolic importance of the linkage between cultic ceremonies in Temple B and high-status people, the ways and the public practices through which the rulers’ authority was exercised seem to have radically changed,

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Fig. 7: Hypothetical reconstruction (a) and 3D drawing (b) of the Arslantepe Palace complex, Period VIA (3400–3100 BC) (by C. Alvaro).

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becoming more secular, while the separation and the ideological detachment of the ruling élites from the rest of the population grew wider. New sectors were soon added to the initial core of the public building complex, enormously expanding it southwards along the slope of the mound until it occupied an area of more than 3500 m² only in the part excavated so far (Figs. 6 and 7). The monumentality and planning, the architectural and functional differentiation between sectors – recognisable thanks to the extraordinary state of preservation of the buildings and the materials found inside them – as well as their close linkage which made up a unitary joined-up whole that used the slope to raise the various buildings with different symbolic and functional values at different altitudes, authorise us to define this exceptional architectural complex as a very early form of a full-fledged ‘palace’ (Fig. 7). Building 37 remained the political heart of the whole complex until the end, as evidenced from the concern to ensure that the platform bearing the presumed chair/throne occupied a conspicuous position visible from the entrance to the palace (a monumental gate), even after adding new sectors. The linkage between this building and the elite residences on the summit of the mound, by closely combining the residential and the public areas into a single whole, also add weight to the interpretation of the Arslantepe set of monumental buildings as a first, anomalous and original experiment of a Near Eastern palace. The layout of this complex does not create a closed whole, as was the case in later 3rd millennium palaces, but was rather an open, articulated and variously arranged assemblage of buildings, that were nevertheless all closely related to each other by architectural and functional links, as well as by a presumable unitary conception as the seat of power. The political economy of Arslantepe’s rulers does not seem to have changed substantially, but they appear to have significantly expanded their control over the production and circulation of the staple goods, further enhancing their capacity to interfere in the basic economic life of the population, entailing the increasing centralisation of broader categories of the labour force. The new architectural sectors were mainly intended for economic-administrative activities and official concerns. The centre of the economic transactions of the elites was no longer in the temples, but in a group of store rooms, where foodstuffs were kept to be redistributed, mainly in the form of meals, to large numbers of people, no longer on special and ceremonial occasions but on a regular, routine basis. We may assume that these people did not take part in any collective rituals and did not have access to the real “places of power”. They visited the palace probably to be received by the ruler at political and social events (in the large courtyard in front of the ‘Audience Building’ 37) and to receive the remuneration for their work in an area set aside for this purpose (the central storerooms and the small courtyard on which they opened) (Frangipane et al. 2007; Frangipane 2010) (Figs. 6 and 7). In the smaller storeroom, which unlike the larger one communicated with the courtyard, in addition to three pithoi, two large jars, one bottle, three cooking pots, and three small jars, more than 100 mass-produced bowls and 130 clay-sealings were

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found, some still in place close to the containers they had sealed, and many others were stacked in a corner of the room, near the opening communicating with the courtyard. Combining these data with those taken from the various assemblages of more than 2,000 clay-sealings found systematically discarded in several places in the palace, it has been possible to reconstruct the existence of a sophisticated administrative system which used the removed clay-sealings as documents attesting to the transactions performed (Frangipane et al. 2007). A thorough study of the claysealings from Arslantepe and the reconstruction of the relationship between the seals used and the related administrative functions (the sealing of various containers and/ or different types of doors) have also shown that there was a hierarchy of officials with different tasks and responsibilities. The glyptic is strictly local in character and makes reference to northern iconographic and stylistic traditions, with a few rare exceptions of cylindrical seals of southern Mesopotamian inspiration (Pittman 2007). The vast majority of the more than 260 seals recognised from the thousands of impressions at Arslantepe were stamps, mainly with animals, and the few rare human figures were often associated with objects that did not refer to the sacred sphere, but rather to daily life activities and agriculture, such as the pitchfork or people carrying goods on their backs. No images depicting ritual scenes or offerings to the temple have been found, and there were very few depictions of the human figure in general. Rather than displaying the sacred role of the rulers, the ideology of power in the Arslantepe palace, exhibited their relationship with agricultural production and the management of subsistence goods, which must have been central to the very concept of “wealth” in this type of centralised society. In the only image that probably represented the ruler in the Arslantepe seal designs, this figure is depicted on a threshing sledge car (tribulum) followed by a procession of individuals bearing pitchforks and is therefore closely and symbolically linked to agricultural practices (Frangipane 1997; 2016, fig. 11c). This image is reminiscent, with a style of its own, of a similar representation found at Uruk, but it had been selected from among the much more numerous images referring to the sacred sphere that designated power in Lower Mesopotamia. At Arslantepe, a scene with a similar content, probably depicting the plowing (or threshing?), had also been painted on the wall of the corridor leading to the main courtyard and to Building 37 (Frangipane 2016, fig. 11d). The management and administrative control of staple resources were, as in Mesopotamia, the main basis of the power of the Arslantepe’s leaders. The centrality of storage areas in the palace and the huge scale of routine redistributions indicate a remarkable ability to centralise foodstuffs and control the labour-force, while the extremely sophisticated bureaucracy points to a complex system of delegated administrative tasks entrusted to an increasing number of individuals operating within and on behalf of the centralised organisation. But, unlike Mesopotamia, at Arslantepe the new unequal economic and political relations between the leaders and their people were expressed in a more direct and non-mediated form. On the other hand, while widening social distances marked the emergence of privileged groups and the capacity of the central authorities to exercise control over the

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territory and the population may have expanded substantially thanks to the growth of a bureaucratic apparatus, the new hierarchies probably lacked the solid social roots they seem to have had in southern Mesopotamia, and the abandonment of ideological-religious mediation may have further weakened their solidity at Arslantepe. Moreover, while the dimensions of the public area and its activities enormously increased, the whole site became smaller in size than in the past, driving the people out of the settlement and probably inducing a perception of exclusion from public life and the events taking place in the centre. Whereas the dominant elites lived on the mound, the majority of the population must have lived in villages and farms scattered in the plain surrounding Arslantepe, reversing the trend towards the concentration of the population around the places of power that had characterized the Mesopotamian developments (Frangipane 2017). The absence of urban growth was one of the features of the peculiar process of State formation in the Upper Euphrates and was one of the main causes of its weakness. The Arslantepe centre was able to manage and control different groups and economic components, also by establishing systematic relations with the pastoralist communities moving in the mountains around the Malatya plain and beyond, as indicated by the exponential growth of specialised pastoralism in the palace period and by the presence of hand-made Red-Black Burnished Ware belonging to a pottery tradition linked to the northern Anatolian world and totally unlike the local Late Chalcolithic productions (Palumbi 2010). But the capacity of the early state institutions to aggregate and integrate different components, which was very strong in urbanised contexts, was limited in the case of Arslantepe by the comparative autonomy that was still enjoyed by both the rural and pastoralist population, whose interests might have come into conflict with a central authority that increasingly demanded resources and labour. The drive towards the secularisation of power that occurred at Arslantepe between 3400 and 3200 BC, created the conditions for a precocious extraordinary ‘experiment’ of a state and palatial system (Wright 2006). The early establishment of a strong political and economic authority without the balanced growth of the whole society may, however, have engendered tensions and conflicts, also shown by the newly arising need for defence, as suggested by the finding of sophisticated weapons in one of the palace buildings and by the very early appearance of swords. It was probably these internal and external conflicts, together with the lack of a solid urban structure, that brought the contradictions within the palace system to explode, evidencing its weaknesses and bringing about its downfall, eventually causing its destruction by fire and ultimate collapse at the very end of the 4th millennium BC.

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References Adams, R.McC. 1966: The Evolution of Urban Society. Chicago. 2004 Reflections on the early southern Mesopotamian economy, in: G.M Feinman / L.M. Nicholas (eds.), Archaeological Perspectives on Political Economies. Salt Lake City. 41–59. Algaze, G. 2008: Ancient Mesopotamia at the Dawn of Civilization: The Evolution of Urban Landscape. Chicago. Bartosiewicz, L. 2010: Herding in Period VIA. Developments and changes from Period VII, in: M. Frangipane (ed.), Economic Centralisation in Formative States. The Archaeological reconstruction of the economic system in 4th millennium Arslantepe. Studi di Preistoria Orientale 3. Roma. 119–148. Bernbeck, R. 2009: Class conflicts in ancient Mesopotamia, Anthropology of the Middle East 4, 33–64. Butterlin, P. 2012: Les caractéristiques de l’espace monumental dans le monde Urukéen: de la mètropole aux colonies, Origini 34, 179–200. D’Anna, M.B. 2010: The ceramic containers of Period VIA. Food control at the time of centralization, in: M. Frangipane (ed.), Economic Centralisation in Formative States. The Archaeological reconstruction of the economic system in 4th millennium Arslantepe. Studi di Preistoria Orientale 3. Roma. 176–191. — 2012: Between inclusion and exclusion: Feasting and redistribution of meals at Late Chalcolithic Arslantepe (Malatya, Turkey), in: S. Pollock (ed.), Between Feasts and Daily Meals: Toward an Archaeology of Commensal Spaces, eTopoi, Journal for Ancient Studies, special issue 2, 97–123. D’Anna, M.B. / Guarino, P. 2010: Continuity and changes in the elite food management during the 4th millennium BC. Arslantepe Period VII and VIA: A comparison, in: M. Frangipane (ed.), Economic Centralisation in Formative States. The Archaeological reconstruction of the economic system in 4th millennium Arslantepe. Studi di Preistoria Orientale 3. Roma. 193–204. Eichmann, R. 2007: Uruk, Architektur I. Ausgrabungen in Uruk-Warka Endberichte 14. Rahden. Emberling, G. 2002: Political control in an early state: The Eye Temple and the Uruk expansion in northern Mesopotamia, in: L. Al-Gailani Werr / J.E. Curtis / H. Martin / A. McMahon / J. Oates / J. Reade (eds.), Of Pots and Plans. London. 82–90. — 2016 Structures of authority; Feasting and political practice in the Early Mesopotamian States, in: G. Emberling (ed.), Social Theory in Archaeology and Ancient History. Cambridge. 34–59. Frangipane, M. 1997: A 4th millennium temple/palace complex at Arslantepe-Malatya. Northsouth relations and the formation of early state societies in the northern regions of Greater Mesopotamia, Paléorient 23/1, 45–73. — 2007: Different types of egalitarian societies and the development of inequality in early Mesopotamia, World Archaeology 39, 151–176. Frangipane, M. 2016: The development of centralised societies in Greater Mesopotamia and the foundation of economic inequality, in: H. Meller / H.P. Hahn / R. Jung / R. Risch (eds.), Arm und Reich. Zur Ressourcenverteilung in prähistorischen Gesellschaften / Rich and

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Poor: Competing for Resources in Prehistoric Societies. Tagungen des Landesmuseums für Vorgeschichte Halle 14/II. Halle. 469–490. — 2017: Different Trajectories in State Formation in Greater Mesopotamia: A view from Arslantepe (Turkey), Journal of Archaeological Research, Published online 28 June 2017 (printed 2018). http://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s10814-017-9106-2 Frangipane, M. (ed.) 2010: Economic Centralisation in Formative States. The Archaeological reconstruction of the economic system in 4th millennium Arslantepe. Studi di Preistoria Orientale 3. Roma. Frangipane, M. / Ferioli, P. / Fiandra, E. / Laurito, R. / Pittman, H. 2007: Arslantepe Cretulae: An Early Centralised Administrative System before Writing. Arslantepe V. Roma. Frangipane, M. / Manuelli, F. / Vignola, C. 2017: Arslantepe, Malatya: Recent Discoveries in the 2015 and 2016 Seasons, in: S. Steadman / G. McMahon (eds.), The Archaeology of Anatolia: Recent Discoveries. Cambridge. 66–92. Liverani, M. 1998: Uruk, la prima città. Roma-Bari. McMahon, A. 2015: A new world of work: Economic inequalities in 4th millennium BC Mesopotamia, Origini 38, 23–37. Nissen, H.J. 1986: The archaic texts from Uruk, World Archaeology 17, 317–333. — 2015: Urbanization and the technique of communication: The Mesopotamian city of Uruk during the fourth millennium BCE, in: N. Yoffee (ed.), Early Cities in Comparative Perspective: 4000 BCE–1200 CE. Cambridge. 113–130. Palumbi, G. 2010: Pastoral models and centralised animal husbandry. The case of Arslantepe, in: M. Frangipane (ed.), Economic Centralisation in Formative States. The Archaeological reconstruction of the economic system in 4th millennium Arslantepe. Studi di Preistoria Orientale 3. 149–163. Pittman, H. 2007: The glyptic art of Arslantepe Period VIA: A Consideration of intraregional relations as seen through style and iconography, in: M. Frangipane M. / P. Ferioli / E. Fiandra / R. Laurito / H. Pittman , Arslantepe Cretulae: An Early Centralised Administrative System before Writing. Arslantepe V. Roma. 284–338. Pollock, S. 1999: Ancient Mesopotamia. Cambridge. — 2001: The Uruk period in southern Mesopotamia, in: M. Rothman (ed.), Uruk Mesopotamia and Its Neighbors: Cross-cultural Interactions in the Era of State Formation. School of American Research Press. Santa Fe. 181–231. — 2012: Between feasts and daily meals: Toward an archaeology of commensal spaces, eTopoi, Journal for Ancient Studies, special issue 2, 97–123. Stein, G. 1994: Economy, ritual, and power in Ubaid Mesopotamia, in: G. Stein / M.S. Rothman (eds.), Chiefdoms and Early States in the Near East. Madison. 35–46. Wright, H.T. 1969: The Administration of a Rural Production in an Early Mesopotamian Town. Anthropological Papers 38, Museum of Anthropology. Ann Arbor. — 2006: Early state dynamics as political experiment, Journal of Anthropological Research 62, 305–319. Yoffee, N. 2005: Myths of the Archaic State. Cambridge.

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Der königliche Hof in neuassyrischer Zeit Melanie Groß*1 Historische Reiche zeichnen sich gemeinhin durch das Vorhandensein eines herrschaftlichen Hofes als zentralen Referenzpunkt in wirtschaftlicher, administrativer, politischer und repräsentativer Hinsicht aus. Solch ein königlicher Hof generiert sich zum einen durch das soziale Gefüge unmittelbar um den Herrscher und manifestiert sich zum anderen in räumlichen Dimensionen, das heißt, in einem wenn nicht mehreren herrschaftlichen Gebäuden, kurz Palästen und Palastanlagen. Während insbesondere der Hauptpalast eines Königs als königlicher Hof bezeichnet werden kann, ist der Hof im Sinne eines Hofstaates nicht notwendigerweise an den königlichen Palast gebunden, sondern verhält sich vielmehr kongruent zu dem sich stets wechselnden Aufenthaltsort des Königs, der schon allein auf Grund von Verteidigungsund Eroberungsmaßnahmen sowie der Einhaltung des Festtagskalenders regelmäßig auf Reisen gewesen sein musste. Von den beiden Begriffen „königlicher Hof“ und „königlicher Palast“ ist wiederum der Begriff des „königlichen Haushalts“ zu unterscheiden. Dieser bezieht sich im engeren Sinn auf die im Namen des Königs bestehende Wirtschaftseinheit, die zum einen durch konkrete Örtlichkeiten dingfest gemacht werden kann und zum anderen die wirtschaftlichen Abläufe und die Summe der in diesen wirtschaftlichen Abläufen involvierten Personals bezeichnet. Für alle drei Begriffe gilt, dass sie Mitglieder oder Personal implizieren, im Fall des „Hofes“ („Hofstaat“) und des „Haushaltes“ („Haushaltspersonal“) in direkter Konnotation und im Fall des „Palastes“ in einem zweiten Gedankenschritt. In demselben Maße wie sich die Begriffe differenzieren, stehen dahinter auch voneinander zu unterscheidende Personengruppen, die jedoch große gemeinsame Schnittmengen aufweisen. Der königliche Hofstaat stellt den umfassendsten und komplexesten Apparat dar. Zahlreiche Hofstudien unterscheiden zunächst zwischen einem „Inneren Hof“ und einem „Äußeren Hof“. Diese Einteilung kann in zweierlei Weise erfolgen: einerseits in Hinblick auf eine räumliche Distanz und andererseits in Bezug auf das Naheverhältnis zum König. In seiner Einleitung zur Studie von hellenistischen Höfen beschreibt R. Strootman den Inneren Hof als eine „core group of people who are * Dieser Artikel wurde im Rahmen des ERC-CoG-2015 – ERC Consolidator Grant Project „Persia and Babylonia” (ID 682241) verfasst.

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permanently part of the king’s household” und den Äußeren Hof als „people less closely connected to the royal family and whose attendance at court is transitory”.1 Damit grenzt er ein permanent den König umgebendes Gefolge von einem weiteren und flexibleren Hofstaat ab. Während er seine Definition dabei auf das räumliche Nähe-Distanz-Verhältnis und nicht auf das Vertrauensverhältnis zwischen König und den Mitgliedern seines Hofstaates basiert, impliziert räumliche Nähe oft aber nicht notwendigerweise auch ein soziales Naheverhältnis. Analog zu diesem sich aus räumlicher und sozialer Nähe ergebenden nuancenreichen Geflecht aus Mitgliedern des königlichen Hofes gestaltet sich auch der Begriff des Höflings. Zum einen kann jedes Mitglied des königlichen Hofes als Höfling bezeichnet werden: vom persönlichen Diener des Königs bis hin zum Reichsbeamten und Provinzgouverneur. Zum anderen wird der Begriff des Höflings insbesondere auf jene Hofmitglieder angewendet, die dem inneren Hof zuzuordnen und gemeinhin als Entourage oder königliches Gefolge anzusprechen sind. Vom Begriff des „Höflings“ – ob nun auf die Mitglieder des gesamten oder des inneren Hofstaats angewendet – kann der Begriff des „Vertrauten des Königs“ unterschieden werden. Unabhängig von der räumlichen Distanz lassen sich „Vertraute des Königs“ sowohl im inneren als auch im äußeren Hof finden. In meinen folgenden Ausführungen werde ich zunächst auf die Möglichkeit ähnlich gestalteter Dichotomien des neuassyrischen Hofes eingehen. Anschließend werde ich den Fokus auf den königlichen Haushalt in Assyrien im engeren Sinn legen. Dies führt zur genaueren Beschäftigung zum einen mit dem inneren Hofstaat des assyrischen Königs und zum anderen mit dem Personal der königlichen Paläste. Ich möchte damit nicht unbedingt auf die politische oder repräsentative Komponente des assyrischen Hofes eingehen, sondern die Organisation und Verwaltung des königlichen Haushalts beleuchten und damit einhergehend dessen strukturelle Komplexität und die Vielfalt der durch die schriftlichen Quellen gebotenen Perspektiven andiskutieren.

Ein einmaliger Einblick in den neuassyrischen Hof Ich möchte die Diskussion über den neuassyrischen Hof mit einem einmaligen Text eröffnen. Die vierkolumnige Tafel K 8669 wurde wohl in einem der Paläste in Ninive (Südwest-Palast oder Nord-Palast) gefunden und ist auf Basis von Schriftduktus, Orthographie und Wortschatz eindeutig der neuassyrischen Periode zuzuordnen. Das Dokument wurde erstmals von K.F. Müller im Jahre 1937 ediert und erfuhr in jüngster Zeit eine erneute Edition sowie eine eingehende Besprechung.2 Von Müller als „Dienstanweisung für ein Königsmahl“ und in Parpola 2017 als „Protocol for the Royal Dinner“ (vgl. Ermidoro 2015) bezeichnet, handelt es sich bei diesem Text um 1 Strootman 2014, 32. 2 Edition: SAA 20 33; in Parpola 2017, 90–93. Besprechung: Ermidoro 2015, 161–189.

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die detaillierte Beschreibung der Bewegungsabläufe und Dienstleistungen im Laufe eines im königlichen Palast stattfindenden Mahls des Königs mit den Ranghöchsten seines Reiches:3 1. Vorderseite, Kolumne 1: Der König betritt den Ort des Mahls. Dann betritt der Palastaufseher (ša-pān-ekalli) den Raum, küsst den Boden vor dem König und erstattet Bericht. Nacheinander führt er den Palastherold (nāgir ekalli) und den Großwesir (sukkallu dannu) vor den König. Sie küssen ebenso den Boden vor dem König. Der Palastherold erstattet Bericht. Der Palastherold und der Großwesir verlassen den Raum wieder. Dann betreten der Kronprinz (mār šarri) und, wenn man der ergänzten Textpassage Glauben schenken darf, auch die anderen Söhne des Königs den Raum. Der Rest der Kolumne ist nicht erhalten. 2. Vorderseite, Kolumne 2: Der Anfang der zweiten Kolumne ist abgebrochen. Der Text setzt wieder ein mit der detaillierten Beschreibung der Aufgaben der Diener, wörtlich der „(Diener) des Zweiten Hauses“ (ša-bēti-šanie).4 Sie kümmern sich um die Beräucherung (Duft) und das Feuer (Wärme) und halten den festlichen Ort sauber. Ein „(Diener) des Schneiderhauses“ (ša-bētkāṣiri)5 hält frische Handtücher bereit und nimmt angeschmutzte entgegen, während ein „Diener des Zweiten Hauses“ Handwasser bereithält. Die zweite Kolumne bricht ab. 3. Rückseite, Kolumne 3: Der Beginn der dritten Kolumne ist abgebrochen. Der erhaltene Text setzt wieder ein mit dem Ende der Aufzählung der dargebotenen Köstlichkeiten. Der „Obereunuch“ (rab ša-rēši) und der Oberkoch (rab nuhatimmi) treten gemeinsam als Aufseher auf und kümmern sich um die Räucherwerkhalter. „(Diener) des Zweiten Hauses“ halten Fackeln und kümmern sich um die Beräucherung zwischen den Tischen der Söhne des Königs (mārē šarri) und der Magnaten (rabûti). Der „Palastaufseher“ betritt wieder die Szene und beauftragt den Mundschenk (šāqiu) Getränke auszuschenken. Dann verkündet der Oberkoch, dass die Mahlzeit aufgetragen wird. Die Gäste kommen wieder in Bewegung und verlassen den Ort der Mahls. Zunächst verlässt der Kronprinz das Geschehen, gefolgt von den Reichsbeamten. Die Diener machen sich daran aufzuräumen. Der Rest des Textes ist nicht erhalten.

3 Der Ort des Geschehens wird in r. i 38´ angedeutet: Vor Sonnenuntergang werden Fackeln (zur Beleuchtung) in den Palast gebracht. Auch die Dienerschaft ša-bēti-šanie weist mit bētu šaniu auf einen Raum, Speisesaal?, im Palast hin, siehe Anm. 4. 4 bētu šaniu bezeichnet möglicherweise den Ort für Festmahle im Palast oder einen Nebenraum dieses Speisesaals; siehe Groß in Vorb. 5 Für eine Diskussion dieses Titels siehe Groß in Vorb.

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Dieser Text bietet nicht nur einen einmaligen Einblick in das zeremonielle Protokoll am königlichen Hof, sondern vermittelt auch eine gute Vorstellung von den Akteuren des königlichen Hofstaats und deren Funktionen quer durch die unterschiedlichsten hierarchischen Ebenen: 1. Königsfamilie a. König b. Kronprinz c. Söhne des Königs 2. Beamtenschaft a. Palastherold b. Großwesir c. „Palastaufseher“ d. „Obereunuch“ e. Oberkoch 3. Palastbedienstete a. Mundschenk b. „(Diener) des Zweiten Hauses“ c. „(Diener) des Schneiderhauses“ An der Spitze steht der König mit seiner Kernfamilie, hier repräsentiert durch den Kronprinz und die anderen Söhne des Königs. Diese Gruppe wird gefolgt von den Reichsbeamten, den Magnaten. Diese dinieren hier zusammen mit dem König und seinen Söhnen. Während die Magnaten als zu bedienende Gäste nicht näher beschrieben werden, werden zwei der Ranghöchsten des Reiches, der Palastherold und der Großwesir, zu Beginn vom Palastaufseher eingeführt, und wir dürfen wohl davon ausgehen, dass diese beiden den Ort des Geschehens zum Dinieren wieder betreten haben (Kolumne 1). In ihrer Studie über die Magnaten des neuassyrischen Reiches fasst R. Mattila (2000) eine Gruppe von sieben Beamten zusammen, die neben dem Palastherold und dem Großwesir, auch aus dem hier genannten „Obereunuchen“, dem Oberbefehlshaber des Heeres (turtānu), dem Obermundschenk (rab šāqê), dem Schatzmeister (masennu) und dem Obersten Richter (sartinnu) bestand. Zusammen mit den wichtigsten Provinzgouverneuren waren dies die ranghöchsten Beamten im Lande6 und stellten als solche zusammen mit dem König auch die Jahreseponymen. Sie fungierten als Provinzverwalter und Heeresbefehlshaber und waren zudem für spezifische Bereiche wie die königliche Schatzkammer (masennu) und die Rechtsprechung (sartinnu, sukkallu) zuständig. Jedoch bleiben die genauen Abläufe hierzu vielfach im Dunkeln. Auch muss festgehalten werden, dass diese exklusive Gruppe nicht unverändert über 300 Jahre Bestand hatte, sondern stetig Veränderungen unterworfen war. So zeigt die erweiterte Bandbreite an Beamten, die in spätneuassyrischer Zeit 6 Siehe z. B. SAA 1 49; SAA 5 250, 4–10.

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als Jahreseponymen auserkoren wurden, dass erst im 7. Jh. den Beamten der Rechtsprechung eine größere Bedeutung zugemessen wurde und weitere Beamten einschließlich dem Palastaufseher und dem Oberkoch in ihrer Bedeutung aufgestiegen sind und ihren Verantwortungsbereich erweitert haben.7 Grundsätzlich kann an diesen Beamten ausgehend von der mittelassyrischen Periode bis in spätneuassyrische Zeit festgestellt werden, dass sie, einhergehend mit der Entwicklung des Assyrischen Reiches, von reinen Palastbeamten zu Reichsbeamten mit politischer Mission und militärischen Pflichten herangewachsen sind, wobei dieser Prozess durchwachsen und keineswegs linear vonstatten gegangen ist. In jedem Fall können die königlichen Reichsbeamten und die Provinzstatthalter als äußerer Hofstaat definiert werden. Als Vertreter des Königs waren sie über das ganze Reich verteilt und führten die Geschicke des Landes fernab vom Reichszentrum, aber mit dem König in regelmäßigem Kontakt stehend. Wenngleich die Ranghöchsten im Land, die im königlichen Auftrag auf höchster Ebene agierten, standen sie nicht in einem solchen Naheverhältnis zum König wie der „Palastaufseher“, der hier als rechte Hand des Königs und als höchster Hofbeamter die Gäste einführt und die Bediensteten anweist. Ihm zur Seite stehen der „Obereunuch“ und der Oberkoch, der für die kredenzten Speisen zuständig ist. Ungeachtet seiner erweiterten Kompetenzen, steht der Oberkoch in einer Reihe von Verwaltungsbeamten, die für die Beschaffung, Lagerung, Verarbeitung und Verteilung von Lebensmitteln und Naturalien verantwortlich waren, während geschultes Personal, einschließlich Handwerker und einfacher Arbeiter, unter ihrem direkten oder indirekten Befehl stand.8 Das hier besprochene Protokoll eines Königsmahls ist einzigartig unter den neuassyrischen Keilschriftquellen. Bedauerlicherweise gibt es keine weiteren Texte, die in solcher Unmittelbarkeit die Vorgänge im Palast und um den König schildern, wenngleich wenige Ritualtexte in ähnlich anschaulicher Weise den Handlungsablauf rund um den König beschreiben.9 Tatsächlich sind wir für die Erforschung des neuassyrischen Hofes auf wenige königliche Dokumente (wie Dekrete und Verträge) und in besonderem Maße auf die Alltagstexte angewiesen. Tausende Verwaltungsbriefe, administrative Texte und Rechtsurkunden, die insbesondere aus den Palästen in Ninive und Kalḫu stammen und in die letzten ca. 150 Jahre der neuassyrischen Periode datieren, werfen Schlaglichter auf die personelle Zusammensetzung des Hofes sowie auf die mit diesem Personal einhergehenden wirtschaftlichen und administrativen Abläufe. Viele Texte beinhalten regelrecht Listen von Beamten- und Berufstiteln und anderen Amtsbezeichnungen, wie zum Beispiel Zeugenlisten in Rechtsurkunden und Rationslisten. Während wir es hier mit einer Auswahl von Amtstiteln zu tun haben, gibt es in Verträgen und anderen königlichen Dokumenten das Bestreben den gesamten Hofstaat in Parenthese aufzuzählen. 7 Siehe dazu Mattila 2009. 8 Siehe Groß 2015 und Groß 2018. 9 Siehe z. B. SAA 20 18.

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Der neuassyrische Hof in seiner Gesamtheit Eine beispielhafte Art der Widerspiegelung des gesamten Hofstaats in komprimierter Weise findet sich in Anfragen an den Sonnengott Šamaš über die mögliche Gefährdung Asarhaddons und des Kronprinzen Assurbanipal durch eine Rebellion.10 Als potentielle Aggressoren listet der Text Höflinge (ša-rēši, ša-ziqni), Vertraute des Königs (mazzāz-pāni),11 Verwandte des Königs, Mitglieder der Streitwagenteams und andere Armeeangehörige, die königliche Leibgarde (ša-qurbūti, ša-šēpē),12 Wachpersonal, „Palastaufseher“, Kundschafter, Küchen- und Haushaltspersonal sowie möglicherweise Handwerker und Söldner auf und bezieht zu guter Letzt „jegliches menschliches Wesen“ mit ein. Während die zuvor besprochene Dienstanweisung Reichsbeamte, „Palastaufseher“ und -personal erwähnt, werden außerdem und im besonderen Maße die Sicherheitskräfte und das Militär berücksichtigt, was in Anbetracht des Anliegens nicht weiter verwundert. Der Text verwendet hier nicht zuletzt auch Oberbegriffe oder Klassenbezeichnungen um den gesamten Hofstaat anzusprechen. Indem der Text bartlose Höflinge (ša-rēši) und barttragende Höflinge (ša-ziqni) nennt, deckt er im Grund schon den gesamten Hofstaat, vom höchsten Reichsbeamten bis zum einfachen Küchenjungen, ab. Auf Basis dieser beiden völlig unterschiedlicher Texte können wir bereits einen Gutteil des neuassyrischen Hofstaates rekonstruieren. Bei einer Auswertung sämtlicher neuassyrischer Quellen lassen sich realiter folgende Bereiche für den assyrischen Hof festmachen: (1) Familie und Freunde des Königs, (2) Palastfrauen und Entertainer, (3) Reichsbeamte, (4) Palast- und Verwaltungsbeamte, (5) Berater und Gelehrte, (6) Streit- und Sicherheitskräfte, (7) Küchen- und Haushaltspersonal, (8) Handwerker und (9) Arbeiter in Land- und Viehwirtschaft. Was in den beiden Texten also insbesondere noch nicht aufgeführt ist, sind die Palastfrauen und Entertainer (wie sie zum Beispiel in Weinrationslisten vorkommen), die Berater und Gelehrten (wie wir sie aus der Königskorrespondenz kennen) sowie die Handwerker und Arbeiter (wie sie vereinzelt zum Beispiel in Zeugenlisten genannt werden). Dazu muss noch angemerkt werden, dass für fachmännisch geschulte Kräfte – zum einen königliche Gelehrte (Astrologen, Exorzisten, Wahrsager, Ärzte und Klagesänger)13 und zum anderen Handwerker im weitesten Sinn14 – und für Arbeiter aus Land- und Viehwirtschaft vergleichsweise selten der Titel ša-rēši belegt ist.15 Dies könnte unter anderem damit zusammenhängen, dass sie nicht zum permanenten oder eigentlichen Personal des Königs und seiner Paläste gehörten und, beson10 SAA 4 139 und 142, jeweils Vorderseite. 11 Zu den Titeln ša-rēši, ša-ziqni und mazzāz-pāni siehe Groß und Pirngruber 2014. 12 Siehe dazu Mattila 2000, 153–154. 13 Parpola 1993, XIII–XIV. 14 Groß 2018. 15 Eine vollständige Liste der ša-rēši Belege findet sich in Groß in Vorb.; vgl. Groß / Pirngruber 2014, 166–170.

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ders im Hinblick auf die Gelehrten, sich nicht nur über das Königshaus definierten, sondern ein althergebrachtes Selbstverständnis pflegten. Zudem standen die Gelehrten dem Klerus nahe, der bekanntlich und nicht zuletzt auf Grund von Reinheits- und Unversehrtheitsgeboten keine ša-rēšis (Eunuchen?) miteinschloss.16

Das königliche Gefolge und das königliche Heer Es stellt sich die Frage, Vertreter welcher Bereiche entweder sich permanent in der Gefolgschaft des Königs befanden oder dauerhaft den einzelnen Palästen zugewiesen waren. Dabei muss zuerst festgehalten werden, dass der neuassyrische König nicht nur einen Palast, sondern – vor allem in spätneuassyrischer Zeit – mehrere Paläste unterhielt. Wie von J.N. Postgate und in jüngerer Zeit D. Kertai ausgeführt,17 wurden neben dem Hauptpalast zumindest ein Militärpalast und andere sekundäre Paläste im Reichszentrum sowie in den Provinzhauptstädten genutzt. All diese königlichen Haushalte mussten in Gang gehalten werden und bei Bedarf die Versorgung des Königs und dessen Gefolge sicherstellen. Sehen wir uns dazu die über 50 Listen von Weinrationen an, die im Fort Salmanassar (ekal mašarti), dem Militärpalast in Kalḫu, gefunden wurden und die Ausgabe von Wein in Zusammenhang mit wahrscheinlich jährlich wiederkehrenden Feierlichkeiten dokumentieren.18 Ein vergleichsweise gut erhaltenes Exemplar ist CTN 1 3. Demnach erhielten im Jahre 784 (während der Regierungszeit von Adadnerari III.), neben nur namentlich genannten Personen, die Königin, Palastfrauen des Zentralpalastes (qabil āli) und des Militärpalastes (ekal mašarti), der rab ša-rēši, der Palastaufseher, ša-qurbūti, Wagenkämpfer (mār damqi), „Streitwagenbesitzer“ (bēl narkabti), Stallknechte (ša-bēt-kūdini), ša-rēšis, „(Diener) des Zweiten Hauses“ und Mundschenke Wein ausgeschenkt. Aus anderen Weinlisten wird deutlich, dass fast alle Bereiche des Hofes, wenngleich in unterschiedlicher Gewichtung, vertreten sind. So werden auch Ärzte, Gelehrte, Schreiber, Musiker, Küchenpersonal (Köche, Bäcker, ...) und in geringerem Maße Handwerker und Fachkräfte (Weber, Gerber, Schmiede, ...) genannt. Einmal abgesehen von Vogelfängern, sind jedoch keine Vertreter aus Land- und Viehwirtschaft, wie Bauern und Gärtner, zugegen. Während die Musiker (z. B. CTN 1 16: 27 31) und das Küchenpersonal (zB CTN 1 1 iii 11) Personen aus dem Ausland miteinschließen, nennen die Weinlisten auch Gäste aus dem Ausland (z. B. CTN 1 23) und Übersetzer (s. CTN 1 18 r. 8). Grundsätzlich lässt sich in den Weinlisten eine vergleichsweise große Anzahl und eine große Diversität von Vertretern der Bereiche Sicherheit, Transport und Militärwesen (und nicht zuletzt der Wagentruppen) inklusive Stallpersonal finden. Während auch niederes Haushaltspersonal in ordentlicher Zahl vertreten ist, sind jedoch bis 16 Löhnert 2007. 17 Postgate 2003–2005 und Kertai 2013. 18 Fales 1994.

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auf den rab ša-rēši, den „Palastaufseher“ und den Kellermeister (rab karāni) selten andere Reichs- und Palastbeamte genannt. Wir können annehmen, dass dies dem Ort und dem Anlass geschuldet ist: Es dürfte sich bei den zahlreichen Militärangehörigen, neben der königlichen Leibgarde, um die königlichen Truppen, die unter Leitung des rab ša-rēši standen und hier in ihrem Hauptstützpunkt zusammen mit dem König die erfolgreich beendeten Feldzüge feierten,19 handeln. Es ist fraglich, wer hier zum permanenten Personal des Militärpalastes zu zählen ist. Ein Großteil der Feiernden, insbesondere die auswärtigen Gäste, scheint sich hier nur vorübergehend eingefunden zu haben. Die Palastfrauen sind als einzige Gruppe als dem Hauptpalast und dem Militärpalast zugehörig angezeigt.

Das Palastpersonal Zusammen mit ähnlichen Listen aus Ninive des 7. Jahrhunderts (z. B. SAA 7 5), die zudem die Gefolge von Schlüsselfiguren der königlichen Familie (Kronprinz, Königin, Königinmutter) dokumentieren, führen uns die Weinlisten den mobilen Hofstaat des Königs vor, wie er für die Durchführung der Feldzüge und anderer Unternehmungen beschaffen gewesen sein dürfte. Wo sind aber nun jene, die die vielen Paläste auch während der Abwesenheit des Königs (und seiner Entourage) instand hielten? Bei genauerer Begutachtung der Quellen fallen dabei ganz spezifische Ämter ins Auge, die in den vorher diskutierten Quellen nur sehr selten erscheinen. In erster Linie sind das der • rab ekalli (Palastmanager) und die • šakintu (Managerin der Königin).20 Vor allem aus spätneuassyrischer Zeit sind uns zahlreiche Vertreter dieser beiden Ämter überliefert, die auch explizit bestimmten Palästen zugewiesen sind. Auch Palastfrauen (siebe oben), Palastdiener, Schreiber und (wenngleich nur sehr selten) Torwächter sind mitunter ganz bestimmten Palästen zugewiesen.21 Viele davon sind als Vertragspartner oder Zeugen in Rechtsurkunden belegt. Zusätzlich werden sie in wenigen Verwaltungslisten aus Ninive und Kalḫu genannt.22 Dabei lässt sich auch gut feststellen, wie in den Städten Ninive und Kalḫu mehrere Paläste (mit Bezeichnungen wie ekal mašarti, qabil āli, ekallu eššu) aktiv waren, während wir jeweils nur von einer königlichen Niederlassung in den Provinzhauptstädten wie Assur, Arbail oder Kilizi erfahren.

19 Zu den militärischen Aufgaben des rab ša-rēši siehe Mattila 2000, 153–154. 20 Für eine detaillierte Besprechung der šakintu siehe Svärd 2015, 91–105. Zum Unterschied zwischen rab ekalli und ša-pān-ekalli siehe Groß in Vorb. 21 Für eine vollständige Liste siehe Groß in Vorb. 22 SAA 7 23, 115; ND 2803 (in Parker 1961, 55–61, XXIX–XXX).

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Im Verwaltungstext ND 2803 aus dem Nordwest-Palast in Kalḫu sind in der ersten Kolumne vier Sektionen erhalten, die jeweils die Zuteilung von Brot, Bier und Getreide an Arbail und Kilizi sowie die Städte Adian und Kasappa dokumentieren. Während der erste Eintrag in jeder Sektion der lokal-installierten šakintu gedacht ist, sind in Folge die jeweiligen Palastfrauen und Palastdiener berücksichtigt und teilweise auch Weber, Eisenschmiede, Vogelhirten und -mäster genannt. Auch im Verwaltungstext SAA 7 23 sind auf der Vorderseite die lokalen šakintus aufgezählt und auf der Rückseite 145 Weber aus 8 Städten bzw. Distrikten zusammengefasst.

Fazit Vor allem die spätneuassyrischen Dossiers aus dem Fort Salmanassar in Kalḫu lassen ein gut eingespieltes System der Palastverwaltung auf lokaler Ebene unter der Leitung des rab ekalli und der šakintu vermuten,23 während die einzelnen Paläste auch Sekretäre, Palastfrauen und Palastbedienstete dauerhaft beherbergten sowie ausgebildete Fachkräfte aus den Bereichen der Textilherstellung, Metallverarbeitung und Viehzucht zumindest temporär (z. B. auf der Basis von zeitlich begrenzten Arbeitsverträgen) bzw. in wechselnder Weise in ihrem Einflussbereich hatten. Dies wird jedenfalls durch das Fehlen von expliziten Titeln wie z. B. „Weber des Neuen Palastes“ angedeutet. Zusammen stellten diese Kräfte den fortlaufenden Betrieb – die Verwaltung und den Warenverkehr, die Korrespondenz und der Dokumentation sowie der Bewachung – von einzelnen Palasthaushalten sicher. Wenn wir diesen Streifzug zum neuassyrischen Hof Revue passieren lassen, können folgende Schlüsse zu dessen Struktur und Organisation gezogen werden: 1. Der königliche Hof lässt sich entsprechend der modernen Hofforschung in einen inneren und einen äußeren Hof trennen. a. Der innere Hof begleitet den König auf seinen Wegen. Er wird vom „Palastaufseher“ geleitet und umfasst vermutlich des Königs Vertraute und Berater, Leibgarde und Wachpersonal, Sekretäre und Dienerschaft. b. Die Reichsbeamten, zusammen mit den Provinzstatthaltern, bilden mit ihren eigenen Domänen (Provinzen und/oder Armeen) das Kernstück des äußeren Hofes. c. Grundsätzlich kann wohl davon ausgegangen werden, dass sowohl die Mitglieder des inneren als auch des äußeren Hofes als Höflinge betrachtet wurden und durch die Bezeichnung ša-rēši (aber auch ša-ziqni) als solche zu identifizieren waren. 2. Der königliche Haushalt schließt zum einen den inneren Hofstaat mit ein. Zum anderen manifestiert er sich in den zahlreichen Palästen wo permanent instal23 Dalley / Postgate 1984.

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lierte Palastbeamte und Palastbedienstete für das Fortbestehen und Gedeihen dieser Haushalte Sorge trugen. 3. Bei all dem ist klar, dass die Grenzen zwischen den königlichen Einrichtungen fließend waren, situationsbedingt angepasst wurden bzw. über die Jahre und Regierungszeiten hinweg Veränderungen erfahren haben.

Literatur Dalley, S. / Postgate, J.N. 1984: The Tablets from Fort Shalmaneser. CTN 3. London. Ermidoro, S. 2015: Commensality and Ceremonial Meals in the Neo-Assyrian Period. Antichistica 8. Studi orientali 3. Venedig. Fales, M. 1994: A Fresh Look at the Nimrud Wine Lists, in: L. Milano (Hrsg.), Drinking in Ancient Societies. History and Culture of Drinks in the Ancient Near East. Papers of a Symposium held in Rome, May 17–19 1990. Padua. 361–380. Fales, F.M. und Postgate, J.N. 1992: Imperial Administrative Records, Part I: Palace and Temple Administration. SAA 7. Helsinki. Groß, M. 2015: Food and Drink for the Palace: The Management of Foodstuffs in Neo-Assyrian Times and Beyond, State Archives of Assyria Bulletin 21, 21–45. — 2018: Craftsmen in the Neo-Assyrian Empire, in: A. Garcia-Ventura (Hrsg.), What’s in a Name? Terminology related to the Work Force and Job Categories in the Ancient Near East. AOAT 440. Münster. 369–395. — in Vorbereitung: At the Heart of the Empire: The Royal Household in the Neo-Assyrian Period. Peeters. (Überarbeitete Doktorarbeit, Universität Wien, 2014). Groß, M. / Pirngruber, R. 2014: On courtiers in the Neo-Assyrian Empire: ša-rēši and mazzāz pāni, AoF 41/2, 161–175. Kertai, D. 2013: The Multiplicity of Royal Palaces. How many Palaces did an Assyrian King Need?, in: D. Kertai / P.A. Miglus (Hrsg.), New Research on Late Assyrian Palaces. Conference at Heidelberg January 22nd, 2011. HSAO 15. Heidelberg. 11–22. Kinnier Wilson, J.V. 1972: The Nimrud Wine Lists. A Study of Men and Administration at the Assyrian Capital in the Eighth Century, B.C. CTN 1. London. Lanfranchi, G.B. / Parpola, S. 1990: The Correspondence of Sargon II, Part II: Letters from the Northern and Northeastern Provinces. SAA 5. Helsinki. Löhnert, A. 2007: The Installation of Priests According to Neo-Assyrian Documents, SAAB 16, 273–286. Mattila, R. 2000: The King’s Magnates. A Study of the Highest Officials of the Neo-Assyrian Empire. SAAS 11. Helsinki. — 2009: The Chief Singer and Other Late Eponyms, in: M. Luukko / S. Svärd / R. Mattila (Hrsg.), Of God(s), Trees, Kings, and Scholars. Neo-Assyrian and Related. Studies in Honour of Simo Parpola. Studia Orientalia 106. Helsinki. 159–166. Müller, K.F. 1937: Das Assyrische Ritual, Teil I. Texte zum Assyrischen Königsritual, MVAeG 41/3.

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Parker, B. 1961: Administrative Tablets from the North-West Palace, Nimrud, Iraq 23/1, 15– 67 und Tafeln IX–XXX. Parpola, S. 1987: The Correspondence of Sargon II, Part I: Letters from Assyria and the West. SAA 1. Helsinki. — 1993: Letters from Assyrian and Babylonian Scholars. SAA 10. Helsinki. — 2017: Assyrian Royal Rituals and Cultic Texts. SAA 20. Helsinki. Postgate, J.N. 2003–2005: Palast. A. Mittel- und Neuassyrisch, RlA 10, 212–226. Svärd, S. 2015: Women and Power in Neo-Assyrian Palaces. SAAS 23. Helsinki. Starr, I. 1990: Queries to the Sungod: Divination and Politics in Sargonid Assyria. SAA 4. Helsinki. Strootman, R. 2014: Courts and Elites in the Hellenistic Empires: The Near East after the Achaemenids, c. 330 to 30 BCE. Edinburgh.

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Basileia and Royal oikoi. Remarks on Arsacid Palaces and Palace Culture Stefan R. Hauser

Introduction In the middle of the 3rd century BC a certain Arsaces became the founder of a small, but successful kingdom in the former Seleucid provinces east of the Caspian Sea: Parthia and Hyrcania. His successors, in particular Mithridates I (171–138 BC) in the 140s BC, created an empire encompassing the vast areas between the Syrian Euphrates and modern Afghanistan (Bactria), which lasted until the last Arsacid King of Kings was dethroned by the Sasanian Ardashir I between AD 224 and 228.1 The Arsacids thus count among the longest lasting dynasties in Near Eastern history. Considering the chronological and geographical extent of their empire and the great appreciation by their Roman contemporaries it always surprises how much of its history and culture remain elusive, because the scarcity of written sources often matches limited archaeological evidence.2 This also applies for the Arsacid basileia in the capital Ctesiphon as well as palaces in the various provinces.3 In this paper an attempt is made to summarize the available evidence for Arsacid period palatial buildings from (I) written and (II) archaeological sources. Typical architectonical features from excavated palatial structures in capital and provincial cities are described. This review will be followed by a brief discussion (III) of the possible décor, fixtures and furnishings of the palace at Ctesiphon and the fate of this basileia of the King of Kings.

1 On the history of the Arsacid Empire still Debevoise 1934; Ziegler 1964. On kingship and the structure of the Arsacid Empire Hauser 2005; 2006; 2016; Börm 2017. 2 For various Roman authors the world was divided between the Romans and Arsacid Parthians, cf. Sonnabend 1986. 3 In fact, there is only one summary on the topic which almost entirely concentrates on Nisa: Invernizzi 2001.

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Arsacid basileia according to written sources The word ‘palace’ originally derived from Domitian’s imperial building complex on the Palatine hill in Rome. For other and earlier royal building complexes Latin sources used the term ‘regia’. The Greek term is βασιλεία.4 Royal complexes usually consisted of a number of different structural and functional units: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8.

Representative and ceremonial rooms, i.e. reception halls and social meeting rooms, Administrative complexes, including archives and treasury; residential quarters for the ruler and his family, which might also include rooms for the court and guests as well as service and storage areas. Often religious or cultic areas, temples for tutelary deities and mausoleia or a dynastic heroon are included. In addition, we should reckon with barracks for guards and servants as well as a garden and/or even a paradeisos, a park for recreation and representation.

Fig. 1: The Arsacid Empire. Provinces and sites mentioned in the text. S.R. Hauser based on Satellite Images provided by Google Earth. 4 Hoepfner 1992, 1: “Die Basileia von Alexandria und Antiochia entsprechen den römischen regia und meinen den ganzen Palastbezirk oder den Bezirk des Königs in der Stadt.” Private chambers of the ruler’s family are called οἶκος or οἶκημα. The official representative area for symposia and receptions is called the ‘Andron’.

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Unfortunately, not a single description of any Arsacid basileia survived. The most extensive reference (Polybios 10,27) praises the palace at Ecbatana, seat of the ancient kings of Media, but obviously still in use in the 2nd century BC, for its circuit of nearly seven stades, i.e. more than 1.2 km, and the costliness of its wooden structures completely covered by golden and silver plates.5 The existence of this palace is also mentioned by Isidor of Charax as Adrapana “τὰ βασίλεια τῶν ἐν βάτανοις”. He also refers to a site ‘Basileia’ on the Euphrates (possibly the later Zenobia), and informs that the basileia of the Saka is situated in the city of Sigal, but without further details.6 Only little more we learn about the palace in the Arsacid capital Ctesiphon, the seat of the Kings of Kings. Strabo (Geography 16,1,16 [743]) details that Ctesiphon became the winter residence of the Arsacids, because the kings did not want to bother the inhabitants of the former Seleucid capital Seleucia, situated across the Tigris, with their troops. Therefore, he reports, one part of Ctesiphon became a hugely populated city in itself, while in other parts it was adorned by the kings with all they needed, with merchandise, and all necessary arts.7 Cassius Dio (40,14,1) simply mentions Ctesiphon as the place where the royal palace, destroyed in AD 161 by Avidius Cassius (Cassius Dio 71,2,3), was situated: “ἐν ἧ καὶ βασιλεία ἔχουσι”.8 From Herodian (3,9,9–11) we learn that in 198 the royal treasure was left behind in this basileia. But nothing is relayed in ancient sources on the architecture or the life at court itself.9 The much the more we have to rely on the archaeology.

5 According to Polybios 10,27 the palace was situated beneath the old city hill. By the mid-2nd century BC, the time Polybios reports on, the gold from the palace’s cedar and cypress ceilings and columns in the arcades and peristyle had largely been stripped off by Alexander, Antigonos I and Seleucos I Nicator. Only the temple of “Aena” (possibly Nenea or Anaitis) was still covered with gold. 6 Isidor of Charax 2,1. 2,6 and 2.18. For an extended discussion of this early 1st century author’s geographical work and a reconstruction of its topographical information cf. Hauser 2017. 7 Strabo 16,1,16: “δυνάμει οὖν Παρθικῇ πόλις ἀντὶ κώμης ἐστὶ καὶ τὸ μέγεθος, τοσοῦτόν γε πλῆθος δεχομένη καὶ τὴν κατασκευὴν ὑπ͗ ἐκείνων αὑτῶν κατεσκευασμένη καὶ τὰ ὢνια καὶ τὰς τέχνας προσφόρους ἐκείνοις πεπορισμένη.” The idea that Ctesiphon (or even Seleucia) served as winter residence, while the Arsacid King of Kings spent the summer in residences with more pleasant climate on the Iranian plateau or even in Hyrcania is reported by several authors. While Curtius Rufus (5,8,1) and Strabo (16,1,16 and 11,13,1) refer to Ecbatana, Athenaios (12, 513f) mentions Rhagae, cf. Jacobs 2010, 87. The use of different places has been interpreted as the result of a nomadic heritage prompting a disposition towards a peripatetic court, e.g. Chaumont 1973, 222. Instead it should be seen as an adaptation to climatic conditions. On the Arsacids and Parthians as nomads cf. Hauser 2005, 170–185. 8 Tacitus (Ann. 6,42) calls Ctesiphon “sedes imperii”, while Pliny (6,122) refers to it as “caput regnorum”. 9 Plutarch (Crassus 33,1) purports that the King of Kings Osroes was enjoying a performance of Euripides’ Greek tragedy ‘The Bacchae’ when the decollated head of the Roman general Crassus was thrown onto the stage.

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The archaeological evidence Unfortunately, the material evidence for Arsacid palaces is disconcertingly poor. While the palace of the Roman emperors on the Palatine hill is still largely standing, its counterpart, the basileia of the King of Kings in Ctesiphon is not even located with certainty. The same applies to most known provincial capitals (Fig. 1), where we would expect palaces for their respective kings (i.e. governors). In several cases we cannot even identify these with certainty, e.g. Sigal, polis and basileia of the Saka in the Arsacid province of Sakastane, which must be looked for in the Helmand valley.10 Other provincial capitals have been identified, but barely explored. Examples are Hecatompylos (modern Shar-i Qumis), probably for a short period even the capital of the Arsacid realm, Rhagae (modern Rayy), capital of Media Rhagiana, and Arbela (modern Erbil), the seat of the kings of Adiabene.11 At Charax Spasinou, capital of Mesene, research has only just begun.12 In other cases even large scale excavations did not reveal palatial complexes, even though we know they must have been there. In Susa, capital of Elymais, excavations unearthed many burials and quite a number of private buildings, but no Arsacid period royal palace.13 A similar situation exists for Ecbatana, capital of the second most important Arsacid province, Media.14 Large scale excavations exposed standardized houses of uncertain date with approximately 300 m2 in blocks of 35 by 70 meters extending over much of the ancient city hill.15 But the huge basileia, which according to Polybios (10, 27) was not on the ancient tell, appears to have escaped archaeological attention. This palatial complex including its gardens is probably buried underneath modern Hamadan.

10 Cf. Schmitt 2017, 214. Another example could be Asaak (or Arsak, Schmitt 2017, 201) in Astauene, the place where Arsaces I. according to Isidor of Charax (2,19) was first proclaimed king. The site might be identified with Shar-e Koneh, Hauser 2017, 171. Nevertheless, it is uncertain whether there was a palace at all. 11 On Hecatompylos and its identification see Hansman 1968; Hansman / Stronach 1974. On Arsacid Rhagae cf. Rante 2015. An important seat of a (in the 1st century AD Jewish) dynasty and early center of Christianity was Arbela. The tombs of this dynasty were plundered by the Roman emperor Caracalla in AD 216 (Cassius Dio 79,1,2). Obviously, we should expect a palace, but also newer research reports no Arsacid levels. 12 Research at Charax Spasinou, which was identified at Jebel Khayaber, Hansman 1967, has started with a highly successful exploratory campaign in spring 2016, cf. Moon et al. 2016, and a first full campaign in 2017, cf. Campbell et al. 2018. 13 An extended summary of the results with further literature is Martinez-Sève (2015). As she points out, the very large building which in the 2nd century AD replaced private houses in the area of the Achaemenid period propylaeum was probably not a Mithraeum, but an “imposing, residence, perhaps an official one”. 14 On the relation between the King of Kings and the King of Media, very often the crown prince or probable successor, Hauser 2016, 477–483. 15 Sarraf 1997; Sarraf 2003; Azarnoush 2007. The buildings are clearly visible on satellite images around 34°48’20” N 48° 31’00’’ E.

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Fig. 2: Old Nisa Palace Complex, after Lippolis 2011, 291.

a) Nisa The only provincial capital where complex palace structures came to light is Nisa, capital of Parthia (or Parthyene), situated at the foot of the Kopet-dag 16 km to the west of Ashgabat in Turkmenistan (Fig. 2), and possibly the first capital of the Arsacid kingdom.16 Since ostraca provided the name Mithradatkert for Old Nisa, it is commonly assumed that the site is a foundation or re-foundation of Mithridates I. and served as state capital before his conquests of Media and Babylonia. Excavations by JuTAKE (South Turkmenistan Archaeological Complex Expedition) between 1946 and 1967, as well as by the Universitá di Torino and also the Turkmenian Archaeological Service since 1990, uncovered two complexes of official buildings on the

16 The archaeological complex consists mainly of two walled cities, New and Old Nisa, situated on natural hills 1.7 km apart from each other. While New Nisa (20 ha) is usually seen as the city proper, Old Nisa (14 ha) is interpreted as (ceremonial) royal citadel. Research was limited in New Nisa, which still had been an important center in Islamic times, and concentrated mainly on Old Nisa.

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heavily fortified hill of Old Nisa.17 This certainly is the most complex palatial site of the Arsacid period. In the north JuTAKE excavated a large building, the so-called ‘Square Building’, measuring 60 x 60 m. A large central courtyard is surrounded “on all four sides [by] a series of elongated rectangular rooms which all repeat an analogous schema, with a deep bench along the walls and a roof supported by a central row of wooden columns”.18 While its original purpose was a place “of assembly and banqueting […], perhaps from the 1st century CE, it was turned into a storehouse for precious furnishings, disused decorative objects” like the famous ivory rhyta, several Hellenistic statues and seals, which had been recovered from the area.19 The building therefore became a treasury. Its only entrance was later blocked additional store rooms.20 Nearly 3,000 ostraca, which have been found in the rooms outside the great building, attest to the administration of vine deliveries to the court for the years 104 to 12 BC, mainly for the years 91 to 67 BC.21 While these have been interpreted as the administration of vineyards they usually refer to the content of certain amphorae and thus might rather be internal lists of provisions in the royal wine cellar. In the central part of Nisa a group of monumental buildings was found around a large open area (Fig. 2). This palatial complex consists of: the ‘Red Building’ (1), the ‘Tower Building’ (3), and the ‘Round Temple’ (2) with its central circular room (‘sala rotunda’) on the southern side of the court, and the heavily buttressed ‘Square Hall’ (4) and the northeastern building, also called ‘Palace’, on the eastern side (5).22 The ‘Red Building’ is a monumental square building of 44 x 42 m.23 Three steps lead into a more than 10 m deep and 20 m wide portico supported by four wooden columns. Small corridors, accessible through narrow doors on both edges of the front and additional openings in the eastern and southern walls surround the inner rooms which generally open onto the corridors. One door also gives access to the central room or hall, a nearly square rectangle of 15,8 x 17,2 m. The hall’s roof, probably flat

17 For the history of research cf. Pilipko 2001; Invernizzi / Lippolis 2008. The buildings have been described by Invernizzi 2001; Pilipko 2001; Pilipko 2008; Invernizzi / Lippolis 2008; Lippolis 2009; Lippolis 2011; Invernizzi 2011; Invernizzi 2014. 18 Invernizzi 2010 based on Invernizzi 2000; Invernizzi 2001. 19 Invernizzi 2010. On the rhyta cf. Masson / Pugacenkova 1982; Pappalardo 2010; on metal objects: Invernizzi 1999; on sculptures: Invernizzi 2009. 20 Invernizzi 2010. 21 MacKenzie 1976–2001; cf. the excellent summary by Weber 2010. A single early ostracon, #2673, dates to 97 Arsacid Era, i.e. 150 BC. The ostraca are generally dated by the Arsacid era starting in 247 BC. 22 The western and northern side of the supposed court have not been explored. A test trench between the ‘Red Building’ and the rampart revealed no traces of walls, Lippolis 2011, 295. This does not exclude porticoes further north on the western side of the supposed central open area. Buildings on the northern side are indicated by a difference of 2 to 3 m height to the courtyard proper, cf. Pilipko 2008, 37 with fig. 2. 23 The most detailed report is Lippolis 2008a, 83–150. During excavation walls were still 4 m high.

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with a lantern and/or opening,24 was supported by four wooden decorated columns on massive bases of 1,25 x 1,25 m. Only one purple (walls) and ochre (floor) plastered side-room with a large niche is accessible from the main hall. Immediately next to and aligned with the ‘Red Building’ JuTAKE excavated the so-called ‘Tower building’, which again opens to the central open court with a 26 x 7.5 m wide portico supported by only two brick columns nearly 10 m apart from each other. A wide opening divided by four smaller wooden columns lead into a square room which allows access to the center of the building. This consists of a very peculiar 20 x 20 m solid block of massive brickwork, which supported the upper floor, surrounded by two rings of corridors (3 and 2 m wide).25 A second smaller entrance and portico is visible on the southern rear side. The plan features three projecting towers which contain staircases on the northern and western side. It appears likely that the building had been strictly symmetrical at an earlier phase with colonnaded porticos on both sides like typical Achaemenid period palaces,26 before the ‘Round Temple’ overbuilt its southwest corner.27 Not perfectly at right angle to the ‘Tower Building’ and thus alluding to a different building phase, the western front of the central court was flanked by the slightly irregular ‘Square Hall’. Behind massive, 6 m thick walls with three entrances, this building features a nearly square room of 19.8 by 19.2 m. According to Pilipko the room was divided into three aisles with four quadrilobate columns in the center supporting the roof.28 Statues of unbaked clay stood on a 3 m high gallery. To the north of this building and probably connected by a small door was a less representational, probably administrative complex.29 At some point the ‘Round Hall’ was added to the other structures as is clearly visible in the plaster of the ‘Red Building’s’ southern wall against which the ‘Round 24 Cf. Lippolis 2008, 108–110; Lippolis 2009, 57: “central opening (skylight)”; Invernizzi 2011, 652: “lantern”. 25 Invernizzi 2010 points out that A. Maruščenko “reported the existence of the remains of a small building with columns” on top of this structure, of which no traces remain. However, fragments of wall paintings representing battle scenes indicate the existence of decorated rooms, cf. Invernizzi 2011, fig. 20. 26 The influence concerns the general layout. The Achaemenid palaces feature central rectangular columned halls in their centers, e.g. Pasargadae Palace S, Susa Apadana and Palace at Chaour; Persepolis Palace E, Ensemble C, Ensemble D; cf. with discussion and references Boucharlat 2010. 27 This assumption is in contrast to previous descriptions. Pilipko 2008, 44 with n. 30, purports that, contrary to some published plans, the brick work of ‘Tower Building’ and the ‘Round Hall’ was continuous, and both, therefore, built together. To some degree this contradicts his idea that the rooms between the two buildings and the ‘Red Buildings’ were added at a later time, Pilipko 2008, 44. On the other hand, a gap between the walls does not appear necessary as the outer wall of the ‘Round Hall’ building follows exactly the corridor of the ‘Tower Building’ and will have replaced its eastern wall. Invernizzi 2011, 657, implicitly following Pilipko, concludes that the ‘Round Hall’ “prevents the execution of the ideal plan” of the ‘Tower Building’. 28 Pilipko 2008, 39. This might even point to vaults. 29 Pilipko 2008, 40; Invernizzi 2011, fig. 21.

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the idea that phase II was built sometime between the second half of the 3rd or in the 2nd century BC, certainly before some reconstruction work in the later 2nd or early 1st century BC, and fell into disuse in the middle of the 1st century AD.36 While the preceding phase I, roughly dated to the second half of the 3rd century BC, is interpreted as royal palace, phase II is considered ceremonial.37 I would like to propose an alternative interpretation based on the assumption that the ‘Round Hall’ building was later added to the ensemble and historical reasoning. In this case phase II would have seen the royal Arsacid palatial complex consisting of the ‘Red Building’, the ‘Tower Building’, the ‘Square Hall’ and the ‘Palace’. After Mithridates I. conquered Media and Babylonia and moved the capital to Ctesiphon, Nisa increasingly lost its importance.38 Only thereafter, in a phase III, indicated by the implementation of the ‘Round Hall’, the palace was possibly transformed into a complex for the royal cult which was in use at least until the mid-1st century AD. If we follow this reconstruction, phase II still represented a palace, striking in several respects. First of all, the strict separation between the various rectangular structures is noticeable. Only small backdoors connect the ‘Red Building’ and the ‘Tower Building’ with each other and the ‘Round Hall’. The impression of independent structures for different purposes is enhanced by the prestigious façades with heavy buttressed, thick walls or deep porticoes and rows of columns. The representational character is augmented by the enormous size of the buildings and their central rooms of 270 m2 (‘Red Building’) and 370 m2 (‘Square Hall’). The ‘Red Building’ and the ‘Tower Building’ both open onto the court by a wide portico supported by wooden columns. Their general lay-out is related to Achaemenid palaces and eastern Iranian/Central Asian architectonical traditions.39 Peculiar are the characteristic long and small ambulatory corridors which give access to the rarely interconnected rooms. With these meaningful features the architecture of the royal complex at Nisa demonstrates a new style of representation. It is matched by the interior design with Hellenistic inspired architectural decoration and sculptures as well as paintings of battling riders and clay sculptures. Via this fusion of Hellenic influence and Central Asian workmanship the Arsacid court at Nisa created a succinct form of royal representation. b) Smaller palatial structures Some of the architectural features at Nisa are also found further west, where a number of smaller palatial structures in politically less important cities were exposed. The best known example is the so-called ‘Parthian Palace’ at Ashur, originally founded in the 1st century AD.40 It consists of four largely unconnected units around a trapezoidal central court (Fig. 3a). In the center of each unit an iwan, a parlour in the form 36 Pilipko 2008, 46. 50. 37 Pilipko 2008, 50; Invernizzi 2011. 38 Nisa’s mint still produced drachms until Phraates V. (2 BC – AD 4), cf. Sellwood 1980, 184; Hauser 2016, 462. 39 Lippolis 2008b; Invernizzi 2014. 40 Andrae / Lenzen 1933, 25–54.

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Hall’ was built. This building with massive walls, which is square in its layout (with later added corridors in the west and south), is unique for its large circular central hall of 17 m in diameter. While earlier studies reconstructed a cylindrical rotunda with a conical roof, which offered the chance to place statues on a gallery along the straight walls, the Italian excavators offered two reconstructions with a high and an even higher dome that starts from the ground, an exceptional solution for the time.30 Inside, numerous fragments of at least six greater than life-sized sculptures were found at various levels. These statues were made from clay like comparisons from Bactrian territory in Central Asia, e.g. at the Yüe-chi Palace of Khalcayan (2nd century BC1st AD). But they mostly wear Greek dresses and accord to Hellenistic styles. Thus, they are a perfect blend of Hellenic influence and Central Asian workmanship.31 Unfortunately, it cannot be determined where these statues, interpreted as a sort of ancestors gallery, were positioned inside the room.32 Despite differences on the reconstruction, it is common opinion that the building was a religious complex, most probably a mausoleum or rather a heroon “devoted to the memory and celebration of a member of the ruling Parthian dynasty”.33 No agreement has been reached, whether the building served a ruler cult for Mithridates I., whom Invernizzi recognized in one of the sculpture fragments found, or some other king, or Arsacid royalty in general.34 Nonetheless, the monumental domed building certainly marks the transformation of the area from a royal palace into a sacred ceremonial space. The question is, when this took place and how this relates to the various buildings. According to Pilipko – followed by Lippolis and Invernizzi – the central area of Old Nisa underwent two main building phases. Phase I is evidenced by the fortification walls, water supply system, the ‘Palace’ and some walls beneath and adjacent to the ‘Square Hall’, as well as the ‘Red Building’. All the other structures around the central court would belong to phase II and were not “built gradually”, but in “a single planning phase […] at roughly the same time” as substantiated by the erection of platforms which help to bring all buildings on the same level.35 Pilipko advances 30 Cf. the contributions by N. Masturzo and C. Blasi / E. Coïsson / D. Ferretti in: Invernizzi / Lippolis 2008; Invernizzi 2014. Pilipko 2008, 40–41, on the other hand, points out that in the early excavations fragments of brick columns were found and that fragments of sculptures were recovered above “remains of part of the collapsed roof, which included fragments of gypsum bearing the imprints of round beams”. He therefore defends Pugačenkova’s earlier reconstruction. 31 Cf. Mode 2013 with further literature. 32 Since the Italian colleagues reconstruct an elliptic dome, they assume that the statues were probably placed on the floor, possibly on wooden bases, and not on a gallery. But cf. Pilipko 2008, 40–41. 33 Lippolis 2011, 289. The idea was already purported by Maruščenko and Košelenko. Pilipko 2008, 47–48 correctly insists on the interpretation as heroon as long as there is no burial found. 34 Invernizzi 2001, Invernizzi 2011. Pilipko 2008, 48, questions the validity of the identification. The fragment which just shows the beard would be too ambiguous and could be rather Mithridates II, if attributable. 35 Pilipko 2008, 43–44; Lippolis 2009, 53–54.

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Fig. 3: Arsacid period palatial complexes. (a) Ashur, Parthian Palace (b) Nippur, Fortress (c) Abu Qubur (d) Khorha (e) Mansur Depe main building (f) Aï Khanoum. a.-d. and f. redrawn after Lecuyot 1993; e. after Košelenko et al. 2000.

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of a vaulted hall, opens to the court. Wide open and inviting on the front, but with restricted passage at the rear, they served as family gathering and reception room, but also as a divider between public and private areas. Probably introduced in the 1st century AD they became a popular hallmark of Arsacid architecture which continued as important feature in Sasanian palaces, e.g. the Taq-i Kisra or the ‘Imerat-e Khosroe at Qasr-e Shirin, as well as later Islamic architecture. At Ashur every house had at least one iwan in the south. The ‘Parthian Palace’, the first example with four iwans, is considered the seat of the local administrator, called marja, ‘lord’, in local inscriptions.41 In combination with ambulatory corridors early iwans are typical for a number of (probably) 1st century AD manor houses or small palatial structures.42 The best preserved example is the free standing, buttressed building at Abu Qubur (fig. 3c). The building of 70 by 32 m is split in two halves, a perfectly square open court and a succession of 17 rooms in its southern half (38 x 32 m). Its central rooms are an iwan (11 x 11 m) opening to the court and a centrally placed room (13 x 11 m), surrounded by 15 rooms along the outer walls. Four corridors form an ambulatory around these rooms. They have doors on the court on both sides of the iwan, so that there is a triple entrance to the building proper.43 This constellation is mirrored at the Arsacid fortress at Nippur (Fig. 3b). A related configuration is found at Khorha in Iran (Fig. 3d).44 The same holds true for the northern wing of the ‘Parthian Palace’ at Assur (Fig. 3a). Again the iwan is framed by two side entrances to the ambulatory corridors which surround a central nearly square room. The rooms are smaller: the iwan measures 7.7 x 6.5 m, the central room 7.8 x 6.7 m. But in Ashur the main room of the complex is the Pfeilersaal.45 Measuring 14.5 x 11.6 m (147 m2) and (reconstructed) 10 m high it was probably covered by three parallel barrel-vaults,46 which reminds on the ‘Square Hall’ in Nisa (Fig. 2). For this remarkably uniform group of buildings a 1st to early 2nd century AD date can be advanced. Already Colledge defined the “large, central rectangular room, surrounded by corridors and separated from a large court by a sometimes pillared vestibule” as “a new (Persian?) element” in Arsacid period architecture with precursors in the Seleucid period.47 A convincing comparison to the above group is the house at the Kokcha quarter in Aï Khanoum dated to approximately 150 BC (Fig. 3f). 66 x 35 m in size, it shows the same bipartite plan of court and house. The only difference to the younger examples is that the deep iwan is replaced by a shorter vestibule with two columns in 41 Hauser 2011, 142–143. Later rebuilding on top of the northern and western wings fits the missing evidence for marja in the later 2nd and 3rd century AD. 42 Wright 1991; Lecuyot 1993; Hauser 2012, 1017. 43 Wright 1991 with the pertinent comparisons. 44 First considered a Hellenistic temple, excavations demonstrated that the complex was an Arsacid manor house; cf. Hakemi 1990; Rahbar 1999. Contrary to earlier drawings the room towards the court is no iwan. 45 West of the ‘Pfeilersaal’ the ‘Parthian Palace’ features another iwan and living rooms. The other sides along the ambulatory follow the example of Abu Qubur. 46 Andrae / Lenzen 1933, 43. 47 Colledge 1977, 56, followed by Wright 1991, 77–80.

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antis.48 Its necessarily flat roof is probably matched by some early iwan.49 The close relation is demonstrated by the manor house at Mansur Depe, 3 km from Old Nisa, which features a deep iwan-shaped room with two columns in antis (Fig. 3e).50 It is thus a typological precursor on an unusually standardized group of representative buildings which – particularly as at Ashur and Nippur – might have served as seats for local dignitaries or middle level administrators, while others might represent the manor houses of landed elites or rich landowners – who in turn might have played some role in the administration as well.

The royal palace at Ctesiphon The uniformity in the architecture of minor residences, featuring huge halls behind iwans surrounded by ambulatory corridors, might point to common perceptions of palatial structures and representation, and reflect ideas of the appearance of the royal court. But there is no guarantee that we thus see architectural traits and decor that were influenced by the formative referent power of royal court production. Certainly the ‘Partherpalast’ at Ashur offers the earliest example of a court with four iwans, an architectural feature which could well have had its counterp art in the royal palace at Ctesiphon. But do the geometrical stuccos of the court façades in the Ashur palace reflect the royal court’s embellishments? The palace in Nisa, although of earlier date, might be more instructive with its painted walls and sculpture in the round in a mix between Hellenic and Central Asian models. But how would have sculpture at Ctesiphon in the later centuries of Arsacid rule looked like? For a long time, following Rostovtzeff’s famous definition of ‘Parthian Art’ Arsacid art has been considered rather stiff, characterized by a strict frontality, linearity and resulting one-dimensionalism.51 In contrast, recent contributions stress the great 48 Colledge 1977, fig. 25C; Lecuyot 1993, 32 with earlier literature. An important difference remains that the main room of this house is not the secluded center of the quarters, but a distributor with doors on all sides, which presupposes a different kind of use. 49 Wright 1991, 81. 50 Košelenko et al. 2000. The other comparisons given by Colledge 1977, 54–56 fig. 25; Wright 1991, 77 fig. 6; Lecuyot 1993, 32–41 are not sufficiently close. The citadel of Babish Mulla misses ambulatory corridors. The only arguments to compare the residence at Hecatompylos site VI is its fortified character and the bipartite plan. The building at Rhagae, e.g., shows half of the ambulatory, but instead of an iwan it features a vestibule connected to the central room. The same applies to the ‘maison hors-les-meurs’ in Aï Khanoum, Lecuyot 1993, 33. The Central Asian examples of Saksankhyr, Dil’berdjin and Dal’versin Tepe follow a different tradition with vestibule and four-columned main chamber which relates them to the ‘Red Building’ at Nisa instead. Not helpful is the idea, Wright 1991, 78 fig. 7, to refer to Central Asian temple architecture, which again shows only a small vestibule (if at all) and four-columned cella. On these ‘Iranian type’ temples cf. Shankar 2011. 51 Rostovtzeff 1935, 299. Rostovtzeff’s still influential definition was based on appreciation and attempted to free ‘Parthian art’ from its devaluation as “a barbarized and degenerate version of the Graeco-Mesopotamian art of the Hellenistic period”, Rostovtzeff 1935, 160. On the history of the definition of ‘Parthian art’: Hauser 2014, 127–131.

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Fig. 4: Ctesiphon, possible location of the Arsacid basileia, S.R. Hauser, overlay on Satellite Images provided by Google Earth.

variety of artistic expressions and styles used contemporaneously according to specific circumstances and contexts.52 The possibilities are well illustrated by the rich furnishings at Nisa for the earlier period. For the later Arsacid period the main point of reference could be Qal’eh-i Yazdgerd. This former stronghold of some local Late-Arsacid dignitary is close to the main route from Babylonia to the Iranian plateau. Recent Iranian excavations unearthed a wing with several rows of identical apartments of 100 m2 each.53 In the older excavations in the central part more than 300 stucco panels, reliefs and figurative capitals were found. This outstandingly varied material dates from the 2nd to 3rd century.54 Ornamental bands of interlocking meanders covered the well preserved walls and columns of the palace complex. Many figures are shown in profile, three-quarter view or frontal (in busts) without restrictions. Some appear to follow Hellenistic iconography and were identified as Dionysos, Aphrodite and their followers. On the other hand, naked female dancers and males dressed in ‘Parthian’ tunic, trousers and shoes, follow ‘local’ traditions and foreshadow Sasanian art. The same applies to reliefs displaying eastern mythological creatures like sēn-murws. These animated sculptures, and vivid depictions of hunting scenes, which show a model of 52 Invernizzi 2011a; Hauser 2014; Dirven 2014. 53 These excavations have not been published yet. The apartments are clearly visible on satellite images. 54 Keall et al. 1980; Keall 1982; Keall 2002.

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courtly or noble entertainment, as on the walls in Hatra, even more than the ornamental motifs at Ashur might indicate how contemporary visual culture and palace fittings at Ctesiphon might have looked like.55 Nevertheless, for various reasons it will be difficult to prove this point. The first obstacle is that the palace of the Arsacid Kings of Kings has not even been located. Contemporary sources are silent on Ctesiphon’s topography, but according to Muslim authors the ‘White palace’ in the old part of Ctesiphon, Madīna al-͑Atīqa, had remained in use throughout the Sasanian period, despite Khosraw’s new palace around the famous Taq-i Kisr a few kilometers south in Asfanabr (Fig. 4).56 Tabarī relates that Shapur I. was woken in his “royal palace at Ctesiphon by the anguished clamor of the people” on the bridge which connected al-‘Atiqa and Veh Ardashir at the narrowest stretch of the Tigris, where the cities were less than 100 m apart.57 Following the reconstructed perfectly circular city-wall of Veh Ardashir it seems possible to propose the location of the bridge within reasonable limits and to locate the White Palace in its vicinity at the south-western end of modern Ma’arid, where parts will have been washed off by the river. But even if fieldwork in the area could ever resume, its results might be disappointing. In AD 762 Calif al-Mansūr had his new capital Baghdad built 30 km north of Ctesiphon. This Abbāsid capital was planned as a circular city on the model of the early Sasanian Veh Ardashir.58 At the same time al-Mansūr also stripped the decoration of the White Palace for use in his new palace at Bagdad. Thus, he not only combined the insignia and grandeur of the ensemble of the two Sasanian royal cities of al-Madā’in in order to express Abbasid rule in Iraq and the Islamic world. At the same time al-Mansūr dismantled and destroyed the ancient basileia of the Arsacid King of Kings.

References Andrae, W. / Lenzen, H. 1933: Die Partherstadt Assur. WVDOG 57. Leipzig. Azarnoush, M. 2007/1386: Gozaresh-e kavoush-ha-ye laye-shenakhti Tapeh Hagmatane, Hamadān, in: ICAR (ed.), The 9th Annual Symposium on Iranian Archaeology. Archaeological Reports 7,1. Tehran. 19–60. Börm, H. 2017: Kontinuität im Wandel. Begründungsmuster und Handlungsspielräume der iranischen Monarchie in arsakidischer und sasanidischer Zeit, in: S. Rebenich (ed.), Monarchische Herrschaft im Altertum. Schriften des Historischen Kollegs 94. München. 545–564. 55 For the hunting scenes Venco Ricciardi 1996. 56 On the topography of al-Mada’in Negro Ponzi 2005; Hauser 2007. 57 The whole argument in Hauser 2007. Shapur I, according to Tabarī, ordered a second bridge to be build. 58 Hauser 2007, 479–481.

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Boucharlat, R. 2010: Suse dans l’architecture achéménide en Iran, in: J. Perrot (ed.), Le Palais de Darius à Suse, une résidence royale entre Suse et Babylone. Paris. 420–445. Campbell, S. / Hauser, S.R. / Moon, J. / Killick, R. / Shepperson, M. / Doležálková, V. 2018: Charax Spasinou: New Investigations at the capital of Mesene, ZOrA 11. Chaumont, M.-L. 1973: Etudes d’histoire parthe: Les capitales et résidences des premiers Arsacides, Syria 50, 197–222. Colledge, M.A.R. 1977: Parthian Art. London. Debevoise, N.C. 1938: A political History of Parthia. Chicago. Dirven, L. 2015: Cult Images in Cities of the Syrian-Mesopotamian Desert during the first three centuries CE: Continuity and Change, in: M. Blömer / A. Lichtenberger / R. Raja (eds), Religious Identities in the Levant from Alexander to Muhammed. Continuity and Change. Turnhout. 255–269. Hackl, U. / Jacobs, B. / Weber, D. (eds.) 2010: Quellen zur Geschichte des Partherreiches. Textsammlung mit Übersetzungen und Kommentaren Bd. 1–3. Novum Testamentum et Orbis Antiquus/Studien zur Umwelt des Neuen Testaments 83–85. Göttingen. Hakemi, A. 1990: The Excavations at Khurha, East and West 40, 1–40. Hansman, J. 1967: Charax and the Karkheh, IrAnt 1, 21–58. — 1968: The Problems of Qūmis, JRAS, 111–39. Hansman, J. / Stronach, D. 1974: Excavations at Shahr-i Qūmis, 1971, JRAS, 8–22. Hauser, St.R. 2005: Die ewigen Nomaden? Bemerkungen zu Herkunft, Militär, Staatsaufbau und nomadischen Traditionen der Arsakiden, in: B. Meissner / O. Schmitt / M. Sommer (eds.), Krieg – Gesellschaft – Institutionen. Beiträge zu einer vergleichenden Kriegsgeschichte. Berlin. 163–208. — 2006: Was there no paid standing army? A fresh look on military and political institutions in the Arsacid Empire, in: M. Mode / J. Tubach (eds.), Arms and Armour as Indicators of Cultural Transfer. The Steppes and the Ancient World from Hellenistic Times to the Early Middle Ages. Nomaden und Sesshafte 4. Wiesbaden. 295–319. — 2011: Assur und sein Umland in der Arsakidenzeit, in: J. Renger (ed.), Assur – Gott, Stadt und Land. CDOG 5. Wiesbaden, 115–148. — 2012 The Arsacid (Parthian) Empire, in: D.T. Potts (ed.), A Companion to the Archaeology of the Ancient Near East. Oxford/New York. 1001–1020. — 2014: Parthian Art or Romanization? Hatra and Palmyra as points of intersection between cultural spheres, in: B. Jacobs (ed.), »Parthische Kunst« – Kunst im Partherreich. Duisburg. 127–178. — 2016: Münzen, Medien und der Aufbau des Arsakidenreiches, in: A. Luther / C. Binder / H. Börm (eds.), Diwan. Studies in the History and Culture of the Ancient Near East and the Eastern Mediterranean. Festschrift für Josef Wiesehöfer zum 65. Geburtstag. Duisburg 2016. 433–492. — 2017: Isidor von Charax Σταϑμοὶ Παρϑικοί. Annäherungen an den Autor, den Routenverlauf und die Bedeutung des Werkes, in: J. Wiesehöfer / S. Müller (eds.), Parthika. Greek and Roman Authors` Views of the Arsacid Empire. Classica et Orientalia 15. Wiesbaden. 127–187. Hoepfner, W. 1996: Zum Typus der Basileia und der königlichen Andrones, in: W. Hoepfner / G. Brands (eds.), Basileia. Die Paläste der hellenistischen Könige. Mainz. 1–43. Invernizzi, A. 1999: Scultura de metallo da Nisa. Cultura greca e cultura iranica in Partia. Acta Iranica III, 21. Louvain.

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Perrot, J. 2010: Le palais de Darius à Suse : Une résidence royale sur la route de Persépolis à Babylone. Paris. Pilipko, V.N. 2001: Staraja Nisa. Osnovnye itogi arheologičeskogo izučenija v sovetskij period. Moskva. — 2008: The Central Ensemble of the Fortress Mihrdatkirt. Layout and Chronology, Parthica 10, 33–51. Rahbar, M. 1999: Khorheh, une résidence d’époque parthe sur le Plateau iranien, Dossiers d’archéologie 243, 44–46. Rante, R. 2015: Rayy, from its origins to the Mongol invasion: an archaeological and historiographical study. Leiden. Rostovtzeff, M.I. 1935: Dura and the Problem of Parthian Art, Yale Classical Studies 5, 155–304. Sarraf, M.R. 1997: Neue architektonische und städtebauliche Funde von Ekbatana-Tepe (Hamadan), AMIT 29, 321–339. — 2003: Archaeological Excavations in Tepe Ekbatana (Hamadan) by the Iranian Archaeological Mission between 1983 and 1993, in: G.B. Lanfranchi / M. Roaf / R. Rollinger (eds.), Continuity of Empire (?) Assyria, Media, Persia. Padova. 269–279. Shenkar, M. 2011: Temple Architecture in the Iranian World in the Hellenistic Period, in: A. Kouremenos / R. Rossi / S. Chandrasekaran (eds.), From Pella to Gandhara: Hybridisation and Identity in the Art and Architecture of the Hellenistic East. BAR Int. Ser. 2221. Oxford. 117–139. Sonnabend, H. 1986: Fremdenbild und Politik. Vorstellungen der Römer von Ägypten und dem Partherreich in der späten Republik und frühen Kaiserzeit. Frankfurt. Weber, D. 2010: Parthische Texte, in: U. Hackl / B. Jacobs / D. Weber 2010, Bd. 2, 492–588. Wright, G.R.H. 1991: Abu Qubur. The ‘Parthian Building’ and its Affinities, in: H. Gasche et al. (eds.), Northern Akkad Project Reports (NAPR) Vol. 7: Fouilles d’ Abu Qubur 1991, 75–91. Ziegler, K.-H. 1964: Die Beziehungen zwischen Rom und dem Partherreich. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des Völkerrechts. Wiesbaden.

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Neuassyrische palatiale Architektur urbaner Eliten: Das Rote Haus von Dūr-Katlimmu Florian Janoscha Kreppner

Königspaläste und palatiale Architektur urbaner Eliten in Assyrien In dem 2015 erschienenen Buch mit dem Titel „The Architecture of Late Assyrian Royal Palaces“ hat D. Kertai die Architektur der neuassyrischen Königspaläste unter aktuellen Fragestellungen neu behandelt. Er teilt die Königspaläste der neuassyrischen Hauptstädte am Tigris funktional in drei Gruppen ein1: Als primären Palast bezeichnet er den jeweils größten und monumentalsten Palast einer Zeit, von dem aus s Tigri

TÜRKEI

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rat

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Tall ʿAğāğā/ Šadikanni

Ḫāb ū

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Abb. 1: Geographische Lage der im Text genannten assyrischen Fundorte. © Tall Šēḫ Ḥamad Archiv, Berlin. 1 Kertai 2015, 3–4.

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das Neuassyrische Reich regiert wurde. Dies sind in zeitlicher Reihenfolge der Nordwestpalast des Assurnaṣirpal II. (883–859 v. Chr.) in Kalḫu, der Palast des Sargon II. (721–705 v. Chr.) in Dūr-Šarrukīn und der Südwestpalast des Sanherib (705–680 v. Chr.) in Ninive (Abb. 1). In seiner zweiten Gruppe fasst er die Militärpaläste zusammen, die palatiale und militärische Funktionen zugleich innehatten. Das bekannteste Beispiel ist das sog. Fort Salmanassar in Kalḫu2. Andere von den Königen in den assyrischen Hauptstädten errichtete Paläste bezeichnet er als sekundäre Paläste. Paläste in Provinzstädten wie Til Barsib3 und Hadattu4 repräsentieren eine von D. Kertai nicht näher behandelte Gruppe neuassyrischer palatialer Architektur, deren typologische Unterschiede in der Raumorganisation zu den Königspalästen am Tigris J.-C. Margueron herausgearbeitet hat.5 Zu dieser Gruppe zählen auch die Paläste in Gūzāna6, Kaḫat7, Šadikanni8, Kār-Assurnaṣirpal9 und Tušḫan10, deren Grundrisse jedoch nicht vollständig ausgegraben sind. Sowohl in E. Heinrichs Buch über die Paläste im alten Mesopotamien11 als auch in P. Miglus’ Buch über die städtische Wohnarchitektur in Babylonien und Assyrien12 wird auf den Vorbildcharakter der königlichen Palastarchitektur für die gehobene Wohnarchitektur hingewiesen. Heinrich teilt neuassyrische palatiale Bauten funktional in zwei Zonen ein, den öffentlichen Teil mit Verwaltung und Wirtschaftsbereich, das sog. bābanu, und den privaten Bereich mit Wohngemächern, das sog. bītanu. Nach Heinrich werden beide Bereiche durch die Thronsaalgruppe für repräsentative Empfänge getrennt und verbunden zugleich.13 G. Turner wies auf die repräsentative Funktion bestimmter Raumgruppen hinter der Hauptempfangssaalgruppe mit dem Thronsaal in den königlichen Palästen bei Staatsempfängen hin, weshalb er ihnen die Bezeichnung State Appartments gab.14 Besonders repräsentative Funktion weisen die von Kertai als Double-sided Reception Suite und die Dual Core Suite15 benannten Raumgruppen auf.

2 Oates / Oates 2001, 144–194. 3 Thureau-Dangin / Dunand 1936, 8–42. 4 Thureau-Dangin 1931, 16–41. 5 Margueron 2005, 124–125. 6 Novák 2013, 272–276. 7 Pecorella 2003. 8 Mahmoud / Kühne 2016. 9 Masetti-Rouault 2016, 209–210. 10 Matney et al. 2015, 3–8. 11 Heinrich 1984, 98–197. 12 Miglus 1999, 175. 13 Heinrich 1984, 186–187. 14 Turner 1970. 15 Kertai 2015, 222–224.

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P. Miglus bezeichnet den die monumentale Architektur Assyriens dominierenden Grundrisstyp als „Hofhaus mit vorgelagertem Empfangsraum“.16 Dieser Typus sei zuerst im Palast des Assurnaṣirpal II. in Kalḫu überliefert und beherrsche fortan die monumentale Architektur Assyriens. Zu palatialer Architektur urbaner Eliten Assyriens werden auch die Residenzen hoher Würdenträger im assyrischen Kerngebiet am Tigris auf der Zitadelle in DūrŠarrukīn17 sowie gehobene Wohnarchitektur zugerechnet, die im Großen Haus und dem Roten Haus von Assur die bekanntesten Vertreter hat.18 Aus den assyrischen Provinzen im Westen und Nordwesten sind Residenzen aus Hadattu19, Til Barsib20 und Dūr-Katlimmu21 bekannt, deren Architektur von P. Miglus in seinem Buch über Wohnarchitektur analysiert worden ist.22

Archäologische Datengrundlage der assyrischen Metropolen am Tigris D. Kertai ersetzt in seiner Untersuchung der neuassyrischen Königspaläste die morphologische durch eine funktionale Typologie und folgt damit der allgemeinen Interessensverschiebung in der Archäologie der letzten Jahre, die soziale Implikationen der Gemeinsamkeiten und Unterschiede in der Architektur in den Vordergrund stellt.23 Dies ist kein einfaches Unterfangen, da er, wie auch die anderen zuvor genannten Autoren, zurecht die schwierige feldarchäologische Datengrundlage zu den neuassyrischen Palästen aus dem Kerngebiet Assyriens am Tigris bemängelt. Denn diese stammt vorwiegend aus Altgrabungen, deren Fragestellungen, Ausgrabungstechniken und Dokumentationsmethoden nicht modernen Standards entsprechen.

Theorie der archäologischen Feldforschung In der Zeit der letzten 50 Jahre, in der im Nordirak kaum Ausgrabungen durchgeführt werden konnten, hat sich die Theorie zur Feldarchäologie rasant weiterentwickelt. Seit den 1970er Jahren richteten prozessuale Archäologen die Aufmerksamkeit auf die Eigenschaften und die Vollständigkeit des archäologischen Befundes.24 In den 1980er Jahren setzte die postprozessuale Debatte ein.25 Die in den vergange16 Miglus 1999, 175. 17 Loud 1938, 65–72. 18 Miglus 1996, 61–63; Preusser 1954, 20–24. 37–45; Castel 1992, 75–79. 129–135. 19 Thureau-Dangin 1931, 41–54. 20 Bunnens 1997; Jamieson 2011, 4–11. 21 Kühne 2013, 2016. 22 Miglus 1999, 135–175. 23 Kertai 2015, 10. 24 Schiffer 1996. 25 Hodder 1987, 1999.

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nen Jahren vollzogene kulturwissenschaftliche Wende hin zu den Dingen (the material culture turn26) veränderte die Sichtweise auf archäologische Befunde erneut: Während die Architektur ein eher statisches Element in der Entstehung des archäologischen Befundes repräsentiert, erlaubt die Auswertung der Erdablagerungen und der darin eingebetteten Funde, der Genese des archäologischen Befundes eine Dynamik zu verleihen. Neuere Ansätze der Auswertung materieller Kultur führen weg von einer statischen hin zu einer dynamischen Betrachtungsweise archäologischer Befunde und Funde. Dabei werden Ablagerungen als archäologische Ereignisse definiert, Lebenszyklen und Biographien für Gegenstände und Gebäude rekonstruiert27 und diese eng mit menschlichen Verhaltensweisen verknüpft.28 Betrachten wir nun unter diesen Aspekten die wohlbekannten Grundrisse der Paläste, von denen aus das neuassyrische Imperium regiert worden ist und die mit ihrer herausragenden funktionalen und ideologischen Bedeutung als Vorbild palatialer Architektur im Neuassyrischen Reich dienten, fallen zwei Punkte auf: 1. Die Grundrisse sind nicht vollständig bekannt oder wie am Palast von DūrŠarrukīn mit Unsicherheiten behaftet.29 2. Die Gebäude waren über einen langen Zeitraum in Benutzung und dabei einschneidenden funktionalen Veränderungen unterzogen. Der Nordwestpalast in Kalḫu (ca. 30.000 m2) wurde in den frühen Regierungsjahren des Königs Assurnaṣirpal II. (883–859 v. Chr.) errichtet und 879 v. Chr. eingeweiht, wie wir von der Bankettstele wissen. Der Nordwestpalast blieb bis in die Regierungszeit des Königs Sargon II. (721–705 v. Chr.) für 171 Jahre Regierungssitz, bevor dieser nach Dūr-Šarrukīn verlegt worden ist. Anschließend blieb der Nordwestpalast von Kalḫu in völlig veränderter und nicht genau bekannter Funktion bis zum Ende des Neuassyrischen Reiches im Jahre 612 v. Chr. in Benutzung, weshalb das Gebäude eine Nutzungsdauer von mehr als 250 Jahren vorzuweisen hat. Leider lässt die Datenlage nicht zu, bauliche Veränderungen detailliert zu rekonstruieren. Für den Nordwestpalast von Kalḫu gilt genauso wie für den Palast Sargons II. in DūrŠarrukīn und den Südwestpalast Sanheribs, dass die Biographien der Gebäude aus einem Palimpsest von baulichen und funktionalen Veränderungen resultierten, die im Einzelnen bis heute nicht entschlüsselt werden konnten.

26 Hicks 2010. 27 Lucas 2012. 28 Hodder 2012. 29 Loud / Altman 1938, 55 Pl. 70.

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Abb. 2: Luftaufnahme des Siedlungsgeländes von Tall Šēḫ Ḥamad von Norden. Aufnahme: G. Gerster. © Tall Šēḫ Ḥamad Archiv, Berlin.

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Das Rote Haus von Dūr-Katlimmu Neue Daten zur palatialen Architektur urbaner Eliten in Assyrien liefert das Rote Haus von Dūr-Katlimmu (modern: Tell Šēḫ Ḥamad, Abb. 2). Das Rote Haus liegt in der mittleren Unterstadt II der assyrischen Provinzmetropole am Ostufer des Ḫābūr ca. 220 km westlich von Assur. Beide Städte waren über eine Königsstraße durch die Steppe miteinander verbunden. Das Rote Haus wurde 1992 entdeckt und in den Jahren 1993 bis 1998 vollständig ausgegraben. In den Jahren 1999–2001 und 2006 fanden stratigraphische Nachuntersuchungen statt. Die Endpublikation der Stratigraphie und Architektur des Roten Hauses ist im Jahre 2013 erschienen, in der aus der Auswertung der Feinstratigraphie die Gebäudebiographie des Roten Hauses rekonstruiert werden konnte.30 Das Rote Haus musste offensichtlich nicht auf bereits bestehende Bebauung Rücksicht nehmen. Ältere Häuser wurden abgerissen und der Baugrund präpariert. Nur drei Mauern wurden in modifizierter Form in das Rote Haus integriert. Die Grundfläche des neuen Gebäudes betrug 5.200 m2. In seinem ursprünglichen Zustand gruppierten sich 82 Räume um 5 Höfe. Das Rote Haus wurde unserer Auswertung zufolge in konstruktiv und arbeitsbedingten, nicht aber zeitlich in unterschiedliche Nutzungsphasen zu differenzierenden Bauabschnitten errichtet und folgte offensichtlich einem Gesamtplan. J. Schmid hat herausgearbeitet, dass im Zentrum des Gebäudes, um die Empfangsraumgruppe mit dem Hauptraum CW gelegen, eine Unterteilung in kleine und kleinste Einheiten vorgenommen worden ist.31 Im Norden, Westen und Süden entstanden große, zusammenhängende Trakte mit bis zu 24 Räumen in jeweils einem Bauabschnitt. Als Bauabschnitt werden im Verband stehende Mauern bezeichnet, die durch eine Baufuge von einem benachbarten Bauabschnitt getrennt werden.32 Der große Vorteil der Vorgehensweise in Bauabschnitten bestand in der Möglichkeit, dass einzelne Bautrupps an vielen Stellen parallel und doch autark voneinander arbeiten konnten. Ein unterschiedlicher Baufortschritt hatte aufgrund der Teilung des Bauwerks in kleine, baulich voneinander unabhängige Einheiten kaum zeitlichen Einfluss auf den Ablauf des Gesamtbaus.33 Die stratigraphische Analyse ergab, dass die Fußböden an den Schnittstellen der Bauabschnitte weder von Baugruben geschnitten werden, noch dass Mauern auf Fußböden benachbarter Bauabschnitte aufsitzen, weshalb keine zeitliche Differenzierung vorgenommen werden kann.34 Die ersten Fußböden der einzelnen Räu30 Kreppner / Schmid 2013. 31 Schmid 2013, 245. 32 Kreppner / Schmid 2013, Beilage 20. 33 Schmid 2013, 319. 34 Die systematischen Nachuntersuchungen der Anschlüsse der Fußböden an die Mauern haben eindeutig ergeben, dass entgegen Warburton (2015, 173–188) keine älteren Nutzungsphasen einzelner Gebäudeteile existierten.

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Assurbanipal NebuNabuNabonid Kyros II. 668-631/27? polassar kadnezar II. 555-539 559-530 604-562 626-605

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Adad-Nerari III. 809-783

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Zerstörungung des Roten Hauses Schriftträger fallen auf Hauptnutzungsfußböden

Hauptnutzung GNP 1-4 Schriftträger über Raum YV sind unzugänglich

Häuser unter dem Roten Haus

Šulmu-Šarri stirbt Söhne übernehmen die Geschäfte letzte Landkäufe

Schriftträger fallen in Raum YV

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me des Roten Hauses ziehen gegen die Mauern und waren über die Türschwellen miteinander verbunden, weshalb sie einer gemeinsamen ersten Nutzungsphase (GNP 1) angehören.

Nutzungsphasen und Datierung Die Auswertung der Erdbefunde und Architektur ergab, dass nach der Errichtung vierzehn verschiedene Gebäudenutzungsphasen (GNP) zu differenzieren sind. Der Zeitabschnitt, in dem das Gebäude entsprechend der Planung bewohnt wurde, wird als Hauptnutzung bezeichnet. Im Verlaufe der Hauptnutzung wurden nur wenige Veränderungen an der Baustruktur vorgenommen35: Zwei Mauern wurden ausgetauscht, an verschiedenen Stellen wurden Mauern hinzugefügt, einige Türdurchgänge wurden verengt oder geschlossen und in mehreren Räumen wurden neue Fußböden eingezogen. In den Räumen PP und XX sind mit drei Fußbodenerneuerungen insgesamt vier Nutzungsphasen belegt, weshalb die Hauptnutzung in die Gebäudenutzungsphasen 1 bis 4 unterteilt wird. Die Hauptnutzung des Roten Hauses endete in einer Brandzerstörung, bei der neben umfangreichem keramischen Inventar und zahlreichen Funden auch Tontafeln36 und Dockets37 stratifiziert auf den Fußböden zu liegen kamen. Eine zweite Gruppe von Schriftdokumenten blieb im oberen Stockwerk über Raum YV liegen und fiel erst deutlich später nach der endgültigen Auflassung dieser Räume bei Verfallsprozessen in die Raumfüllung.38 Die Gebäudenutzungsphasen des Roten Hauses und die archäologischen Ereignisse der Errichtung und der Zerstörung des Gebäudes sind in der obersten Zeile des Zeitstrahls auf Abb. 3 eingetragen. Darunter folgen die im Roten Haus gefundenen und von K. Radner publizierten Keilschrifttexte.39 Die Textnummern sind im Zeitstrahl in dem Jahr der Datumsangabe des Textes angegeben, d.h. in dem Jahr, in dem die Keilschrifttontafel entstanden ist. Weiter rechts folgen in derselben Zeile die archäologischen Ablagerungsereignisse der Tontafeln. Eine Reihe von älteren Texten stammt von verschiedenen Archivherren. Diese scheinen in das Archiv des Šulmu-Šarri eingeflossen zu sein. Sie sind verfasst worden, lange bevor das Rote Haus errichtet worden ist. Die wichtigste Persönlichkeit, der der Hauptanteil der Texte mit den Textnummern 41–106 zugewiesen werden kann, ist Šulmu-Šarri, ein königlicher Vertrauter und Zeitgenosse Assurbanipals (668– 631/627?). Von ihm sind 56 Keilschrifttexte belegt, in denen er Besitztümer erwirbt. Er kaufte eine Vielzahl von Sklavinnen und Sklaven sowie Ländereien um Dūr-

35 Kreppner / Schmid 2013, Beilage 25. 36 Radner 2002. 37 Röllig 2014. 38 Rohde 2013. 39 Radner 2002.

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Katlimmu und besaß auch ein ganzes Dorf.40 In den Zeilen unter dem Zeitstrahl sind zunächst Ereignisse aufgeführt, die dem Archiv des Šulmu-Šarri zu entnehmen sind. Darunter folgen historische Ereignisse, Herrscher und Reiche. Das enorme wirtschaftliche Potenzial, das durch die zahlreichen Käufe des Šulmu-Šarri belegt ist, sowie seine bedeutende Stellung, die in dem Titel ša-qurbūti Ausdruck findet, weisen Šulmu-Šarri als Angehörigen der assyrischen Elite aus und machen ihn zum geeigneten Kandidaten, ein Bauprojekt der außergewöhnlichen Größenordnung des Roten Hauses in Auftrag gegeben und finanziert zu haben. Eine Errichtung des Gebäudes in der Regierungszeit des Assurbanipal, möglicherweise erst, nachdem Šulmu-Šarri in den 630er Jahren die Stellung eines ša-qurbūti erhalten hatte, ist daher sehr wahrscheinlich. Da kein exaktes Jahr für den Baubeginn ermittelt wurde, signalisiert der Pfeil, dass die Errichtung des Roten Hauses auch etwas früher oder später erfolgt sein könnte. Der jüngste Text beurkundet einen Landkauf im fünften Regierungsjahr des babylonischen Königs Nebukadnezar II.41, weshalb das Entstehungsdatum des Dokumentes im Jahr 600 v. Chr. anzusetzen ist und das Hauptnutzungsende erst nach dem Jahr 600 v. Chr. (terminus post quem) erfolgt sein kann. Das Rote Haus war somit nach dem Fall von Ninive im Jahr 612 v. Chr. und dem damit verbundenen Untergang des Neuassyrischen Reiches in seiner Hauptnutzung auch in der Zeit der babylonischen Vorherrschaft weiterhin vollständig bewohnt, bevor es zu der Brandzerstörung kam. Es folgen Zeiten der Auflassung (Nichtnutzung) und partiellen Wiederbenutzung (Nachnutzung) der Ruinen. Dabei ergeben sich in den Gebäudenutzungsphasen 5–14 unterschiedliche Besiedlungsintensitäten für den gesamten Komplex, bevor er in der Zeit der achämenidischen Vorherrschaft über Mesopotamien endgültig verlassen worden ist.42

Die funktionale Gliederung des Roten Hauses in Suiten Im Folgenden wird die Gliederung des Roten Hauses entsprechend der Kriterien der funktionalen Architekturtypologie nach D. Kertai analysiert (Abb. 4).43 Dabei werden die einzelnen Räume in ihrem architektonischen Kontext betrachtet und auf Grundlage architektonischer Merkmale in Empfangsräume, Badezimmer, Vorratsräume, Korridore und Höfe eingeteilt. Kombinationen aus Räumen werden als Suiten bezeichnet, die in Kertais Auswertung die Hauptebene darstellen und typologisiert werden. Neuassyrische Paläste interpretiert D. Kertai in diesem Sinne als Kombinationen von unabhängigen Suiten.44 Suiten werden von ihm in ihrer Zugänglichkeit 40 Radner 2002, 70. Siehe auch Röllig 2014. 41 Radner 2002, 68–69. 42 Kreppner / Schmid 2013, 80–105; Kreppner 2016. 43 Vgl. Kertai 2015, 10–13. Eine funktionale Raumanalyse unter Einbeziehung der Kleinfunde erfolgt an dieser Stelle nicht. Diese befindet sich in Vorbereitung durch J. Rohde. 44 Kertai 2015, 11.

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als autonome Raumgruppen definiert. Eine Suite ist demzufolge erreichbar, ohne dass eine andere Suite durchschritten werden muss. Wegen der schlechten Datenlage zu den neuassyrischen Königspalästen beruht die Typologie auf Funktionen, die die Raumgruppen auf Grundlage der Architekturanalyse hätten erfüllen können. Die Eigenschaften, die den Typen zugeschrieben werden, beruhen auf einem Kern von bestimmten Räumen, der durch weitere Räume erweitert sein kann. Entsprechend dieser Definition unterscheidet D. Kertai vier Haupttypen von Suiten in neuassyrischen Königspalästen: 1. Throneroom-Suite: Der Kern der Thronraum-Suite besteht aus dem Thronsaal / Hauptempfangssaal, einer Rampe / Treppe und einem nachgeschalteten Raum, der die Verbindung zum dahinter gelegenen Hof herstellt. 2. Double-sided Reception Suite: Diese repräsentative Raumgruppe liegt hinter der Thronraum-Suite. Ihr Kern besteht aus zwei Empfangsräumen, die durch eine T-förmige Raumgruppe getrennt werden. 3. Die Dual-Core Suite besteht aus zwei langen, parallel angeordneten Empfangsräumen und kann durch andere Räume erweitert werden. 4. Die Wohn- und Empfangssuite ist der am häufigsten angetroffene Typ. Der Kern der Residential / Reception Suite besteht aus einem großen Saal kombiniert mit einem Badezimmer. Der Haupteingang zum Roten Haus lag im Norden. Über das Vestibül DY und den Verteilerraum MY gelangte man in den annähernd quadratischen Vorhof DW. Mit 540 m2 ist DW der größte Hof des Roten Hauses und Kern des Nordflügels. Im Eingangsbereich zum Gebäude sowie um den Hof DW lagen im Souterraingeschoss überwölbte Korridore NZ 1/2, PY 1/2 und KV 1/245, denen wir – vergleichbar mit einem Kühlkeller – eine Funktion der Lagerung bei verhältnismäßig niedrigen Temperaturen zuschreiben. Im Nordwesten des Hofes DW befindet sich die erste Wohn-/Empfangssuite. An den vom Hof aus erreichbaren Saal NX schließt das Badezimmer OU an. Eine den Fußboden stark strapazierende Nutzung des Raumes UV etwa als Stallung lässt sich aus dem mit Bruchsteinplatten befestigten Fußboden sowie den an Tränken erinnernde Becken an der Nordmauer schließen (Abb. 5a). Ein unter dem Fußboden bestattetes Pferd untermauert die Vermutung (Abb. 5b). Über eine Treppe in Raum EU (Abb. 6c) konnte das Obergeschoss des Raumes YV erreicht werden, in dem das Archiv des Šulmu-Šarri aufbewahrt worden war. Erst nach der endgültigen Aufgabe der Räume nach der 7. GNP fielen die Tontafeln und Dockets im Rahmen der Verfallsprozesse aus dem Obergeschoss herab und kamen in der Raumfüllung zu liegen.46 Die in den Räumen im Norden und Osten des Hofes DW angetroffenen Installationen und Funde lassen insgesamt den Schluss zu, dass diese Bereiche wirtschaftlichen und administrativen Belangen dienten. Im Süden des Vorhofs DW liegt die repräsentative Hauptempfangsraumgruppe, die in den Königspalästen als Throneroom-Suite47 bezeichnet wird. Mit 19,80 m × 45 Novák / Schmid 2001. 46 Rohde 2013, 342–345. 47 Kertai 2015, 201–219.

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5,60 m ist Saal CW der größte Raum des Roten Hauses. Es schließt ein innerer Raum PX an, der die Verbindung zu dem Treppenhaus IW (Abb. 6b) und zu dem nachgeschalteten Hof LY herstellte. Während in Königspalästen hinter der Thronsaalsuite ein zentraler Hof mit weiteren repräsentativen Suiten – den sog. state appartments mit Suiten des Typs Double-sided Reception Suite oder Dual-Core Suite – folgt, besitzt der Hof LY des Roten Hauses eine ausgeprägte Verteilerfunktion. Ein Brunnen ermöglichte die Versorgung mit Frischwasser. Hinter einem Querriegel bestehend aus den Räumen QW und UW befand sich ein innerer Hof EW mit zwei Wohn- und Empfangssuiten: im Osten mit Saal HW und Bad KW sowie im Süden mit Saal TX und Bad FW. Im Osten des inneren Hofes EW existierte ein Verbindungsraum YX, von dem aus der Raum FY im Norden sowie über eine Treppe ein oberes Stockwerk erreicht werden konnten (Abb. 6e). Der Verteilerraum EY stellte die Verbindung vom Verbindungshof LY und dem zweiten großen Hof OY her. Eine aufwendig mit Kalkestrich gestaltete Treppe (Abb. 6a) ermöglichte auch hier die Erschließung eines oberen Stockwerks. Der Hof OY ist mit 400 m2 zweitgrößter Hof des Roten Hauses. Im Norden lag eine Wohn-/ Empfangssuite mit Saal KZ und Bad AY, im Süden befand sich eine zweite mit Saal XZ und Bad SX. Die Suite im Westen des Hofes OY unterscheidet sich in ihrer Erschließung deutlich von den anderen Apartments. Der Hauptsaal TT liegt nicht direkt am Hof, sondern ihm ist ein Vorsaal mit breitem Eingang vorgeschoben (Abb. 4). Damit entspricht die Suite dem Typ mit zwei langen parallelen Empfangsräumen.48 Im Norden ermöglichen zwei Räume durch einen Nebeneingang den Zugang zum Außenbereich. Im Süden schließt Raum RZ an, ein Bad besitzt diese Suite nicht. Neben der Größe des Hofes OY mit 400 m2 lässt auch die Existenz der Dual-Core Suite auf die repräsentative Funktion dieses inneren Hofes schließen. Durch den Verbindungsraum SZ konnte Hof WZ erschlossen werden. Wie auch in anderen Verbindungsräumen kann in SZ über eine Treppe das Obergeschoss erreicht werden (Abb. 6d). Den Hof WZ begrenzen im Osten vier kabinettartige Räume (Abb. 5c). Installationen wie ein Brunnen und mehrere Öfen, darunter auch ein Brotbackofen (tannūr) weisen auf die Funktion der häuslichen Versorgung durch Kochen und Backen hin. Auch die im Süden angeschlossenen Räume UY und VY sind mit zahlreichen Installationen des häuslichen Handwerks ausgestattet. Im Westen des Hofes liegt eine weitere Wohn-/Empfangssuite bestehend aus Saal TZ, dem Raum MZ und das Bad SS angeschlossen sind.

48 Kertai 2015, 222–224.

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Das Rote Haus von Dūr-Katlimmu als Repräsentant palatialer Architektur urbaner Eliten Assyriens Anlässlich der Entdeckung der spektakulären assyrischen Königspaläste im assyrischen Kerngebiet am Tigris setzten Ausgrabungen bereits Mitte des 19. Jh. ein und legten umfangreich – aber doch zumeist nur ausschnitthaft – neuassyrische palatiale Architektur frei. Wegen der unsicheren politischen Lage im Nordirak konnten seit Jahrzehnten keine archäologischen Langzeitausgrabungen mehr durchgeführt werden. Daher stammen die Ausgrabungsdaten aus Kalḫu, Assur, Dūr-Šarrukīn und Ninive zum weitaus größten Anteil aus Altgrabungen, die vor 50, 100, ja sogar bis zu 150 Jahren abgeschlossen wurden. Demzufolge sind die Daten nach theoretischen Konzepten erhoben, mit Ausgrabungstechniken freigelegt und mit Dokumentationsmethoden archiviert worden, die der jeweiligen Zeit entsprachen aber heute viele Fragen unbeantwortet lassen. Mit dem Roten Haus von Dūr-Katlimmu wurde in den 1990er und 2000er Jahren mit modernen Ausgrabungs- und Auswertungsmethoden eine Residenz urbaner assyrischer Eliten auf ganzer Fläche archäologisch untersucht.

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Die Ausstattungsmerkmale der Wohn-/Empfangsräume (Abb. 7a, b) sind eine aus gebrannten Ziegeln errichtete Feuerstelle, Wandnischen und zweiflügelige Türen zum Hof, die im Falle der Suiten 2 und 3 mit Türpfostenumrandungssteinen prachtvoll ausgestaltet waren. Die Räume des Roten Hauses sind farblich unterschiedlich gestaltet. Weiße Wand mit rotem Sockel, rote Wand mit schwarzem Sockel und weiße Wand mit schwarzem Sockel sind belegt.49 Zeugen einer bunten Wandgestaltung und Rosettenverzierung in den oberen Bereichen sind in Putzfragmenten aus der Füllung des Raumes YY überliefert. Die Bäder sind durch wasserfeste Bodenbeläge und wannenartige Installationen mit Abflüssen charakterisiert (Abb. 7c, d). D. Kertai hat sich in seinem Buch über die neuassyrischen Paläste gegen eine Existenz eines zweiten Stockwerkes in den Königspalästen ausgesprochen.50 Im Roten Haus sprechen die Fundsituation des Archivs sowie die fünf Treppenhäuser in den verschiedenen Gebäudeabschnitten eindeutig dafür, dass Teile des Roten Hauses zwei Geschosse besaßen.51 Abschließend bleibt festzuhalten, dass der Grundriss des Roten Hauses von DūrKatlimmu wesentliche Elemente der neuassyrischen Palastarchitektur zum Vorbild hat aber auf die spezifischen Bedürfnisse des Bauherrn modifiziert ist. Es liegt ein Gesamtkonzept vor, in dem funktionale Einheiten in verschiedenen Bereichen des Gebäudes verteilt sind. Während wirtschaftliche und administrative Funktionen am Eingangshof DW angesiedelt sind, erfolgte die Versorgung des Gebäudes vom Hof WZ aus. Der funktionale Unterschied des Roten Hauses zu den Königspalästen findet neben der im Vergleich winzigen Grundfläche – auch in der Raumorganisation Ausdruck. Die der Thronsaalgruppe nachgeschalteten und um einen zentralen Hof gelegenen repräsentativen Raumgruppen – die sog. state appartments – fehlen. Stattdessen können über den Verbindungshof LY zwei innere Höfe erreicht werden, von denen Hof OY wegen seiner Größe und der Suite mit zwei langen, parallelen Empfangsräumen repräsentativen Charakter hat. Gegenüber Wohnhäusern wie dem Großen Haus mit 1.750 m2 und dem Roten Haus von Assur mit 805 m2, die als Paradebeispiele der gehobenen Wohnarchitektur gelten, ist das Rote Haus von DūrKatlimmu mit seinen 5.200 m 2 deutlich größer und mit seinen fünf Höfen auch komplexer gegliedert. Der Grundriss reflektiert das enorme wirtschaftliche Potenzial und die hohe soziale Stellung des Bauherrn Šulmu-Šarri als ša-qurbūti – Vertrauter des Königs. Damit repräsentiert das Rote Haus von Dūr-Katlimmu palatiale Architektur urbaner Eliten in Assyrien. Der archäologische Befund ist einzigartig, da der Grundriss vollständig erhalten blieb, das Haus komplett ausgegraben ist und die Gebäudebiographie entschlüsselt werden konnte.

49 Kreppner / Schmid 2013, Beilage 27. 50 Kertai 2015, 8. 205–210. 51 Schmid 2013, 325–330.

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Literatur Bunnens, G. 1997: Til Barsib under Assyrian Domination, in: S. Parpola / R.M. Whiting (Hrsg.), Assyria 1995. Proceedings of the 10th Anniversary Symposium of the Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project Helsinki, September 7–11, 1995. Helsinki. 17–28. Castel, C. 1992: Habitat urbain néo-assyrien et néo-babylonien ; de l’espace bâti à l’espace vécu, Bibliothèque archéologique et historique 143. Paris. Heinrich, E. 1984: Die Paläste im Alten Mesopotamien. Berlin. Hicks, D. 2010: The Material-Cultural Turn: Event and Effect, in: D. Hicks / M. Beaudry (Hrsg.), The Oxford Handbook of Material Culture Studies. Oxford. 25‒98. Hodder, I. 1986: Reading the past: Current Approaches to Interpretation in Archaeology. Cambridge. — 1999: The Archaeological Process. An Introduction. Oxford. — 2012: Entangled: An Archaeology of the Relationships between Humans and Things. Malden, MA. Jamieson, A. 2011: Tell Ahmar III. Neo-Assyrian Pottery from Area C. Leuven. Kertai, D. 2015: The Architecture of Late Assyrian Royal Palaces. Oxford. Kreppner, F.J. 2016: The Aftermath of the Assyrian Empire as Seen from the Red House Operation in Dur-Katlimmu, in: J. MacGinnis / D. Wicke / T. Greenfield (Hrsg.), The Provincial Archaeology of the Assyrian Empire. Oxford. 177–187. Kreppner, F.J. / Schmid, J. 2013: Die Stratigraphie und Architektur des ‘Roten Hauses’ von Tall Šēḫ Ḥamad/Dūr-Katlimmu mit Beiträgen von Jens Rohde und einer Abhandlung über die Holzkohlefunde von Rainer Gerisch. Berichte der Ausgrabung Tall Šēḫ Ḥamad/DūrKatlimmu 11. Wiesbaden. Kühne, H. 2013: Tell Sheikh Hamad. The Assyrian-Aramean Centre of Dūr-Katlimmu/Magdalu, in: D. Bonatz / L. Martin (Hrsg.), 100 Jahre archäologische Feldforschungen in Nordost-Syrien – eine Bilanz, Schriften der Max Freiherr von Oppenheim-Stiftung 18. Wiesbaden. 235–258. — 2016 Tell Sheikh Hamad/Dur-Katlimmu/Magdalu (Deir ez-Zor), in: Y. Kanjou / T. Akira (Hrsg.), A History of Syria in One Hundred Sites. Oxford. Loud, G. / Altman, C.B. 1938: Khorsabad II, The Citadel and the Town. OIP 40. Chicago. Mahmoud, A. / Kühne, H. 2016: Tell Ajaja (Hasseke), in: Y. Kanjou / T. Akira (Hrsg.) A History of Syria in One Hundred Sites. Oxford. 323–326. Masetti-Rouault, M.-G. 2016: Tell Masaikh and the Region around Terqa (Deir ez-Zor), in: Y. Kanjou / T. Akira (Hrsg.), A History of Syria in One Hundred Sites. Oxford. 207–210. Matney, T. / Greenfield, T. / Köroğlu, K. / MacGinnis, J. / Rosenzweig, M. / Wicke, D. 2015: Excavations at Ziyaret Tepe, Diyarbakır Province, Turkey, 2011–2014 Seasons, Anatolica 41, 125–176. Miglus, Peter 1996: Das Wohngebiet von Assur : Stratigraphie und Architektur. WVDOG 93. Berlin. — 1999 Städtische Wohnarchitektur in Babylonien und Assyrien. BaF 22. Mainz am Rhein. Novák, M. 2013: Gōzān and Gūzāna. Anatolians, Aramaeans and Assyrians in Tell Ḥalaf, in: D. Bonatz / L. Martin (Hrsg.) 100 Jahre archäologische Feldforschungen in Nordost-

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Syrien – eine Bilanz. Schriften der Max-Freiherr-von-Oppenheim-Stiftung 18. Wiesbaden. 259–280. Novák, M. / Schmid, J. 2001: Zur Problematik von Lehmziegelgewölben – Konstruktionstechniken und Verfahren zur Analyse am Beispiel von Gewölbebauten im ‘Roten Haus’ in Dur-Katlimmu/Magdalu, Baghdader Mitteilungen 32, 205–254. .

Oates, J. / Oates, D. 2001: Nimrud: An Assyrian Imperial City Revealed. London. Pecorella, P.E. 2003: Un Palazzo Ritrovato, in: P. Marrassini (Hrsg.), Semitic and Assyriological Studies Presented to Pelio Fronzaroli by Pupils and Colleagues. Wiesbaden. 495–509. Preusser, C. 1954: Die Wohnhäuser in Assur. WVDOG 64. Berlin. Radner, K. 2002: Die Neuassyrischen Texte aus Tall Šēḫ Ḥamad. Mit Beiträgen von W. Röllig zu den aramäischen Beischriften. Berichte der Ausgrabung Tall Šēḫ Ḥamad/DūrKatlimmu 6. Berlin. Rohde, J. 2013: Die archäologischen Fundkontexte der Schriftfunde aus der Grabungsstelle Rotes Haus, in: F. J. Kreppner / J. Schmid, Die Stratigraphie und Architektur des ‘Roten Hauses’ von Tall Šēḫ Ḥamad/Dūr-Katlimmu mit Beiträgen von Jens Rohde und einer Abhandlung über die Holzkohlefunde von Rainer Gerisch. Berichte der Ausgrabung Tall Šēḫ Ḥamad/Dūr-Katlimmu 11. Wiesbaden. 331–354. Röllig, W. 2014: Die aramäischen Texte aus Tall Šēḫ Ḥamad/Dūr-Katlimmu/Magdalu. Berichte der Ausgrabung Tall Šēḫ Ḥamad/Dūr-Katlimmu 17. Wiesbaden. Thureau-Dangin, F. 1931: Arslan Tash. Paris. Thureau-Dangin / F., Dunand, M. 1936: Til-Barsib. Paris. Turner, G. 1970: The State Apartments of Late Assyrian Palaces, Iraq 32, 177–213. Schiffer, M. B. 1996: Formation Processes of the Archaeological Record. Salt Lake City. Schmid, J. 2013: Die Architektur des Roten Hauses, in F. J. Kreppner / J. Schmid, Die Stratigraphie und Architektur des ‘Roten Hauses’ von Tall Šēḫ Ḥamad/Dūr-Katlimmu mit Beiträgen von Jens Rohde und einer Abhandlung über die Holzkohlefunde von Rainer Gerisch. Berichte der Ausgrabung Tall Šēḫ Ḥamad/Dūr-Katlimmu 11. Wiesbaden. 233–330. Warburton, D. 2015: Civil Society: Typology, Stratigraphy & North Mesopotamian Architectural History, Akkadica 136/2, 157–199.

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The Mitanni Palace and Settlement at Tell Brak, Northeast Syria Augusta McMahon

Introduction The Mitanni (Mittani) Period of the late 2nd millennium BC is one of Mesopotamia’s most enigmatic: we have not yet identified the capital city, Waššukanni; the known textual evidence derives mainly from the east and west edges of the political state; the ethnic composition of the rulers and ruled is complex and multi-layered; and the archaeological evidence is both thin and not easily distinguished from that of the preceding and following periods. The nature of political control across northern Mesopotamia is a crucial question for the Mitanni Period: was control based on the threat of force, consensus, or shared identity? The presence of subsidiary palaces and TURKEY

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a thin but well-integrated network of administrators, such as are found at Tell Brak, may be part of the answer. This paper situates the Mitanni palace at Brak within its built environment and support network, using data from older and recent excavations and from recent site and regional surveys. Tell Brak lies within the core of the Mitanni state, near the centre of the Upper Khabur basin in northeast Syria (Fig. 1). Brak was known as Nagar in the 3rd millennium BC. This name may survive into the Late Bronze Age as Nawar, a settlement in the district of Ta’idu, itself possibly Tell Hamidiya (Hamidi/Ahmedi), 20 km to the north-northeast of Brak.1 Tell Brak is one of the largest archaeological sites in the region, 130 ha at maximum and 43 m high. But its maximum horizontal extent was reached during the Late Chalcolithic 3 Period of the mid-4th millennium BC, after which the site retracted to a more modest size.2 During the Mitanni Period, the site was at most 45 ha, divided between a small dense settlement on the central mound and a larger suburban settlement in the outer town. 1 Oates et al. 1997, 39. 141; Eidem 1998. 2 Ur et al. 2011.

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Palace and Temple Complex The Mitanni palace and adjacent temple were excavated by David and Joan Oates during 1984–1990.3 The palace-temple complex is at the highest point of the site, at the eastern end of a ridge along the northwest edge of the central mound (Fig. 2). The bricks used for construction of both buildings are a distinctive red colour. This colour and their rough gravelly texture match the local virgin soil (reached in soundings in the northern outer town during excavations of 2006–2008). The colour and texture – together with the lack of sherds or other material culture in the brick matrix – suggest that the bricks had been made selectively from ‘pure’ earth, not by the common process of mining previous occupation materials from the site edge. The palace – temple complex’s placement at the site’s highest point and its distinctive colour together suggest a conscious plan by the builders to make a monument with high visibility, both from within the settlement and from the surrounding countryside. The palace is monumental in construction, with walls over 3 m wide in places and a symmetrical formal plan (Fig. 3). Yet it is also intimate in scale, with a relatively small horizontal extent, less than 50 m on a side. The walls are preserved up to 7 m high, and the thick walls and two partially-preserved staircases imply there was 3 Oates et al. 1997.

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a second story or significant use of the roof. The stairs and wall thickness further reflect an emphasis on vertical projection in order to make a monumental statement, unlike the largely horizontal spread and space capture of Mesopotamian palaces elsewhere, such as Mari in the 2nd millennium BC or the Neo-Assyrian capitals of the 1st millennium BC. As is suggested by the small footprint and height, the palace’s external presentation was important, as expressed by sections of decorative halfcolumns on each façade.4 Inside the palace, the throne-room is an impressive 20 m long by 7.5 m wide. It was reached through a two-room entrance suite and courtyard. In terms of ‘space syntax’,5 or spatial configuration, access did not require an extended or complex network or set of steps – the throne room is relatively accessible, although there are several turns within the route and an off-centre entrance. In terms of sensory impact, it is notable that the throne-room was longer than the courtyard (20 m versus 15 m), a planning decision that would make a dramatic first impression – the throne room is a larger and deeper space than is expected from the courtyard. This hiding and revealing makes the most of the relatively limited space; entry into the throne room would have been awe inspiring through an immediate visual stimulus of great depth and significant height, creating an abstract sense of spaciousness. Entry would also have involved movement from light to dark and warm to cool (in spring and summer); these additional sensory transitions would emphasize the importance of the visit at the time and in later memory. The palace included a workshop dedicated to production of prestige goods. This workshop was reached via the same entrance and courtyard that provided access to the throne room, so there was no strong separation of administration from production. In fact, their connection may have been deliberately made visible for ideological reasons, since it would have been easy enough to create a separate entrance to the workshop from the east. The workshop was paved with baked bricks and had drains, storage bins and fire installations. Debris above the floors indicate that the workshop produced glass vessels, as reflected by sherds, fragments of ingots and recyclable chunks of glass. The vessels are technologically advanced, with festoons, inlay, and granulation. Objects in the related technologies of faience and frit were also produced here. And further, there was evidence for metal smelting and casting, including iron and copper slag and ingot fragments. The proximity of the workshop to the throne-room means that artisans and administrators would have mingled in the courtyard and the open area outside the building. And the sounds and smells of production would have been experienced by visitors passing through the courtyard and in the throne-room. These physical and sensory connections enhance the intimacy of the palace structure and its integration with the community. Despite the sensory impact of the imposing throne room, this integration suggests an inclusive approach to power. 4 Oates et al. 1997, Figs. 7. 8. 5 Hillier / Hanson 1984.

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The primary administrative centre for the district would have been at Ta’idu, while the capital of Waššukanni is also probably in the Upper Khabur region. Therefore Brak, as a subsidiary centre, would have controlled or administered only a limited range of activities. The few tablets recovered reflect the palace’s administrative functions and the occasional presence on site of the Mitanni king himself. Legal issues were settled in the throne-room, documented and sealed by the dynastic seal of Saustatar, the same seal that is represented on impressions from Nuzi, Tell Bazi and Umm el-Marra.6 Other texts include lists of workmen and foremen, but the tasks in which these workmen were engaged is uncertain.7 The temple is located just southwest of the palace. It was built at the same time as the palace, with the same red bricks, thick walls, and emphasis on exterior visibility, including half-columns on its façades.8 In 1986, a possible precinct wall for both buildings was partially cleared south of the temple and palace, outlining an open plaza, approximately 15.75 m wide,9 which would have framed and allowed visual appreciation of the buildings’ vertical scale. Within the palace-temple complex, the workshop suggests the presence of artisans, the shrine should reflect priests, and the texts imply the presence of scribes and large groups of workmen. For such a small-scale institution, this is a diverse and sophisticated group of specialists and attached workers. This leads to the questions: where did these specialists and workers live? How were they supported: did agricultural labourers also live in the town, or did the palace and temple draw upon wider state connections and resource flows?

The Mitanni Core Settlement Excavations and frequent, albeit random, inspection of the site surface during the last 40 years of research at Brak indicate that the Mitanni settlement on the main mound was limited to approximately 2–3 ha on the northwest ridge. In addition to the palace and temple at the east end of this ridge, there were houses to the south of the palace-temple complex and further west in Areas HH and HN. Did this ridge settlement house the artisans, priests and scribes attached to the palace-temple? And did workers living there also provide the palace and temple with subsistence goods and basic labour? These were among the questions that compelled our excavations in this area in 2006 through 2011. The Oates’ 1980s excavations of the palace-temple complex revealed houses south of the complex precinct wall, but no clear plans were recovered due to erosion in this area. Mallowan had also excavated on the ridge during the 1930s, but limited infor6 7 8 9

Oates et al. 1997, 48–50. Fig. 66; Sallaberger et al. 2006; Cooper et al. 2005. Oates et al 1997, 41–45; Finkel 1985, 194–197. Oates et al. 1997, Figs. 27 and 30. Ibid., 18 Fig. 34. C. 6.75 m wide in front of the temple, opening out to ca. 15.75 m in front of the palace.

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Fig. 4: Area HH-F Mitanni houses, looking west.

mation is available on his results.10 His trenches are still visible as regular depressions along the ridge, which catch rainwater and support rich growth of grass in the spring. Our Area HH-F was located south of one of Mallowan’s trenches, below one of his spoil heaps, where we could be certain of reasonably good preservation. Our excavations revealed several phases of domestic occupation, dating from the early to late 2nd millennium BC (Old Babylonian – Mitanni).11 The excavations revealed part of an integrated neighbourhood with houses on both sides of a street, each with comfortable sized-rooms 5 to 8 m across, comparable to contemporary houses at Tell Arbid.12 The houses follow the customary Mesopotamian format of several rooms and a courtyard but do not exhibit standardised plans such as are seen at contemporary sites such as Tell Bazi.13 Notably, although space on the ridge was restricted, the houses are not cramped. Construction of walls is regular and solid; corners are right-angled and bonded (Fig. 4). The vertical stacking of walls through our stratigraphic sequence of earlier 2nd millennium BC and early to late Mitanni houses suggests that property lines persisted across the centuries. The continued location of the street implies that social 10 Mallowan 1947. 11 McMahon / Oates 2007. 12 Bielinski 2003. 13 Otto 2014.

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rules about maintenance of traffic routes and access must have also persisted. This persistence suggests that neither the wider political changes created by the Mitanni state nor the local effect of building the palace-temple complex had a visible impact on households’ socio-economic status or use of space. The main organizing feature of the Area HH-F neighborhood was the central street, with houses to each side. This street is notably straight and over 2.5 m wide, a strong contrast to the narrow, irregular alleys usually found in Mesopotamian cities, e.g. Ur, Tell Asmar or Khafajah. Its width is surprising given the limited space for building on Brak’s high ridge. The street leads northwest towards the palace-temple, and this strong physical connection suggests a possible linkage in terms of the professions and identities of the area’s inhabitants. Our second excavation, Area HN, is ca. 100 m to the southwest of HH-F along the ridge, adjacent to 1994–1996 excavations that had revealed early 2nd millennium BC occupation.14 Areas HH and HN are separated by a low ‘saddle’ or dip in the ridge, and surface sherd collection here suggests there was not continuous Mitanni occupation between them. These may thus be two distinct neighborhoods, and we originally hypothesized that their inhabitants could be different categories of people, with different modes of engagement with the palace-temple, perhaps artisans versus scribes, or farmers versus palace personnel. Our excavations in HN revealed parts of at least three houses, but their plans were hard to define, due to erosion and an undocumented Mallowan trench. But the houses are roughly comparable to those in HH in scale and in their walls’ solid regular construction. Notably, the material culture in the two areas is very similar: there were significant quantities of painted Nuzi ware in both, as well as more common Mitanni ceramics, including red-edged plates, grey burnished bowls, beakers, and piecrust pot-stands. Other objects from the houses in both areas included animal figurines, model wheels, and bronze objects, including ornaments, weapons and tools. A single cylinder seal of black limestone carved in Common style came from Area HN. A comparison of the HH and HN buildings and their contents suggests that there was not a strong difference in status, identities or household structure between these two neighbourhoods. In both cases, the material culture is suggestive of near-elites, or middle-class individuals, not poor or disenfranchised labourers. The similarity of the two neighborhoods and the physical integration of the palace-temple complex and houses suggest that the ridge settlement of Brak was strongly linked to the palace and temple institutions. Once the area of palace, temple, and street are removed from the 2–3 ha on the ridge, there remain perhaps 1.5–2 ha of houses. The population estimation, using the customary 100–200 people/hectare, would be 150–400 people, probably at the lower end of that range. Eliminating most women and young children reduces those numbers by roughly half, leaving enough to staff the palace and temple but possibly not enough labour to provide basics such as food, pottery and textiles for the whole community. 14 Matthews 2003.

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The Mitanni Suburb The outer town extends 250–400 m from the central mound out to a corona of small mounds (Fig. 2). Much of this outer town was occupied in the early 4th millennium BC but abandoned after c. 3500 BC. In 2003–2006, the Brak Suburban Survey explored the cycles of occupation in the outer town, supplementing 40 years of casual surface inspection.15 Most notably, Mitanni occupation of the outer town was revealed as more significant than was originally thought, with the high ridge occupation supplemented by a large area within the northwestern arc of the outer town and a second smaller area in the southwest. These areas add ca. 30 ha to the site. The density of Mitanni sherds observed in the outer town is variable and fairly low, 10 sherds per 10x10 m sampled square at most, but visibility was poor during the collection due to a recent harvest. The intensity of occupation is therefore difficult to assess, although it is likely to be less intensive than on the ridge; a population of anywhere from 1000 to 3000 people is possible. The northern outer town has been severely incised and ploughed for recent cotton and wheat farming. Soundings revealed that preservation of architecture or in-situ archaeological materials was negligible, due to this agricultural disturbance. Surface finds include painted Nuzi ware sherds and frequent baked bricks, suggesting that the inhabitants of this outer town suburb included middle-class inhabitants, equal to those on the ridge. The decentralized, non-contiguous two-part plan is a format also seen in Mitanni Period settlements at Tell Arbid16 and Tell Bazi17, albeit both at a smaller scale than Brak. This two-part format contrasts with another distinctive Mitanni settlement form, the ‘suburb’ without an upper town, created by the complete shift to a lower or off-mound area from a high 3rd-early 2nd millennium BC tell.18 If the inhabitants of the Brak neighbourhoods on the ridge were palace-linked, the inhabitants of the outer town settlement may have been more economically autonomous. The indicators of wealth suggest some of the population may have comprised land-owners, although we cannot rule out the presence of tenant farmers and labourers vital for the town’s success and sustainability. But the off-mound location and variation in surface remains suggest that other users may have been seasonally mobile pastoralists, as has been suggested for the low-density diffused occupation at Khirbat al-Fakhar (Tell Hamoukar’s outer town) in the late 5th-early 4th millennia BC.19 Alternatively, this diffused pattern has been interpreted as permanent but widely dispersed groups

15 Ur et al. 2011; Ur 2014. 16 Bielinski 2003; Mitanni graves were located near the top of the main mound (Sector SA), while the area of occupation is in Area A, a subsidiary mound on the west. 17 Otto 2014; Sallaberger et al. 2006. 18 Kolinski 2014. 19 Wilkinson 2002a.

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of houses, with intervening social buffer zones or small farm plots.20 Given the poor preservation in Brak’s outer town, we cannot determine whether occupation there matched either of these options, but the suburban settlement was likely to be distinct from the tight and intensive arrangement on the main mound. Perhaps the most significant aspect of the Mitanni outer town is its probable origins in immigration. The early 2nd millennium BC settlement (Kingdom of Upper Mesopotamia / Old Babylonian Period) was concentrated along the northwest ridge of the high mound with an extent of perhaps 4 ha21. Whether the Mitanni suburb was sparsely or densely occupied, its scale reflects a greater population than can be expected from internal growth; its inhabitants must have been drawn from outside the site.

Brak in its Hinterland An intensive regional survey conducted in 2003–2007 in a 20 km radius around Brak allows contextualization of the Mitanni palace and reconstruction of its support network and possible source of immigrants. This survey identified 550 sites, dating from Neolithic through Islamic.22 These results can be compared to earlier extensive surveys of the area around Brak and across the Upper Khabur.23 All surveys had difficulty in separating late Old Babylonian, Mitanni and Middle Assyrian ceramics but provide a basic framework. The general trend derived from all surveys is a decline in site numbers and size across the 2nd millennium BC; within that trend there was a notable shift from tell sites to adjacent low sites. However, there are intra-regional variations and fluctuations, including some sub-areas with an increase in site numbers in the Mitanni Period, e.g., around Tell Beydar.24 In the area immediately around Brak, the pattern shows a trend of steady decline across the 2nd millennium BC from a 3rd millennium BC maximum. Indeed the early 2nd millennium situation was already sparse when compared to areas further east (74 possible sites, mostly small25). This relatively thin settlement may reflect the use of this marginal southern area of the Upper Khabur by pastoralism-based nomadic or semi-nomadic groups, as is known from Mari texts, or may reflect an emptying-out of this area in favour of the economic attraction generated by the capital city of Tell Leilan / Shubat Enlil to the east. The Mitanni Period saw a further decrease in both site numbers (to 38) and site sizes around Brak; some 20 Al-Quntar et al. 2011. 21 Ur et al. 2011, Fig. 7. 22 Wright et al. 2007. 23 Eidem / Warburton 1996; Lyonnet 2000; Lyonnet / Faivre 2014; Meijer 1986. 24 Wilkinson 2002b. 25 Wright et al. 2007, 12.

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sites persisted but shrank, while others were abandoned.26 Although the chronology derived from survey data is not absolute, the sites abandoned across this transition may have released some of the population that settled in Brak’s outer town.

Mitanni Brak: Conclusions The regional settlement pattern trend raises questions about climate deterioration and expansion of pastoral versus agricultural use of the region, and about possible state-managed mobility, migration, and landscape exploitation. The planned nature of the settlement at Bazi does not seem to be represented at Brak, but economic or political incentives to draw in migrants to Brak’s suburb may nonetheless have been in place. The sparse nature of the occupation in Brak’s supporting area also brings us back to examination of the palace-temple complex within the settlement. A population of c. 1150–3400 people – the low and high estimates for ridge and suburb together – would have been sufficient to support themselves and the specialists associated with the palace-temple. The main potential barrier to self-sufficiency would be if a significant percentage of the population were only semi-sedentary, limiting those available to generate sufficient agricultural surplus. However, if needed, Brak may have been able to call upon surpluses produced by the three closest villages along the Jaghjagh River only 2.5–3 km distant. The main question we might ask is: why build a palace at Brak in the Mitanni Period? After a long history as an important city from the 4th millennium BC, Mitanni Brak was no longer urban and was not an obvious choice as an administrative centre. However, in the early 2nd millennium BC (Old Babylonian / Kingdom of Upper Mesopotamia), Brak had been the centre of worship of a goddess, Belet Nagar, powerful enough to intervene in royal succession,27 although the settlement was probably less than 5 ha. Brak’s extraordinary persistence as a settlement from the 4th millennium BC onward and its past history of political influence may explain both the immigration that created the suburb and the placement of a palace there. The dual structure of the settlement at Brak and sparse occupation of its wider region suggest that any power held by the Mitanni palace was weak in practical terms, but symbolically very potent.

26 Ibid. 27 Oates et al. 1997, 40. 141–142.

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References Al-Quntar, S. / Khalidi, L. / Ur, J. 2011: Proto-Urbanism in the Late 5th Millennium BC: Survey and Excavations at Khirbat al-Fakhar (Hamoukar), Northeast Syria, Paléorient 37(2), 151–175. Bielinski, P. 2003: Tell Arbid; The Seventh Season of Excavations, Preliminary Report, Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean 14, 301–314. Cooper, J. / Schwartz, G. / Westbrook, R. 2005: A Mitanni-Era Tablet from Umm el-Marra, Studies on the Civilization and Culture of the Hurrians 15, 41–56. Eidem, J. 1998: Nagar. RlA 9, 75–77. Eidem, J. / Warburton, D. 1996: In the Land of Nagar: A Survey around Tell Brak, Iraq 58, 51–64. Finkel, I. 1985: Inscriptions from Tell Brak 1984, Iraq 47, 187–201. Hillier, B. / Hanson, J. 1984: The Social Logic of Space. Cambridge. Kolinski, R. 2014: Settled Space. Evidence for Changes in Settlement Patterns of Northern Mesopotamia at the Advent and at the Turn of the Mittani Era, in: E. Cancik-Kirschbaum / N. Brisch / J. Eidem (eds.), Constituent, Confederate, and Conquered Space. The Emergence of the Mittani State. Berlin. 179–212. Lyonnet, B. 2000: Prospection archéologique Haut-Khabur Occidental (Syrie du N.E.) Vol. I. Beirut. Lyonnet, B. / Faivre, X. 2014: The Settlement Pattern of the Western Upper Khabur from the Old Babylonian Period to the End of the Mittani Era, in: E. Cancik-Kirschbaum / N. Brisch / J. Eidem (eds.), Constituent, Confederate, and Conquered Space. The Emergence of the Mittani State. Berlin. 213–245. Mallowan, M.E.L. 1947: Excavations at Brak and Chagar Bazar, Iraq 9, 1–266. Matthews, R. (ed.) 2003: Excavations at Tell Brak Vol. IV: Exploring a Regional Centre in Upper Mesopotamia, 1994–1996. Cambridge and London. McMahon, A. / Oates, J. 2007: Excavations at Tell Brak 2006–2007, Iraq 69, 145–171. Meijer, D.J.W. 1986: A survey in northeastern Syria. PIHANS 58. Istanbul. Oates, D. / Oates, J. / McDonald, H. 1997: Excavations at Tell Brak Vol. I: The Mitanni and Old Babylonian Periods. Cambridge and London. Otto, A. 2014: The Organisation of Residential Space in the Mittani Kingdom as a Mirror of Different Models of Governance, in: E. Cancik-Kirschbaum, N. Brisch / J. Eidem (eds.), Constituent, Confederate, and Conquered Space. The Emergence of the Mittani State. Berlin. 33–60. Sallaberger, W. / Einwag. B. / Otto, A. 2006: Schenkungen von Mittani-Königen an die Einwohner von Basīru. Die zwei Urkunden aus Tell Bazi am Mittleren Euphrat, ZA 96(1), 69–104. Ur, J. 2014: Urban Form at Tell Brak across Three Millennia, in: A. McMahon / H. Crawford (eds.), Preludes to Urbanism, The Late Chalcolithic of Mesopotamia. Cambridge. 49–62.

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Ur, J. / Karsgaard, P. / Oates, J. 2011: The Spatial Dimensions of Early Mesopotamian Urbanism: The Tell Brak Suburban Survey, 2003–2006, Iraq 73, 1–19. Wilkinson, T.J. 2002a: Physical and Cultural Landscapes of the Hamoukar Area, Akkadica 123, 89–105. — 2002b The Settlement Transition of the Second Millennium BC in the Western Khabur, in: L. al-Gailani Werr / J. Curtis / H. Martin / A. McMahon / J. Oates / J. Reade (eds.), Of Pots and Plans, Papers on the Archaeology and History of Mesopotamia and Syria Presented to David Oates. London. 361–372. Wright, H.T. / Rupley, E. / Ur, J. / Oates, J. / Ganem, E. 2007: Preliminary Report on the 2002 and 2003 Seasons of the Tell Brak Sustaining Area Survey, AAAS 49/50, 7–21.

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Palaces at Kaneš during the Old Assyrian Period Cécile Michel* The site of Kültepe, the ancient city of Kaneš, near Kayseri in Anatolia, includes several monumental structures on its mound. Current excavations are concentrated on a large complex that dates to the Early Bronze Age.1 This contribution focuses on the Middle Bronze Age palaces whose archaeological data were published by T. Özgüç in 1999. Our knowledge on these structures, and especially of the ‘Waršama Palace’, is incomplete because the ruins suffered much during the explorations in the early 20th century and the phase-out period which followed. As a consequence, no complete plan of these buildings is available. Among the forty cuneiform tablets found on the mound, only a dozen were located near the Old Palace and ‘Waršama Palace’; we do not have any local official archives, if they ever existed. Nevertheless, the numerous tablets, excavated in the houses of the Assyrian merchants who were settled in the lower town, document the Anatolian palace and its administration from an outsider’s point of view. Reconstructing the organization of the Anatolian palaces requires us to integrate the archaeological remains with the textual data, even though they do not overlap chronologically. After a summary of the history of the excavations on Kültepe mound and the resulting archaeological data for level 8 and 7 palaces, a discussion of the cuneiform tablets excavated on the mound will follow. The study of the tablets unearthed in the merchants’ archives in the lower town show the Anatolian palace both as a building housing the royal couple and its court, but also as a political symbol of royal power. An inventory of about fifty Anatolian officials mentioned in the Old Assyrian tablets provides some insight into the organization of this Anatolian power structure.2

* CNRS, Archéologies et Sciences de l’Antiquité, Maison Archéologie et Ethnologie, Nanterre; [email protected]. I address my warmest thanks to David Owen who kindly corrected the English of this article. 1 See Kulakoğlu 2015 and 2017. 2 The commercial relationships between the Anatolians and the Assyrians will not be taken

into account here since this topic has already been addressed often elsewhere; see the bibliography given by Veenhof 2008, 147–218 and Michel 2014a.

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Kültepe Middle Bronze Ages Palaces The excavators of Kültepe have distinguished eight inhabited levels, from Early Bronze Age to the Roman Empire, on the Kültepe mound. Levels 8 to 6 date to the Middle Bronze Age. The lower town,3 northeast of the mound, has its own stratigraphy (Tab. 1):4 Tab. 1: Stratigraphy of Kültepe mound and lower town. Mound

Lower town

Corresponding periods

10

IV

Second half of the 3rd mill.

9

III

End of the 3rd mill.

8

II (OA archives)

Middle 20th cent. – 19th cent.

7

Ib (OA archives)

End 19th cent. – 18th cent.

6

Ia

Beginning of the 17th cent.

Monumental buildings on Kültepe mound Three palaces, dating to Middle Bronze Age, were excavated on the Kültepe mound; only portions of their foundations remain. The Old palace and the palace of the southern terrace, dating to level 8, are poorly preserved. Artifacts discovered in the ‘Waršama Palace’, dating to level 7, provide a glimpse into the organization of this building and the function of some of its rooms. In his publication of the Kültepe palaces, T. Özgüç provided a detailed description of the previous explorations of the mound.5 At the end of the 19th century, several French and German scholars traveled to Kültepe in order to find the source of the cuneiform tablets sold in the antiquities markets. E. Chantre began explorations on the top of the mound in 1893 and 1894; he was followed by W. Belck in 1901, and H. Winckler and H. Grothe in 1906.6 B. Hrozný, a scholar from Prague, undertook extensive excavation work on top of the mound in 1925. He hired many workers to dig in the huge square official building of level 7, located in the center of the mound,

3 Until recently, Kültepe lower town has been referred to as “the kārum”. However, this

designation is incorrect, see Michel 2014a.

4 Kulakoğlu 2010, 41. 5 Özgüç 1999, 73–77. See also Kulakoğlu / Michel 2015, ix–xi. For a summary of the Kültepe

excavations under the direction of T. Özgüç from 1948 to 2005, see Emre 2015.

6 Emre 2010.

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Fig. 1: Plan of Waršama Palace according to B. Hrozný.

in order to find cuneiform tablets. He left Kültepe with a huge hole in the center of this building later to become known as the ‘Waršama Palace’ (Fig. 1).7 T. Özgüç first visited Kültepe with his class at the end of the 1930s when he was a student at Ankara University. He came back in 1948, with his wife N. Özgüç, in order to re-open archaeological excavations at the site. Since then, Kültepe has been excavated without interruption until today.8 T. Özgüç began work in the lower town and started to excavate on the main mound in 1955, the same year K. Emre, his assistant, joined the team. The newly excavated earth was used to fill up the huge pit left by Hrozný’s workers on the center of the level 7 palace. The mound 7 For visual testimonies of the excavations lead by B. Hrozný on the top of Kültepe mound,

see Hrozný 1927; Jean 2001, 96; Özgüç 1999, pl. 3. The orientation of B. Hrozný’s plan does not match the one of T. Özgüç and it is impossible to correlate both plans. 8 In 1951–1952, T. Özgüç was visiting professor in Great Britain; his wife N. Özgüç replaced him on the site in 1951, there was no excavation in 1952.

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was excavated, with some interruptions, until 1983, followed by some restorations at the site.9 The excavations revealed unknown rooms of level 7 palace, part of the palace of level 8, two identical ‘temples’, a storage building, another monument identified as a palace and few private houses. During all these years and into the first decade of the 2000s, excavations were mainly conducted in the houses of the lower town that produced tablets every year. When F. Kulakoğlu resumed the Kültepe excavations in 2006, and since 2009 he has re-opened new areas on the mound and excavates, exposing an Early Bronze Age monumental building.10 The history of the archaeological explorations of Kültepe’s mound explains the absence of a complete plan of the Kültepe palace level 7.11 Palaces of level 8 According to the archaeological reports, there were two palaces built on the Kültepe mound level 8, which corresponds to the first phase of the Assyrian merchants’ settlement in the lower town (level II): i.e. the Old Palace and the Palace of the Southern Terrace, both excavated by T. Özgüç. The Palace of the Southern Terrace includes a long corridor, which was covered by wooden planks and paved with large stones.12 This corridor leads to a paved court and allows access to service and store rooms. The living areas were also located on the same level. It is almost impossible to reconstruct the relationship between this building and the Old Palace. The Old Palace is located below the ‘Waršama Palace’ of level 7 and was damaged by its foundations, by the mound’s wall, and by B. Hrozný’s trenches.13 Only part of it has been exposed. It forms a complex made of several sectors: its main entrance facing south. There are two large halls in the north (1–2) that, with their adjacent rooms, would form the administrative sector. A fibula with a lion’s head was unearthed in the southern wing; it was presumably imported from Syria, perhaps from Ebla. According to textual data, merchants from Ebla visited Kaneš.14

9 Özgüç 1986 and 1999. 10 Ezer 2014 and Kulakoğlu 2017. F. Kulakoğlu also opened new areas in the highest sector of

the lower town and discovered a necropolis dated to the Old Assyrian (19th–18th centuries), Hellenistic, and Roman periods (3rd century BCE–5th century CE), see Üstündağ 2014. 11 Özgüç 1999, plans 2 and 4. 12 Özgüç 1999, 106–116; Kulakoğlu 2010, 41. 13 Özgüç 1999, 95–105. 14 Bilgiç 1992; ATHE 32 (Michel 2001, no. 70); Kt 88/k 525:5–6, Daknišar Eb-la-im.

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Palaces at Kaneš during the Old Assyrian Period

Fig. 2: Plan of Kültepe mound according to Özgüç 1999, plan 6.

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Fig. 3: Sectors of the Waršama-Palace, based on Özgüc 1999, plan 6.

The palace of level 7 The palace dated to level 7, contemporaneous to the lower town level Ib, was built over the ruins of the Old Palace. In the shape of a square of 110 m per side, it covered more than one hectare and contained about sixty rooms.15 Today, only the foundation walls of this palace remain. This building was designated the ‘Waršama Palace’ because a letter sent to this king by Anum-Ḫirbi of Mama, was discovered west of this building, in the debris of the northern wall of the entrance gate.16 The main door was controlled by two stone towers with adjacent rooms. South of the entrance, there was a two meters high postern. There were buttresses every seven meters along the entire circumference of the palace wall. The palace rooms were likely arranged around a large central court.17 A staircase located on the north-west corner suggests the existence of an upper floor. The building was emptied completely before being destroyed by fire; this would explain the absence of any artefacts. Even though not much is left from this building, T. Özgüç 15 Indeed, the 42 excavated rooms in its northern part cover only one third of the complete

surface of the building, see Özgüç 1999, 79–94; Özgüç 2003, 187–192; Kulakoğlu 2010, 41.

16 Balkan 1957; Michel 2001, no. 62. 17 The existence of a central court is suggested by the plan published by Hrozný 1927, 3, see

fig. 1.

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proposed a division of the rooms according to their functions.18 Because of the presence of bullae and storage jars, the majority of the excavated rooms were interpreted as storerooms to stock imported merchandise, to control and weigh it in order to levy taxes. In the north wing, for which we have a plan, we expect to find the residential quarters and separate rooms reserved for ceremonies (13, 28, 39–40, 47–48 and 50; see Fig. 3). These rooms are dispersed and their identifications seem to rely on their large size. There was presumably a group of storerooms north-west of the palace (11, 15, 17, 23–27, 46). Room 11 contained bullae which were attached to the necks of jars, and in rooms 24 and 25, large rows of jars were found. Perhaps one should add to these storerooms the spaces 14 and 29 where bullae were also found. Rooms used for administration and management were located between the storerooms and the area reserved to ceremonies (31–38, 41–46). Golden objects were found in rooms 33 and 34 and a serpentine weight was unearthed in room 44. The little space 16 was a staircase leading to the residential area of the king and his family on the upper floor. In the west wing, we find a series a six rooms and a long corridor, all of which were built into the fortification of the mound. All these identifications remain very tentative since only one third of the building is uncovered, and there is no evidence for the circulation pattern between rooms: almost no doors are marked on the plan published by T. Özgüç.19

Textual data on the Anatolian palace The majority of texts documenting the Anatolian palace was written by Assyrians and concern mainly their trade activities. Thus our documentation is Assyrian oriented, fragmentary, and only partly reliable. Tablets unearthed on Kültepe mound Very few tablets were found on the mound: only 40 among the 22500 tablets excavated at Kültepe.20 These, scattered all over the area, belong to levels 8 and 7, and very few were found in the ruins of the palaces (Tab. 2).21 Among these, we find the letter sent by Anum-hirbi, ruler of Mama, to Waršama, king of Kaneš (Kt g/k 35),22 a list of forty persons belonging to the service of the rabi simmiltim,

18 Özgüç 1999, 81–90. 19 Özgüç 1999, plans 2 and 4. 20 In 1994, T. Özgüç entrusted me with photos of the mound tablets, and I wrote for him a

report on what was readable on the photos. Most of these tablets remain unpublished.

21 Donbaz 1998; Özgüç 1999, 93. 103. 114; Michel 2003, 115–116; Michel 2006, 444; Michel

2011a; Michel 2011c, 430; Michel 2015, 548.

22 Balkan 1957 ; Michel 2001, no. 62.

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Tab. 2: Tablets discovered on Kültepe mound (in bold, those found in the ruins of the palace). Year 1955

1956

1959

Text (Kt)

Content

Area of discovery

Publication

g/t 35

Letter from Anum-hirbi of Mama to Waršama of Kaneš

debris of the N. wall of Waršama Palace door

Balkan 1957

g/t 36

List of 40 persons from the service of the rabi simmiltim

debris of the N. wall of Waršama Palace door

Bilgiç 1964, no. 1

g/t 42 + z/t 11

Lists officials of the palace and of workers

debris of the N. wall of Waršama Palace door

Günbattı 1987 Kulakoğlu / Kangal 2010, no. 415

g/t 43

Fragment of a letter?

Donbaz 1998, 415

g/t 44

Fragment (level 8)

Balkan 1957

h/t 330

Slave purchase contract

From a temple

h/t 331

Letter from Madinaša to Iddin-Aššur

From a temple

h/t 332

Payment of copper and tin, witnesses

From a temple

k/t 114

Testimony before the kārum Kaneš

Bilgiç 1964, no. 3

k/t 116 1961

m/t 153

Personal account

1962

n/t 2100

Adoption

Donbaz 1998, 416

n/t 2101 1963

o/t 1

Letter From Aššur-mu[xx] to [NP1, NP2]

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Palaces at Kaneš during the Old Assyrian Period Year

Text (Kt)

Content

1964

p/t 1

Letter from Iddin-abum to Iddin-Dagan

1966

s/t 91

Fragment of a letter

s/t 92

Fragment with Anatolian names

t/t 81

Agreement between ruler and merchants

t/t 82

Mention of a letter sent by Hurrama’s ruler

1968

1971

Area of discovery

Publication

Donbaz 1993, 132

y/t 1 y/t 2 y/t 3 y/t 4

1972

y/t 5

Grain loan

Donbaz 1998, 417

y/t 8

Note concerning textiles

Donbaz 1998, 417

z/t 11+ z/t 12

See g/t 42 Fragment (copper)

z/t 13

Goods for Aššur

fortifications Old Palace

z/t 14

Silver and grain loan

room Old Palace

z/t 16

Fragment

room Old Palace

z/t 17

Loan envelope, sealing

debris Old Palace

z/t 18

Loan envelope

z/t 19

Envelope, sealing

debris Old Palace

Envelope, sealing (Ib)

W. wall Waršama Palace

Donbaz 1998, 417

Donbaz 1998, 418

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130 Year

Cécile Michel Text (Kt)

Content

Area of discovery

z/t 21

Envelope, sealing

debris Old Palace

z/t 22

Envelope, sealing

debris Old Palace

74/t 12

Loan?

74/t 14

Silver loan

1981

81/t 150

Fragment of silver loan

1982

82/t (1)51

Letter from Laqēp, Ennānum and Puzur-Aššur to Abila

1985

85/t 17

Contract involving Anatolians

1972 1974

Publication

the second highest official of the Anatolian state, who could, in some circumstances, be identified with the Crown Prince, and a list of officials and workers of the palace.23 These tablets were discovered in the debris of the entrance gate wall of the ‘Waršama Palace’. The lists of officials provide the names of about twenty villages belonging to the territory of Kaneš.24 Among the other tablets, whose exact provenance is partly uncertain, we find an agreement between the king and merchants (Kt t/t 81). The other tablets unearthed on the mound are similar to those found in the lower town private houses, referring to transactions between Assyrians and Anatolians. Tablets from the lower town documenting Anatolian palaces and rulers The 22,460 tablets excavated in the lower town form the archives of the Assyrian merchants settled there. These tablets concern the long distance trade initiated by Aššur inhabitants with central Anatolia and occasionally mention the relationships between the Assyrian merchants and the local power. 22,000 of these tablets date to level II of the lower town (19th century BCE), which corresponds to level 8 of the mound, and only 460 tablets date to level Ib (18th century BCE), thus contemporaneous to the ‘Waršama Palace’, the best preserved of Kültepe palaces. These archives are private and belong predominantly to the Assyrian foreigners, they thus present a one-sided view on the local authorities and politics.

23 Bilgiç 1964; Günbattı 1987. 24 Forlanini 1992, 175–176; Dercksen 2004; Dercksen 2008; Michel 2011a.

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Palaces at Kaneš during the Old Assyrian Period Tab. 3: Mentions of palaces and rulers in relation to towns in texts from levels II and Ib. Level II Palace Amkuwa Batna

Level Ib

King/Queen ×

×

×

Burušhattum 29

×

×

Durhumit30

×

×

Eluhhut

× ×

Hurrama

×

×

Kaneš

×

×

Kuburnat

×

Kuššara

×

Luhusaddia

×

Mamma

×

×

×

×

×

Nihria

×

×

Šalahšuwa

×

×

×

Šinahuttum Tawinia

×

×

Nenašša

Šamuha

King/Queen ×

Buruddum

Hattuš

Palace

×

× ×

×

Tegarama Timilkiya Tišmurna

× ×

Tuhpiya

×

Ulama

×

Wahšušana

×

×

Wašhania

×

×

(Northern) Zalpa

×

(Southern) Zalpa

×

2526

25 Garelli 1989. 26 Michel 1991.

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×

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Assyrians use generally only one word to refer to both the authority and the place from which it exercises power: ekallum, ‘the palace’, refers to the building in which one enters and deposits merchandise, and the power exercised from there by the local ruler.27 As a consequence, the palace is often personalized: “Here, we consulted the palace and he said as followed (…).”28 Behind the word ‘palace’ hides the king, the royal couple, or eventually high officials: “We went up several times to the palace, but the rulers keep us waiting as they can.”29 Anatolian palaces and rulers in the Old Assyrian archives Old Assyrian texts mention palaces in about fifteen towns for the 19th century.30 The references to Anatolian towns reflects naturally the activity zone of the Assyrians, thus a large part of central and eastern Anatolia. For the following 18th century, the palace of Šalahšuwa is, hitherto, the only one mentioned. In addition, an Anatolian king (rubā’um), a queen (rubātum) or a royal couple are attested in about twenty towns for the 19th century BCE.31 For the 18th century, kings are attested in half a dozen of towns (Tab. 3). The presence of a king in these towns implies the existence of a palace, or at least of a large house. All these palaces are rarely mentioned; moreover, the attestation of a palace in a text cannot be systematically linked to a specific town.

The Anatolian palace The Building The palace as a building is rarely attested.32 It was located on a height, as in Kaneš, where it was built on the top of the mound. Thus, people and merchandise went up to the palace and came back down: “21 textiles went up to the palace, thereof the palace took 12 textiles as import tax (…) When the textiles came down from

27 Michel 2011a; 2014b. 28 ATHE 63:11–13: a-[na-kam], (erasure) é-gallam5, ni-iš-al-ma um-ma šu-ut-/ma. 29 CCT 4 30a:5–7 (Michel 2001, no. 98): a-na é-gallim, né-ta-na-li-ma ru-ba-ú, ki-ma : i-ta-

pu-lim : i-ta-na-p[u]-lu-ni-a-tí.

30 Veenhof 2008, 154–155; Barjamovic 2011; Michel 2011a. 31 Note that an Anatolian king could also be referred to by a nisbe, as Wahšušanaium, ‘the

Man of Wahšušana’. Such references are included in Tab. 3. A queen is mentioned in the towns of Amkuwa and Kaneš. 32 Note that ekallum ‘palace’, is also occasionally used to refer to the main room of a house (CCT 3. 14:9–10, 26–27).

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the palace (…),”33 or “I went up to the palace, (the authorities) have examined your messages.”34 Specific transactions took place at the entrance gate of the palace; the chief of the guards (rabi maṣṣartim) performed his function there.35 There exist no data on the internal structure of the palace and the disposal of the rooms, but texts mention storage areas for merchandises. In the administrative sector, the tin was weighed, and the textiles were controlled and stored until the import tax was levied. The palace included strong rooms, which were sealed (maknakum). The king’s treasure was stored in these strong rooms, but one could also find some merchandise there: “Heaven forbid that you make demands to the palace concerning the sealed room of the palace.”36 Some letters mention a prison; it might have been located within the walls of the palace, although no actual evidence exists for it: “The palace seized Pūšu-kēn and threw him in jail! Guards have been re-enforced.”37 A letter alludes to the destruction of a palace by fire in an unknown town: “Here, fire has consumed the palace and (this) has upset the royal court, it is not the right moment that I ask the rabi sikkitim for the silver. The man has spent his silver for the country. I will come and see you personally. As soon as the country is at peace again, I will bring along five textiles of royal quality, and I will enter (into audience) together with the messengers of the kārum. And because of the 5 textiles that I will bring him, the man will be put to shame and I will get back my silver.”38 It is difficult to know if the destruction of the palace by fire was the cause or the consequence of the troubles in the country. The damages were important and the reparations expensive. The palace could suffer other damages. Some Assyrian merchants explain to their correspondent that because of a hole in the palace wall, any negotiation with the Anatolian authorities is suspended: “Until the breach (in the wall) is widely open, the affair occupies the whole men’s attention for at least three days. Because of this, for three days we remained silent toward the men.”39

33 CCT 3, 28b:6–11 (Michel 2001, no. 74): 21 túghi-a : a-na, é-gallim : e-li-ú-ma, šà-ba 12 túg

ni-is-ha-tim, é-gallúm : il5 -qé … ki-ma túghi-a, i-na é-gallim, ur-dá-ni-ni. 34 AKT 1, 78:3–5 (Michel 2001, no. 100): a-na é-gallim, e-li-ma : té-i-ra-tí-kà : a-du-ú-ma. 35 Kt 87/k 447:4–6 (courtesy K. Hecker): a-na ba-ab, é-gallim a-na ṣé-er : gal ma-ṣa-ar-tim, a-ra-bi-iṣ-ma. 36 CCT 4, 7c:4–6: a-sú-re-e, a-na ma-ak-na-ki-im ša é-gal, é-gallúm e i-té-ri-iš. 37 ATHE 62:31–33 (Michel 2001, no. 207): Pu-šu-ke-en6 : é-gallúm iṣ-ba-at-ma, a-na ki-šé-erší-im i-dì ma-ṣa-ra-tum!, da-na. 38 BIN 6, 23:5–22 (Michel 2001, no. 69): a-na-kam : é-gallúm i-ša-tum, e-ku-ul-ma : li-bi4 ša-ru-tim, i-ṣa-ba-at-ma : lá na-ṭù-ma kù-babbar, [g]al sí-ki-tim : lá e-ri-iš, a-wi-lúm : kùbabbaráp-šu, a-na ma-tim : ig-da-ma-ar, lá-li-kà-ma, e-né-ka : la-mu-ur, ú a-dí : ma-tum, i-ša-li-mu, túgba-tí 5 ša ša-ru-tim, lá-ni-iš-a-ma iš-tí, ší-ip-ri : ša kà-ri-im, le-ru-ba-ma : a-wi-lúm, i-na túgba-tí 5 ša a-na-ší!-ú-šu-ni, i-ba-áš-ma /kù-babbarpì, a-ša-la-ah. 39 BIN 4, 77:7–16 (Michel 2001, no. 71): a-dí, 3 u4 -me a-wi-lu, a-dí : pí-it-qú-um, ša é-gallim, pá-tí-ú : a-wa-tum, li-ba-áš-nu, ú-kà-al-ma, a-ší-a-tí : a-dí 3 u4 -me, a-na a-wi-li, ni-iš-tùpu : iš-tí, pá-nim-ma : za-ku-sà, i-lá-kà-kum.

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Size of the building and its population Textual sources provide very few data on the political structure, the size and the economic importance of the different Anatolian centers.40 Allusions to the Anatolian elite, i.e. kings and high palace officials with whom the Assyrians negotiated, are also exceptional. These officials could be referred to by the general term, te’erātum, in the expression: “the palace and its officials”.41 The palace represented indeed a center of power and the residence of the king. The palace of Kaneš, whose surface inside the walls is estimated at 1.32 ha,42 could house a significant number of persons. Besides the king who exercised his power from the palace, the court, and an important number of domestic personnel, as a center of the Anatolian administration, the palace might also have housed some of the king’s high officials.43 Anatolian officials We know about fifty titles of Anatolian officials. This important number indicates that the Anatolian administration was quite well developed.44 Titles are usually constructed with the word rabi, “head, chief”, followed by a substantive referring to the concerned sector. These titles are translations in the Old Assyrian dialect of Anatolian concepts and some of them might be misleading. Others have titles borrowed from the Hurrian language. In general, there are very few data on the activities of any of these officials. It is however possible to distinguish the higher officials, those who had presumably direct contact with the king, from the others, who can be grouped according to the various sectors of the Anatolian palatial economy. In the texts from level II, these individuals, when mentioned in letters, represent the palace administration. When they appear in contracts, they act as clients or debtors of the Assyrian merchants. In Ib texts, they occur mainly as witnesses in legal texts involving Anatolians; however, the mention of their titles does not indicate that they are cited in an official capacity. At the top of the hierarchy, the rabi simmiltim, literally ‘the chief of the stairway’, could sometimes correspond to the Crown Prince. Among the high officials are also:45

40 It is, for example, difficult to estimate the size and population of the kingdom of Kaneš,

which included the town itself, and some ten to twenty surrounding villages that provided cereals to the inhabitants of the mound and of the lower city. Recent estimations suggest that during level II, the population of Kaneš amounted to 25,000 or 30,000 people, see Dercksen 2008; Barjamovic 2014; Hertel 2014. 41 WAG 48–1465:5’: a-na té-ra-at é-gallim; te’ertum is used for bēl te’ertim. 42 Özgüç 2003, 187–192. 43 However, there is no clear reference to this. 44 Veenhof 2008, 219–245; Michel 2011a. 45 Michel 2014, 119–122.

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‒‒ the rabi sikkitim supervising the ‘chief of the troups,’ rabi ummanāti, and coordinating the trade with the Assyrians, ‒‒ the ‘chief of storehouses,’ rabi huršātim, in charge of the palace storerooms, ‒‒ the majordomo, rabi bētim, at the head of the palatial domain, ‒‒ the ‘second in command’, šinahilum, and the steward, alahhinnum,46 ‒‒ the ‘chief of the gate’, rabi abullātim and the ‘chief of the gatekeepers’, rabi ūtu’ē, in charge of the palace gates, with the help of the ‘chief of the guards’, rabi maṣṣarātim. Those who served close to the king were presumably the ‘chief scepter bearer,’ rabi haṭṭim, the ‘chief cupbearer,’ rabi šāqē, and the ‘chief of tables’, rabi paššūrē, in charge of the palace kitchens. In addition, there were the ‘chief vizier’, rabi šukkalim, the ‘chief of heralds’, rabi nāgirē, the ‘chief of messengers’, rabi lāsimē, and the ‘chief of interpreters’, rabi targumannē. The interpreters were employed by the administration within the frame of the commercial and diplomatic relationships between the Anatolian palaces and the office of the kārum.47 Palace workers In addition to the officials (awīlē, ‘men’), the palace dependents included ‘workers’ ṣābē and ‘slaves’ urdē. The workers, under the command of the ‘chief of the workers’, rabi ṣābē/ṣābim, lived outside of the palace. They were dispatched in various capacities, each of these headed by a chief (metal workers producing arms, textile workers, etc.). The palace land and herds were exploited under the direction of various chiefs corresponding to the production of a certain type of food product, or to animals (barley, flax, oil, vegetables, wine, wood, horses, mules, sheep,48 etc.). The surplus produced by the land and herds of the palace was sold under the authority of the ‘chief of the market’, rabi mahīrim.

46 Dercksen 2007, 37–38. 47 Anatolian officials linked to the religious domain are rarely mentioned because they have

less contact with the Assyrians (‘chief of oblates’, rabi šarīqē; ‘chief of offerings’, rabi niqē). The palace officials received from the royal domains or villages as gifts that they can sell, or as compensation against a service obligation (arhalum), see Dercksen 2004, 140–147. 48 Michel 2011b.

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Conclusion The size and internal organization of the Middle Bronze Age ‘Waršama Palace’ at Kaneš suggest the existence of a complex structure within the Anatolian authorities, which is corroborated by the numerous titles of officials working for the palace.49 Such a structure developed without recourse to writing. It is however documented indirectly by the archives of the Assyrian merchants. The resulting image is both partial and trade-oriented. Indeed, the Anatolian palace appears above all as an economic center, which is associated closely with the Assyrian merchant organization.

References Atici, L. / Kulakoğlu, F. / Barjamovic, G. / Fairbairn, A. (eds.) 2014: Current Research at Kültepe/Kanesh. An Interdisciplinary and Integrative Approach to Trade Networks, Internationalism, and Identity. JCS 4 Suppl. Atlanta. Balkan, K. 1957: Letter of King Anum-Hirbi of Mama to King Warshama of Kanish. TTKY VII/31a. Ankara. Barjamovic, G. 2011: A Historical Geography of Ancient Anatolia in the Old Assyrian Colony Period. CNI Publications 38. Copenhagen. — 2014: The Size of Kanesh and the Demography of Early Middle Bronze Age Anatolia, in: Atici / Kulakoğlu / Barjamovic / Fairbairn 2014. 55–68. Bilgiç, E. 1964: Three Tablets from the City Mound of Kültepe, Anatolia 8, 145–163. — 1992: ‘Ebla’ in Cappadocian Inscriptions, in: H. Otten / H. Ertem / E. Akurgal / A. Süel (eds), Hittite and Other Anatolian and Near Eastern Studies in Honour of Sedat Alp, Anadolu Medeniyetleri Araştırma ve Tanıtma Vakfı Yayınları 1. Ankara. 61–66. Dercksen, J.G. 2004: Some Elements of Old Anatolian Society in Kanis, in: J.-G. Dercksen (ed.), Assyria and Beyond. Studies Presented to Mogens Trolle Larsen. PIHANS 100. Leiden. 137–178. — 2007: On Anatolian Loanwords in Akkadian Texts from Kültepe, ZA 97, 26–46. — 2008: Subsistence, Surplus and the Market for Grain and Meat at Ancient Kanesh, AoF 35, 86–102. Donbaz, V. 1993: Some Remarkable Contracts of 1-B Period Kültepe Tablets II, in: M.J. Mellink / E. Porada / T. Özgüç (eds.), Aspects of Art and Iconography: Anatolia and its Neighbors. Studies in Honour of Nimet Özgüç. Ankara. 131–154. — 1998: Tablets from the Palace of Waršuma, in: H. Erkanal / V. Donbaz / A. Uğuroğlu (eds.), XXXIV Uluslararası Assiriyoloji Kongresi Istanbul 1987, TTKY XXVI/3. Ankara. 413–419. Emre, K. 2010: The Traces of Kültepe/Kanesh in Hittite Art, in: Kulakoğlu / Kangal 2010. 154–159. — 2015: Tahsin Özgüç: The Nestor of Anatolian Archaeology, in: Kulakoğlu / Michel 2015, 1–5. 49 Most of the textiles exported by the Assyrian merchants to Anatolia were intended for the local elite, see Michel 2014.

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Ezer, S. 2014: Kültepe-Kanesh in the Early Bronze Age, in: Atici / Kulakoğlu / Barjamovic / Fairbairn 2014, 5–24. Forlanini, M. 1992: Am Mittleren Kızılırmak, in: H. Otten / E. Akurgal / H. Ertem / A. Süel (eds.), Hittite and other Anatolian and Near Eastern Studies in Honour of Sedat Alp, Anadolu Medeniyetlerini Araştırma ve Tanıtma Vakfı Yayınları 1. Ankara. 171–179. Garelli, P. 1989: Le marché de Burušhattum, in: K. Emre / B. Hrouda / M.J. Mellink / N. Özgüç (eds.), Anatolia and the Ancient Near East. Studies in Honour of Tahsin Özgüç. Ankara. 149–152. Günbattı, C. 1987: Yeniden İşlenen Bir Kültepe Tableti (Kt g/t 42+z/t 11), Belleten 51, 1–10. Hertel, T. 2014: The Lower Town of Kültepe: Urban Layout and Population, in: Atici / Kulakoğlu / Barjamovic / Fairbairn 2014, 25–54. Hrozný, B. 1927: Rapport préliminaire sur les fouilles tchécoslovaques de Kültepe, Syria 8, 1–12. Jean, E. 2001: From Boğazköy to Karatepe. Hittitology and the Discovery of the Hittite World. Istanbul. Kulakoğlu, F. 2017: Early Bronze Ages Monumental Structures at Kültepe, in: F. Kulakoğlu / G. Barjamovic (eds.), Movement, Resources, Interaction. Proceedings of the 2nd Kültepe International Meeting, Kültepe, 36–30 July 2015, Studies dedicated to Klaas Veenhof, Kültepe International Meetings 2. Subartu XXXIX. Turnhout. — 2010: Kültepe-Kanesh Kārum: The Earliest International Trade Center in Anatolia, in: Kulakoğlu / Kangal 2010, 40–51. — 2015: Current Research at Kültepe, in: Kulakoğlu / Michel 2015a, 9–22. Kulakoğlu, F. / Kangal, S. (eds.) 2010: Anatolia’s Prologue. Kül­tepe Kanesh Karum, As­ syrians in Istanbul. Kayseri Metro­politan Munici­pality Cultural Publication 78. Istanbul. Kulakoğlu, F. / Michel, C. (eds.) 2015: Proceedings of the 1st Kültepe International Meeting, Kültepe, 19–23 September 2013. Studies dedicated to Kutlu Emre, Kültepe International Meetings 1. Subartu XXXV. Turnhout. Michel, C. 1991: Durhumid, son commerce et ses marchands, in: D. Charpin / F. Joannès (eds.), Marchands, Diplomates et Empereurs, Etudes sur la civilisation mésopotamienne offertes à Paul Garelli. Paris. 253–273. http://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-00821244 — 2001: Correspondance des marchands de Kaniš au début du IIe  millénaire av. J.-C. LAPO 19. Paris. — 2003: Old Assyrian Bibliography of Cuneiform Texts, Bullae, Seals and the Results of the Excavations at Assur, Kültepe/Kanis, Acemhöyük, Alishar and Bogazköy. Old Assyrian Archives Studies 1. PIHANS 97. Leiden. — 2006: Old Assyrian Bibliography 1 (February 2003 – July 2006), AfO 51, 436–449. http:// halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-01559197 — 2011a: The Kārum Period on the Plateau, in: S. R. Steadman / G. McMahon (eds), Handbook of Ancient Anatolian (10,000–323 BCE). Oxford. 313–336. — 2011b: The Private Archives from Kaniš Belonging to Anatolians, AoF 38, 94–115. http:// halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-01186438 — 2011c: Old Assyrian Bibliography 2 (August 2006 – April 2009), AfO 52, 416–437. http:// halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-01559227 — 2014a: Considerations on the Assyrian settlement at Kaneš, in: Atici / Kulakoğlu / Barjamovic. /Fairbairn 2014, 69–84. http://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-01186440

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— 2014b: Central Anatolia in the Nineteenth and Eighteenth Centuries BC, in: E. CancikKirschbaum / N. Brisch / J. Eidem (eds.), Constituent, Confederate, and Conquered Space. The Emergence of the Mittani State. TOPOI. Berlin Studies of the Ancient World 17. 111– 136. http://www.degruyter.com/viewbooktoc/product/129816 — 2014c: The Assyrian Textile Trade in Anatolia (19th century BCE): From Traded Goods to Prestigious Gifts, in: K. Droß-Krüpe (ed.), Textile Trade and Distribution in Antiquity. Philippika 73. Wiesbaden. 111–122. https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-01442644 — 2015: Old Assyrian Bibliography 3 (May 2009 – June 2015), AfO 53, 525–559. http:// halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-01559237 Özgüç, T. 1986: Kültepe-Kaniş II. New Researches at the Trading Center of the Ancient Near East. TTKY V/41. Ankara. — 1999: The Palaces and Temples of Kültepe-Kaniš/Neša. TTKY V/46. Ankara. — 2003: Kültepe Kaniš/Neša. The earliest international trade center and the oldest capital city of the Hittites. The Middle Eastern Culture Center in Japan. Istanbul. Üstündağ, H. 2014: Human Remains from Kültepe-Kanesh: Preliminary Results of the Old Assyrian Burials from the 2005–2008 Excavations, in: Atici / Kulakoğlu / Barjamovic / Fairbairn 2014, 157–176. Veenhof, K.R. 2008: The Old Assyrian Period, in: M. Wäfler (ed.), Mesopotamia: The Old Assyrian Period, OBO 160/5, Teil 1. Fribourg / Göttingen. 13–264.

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Der altbabylonische Palast in Tuttul (Tall Biʿa): funktionale und historische Aspekte Peter A. Miglus Auf dem Siedlungshügel Tall Biʿa am Rande der modernen Stadt Raqqa wurden in den Jahren 1980 bis 1995 im Rahmen eines Grabungsprojektes der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft und des Museums für Vor- und Frühgeschichte in Berlin unter der Leitung von Dr. Eva Strommenger Ruinen der antiken Stadt Tuttul erforscht. Die freigelegten Siedlungsreste belegen, dass der Ort im 3. und beginnenden 2. Jahrtausend v. Chr. ein ansehnliches Verwaltungszentrum im nordwestlichen Mesopotamien war, was eine Bestätigung in akkadischen Königsinschriften sowie den Archiven von Ebla und Mari findet. Auf der zentralen Erhebung von Tall Biʿa befinden sich die Ruinen einiger öffentlicher Bauwerke, die in verschiedenen Perioden der Bronzezeit das Machtzentrum der Stadt bildeten: Vom ältesten dieser Bauwerke (Gebäude D) sind nur wenige Mauerzüge im äußeren Gebäudebereich freigelegt worden. Darüber liegen Fürstengräber, die vermutlich im südlichen Außenbereich eines Palastes im jüngeren Frühdynastikum (FD IIIa) errichtet wurden. Über diese Grabkammern geht die dritte erkannte Bauanlage, der Palast B, hinweg, dessen repräsentativer Flügel mit einem Pfeilerhof in die ausgehende frühdynastische Zeit datiert (FD IIIb). Nachdem er zerstört worden war, vermutlich während der akkadischen Eroberungskriege, verschwanden seine verbrannten Mauern unter einem Siedlungshorizont mit unansehnlichen Privathäusern und Schachtgräbern. Darüber entstand der Palast A, dessen Gründung anhand der Keramik und Architektur sowie der im Gebäude gefundenen Keilschrifturkunden in die jüngere Isin-Larsa-Zeit zu datieren ist. Einige Zeit nach seiner Zerstörung wurde das Gelände mit spätbronzezeitlichen Privathäusern bebaut. An dieser Stelle soll die kurze, aber facettenreiche Geschichte des letzten Palastes erörtert werden. Seine Nutzungsphasen mit unterschiedlichen Installationen und Kleinfunden zeugen von einem bemerkenswerten funktionalen Wandel, für den die darin gefundenen Schrifturkunden einen historischen Hintergrund liefern. Die Baureste des Palastes und seine Funde wurden bereits in vollem Umfang veröffentlicht: Bertold Einwag (1998) publizierte Keramik, Manfred Krebernik (2002) Keilschrifttexte, Adelheid Otto (2004) Siegel und Siegelabrollungen, Peter Miglus und Eva Strommenger (2007) Architektur und Kleinfunde. Darüber hinaus sind zu diesem Thema zwei zusammenfassende Beitrage für ein breites Publikum von Eva Strommenger und Manfred Krebernik (1998) und Peter Miglus (2008) erschienen. Aus

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dieser Gesamtinformation ergibt sich ein umfassendes Bild dieser Anlage, die zwar in der mesopotamischen Geschichte eine vergleichsweise bescheidene Rolle spielte, dennoch einen interessanten punktuellen Einblick in die Politik der altbabylonischen Welt ermöglicht. Archäologische Hinterlassenschaften und schriftliche Quellen in Einklang zu bringen, ist jedoch nicht immer einfach, auch wenn sie gut aufgearbeitet sind. Wie die einzelnen Nutzungsphasen des Palastes A zu konkreten historischen Ereignissen passen, darüber gibt es in den oben genannten Publikationen unterschiedliche Ansichten (vgl. Einwag 1998, 50f.; Otto 2004, 24; Miglus/Strommenger 2007, 14f.; Miglus 2008, 45–52). Der vorliegende Beitrag ist ein zusammenfassender Versuch, ein neues Bild zu entwerfen. Den zeitlichen Rahmen für die Rekonstruktion der Palastgeschichte liefern die in verschiedenen Räumen gefundenen Keilschrifttafeln. Es sind hauptsächlich Verwaltungstexte, die über Verwendung und Zuteilung von Nahrungsmitteln Auskunft geben. Mehrere Tafeln sowie Etiketten und Tonverschlüsse tragen zudem Siegelabrollungen assyrischer Beamte (Otto 2004). Die Dokumente lassen sich generell in zwei Zeitgruppen aufteilen. Die ältere Gruppe, die „šakkanakku-Texte“, umfasst undatierte Wirtschaftsurkunden, die in einem Hort an der Außenkante der östlichen Palastmauer zutage kamen. Sie konnten von M. Krebernik (2002, 37. 166) in zwei Schriftstufen untergliedert werden, von denen eine in die Regierungszeit des Königs Jaḫdun-Līm von Mari, die andere in die vorangegangene Zeit fällt. Die jüngere Textgruppe stammt aus der Periode, als Jasmaḫ-Adad in Mari und Tuttul regierte, wobei die allerjüngsten Urkunden bereits in die Zeit Zimri-Līms gehören. Aus diesen Quellen erschließen sich Grundzüge der politischen Geschichte Tuttuls, die eng mit der Geschichte der Stadt Mari verflochten ist (Krebernik 2001, 7–10). Gegen Ende des 19. Jh. v. Chr. (nach der mittleren Chronologie) regierte hier eine lokale Dynastie, von der namentlich Baḫlu-kullim, Fürst von Tuttul und dem Land Awnānum, bekannt ist. Er wurde vom König Jaḫdun-Līm von Mari besiegt, der die Stadt in seinen Herrschaftsbereich eingliederte. Dieser letztere und sein Sohn Sumu-Jamam regierten danach in Tuttul etwa 15 Jahre. Anschließend fiel es in die Hände Šamšī-Adads I., Herrschers von Assur und Ekallatum, nachdem er Mari unterworfen hatte. Sein Sohn Jasmaḫ-Adad, eingesetzt als Statthalter von Mari, verwaltete die Stadt ca. 20 Jahre, von denen 12 in Texten aus Tuttul durch assyrische Eponymen-Namen belegt sind. Nach dem Tod Šamšī-Adads bemächtigte sich ZimrīLīm der Stadt, dessen ca. siebzehnjährige Herrschaft mit dem siegreichen Feldzug Hammurapis gegen Mari endete. Die in relativ kurzen Zeitabständen vollzogenen Herrschaftswechsel in Tuttul spiegeln sich offensichtlich in funktionalen Veränderungen des Palastes wider. Der Palast, ein 53 x 47 m großes Lehmziegelbauwerk, war sorgfältig geplant (Abb. 1). Seine bastionsartigen Eckpfeiler und die massiven Türme seiner zwei Tore ließen ihn wie eine kleine Festung erscheinen. Das nördliche Tor führte zum annährend quadratischen Haupthof (B). An dessen Ostseite befanden sich drei Wirtschafts- und Versorgungsräume, von denen der nordöstliche Eckraum (L) zusätzlich

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48

49

AA

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LL

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JJ

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29

L

F J

MM

M

28

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C HH

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E Hof

H

27

N

D

G

K

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P O

Thronsaal

U

T

R

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Kultraum

26

Gruft

SS

Q Festsaal

S

YY

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25

Y X W 46

V 47

48

49

50

0

5

10 m

Abb. 1: Palast A in Tall Bī ͑ a / Tuttul, Nutzungsniveau 1: Grundriss und Installationen.

als Treppenhaus diente. Im Westflügel an einem Nebenhof (E) befand sich vermutlich das fürstliche Domizil. Im Süden lehnte sich an den Haupthof der repräsentative Palastteil an, der durch eine 2,7 m breite Tür in der Mitte der südlichen Hoffassade zugänglich war. Er bestand aus einem Thronsaal (O) und einem dahinterliegenden, ca. 24,5 m langen und 10,5 m breiten Festsaal (Q), der im Süden von einer Reihe kleinerer Räume und auf der Ostseite von einem Kultraum flankiert war. Unter dem Festsaal befanden sich außerdem Reste einer großen, zweiteiligen Gruft, die wohl ursprünglich als Grabstätte der Gründerfamilie gedacht war, jedoch nie zu Ende gebaut wurde. Von den vier Nutzungsniveaus des Gebäudes war das älteste verhältnismäßig arm an Kleinfunden und Installationen, deshalb stützt sich die oben vorgeschlagene

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funktionale Interpretation des ursprünglichen Bauzustands hauptsächlich auf Vergleiche mit der zeitgenössischen Palast- und Wohnarchitektur andernorts (Miglus / Strommenger 2007, 67–75). Zweifellos war der Palastplan der südmesopotamischen Bautradition entlehnt; die gleiche formale Gliederung des Kernbereiches in Hof – kleiner Thronsaal – großer Thronsaal (Festsaal) weisen die Paläste in Mari, Ešnunna und Larsa auf. Die Thronsaalgruppe zeigt bei allen diesen Anlagen eine ähnliche Planung, bis auf das zweite Tor des Palastes A, das einen separaten Zugang zum großen Thronsaal von außen gewährte. Die funktionale Aufteilung des Gebäudes in Tuttul lässt sich außerdem gut anhand der Privatarchitektur in Babylonien und in der Diyala-Region nachvollziehen. Auffällig ist dabei, dass der Palast in Tuttul lediglich drei- bis viermal größer als die bekannten Häuser wohlhabender Bewohner von Ur, Larsa oder Bakr Awa war. Auch die Anlage der Familiengruft unter dem großen Saal folgte dem in Babylonien praktizierten Brauch der Hausbestattung. Der Bau des Palastes zog sich in die Länge oder die Bauarbeiten ruhten zumindest eine gewisse Zeit, aber er wurde wohl fertiggestellt. Spärliche Nutzungsspuren belegen, dass das Gebäude der Gründungsperiode, also im Nutzungsniveau 1, zumindest teilweise bewohnt gewesen sein muss. Zwischen dem Fundmaterial befinden sich drei Texte der ältesten Schriftstufe (Getreidezuteilungen Bi27/49:103–105 [KTT 22–24]), die im Haupthof (B) an der Tür zum Thronsaal (O) in einer Vertiefung im Stampflehmboden des ersten Nutzungsniveaus ausgegraben wurden (Miglus/Strommenger 2007, 35). Andererseits deutet die Tatsache, dass die unter dem Festsaal liegende Gruftanlage nicht zu Ende gebaut wurde, darauf hin, dass diese erste Nutzungsphase des Palastes vor kurzer Dauer war. Der Zeitpunkt der Palastgründung lässt sich nicht genau bestimmen. Die Absicht, im Gebäude eine Grabstätte für die Herrscherfamilie zu errichten, spricht dafür, dass der Bauherr wohl ein lokaler Fürst gewesen sein dürfte, möglicherweise Baḫlu-kullim oder sein Vorgänger. Nach der Eroberung der Stadt durch Jaḫdun-Līm wurde sie obsolet: Dieser fremde Herrscher brauchte sicherlich keine Grabstätte in Tuttul. Die nächste Nutzungsperiode 2 (Abb. 2) kann in die Regierungszeit von Jaḫdun-Līm datiert werden. Aus dieser Zeit dürften mehrere Tontafeln aus einem Hortfund stammen, die von M. Krebernik als „šakkanakku-Texte“ bezeichnet und der Schriftstufe II zugeordnet wurden. Sie sind mit einer neuen Verwaltung in Verbindung zu bringen. Da zwischen den Nutzungsniveaus 1 und 2 keine Zerstörungsspuren festgestellt wurden, ist davon auszugehen, dass die Machtübernahme in Tuttul (oder zumindest im Palast) gewaltlos verlief. Der neue Herrscher über Tuttul ließ das Gebäude in vollem Umfang erneuern: Die Fußböden wurden erhöht, Türangelsteine eingesetzt und an den Wänden des Hofes wurde ein Steg aus gebrannten Ziegeln ausgelegt. In den östlichen Wirtschaftsräumen (M, N) installierte man Backöfen. Der repräsentative Flügel wurde grundlegend verändert. Der Thronsaal (O) erhielt Sitzbänke an den Längswänden, die auf Versammlungen von Beamten und Besuchern hinzudeuten scheinen. An der östlichen Schmalwand entstand ein Podest als Platz für den wichtigsten Würdenträger und blockierte den Zugang zum großen Festsaal (Q), der damit

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50

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Kanal 29

JJ

Treppe

29

L

A F Öfen

J

MM

M Küche Podest

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28

C HH

Sickerschacht

E Hof

H

B Hof N Öfen

27

D

G

K

27

P

Podest Bank Podeste

T

Podest

U

O

Thronsaal

Bank

R

26

Kultraum

Ofen

26

Gruft

SS

Q Festsaal

S

YY

25

25

Y X W 46

V 47

48

49

50

0

5

10 m

Abb. 2: Palast A in Tall Bī ͑ a / Tuttul, Nutzungsniveau 2: Grundriss und Installationen.

offensichtlich seine ihm ursprünglich zugedachte Rolle einbüßte. Auf welche Weise der Saal stattdessen genutzt wurde, ist unklar; auf seinem Fußboden kamen keine Funde zutage, die Auskunft darüber geben könnten. Die unfertige Fürstengruft unter dem Saal, eine mit Lehmziegeln ummantelte Baugrube, blieb wohl offen und füllte sich allmählich mit Bauschutt und Abfall (Miglus / Strommenger 2007, 60–62). Kurzzeitig wurde in der Grube sogar ein Ofen betrieben. Das zum Saal führende Westtor war kaum benutzt oder stand offen bzw. sein Torflügel wurde entfernt. Dafür spricht der hier gefundene Türangelstein, der eine äußerst flache Drehpfanne besaß, während die Türangelsteine des Nordtores sehr starke Abnutzungsspuren zeigten. Offensichtlich war das Gebäude Jaḫdun-Līms kein in vollem Umfang funktionsfähi-

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46

47

48

AA

49

50

LL

Bank

Bank 29

29

L

JJ

Bank

Vorratsgefäß

J

Ad

F

Ac

Aa

Ofen

Podest

28 Podest

Gefäß

Becken Becken Podest

28

Öfen Sicker-

C

E Hof

H

HH

Bg Hof

Bank

Mühlenpodest Feuerstelle

MM

M

Bf

schacht

Be

Podest

Öfen

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Bc

Bd

Öfen 27

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G

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P

K

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O U Mulde

T Öfen

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26

R Q

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Ofen

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YY

25

25

Y X W 46

V 47

48

49

50

0

5

10 m

Abb. 3: Palast A in Tall Bī ͑ a / Tuttul, Nutzungsniveau 3: Grundriss und Installationen.

ger Herrscherpalast mehr. Der König von Mari könnte sich hier gelegentlich aufgehalten haben, vermutlich wurde es aber als Beamtenresidenz genutzt. Die Umgestaltung des Palastes und die Zweckentfremdung seiner Räume setzten sich weiter fort, nachdem Tuttul in die Hände Šamšī-Adads gefallen war. Während der Eroberung der Stadt scheinen seine Truppen das Gebäude gewaltsam eingenommen zu haben, womöglich als den letzten Stützpunkt der Verteidiger. In der Grube der damals bereits teilweise zugeschütteten Fürstengruft wurden Leichen von ca. 70 meist männlichen Individuen, aber auch einiger Frauen und Kinder begraben, gefallene Krieger und Bewohner, die hier Zuflucht gesucht hatten. Über den Verscharrten lagen Schichtungen von Ziegelbruch und lehmigen Schwemmablagerungen, ein Hin-

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weis darauf, dass der Raum möglicherweise nicht mehr überdacht war. Noch höher befanden sich weitere Knochenreste und Schuttschichten, die zahlreiche gesiegelte Tonverschlüsse sowie Tontafeln aus der Zeit Šamšī-Adads enthielten. Die Raumfunktionen und das Raumgefüge veränderten sich im Nutzungsniveau 3 (Abb. 3) stark. Neben der Grabgrube wurden an der Nordwand des Festsaals (Q) zeitweise zwei kleine Backöfen betrieben. Im Thronsaal verschwanden die Bänke und das Thronpodest und der Zugang vom Hof wurde zugemauert. Zugleich wurde eine neue Türöffnung zum westlich anliegenden Nebenraum (U) geschaffen. Auf diese Weise zerfiel das Gebäude endgültig in zwei voneinander getrennte Bereiche, die nur noch durch eine Türöffnung zwischen den Räumen N und P auf der Ostseite verbunden waren, falls diese damals noch existierte. Das Nordtor veränderte sich ebenfalls: Der Platz zwischen den Türmen wurde zu einem neuen Torraum (AA) umgebaut, während man den alten (A) zu einem Versorgungsraum umfunktionierte. Im Nordostflügel entstanden zwei neue Türöffnungen nach außen (L/LL und M/MM). Der Haupthof (B) wurde flächenmäßig halbiert, indem in seinem westlichen und südlichen Bereich zwei durch einen kleinen Korridor voneinander getrennte Räume eingebaut wurden. Der kleinere, südöstliche (Bc), in dem mehrere Flaschen und Schüsseln zutage kamen, diente wohl als Magazin. Der größere auf der Westseite (Be) war vermutlich nicht überdacht, weil darin nicht weniger als 11 Backöfen standen. Diese Öfen und mehrere in ihrer Umgebung gefundene Backplatten machen deutlich, dass hier eine Produktionsstätte existierte, in der Backwaren in großen Mengen hergestellt wurden. Im westlichen Hof (E), wo an einem langen Arbeitspodest zahlreiche Mahl- und Reibsteine gefunden wurden, bereitete man das Mehl. Eine weitere Arbeitsvorrichtung, ein Podest mit einem eingebauten Gefäß, stand im ehemaligen Empfangszimmer (H) des Westflügels, der durch diese Installationen seine Wohnfunktion einbüßte. Auskunft über den Zweck dieser neuen Installationen scheinen die im Gebäude gefundenen Verwaltungstexte aus den jüngeren Archiven zu geben. Der überwiegende Teil der Dokumente besteht aus Rationenlisten sowie Texten über Zuteilungen von Getreide, Brot und Bier an verschiedene Individuen oder Gruppen von Personen. Brotzuteilungen waren bestimmt für den König und seine Begleitung, die Festungsgarnison, für auswärtige Offiziere und Beamte, Priester, Opferschauer und Musiker, Getreidetransporteure, für Boten und andere Reisende. Auch zwei jüngere Texte aus der frühen Zimri-Līm-Zeit (Bi.29/50:178 [KTT 182] und Bi. 28/50:188 [KTT 331]) nennen Brotzuteilungen für 125 bzw. 140 Bedienstete. Deshalb ist nicht auszuschließen, dass ein Teil des Verwaltungsgebäudes der dritten Nutzungsphase, zu dem der Fürstenpalast mutierte, zugleich eine produzierende Versorgungseinheit war. Die zahlreich im ehemaligen Torraum (A), Treppenraum (L) und im einstigen Küchenraum (M) gefundenen Tontafeln, Etiketten und gesiegelten Verschlüsse sind ein Hinweis darauf, dass in diesem Bereich jetzt die Verwaltung untergebracht war. Die Urkunden lagen auf Fußböden der Nutzungsniveaus 3 und 4, allerdings in sekundärer Lage, was eine genauere zeitliche Zuordnung der späten Nutzungsphasen bzw. Fußböden des Palastes erschwert.

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Tab. 1: Tontafeln und Etiketten in Räumen A, L, M und N in den Nutzungsniveaus 3 und 4. Eponymen in der Reihenfolge: Ibni-Adad (1787), [Aššur-imittī], Ilī-tillatī, Rigmānu, Ikūn-pīja, [Asqudum], Aššur-mālik, Aḫījāja, Awīlīja, Nimer-Sîn, Adad-bāni, Ṭāb-ṣilli-Aššur (1776).

Tafeln (Bi-Nr.)

Anzahl

Datierung līmu / Mari-Kalender

Raum

Nutzungs­ niveau

Assyrische Periode 29/48:123

13

Adad-bāni, Ṭāb-ṣilli-Aššur

A

4 (Schutt über Fb)

28/48:141

52

Nimer-Sîn, warki Nimer-Sîn, Adad-bāni

A/C (Tür)

4 (Türzusetzung)

29/49:125

22

Awīlīja

L (SW)

4 (auf und in Fb)

29/49:126

15

Ibni-Adad, Rigmānu

L (S)

4 (Lehmpackung über Fb)

ca. 100

Rigmānu, Ikūnpīja, Aššur-mālik, Aḫījāja, warki Adad-bāni

M

3 (auf und über Fb)

1 1 3 2

warki Nimer-Sîn Adad-bāni ––– [Rigmānu], Ikūn-pīja

N

über Fb 4, Brandschicht über Fb 4, Brandschicht über Fb 4 auf Fb 4 (Etikett)

28/50:128, 135, 136, 138, 141, 142, 149– 155, 157, 159–161, 166,6, 170, 181, 188, 199, 271; 29/50:163– 166, 168– 170, 173, 177, 198 (Tafeln und Etiketten) 28/50:125, 28/50:127, 28/50:129– 131, 28/50: 134

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Tafeln (Bi-Nr.)

Anzahl

Datierung līmu / Mari-Kalender

Raum

Nutzungs­ niveau

Zweite Mari-Periode 29/50:178

1

Mari-Kalender

M

3 (Türschwelle zu Hof B)

28/50:150

1

Mari-Kalender MU Zikrī-Līm ana Tuttulki irubu

M

3

28/50:159

1

Mari-Kalender MU Zimrī-Līm ana Tuttulki irubu

M

3

28/50:188

1

Mari-Kalender?

M

2–3, zwischen Fb

Die Zusammenstellung einiger Tontafelgruppen in der vorliegenden Tabelle 1 verdeutlicht das Problem: während sich in den Räumen A, L, und N etwa eine Hälfte der Texte aus der Šamšī-Adad-Zeit im jüngsten Nutzungsniveau 4 fand, kam die andere Hälfte in Raum M zusammen mit drei oder vier mit dem Mari-Kalender datierten Tafeln im Nutzungsniveau 3 ans Licht. Eine vierte Mari-datierte Tafel wurde zusammen mit den assyrisch datierten Urkunden im Saal Q in der Ascheschicht der Gruftgrube über den Skeletten gefunden (Bi.26/49:95 [KTT 180]). Auf dem obersten Fußbodenestrich des Raumes M, lagen wiederum Etiketten und Gefäßverschlüsse (28/50:104 [Siegel M37]) aus der assyrischen Periode (Otto 2004, 53–56). Diese Fundumstände deuten darauf hin, dass sich die Machtübernahme durch Zimri-Līm bereits in der dritten Nutzungsperiode vollzogen hat. Des Weiteren kann man nicht ausschließen, dass die Erhöhungen von Fußböden in verschieden Räumen nicht gleichzeitig stattgefunden haben bzw. dass einige Archive im Obergeschoss aufbewahrt wurden und während der Zerstörung des Palastes in die unteren Räume herunterfielen. Im Nutzungsniveau 3 dürfte also ein fließender Übergang in der Machtausübung über Tuttul von Šamšī-Adad/Jasmaḫ-Adad zu Zimri-Līm stattgefunden haben. Zumindest im Palast A war er gewaltlos, was das Fehlen von Zerstörungsspuren und die Vergesellschaftung der Urkunden aus beiden Regierungszeiten in diesem Niveau bezeugt. Als Bestätigung dafür kann die fortgesetzte Amtsausübung des von den Assyrern eingesetzten Statthalters (meḫrum) ʿAbduma-Dagan/Ḫabduma-Dagan (Krebernik 2001, 9 Anm. 110; Villard 2001, 89f.) zu Beginn der neuen Herrschaft in Tuttul betrachtet werden. Im Nutzungsniveau 4 (Abb. 4), das demnach in die Zimri-Līm-Periode einzuordnen wäre, kam zu weiteren Veränderungen im Kommunikationssystem und bei den Raumfunktionen des Gebäudes. Seine Südhälfte stellte weiter eine weitgehend getrennte Baueinheit dar, die als Produktions- oder Versorgungsstätte genutzt wurde.

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46

47

48

49

50

LL

AA 29

JJ A Öfen

F

L

Becken

29

Podest

Herd

J

MM

Podest

M

Bf Bg Hof

28 Bank

E Hof

H

HH

C

Becken

Be

Podest

Podest

Bb

27

N

Bc

Bd

Ba

D

G

28

Öfen

27

P

K

Ofen Gefäße

O

U

Vorratsgefäß

T

Ofen 26

26

R Q

SS

Ofen

S

YY

25

25

Y X W 46

V 47

48

49

50

0

5

10 m

Abb. 4: Palast A in Tall Bī ͑ a / Tuttul, Nutzungsniveau 4: Grundriss und Installationen.

Im einstigen Festsaal (Q) installierte man eine große und eine kleine Ofenanlage; Aschereste aus diesen Einrichtungen wurden in die alte Gruftgrube entsorgt. Der Nordeingang zum Hof (A/B) und die Außentür auf der Ostseite (M/MM) wurden zugesetzt und der Nordwestflügel noch einmal umfunktioniert. Das Mahlwerk im kleinen Hof (E) verschwand und von den Backöfen im ehemaligen Haupthof (Be) blieben anfangs nur drei in Benutzung. Darüber hinaus wurden im nördlichen Gebäudebereich an mehreren Stellen Versorgungsaktivitäten nachgewiesen (Öfen, Arbeitspodeste und große Gefäße in den Räumen A, Be, F, L und N). In den Räumen A, C, L und M um Hof B lagerten immer noch alte Verwaltungstexte, jedoch auffälligerweise keine, die von der Zimri-Līm-Verwaltung ausgestellt worden waren. Dies ist ein Zeichen, dass das Gebäude noch weiter an Bedeutung verloren hatte, und dass

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Der altbabylonische Palast in Tuttul (Tall Biʿa)

womöglich unter Zimri-Līm ein anderes Bauwerk den Palast A als neues administratives Zentrum ablöste. Die letzte Nutzungsperiode des Palastgebäudes endete mit einer Brandkatastrophe. Aschelagen, verbrannte Holzbalken, in Feuer gehärteter Lehm wurden in den nördlichen und nordöstlichen Räumen gefunden. Entlang der Außenkante der östlichen Palastmauer lagen menschliche Überreste von mehr als 30 Individuen, offensichtlich Opfer einer kriegerischen Auseinandersetzung. Es wäre verlockend, dieses Ereignis mit dem Feldzug Hammurapis von Babylon in Verbindung zu bringen, bei dem dieser Herrscher Mari eroberte und die mittlere Euphrat-Region unter seine Kontrolle brachte. Allerdings könnte es sich dabei auch um ein lokales Ereignis gehandelt haben, das bereits während der Regierungszeit Zimri-Līms oder auch zu einem späteren Zeitpunkt stattgefunden hat. Abschließend bleibt festzuhalten, dass der letzte Palast in Tuttul sehr kurzlebig war. Seine Geschichte spielte sich innerhalb von zwei bis drei Generationen (ca. 50 + x Jahre) ab. Sollte das Gebäude noch vor der Eroberung der Stadt Mari durch die Truppen Hammurapis aufgegeben worden sein, könnte sich dieser Zeitraum sogar auf ca. 40 Jahre verkürzen. Tab. 2: Vorschlag einer historischen Zuordnung der Nutzungsperioden des Palastes A.

Herrschaft

Nutzungsperiode des Palastes

Zeitraum

Baḫlu-kullim

Nutzungsperiode 1

wenige Jahre

keine Zerstörungspuren / Machtwechsel / Umfunktionierung Jaḫdun-Līm & Sumu-Jamam

Nutzungsperiode 2

ca. 15 Jahre (1810–1796)

erstes Massaker / Machtwechsel / Umfunktionierung Šamšī-Adad I. / Jasmaḫ-Adad

Nutzungsperiode 3–4

ca. 20 Jahre (1795–1776)

keine Zerstörungsspuren / Machtwechsel / Umfunktionierung Zimri-Līm

Nutzungsperiode 4 / Nutzungsende?

max. 16 Jahre (1775–1759)

Nutzungsende? / Verfall

1759

zweites Massaker / Machtwechsel? Ḫammurapi

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Literatur Einwag, B. 1998: Die Keramik aus dem Bereich des Palastes A in Tall Bi‘a / Tuttul und das Problem der frühen Mittleren Bronzezeit. MVS 19. München. Krebernik, M. 2002: Tall Bī ͑ a / Tuttul – II. Die altorientalischen Schriftfunde. WVDOG 100. Saarbrücken. Krebernik, M. / Strommenger, E. 1998: Tuttul (TalI Bi‘a). Ausgrabungen in der Stadt des Gottes Dagan, in: G. Wilhelm (Hrsg.), Zwischen Tigris und Nil. 100 Jahre Ausgrabungen der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft in Vorderasien und Ägypten. Mainz. 126–137. Miglus, P.A. 2008: Die turbulente Geschichte eines altbabylonischen Palastes, Antike Welt 2/2008, 45–52. Miglus, P.A. / Strommenger, E. 2007: Tall Bī ͑ a / Tuttul – VII. Der Palast A. WVDOG 114. Wiesbaden. Otto, A. 2004: Tall Bī ͑ a / Tuttul – IV. Die Siegel und Siegelabrollungen. WVDOG 104. Saarbrücken. Villard, P. 2001: Les administrateurs de l‘époque de Yasmah-Addu, in: J.-M. Durand / D. Charpin (Hrsg.), Mari, Ébla et les Hourrites: dix ans de travaux, deuxième partie. Actes du colloque international (Paris, mai 1993). Amurru 2. Paris. 9–140.

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The Palace of Adab during the Sargonic period Manuel Molina*

Introduction As is well known, the unstable political and social situation in Iraq in the last twentyfive years provoked a tragical wave of looting that affected hundreds of archaeological sites. One of them, also widely known because of its intense looting, is Tell Bismaya, the ancient Sumerian city of Adab. Adab was excavated by Edgar James Banks and Victor Persons between 1903 and 1905. Their excavations brought to light nearly 1,000 Old Akkadian tablets, 600 of which are currently kept at the Istanbul Museum and are still awaiting publication. The majority of these tablets belonged to the so-called Classical Sargonic period. This chronological concentration of texts from Adab profoundly changed after the plundering of the site. The activity of looters affected all the surface of the tell, and tablets from all phases of the Sargonic period were found and sold in the antiquities market. At too high a price, the publication of these texts has at least provided a corpus of written documentation covering the whole Sargonic period. Adab has thus become, together with Girsu, the best documented city of ancient Mesopotamia during the Sargonic period. Out of the 9,000 Old Akkadian texts today at our disposal, more than 25%, that is, some 2,300 tablets, come from Adab. Very regrettably, as can be seen in a photograph taken in 2003 (Fig. 1), Tell Bismaya has been mostly destroyed by looters. It will be difficult to excavate it in the future and, consequently, hardly possible to single out the places where the tablets were found. To identify them we need to rely first on the exavations by Banks and Persons, and of course on the new insights on them recently published by Karen Wilson. And secondly, we need to rely on the contents of the tablets and their prosopographical and archival relationships. Considering these two approaches, I estimate that more than half of them belonged to the palace archives or to offices or institutions directly depending on it.1 This is, however, a very conservative assessment. Many other simple * This research has been made possible thanks to the financial support granted by the Spanish Ministerio de Industria, Economía y Competitividad through the project FFI2015-66790-P. Abbreviations follow the Reallexikon für Assyriologie und Vorderasiatische Archäologie, with the following additions: PPAC 1 = Yang 1989; SCTRAH = Molina 2014; TCCBI 1 = Pomponio / Visicato / Westenholz 2006. 1 The identification of Adab tablets coming from the palace archives has been mainly based on their contents, their archival relationships, prosopographic studies, and the offices and institu-

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Fig. 1: Tell Bismaya (Adab). Approximate location of Banks’ Mounds III, IV, V. Satellite image taken in May 2003.

receipts or tablets recording unidentified people could have also been part of these palace archives. All these tablets can be dated roughly to three different phases: Early Dynastic IIIb to Early Sargonic, Middle Sargonic and Classical Sargonic.2 The first of these, dated to the beginning of the Sargonic period, but embracing also some years of Lugalzagesi’s reign, was dominated in Adab by the figure of Meskigala.

Early Dynastic IIIb to Early Sargonic Period Meskigala was the governor of Adab under the kingship of Lugalzagesi of Uruk (BIN 8 26).3 He took Sargon’s side in the fight against Lugalzagesi for hegemony over Babylonia and participated in Sargon’s military campaigns against Uruk and to Upper Mesopotamia. Adab enjoyed some years of prosperity until Meskigala rebelled against tions mentioned in them. A very good point of departure in this task has also been the important discussion developed by Sallaberger 2013. 2 See Molina 2014, 28, for the criteria followed in the ascription of Adab tablets to the different phases of the Sargonic period. 3 For the governors of Adab during the Sargonic period, see Molina 2014, 32, with previous literature, and Pomponio 2015.

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Rīmuš, who defeated and captured both him and the governor of Zabalam (RIME 2.1.2.1 and 2.1.2.4). The duration of Meskigala’s rulership is uncertain. We know that he was contemporary with Lugalzagesi, so he would have acceded to the throne at some point between Lugalzagesi 6–7, when Adab was conquered by the king of Uruk,4 and Lugalzagesi 25, when the latter was defeated by Sargon (who according to USKL ruled for 40 years). The end of Meskigala’s rule was marked by his capture after the defeat of Adab and its allies by king Rīmuš, during the first two years of the latter’s reign.5 Thus, accepting that Maništūšu reigned before Rīmuš, as stated by USKL,6 Meskigala’s rulership would have had a maximum of 51 years and a minimum of 31. This long career has led some scholars to suggest that two different rulers named Meskigala ruled Adab consecutively from Presargonic to Sargonic times,7 although this possibility should most probably be discarded.8 Virtually all of the tablets dated to the rulership of Meskigala have been published in recent years and are the results of illegal excavations.9 However, there is one tablet (OIP 14 68 [A 781]), said to have been excavated by Banks in Mound III (see Fig. 1),10 that clearly came from the Meskigala archive. This is deduced from its comparison with other tablets from the same archive belonging to the group of the so-called “Beer and bread texts” (“House of the superintendent”, see below §2.2), and from the fact that, like the documents of this group, the tablet excavated by Banks is pierced from obverse to reverse:11 OIP 14 68 (photo CDLI P222254) (i) 60 ninda, – kaš, im.ki, Blank space, (ii) Blank space, Nu-mu-na, iti Du 6 ku 3 , Rev. uninscribed

4 Sallaberger / Schrakamp 2015, 88f. 5 Sallaberger / Schrakamp 2015, 94. 6 Cf. Sallaberger / Schrakamp 2015, 95 n. 281; Pomponio 2015, 193. 7 Marchesi 2004, 183 n. 174. 8 Marchesi 2015, 152; Sallaberger / Schrakamp 2015, 95. 9 Tablets from the Meskigala archive were first identified by G. Visicato and Å. Westenholz (Visicato 2010). They have been published by Luckenbill 1930 (OIP 14 63 and 68, and perhaps also 60); Pettinato 1997 (L’uomo 18); Pomponio / Visicato / Westenholz 2006 (TCCBI 1 14, 18, 19, 23, 47, 60, 63, 189; 8 texts); Visicato / Westenholz 2010 (CUSAS 11 77–254, 355–356; 180 texts); Pomponio / Visicato 2015 (CUSAS 20 19, 353–360; 9 texts); Bartash 2013 (CUSAS 23 92, and perhaps 93 and 94); Molina 2014 (SCTRAH 1 and 2); Westenholz 2014 (CUSAS 26 75 and 78); Bartash 2017 (CUSAS 35 13, 14, 22, 36–82, 84–91, 94, 95, 98–102, 106, 109, 120–131, 134–139, 141–145, 150, 151, 156, 158, 159, 162, 175, 176–179, 181–184, 188–192, 194, 199–202, 209, 211–213, 216–218, 221–225, 230, 237, 238, 278; 132 texts); there are also three more unpublished texts in CDLI (P270837, P271229, P271235). 10 Yang 1988, 10; Phillips 2012, 135. 11 There is still another tablet excavated by Banks (OIP 14 63 [A 754]) which is also pierced, and therefore presumably belongs to the Meskigala archive, but no information on the place where it was found is currently available. It records a list of five smiths.

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CUSAS 11 211 (iii 1’), CUSAS 11 208 (iii 6–7), CUSAS 35 94 (iii 6–7) Bread and beer for deities, households (e 2 d u m u , e 2 ah) and individuals, Numuna among them:12 60 ninda, Nu-mu-na, (...), u 4 n (respectively 2, 9 and 24), iti D u 6 -ku 3 (...) This makes us suspect that the rest of the archive also came from this mound.13 As Banks reported, under level 1 of Mound III there was a deposit of 11 m above virgin soil,14 a height that makes plausible the hypothesis of locating the remains of the Early Sargonic central archive there. Three objects apparently dated to this period or to Early Dynastic III were found there: two tablets (OIP 14 62 [A 755] and 60 [A 783]) and one cup (A 605). The Meskigala archive shows that the palace organization was not exclusively centred around the palace itself (e 2 -gal), but around a conglomerate of institutions or “houses”. In fact, the archive gathered administrative documents issued at different “houses”, all of them economically and administratively interrelated and centrally managed. This is shown by the contents of the texts, that will be discussed below, and by the fact that many of them record at the end the name of the institution where the transaction was made. This apparently means that those records were not kept in the “house” mentioned on them (otherwise there would be no need to indicate its name on the text), but in a different place, a single central archive depending on Meskigala’s rulership, most probably located in his palace. Besides the palace (e 2 -gal), the three main “houses” operating around it were the “House of the superintendent” (e 2 nu-ba nd a 3 ), the “House of the son” (e 2 du mu) and the “House of ah” (e 2 ah). At least the “House of the superintendent” and the “House of the son”, but possibly also the “House of ah” and the palace itself, were managed by the superintendent (nu-ba nd a 3 ) of Adab, named Silim-Utu.15 Although evidence is not yet conclusive, it seems that, as will be shown below, each one of the “houses” specialized in certain activities of production and distribution. In all, out of the 380 texts from Adab dated to Meskigala’s rulership, more than 250 texts can be ascribed with reasonable certainty to his central archive. Most of them (155 texts) have been easily identified as the result of the economic activities of the palace, the “House of the superintendent”, the “House of the son”, or the “House of ah”; others (97 texts) have been also ascribed to the central archive of Meskigala 12 Other examples of bread deliveries to the same individual, in the same kind of text, but in different months, are found in CUSAS 11 209: r.i 4, 212: iii 5 (month name lost), 356: iii 4, CUSAS 35 84: ii 5, 85: iii 6, 86: iii 8, 87: iii 4, 89: iii 4, 90: iii 4, and 95: r.i 2; cf. also CDLI P270837. 13 Westenholz (2010, 456) wrote that “the Meskigala texts are likely to have been found in deeper strata of Mound IV in Tell Bismaya, where Banks found the ensi’s archive of Sharkalisharri’s time”. Westenholz followed perhaps a commentary by Yang 1989, 16, who suggested that the Early Dynastic administrative centre of Adab was located in Mound IV on the basis of two tablets (A 1118 and A 1131) found there and possibly dated to the rulership of Mugesi (see also Phillips 2012, 137). 14 Wilson 2012, 62. 15 For the reading of this PN, see Steinkeller 2015.

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because the tablets are pierced from obverse to reverse (a feature that characterized many of the tablets kept in the Meskigala archive), because of the occurrence of certain officials, mainly Silim-Utu, the superintendent of Adab, or in view of their contents and other prosopographical issues. Certainly, several of the remaining texts not ascribed to the central archive of Meskigala did also belong to it, although no clear proofs are discernible. The palace (e 2 - ga l) The palace is rarely mentioned in the texts of the Meskigala archive, perhaps because it was precisely the place where the archive was located. Therefore, it is not easy to identify the documents directly dealing with its activity. Livestock management, under the responsibility of Utu-tešĝu, appears to have been an important activity of the palace. According to a few texts, animals were delivered from the palace to the kitchens (CUSAS 11 123), with the occasion of visits to or of important personalities like the king of Uruk (CUSAS 11 124) and the governor of Umma (CUSAS 11 122), or for other purposes (CUSAS 20 19, 359). Likewise, a couple of texts from the palace also document the delivery of hides (CUSAS 11 144, CUSAS 23 88). Other economic activities developed at the palace could be represented by the administrative texts discussed in §2.5, where tablets of uncertain ascription, but surely produced in the context of the palatial organization, have been collected. The interrelation of the palace with the “House of the son” and the “House of ah” is shown by several texts. They shared workshops like the one of the fullers, as can be appreciated, for example, in CUSAS 11 228 (see below §2.2.1); similarly (CUSAS 35 201), wooden implements delivered for the palace (e 2 -gal- še 3 i 3 - de 6 ) were received by the carpenters from the “House of the son” ( PN naĝa r-r a e 2 du mu-t a a n-na- šu m 2 ). According to CDLI P271235 (unpubl.), supplies of foodstuff were sent from the “House of the son” to the palace (e 2 -gal a n- de 6 ), to be distributed at the “Women’s house” ( Lugal- d iĝ i r e 2 -m i 2 - še 3 a n-na- šu m 2 “it was given to L. for the Women’s house”), probably showing also that the “Women’s house” was part of the palace.16 Deliveries to the palace and to the “Women’s house” from the “House of the superintendent” are also attested in CUSAS 35 84, 87 and 94. Particularly remarkable is the regular supply of foodstuff sent from the “House of ah” aimed at the maintenance of the guards of the palace, as if the production and distribution of food with this purpose comprised one of the main duties of that “house” (see below §2.4).

16 For the Women’s house (a 2 /e 2 - m i 2 ) in Adab, perhaps a building complex of the palace, see Bartash 2014. It was spelled both a 2 - m i 2 (CUSAS 35 84) and e 2 - m i 2 (CUSAS 35 94).

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The “House of the superintendent” (e 2 nu - banda 3 ): “Beer and bread texts” A characteristic group of documents known as “Beer and bread texts” is tentatively ascribed to the “House of the superintendent”. It is here suggested that the expenditures recorded in these tablets were made from this “house” because one of them records its name at the end of the text, in the same way as records from the “House of ah” and the “House of the son” did: CUSAS 35 88 (i) 60 n inda 1 dug, d Inanna, 60 ninda 1 d Iškur, 60 1 ninda d N in-mug, 60 ninda e 2 - dam, – ninda 2 e 2 - a h , – ninda 1 Puzur 4 - d Aš 8 -gi 4 , 60 ninda 2 Ma-u 2 , 60 ninda 2 Ur- d.še3 Šer 7 -da, (ii) 60 ninda 2 Ur-nu, 60 ninda 2 I 3 la-la, B lank space , u 4 3, iti a 2 -ki-ti, e 2 nu-banda 3 , Rev. uninscribed 60 breads (and) 1 jar (of beer) for the goddess Inanna; 60 breads (and) 1 (jar of beer) for the god Iškur; 60 breads (and) 1 (jar of beer) for the goddess Ninmug; 60 breads for “the House of the spouse”; 0 breads (and) 2 (jars of beer) for the “House of ah”; 0 breads (and) 1 (jar of beer) for Puzur-Ašgi; 60 breads (and) 2 (jars of beer) for Ma’u; 60 breads (and) 2 (jars of beer) for Ur-Šerda; 60 breads (and) 2 (jars of beer) for Urnu; 60 breads (and) 2 (jars of beer) for Ilala. Day 3. Month Akiti (iv). “House of the superintendent”. The “Beer and bread texts” group currently comprises thirty-two tablets apparently compiled on a daily basis, a fact suggested by their dating with day and month-names and their random chronological distribution (Table 1). All the tablets from this group for which there is information from the editors or pictures are available appear to have been pierced,17 so they were presumably strung and subjected to the same administrative treatment. In their most complete form, these texts recorded expenditures to all those city institutions with which the “House of the superintendent” maintained a direct economic relationship. Thus, the sanctuaries of the city, the “House of the son”, the “House of ah” and high officials were systematically recorded in them. The cultic buildings and sanctuaries of the main gods and goddesses of Adab recorded in these texts reflect a slightly diverse cultic horizon than the one found in later Adab texts. They appear in a quite fixed sequence, which probably reveals the

17 The only exception is CUSAS 11 216, which strictly speaking would not belong to this group, since it records flour and sourdough for the same deities and individuals but in a quite unusual order.

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hierarchy of gods and goddesses in the ED IIIB/Early Sargonic Adab pantheon, when Adab was under the sway of Uruk or Akkad:18 Inanna Iškur d Nin-mug 19 d En-ki (d) e 2 -dam 20 d šu2.hal- e 2 - si 21 d Bara 2 - d En- lil 2 -ĝar 22 d Eš 5 -peš 23 an.ni24 d

d

The absence from this list of Ninhursaĝ/Diĝirmah, the main goddess of Adab, is remarkable, which is also in accordance with the fact that her sanctuary, the e 2 sar, rarely occurs in the Meskigala archive.25 This would indicate that, unlike the other sanctuaries, the main temple of Ninhursaĝ was not managed from the palace administration. The kind of relationship maintained by the “House of the superintendent” with the rest of the sanctuaries and the “House of the son” and the “House of ah”, also recorded as recipients of beer and bread in these texts, is not totally certain. A clue could be provided by a few of these texts apparently recording at the end an explanation for the destiny of the deliveries:

18 For this and other similiar sequences in Early Dynastic and Old Akkadian texts from Adab, see Such-Gutiérrez 2005/06, 37–38. 19 For the goddess Ninmug in Adab, see Cavigneaux / Krebernik 1998/2001, 471–473; Such-Gutiérrez 2005/06, 27–28. 20 The nature of the cultic building e 2 - d a m , lit. “the (divine) House of the spouse”, occasionally written with the divine determinative (CUSAS 13 141), is uncertain. See Such-Gutiérrez 2005/06, 42–43; Maiocchi 2009, 16 (“tavern”); Schrakamp 2013, 219. 21 For this divine name, exclusively found at Adab, see Such-Gutiérrez 2005/06, 44. For the ligature šu2.hal, see also Maiocchi 2009, 150; Steinkeller 2011, 17; Schrakamp 2013, 219. In Classical Sargonic texts it also appears as šu4.hal (CUSAS 13 118 and 119). 22 Bara-Enlil-ĝar, “The Sovereign Appointed by Enlil”, was probably another name for Ašgi, the city-god of Adab, who was worshipped in the Emah temple (OIP 14 97): see Marchesi 2011, 113. See also Such-Gutiérrez 2005/06, 42. 23 Ešpeš was a divinity worshipped in the Adab and Keš region: see Such-Gutiérrez 2005/06, 16. 24 For this divinity, see Such-Gutiérrez 2005/06, 5. Sanga-administrators of an.ni are attested in CUSAS 20 364 (ES), CUSAS 20 258 (MS) and CUSAS 20 18 (CS). 25 The e 2 - sar is attested in CUSAS 11 148, 195 (s a ĝ ĝ a e 2 - sar-r a) , CUSAS 35 118, 159, 184, and TCCBI 1 189. The e 2 - m a h , as was renamed the temple at the end of ED IIIb or in early Sargonic times (Such-Gutiérrez 2005/06, 11), is not attested, to the best of my knowledge, in the Meskigala archive.

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– – nu - b a nd a 3 a š a 5 g a b a ĝ i š -g i-g a l- š e3 a n - d a - d e 6 “ t he s u p e r i nt e nd e nt b r ou g ht it (beer and bread) with him to the field in front of the large canebrake” (CDLI P271229, CUSAS 11 215) – – nu - b a nd a 3 a š a 5 d D a m -g a l- nu n - š e 3 a n - d a - d e 6 “the superintendent brought it (beer and bread) with him to the field of Damgalnuna” (CUSAS 35 93) – – i 7 an.gu2 ×pap- d u 6 [...] “[it was brought to (?)] the canal an.gu2×pap- d u 6 ”26 (CUSAS 35 95) – – g u 2 du t u m 2 - m a - n i- k a m a l- d e 6 “ it belongs to the river bank (?) of ..., it was brought (there?)” (CUSAS 35 97) Beer and bread taken to these fields and canals were perhaps food allotments intended for workers dependent on sanctuaries, the “House of the son” and the “House of ah”, sent there to perform agricultural and irrigation tasks. Well known, in this regard, is the role played by temples in the management and control of agricultural labour. Food distribution for similar purposes and different destinees was recorded in the tablets belonging to the administration of the “House of ah” (§2.4). “Beer and bread texts” recorded also the supply of food to high officials, who may have been in charge of the supervision of the workers: Puzur 4 - d Aš 8 -gi 4 Ma-u 2 U r- d-šè Šer 7 -da E 2 -igi- si 4 (CUSAS 35 98, 100)27 Ur-nu Nu-mu - na I 3 -la-la That these high officials were most probably administrators of the sanctuaries is suggested by the plausible identification of Urnu as the overseer (ug u la e 2 ) of Ninmug’s temple (TCCBI 1 47, CUSAS 35 129, 217, CUSAS 11 182), and of Puzur-Ašgi as the scribe (dub -sa r) of Inanna’s temple (CUSAS 35 177). Some of these officials are also found in CUSAS 11 228, a text that records the delivery of bardul-garments ( ba r- du l 5 u š -ba r) to the fullers (a zlag 7 ). Suppliers include an administrator (ug u la) of the “House of the son” (see §2.3), three administrators from sanctuaries (Puzur-Ašgi, Ur-Šerda and E-igisi), and workers from the palace ( il2 e 2 -gal). The involvement in the common daily activities of members of

26 For the reading of this canal name, see Bartash 2017, 229. 27 E 2 - i g i - s i 4 is interpreted as a PN in the “Beer and bread texts” CUSAS 35 98 and 100, after its occurrence as a clear PN in CUSAS 11 228 and CUSAS 23 93 (see also commentary to the latter text by Bartash). Nevertheless, one should not rule out an interpretation such as e 2 I g i - s i 4 “House of Igisi”, since I g i - s i 4 was a high official working for the “House of the son” (CUSAS 11 202, TCCBI 1 50, CUSAS 35 139, 141, 151, 157, 158, 218).

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the palace, the “House of the son” and the “House of ah”, has been discussed above (§2.1) and can be appreciated in several other texts (CUSAS 35 183, etc). Other texts Three more tablets from the “House of the superintendent” record supplies of foodstuff to other officials (the chief policeman and the chief herald of the “House of the son”, CUSAS 35 153) and workers (in the forest of Ašgi, and engar-tum workers,28 CUSAS 35 134), and on the occasion of the journey of Ur-Ninmug, the scribe (CUSAS 11 204). The travels of Ur-Ninmug, who apparently worked for the “House of the son”, are mentioned elsewhere in the Meskigala archive (CUSAS 35 216, CUSAS 35 178); at least one of these journeys was to Akkade (CUSAS 35 179). The “House of the son” (e 2 dumu) The “House of the son” was another branch of the palatial administration. Bartash has suggested that the name of this household might be an abbreviated form of e 2 du mu-saĝ (CUSAS 35 127), “House of the firstborn son”, interpreted as a reference to the offspring of Ninhursaĝ/Diĝirmah and Ašgi.29 Because Bara-Enlil-ĝar, probably another name for Ašgi,30 usually occurs right before e 2 du mu in the “Beer and bread texts” (§2.2.1), the hypothesis of Bartash seems plausible. Note also that the text where e 2 du mu-saĝ occurs (CUSAS 35 127) records the name of Ur-Ninmug as the recipient of cereals, a well-known official of the “House of the son” (cf. CUSAS 35 153, 177, 178, 179, 183, 216, and see above §2.2). This however does not exclude the interpretation of e 2 du mu as the household of Meskigala’s son/children, in a similar way as the e 2 na m- du mu of Early Dynastic Girsu, which was part of the larger e 2 m i 2 / e 2 d Ba-u 2 complex.31 An abbreviation of e 2 tur for e 2 nu-ba nd a 3 should be discarded, since both “houses” are attested in the same text (CUSAS 35 99 and 183). Tablets concerning the administration of the “House of the son” were kept in the Meskigala archive, but in separate baskets or containers, from which bullae were hung, for example CUSAS 35 238: pisaĝ dub e 2 du mu it i še - kin-k u 5 “Container of tablets (concerning) the ‘House of the son’. Month xii”. Only eight tablets documenting the activities of the “House of the son” were pierced, which probably means that with this archival system tablets were not stored according to their “house” of provenance, but rather according to specific categories of expenditure, like the one represented by the “Beer and bread texts” (§2.2.1).

28 For engur-tum, possibly a category of workers attested in texts from Adab of Meskigala times, see Bartash 2017, 101. 29 Bartash 2017, 148. 30 Marchesi 2011, 113. 31 Selz 2011, 280.

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The “House of the son” was directly managed by Silim-Utu, the superintendent, who played a key role within the Adab administration, particularly in foreign relations and trade.32 In fact, out of the sixty-seven documents recording the activity of the “House of the son” (Table 2), twenty-five deal with animals and other food supplies in connection with trips of various types (Table 2.1): –– Visitors to Adab, like the governor of Azabum (CUSAS 35 137), an official from the town of Ezurzur (CUSAS 35 130), or men from Isin (CUSAS 35 142) and Šuruppag (CDLI P270830). –– Trips of boatmen and merchants to Adab, coming from Umma (CUSAS 35 217), Akkade (CUSAS 35 131), or elsewhere (CUSAS 35 150, 157, 133). –– Trips of Adab officials travelling from/to Adab, like Ur-Ninmug (CUSAS 35 178, 179, 216), Igisi (CUSAS 11 202, CUSAS 35 151) and others. –– Trips for cultic purposes, like offerings at Nippur (CUSAS 35 225) or Keš (CUSAS 11 355), or for other reasons (CUSAS 35 138, 175, 182). These texts could record both the goods transported during the trips, or the allocations given to travellers. In the latter case, basic allotments comprised quantities of flour (z i 3 , d abi n), sourdough ( bappi r), malt (mu nu 4 ) and groats (n iĝ 2 -a r 3 -r a) (CUSAS 35 131, 133, 137, 143, 144, 150, etc.). Only exceptionally (CUSAS 11 110; see Table 4.4), texts from the Meskigala archive record similar luxury gifts to those given to visitors in later periods, particularly the Middle Sargonic period (see below §3.4), probably revealing low-profile diplomatic relationships with other cities and administrations. These relations were nevertheless fluid and frequent, as is shown by these texts and others discussed below in §2.5. Texts from the “House of the son” recorded also the expenditure and delivery of raw materials and manufactured goods to and from different workshops and craftsmen (Table 2.2), for example leather-workers (CUSAS 35 188, 192), carpenters (CUSAS 35 199, 201), reed-workers (CUSAS 35 222) or builders (CUSAS 35 213). Some details provided by these tablets also suggest that the activity of these workshops was performed for the benefit of the whole palatial organization, the “House of the son”, the “House of the superintendent” and the “House of ah” included (cf. for example CUSAS 35 201, cited above §2.1). Finally, several other texts from the “House of the son” record the expenditure of foodstuffs (Table 2.3) and animals (Table 2.4) with various destinations, although it is difficult to draw from them a more precise administrative organization and structure. 32 The duration of Silim-Utu’s office is uncertain, although it probably covered most, if not all, of the rulership of Meskigala. Such-Gutiérrez (2015, 435 n. 9) writes that his office “ist seit der präsargonischen Zeit, CUSAS 11 113 Rs. 1 (Mes-kigala / ix -) – hier ohne Berufsangabe –, bis zur Regierungszeit von Maništūšu oder Rīmuš, CUSAS 11 122: II 1–2 (- / [] -), belegt”. Although this is plausible, note that: a) CUSAS 11 113 could also be dated to Early Sargonic times; b) CUSAS 11 122 mentions S u - u s 2 - gi e n s i 2 U m m a k i , who might have also been contemporary with Sargon (see Marchesi 2011, 20).

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ah) 33

Just as for the “House of the son”, the documents resulting from the activity of the “House of ah” were also kept in the central archive of Meskigala. We have fortyseven texts (Table 3) attesting to the activity of the “House of ah”, virtually all of them pierced in the same way as the “Beer and bread texts”, and therefore subject to the same method of classification and archiving. No clear evidence on the identity of the official in charge of the administration of the “House of ah” is provided by the texts, although the option of Silim-Utu seems plausible in view of the central role he played in the Adab administration Twenty-eight texts from this group (Table 3.1) provide testimony of an activity focused on supplies of bread and beer for personnel of the palace, particularly guards (aga 3 -u s 2 e 2 -gal). Other tablets from the “House of ah” (Table 3.2) record beer and bread allotments for workers on duty at fields (a ša 5 d Da m-gal-nu n [CUSAS 35 41]) and gardens ( k i r i 6 Ur 5 -t u- d A š 8 -g i 4 [CUSAS 35 44 and 69], k i r i 6 d A š 8 g i 4 -pa- e 3 [CUSAS 35 65]), and for religious ceremonies at canals ( k a i 7 e n si 2 [CUSAS 35 56], k a i 7 du mu [CUSAS 35 39],34 k a i 7 e 2 - dun [CUSAS 35 37], i 7 g ibil [CUSAS 35 50]), or on boats (ma 2 -k u 3 -z a:g i n 3 [CUSAS 35 42 and 48]). The “House of ah” also contributed to the provision of foodstuff (bread and beer, Tables 3.3 and 3.4) given on the occasion of the visits of the governors of Umma and Lagaš (CUSAS 35 64) and a king’s envoy (CUSAS 35 82). Additional data on Meskigala’s palace organization Nearly one hundred more texts (Table 4) definitely from the Meskigala central archive, but not ascribable with certainty to any of the above-mentioned “houses” in particular, provide a more complete picture of the activities of the palace organization in this period, although their place within its administrative structure remains partly uncertain. The first group of texts worth mentioning are CUSAS 35 275, 276, 277 and 278 (Table 4.1). These tablets record allotments of bread for a large number of dependents of the palace organization, including personnel of the king of Akkade. The former included the superintendent (Si l i m- d Ut u nu-ba nd a 3 ), overseers (ug u la), a seda’um-official (su-da-um), soldiers (aga 3 -u s 2 ), scribes (dub -sa r), cupbearers (sag i), donkey-herders (sipa a n še), a veterinarian (a-z u a n še), a “shekel-weigher” (g i n 2 -la 2 ), field registrars (saĝ- du 5 ), gardeners (nu-k i r i 6 ), a vegetable grower (lu 2 -n isig), reed workers (a d- kid), fullers (a zlag 7 ), fishermen (šu-k u 6 ), boatmen (ma 2 -la h 5 ), a physician (a-z u 5 ), barbers (šu-i), throne-bearers ( ĝ i š g u-z a-la 2 ), a 33 1 cannot offer a fully satisfactory explanation for ah. It could be a PN, as attested in CUSAS 11 82 and 177 (d a m - g a r 3 ) , 279 (s i p a) , 113 and 254. 34 This is probably the same ceremony as the one mentioned in SCTRAH 1. In this case it was the chief cupbearer who was responsible for the expenditure, so the “house” supplying the foodstuff was possibly the palace itself.

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janitor (i 3 - du 8 ), a lamentation singer (gala), musicians (na r), a jester (u 4 - d a-t u š) and hedab-workers ( he 2 - d ab 5 ). Among the personnel of the king of Akkade (we are uncertain whether with temporary or permanent functions at Meskigala’s court) we find livestock administrators (šuš3), a dur2-lugal, a scribe (dub-sar) and soldiers (aga3-us2). Their presence in these records shows that, to some extent, Meskigala recognized Akkadian sovereignty.35 Particularly important in one of these texts is the record of 1,080 la 2 10 n i nd a lu 2 n iĝ 2 - d ab 5 -me “1,070 breads (for) those entitled to receive something”36 (CUSAS 35 278: r. iii 12–13), which provides an interesting datum on the size of the palace organization and the personnel depending on it: if we assume that these “recipients” were allotted a low number of breads (higher allotments were recorded with more detail in these texts), then a figure of between 300 to 1,000 low status workers dependent on the palatial organization emerges from the records. This figure could well embrace the skilled workers (ĝ iš -k iĝ 2 -t i) recorded with an exceedingly high number in CUSAS 11 93: iii 2’,37 a tablet that no doubt belonged to the same dossier as CUSAS 35 275, 276, 277 and 278.38 In this tablet, 320 craftsmen (ĝ iš -k iĝ 2 -t i) receiving three breads each are recorded, a number of workers that is closer to the size of the craft workshops of the Ebla palace,39 than to the dimensions of the Adab craft workshops of the Middle Sargonic period (see below §3.3). At least in this period, craftsmen (smiths, carpenters, leather workers, rope makers/braiders and joiners?) and other skilled workers, such as fullers (a zlag 7 ) or weavers ((ge me 2 ) k i si k i-k a),40 were clearly distinguished and employed in different workshops ((e 2 ) ĝ iš -k iĝ 2 -t i, e 2 a zlag 7 -ge -ne a nd k i si k i). It is possible, nevertheless, that in the Meskigala administration ĝ iš -k iĝ 2 -t i included not only craftsmen, but also fullers (as in ED IIIb Girsu)41 and weavers: the figure of 320 skilled workers (ĝ iš -k iĝ 2 -t i) of CUSAS 11 93 fits surprisingly well with the sum of workers on duty in the craft workshop, the fullers’ workshop and the weaving house during the Middle Sargonic period (see below §3.3).

35 Schrakamp 2017, 92. 36 Bartash (2017, 255) translates l u 2 n i ĝ 2 - d a b 5 - ( b a) as “requisitioners”, and writes that “it is one of the general terms for household employees or dependents”. In view of the high number of l u 2 n i ĝ 2 - d a b 5 - ( b a) denoted by our text, other interpretations such as “storekeepers” (cf. Cripps 2017, §7.2.1.4 and n. 10, with previous literature) should be discarded here. The interpretation of the term as “those entitled to receive something” has been taken from Zettler / Sallaberger 2011, 58. 37 I thank David I. Owen for having put at my disposal photos of CUSAS 11 93 (= CUNES 48-10-061). 38 See photos in CDLI P250833, P250834, P250835 and P250836. 39 See Paoletti 2016. 40 See Maiocchi 2016, 93, who suggests that during the Sargonic period this term refers to “personnel primarily (but not exclusively) belonging to a specific workshop”, while u š - b a r was “used as a generic term for weaver”. 41 See Paoletti 2016, 56.

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As suggested above (§2.3), it is plausible that single workshops of craftsmen, fullers and weavers covered the needs of the whole palace administration. These workshops were again under the responsibility of Silim-Utu, the superintendent (Table 4.2), and their general way of operation seems similar to the one documented for the Middle Sargonic period (§3.3). Nevertheless, textiles, and ordinary and luxury objects produced in them are scarcely represented, possibly because the administrative archive documenting their activity was independent of the archive devoted to keeping records concerning the activity of the “houses” discussed above. What remains seems in any case sufficient to indicate a lack of luxury goods in the palace economy, in contrast to what texts show for later periods in the history of the city. Silver appears only in its typical use as currency in economic transactions and as a unit of conversion, with merchants playing a role subordinate to the palace (Table 4.3), while gold is almost absent from the textual record of this period. There is only one text (CUSAS 35 260) that apparently recorded the payment of silver taxes from various individuals, although it is not possible to relate it to a specific institution. Finally, several texts (Table 4.4), probably some of them produced in relation to the activity of the “House of the son” (see also above §2.2), attest to fluid relationships with other cities of Babylonia. Likewise, relevant trips made by Meskigala or SilimUtu were recalled in kinds of date-formulae (“when this and that happened...”) that cannot be considered proper year-names.42 The king of Akkade or his representatives also counted among the visitors to Adab (TCCBI 1 63, CUSAS 35 107), possibly in a context of a military coalition rather than of Adab’s subordination to Akkade. It is true, in this respect, that no clear hints of political, administrative or economic dominance over Adab by the Sargonic king can be clearly deduced from the texts. Only in a few documents mentioned above (CUSAS 35 275, 276, 277 and 278), are personnel of the king of Akkade recorded along with other officials and workers at Meskigala’s palace organization, revealing that Adab recognized in some way the Akkadian sovereignty and leadership.

Middle Sargonic Period After the defeat suffered by Meskigala, some things changed in Adab. We now enter to the so-called Middle Sargonic period, which would extend over ca. forty years,43 until the Great Revolt. About eight hundred tablets dated to this period can be ascribed 42 CUSAS 11 108 and 176 (when Silim-Utu stayed at Azabum); CUSAS 11 119, 250 and 228 (when Meskigala stayed at Azabum); CUSAS 11 187 (when M. returned from Azabum); CUSAS 11 249 (when M. returned from Abzani); CUSAS 11 109 (when M. [traveled to/from] Abzani); CUSAS 11 113 (when M. stayed at Uruk); CUSAS 11 124 (when M. returned from Girsu); CUSAS 11 165 and TCCBI 1 23 (when M. returned from the land of cedars); CUSAS 11 188 (when M. stayed at ru.laki); CUSAS 11 234 (when Girsu was destroyed and M. went to Akkade); CUSAS 11 243 (when M. stayed at apin-[...]). 43 This is an approximate calculation. Meskigala is said to have been captured when Rīmuš, who ruled for fifteen years, suppressed a revolt by several Sumerian cities immediately after he

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with a high degree of certainty to the city of Adab as their place of origin. Mainly based on palaeographical observations and the shape of the tablets, distinctions into Early to Middle Sargonic, Middle Sargonic or Middle to Classical Sargonic have been made for these documents. Nevertheless, for the time being, a reliable relative chronology of the Middle Sargonic period is difficult to establish and will have to wait for a detailed prosopographical analysis and progress in palaeographical studies. Considering that the Middle Sargonic period would correspond to the years between the defeat of Meskigala and the Great Revolt, the remarks that follow will be focused around the peak of Adab’s splendour, i.e. during the governorships of Šarru-ālī, who most probably was appointed by the Sargonic king,44 and Lugal-ajaĝu, who plausibly ruled just a few years before the Great Revolt.45 It is difficult to identify either a continuity or a breakdown between the Middle Sargonic period and the time of Meskigala in social terms. The lack of certain types of information that do exist for later periods, such as seal impressions or the frequent use of patronymics, and of course the scarce recourse to year-names, make it very complicated to trace the presence of middle- and high-ranking families in Adab through long periods. In any case, the deep change suffered by the palace organization after Meskigala’s defeat from an economic and administrative point of view is beyond question. Nevertheless, even though Naram-Suen was known to have been the driving force behind important administrative reforms in the Sumerian lands,46 the texts are not clear enough as to whether he or possibly Rīmuš was responsible for the new scenario we find now in Adab. Be that as it may, the fact is that the conglomerate of “houses” grouped around the palace, administratively and economically interrelated, disappear from the record. Likewise, the superintendent (nu-ba nd a 3 ) was no longer an influential office in the life of the palace, and no more mentions are found of a female quarter. But above all, the documentation at our disposal shows a picture of a palace whose activities are qualitatively different from those attested for the time of Meskigala. Out of the nearly one thousand texts that could be assigned to some point of the Middle Sargonic period, about six hundred can be confidently considered as coming from the palace archives. Many other short documents, whose provenance cannot be established in any way, no doubt also originated from there. From an archival point of view, two large groups can be singled out for the texts from the palace of Adab dated to this period. On the one hand, all the activities concerning the storage and production of foodstuff and manufactured goods were recorded in an interconnected batch of texts that with all probability were archived in a single repository. The second group concerned the administration of livestock: the records that resulted from its management do not show any archival links with ascended the throne (Sallaberger / Schrakamp 2015, 94). Nevertheless, the date of the Great Revolt faced by Naram-Suen is still uncertain (cf. Molina 2014, 31–32). 44 Cf. Schrakamp 2017, 91 n. 8 and 95. 45 Molina 2014, 29–32; Maiocchi 2016, 97–99. 46 See Foster 2016, 17ff.

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the first group, nor did the officials in charge have apparent relationships with it. This does not mean, however, that the two groups of texts were kept in different places: as the excavations at Palace G at Ebla have shown, very different and apparently unrelated groups of texts could be kept in the same room.47 Additionally, a few texts recording the allocation of clothes and bread to palace dependents provide important insights on the hierarchy of palatial offices in Adab during this period. The palace administrators After Meskigala’s defeat, the internal organization of the palace changed, and apparently a new office replaced the figure of the superintendent (nu-ba nd a 3 ), who had held the highest office in the palace administration during Meskigala’s rulership. It seems probable that in the Middle Sargonic period, his responsibilities were assumed by the “chief steward” (e n si 2 -gal),48 who however is scarcely attested in the MS corpus. He only appears in relation to the delivery of a hide (CUAS 20 195), and notably, in first place in a long text recording the allocation of clothes to the main dependents of the palace (CUSAS 35 300). The second office recorded by this text is the “land surveyor” (lu 2 - e š 2 -a ša 5 g id 2 ), a high office in the Middle Sargonic palace administration whose holder was most probably Muni, known to have played a primary role at least in the management of the goods kept in the storehouse of the palace.49 The basic nature of this office, related to land administration, makes it plausible that he was appointed by the crown.50 Then follows a series of some eighty personal names and offices. Most of the personal names are well known from the texts, but their exact function within the palace administration is difficult to define, and an eventual prosopographic study of all of them is beyond the scope of this contribution. Still, there are in this text people recorded by their office that help us to have an idea of the activities performed by palace dependents, some of them described with more detail in the paragraphs below: the (chief) farmers “of the other side (of the river)” (e nga r bala-a-r i 2 ),51 the chief boatman (ma 2 -la h 5 gal), the chief cupbearer (sag i ma h),52 the official in charge of the fisheries (e n k u),53 the overseer of fishermen (ug u la šu-k u 6 ), the šita-uruofficial (šit a-u r u),54 the lu-igi-official (lu 2 -ig i),55 the superintendent (nu-ba n47 Cf. Archi 2003. 48 For the office of e n s i 2 - g a l , see Jacobsen 1991, 113f.; Beld 2002, 70 n. 65; Marchesi / Marchetti 2011, 109; Schrakamp 2015, 313. 49 Molina 2014, 77 and 135. 50 Cf. Foster 2016, 17. 51 For the iterpretation of b a l a - a - r i 2 as “the opposite side (of the river)”, see Molina 2014, 115. 52 For the role of the cupbearer in the Adab administration of the Classical Sargonic period, see Maiocchi 2010. 53 For the meaning of e n k u , see Steinkeller 2017, 48. 54 See Schrakamp 2012, 278. 55 For the office of l u 2 - i g i , see Schrakamp 2008, 702.

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d a 3 ), the kiĝgal-supervisor ( k iĝ 2 -gal),56 the ešdu-official (e š 3 - du),57 the chief potter ( ba ha r x gal), the garden administrator (sa nt a na), the garden administrator (and) overseer (sa nt a na ug u la), the overseer of female workers (ug u la ge me 2 ), the chief builder (šid i m gal), the overseer of craftsmen (and) overseer of weavers (ug u la ĝ iš -k iĝ 2 -t i, ug u la k i si k i-k a), the scribe (dub -sa r), and the temple administrators of the Emah and the sanctuaries of Iškur and Ašgi (saĝ ĝa e 2 -ma h , saĝ ĝa d [ Išk u r], saĝ ĝa d [A š 7 -g i 4 ]) 58 . In fact, as this and other texts (SCTRAH 63, 73 and 74) show, the main sanctuaries of Adab, the temple of Ninhursaĝ/Diĝirmah included, were also managed by the palace administration. Complementary rosters like CUSAS 35 283 and 284 record the allocation of bread and beer to a different group of palace dependents, including the consort (e re š) and female servants (ge me 2 ) of the ruler (e n si 2 ), musicians (na r), a jester (u 4 - d at u š), and other workers not holding a supervisory function (hedab-workers, carpenters, barbers, fullers, reed workers, boatmen, fishermen, etc.). Administration of livestock The cattle administration in Adab was apparently managed by Imid-ilum.59 Imidilum’s influence on the economic and religious life of Adab is shown by the contents and the “year-name”60 of an interesting text: Molina / Notizia 2012, 48 no. 1 [...] ⌈x⌉, [x]+193 ⌈x⌉, 30 gukkal, 80 la 2 2 maš 2 sa 6 , U r-nu, ka-guru 7 -da, eda-se 12 , I - mi- diĝir-e, (rev.) pisaĝ tur-ra, niĝ 2 -kas 7 -bi, e-da-ak, iti ĝa 2 udu-ur 4 , mu I-mi- diĝir-e, en-en Diĝir-mah, maš 2 -e bi 2 -dab 5 -ba-am 3 ..., [x]+193 ..., 30 fat-tailed sheep, (and) 78 top quality goats were in the custody of Urnu, the chief of the granary. Imid-ilum made with him (= Urnu) the balanced account of the small (tablet) basket(s). Month vii. The year Imid-ilum chose the enpriests of Diĝirmah by omens.

56 For the office of k i ĝ 2 - g a l , see Molina 2014, 116 and 124. 57 For the professional name e š 3 - (a - a b) - d u , lit. “the one who walks into the sanctuary”, see Steinkeller 1989, 81 n. 238; Selz 1993, 274; Such-Gutiérrez 2005/06, 42 58 For the restoration of Iškur and Ašgi in this text, cf. a similar list dated to the Classical Sargonic period in CUSAS 35 360 (commented in §4.1). 59 Molina / Notizia 2012, 49–53. It is uncertain whether he should be identified with the Imid-ilum, son of Ilī-aḫī the general ( š a k k a n 6 ) , who received several gifts as recorded in SCTRAH 28. Likewise, it is plausible, but difficult to ascertain whether his household is the one attested as e 2 I-mi-diĝir ki, together with Ma-an-iš-t[i-su]ki, in a text from Adab dated to the Classical Sargonic period (OIP 14 114). 60 An abbreviated formula of this “year-name” was probably recorded in CUSAS 20 185 (m u e n e n a l - d a b 5 - a).

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Imid-ilum was in charge of collecting the mašdari’a-contribution of livestock,61 attested in a remarkable group of texts dated to this period.62 These sorts of delivery were made by livestock administrators (šu š 3 ) and other people associated with the city administration.63 Imid-ilum also supervised the sheep assigned to other officials (CUSAS 35 293) or expended for other purposes (CUSAS 20 131, 133, CUSAS 35 294), and was responsible for the inspection of cattle (CUSAS 19 14, CUSAS 35 291). The fact that Imid-ilum and other cattle administrators, like Gala or Imta,64 do not appear in the texts cited in §3.1 or in clear relation with other dossiers discussed in this section, suggests that cattle administration was quite an independent branch of the palace economy. Workshops, foodstuff production and storage Most of the features denoting a strong centre of political power are represented in a large group of texts related to the palace of Adab that concern the storing and production of foodstuff and manufactured goods. The rich activity documented by these tablets revolved around the storage facilities of the palace (e 2 -n iĝ 2 -g u r 11).65 Raw materials were brought in by merchants working for the palace administration, by other cities of the Adab province, and by palace dependents, such as farmers, herdsmen, animal flayers, reed or flax collectors, etc. All kind of products and commodities were temporarily stored there and later redistributed or sent to the kitchens of the palace or to the workshops depending on it. The following products are explicitly attested in relation to the storehouse (e 2 n iĝ 2 -g u r 11) of the palace: Cereals and by-products: CUSAS 20 90, 94, 97, 99, 334, 335 Wool: CUSAS 20 215 to 223, SCTRAH 119, 120, TCCBI 1 131 Clothes: CUSAS 20 242, TCCBI 1 145 Oils: CUSAS 20 206, SCTRAH 85, 91, TCCBI 1 102 Hides: CUSAS 20 187, 190, 200, SCTRAH 150, 151, 261 Reeds: CUSAS 20 273 Agricultural implements: CUSAS 20 291 Weapons: SCTRAH 157, 158 The activity of the workshops, which is very well documented in our texts, reveals a concentration of artisans typical of a solid palatial economy. The largest of these 61 CUSAS 20 137, 154 to 158, 165, 169 to 171, TCCBI 1 114 and 115. 62 CUSAS 19 9, CUSAS 20 20, 137, 154 to 159, 161, 162, 164 to 171, 175, CUSAS 23 102, SCTRAH 300, and TCCBI 1 114 to 116. 63 On the mašdari’a-texts from Adab, see Yang 1989, 239f.; Such-Gutiérrez 2005/2006, 37 and 41f.; Civil 2003, 49–54; Visicato / Westenholz 2010, 8; Maiocchi / Visicato 2012, 23. 64 CUSAS 19 14, 58, CUSAS 20 132, 148, 150, 160, 162 and 181. 65 Molina 2014, 34f., 68–151.

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workshops was, as expected, the one devoted to textile production ( k i si k i- ( k)),66 whose activity continued during the Classical Sargonic period.67 Its internal organization and composition, as well as its relationships with other workshops, the storehouse and the needs of the palace and its dependents are well documented by a large dossier of tablets also known as the “Mama-ummī archive”. According to CUSAS 35 265, the workshop employed some 170 women, divided into eight gangs, each one supervised by a forewoman (ug u la):68 ⌈25⌉ geme 2 , M a-ma-um-mi, 20 la 2 1 Geme 2 - d En-lil 2 -la 2 , 41 A š-tar 2 , 16 Ta 2 -ni 2 - a, 19 Nin-ad 2 -gal, 22 Niĝ 2 -banda 3 da , 12 Me-niĝin 3 -ta, 14 Ninniĝ 2 -z u, [4] Še 2 -be 2 -tum, (rev.) Blank space, [šu-niĝin 2 ] 172 geme 2 gubba, uš- bar-me, Lugal-a-ĝu 10 , ensi 2 25 female workers, (their forewoman is) Mama-ummī; 19 (female workers, their forewoman is) Geme-Enlila; 41 (female workers, their forewoman is) Aštar; 16 (female workers, their forewoman is) Tāniā; 19 (female workers, their forewoman is) Ninadgal; 22 (female workers, their forewoman is) Niĝbanda; 12 (female workers, their forewoman is) Me-niĝinta; 14 (female workers, their forewoman is) Nin-niĝzu; [4] (female workers, their forewoman is) Šebettum. Total, 16 female workers. [Total:] 172 female workers in service. They are weavers. Lugal-ajaĝu (is) the governor. Rosters like this one, recording the number (or eventually the names) of weavers with their respective forewomen, are particularly numerous and well preserved.69 Forewomen were responsible for the work performed by weavers and for the distribution of food intended for them.70 They also received the wool needed for the manufacture of garments,71 supervised the supply of finished products,72 and gave back unused poor-quality wool73. They could also receive quantities of silver,74 probably intended to acquire more wool or other materials needed in the textile workshop.

66 Molina 2014, 35, 151–172; Maiocchi 2016. 67 Maiocchi 2016, 99. 68 Maiocchi (2016, 96) has estimated that the regular number of gangs was nine, and the workers employed in the workshop numbered 180, as attested for example in CUSAS 20 227, SCTRAH 275, 184, etc. 69 CDLI P271226, CUSAS 20 61, 64 to 67, 252, CUSAS 35 264, 265, and SCTRAH 275 to 284. 70 SCTRAH 209 to 211. 71 CUSAS 20 226 to 228, 252, CUSAS 35 299, SCTRAH 174 to 185, 188 to 190, TCCBI 1 132, and 138 to 140. 72 CUSAS 13 37, CUSAS 20 241, 245 to 248, 250, CUSAS 26 107, CUSAS 35 301, 303 to 305, SCTRAH 191 to 208, TCCBI 1 141 and 142. 73 SCTRAH 186 and 187. 74 SCTARH 188 to 190.

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Production at the textile workshop consisted of clothes that would be used as military equipment, as ceremonial gifts, or as ordinary garments.75 Once manufactured, before their final distribution, these clothes were turned over to the textile depository, in some cases after they had been treated at the fuller’s workshop. From its dimensions, the fuller’s (e 2 a zlag 7 -ge -ne, SCTRAH 223) was the second most important workshop at the palace of Adab.76 According to SCTRAH 285, the fullers’ workshop was under the general responsibility of a head fuller (a zlag 7 gal), who supervised the activity of two pairs of fullers, each of them working respectively with gangs of seven and ten blind/mutilated workers (most probably prisoners of war). Additionally, a number of men, women and their children worked for or depended on this workshop and received various barley allotments per month. The text reads as follows: 84 geme 2 1 ( bariga), 3 ĝuruš 1 (bariga) 2 (ban 2 ), 3 [(+ n)] dumu-nita 1 (bariga), 4 dumu-⌈nita⌉ 2 (ban 2 ), 2 dumu-munus 2 (ban 2 ), 7 dumu-ni ta-ga 1 (ban 2 ), 6 dumu-munus-ga 1 (ban 2 ), libir-me, (rev.) 42 ⌈d umu-nita⌉ 1 ( bariga), ⌈5⌉ dumu-nita-⌈ga⌉ 1 (ban 2 ), ⌈4⌉ dumu-munus-ga 1 (ban 2 ), ⌈ dumu⌉ gibil-me, ⌈2⌉ azlag 7 1 (bariga) 2 (ban 2 ) 7 si 12 za 3 šu 4 1 (bar iga) 2 (ban 2 ), 1 i 3 -du 8 , ⌈2⌉ azlag 7 10 s i 12 1 (bariga) 2 (ban 2 ), azlag 7 ga l 84 female workers (each receiving) 60 sila (of barley), 3 male workers (each receiving) 80 sila (of barley), 3 [(+ n)] boys (each receiving) 60 sila (of barley), 4 boys (each receiving) 20 sila (of barley), 2 girls (each receiving) 20 sila (of barley), 7 baby boys (each receiving) 10 sila (of barley), 6 baby girls (each receiving) 10 sila (of barley), they are (people listed in) former (accounts); 42 boys (each receiving) 60 sila (of barley), 5 baby boys (each receiving) 10 sila (of barley), 4 baby girls (each receiving) 10 sila (of barley), they are new boys and girls (in this account); 2 fullers (each receiving) 80 sila (of barley), 7 blind (workers bearing) identifying marks (each receiving) 80 sila (of barley) (and) 1 janitor; 2 fullers (and) 10 blind (workers) (each receiving) 80 sila (of barley). (They are all under the supervision of) the chief fuller. The third workshop whose production was devoted to the needs of the palace and its dependents was the craft workshop.77 It involved metal workers (si mug), carpenters (naĝa r), leather workers (a šgab), reed workers (a d- kid), rope-makers/braiders (t ug 2 - du 8 ) and joiners? (ĝ iš - šu- ri-ri). The affiliation of all these craftsmen to a single workshop is assured by different personnel lists, which administratively 75 Military equipment: t u g 2 n i ĝ 2 - l a 2 ( niĝ2.su- a) , t u g 2 niĝ2.su- a , t u g 2 š a 3 - g a - d u 3 ( niĝ2.su- a). Ceremonial gifts: t u g 2 b a l a , t u g 2 n a - a š 2 - p a 2 - r u , t u g 2 n i ĝ 2 - l a m 2 , t u g 2 š a 3 - g a - d u 3 , tug2 š a 3- g e - d a b 6. Ordinary garments: t u g 2 b a r- d u l 5 u š - b a r, t u g 2 b a r- s i g 9 , t u g 2 n i ĝ 2 - l a m 2 u š - b a r, t u g 2 b u r 2 . 76 Molina 2014, 35f. 172–176. 77 Molina 2014, 36–38. 177–203; Paoletti 2016, 57.

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manage them as a single contingent and group them under the generic designation of ĝ iš -k iĝ 2 -t i, “craftsmen”.78 The dimensions of the craft workshop are more difficult to estimate, but personnel lists suggest that it employed at least fifty craftsmen.79 The work carried out by these artisans is very well documented by some ninety texts. The smithy was under the responsibility of a foreman (ug u la), who was also dubbed chief smith (si mug gal).80 He controlled the activity of at least seven more smiths working there, who are mentioned by name in the texts.81 The chief smith (or one of his representatives) received from the storage facilities of the palace the material needed at the workshop, mainly different types of copper and tin82 and additives.83 He could also receive quantities of silver for the acquisition of material,84 possibly supplied by merchants.85 Smiths produced objects of copper and bronze, and very occasionally also of silver and gold. They were mainly weapons (lances, spears, axes, helmets and throwsticks) and agricultural implements, like saws for reaping. Once the objects were manufactured, they were turned over to the storehouse, waiting for their final distribution.86 Carpenters were also under the general supervision of a chief carpenter (naĝa r gal),87 who worked with at least one other foreman and four carpenters.88 They manufactured handles, spear shafts, and components of wagons and boats.89 Leather workers worked under the supervision of a chief leather worker (a šgab gal) 9 0 and four foremen,91 who oversaw the activity of at least seventeen more leather workers.92 They worked with hides first delivered to the storehouse by animal flayers,93 and later distributed among them.94 They were employed in the manufacture of wagons, yokes, military equipment, leather bags, waterskins and sandals.95

78 CUSAS 20 49, 69, 323, CUSAS 23 97, and SCTRAH 287 to 294. 79 Cf. the calculations made by Paoletti 2016, 57. 80 See Molina 2014, 177. 81 CUSAS 20 292, SCTRAH 228, 229, 237, 287, 289, 293, and TCCBI I 94. 82 SCTRAH 224 to 229, and TCCBI 1 94. 83 SCTRAH 226 and TCCBI 1 181. 84 SCTRAH 230. 85 SCTRAH 227 and 238. 86 CUSAS 20 294, 296, 297, SCTRAH 231 to 236, TCCBI 1 92 and 93. 87 SCTRAH 274. See Molina 2014, 142. 88 SCTRAH 274 and 287 to 289. 89 SCTRAH 158, 239 to 242, and TCCBI 1 106. 90 See Molina 2014, 189. 91 See Molina 2014 188 and 189. 92 CUSAS 20 69, 191, SCTRAH 152, 233, 287, 288, 290, 291, 293 and 294. 93 CUSAS 20 189, 190, SCTRAH 150, 261, TCCBI 1 124, 231 and 232. 94 CUSAS 20 191, 193, 194, 199, CUSAS 35 295, SCTRAH 244, 247, 248, 253, 261, TCCBI 1 124, 231 and 233. 95 SCTRAH 244, 246, 249 to 256, 258, 259.

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Rope-makers/braiders were supervised by a chief rope-maker/braider (t ug 2 - du 8 gal),96 who worked with at least five more artisans.97 They received wool and other materials like alkali and gypsum,98 and worked in the manufacture of ropes and straps, cloths for vehicles, boats and various cultic objects, and clothes for soldiers.99 Reed workers were also supervised by a chief reed worker (a d- kid gal),100 who worked with at least one other foreman and five reed workers.101 Merchants supplied the bitumen needed for their work.102 For the rest, texts are not very explicit on the process of production and the objects manufactured by reed workers. Finally, the last skilled job listed among craftsmen was the ĝ iš - šu- ri-ri, perhaps to be interpreted as a “joiner”.103 These men certainly worked with timber, but are poorly attested in the Adab corpus (which probably means that they were reduced in number).104 As to the location of the workshops within the city of Adab, everything points again to Mound III.105 It was there where, according to Wilson,106 Banks unearthed, in Level 1, a centre of craft administration and production possibly managed by Urtur, a governor of Adab who ruled under the reign of Šarkališarrī. This was most probably the same workshop complex that was active during the Middle Sargonic period.107 The structures found there were comparable with those found at al-Hiba and the Northern Palace at Tell Asmar, where a workshop complex could be identified.108 The fact that the workshop complex of the Main Northern Palace at Tell Asmar was connected with a residential area, possibly for the ruler’s family,109 makes it plausible that the residential area of the palace of Adab and the workshops depending on it were also close together.110 This would fit well with the close relationship of the workshops with the storage facilities of the palace of Adab and their organization under a single administration. Likewise, as the central archives of Meskigala were also located in Mound III (see §2), conceivably the palace was there, and in that case a continuity of use as a residential building during the Middle Sargonic period would be plausible. Note also that Mound III was in the northwestern area of the city (Fig. 1), a location 96 97 98 99 100 101 102 103 104 105 106 107 108 109 110

See Molina 2014, 197. SCTRAH 291, 293, 294, TCCBI I 127, and possibly CUSAS 20 49. CUSAS 35 317, SCTRAH 262 to 264, and TCCBI I 181, CUSAS 13 40, CUSAS 20 211, 212, 213, 306, 315, SCTRAH 264, 265, and 268 to 271. CUSAS 20 274, SCTRAH 100 and 288 CUSAS 35 306, SCTRAH 106, 288, 289, and TCCBI I 201. CUSAS 35 306. Molina 2014, 37. CUSAS 20 69, 395, CUSAS 35 3: x 1, SCTRAH 273, 290, and TCCBI I 61. Molina 2014, 27f.; Maiocchi 2016, 92. Wilson 2012, 60. Cf. Maiocchi 2016, 99. A different interpretation for the Tell Asmar structures was offered by Foster 2010, 119. Henrickson 1982. A different view, rejecting the possibility of locating wokshops in Bronze Age oriental palaces had been discussed by Margueron 1979.

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chosen also for the palaces of Tell Asmar, Khafaje, Tell al-Wilayah, and the temple of Ištar in Aššur.111 Later on, during the reign of Šarkališarrī, and probably even before, during the reign of Naram-Suen, the residence of the city ruler moved to Mound IV (see below §4). Luxury goods, precious metals and taxes From its structure, the craft workshop of Adab was very similar to others, although in comparison with those depending on stronger palatial economies, the craft workshop at Adab lacked artisans devoted to the manufacture of the most precious and delicate objects, such as jewellers or sculptors. In fact, SCTRAH 24 records the welcome at Adab of a sculptor bringing a statue of the king, who on that occasion was honoured with precious gifts: 1 ku3 har hu-la, ki-la 2 -bi ⅓ša , 1 tug2 na-aš 2 -pa 2 -ru, 1 tug 2 us 2 bala, En-nanum 2 , [ ti] bira ([du]b.naĝar), (rev.) [al]an lugal-da, ⌈im⌉-d[a ? -g]en-na, a[n]-mu 4 , Blank line, tug 2 zi-ga-a, iti du 6 -ku 3 1 medallion of silver weighing ⅓ (mana), 1 našparum-bag, 1 second-quality piece of cloth made from bala-fabric: They were put on Ennanum, the sculptor, who came with the statue of the king. The clothes were expended. Month viii. Nonetheless, the production and distribution of some luxury goods, so characteristic of palatial economies,112 were also customary at Adab during the Middle Sargonic period. Thus, the production of silver objects, precious garments, oils and delicacies is frequently attested in our corpus, usually given as presents to visitors to Adab or used in religious ceremonies. Gift texts are, in fact, a distinctive feature of the palace archive from Middle Sargonic Adab. They constitute a remarkable group of documents,113 very similar to some uncommon gift texts from Girsu and Umma dated to the Old Akkadian period,114 that reveal an extended way of honouring people by the ruler in southern Babylonia.115 111 Foster 2016, 56. 112 Sallaberger 2013. 113 See Molina 2014, 68–82. Middle Sargonic documents recording gifts are: CDLI P272598, CUSAS 19 38, CUSAS 20 123, 207, CUSAS 35 318 (MS/CS), and SCTRAH 20 to 40. 114 Foster 2010, 137 RBC 3015 (ES Umma); CUSAS 35 458 (MS Umma region); MVN 6 108 (CS Girsu); BM 26416 (CS Girsu, unpublished, courtesy of the Trustees of the British Museum); MCS 9 260 (CS unknown prov.). 115 According to Sallaberger 2007, 272f., personal gifts from rulers could be received by: a) the family of the ruler; b) members of other courts; c) high dignitaries of the palace; d) members of the military; e) messengers bringing good news; f) administrative personnel of the palace (occasionally); g) cultic personnel (rarely); h) performing artists (singers, musicians, dancers and acrobats). Most of these types of recipients of gifts are represented in the MS Adab texts.

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What is exceptional in Adab is the extension of this gift-giving habit, more characteristic of royal courts,116 which one could perhaps connect with Lugal-ajaĝu’s rulership and his possible disaffection with the royal administration prior to the Great Revolt. The most valuable item of such sets of presents was a silver medallion, weighing fifteen or, more frequently, twenty shekels, slightly more than the standard pairs of silver rings, each of eight shekels, offered to dignitaries and envoys during the Ur III period and considered a gift of enormous value.117 A good example among these gift texts is SCTRAH 22: [1] ku3-babbar har hu-la, ki-la 2 -bi 15 gin 2 , 1 t ug2 na-aš 2 -pa 2 -ru, 2 tug2 niĝ 2 lam 2 saga 10 , 1 tug2 ša 3 -ga-du 3 , 1 tug2 ša 3 -ge-dab 6 , 1 kuš esir 5 e 2 -ba, 1 i 3 du 10 -ga saman 4 1 sila 3 , (rev.) Puz ur 4 - d en.zu, dumu En-bu-diĝir, ga-ri2-umše 3 , im-ši- gen-na, e-na-šum 2 , Šar-ru-uru k i. li2 , ensi 2 , Lugal-a-ĝu 10 , saĝĝa d Iškur [1] medallion of silver weighing 15 shekels, 1 našparum-bag, 2 niĝlam-gaments of good quality, 1 loin-band?, 1 toga-garment, 1 pair of sandals (and) 1 flask of 1 sila (of capacity) of aromatic oil. It was given to Puzur-Suen, the son of Enbu-ilī, who came to (meet) GArium. Šarru-ālī, governor; Lugal-ajaĝu, temple administrator of god Iškur. The flow of silver and gold118 towards the palace economy is also well documented. These precious metals were received from all kinds of palace dependents, either as outstanding obligations or as taxes for grazing and for the usufruct of agricultural land. Records of incomes of silver identify, for example, farmers, shepherds, and craftsmen as suppliers.119 Two typical texts of this kind are the following: CUSAS 20 274 3 ku 3 gin 2 , azlag 7 gal, 1 Ur-lu 2 , azlag 7 , 1 ½ Gala naĝar, 2 Bur-gul, 1 gin 2 la 2 igi-3-gal 2 Inim-ma-ni-zi, 2 ad - kid gal, 2 ašgab gal, (rev.) 2 Mu-ni, 2 ½ azlag 7 gal, 1 su-si, Blank line, šu+niĝin 2 17 ku 3 gin 2 igi-6gal 2 , ku 3 e 2 - gal-la, ku 4 -ra 2 -am 3 , iti ab-e 3 -⌈zi⌉-g[a] 3 shekels of silver (from) the chief fuller; 1 (shekel of silver from) Ur-lu, the fuller; 1½ (shekels of silver from) Gala, the carpenter; 2 (shekels of silver from) Burgul (the rope-maker/braider); 1 shekel minus ⅔ (of silver from) Inimanizi (the reed worker); 2 (shekels of silver from) the chief reed worker; 2 (shekels of silver from) the chief

116 117 118 119

Sallaberger 2013, 228. For these gifts in the Ur III period, see Michalowski 1978; Sallaberger 2013, 234. CUSAS 20 285 and TCCBI 1 84. CUSAS 13 3, 4, CUSAS 20 109, 274 to 277, 279, 280, 283, 284, CUSAS 23 104, TCCBI 1 87, 88 and 197.

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leather worker; 2 (shekels of silver from) Muni; 2½ (shekels of silver from) the chief fuller; 1 (shekel of silver from) the animal flayer. Total: 171/6 shekels of silver. It is silver that was entered into the palace. Month vi. CUSAS 20 277 10 ku 3 gin 2 , maš aša 5 , aša 5 Lugal-abba 2 -ka-kam, Du 11 -ga-ni engar, (rev.) ku 3 an-ta-e 3 -am 3 , a n -gu 2 , Blank line, iti ĝa 2 -udu-ur 4 10 shekels of silver (as) the tax of the field. It is (the tax) of the field of Lugal-abba. (From) Dugani, the farmer. It is the silver that was collected. (Under the responsibility of) Angu. Month vii. The circulation of this and other kinds of goods was obviously fuelled by the activity of merchants, who worked directly under the control of the palace administration. We cannot say with certainty how many merchants were in this situation, but there were at least ten, as recorded in the following personnel list (SCTRAH 299): 1 Inim- ma-ni-zi, 1 Gala, dumu U r-ba, 1 E 2 -dam, 1 Lugal-al-kal, 1 Da-da, 1 Ĝiri 3 -ne 2 , dumu Lugal-al--me, (rev.) [1] Gala, dumu U r- d N a- du 3 -a, [1] Ur- d Ištaran, 1 Ur-ur, 1 Az, dumu A -ba-mu-na, Blank line, šu+niĝin 2 10 dam-gar 3 Inimanizi (and) Gala, sons of Urba; Edam, Lugal-alkal, Dada (and) Ĝirine, sons of Lugal-alkal; Gala, son of Ur-Nadu’a; Ur-Ištaran, Ur-ur (and) Az, sons of Abamuna. Total: 10 merchants. Merchants and other envoys frequently travelled to other cities of southern and central Babylonia,120 and particularly to Akkade,121 carrying all kind of products. Nevertheless, despite the good number of texts attesting to these trips, no clear traces of regular shipments of goods to Akkade as evidence for a kind of taxation system are discernible. However, it is probable that the abovementioned payments in silver made to the palace were also done to the benefit of the crown. This is also suggested by the fact that at least one of these payments was supervised by a certain angu (CUSAS 20 277), most probably a royal agent (see below §4.1).

120 CUSAS 13 13, 27, CUSAS 20 29, 81, 99, 100, 118, 119, 136, 140, 319, 320, 96, 101, CUSAS 26 111 (= L’uomo 15), SCTRAH 44 to 53, 56, 57, 59, 60, 259, TCCBI 1 66, 102 and 104. Add also the texts quoted in the following footnote. 121 Texts explicitly mentioning Akkade as the destination of the trip are CUSAS 13 29, CUSAS 20 122, 186, 208, 243, CUSAS 26 102 (= L’uomo 17), CUSAS 35 296, SCTRAH 41, 42, 43, 54, 55, 58, 61, TCCBI 1 146, 172 and 177.

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Classical Sargonic Period After the Great Revolt, the palace of the governor moved to Mound IV (Fig. 1), where Banks found a deposit of hundreds of tablets dated to the reign of Šarkališarrī.122 As mentioned above, the workshops would have remained in Mound III, a fact that would explain the scarcely represented activity of artisans in the Classical Sargonic tablets found by Banks, and also among those found by looters. Putting all these tablets together, we have at our disposal about 850 documents dated to the Classical Sargonic period, of which more than a half can be confidently identified as coming from the palace archives. It is important to point out first that, as in the case of the Middle Sargonic texts, it is complicated to trace out a relative chronology. Texts from Mound IV excavated by Banks seem to correspond to the governorship of Lugal-ĝiš, who preceded Ur-tur and was contemporary with Šarkališarrī, while texts found by looters can also be dated to the second half of Naram-Suen’s reign. Several prosopographical connections between both large groups of tablets can be established, although frequently they cannot be considered proper archival connections. As a result, and of course pending new and deeper investigations, we are able to identify a miscellany of offices and economic areas from which it is not easy to draw a coherent administrative picture. The information is in any case very rich, and some general conclusions can be drawn. The palace administrators The main administrators of the palace are mentioned in a group of texts dated to the second half of Naram-Suen’s reign, which recorded land allotments,123 deliveries of rental fees and taxes given in gold, and deliveries of other kinds of goods. OIP 14 171 10.0.0gana2, d u b - s a r- m a h , 10.0.0 e n s i 2 - g a l , 10.0.0 s a g i - m a h , 6.0.0 U r- m e s d a m g a r 3 , [x.x.x l ] u 2 - e š 2 - g i d 2 , [...] (2 lines lost), (rev.) [...] (2 lines lost), Blank line, i z - z i A.⌈x⌉ [x (x)] ⌈ p a 3 ⌉ - d a , Blank space, š u - n i ĝ i n 2 80 l a 2 1.0.0gana2, u š h i - a k i - d u r u 5 , a š a 5 ⌈(x) x⌉ nun-š e 3 s a l - l a CUSAS 13 46 ⌈5⌉ g i n 2 ⌈ k u 3 - s i g 1 7 ⌉ , d u b - s a r- ⌈ m a h ⌉ , 5 l u 2 - e š 2 - g i d 2 , 2 ½ e n s i 2 - ⌈ g a l ⌉ , š a b r a ⌈ e 2⌉ , 1 s a g i - m a h , 1 i š i b s u k k a l - m a h , 1 s a ĝ ĝ a e 2- ⌈ m a h ⌉ , 1 s a ĝ ĝ a d.ašA š 7- [ g ] i 4, [n] a b b a 2 - u r u , Rev. uninscribed

122 Many of these tablets, currently kept in the Istanbul Museum, remain unpublished (see above §1). 123 On the size of these land allotments, see Foster 2016, 67.

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CUSAS 23 165 [n] ⌈ k u š ⌉ g u 4 , ⌈ d u b ⌉ - s a r- m a h , [n] l u 2 - e š 2 - a š a 5 - ⌈ g i d 2 ⌉ , [n] e n s i 2 - g a l, [...]-⌈x⌉, [...] (rest lost), (rev.) [...] (beginning lost), [n d a ] m - g a r 3 g a l , Blank line, [n]+26 k u š g u 4 , ⌈ e 2 ⌉ - a a b - ĝ a r- r a - a CUSAS 13 49 25.0.0 š e g u r, l u 2 - e š 2 - g i d 2 , 1.2.3 d u b - s a r- m a h , 1.1.4 ½gana2, m a š - b i 2 i g i - 3 g i n 2 7 ½ š e k u 3 1 u d u , [ d ] u b - s a r- m a h , 0.1.3 ½gana2, [...] (ca. 1-2 lines lost), (rev.) [...] (ca. 1-2 lines lost), 1.[x.x]gana2, m a š - b i ⌈1⌉ [...] ⌈ g i n 2 ⌉ , L u g a l - ⌈ e 2 - ⌈x⌉- e , Blank line, š u - n i ĝ i n 2 26.2.3 š e g u r, 5 l a 2 i g i 3 g i n 2 k u 3 1 u d u , l a 2 - i 3 n u - t a - e 3 CUSAS 23 169 [n] ⌈ g u ⌉ [ g u 2 ] , ⌈ d u b ⌉ - [ s a r ] - ⌈ m a h ⌉ , [n]+2 ⌈ e n s i 2 ⌉ - g a l , [n] ⌈ š i t a ⌉ - u r u , [n] ⌈ k i ĝ 2 ⌉ g a l , ⌈2⌉ [x]-da×ĝištenuki, 2+[n] D u - d u n a r, 3 u g u l a ⌈ u r u ⌉ E n - n a - du, 2 A - z u -[(x)]g a l , 2 g a l a ⌈x⌉-bu, [...] (rest lost), (rev.) Blank space, š u - n i ĝ i n 2 66 g u g u 2

According to these texts, the chief scribe (dub -sa r-ma h), the land surveyor (lu 2 - e š 2 -a ša 5 -g id 2 ), the chief steward (e n si 2 -gal), the majordomo (šabr a e 2 ) and the chief cupbearer (sag i-ma h) held the highest responsibilities in the palace administration. The chief scribe (dub -sa r-ma h) in this period was Mezi (CUSAS 13 125). He was the sender124 or addressee125 of four interesting letter-orders, which show that he was an interlocutor with the royal administration.126 His functions are not well defined in the texts, but it seems that he was in charge of personnel, crafts and goods distribution,127 a duty that in the Middle Sargonic period partly corresponded to the land surveyor (lu 2 - e š 2 -a ša 5 -g id 2 ). He also supervised the issuing of gifts to visitors of the type we saw for the Middle Sargonic period (§3.4), but be it by the chance of discovery, or actually because these were no longer times for gifts of this kind, the fact is that just a few of these records are so far preserved, one of them a delivery of gifts to a certain Zarbu-[...] made under the responsibility of Mezi.128 The majordomo (šabr a e 2 ) was angu ( an-g u 2 ),129 who also held the position of “general” (ša k k a n 6 ).130 He appears as the sender of a letter-order addressed to the 124 PPAC 1, p. 127 A 868 = FAOS 19 Ad 2; PPAC 1, p. 125 A 708 = FAOS 19 Ad 3; PPAC 1, p. 337 A 830 = FAOS 19 Ad 4. 125 PPAC 1, p. 129 A 942 = FAOS 19 Ad 1. 126 On the relationship between local officials and royal administrators implied from these letter-orders, see Schrakamp 2016, 103. 127 Cf. CUSAS 19 99, CUSAS 13 125, and the letter-orders cited above. 128 OIP 14 160. Other gift texts of this period are CUSAS 13 124 and 151. 129 CUSAS 13 4, and probably also CUSAS 20 106 and TCCBI I 196 = CUSAS 26 95: i 3. 130 PPAC 1, p. 179 A 1007. There is even the possibility that angu assumed also the function of the chief steward (e n s i 2 - g a l ) , if we interpret 2½ e n s i 2 - g a l , š a b r a e 2 (CUSAS 13 46: 4-5) as “2½ (shekels of gold from) the chief steward (and) majordomo” (thus Maiocchi 2009, 72). Nevertheless, the clear distinction made in CUSAS 35 360 and CUSAS 20 282 between both

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chief scribe.131 In the Middle Sargonic period, a certain angu was also responsible for the collection of silver taxes for the usufruct of agricultural land,132 so it is plausible that we are dealing with the same individual who held a high administrative position through the reign of Naram-Suen. During Šarkališarrī’s reign, angu was probably replaced by Uda.133 Despite the relative position of the majordomo in some texts like CUSAS 13 46 (see above) and CUSAS 35 360 (see below), and in accordance with his pre-eminent position in others (TCCBI I 196 = CUSAS 26 95), it seems that the majordomo had authority over the chief scribe, or at least this is what can be deduced from the peremptory letter he wrote to the latter as if he were his superior.134 This fits well with his role as a royal agent holding high responsibilities, and would also fit with the role of tax collector that angu had some years before, in Middle Sargonic times. Finally, the chief cupbearer (sag i-ma h) could be tentatively identified with Mesag, the cupbearer responsible for the brewery and the kitchen of the governor studied by M. Maiocchi.135 I cannot propose an identification for the land surveyor (lu 2 - e š 2 a ša 5 -g id 2 ), although he was probably appointed by the royal administration (see above §3.1). Besides the texts cited above, others provide a panoramic view of additional dependents of the palace and the sanctuaries that were under the control of the governor. The most important one is no doubt CUSAS 35 360,136 which besides the highest administrators also records other high-ranking officials, like the administrators (saĝ ĝa) of different sanctuaries, the chief secretary (su k k al-ma h), the city elder (abba 2 u r u), the chief herald (n iĝ i r gal) and the chief policeman (gal 5 -la 2 gal), plus several other minor officials working for the palatial administration. As in the Middle Sargonic period, there was a craft workshop with sections commanded by overseers, like the chief leather-worker (a šgab gal), the chief reed-worker (a d- kid gal), or the chief rope-maker/braider (t ug 2 - du 8 gal). We also find the chief potter ( ba ha r x gal), the chief builder (šid i m gal), the chief boatman (ma 2 -la h 5 gal), the overseer of the chariot (ug u la ĝ i š g ig i r), the overseer of the throne (ug u la ĝ i š g uz a), the chief cook (mu hald i m gal), the chief of the granary ( k a-g u r u 7 ), the official in charge of the fisheries (e n k u), the garden administrator (sa nt a na- sar), the chief bookkeeper of the storehouse ( pisaĝ- dub ĝa nu n), chief and junior farmers

131 132 133 134 135 136

charges is more likely to point to an interpretation like “2½ (shekels of gold from) the chief steward, (and 2½ (?) shekels of gold from) the majordomo”. PPAC 1, p. 129 A 942 = FAOS 19 Ad 1. CUSAS 20 277, see above §3.4. OIP 14 151 ( U 2 - d a š a b r a e 2 ). PPAC 1, p. 129 A 942 = FAOS 19 Ad 1. On the relationship between local functionaries and representatives of the royal administration, like the majordomo, see Schrakamp 2017, 103; see also Foster 1993, 28f. Maiocchi 2010. For the “Kitchen archive” (and the related “Meat archive”) and the “Brewery archive”, see also Maiocchi 2009, 7–10; id. 2012, 20–24. Other important texts listing, for various purposes, high officials of the palace are: CUSAS 20 282 and TCCBI 1 196 = CUSAS 26 95; see also CUSAS 13 2 and PPAC 1, p. 220 A 863.

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(e nga r ma h , e nga r t u r), the chief physician (a-z u gal), a merchant (ga e š 2 ), and others. In all, there were more than eighty officials and courtiers, temple administrators included, who had responsibilities towards the palace. For the officials employed in them, then, the dimensions of the palaces of the Middle Sargonic and the Classical Sargonic periods were very similar (cf. §3.1). Although it is very difficult to assess with certainty the total number of palace dependents, in view of the number of officials, it was probably close to the size of the administrative centre of Ešnunna, estimated as 700 workers.137 The payment of taxes and obligations In addition to providing us with a remarkable list of palace dependents, this tablet (CUSAS 35 360) deals also with the delivery, from all of them, of quantities of gold and silver. This is an important feature of some Classical Sargonic texts from Adab, which document a constant supply of precious metals to the palace, both of gold and silver. It is unclear how this metal was later redistributed, but the fact that in Middle Sargonic times the one responsible for the collection of these taxes was apparently a royal agent (§4.1), and obviously the political dependence of Adab after the Great Revolt, indicate that it was mainly destined for the crown. What is unexpected and would deserve a special treatment in future studies is the relatively high number of payments in gold,138 since taxes and other obligations were mostly paid in silver in 3rd millennium Babylonian economies.139 Documents dealing with incomes of silver and gold were of the following type: –– Deliveries of gold or silver from palace dependents for unspecified or unclear purposes: CUSAS 13 46 (gold), CUSAS 13 47 (gold and silver), CUSAS 13 48 (silver and “bronze-copper”), CUSAS 13 125 (gold and silver), CUSAS 20 282 (gold), CUSAS 20 285 (gold), CUSAS 23 128 (gold), CUSAS 35 360 (gold and silver), OIP 14 197 (gold and silver), TCCBI 1 196 = CUSAS 26 95 (silver), TCCBI 1 210 (gold). –– Deliveries of gold or silver as field taxes: CUSAS 13 2 (gold with its value in silver), CUSAS 13 7 (silver), TCCBI 1 197 (silver) , TCCBI 1 212 (silver) –– Deliveries of gold or silver as mašdari’a-contributions: OIP 14 111 (silver and copper), OIP 14 159 (gold). The administration of the sanctuaries As in the preceding periods (§2.2.1, §3.1), the administration of the main sanctuaries of Adab was under the control of the governor of the province. They were the Emah, dedicated to Ninhursaĝ/Diĝirmah, and the temples of Iškur, Ašgi, Inanna and Enki. 137 Foster 2016, 57. 138 Already noted by Maiocchi 2009, 6. 139 Cf. Sallaberger 2013, 218–220.

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They were all managed by temple administrators (saĝĝa), who directly depended upon the palace administration.140 They are listed among other palace dependents in some of the texts cited in §4.1,141 usually in the same order, and on one occasion together with other “minor temple administrators” (saĝĝa tur-tur, CUSAS 20 282: i 10). It is remarkable that no administrative tablets were found by Banks in Mound V (Fig. 1), where the Emah was located, nor have I been able to identify any administrative tablets as clearly coming from a temple archive among those illegally excavated by looters. This could mean that even some of the temple accounts were kept in the palace archives. This possiblity may perhaps be indicated by a small group of five texts,142 that record the payment to a priest of taxes on shipments of barley: two of these tablets (A. 793 and A. 825) came from the tablet layer of Mound IV,143 where the palace archive was found.

Conclusions The corpus of Adab tablets excavated by Banks and Persons in the beginning of the 20th century, plus the extraordinary quantity of documents tragically looted in the aftermath of the First and Second Gulf Wars, offer for the first time quite a complete view of a Sumerian city during the whole Sargonic period. The study of this enormous corpus, amounting to more than 2,300 tablets, is still beginning, and will presumably continue during many years. Because of the scarce information at our disposal on the archaeological context of the tablets, basic studies on prosopography and palaeography are needed in order to arrange them in relative chronological order and to understand their archival relationships. For this reason, this contribution must be considered nothing but a first approach to the palace organization at Adab through the Sargonic period. The material has been roughly divided into three periods: Early Dynastic IIIb to Early Sargonic, Middle Sargonic and Classical Sargonic. The first one was dominated by the figure of Meskigala, whose palace was probably in Mound III. The structure of Meskigala’s palatial organization was in some way close to the one known for Girsu in Early Dynastic IIIb times. It consisted of a conglomerate of institutions or “houses” that were economically interrelated and centrally managed from the palace: they were the palace itself (e 2 -gal), the “House of the superintendent” (e 2 nu-ba nd a 3 ), the “House of the son” (e 2 du mu) and the “House of ah” (e 2 ah). Some specialization in their respective functions within the palace economy can be appreciated. Food supplies to the other “houses” and to sanctuaries and their workers, assigned to agricultural and irrigation activities, were the responsibility of the “House of the 140 See also the commentaries by Maiocchi 2009, 12–15. 141 CUSAS 13 46, CUSAS 20 282, CUSAS 35 360 and TCCBI 1 196. 142 See Yang 1989, 232–239. The texts are the following: PPAC 1, p. 295 A 658; PPAC 1, p. 324 A 751; PPAC 1, p. 330 A 793; PPAC 1, p. 336 A 825; PPAC 1, p. 336 A 828. 143 Wilson 2012, 179.

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superintendent”. The “House of the son” seems to have been particularly devoted to foreign relationships and the provision of messengers, travellers and visitors to Adab; it was also closely related to the activity of workshops and craftsmen. Finally, the “House of ah” seems to have been focused on supplies of bread and beer for personnel of the palace, particularly guards. In all likelihood, workshops were shared by all the “houses” belonging to the palace organization. The dimensions of these workshops were stable through the years and remained in Mound III until the end of the Sargonic period. However, their vigorous production lacked prestige goods, in accordance with an economic and political status similar to other city-states of southern Babylonia, with which Adab maintained close relationships. The internal organization of the palace of Adab in this period was headed by Silim-Utu, the superintendent (nu-ba nd a 3 ). Neither Silim-Utu, nor any other high administrators can be identified as royal agents. Likewise, no clear signs of political, administrative or economic interference on behalf of the Sargonic kings are discernible in the texts. One could only mention some personnel of the king recorded in four tablets along with other officials and workers at Meskigala’s palace organization, showing that in some way Adab recognized Akkadian sovereignty. Other textual references to visits at Adab of very high representatives of the crown, Sargon included, should be better interpreted in the light of a military coalition with the Sargonic king. After the defeat of Adab and its allies by king Rīmuš, the palace organization changed profoundly. Its structure into “houses” disappeared, and the crown intervened in the appointment of the governors, plausibly at least in the case of Šarruālī. The functions of the superintendent (nu-ba nd a 3 ) as the highest administrator in the palace organization, were assumed by the “chief steward” (e n si 2 -gal) and the “land surveyor” (lu 2 - e š 2 -a ša 5 -g id 2 ), very likely also appointed by the crown. Major changes affected as well the management of the sanctuaries: while the e2-sar, the temple of Ninhursaĝ/Diĝirmah, the major divinity of Adab, probably enjoyed an independent administration with the rulership of Meskigala, during the Middle Sargonic period it was managed from the palace organization under its new name e 2 -ma h. An incipient system of taxation seems also to be documented in texts recording the delivery of quantities of silver (and occasionally of gold) from all kinds of palace dependents. The possible supervision on these deliveries by someone who was probably a royal agent would point to an involvement of the royal administration in the taxation system. Texts from this period also provide detailed information about the internal organization of the workshops of craftsmen, fullers and weavers. Again, these workshops lack artisans devoted to the manufacture of the most precious and delicate objects, such as jewellers or sculptors. Nevertheless, under the rulership of Lugal-ajaĝu, they did produce several luxury goods, like silver medallions, precious garments, oils and delicacies that were given as presents to visitors at Adab or used in religious ceremonies. These gifts attest to a new scenario of diplomatic relationships and point to Adab as an important political centre, possibly foreshadowing its involvement in

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the Great Revolt against Naram-Suen. Conceivably, the remarkable production of weapons and military equipment documented by our texts is connected with this pre-war context. The victory of Naram-Suen against Adab and its allies in the Great Revolt represented a new step towards the control of the city by the Sargonic king. The palace moved to Mound IV during the reign of Šarkališarrī, or probably even before, during the reign of Naram-Suen, and its offices and high administrators changed again. There is now a chief scribe (dub -sa r-ma h) heading the palace administration, which was also managed by the land surveyor (lu 2 - e š 2 -a ša 5 -g id 2 ), the chief steward (e n si 2 -gal), the majordomo (šabr a e 2 ) and the chief cupbearer (sag i-ma h). Some of them can be identified as royal administrators, and it was the majordomo among them who seems to have held the highest authority. The new political situation and the new offices, nevertheless, were not accompanied by a significant change in the size of the palace in terms of dependent personnel. Qualitative differences are instead appreciated in the flow of precious metals, particularly of gold, towards the palace administration, which now increases substantially to the benefit of the crown. With regard to the sanctuaries, including the one dedicated to Ninhursaĝ/Diĝirmah, they are managed by temple administrators (saĝ ĝa) who worked for the palace, to such an extent that documents recording temple activities were plausibly kept, partly at least, in the palace archive. The Late Sargonic period at Adab is scarcely documented. Just one tablet dated to the first year of Šu-Durul’s reign (TCCBI 1 235), probably from Adab, is worth mentioning. In those years, the Gutians were able to establish a political hegemony over Babylonia, and indeed maintained it by ruling from Adab.

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— 2017: History, Texts and Art in Early Babylonia. Three Essays. SANER 15. Boston / Berlin. Such–Gutiérrez, M. — 2005/06: Untersuchungen zum Pantheon von Adab im 3. Jt., AfO 51, 1–44. — 2015: Der Übergang von der frühdynastischen Zeit in die altakkadische Periode anhand der Adab-Texte, in: R. Dittmann / G.J. Selz (eds.), It’s a Long Way to a Historiography of the Early Dynastic Period(s). AVO 15. Münster. 433–451. Visicato, G. 2010: New Light from an Unpublished Archive of Meskigalla, Ensi of Adab, Housed in the Cornell University Collections, in: L. Kogan et al. (eds.), City Administration in the Ancient Near East. Proceedings of the 53e Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale. 2. Babel und Bibel 5. Winona Lake. 263–271. Visicato, G. / Westenholz, Å. 2010: Early Dynastic and Early Sargonic Tablets from Adab in the Cornell University Collections. CUSAS 11. Bethesda. Westenholz, Å. 2010: Early Dynastic and Early Sargonic Tablets from Adab in the Cornell University Collections. CUSAS 11. Bethesda. — 2014: A Third–Millennium Miscellany of Cuneiform Texts. CUSAS 26. Bethesda. Wilson, K.L. 2012: Bismaya. Recovering the Lost City of Adab. OIP 138. Chicago. Yang, Z. 1988: The Excavation of Adab, JAC 3, 1–21. — 1989: Sargonic Inscriptions from Adab. Periodic Publications on Ancient Civilizations 1. Changchun. Zettler, R.L. / Sallaberger, W. 2011: Inana’s Festival at Nippur under the Third Dynasty of Ur, ZA 101, 1–71.

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185

The Palace of Adab during the Sargonic period Tab. 1: “Beer and bread texts”, Meskigala archive 144 .

Text

Month

Day

CUSAS 35 93

i

i t i a š a 5 - il2 - š u - ĝ a r

1

CUSAS 35 87

i

i t i a š a 5 - il2 - š u - ĝ a r

20

CUSAS 35 100

i

i t i a š a 5 - il2 - š u - ĝ a r

23

CUSAS 11 209

ii

iti še-sag-sa6-ga

9

CUSAS 11 206

ii

iti še-s[ag-sa6-ga]

28

CDLI P271229

iii

iti šu-ĝar

–––

CUSAS 11 215

iii

iti šu-ĝar

–––

CUSAS 35 88

iv

iti a2-ki-ti

3

CUSAS 35 101

v

iti ab-e3-zi-ga

4?

CUSAS 35 97

v

iti ab-e3-zi-ga

27

CUSAS 11 211

vii

iti du6-ku3

2

CUSAS 35 92

vii

iti du6-ku3

3

CUSAS 11 208

vii

iti du6-ku3

9

CUSAS 35 94

vii

iti du6-ku3

24

OIP 14 68

vii

iti du6-ku3

–––

CUSAS 35 90

viii

i t i n i ǧ 2 - sar

14

CUSAS 11 213

ix

i t i m u - tir

10

CUSAS 35 95

x

i t i i t i d Š u b a 3 × kur

7

CUSAS 35 84

x

iti Š u b a 3 -nun

20

CUSAS 35 89

x

iti d Š u b a 3 -nun

25

CUSAS 35 91

xi

i t i š e - kin- k u 5

1

CUSAS 35 98

xi

[i t i š e] - kin- k u 5

21 [(+x)]

CDLI P270837

xii

i t i š e - | še.še|.kin

7

d

144 For the Early Dynastic / Early Sargonic calendar of Adab, see Such-Gutiérrez 2013. All tablets of this group are pierced, except for CUSAS 23 92, CUSAS 11 206 and 216; it is uncertain whether they were pierced or not for the cases of CUSAS 11 207 (fragment), 210 (no photos available) and 356 (no photos available).

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Text

Month

Day

CUSAS 35 85

xii

i t i | še.še|.kin

23

CUSAS 11 356

xii

i t i š e - | še.[ še|. kin]

28

CUSAS 23 92

–––

–––

CUSAS 11 212

[...]

[...]

CUSAS 11 216

[...]

[...]

CUSAS 11 207

[...]

[...]

CUSAS 11 210

[...]

[...]

CUSAS 35 86

[...]

[...]

CUSAS 35 96

[...]

[...]

Tab. 2: Texts from the “House of the son”, Meskigala archive 145.

Trips Visitors to Adab CUSAS 35 137

(Expenditure of) foodstuff on the occasion of the trip of the governor of Azabum

CUSAS 35 144

Expenditure (a n - n a - š u m 2 ) of foodstuff (on the occasion of the trip) of Šešbad, the cupbearer, who visited the superintendent

CUSAS 35 130

Expenditure (a n - n a - š u m 2 ) of barley for an official of the town of Ezurzur

CUSAS 35 142

Expenditure (a n - n a - š u m 2 , e 3 - a) of semolina for various people, including men who came from Isin among them

CDLI P270830

Expenditure (a n - n a - š u m 2 ) of semolina for a man from Šuruppag

Trips of boatmen and merchants to Adab CUSAS 35 217

Expenditure (z i - g a) of onions for a merchant (coming from) Umma

145 Asterisk indicates that the ascription of the text to the “House of the son” is not certain; (P) indicates that the tablet is pierced.

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The Palace of Adab during the Sargonic period

187

Trips CUSAS 35 131

Expenditure (a n - n a - š u m 2 ) of foodstuff for a boatman (coming from) Akkade

CUSAS 35 150

Expenditure (a n - n e - š u m 2 ) of foodstuff for boatmen (on the occasion of a trip)

CUSAS 35 157

Expenditure (z i - g a) of barley and semolina for boatmen (on the occasion of a trip)

CUSAS 35 133

(Expenditure of foodstuff) to boatman and other individuals (on the occasion of a trip)

Adab officials travelling from/to Adab CUSAS 35 216

Expenditure (a n - n a - š u m 2 ) of onions on the occasion of the trip of Ur-Ninmug

CUSAS 35 178

Expenditure (a n - n a - š u m 2 , al-zi) of ... on the occasion of the trip of Ur-Ninmug

CUSAS 35 179

(Expenditure of) sheep and goats taken (a l - l a h 5 ) to Akkade on the occasion of the trip of Ur-Ninmug

CUSAS 11 126

Expenditure (a n - n a - š u m 2 , mašdari’a) of sheep on the occasion of the trip of Nani.

CUSAS 35 151

(Expenditure of) barley for various individuals on the occasion of the trip of Igisi.

CUSAS 11 202*

Expenditure (a n - n a - š u m 2 ) of foodstuff (on the occasion of the trip) of Igisi

CUSAS 35 176

Expenditure (a n - n a - š u m 2 ) of sheep on the occasion of the trip of Enlila to Akkade

CUSAS 35 181

Expenditure (a n - n a - š u m 2 ) of sheep on the occasion of the trip of Utu-tešĝu

CUSAS 35 212

Expenditure (a n - n a - š u m 2 ) of fruit on the occasion of the trip of Ur-Enlil (to) Akkade.

CUSAS 35 143

Expenditure (a n - n a - š u m 2 ) of foodstuff (on the occasion of the trip) of Abba

Other CUSAS 35 225

(Expenditure of) fish on the occasion of offerings at Nippur

CUSAS 11 355

(Expenditure of) foodstuff on the occasion of offerings to Enlil and at Keš

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Trips CUSAS 35 138

Expenditure (a n - n a - š u m 2 ) of semolina on the occasion of the trip of a shepherd (to) Akkade

CUSAS 35 175

Expenditure (a n - n a - š u m 2 ) of a sheep for a man (going to?) Šuruppag

CUSAS 35 182

[Expenditure] of sheep on the occasion of the trip of ...

Workshops CUSAS 35 152

Expenditure (a n - n e - š u m 2 ) of flour for leather-workers

CUSAS 35 188 (P)

Expenditure (a n - n a - š u m 2 ) of hides for a leather-worker

CUSAS 35 192

Expenditure (a n - n a - š u m 2 ) of hides with various destinations (the “House of the superintendent”, the chief leather-worker, [...])

CUSAS 35 199 (P)

Expenditure (a n - n a - š u m 2 ) of wooden implements for the carpenters

CUSAS 35 201

Expenditure (a n - n a - š u m 2 ) of wooden implements for the carpenter. They were brought (i 3 - d e 6 ) by PN for the palace (e 2 - g a l - š e 3 )

CUSAS 35 202

Delivery (a n - d e 6 ) of wagon accessories

CUSAS 35 213

Expenditure (a n - n a - š u m 2 ) of reed baskets to the chief builder

CUSAS 35 222

(Handing over) of bitumen and reed basket

CUSAS 35 230 (P)

Expenditure (a n - n a - š u m 2 ) of boat parts

CUSAS 35 211

Expenditure (a n - n a - š u m 2 ) of reed mats for boatmen

Foodstuff CUSAS 11 220

Deliveries (a n - n a - d e 6 , a l - d e 6 ) of foodstuff for the governor

CUSAS 35 129

Delivery (a n - d e 6 ) of flour (from?) the new palace (e 2 - g a l g ibil)

CDLI P271235

Expenditure (a n - n a - š u m 2 ) of flour for the “Women’s house”

CUSAS 35 158

Expenditure (z i - g a) of flour and foodstuff for the superintendent, the palace and other individuals

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189

Foodstuff CUSAS 35 141

Expenditure (a n - n a - š u m 2 , z i - g a) of semolina for the cupbearer

CUSAS 11 195

Delivery (a n - n a - d e 6 ) of foodstuff for the saĝĝa-administrator of the Esar

CUSAS 11 194 (P)

Delivery (a l - d e 6 ) of foodstuff for the temple of Šagan

TCCBI 1 50*

Expenditure (a n - n a - š u m 2 ) of barley for a high official (Igisi)

CUSAS 35 128

Expenditure (a n - n a - š u m 2 ) of semolina for a female worker of the superintendent

CUSAS 35 125

Expenditure (a n - n a - š u m 2 ) of semolina for a lamentation singer

CUSAS 35 124 (P)

Expenditure (PN i n - [n e - š u m 2 ] ) of barley for various individuals

CUSAS 35 126

Expenditure (z i - g a) of flour for various people

CUSAS 35 156

Expenditure (a n - n e - š u m 2 ) and delivery ( b a - d e 6 ) of flour for various workers and individuals

CUSAS 11 174

Expenditure (a n - n a - š u m 2 ) of fodder for the donkeys of the amorites of the king

CUSAS 11 197

Expenditure (a n - n a - š u m 2 ) of semolina (and?) mice

CUSAS 35 106

Expenditure (i n - n a - g u r u 17 ) of beer

CUSAS 35 123 (P)

Expenditure (PN i n - n a - š u m 2 ) of barley

CUSAS 35 135

Expenditure (a n - n a - š u m 2 ) of emmer

CUSAS 35 145

Expenditure (a n - n a - š u m 2 , z i - g a) of semolina

CUSAS 35 13

Purchase (n i ĝ 2 - s a m 2 ) of barley for the “House of the son”

Animals CUSAS 35 183

Expenditure (a n - n a - š u m 2 , zi-ga) of one sheep for the House of the superintendent

CUSAS 35 177

Delivery (i3-de6, zi-ga) of one sheep for the temple of Inanna

CUSAS 11 146

Delivery (m u - d e 6 ) of meat and a goat (from?) Ur-ešlila and the scribe

CUSAS 35 189

Handing over ( š u - a g i 4 - a) of hides and meat

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Animals CUSAS 35 190

Handing over ( š u - a g i 4 - a) of hides and meat

CUSAS 35 191

Handing over ( š u - a g i 4 - a) of hides and meat

Others CUSAS 35 218

Expenditure (a n - n a - š u m 2 ) of flax

CUSAS 35 139

Expenditure (a n - n a - š u m 2 ) of seeds of GU.LUL-plant

CUSAS 35 221 (P)

Expenditure (z i - g a) of bitumen

CUSAS 35 224

Expenditure (a n - n a - š u m 2 ) of buckets for a gardener

Bulla CUSAS 35 238

Bulla of basket containing tablets concerning the “House of the son”

Tab. 3: Texts from the “House of

ah ”,

Meskigala archive 146.

Guards of the palace it i a š a 5-

CUSAS 35 52

(Expenditure of) beer and bread for guards of the palace

il2-š u - ĝ a r

CUSAS 35 58

(Expenditure of) beer and bread for guards of the palace

il2-š u - ĝ a r

CUSAS 35 60

(Expenditure of) beer and bread for guards of the palace

il2-š u - ĝ a r

CUSAS 35 62

(Expenditure of) beer and bread for guards of the palace

il2-š u - ĝ a r

CUSAS 35 73

(Expenditure of) beer and bread for guards of the palace

il2-š u - ĝ a r

CUSAS 35 79

(Expenditure of) beer and bread for guards of the palace

il2-š u - ĝ a r

CUSAS 35 76

(Expenditure of) beer and bread for (guards of) the palace

iti še-saĝs i g 15 - g a

CUSAS 35 78

(Expenditure of) beer and bread for (guards of) the palace

iti še-saĝs i g 15 - g a

146 All tablets from this group are pierced, except for CUSAS 35 81 and 82.

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it i a š a 5it i a š a 5it i a š a 5it i a š a 5it i a š a 5-

The Palace of Adab during the Sargonic period

191

Guards of the palace CUSAS 35 38

(Expenditure of) beer and bread for guards of the palace

i t i a 2- k i - t i

CUSAS 35 40

(Expenditure of) beer and bread for guards of the palace

i t i a 2- k i - t i

CUSAS 35 43

(Expenditure of) beer and bread for guards of the palace

i t i a 2- k i - t i

CUSAS 35 49

(Expenditure of) beer and bread for guards of the palace

i t i a 2- k i - t i

CUSAS 35 54

(Expenditure of) beer and bread for guards of the palace

i t i a 2- k i - t i

CUSAS 35 55

(Expenditure of) beer and bread for guards of the palace

i t i a 2- k i - t i

CUSAS 35 63

(Expenditure of) beer and bread for guards of the palace

i t i a 2- k i - t i

CUSAS 35 36

(Expenditure of) beer and bread for guards of the palace

iti ab - e 3 -z i-ga

CUSAS 35 47

(Expenditure of) beer and bread for guards of the “New palace” (e 2 - g a l g i b i l)

iti ab - e 3 -z i-ga

CUSAS 35 70

(Expenditure of) beer and bread for (guards of) the palace

iti ab - e 3 -z i-ga

CUSAS 35 80

(Expenditure of) beer and bread for guards of the palace

iti ab - e 3 -z i-ga

CUSAS 35 57

(Expenditure of) beer and bread for (guards of) the palace

it i du6-k u 3

CUSAS 35 72

(Expenditure of) beer and bread for (guards of) the palace

it i du6-k u 3

CUSAS 35 51

(Expenditure of) beer and bread for guards of the palace

iti n i ĝ 2- k i r i 6

CUSAS 35 59

(Expenditure of) beer and bread for guards of the palace

iti n i ĝ 2- k i r i 6

CUSAS 35 61

(Expenditure of) beer and bread for guards of the palace

iti n i ĝ 2- k i r i 6

CUSAS 35 67

(Expenditure of) beer and bread for guards of the palace

iti n i ĝ 2- k i r i 6

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Guards of the palace CUSAS 35 71

(Expenditure of) beer and bread for guards of the palace

CUSAS 35 68

(Expenditure of) beer and bread for guards of the palace

CUSAS 35 74

(Expenditure of) beer and bread for guards of the palace

iti n i ĝ 2- k i r i 6 iti Šu b a 3 - nu n

d

–––

Fields, gardens and canals CUSAS 35 41

(Expenditure of) beer and bread for workers? at the field of Damgalnun

iti šu-ĝar

CUSAS 35 69

(Expenditure of) beer and bread for (the personnel at) the Garden of Urtu-Ašgi

it i a š a 5il2-š u - ĝ a r

CUSAS 35 44

(Expenditure of) beer and bread for (the personnel at) the Garden of Urtu-Ašgi

CUSAS 35 65

(Expenditure of) beer and bread for (the personnel at) the Garden of Ašgi-pa’e

CUSAS 35 56

(Expenditure of) beer and bread for (a ceremony) at the inlet of the “Governor’s Canal”

iti ab - e 3 -z i-ga

CUSAS 35 37

(Expenditure of) beer and bread for (a ceremony) at the inlet of the e 2 - dun-canal

še|.kin-a

CUSAS 35 39

(Expenditure of) beer and bread for (a ceremony) at the inlet of the “Small Canal”

še|.kin-a

CUSAS 35 50

(Expenditure of) beer and bread for (a ceremony) at the “New Canal”

še|.kin-a

CUSAS 35 48

(Expenditure of) beer and bread for a ceremonial boat

še|.kin-a

CUSAS 35 42

(Expenditure of) beer and bread for a ceremonial boat

iti šu-ĝar

CUSAS 35 45

(Expenditure of) beer and bread for boatmen ( l u 2 m a 2 - g u r 8)

iti šu-ĝar

CUSAS 35 53

(Expenditure of) beer and bread for boatmen ( l u 2 m a 2 - g u r 8)

iti n i ĝ 2- k i r i 6

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iti Šu b a 3 - nu n

d

iti Šu b a 3 - nu n

d

i t i - š e - | še.

i t i - š e - | še. i t i - š e - | še. i t i - š e - | še.

193

The Palace of Adab during the Sargonic period

Visitors i t i - š e - | še.

CUSAS 35 64

(Expenditure of) beer and bread on the occasion of a visit of the governors of Umma and Lagaš

še|.kin-a

CUSAS 35 82

Expenditure (a n - n a - š u m 2 , z i - g a) of semolina for a man ( l u 2 - ku) of the king

iti n i ĝ 2- k i r i 6

Other individuals (visitors?) CUSAS 35 81

Expenditure (a n - n a - š u m 2 , z i - g a) of foodstuff for PN

i t i - š e - | še.

CUSAS 35 46

(Expenditure of) beer and bread for PN

CUSAS 35 66

(Expenditure of) beer and bread for PN

it i du6-k u 3

CUSAS 35 75

(Expenditure of) beer and bread for PN

iti še-saĝs i g 15 - g a

(Expenditure of) beer and bread for [...]

iti n i ĝ 2- k i r i 6

še|.kin-a

i t i - š e - | še.

še|.kin-a

Uncertain CUSAS 35 77

Tab. 4: Texts from the palace of organization, but from an indeterminate “house”, Meskigala archive 147.

Foodstuff CUSAS 35 275

(Expenditure of) bread for a large number of dependents of the palace organization (officials and workers) and personnel of the king of Akkade

CUSAS 35 276

(Expenditure of) bread for a large number of dependents of the palace organization (officials and workers) and personnel of the king of Akkade

CUSAS 35 277

(Expenditure of) bread for a large number of dependents of the palace organization (officials and workers) and personnel of the king of Akkade

147 (P) indicates that the tablet is pierced. When Silim-Utu appears as responsible for the transaction, it is indicated on the third column.

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Foodstuff CUSAS 35 278

(Expenditure of) bread for a large number of dependents of the palace organization (officials and workers) and personnel of the king of Akkade

CUSAS 35 162

(Expenditure? of) barley for various individuals, the palace, and craftsmen

CUSAS 11 93

(Expenditure of bread) for various individuals, craftsmen ( ĝ i š - k i n - t i ) and guards

CUSAS 11 98

(Expenditure of) beer? for craftsmen and other workers, personnel on duty at the “House of the son” and guards

CUSAS 35 83

(Expenditure of) barley for sanctuaries and officials

CUSAS 11 96

(Expenditure of) beer and bread for craftsmen and others

CUSAS 11 97

(Expenditure of) barley for workers of the superintendent, the “House of the son”, the sanctuary of Ašgi, and others

CUSAS 35 159

(Expenditure? of) barley for high officials, sanctuaries and the “House of the son”

CUSAS 35 99 (P)

Expenditure (a l - z i ) of bread for (workers on duty at) orchard(s), sculptors and (workers on duty at) the “House of the superintendent” and the “House of the son”.

Silim-Utu

CUSAS 11 150

Expenditure (a n - n a - š u m 2 ) of barley for people from various places (the “House of the son” among them)

Silim-Utu

CUSAS 11 189

(Expenditure of) barley with various destinations (the “House of the son” among them)

CUSAS 35 127

Expenditure (a n - n a - š u m 2 ) of cereals for the “House of the firstborn son” from the field of Mar ma.

Silim-Utu

CUSAS 11 175

(Delivery?) of barley from the house of Belili for the palace, as fodder, and for other purposes

Silim-Utu

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The Palace of Adab during the Sargonic period

Foodstuff CUSAS 35 102

(Expenditure of) bread, beer and stew for the “House of ...”

CUSAS 11 177

Expenditure (z i - g a) of barley for various individuals (hired men, smith, išib-priest, merchant, etc.) and as fodder

CUSAS 35 111 (P)

Expenditure (a n - n a - š u m 2 ) of barley for (workers on duty at) the field of Damgalnuna

CUSAS 35 115 (P)

Expenditure (a n - n a - š u m 2 ) of barley for (workers on duty at) the field of Damgalnuna and at the “House of Meme”

CUSAS 35 121 (P)

(Expenditure of) barley for female workers and a child

CUSAS 35 117 (P)

(Delivery? of) large quantity of barley (from?) the field of Munumah

Silim-Utu

CUSAS 35 118 (P)

(Expenditure of) emmer for sanctuaries

Silim-Utu

SCTRAH 1

Expenditure (z i - g a) of bread and beer for (a ceremony) at the inlet of the “Small Canal”

CUSAS 35 120 (P)

Expenditure (a n - n a - š u m 2 ) of barley for the granary (supervisor?)

CUSAS 11 163 (P)

(Expenditure of) of barley for various individuals

CUSAS 35 114 (P)

(Expenditure of) flour for various individuals

CUSAS 35 170 (P)

(Expenditure? of) flour for various individuals

CUSAS 11 167 (P)

Expenditure (z i - g a) of barley for the rent of a wagon and for various individuals

CUSAS 11 166 (P)

Expenditure (a n - n a - š u m 2 ) of barley for uncertain purposes

CUSAS 11 182

Delivery (m u - d e 6 ) of barley with various destinations (fragmentary)

CUSAS 11 235 (P)

Account (PN u 3 - m u - d a - ĝ a l 2 ) of cream and cheese

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Foodstuff CUSAS 35 108

Account of flour, beer and wooden objects

Silim-Utu

CUSAS 11 113

Handing over ( š u - a g i 4 - a) of saws for reaping

Silim-Utu

CUSAS 11 243

Expenditure (a n - n a - [ š u m 2 ] ) of material for rope makers/braiders

Silim-Utu

CUSAS 35 220 (P)

(Expenditure of) bitumen for reed-workers

CUSAS 35 194

Delivery (a l - d e 6 ) and expenditure (z i - g a) of one waterskin for the governor and hides for a wagon

CUSAS 11 120

Handing over ( š u - a g i 4 - a) of hides for the house? of the governor

CUSAS 11 133

Handing over (šu-a gi4-am3) of hides

CUSAS 11 136

Handing over ( š u - a g i 4 - a) of hides

CUSAS 11 137

Handing over ( š u - a g i 4 - a) of hides

CUSAS 11 138

(Handing over of) hides

TCCBI 1 19

Handing over ( š u - a g i 4 - a) of hides

CUSAS 11 143

Handing over ( š u - a g i 4 - a) and expenditure (a n - n a - š u m 2 ) of hides

CUSAS 11 135

Delivery (m u - d e 6 ) of hides

CUSAS 11 142

(Delivery of) hides and animals from a shepherd of Urusaĝrig

Workshop Crafts

Fullers CUSAS 11 228

Delivery of garments from various individuals (temple administrators, palace dependants, etc), received ( š u b a - t i - a m 3 ) by the fullers

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The Palace of Adab during the Sargonic period

Merchants CUSAS 11 106

Expenditure (a n - n a - š u m 2 ) of silver for a merchant

CUSAS 35 109

Expenditure (i 3 - n a - š u m 2 , z i - g a) of large quantity of barley for a merchant

CUSAS 35 116 (P)

Expenditure (a n - n a - š u m 2 ) of barley for a merchant

CUSAS 35 209

Expenditure (a n - n a - š u m 2 ) of dates for a merchant

Silim-Utu

CUSAS 26 80

Expenditure (a n - n e - š u m 2 ) of flour for merchants on the occasion of their trip to Gasur

Silim-Utu

CUSAS 35 12 (P)

Delivery ( b a - d e 6 ) of silver for a purchase

CUSAS 20 354

Purchase (n i ĝ 2 - s a m 2 ) of copper

Silim-Utu

Gifts and other goods given to visitors and travelers TCCBI 1 63

(Expenditure of) … on the occasion of trips (visits of Sargon and other governors among them)

CUSAS 35 107

(Expenditure of) beer for a banquet on the occasion of the visit of the livestock administrator of the king of Kiš (=Sargon) and the chief cook of Lagaš

CUSAS 11 130 (P)

Expenditure ( e 3 - a ) of animals (on the occasion of the visit) of the governors of Šuruppag and (Bad)tibira

CUSAS 11 242

Delivery (in-na-de6) of dates and copper for visitors (governor of [...] and governor of Marada)

CUSAS 35 173 (P)

Expenditure ( a n - n a - š u m 2 , zi-ga) of sheep on the occasion of the visit of a man from (Bad)tibira

CUSAS 35 104 (P)

(Expenditure of) beer for merchants and/or visitors from U4.uri.sar, Isin, Umma and Ur

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Gifts and other goods given to visitors and travelers CUSAS 11 141

Handing over ( š u - a g i 4 - a ) of hide and meat (on the occasion of the visit of) an official of the city of Ezurzur

CUSAS 11 253

Expenditure ( a n - n a - š u m 2 ) of ... on the occasion of a visit of a man from Šuruppag (fragmentary), and other expenditures (fragmentary)

CUSAS 11 110

[Expenditure of] gifts (clothes and metal objects) on the occasion of a trip of the governor

CUSAS 26 78

Account of sheep taken to Akkade on the occasion of a trip of the gorvernor

CUSAS 11 233

(Expenditure of) oil for various individuals and purposes (a trip of the governor among them)

CUSAS 11 145

Expenditure ( a n - n a - š u m 2 ) of hides on the occasion of the trip of the superintendent to Akkade

CUSAS 11 250

Handing over ( š u - a g i 4 - a ) of ... on the occasion of a trip of the superintendent

TCCBI 1 47

Expenditure ( a n - n a - š u m 2 ) of barley on the occasion of the trip of Urnu, supervisor of the temple of Ninmug

CUSAS 11 160

(Expenditure of) a large quantity of barley sent to Lagaš on the occasion of the trip of U3-mu-ni.ni

CUSAS 11 127

Handing over ( š u - a g i 4 - a) of sheep and goats on the occasion of the trip of Ilum-nu’id

CUSAS 11 165

(Expenditure of) a large quantity of barley sent by boat on the occasion of the trip of Ur-Suen

CUSAS 35 184

Expenditure (a - b a - š u m 2 ) of one sheep on the occasion of a trip of Ur-Ninmug?

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Expenditure (a n - n a - š u m 2 ) of oil for Lugal-kura

Silim-Utu

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Oils TCCBI 1 60

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The Palace of Adab during the Sargonic period

Oils Handing over ( š u - a g i 4 - a) and pouring out (i n - n a - d e 2 ) of oil for the perfume-maker

CUSAS 11 234

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Livestock management CUSAS 11 119

Handing over ( š u - a g i 4 - a) of animals given (a n - n a - š u m 2 ) as šuku-allotments

CUSAS 20 356

Account of sheep from the palace transferred to a shepherd

CUSAS 35 174 (P)

(Expenditure? of) a goat (for? the sanctuary of) Inanna

CUSAS 35 187 (P)

Handing over ( š u - a g i 4 - a) and delivery ( b a - d e 6 ) of hides and meat

Silim-Utu

Personnel management CUSAS 35 22

Assignment of agricultural workers to various individuals

CUSAS 11 99

List of guards of the superintendent, travelling or located in the city

OIP 14 63 (P)

List of smiths

Silim-Utu

Land management CUSAS 35 33 (P)

Account of land allotments

CUSAS 11 118 (P)

Fodder for equids working in the field of Agar-Inanna

CUSAS 11 176

(Expenditure of) of barley for agricultural activities and as fodder for equids

CUSAS 11 181

(Expenditure of) barley for donkey-teams

CUSAS 11 183

Balance-account of barley from the Agar-Inanna field

Letter-orders and legal procedures CUSAS 11 86

Barley loans to cultic personnel and others

CUSAS 11 108

Legal text concerning the theft of silver

CUSAS 26 74 (P)

Legal text (claim) on a loan and purchases

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Letter-orders and legal procedures CUSAS 20 355

Letter-order on the transfer of barley

Other CUSAS 35 14 (P)

Account of barley and silver issued or received by the superintendent

CUSAS 11 109

Delivery (m u - d e 6 ) of golden objects by the goldsmith of Keš

CUSAS 35 223 (P)

Expenditure (a n - n a - š u m 2 ) of buckets for a gardener

CUSAS 35 260

Account of silver taxes from various individuals

CUSAS 35 210 (P)

Delivery (a n - d e 6 ) of rushes to the “House of the outer city”

CUSAS 35 200 (P)

Deliveries (m u - d e 6 ) of beams (school text?)

CUSAS 35 237 (Bulla)

Bulla recording barley of different qualities

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Der Palast als ‚Soziotop‘ – Funktionen und Funktionsträger in frühislamischen Residenzen. Zwischen archäologischem Befund und Textquellen Martina Müller-Wiener Eine Passage im „Buch der Geschenke“ des Qadi Ibn az-Zubair (11. Jh.) beschreibt ein Fest, das der Kalif Harūn ar-Rašīd im Jahr 806 AD/190 AH anlässlich der Hochzeit seiner drei Söhne und Thronfolger in seiner Residenz im nordsyrischen ar-Raqqa gab. Zu dem großen Festmahl wurden auch die Frauen und Männer der Umaiyadenfamilie eingeladen: „[...] obwohl sie unsere Feinde sind, sind sie doch unsere Vettern.“ Einladungen gingen nach Balis, az-Zaitūna, ar-Rusāfa, Ḥisn-Maslama und in die umliegenden Siedlungen der Umaiyaden. Als alle versammelt waren stellt sich die Frage der Sitzordnung. Der Hofmeister hatte die abbasidischen und die umaiyadischen Frauen jeweils getrennt in einem Empfangsraum (maǧlis) platziert. Der Kalif sah hierin eine mögliche Provokation der Gäste und gab Anweisung, alle Frauen in einem maǧlis zusammenzusetzen. Daraufhin entstand ein Streit zwischen Zainab, einer Ururenkelin des Kalifen Hišām ibn ʿAbd al-Malik, und einer hochrangigen abbasidischen Prinzessin. Diese fordert Zainab auf, von ihr abzurücken, da sie sie mit ihrem Geruch belästige. Zainab weigerte sich und antwortete mit einem Gedicht auf den Ruhm der eigenen Herkunft. Der Eklat endet damit, dass der Kalif die wortgewandte Zainab und ihre männlichen Verwandten mit Ländereien belehnt.“1 Der hier beschriebene Konflikt entzündet sich an der diffizilen Frage der Sitzordnung, die von den Beteiligten nicht nur als Ausdruck von Sozialstatus gesehen, sondern in der implizit auch die Rechtmäßigkeit abbasidischer Herrschaft verhandelt wird. Dabei wird die Interdependenz sozialer und räumlicher Konstellationen als Faktum dargestellt. Durch die Anordnung der Personen im Raum werden diesem soziale und politische Relationen eingeschrieben und damit sichtbar und erfahrbar gemacht. Dieser Gedanke dient als Ausgangspunkt, wenn im Folgenden die Analyse von Verwandtschafts- und Klientelbeziehungen der umaiyadischen Eliten sowie der Struktur des Herrschaftssystems dazu dient, die Entstehung und Veränderung konkreter räumlicher Konstellationen zu rekonstruieren und zu interpretieren. Dabei 1 Qaddumi 1996, 123–125.

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werden unterschiedliche Konfigurationen und Dimensionen räumlicher Ordnung in den Blick genommen. Die großmaßstäbliche Perspektive untersucht den zentralen Herrschaftsraum der umaiyadischen Eliten – Großsyrien – als einen Raum, dem die patrimoniale Machtstruktur umaiyadischer Herrschaft eingeschrieben ist.2 Auf der Mikroebene werden Lage und Aufbau der umaiyadischen Residenzen sowie die Palastarchitektur in den Blick genommen. Chronologisch ist die Untersuchung auf die Zeit der Herrschaft des Kalifen Hišām ibn ʿAbd al-Malik (reg. 724–743 AD/105– 125 AH) beschränkt. Diese Beschränkung trägt der Tatsache Rechnung, dass die 89 Jahre umaiyadischer Herrschaft von einer starken Dynamik geprägt waren und, insbesondere was organisatorische Strukturen angeht, nicht – wie die dynastische Bezeichnung suggeriert – als Einheit zu begreifen sind. So wird die Kodierung eines Rechtssystems erst unter den späten Umaiyadenkalifen in Angriff genommen, ebenso wie die Formulierung einer Herrschaftstheorie. Ein einheitliches administratives System mit den entsprechenden Institutionen und einer einheitlichen Amtssprache werden nur schrittweise entwickelt und administrative Abläufe sowie die Zuweisung von Funktionen an Amtsträger flexibel gehandhabt.3 Auch die Einteilung des Herrschaftsgebietes in Militärprovinzen ist noch in Veränderung und wächst von vier ǧund zu später sechs.4 Und auch die Hauptstädte der Provinzen wechseln im Laufe des 7. Jhs., z.B. Filastin/Palästina: Amwas (Emmaus-Nicopolis), dann Jerusalem und Lod/Ramla.5 Unter diesen Umständen liegt die Annahme nahe, dass die Funktion von Damaskus und weiterer Orte als Haupt- oder Residenzstadt über den gesamten Zeitraum ebenfalls Veränderungen unterworfen war. Diese Dynamik der organisatorischen und räumlichen Ordnung ist zum einen pragmatischen Zwängen geschuldet, zum anderen als Manifestation des umaiyadischen Herrschaftsystems zu sehen, das Decobert als patrimoniales System im Weberschen Sinne beschreibt.6 An der Spitze steht eine einzelne, nicht-charismatische Führungspersönlichkeit, Autorität basiert auf verwandtschaftlichen oder persönlichen Beziehungen oder auf Klientelbeziehungen. Vor allem unter den Marwaniden werden führende Positionen mit männlichen Verwandten besetzt, nachgeordnete Machtpositionen mit Klienten oder Gefolgsleuten. Das Kerngebiet des Reiches, bilād aš-Šam, wird unter den Söhnen des Kalifen aufgeteilt, in Ägypten sind mehrfach Brüder der jeweiligen Kalifen als Statthalter eingesetzt, in Mekka und Medina lassen sich wiederholt Onkel – sowohl mütterlicher- (ḫāl) als auch väterlicherseits (ʿamm) – der jeweils regierenden Kalifen als Statthalter nachweisen. Die verwandtschaftlichen Nähe-Distanzrelationen, die im maǧlis in der Sitzordnung zum Ausdruck kom2 Den Gedanken diskutiert auch Borrut 2011, 385–396. 3 Einen Überblick gibt Biddle 1972. Als epigraphische Quellen sind neben Inschriften vor allem die ägyptischen Papyri zu nennen; dazu s. Sijpesteijn 2013; zu den umaiyadischen Kupfermünzprägungen als Quelle zur Verwaltungsgeschichte s. Bone 2000. 4 Zur Diskussion um die Bezüge zwischen byzantinischen Verwaltungsdistrikten, der Unterteilung des Landes unter persischer Besetzung und dem frühislamischen ǧund-System zusammenfassend mit Literaturverweisen Foss 2003, 162 und Anm. 69 und 70. 5 Luz 1997. 6 Décobert 2010, 229; s.a. Borrut 2011, 391 Anm. 46.

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men, werden in anderem Maßstab der territorialen Ordnung des Herrschaftsgebiets eingeschrieben. Bacharach hat dieses Phänomen in seinem Aufsatz zu „Marwanid Umayyad Building Activities“7 in Bezug auf die marwanidischen Kalifensöhne beschrieben, Décobert und Borrut haben den Ansatz fortgeführt und ausgebaut. Sie rekonstruieren ein patrimoniales Ordnungsmodell, in dem die Aneignung des Herrschaftsraums über familiäre Beziehungen erfolgt. Ein wesentlicher Aspekt, die Bedeutung der weiblichen Mitglieder der Elitenfamilien und Heiratsbeziehungen, wird in diesem Zusammenhang nicht berücksichtigt.

Herrschaftsraum und soziale Beziehungen Hišām ist ein Sohn des Kalifen ʿAbd al-Malik ibn Marwān (reg. 685–705). Seine Mutter, ʿAīša bint Hišām, stammte aus einer der mächtigsten Familien in Mekka, aus dem quraišitischen Clan al-Maḫzūm.8 Ihre männlichen Verwandten besaßen seit den Eroberungen in der Region um Ḥims und in der Ǧazīra eine Machtbasis.9 Ihre beiden Brüder, Muḥammad und Ibrāhīm b. Hišām b. Ismāʿīl al-Maḫzūmī werden in den Quellen mehrfach als Teil der ḫāssa, der Vertrauten, Hišāms genannt. Sie waren mit Unterbrechungen als Gouverneure in Medina eingesetzt und wurden nach dem Tod des Hišām auf Geheiß seines Nachfolgers al-Walīd ermordet.10 Bei seinem Regierungsantritt im Jahr 724 war Hišām bereits 33 Jahre alt. Die Nachricht vom Tod seines Bruders und Vorgängers Yazīd II. erreicht ihn in der Domäne az-Zaitūna, die in der eingangs zitierten Episode als Landsitz der Umaiyaden genannt wird. Az-Zaitūna lag im Gebiet von Raqqa, ebenjener Region, in der Hišām in der Folgezeit auch seine Residenz, Ruṣāfat Hišām, erbaute.11 In den Quellen wird die Wahl des eher abseitig gelegenen Resafa mit den Pestepidemien begründet, die wiederholt die großen Städte heimsuchten. Mindestens ebenso große Bedeutung dürfte jedoch der Tatsache zukommen, dass Hišām in den Jahren vor der Machtübernahme in der Region ein Netzwerk aus verwandtschaftlichen, sozialen und wirtschaftlichen Beziehungen aufgebaut hatte.12 7 Bacharach 1996. 8 Zu den Maḫzūm s. Hinds 1987, 135–139. 9 Ḫālid b. al-Walīd ist ihr Urgroßonkel; sein Sohn, ʿAbd ar-Raḥman b. Ḫālid ist Gouverneur von Ḥims und der Ǧazīra und wird auf Initiative von Mu’āwiya 46/666 vergiftet, weil er zu beliebt wurde. 10 Al-Iṣfahānī 1886, Bd.6, 102; Ibn Asākir 1911–1932, Bd. 31, 17; s.a. Munt 2014, 153–155. Zur Ermordung s. Ḫalīfa b. Ḫayyāt, 379 11 Zu az-Zaitūna s. die Diskussion der betreffenden Textpassagen von Kellner-Heinkele, 1996, 135 Anm. 2. 136, Anm. 7 sowie die Textbelege 137, 138 und 148; s.a. Heidemann 2003, 21. Anm. 137. Eine Übersetzung der diesbezüglichen Passage in der Chronik von Zuqnīn gibt Robinson 2003, 84. Eine Zusammenfassung der wissenschaftlichen Diskussion um die Identifizierung von az-Zaitūna gibt Rousset 2001, 565 Anm. 79. Sie rekonstruiert einen Distrikt Zaitūna im Gebiet von Raqqa. 12 Zur Bedeutung des Sergiuskults in diesem Zusammenhang s. Fowden 1999 und Sack 2015.

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In Mosul, dem strategisch zentralen Stützpunkt in der Jazira, besaß er erheblichen Landbesitz und liess sich – noch als Prinz – ein qaṣr erbauen.13 Außerdem war er über eine seiner drei Ehefrauen mit Mosul verbunden: Umm Ḥakīm bint Yahyā b. al-Ḥakam, eine Kusine zweiten Grades. Ihr Vater und ihr Bruder, al-Ḥurr b. Yusuf, waren über lange Jahre Gouverneure von Mosul und besaßen dort mehrere Handelsniederlassungen ( funduq), Paläste und umfangreichen Landbesitz.14 Aus der Ehe mit ihr gingen vier Kinder hervor: Maslama, Yazīd, Muḥammad und Umm Hāšim.15 Ein weiterer Bezugspunkt war Damaskus. Dort besaß Hišām eine Residenz (dār) in der Gegend von Bāb al-Ḫawāṣīn, bei der späteren Madrasa Nūrīya, südwestlich der großen Moschee.16 Die Ḫaḍrāʾ, der alte Umaiyadenpalast, wird im Zusammenhang mit Hišām nicht erwähnt. Außerdem war er Damaskus durch eine seiner Ehefrauen verbunden, die in Damaskus viele nicht näher bezeichnete Besitztümer besaß.17 Umm ʿUṯmān bint Saʿīd b. Ḫālid b. ʿUmar b. ʿUṯmān war eine Tochter des Urenkels des dritten rechtgeleiteten Kalifen und eine Kusine des Hišām väterlicherseits. Ihr Vater, einer der reichsten Männer seiner Zeit, lebte in Damaskus und Medina. Aus der Verbindung mit ihr gingen zwei Söhne hervor: ʿAbd ar-Raḥman und Marwān.18 In der Region südlich von Resafa verschaffte Hišām die Verbindung mit seiner dritten Ehefrau Allianzen und Unterstützung. ʿAbda bint ʿAbdallah b. Yazīd b. Muʿāwīya war eine Enkelin des Kalifen Yazīd I. Yazīd war der Sohn von Maisūn aus dem Stamm der Kalb, die die Region um Palmyra und bis nach Ḥims kontrollierten.19 Er wuchs bei dem Stamm seiner Mutter auf und hielt sich auch während seiner Regierungszeit bevorzugt in der Gegend um Huwwārīn auf. Mit dem Vater von ʿAbda teilte Hišām die Leidenschaft für Pferde und Pferderennen. ʿAbdallah b. Yazīd war ein berühmter Reiter und galt als der beste Bogenschütze seiner Zeit. Die Tochter, die aus dieser Ehe hervorging, ʿĀʾiša, ist die einzige Tochter Hišāms, über die in den Quellen berichtet wird: sie habe auch Pferde gezüchtet, Rennen abgehalten und reite im Gefolge, maukib, des Hišām mit.20 Das im Vorhergehenden skizzierte Netzwerk aus Heirats- und Verwandtschaftsbeziehungen hat eine konkrete räumliche Dimension im Sinne von Aktivitätsräumen und -radien. In diesem räumlichen Geflecht liegt die Residenz des Hišām, ar-Ruṣāfa, keineswegs an der Peripherie, sondern durchaus zentral. Dieser Sachverhalt wird 13 Robinson 2000, 78–79. 14 Ibn al-Aṯīr 1970, 219. Im „Buch der Lieder“ tritt sie in Erscheinung, weil al-Walīd Verse über ihre Weinschale verfasst, die noch im Schatz des Abbasidenkalifen al-Maʾmūn aufbewahrt wurde, Hamilton 1988, 93. Zu al-Ḥurr b. Yūsuf s. Robinson 2000, 153. Robinson erwähnt, dass Hišām auch mit der Tante des al-Ḥurr b. Yūsuf, Āmina bint Yaḥyā, verheiratet war. In den hier eingesehenen Quellen wird sie nicht genannt. Zu den Gütern etc. s. Kennedy 2004, 25. 15 Balāḏurī 1993, 104; Kitāb al-ʿuyūn, 107. 16 Ibn al-Aṯīr 1970, 185; Safadī, 354. Die Schilderung seines Palastes in Damaskus bei Yāqūṭ, die sich in nahezu gleichem Wortlaut im kitāb al-aġānī findet, wirkt stark topisch (Yāqūṭ 1910, 138–139; Hamilton 1988, 76) 17 Ahmed 2011. 18 Balāḏurī 1993, 104; kitāb al-ʿuyūn, 107. 19 Balāḏurī 1993, 2 und 104. 20 Balāḏurī 1993, 27.

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Abb. 1: Durch Heirats- und Verwandtschaftsbeziehungen und Landbesitz definierte Einflußgebiete des Kalifen Hisham b. Abd al-Malik. Martina Müller-Wiener 2018, auf Grundlage von Google Bilder © 2018 TerraMetrics.

noch deutlicher, wenn die Kartierung sozialer Netzwerke erweitert wird durch solche Orte und Gebiete, wo Hišām über Land- oder wirtschaftlichen Besitz verfügte (Abb. 1). Diese Rekonstruktion einer Raumordnung über soziale Netzwerke lässt sich, je nach gewähltem Maßstab, wahlweise erweitern oder fokussieren. Im Folgenden wird die zweite Alternative gewählt. Ausgehend von der Prämisse, dass gebaute Architektur gesellschaftliche, politische, wirtschaftliche und kulturelle Strukturen und Interaktionsmuster rahmt und ordnet, werden Funktionen und Nutzung einer spätumaiyadischen Kalifenresidenz rekonstruiert. Ziel ist es einen weiterführenden Ansatz für die Interpretation des archäologischen Befunds in Ruṣāfat Hišām zu bieten, da Aussagen zu Funktion und Nutzung der Residenz und ihrer Bauten mit den Mitteln der Archäologie allein nur begrenzt möglich sind. Daher wurde, ausgehend von den von Kellner-Heinkele ausschnittweise publizierten Quellen, eine Revision der Schriftquellen und Sekundärliteratur zu ar-Ruṣāfa unternommen.21

21 Diese Arbeit erfolgte im Rahmen einer dreimonatigen Senior-Fellowship des Exzellenzclusters 264 TOPOI der FU Berlin im Sommer 2011. Die umfängliche Vorlage der Ergebnisse erfolgt in der Abschlusspublikation des Resafa-Projekts (in Vorbereitung). Ich danke der Projektleiterin, Professor Dorothée Sack, für die Möglichkeit im Resafa-Projekt mitzuarbeiten.

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Abb. 2: Resafa, Lageplan, auf Grundlage aller bekannten Karten und Daten. Martin Gussone und Günther Hell, 2013, auf Grundlage von: EIRA 1961, Günther Hell 2006–2011, Catharine Hof 2006–2011, Michael Mackensen 1977, Dorothée Sack 1983–1986, Ulrike Siegel 2007–2010, Manfred Stephani 1998–2006, Herbert Tremel 1976–1978 u.a.

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Die Residenz des Kalifen: Bewohner, Funktionsträger und Einrichtungen Als Residenz des Hišām nennen die Quellen übereinstimmend Ruṣāfat Hišām. Etwa 25 km südlich des Euphrat gelegen entwickelte sich hier, ausgehend von einem römischen Limeskastell, im 4. Jahrhundert, ein Wallfahrtsort, in dem der Hl. Sergius verehrt wurde, der um 312 in Resafa das Martyrium erlitten haben soll. Im 5. und 6. Jahrhundert wurde die Siedlung zu einer befestigten Stadt ausgebaut. Die kalifale Residenz entstand im 8. Jh. extra muros, während die Freitagsmoschee des Hišām intra muros, angrenzend an die große Pilgerkirche, errichtet wurde. Im Plan stellt sich das Umland der ummauerten Stadt als locker bebautes Gelände dar, wobei im Süden auf einer Fläche von ca. 3 km2 eine deutliche Verdichtung zu erkennen ist. Die Bebauung setzt sich zusammen aus einigen markanten Großbauten sowie einer Vielfalt von Bauten mittlerer Größe auf rechteckigem Grundriss (Abb. 2). Wie der letzte Survey gezeigt hat, datiert die Hauptnutzungsphase der Umlandsiedlung in umaiyadische Zeit.22 Ob Hišām während seiner Regentschaft ständig in Ruṣāfat Hišām lebte, ist aus den Texten nicht abzuleiten, aber die zahlreichen Nennungen des Ortes lassen den Schluss zu, dass es sein Hauptaufenthaltsort war. Hier ließ er zwei Paläste errichten und hier ist er gestorben.23 Ob die Ehefrauen des Kalifen in seinem Haushalt lebten, bleibt unklar. Eine systematische Durchsicht von Ibn ʿAsākir’s Muʿǧam Banī Umayya ergibt vergleichsweise viele Angaben zu Wohnhäusern (dār, seltener qaṣr) in Damaskus, die Frauen aus der Umaiyadenfamilie gehören. Über ʿAtīka bint Yazīd b. Muʿāwiya, eine Ehefrau des Kalifen ʿAbd al-Malik heißt es, dass sie ein qaṣr außerhalb von Bāb Ǧabīya hatte und dass ʿAbd al-Malik bei ihr in dem qaṣr gestorben sei.24 Denkbar wäre, dass die drei Ehefrauen des Hišām ebenfalls eigene Wohnhäuser besaßen – in Ruṣāfat Hišām und/ oder auch an anderen Orten, und dass der Kalif sie dort besuchte. Die unfreien Frauen des Kalifen, die einen anderen Sozialstatus hatten, lebten vermutlich in seinem Palast. Dass die Söhne Hišāms zumindest teilweise in Resafa lebten, lassen indirekte Hinweise vermuten. Dass sie ihre Kindheit und Jugend dort verbrachten, impliziert die Tatsache, dass der Traditionsgelehrte az-Zuhrī, der unter anderem als Erzieher der Kalifensöhne fungierte, sich während der gesamten Regierungszeit Hišāms in ar-Ruṣāfa aufhielt.25 Dass sie als Erwachsene teilweise einen eigenen Haushalt dort führten, lassen die Berichte über die Ereignisse nach dem Tod des Hišām vermuten. Sie erwähnen, dass sein Nachfolger al-Walīd nach ar-Ruṣāfa schickte um in Erfahrung zu bringen, welcher der Söhne des Hišām sich dort aufhielte. Außerdem sollten 22 Für eine aktuelle Zusammenstellung der gesamten zu Resafa/Ruṣāfat Hišām relevanten Literatur s. Sack / Gussone / Mollenhauer 2013 und Sack / Gussone 2015. 23 Kellner-Heinkele 1996, 133–154. 24 Ibn al-Aṯīr 1970, 214. Zu weiteren Wohnhäusern umaiyadischer Frauen ebd. 213–220. 25 Lecker 1996, 33.

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deren Besitztümer in ar-Ruṣāfa konfisziert werden, mit Ausnahme des Vermögens des Maslama, dessen Frau zu diesem Zeitpunkt auch vor Ort war.26 Abgesehen von den Söhnen lebte der Neffe und designierte Thronfolger al-Walīd lange Zeit in ar-Ruṣāfa und hatte sehr wahrscheinlich dort eine eigene dār. Er zog sich erst zwischen 737 und 740 endgültig in das südliche bilād aš-Šām zurück, „mit seinen Gefolgsleuten, Trinkgenossen und Vertrauten“.27 Ob weitere Angehörige der ḫāssa, also der persönlichen Vertrauten, dauerhaft in Ruṣāfat Hišām lebten, bleibt offen.

Funktionsträger am Hofe Neben der Familie lässt sich eine Reihe von Funktionsträgern identifizieren, die ebenfalls als Teil des Hofes in der Residenz lebten. Für die Existenz eines übergeordneten Diwans, in dem die Verwaltung des gesamten Reiches zentral zusammengeführt wurde, lassen sich keine Indizien finden. In Resafa existierte vermutlich ein kleinerer Verwaltungsapparat, der vor allem für die Korrespondenz und die Verwaltung der persönlichen Einkünfte des Kalifen zuständig war. Die Quellen nennen mehrere Personen, die als Sekretäre (kātib) oder Leiter der Kanzlei (dīwān ar-rasāʾil) des Hišām fungierten.28 Die bekannteste Persönlichkeit ist der maulā Abū’l-ʿAlā Sālim, der lange Jahre die Kanzlei leitete. Seine beiden Söhne standen ebenfalls als Schreiber im Dienst des Hišām, seine Tochter wurde mit dem ʿAbd al-Ḥamīd verheiratet, der seine Ausbildung bei Sālim erhielt und später Marwān II. als Sekretär diente.29 In welchen Räumlichkeiten die Amtsgeschäfte der Kanzlei abgewickelt wurden, bleibt offen. Für Baṣra ist für das Jahr 64/683–84 belegt, dass die Bezeichnung dīwān sowohl eine Institution als auch ein Gebäude bezeichnet. In Bagdad sind Ende des 8. Jhs. die Amtsräume des dīwān al-ḫaraǧ in der Residenz ihres Leiters untergebracht.30 Ob dies auf Resafa übertragbar ist, wäre anhand einer Analyse der verschiedenen Grundrisstypen zu diskutieren. Außerdem gab es vermutlich Räumlichkeiten, in denen offizielle Briefwechsel und Dokumente aufbewahrt wurden. In Bezug auf Hišām werden zwar keine Archive erwähnt, aber in Bezug auf die Kalifen ʿUṯmān und ʿAbd al-Malik.31 Die Dokumente, die in der Kanzlei abgefasst wurden, wurden anschließend registriert, und gesiegelt. Das Amt des Siegelbewahrers war eine Vertrauensposition, deren Inhaber ständig Zugang zum Kalifen hatte. Die mit der Position in Verbindung stehende Kanzlei ist der dīwān al-ḫaṭam, der nach al-Ǧahšiyarī bereits unter Muʿāwīya eingerichtet wurde.32 Unter Hišām ist erstmals eine Zweiteilung nachweisbar. Neben dem dīwān al-ḫaṭam wird nun das Amt des ḫātam aṣ-ṣaġīr wa’l-ḫāssa, des Siegelbe26 kitāb al-ʿuyūn, 121; Ṭabarī 1989b, 100/1751; Iṣfahānī, aġānī VI, 108; Hamilton 1988, 149. 27 kitāb al-ʿuyūn, 116. 28 Masʿūdī 1965, 323; Lecker 1996, 27; Latz 1958, 111. 29 Balāḏurī 1993, 4; s.a. Grignaschi 1965–66; Gibb 1960; Latham 1983, 165; Yousefi 2009, 83–86. 30 Kennedy 2002, 73; Kennedy 2004, 15. 31 Balāḏurī 2008, 22. 32 Latz 1958, 73.

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Nähe-Distanzrelationen in der Kalifenresidenz

Kanzleichef Marwan

Umm 'Uthman

Schatzmeister

Siegelbewahrer

Abd ar-Rahman

Torhüter

Kämmerer Mu'awiya

'Abda

Kalif Hisham b. 'Abd al-Malik

Falkner Peitschenmeister

az-Zuhri

Maslama Yazid

Umm Hakim

Chef Leibgarde

400 Reiter

Chef Polizei

400 Reiter

Muhammad

Thronfolger al-Walid b. Yazid

Ehefrau

Sohn

Amtsinhaber Verwaltung

Amtsinhaber Militär

Abb. 3: Schema des Kalifenhofes auf Basis funktional und sozial bedingter Nähe-Distanzbeziehungen. Martina Müller-Wiener 2018.

wahrers des kleinen und persönlichen Siegels erwähnt. Als Siegelbewahrer des privaten Siegels wird durchgehend Rabīʿ b. Sābūr genannt. Er war ein maulā der Banū al-Ḥarīš und diente dem Kalifen zugleich als Chef der Leibgarde (ḥaras).33 Ein weiterer wichtiger Funktionär war der Kämmerer (ḥāǧib). Er hatte als Protokollchef und Berater des Kalifen eine ähnliche Funktion wie später am Abbasidenhof die Wesire. Die Position hatte lange Jahre Saʿīd b. al-Walīd inne, der als Vertrauter (anīs) und Tischgenosse (ǧalīs) des Hišām bezeichnet wird. 34 Er war ein Führer der Kalb und verfügte über starken Rückhalt in der Region um Resafa. Nach dem Tod des Hišām leitet er in Palmyra den Widerstand gegen den Thronprätendenten Marwan II. Zwei weitere Ämter, die teilweise in Verbindung mit anderen Positionen verliehen wurden, sind die des Polizeichefs (ṣāḥib aš-šurṭa) bzw. des Chefs der Leibgarde (ṣāḥib al-ḥaras). Sie befehligten die Reiter, die den Kalifen begleiteten, wenn er sich in der Öffentlichkeit bewegte. Das Gefolge des Hišām bestand aus je 400 Reitern der Polizei und der Leibwache. Ihre Leitung scheint teilweise stammesgebunden gewesen zu sein. Als Polizeichef werden Rabīʿ b. Sābūr, Yazīd b. Yaʿlā al-ʿAbsī sowie Kaʿb b. Ḥāmid al-ʿAbsī genannt. Letzterer hatte das Amt 13 Jahre inne und zuvor bereits in 33 Tabarī 1989a, 179/1649; Balāḏurī 1993, 4. 34 Balāḏurī 1993, 9.

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derselben Funktion unter Hishams Vater gedient. Zwei der drei Amtsinhaber waren Angehörige des nordarabischen Stammes der ʿAbs, ein Unterstamm der Ġatafān.35 Vier weitere Funktionen, deren Amtsinhaber nicht namentlich erwähnt werden, sind die des Torstehers (bawwāb oder āḏin), des Peitschenmeisters (ṣāḥib al-ʿuḏāb), des Falkners und der Schatzmeister (ḫāzin). Schließlich zählten auch solche Personen zum kalifalen Hofstaat, die zum kulturellen Leben beitrugen. Neben Dichtern und Musikern waren dies Gelehrte, die im Auftrag des Kalifen tätig waren. So war der bereits erwähnte Traditionsgelehrte az-Zuhrī mit der Zusammenstellung einer verbindlichen Ḥadīṯsammlung betraut, die einer der Schreiber der Kanzlei nach seinem Diktat niederschrieb. Die auf diese Weise entstandene Sammlung liess al-Walīd nach dem Tod des Hišām aus Resafa abtransportieren.36 Es handelte sich um mehrere Kamelladungen von Manuskripten. Im vorliegenden Zusammenhang ist vor allem die beachtliche Anzahl von Manuskripten von Interesse, weil dies die Existenz spezieller Räumlichkeiten wahrscheinlich macht, in denen diese aufbewahrt wurden. Die im Vorhergehenden genannten Funktionäre standen bei dem Kalifen im ständigen Dienst. Wenn Hišām tatsächlich – wie die Quellen vermuten lassen – einen Großteil seiner Zeit in Resafa verbrachte, werden auch sie dort gewohnt und ihre Amtsgeschäfte ausgeübt haben. Dass sie nicht im Palast untergebracht waren, sondern gemeinsam mit ihren Familien eigene Anwesen bewohnten, lassen verstreute Hinweise wahrscheinlich erscheinen. So spricht der Umstand, dass die Söhne des Sālim ebenfalls in der Kanzlei arbeiteten und seine Tochter mit einem seiner Lehrlinge verheiratet wurde, dafür, dass die ganze Familie des Sekretärs in Resafa ansässig war. Und von az-Zuhrī wird explizit gesagt, dass er viele Abhängige und Diener hatte und sich Torsteher hielt.37 Man darf daher neben den zur kalifalen Familie gehörigen Haushalten, die Existenz mindestens sechs weiterer großer Anwesen vermuten (Kämmerer, Siegelbewahrer, Chef der Leibgarde, Polizeichef, Kanzleichef, az-Zuhrī). Außerdem müssen die 800 Reiter der Leibwache und der Polizeitruppe in nicht zu großer Entfernung vom Palast untergebracht worden sein. Ob ihre Familien im weiteren Umkreis lebten, bleibt unklar. Neben den Wohn- und Dienstbereichen der bislang aufgeführten Funktionäre gab es in Resafa ein Gebäude, das als Gefängnis genutzt wurde. Als al-Walīd Resafa verliess, wurde sein Sekretär ʿIyād b. Muslim im Gefängnis in Resafa gefangengesetzt. Für die Existenz eines Gefängnisses spricht auch, dass der Kalifenpalast in Damaskus neben der Münze und Kasernen ebenfalls ein Gefängnis umfasste.38

35 Balāḏurī 1993, 4. Kaʿb b. Ḥāmid al-ʿAbsī war nach Crone (1980, 163) auch unter ʿAbd al-Malik, Walīd I., Sulaimān und Yazīd Leiter der Polizei. 36 Abbott 1983, 295. 37 Lecker 1996, 40; s.a. Ḏahabī 1988, 227–249. 38 Flood 2001, 148.

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Die Münze, die ebenfalls als Bestandteil des Palastes in Damaskus genannt wird, ist für Resafa durch erhaltene Münzen belegt.39 Die Einrichtung ist vermutlich auch im Palast oder in seiner direkten Umgebung zu verorten. Ein weiterer, wesentlicher Bestandteil des kalifalen Haushaltes war schließlich die dār al-ḫail, die Poststation, und die dār aḍ-ḍiyāfa, das Gästehaus. Die enge Verbindung von Post und reichsinternem diplomatischem Reiseverkehr legt nahe, dass dār al-ḫail und dār aḍ-ḍiyāfa in enger Nachbarschaft zueinander und zum Kalifenpalast zu suchen sind. Dafür spricht auch der Vergleich mit Damaskus, Kufa und später Bagdad.40

Zusammenfassung Wie im Vorhergehenden gezeigt wurde, erlaubt die Auswertung von Textquellen die Rekonstruktion von Zusammenhängen zwischen sozialen und konkreten räumlichen Konstellationen, sowohl in Bezug auf regionale Zusammenhänge, als auch hinsichtlich städtebaulicher und architektonischer Zusammenhänge der Kalifenresidenz. Dabei stellt das hier vorgestellte Material nur einen Ausschnitt aus einer wesentlich breiteren Datenbasis dar, die im Rahmen des Forschungsprojekts erhoben wurden. Weitere, aus Platzgründen hier nicht vorgestellte Hinweise in den Texten betreffen die Binnengliederung der Paläste, funktionale Einheiten und Ausstattung.41 Unter der Prämisse, dass Architektur einerseits Gestaltungsrahmen, andererseits Dokument gesellschaftlicher Verhältnisse ist und dass politisch-soziale Zugehörigkeit, Hierarchien und Abhängigkeiten eine raumordnende Komponente haben, lässt sich auf Basis der zusammengetragenen Daten ein Modell der Residenz Ruṣāfat Hišām entwerfen, das auf sozial und funktional definierten Nähe-Distanz Relationen basiert (Abb. 3). In einem nächsten Schritt wird zu überprüfen sein, ob dieses Modell mit dem archäologischen Befund zur Deckung gebracht werden kann.42

Literatur Abbott, N. 1983: Hadith-Literature II: collection and transmission of Ḥadīth, in: A. Beeston / T. Johnstone / R. Serjeant/G. Smith (eds.), Arabic Literature to the End of the Umayyad Period (The Cambridge History of Arabic Literature). Cambridge. 289–298. Ahmed, A.Q. 2011: The religious elite of the early islamic Ḥijāz. Oxford. al-Balāḏurī, Aḥmad Ibn-Yaḥyā 1993: Ansāb al-ašrāf, Bd. 6/B, Textedition. The Max Schloessinger memorial series 7, Jerusalem. al-Balāḏurī, Aḥmad Ibn-Yaḥyā 2008: Ansāb al-ašrāf, Bd. 1. Berlin. 39 Ilisch 1996, 126. 40 Flood 2001, 148–150; Kaplony 2002, 313; Lassner 1970, 89; Djaït 1986, 113. 41 Für eine Kurzfassung s. Müller-Wiener 2016, 52–55. 42 Dieser Schritt wird im Rahmen der Abschlusspublikation des Resafa Projekts geleistet. Für erste Ansätze in diese Richtung s. M. Gussone 2016.

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Sijpesteijn, P. 2013: Shaping a Muslim State. The World of a Mid-Eighth-Century Egyptian Official. Oxford. Ṭabarī, Muḥammad b. Ǧarīr b. Yazīd 1989a: The history of al-Ṭabarī (edr. E. Yarshater), Bd. 25, The end of expansion. Albany. Ṭabarī, Muḥammad b. Ǧarīr b. Yazīd 1989b: The history of al-Ṭabarī (edr. E. Yarshater), Bd. 26, The waning of the Umayyad caliphate. Albany. Yāqūt ʿAbdallāh b. Yāqūt al-Ḥamāwī ar-Rūmī 1910: Kitāb Iršād al-arīb ilā maʿrifat al-adīb almaʿrūf bi-muʿǧam al-udabāʾ wa-ṭabaqāt al-udabāʾ, Textedition D.S. Margoliouth, Leiden. Yousefi, N. 2009: Knowledge and Social Order in Early Islamic Mesopotamia (60–193 AH/680–808 CE), http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-01132010-210942/

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The Palaces of Gōzāna (Tall Ḥalaf) Mirko Novák – Jochen Schmid

Introduction1 In 1899, Max Freiherr von Oppenheim discovered Tall Ḥalaf, a site situated in Upper Mesopotamia, close to the karstic sources of the Ḫābūr (Fig. 1). Nowadays, it lies immediately south of the Syrian-Turkish border near the modern twin towns of Ra’s al-‘Ain (Syria) and Ceylanpınar (Turkey). It is neighboured Tall Faḫarīya,

Fig. 1: Map showing the Luwo-Aramaean Principalities of the 1st Millennium BCE and the location of Gōzāna. © Mirko Novák, Bern University. 1 We thank Dr. Alexander Sollee for many valuable comments and for proofreading the English manuscript.

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Fig 2: Plan of the ancient city of Gōzāna. © Tell Halaf Project / Artefacts Berlin.

most presumably ancient (W)Aššukanni (Mittani and Middle Assyrian) respectively Sikāni (Aramaean and Neo-Assyrian), which lies only 2.5 km east of Tall Ḥalaf. The archaeological site of Tall Ḥalaf consists of the proper mound – the Iron Age citadel – on the southern bank of the Ǧirǧib river, and an extended lower town, enclosing the citadel to the west, south, and east (Fig. 2). Within the fortified citadel, Max von Oppenheim excavated a number of buildings during two campaigns 1911–13 and 1929 (Fig. 3).2 The most prominent were two seemingly contemporary palaces: the so-called “Western Palace” (also named Hilāni due to its layout or “Temple-Palace” because of its assumed combined cultic and residential functions) with the adjacent “Scorpion Gate” in the western half, and the so-called “Northeastern Palace” on the eastern side of the mound. While the former is dated by inscriptions to a certain Kapara, lord of an otherwise not attested land “Palê”,3 and was impressively decorated with monumental caryatid statues as well as relief slabs, the latter lacked direct indications for its function and chronological date. The original excavators interpreted it as the dwelling palace of the same Kapara, but did not provide any 2 The results were published in Schmidt 1943; Langenegger et al. 1950; Moortgart 1955; Hrouda 1962; Cholidis / Martin 2010. A reappraisal of the former excavations was presented by Orthmann 2002. 3 On Kapara and Palê see Younger 2016, 247–255 and Novák 2016, 125–6.

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Fig. 3: Plan of the citadel (Langenegger et al. 1950).

sustainable evidence for this attribution. While the “Western Palace” has been the subject of a number of studies for a long time,4 scholarly debates rarely dealt with the “Northeastern Palace”.5 In 2006, excavations at Tall Ḥalaf were resumed under the common responsibility of the Museum of the Ancient Near East in Berlin and the General Direction of Antiquities and Museums Damascus in collaboration with the universities of Bern, Halle-Wittenberg and Tübingen.6 The mission was directed by Lutz Martin, Abdelmesih Baghdo and Mirko Novák.7 The two palaces were reinvestigated, which produced new data regarding their function, architecture and chronology. Building on these new insights, this paper will show that the two monumental buildings were not only founded during different phases of occupation, but also that both are impressive representatives of two distinct traditions of Ancient Near Eastern palace architecture.

4 5 6 7

See Naumann 1971, 411–413, and, as one of the latest examples, Gilibert 2013. See e.g. Orthmann 2002, 40–44 and Pucci 2008, 83–88 and 99–101. In 2010/11, also the university of Munich was involved. On the recent excavations see Baghdo et al. 2009 and 2012. The final publications are in progress, the first volume will appear soon: Heitmann et al. (in press).

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Chronology and Identity of the two Palaces Although the team of Max von Oppenheim worked on the highest level of archaeological methodology available at that time, the new excavations have shown that the stratigraphy proposed by the original excavators can be characterized as rather schematic, as it was based purely on architectural building layers. Since the excavators recognized a massive mud brick substructure below the “Western Palace”, they assumed an earlier phase of the building, the so-called Altbauperiode (“Old Building Period”). This phase was considered to predate Kapara’s building activities, the Kaparaperiode. Both phases were attributed to the Aramaean period. Two construction phases (the later one encompassing two sub-phases) were identified for the “Northeastern Palace” as well. Even though both buildings were not connected with each other and the discovered inventories were not taken into consideration, the stratigraphic sequences of both palaces were synchronized. Hence, the presumed older phase of the “Northeastern Palace” was attributed to the Altbauperiode and the later one to the Kaparaperiode, thus implying that the edifice was constructed and altered prior to the phase of Assyrian occupation of the site.8 The fact that almost all objects discovered in the “Northeastern Palace” date to the NeoAssyrian period was not explained.9 The only building on the citadel that was initially assumed to be of Neo-Assyrian date was the partly excavated “Neo-Assyrian House” (Assyrische Hausanlage), located south of the “Northeastern Palace”. Since the archive of a certain Mannu-kīAššur, governor of Gōzāna and limmu of the year 793 BCE,10 was discovered east of this building,11 it was concluded that the “Neo-Assyrian House” must have been the palace of the governor of the town and province of Gōzāna, irrespective of its rather modest size. The simplified comparative stratigraphy and the chronology of the assumed three palaces as proposed by von Oppenheim and his team can be summarized as follows:

8 Connected with the chronology and identity of the palaces is the discussion about the date, modes and circumstances of the incorporation of Gōzāna into the Assyrian Empire. See on this below. 9 On the objects see Hrouda 1962. 10 On Mannu-kī-Aššur and his archive see Dornauer 2014. On the Neo-Assyrian limmu see Millard 1994. 11 For a detailed discussion of the context in which the archive was discovered, see now Becker and Novák in Baghdo et al. 2012, 228–9.

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Tab. 1: Comparative Chronology of the Palaces of Gōzāna, according to Langenegger and Naumann 1950.

Period

Hilani

»Altbauperiode«

1st Phase

1st Phase

»Kaparaperiode«

Kapara’s Palace

2nd Phase, “Dwelling Palace”

Neo-Assyrian

»Assyrian House«

Northeastern Palace

Governor’s Building

However, the renewed excavations, using state of the art stratigraphic methods, have presented a decisively different picture. Work on the “Western Palace” showed that the mud brick construction below the monumental building represents its substructure, a massive mudbrick terrace let into a deep foundation pit, not an earlier phase.12 This means that there was no precursor that had occupied the area where Kapara later founded his Ḫilāni as part of a large-scale building program that affected the entire citadel and city. Additionally, it seems that the building remained in use until the (late) Neo-Assyrian period: Hints are given by two reliefs discovered in the inner doorway of the “Western Palace” that display Neo-Assyrian influence.13 Moreover, the existence of siqqātu indicates a continuous use and an extension of the decoration of the building in Neo-Assyrian times.14 Our understanding of the chronology, function and architecture of the “Northeastern Palace” has been changed even more dramatically through the result of the resumed excavations:15 Today, it is obvious that the building was founded during the Neo-Assyrian period, presumably the 9th century BCE. Furthermore, the newly exposed architecture between both structures clearly indicates that the “Northeastern Palace” and the “Neo-Assyrian House” represent two separate wings of one and the same building,16 which with high certainty can be identified as the palace of the Assyrian governor of the city and province of Gōzāna. The detailed stratigraphy of the whole site of Tall Ḥalaf according to the new excavations looks like the following:17 12 Martin and Fakhru in Baghdo et al. 2009, 19–20; Martin, Fakhru and Heitmann in Baghdo et al. 2012, 47–49. 13 Orthmann 2002, 71–2; Cholidis / Martin 2010, 135, V.118 and 119. 14 Langenegger et al. 1950, 51–52 and 388, Abb. 18. On siqqātu in general see also Nunn 2006. 15 Novák and Abdel Ghafour in Baghdo et al. 2009, 41–60 and in Baghdo et al. 2012, 89–108. 16 Novák 2013b. 17 For a more detailed discussion of the revised stratigraphy of Iron Age Tall Ḥalaf see Becker and Novák in Baghdo et al. 2012, 221–234 and Novák 2013a.

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Tab. 2: Comparison of stratigraphic sequences observed by the recent project.

Period RA VI-5 RA VII-1 RA VII-2 RA VII-3 RA VIII-1 RA VIII-2

A

C

D

E

F

G

Late Middle Assyrian

Date 1110– 1060

A 14 Pre- / Early Aramaean

Aramaean (Kapara) Neo Assyrian

1060– 950

– A 11

↑

↑

↑

↑

A 10

C 10

D4

F6

?

950– 900

A 9–8

C 9–8

not excavated

F5

G5

900– 758

A7

C7

D3

F4

G4

758– 612

A6

C6

612– 539

C5

539– 330

RA VIII-3

Late Babylonian

RA VIII-4

Achaemenid

RA IX-1

Seleucid

A5

RA IX-2

Early Parthian

A4

RA IX-3

Middle Parthian

RA IX-4

Late Parthian

RA X

Sāsānian / Byzantine

C4 a–d

E4

E3 ?

F3

?

Pits Abandoned 250 – 636

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?

330– 120

G3

120–0 0–150 150 –250

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The relative stratigraphy of the two palaces on the citadel mound can be summarized as follows: Tab. 3: Comparative chronology of the palaces of Gōzāna, according to the results of the recent project.

Period RA VII-1 RA VII-2 RA VII-3 RA VIII-1 RA VIII-2

Western Palace

Pre- / Early Aramaean

Aramaean (Kapara)

Neo Assyrian

Assyrian Governor’s Palace

Dwellings of early Settlers

Date

1060 –950

Early Necropolis

↑

Hilani Palace with deep Foundations

Pre-Palace Dwellings and Fortification

950 –900

↓

Palace 1st Phase

900 –758

↓

Palace 2nd Phase

758 – 612

RA VIII-3

Late Babylonian

?

Squatter Occupation

612–539

RA VIII-4

Achaemenid

?

Loose Occupation

539 –330

RA IX-1

Seleucid

Private Houses

Private Houses

330 –120

RA IX-2

Early Parthian

Private Houses

Private Houses

120 – 0

RA IX-3

Middle Parthian

Pits

0 –150

RA IX-4

Late Parthian

RA X

Sāsānian / Byzantine

Abandoned 250 – 636

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150 –250

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Fig. 4: Plan of Kapara’s “Western Palace”, Langenegger et al. 1950.

Following the clarification of their respective stratigraphic developments, we will now take a closer look at the architecture of the two buildings and try to place them into the architectural traditions they belong to.

The “Western Palace” The “Western Palace” is designated as a Ḫilāni in the modern definition of this type (Fig. 4). There was much debate about the precise meaning of what was named a bīt ḫilāni in Assyrian sources. This terminology is exclusively attested in Neo-Assyrian texts and refers to a type of a building described as typical for the “Lands of Ḫatti”, named bīt ḫilāni in the “language of Amurrû”.18 Without going into detail here on the problems of the equation with what modern archaeology defines as a Ḫilāni, it can be noted that this terminology is nowadays attributed to an architectural type primarily known from the Northern Levant and the Iron Age.19 According to modern scholars, the characteristic elements of this building type are: 1) its rectangular or square shape, 2) the absence of an inner courtyard, 3) a broad-room vestibule with an 18 Novák 2004, 335. 19 On the distinction between the modern typological use of Ḫilāni and the Assyrian meaning of bīt ḫilāni see Novák 2004, 336–337.

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Fig. 5: Reconstruction of the Western palace’s façade following M. v. Oppenheim. © Kunst- und Ausstellungshalle der Bundesrepublik Deutschland, Vorderasiatisches Museum Berlin, Technische Universität Darmstadt.

open columned entrance, which is often flanked by projecting towers, 5) and finally, a rear-facing row of small compartments behind the main hall. Only three buildings that match this typological definition have been excavated east of the Euphrates.20 Amongst these, the subject of the present paper, the “Western Palace” in Gōzāna is the most prominent. The second building of this type was excavated only about 2.5 km to the east in the city of Sikāni (Tall Faḫarīya).21 The third example was discovered in Tall Šaiḫ Ḥassan, a small fortified Aramaean site on the eastern bank of the Middle Euphrates.22 The construction of all three buildings dates to the time of the independent Aramaean principalities and all of them have been shown to have remained in use after the Assyrian conquest. While the two palaces in Gōzāna and Sikāni continued to exist until the end of the Neo-Assyrian period, the Ḫilāni in Tall Šaiḫ Ḥassan was blocked with mud bricks and overbuilt by a palace in Neo-Assyrian style during the 8th Century BC.23 The “Western Palace” in Gōzāna is the only one of the three featuring an exterior façade decorated with sculptural reliefs similar to those discovered e.g. at the Ḫilāni palaces in Śam’al (Zincirli). The interior of the “Western Palace” was dominated by a central main hall, situated immediately behind the vestibule. This main room was flanked on the back side by a series of small rooms and on the narrow sides by two 20 Schmid / Novák 2010. 21 Pruß / Baghdo 2002, 314–6 and Fig. 2. 22 Boese 1995, 218 Fig. 4 and Bachmann / Boese 2006–8, 554. 23 Bachmann / Boese 2006–8, 554.

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Fig. 6: Alternative reconstruction of the Western Palace’s façade. © Kunst- und Ausstellungshalle der Bundesrepublik Deutschland, Vorderasiatisches Museum Berlin, Technische Universität Darmstadt.

elongated corridors. It is striking that the three Upper Mesopotamian Ḫilāni differ in some details from the western relatives like those from Śam’al in the İslahiye plain and Kunulua (Tall Tayinat) in the Amuq.24 The latter featured staircases providing access either to an upper floor or to the roof in one of the side rooms flanking the vestibule. Due to a lack of detectable staircases, none of the three Upper Mesopotamian Ḫilāni can be said to have had multiple storeys, however. In addition, especially the “Western Palace” of Gōzāna appears to stand out among the Ḫilāni-structures, as it appears to be the only one equipped with caryatides replacing the entrance columns (Fig. 5). However, it needs to be mentioned that the validity of von Oppenheim’s reconstruction of this monumental portico has recently been challenged (Fig. 6).25 But nevertheless the monumental statues must have been situated either in or somewhere close-by the entrance. If we turn to the spatial conception of Kapara’s “Western Palace”, we first of all notice that the vestibule did not face the main entrance of the citadel. It opened to the north. Since the entrance façade rested upon a raised platform, it must have offered a good view over the Ǧirǧib valley and the landscape north of Gōzāna.26 Additionally, the access to the building can be described as secluded. A visitor coming 24 Schmid / Novák 2010, 542–543. 25 See Cholidis, Dubiel and Martin in Cholidis / Martin 2010, 346–354. 26 The dating of so-called “Nordbau” in front of the Western Palace is unsure. However, it was situated at a much lower elevation and did thus neither disturb the visibility of the façade of the Western Palace from the outside nor the view from the Western Palace to the north.

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from the lower town would have had to pass through the citadel gate (“Südliches Burgtor”) first, behind which lay an ascending path leading up to the “Scorpion Gate” (Fig. 7). During the ascend Fig. 7: Entrance situto the “Scorpion Gate”, the ation from the visitor would have only been citadel gate able to see the back side of the to Kapara’s “Western Palace”, the socle of “Western which was decorated with a Palace”. © Tell long row of the alternatingly Halaf Project. black (basalt) and red (white limestone painted red) “small orthostats”. It is worth mentioning that at a gradient of 6.5 %, the steepness of this ascending path between the Citadel and “Scorpion Gate”, which stretched over a distance of 70 m and connected two areas with an altitude difference of 4.50 m, was similar to that of an average pass in the Alps, making a visitor’s walk up way a somehow arduous experience. After passing through the “Scorpion Gate” the visitor had to turn 180° and climb the higher platform in front of the palace via an open staircase. The reason for this rather complicated and indirect access situation is unclear, but it seems most likely that the choice of design was intended to make the “Western Palace’s” monumental entrance face north. This brought some conviviality: On the one side, the ruler sitting in the building’s main hall would have been able to overlook the attractive landscape north of the city through the broad columned entrance. An additional pleasant side effect would have been that the ruler could enjoy the fresh northern wind during the hot summer days. On the other side and perhaps even more important, every visitor of the city approaching from the north could perceive the high citadel mound rising above the Ǧirǧib river being topped by the “Western Palace” and its monumental caryatide statues in its entrance (Fig. 8). Without question, this must have been an impressive view, documenting the wealth and power of the owner of the palace. Without question, the “Western Palace’s” design followed Northern Levantine patterns. No forerunner of a Ḫilāni architecture can be traced in Upper Mesopotamia before the 10th century BCE, contrary to the situation in the İslahiye and Amuq plains, where this architectural style can obviously be traced back to Late Bronze Age monumental buildings like Niqmepa’s palace in Alalaḫ.27 What is important to understand is that apart from the mere layout of the “Western Palace”, Kapara’s Gōzāna featured many cultural elements which stand in Northern Levantine tradition. The most prominent features are the orthostat slabs on the out27 For a more detailed discussion of this issue, see Novák 2004 with further references.

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Fig. 8: Reconstruction of Kapara’s “Western Palace”. © Kunst- und Ausstellungshalle der Bundesrepublik Deutschland, Vorderasiatisches Museum Berlin, Technische Universität Darmstadt.

side of the palace, as this tradition is well-known from various Bronze Age sites in the Northern Levant (e.g. Ebla, Qaṭna, Alalaḫ, Tilmen Höyük).28 In only one case from Aleppo the orthostat carried a relief decoration.29 The figural decoration of the orthostat slabs as a prominent phenomenon was a development that can be attributed to the so-called Neo-Hittite culture (Ain Dārā, Aleppo, Karkamiš etc.).30 Furthermore, Kapara’s short cuneiform inscriptions,31 which were written in a very early and somewhat unskilled32 Neo-Assyrian script by a scribe with an Assyrian name (Abdi-ilīya), use the term ekallim to designate a “temple”. This is equivalent to the usage of the term in Western Semitic scripts like Ugaritic (hkl) and Biblical (hēkālā), whereas in Akkadian ekallu(m) exclusively refers to a “palace” and é = bītu means “temple”. Finally, cremation burials and the erection of monumental ancestor statues above the burials had no tradition in Upper Mesopotamia in the late 2nd millennium BC. Especially the two statues discovered by Oppenheim above cremation burials south of the citadel can be ascribed to a type of monumental ancestor cult statues well-known from Ebla, Qaṭna or Alalaḫ, as they share many iconographic and even stylistic elements.33 28 Gilibert 2004, 374. 29 Kohlmeyer 2012, 65–66 and Tf. 14. 30 In the Imperial Hittite Period only stone blocks were decorated, not flat orthostats. 31 See Dornauer 2010, 50–53. 32 Fuchs 2011, 354. 33 On the formal and functional similarities between the statues from Qaṭna and Gōzāna see Elsen-Novák et al. 2003, 161.

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Therefore, many aspects of the Aramaean culture of Kapara’s Gōzāna can be argued to have had their origins in the Northern Levant. Thus, they represent western traditions intrusive to Upper Mesopotamia and the construction of the “Western Palace” must be seen in this context as well.

The “Northeastern Palace” and the “Assyrian House” as Parts of the Assyrian Governor’s Palace The “Northeastern Palace”, even in the state excavated and presented by Oppenheim’s team, followed a completely different pattern than the “Western Palace”: An inner courtyard stands at its center and the rest of the building consists of a large number of rooms, forming separate units. The same applies to the “Assyrian House” in the southeast of the citadel. The renewed excavations have exposed another courtyard and adjacent rooms to the north of the putative entrance of the “Assyrian House”, clearly showing that the building was much larger than originally assumed. Moreover, it is now very likely that the “Assyrian House” belonged to the “Northeastern Palace”, thus implying that the two structures indeed represent separate wings of one and the same large building. To this date, six courtyards, two staircases, five baths, several “reception halls” and a number of rooms can be ascribed to this monumental edifice (Fig. 9).34 However, extensive parts of the construction remain unexplored, especially the central wing and most of its western boundary. It is nevertheless noteworthy, that the southern part of the building forms a complete two-courtyard-unit within the larger complex and could have served as a partly independent apartment inside the larger complex (on the implications see below). The foundation date is indicated by the inventories discovered both in the old and the present excavations. Since they can all be dated to the Neo-Assyrian period, the facility was undoubtedly erected after the Assyrians seized Gōzāna sometime during the 9th century BCE.35 Moreover, the architecture of the building corresponded in its spatial arrangement, functional structure and architectural specifics to the Neo-Assyrian palace building scheme, which essentially consisted of separate suites grouped around a sequence of courtyards.36 The entire building was situated on top of a high artificial terrace made of mud bricks, which not only superimposed older buildings, but also parts of the older, otherwise continuously re-used fortification wall. Thereby, the architects made one part of the building reach out beyond the old limits of the citadel, thus essentially resembling a characteristic feature of the citadels of Dūr-Šarrukēn and Ninua. As the palace was situated on this terrace, it seemed to “ride” on the ramparts, a princi34 On this building see Heitmann et al. (in press). 35 On the date and the modes of the incorporation of Gōzāna into the Assyrian Empire see Dornauer 2010, 55–61; Fuchs 2011, 355–357; Novák 2013a, 272–276 and Younger 2016, 261–268. 36 On the Neo-Assyrian palace architecture in general see Heinrich 1984, 185–197 and Kertai 2015.

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Fig. 9: Plan of the Assyrian Governor Palace. © Tell Halaf Project.

ple also well known to Assyrian royal palaces.37 Another aspect that it shared with Neo-Assyrian palatial architecture was the venue chosen for the construction of the edifice. Similar to the palaces in Northern Iraq/Assyria proper, a citadel located on the periphery of the town’s limits was chosen as the building site, thus locating the palace on the edge of town. Formally, the building was made up of several units, which consisted of suites grouped around central courtyards. Each one of these units fulfilled a specific function. The further one moved from the putative entrance to the interior of the building, the less representative and more private was the character of the room units. Even individual components followed exactly the Assyrian scheme, such as the reception suites, each consisting of a main hall, – directly accessible from the courtyard –, an

37 Corresponding situations are known e.g. from Kalḫu and Dūr-Šarrukēn. The descriptive term “riding” on the city or citadel wall was first used by Heinrich (1984, 170) in connection with “Palace F” in Dūr-Šarrukēn but can be found at several places.

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Fig. 10: Situation on the citadel mound. © Tell Halaf Project.

adjacent bathroom, a staircase and a rear room, which allowed access to the backside wings.38 However, the building has not been entirely excavated. It is therefore not surprising that some functional areas that must have constituted substantial parts of the building appear to be “missing”. For example, the main entrance to the building, the main representation unit with the actual “throneroom”, and rooms with traces of administrative functions have not been identified. All units excavated so far form what is usually referred to as the bābānu,39 the outer and more public section of an Assyrian palace (Fig. 10).40 Hence, this wing of the building should be located in the unexcavated area to the west of the middle section of the building and south of the so-called Quelltor (“Spring Gate”). 38 Turner 1970. 39 On bābānu and bītānu see Kertai 2014. 40 This may also explain why no traces of monumental art of representation have been found so far, such as the murals in Til-Barsip and Dūr-Katlimmu or stone orthostats like those excavated in Ḫadattu and Kunulua. An exception is the head and upper part of the torso of a NeoAssyrian-style statue found in the rubble over the northeast palace during von Oppenheim’s excavations, as well as several fragments of at least two relief-embossed column edgings (?) discovered in the spring below the building.

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The building joins in its dating and structure a group of governor palaces and elite residences that have been uncovered in the western and northern provinces and indicate the presence of Assyrian administration as well as the Neo-Assyrian cultural influence: Governor palaces were uncovered in Til-Barsip41, Tušḫan42, Kunulua43 und Śam’al (Zincirli)44. Elite residences were excavated in Dūr-Katlimmu (“Northeastern Corner” and “Middle Lower Town II”)45, Kār-Aššurnāṣirpal46, Tall Šaiḫ Ḥassan (“Palace” of layer 2)47, Til-Barsip (Building C in the lower town)48 and in Ḫadātu49. All of these buildings show at least some of the characteristics just mentioned, in particular the formal design as multiple courtyard houses. At least those buildings that can be identified as provincial governor palaces were always located at the periphery of the respective citadel, often in the immediate vicinity of the river. With that they follow the example of the royal palaces in Aššur, Kār-Tukultī-Ninurta, Kalḫu, DūrŠarrukēn and Ninuwa. However, there are also some differences: The palace of Gōzāna is the only one whose foundation platform extends beyond the limits of the citadel giving the impression of “riding” on the ramparts. And it is the only one with a tripartite “panorama” pavilion.50 This feature is situated at the furthermost northern edge of the palace behind the main hall of the northern suite. Such tripartite panorama pavilions are known from Fort Shalmaneser in Kalḫu51 and Palace F in Dūr-Šarrukēn,52 where they replaced the courtyard system of the bītānu, actually to be expected behind the throne room group. The pavilions were at right angles to the throne rooms and open to a free terrace at the very edge of the citadel platform, offering a splendid view of the surrounding landscape. Such a tripartite panorama pavilion can be reconstructed in the Assyrian Governor’s Palace of Gōzāna as well: Following a proposal by W. Orthmann, the suite of rooms next to the Well Gate (“Brunnentor”) in the very north of the palace could have been part of such a pavilion, assuming that the suite was supplemented by a third hall to the east.53 The pavilion protrudes from the outer quadrangle of the palace and allows a wide view over the flood plain around Ra’s al-Ain up to the mountain ranges of Ṭūr Abdīn. If the reconstruction is correct, a landscape reference of the palace, as it is otherwise known only from the Assyrian residences, can be grasped here thus indicating that the owner of this building was 41 Heinrich 1984, 128–133. 42 Wicke / Greenfield 2013. 43 Harrison 2005. 44 Naumann 1971, 429. 45 Kühne 2013. 46 Masetti-Rouault 2016. 47 Boese 1995, 217 Abb. 3. 48 Bunnens 2016, 63 Fig. 6.3.a 49 Heinrich 1984, 133–143. 50 On these tripartite panorama pavilions in Assyrian palaces see Novák 1996, 345–347 and 364. 51 Heinrich 1984, 121. 52 Heinrich 1984, 170–172. 53 Orthmann 2002, 43. He reconstructed only two rooms, whereas in our opinion we have to deal with a three-room unit. This would fit with the available space.

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familiar and probably also very fond of genuine Neo-Assyrian palatial architecture and court life-style. However, is it plausible that a “mere” provincial governor would have been so closely connected to the royal court, even if it was one of the most important provinces of the empire whose governors regularly occupied the rank of a limmu?54 In this respect it is highly interesting that a palace of the crown prince (é.gal ša dumu.man) is attested for Gōzāna in a letter from the 7th century BCE, suggesting a close spatial affiliation of the governor’s residence to it.55 Could it even be that our building here is the same palace? In this case, it would be understandable why it shows features rather known from royal palaces than from residences of provincial governors. Could it be that the governor of Gōzāna actually resided in the southern part of the palace (a more or less “complete” unit within the entire complex), leaving the northern part for the crown prince, who surely was present in the city only occasionally? The answers to these questions cannot be given without further information from the site itself.

Conclusion Contrary to the opinion of the original excavators, the three palaces in Gōzāna were actually only two: The “Western Palace”, also known as Ḫilāni, and the “Assyrian Governor Palace”, formerly wrongly interpreted as two buildings: an assumed earlier “Northeastern Palace” and a later “Assyrian House”. As the recent excavations have shown, the large “Assyrian Governor Palace” occupied almost the entire eastern flank of the citadel, seemingly “riding” on the citadel wall. The “Western Palace” was founded in the 10th century BCE by an Aramaean prince named Kapara but seems to have been in use during the Neo-Assyrian period as well. The “Assyrian Governor Palace” was erected much later during the 9th century BCE, after the incorporation of the town into the Assyrian Empire. As regarding to their architecture two different traditions met in Gōzāna, the “Western Palace” followed the Northern Levantine type of a tripartite Ḫilāni, whereas the “Assyrian Governor Palace” was a typical Neo-Assyrian courthouse building organized around the two central parts referred to as bābānu and bītānu. Here the architecture reflects the gereral cultural orientations of Gōzāna as in the 10th century many features like burial rites, ancestor cult, art and many others showed strong affiliations to the west, whereas the material culture from the 9th century onwards is clearly dominated by an eastern impact. However, aside from the many differences highlighted above, there are also some striking similarities between both buildings: Both were situated near the northern edge of the citadel, overlooking the Ǧirǧib river, hence including the possibility of landscape perception into their architecture. 54 See Dornauer 2010, 66–7 for the governors of Gōzāna as limmu. 55 Luukko / Van Buylaere 2002, Text 63, be32. For this hint we thank Dr. Alexander E. Sollee.

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References Bachmann, F. / Boese, J. 2006–8: Šaiḫ Ḥassan, Tall, RlA 11, 551–555. Baghdo, A. M. / Martin, L. / Novák, M. / Orthmann, W. (eds.) 2009: Tell Halaf: Vorberichte über die erste und zweite syrisch-deutsche Grabungskampagne. Vorderasiatische Forschungen der Max Freiherr von Oppenheim-Stiftung 3,1. Wiesbaden. — 2012: Tell Halaf: Vorberichte über die dritte bis fünfte syrisch-deutsche Grabungskampagne. Vorderasiatische Forschungen der Max Freiherr von Oppenheim-Stiftung 3,2. Wiesbaden. Boese, J. 1995: Ausgrabungen in Tell Sheikh Hassan I. Vorläufige Berichte über die Grabungskampagnen 1984–1990 und 1992–1994. Schriften zur Vorderasiatischen Archäologie 5. Saarbrücken. Bunnens, G. 2016: Neo-Assyrian pebble mosaics in their architectural context, in: J. MacGinnis / D. Wicke / T. Greenfield (eds.), The Provincial Archaeology of the Assyrian Empire. Cambridge. 59–70. Cholidis, N. / Martin, L. (eds.): 2010: Tell Halaf V. Im Krieg zerstörte Denkmäler und ihre Restaurierung. Berlin/New York. Dornauer, A. 2010: Die Geschichte von Gūzāna im Licht der schriftlichen Zeugnisse in: Cholidis / Martin 2010, 47–68. — 2014: Das Archiv des assyrischen Statthalters Mannu-kī-Aššūr von Gūzāna / Tall Ḥalaf. Vorderasiatische Forschungen der Max Freiherr von Oppenheim-Stiftung 3,3. Wiesbaden. Elsen-Novák, G. / Novák, M. / Pfälzner, P. 2003: Die Statuen, in: M. Novák / P. Pfälzner, Ausgrabungen im bronzezeitlichen Palast von Tall Mišrife – Qaṭna 2002, MDOG 135, 156–162. Fuchs, A. 2011: Zur Geschichte von Gūzāna, in: Die geretteten Götter aus dem Palast vom Tell Halaf, Begleitbuch zur Sonderausstellung des Vorderasiatischen Museums, edited by Nadja Cholidis and Lutz Martin. Regensburg / Berlin. 353–358. Gilibert, A. 2004: Jenseits von Stil und Ikonografie. Späthethitische Einflüsse auf das assyrische Wandrelief, in: M. Novák / F. Prayon / A.-M. Wittke (eds.), Die Außenwirkung des späthethitischen Kulturraumes. AOAT 323. Münster. 373–385. — 2013: Death, Amusement and the City: Civic Spectacles and the Theatre Palace of Kapara, King of Gūzāna, Kaskal 10, 35–68. Harrison, T. 2005: The Neo-Assyrian Governor’s Residence at Tell Taʿyinat, Bulletin of the Canadian Society for Mesopotamian Studies 40, 23–33. Heinrich, E. 1984: Die Paläste im Alten Mesopotamien. Berlin. Heitmann, R. / Katzy, E. / Novák, M. / Schmid, J. / Sievertsen, U. in press: Tell Halaf VI: Der Assyrische Statthalterpalast, edited by L. Martin, M. Novák and W. Orthmann. Vorderasiatische Forschungen der Max Freiherr von Oppenheim-Stiftung 3,5. Wiesbaden. Hrouda, B. 1962: Tell Halaf IV. Die Kleinfunde aus historischer Zeit, edited by Max Freiherr von Oppenheim. Berlin. Kertai, D. 2014: From bābānu to bētānu, Looking for Spaces in Late Assyrian Palaces, in: N.N. May / U. Steinert (eds.), The Fabric of Cities. Aspects of Urbanism, Urban Topography and Society in Mesopotamia, Greece and Rome. Leiden. 189–202.

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— 2015: The Architecture of Late Assyrian Royal Palaces. Oxford. Kühne, H. 2013: Tell Sheikh Hamad. The Assyrian-Aramaean Centre of Dūr-Katlimmu/Magdalu, in: D. Bonatz / L. Martin (eds.), 100 Jahre archäologische Feldforschung in NordostSyrien – Eine Bilanz. Wiesbaden. 235–258. Langenegger, F. / Müller, K. / Naumann, R. 1950: Tell Halaf II. Die Bauwerke, edited by Max Freiherr von Oppenheim. Berlin. Luukko, M. / Van Buylaere, G. 2002: The political correspondence of Esarhaddon. SAA 16. Helsinki. Masetti-Rouault, A.-G. 2016: Assyrian Colonization in Eastern Syria: The Case of Tell Masaikh (ancient Kar-Ashurnasirpal), in: J. MacGinnis / D. Wicke / T. Greenfield (eds.), The provincial archaeology of the Assyrian Empire. Cambridge. 199–212. Millard, A. 1994: The Eponyms of the Assyrian Empire 910–612 BC. SAAS 2. Helsinki. Moortgat, A. 1955: Tell Halaf III. Die Bildwerke, edited by Max Freiherr von Oppenheim. Berlin. Naumann, R. 1971: Architektur Kleinasiens von ihren Anfängen bis zum Ende der hethitischen Zeit. 2. überarbeitete Auflage. Tübingen. Novák, M. 1996: Der Landschaftsbezug in der orientalischen Palastarchitektur, Altorientalische Forschungen 23, 335–378. — 2004: Hilani und Lustgarten, Ein „Palast des Hethiter-Landes“ und ein „Garten nach dem Abbild des Amanus“ in Assyrien, in: M. Novák / F. Prayon / A.-M. Wittke (eds.), Die Außenwirkung des späthethitischen Kulturraumes. AOAT 323. Münster. 335–372. — 2013a: Gōzān and Gūzāna – Anatolians, Aramaeans, and Assyrians in Tell Halaf, in: D. Bonatz / L. Martin (eds.), 100 Jahre archäologische Feldforschung in Nordost-Syrien – Eine Bilanz. Wiesbaden. 259–280. — 2013b: The Assyrian Governor’s Palace of Gūzāna, in: D. Kertai / P.A. Miglus (eds.), New Research on Late Assyrian Palaces. Conference at Heidelberg January 22nd, 2011. Heidelberger Studien zum Alten Orient. Band 15. Warszawa. 53–62. — 2016: Assyrians and Aramaeans: Modes of Cohabitation and Acculturation at Gūzāna (Tell Halaf), in: J. Aruz / M. Seymour (eds.), Assyria to Iberia. Art and Culture in the Iron Age. New York. 123–135. Nunn, A. 2006: Knaufplatten und Knäufe aus Assur. WVDOG 112. Saarwellingen. Orthmann, W. 2002: Die aramäsch-assyrische Stadt Guzana. Ein Rückblick auf die Ausgrabungen Max von Oppenheims in Tell Halaf. Schriften der Max Freiherr von OppenheimStiftung 15. Saarbrücken. Pucci, M. 2009: Functional Analysis of Space in Syro-Hittite Architecture. BAR Int.Series 1738. Oxford. Pruß, A. / Baghdo, A.M. 2002: Tell Fecheriye. Bericht über die erste Kampagne der deutschsyrischen Ausgrabungen 2001, MDOG 134, 311–329. Schmid, J. / Novák, M. 2010: Ein Ḫilāni im assyrischen Palast? Bemerkungen zur »NordostEcke« von Dūr-Katlimmu, in: J. Becker / R. Hempelmann / E. Rehm (eds.), Kulturlandschaft Syrien – Zentrum und Peripherie. Festschrift für Jan-Waalke Meyer. AOAT 371. Münster. 529–551. Schmidt, H. 1943: Tell Halaf I. Die Prähistorischen Funde, edited by Max Freiherr von Oppenheim. Berlin.

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Turner, G. 1970: The State Apartments of Late Assyrian Palaces, Iraq 32, 177–213. Wicke, D. / Greenfield, T. 2013: The ‘Bronze Palace’ at Ziyaret Tepe, in: D. Kertai / P.A. Mig­ lus (eds.), New Research on Late Assyrian Palaces. Conference at Heidelberg January 22nd, 2011, Heidelberger Studien zum Alten Orient Band 15. Warszawa. 63–82. Younger, K.L. 2016: A Political History of the Arameans. Archaeology and Biblical Studies 13. Atlanta.

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The Royal Palace of Qaṭna and the classification of Syrian palatial architecture of the 2nd millennium BC Peter Pfälzner

Introduction The aim of this paper is to present a typological assessment of the Royal Palace of Qaṭna in the frame of the palatial architecture of second millennium BC Syria and Mesopotamia. The renewed excavations at Qaṭna from 1999 to 2010 have thrown new light on the importance of this building for the history of palatial architecture in the Ancient Near East. The Syrian-German team,1 together with the Syrian-Italian2 and the national Syrian team,3 achieved the complete exposure of the Royal Palace, one of the largest of its kind in the Ancient Near East. Based on the re-excavation of the palace, a functional re-interpretation of many of the palace’s rooms and room units could be proposed, modifying many of the ideas expressed by the previous excavator of the building working at the site in the 1920s, the Count Du Mesnil du Buisson.4 As an example, this refers to the so-called “Temple of Nin-Egal”, now identified as the major banquet and assembly hall of the palace, or the so-called “Cour du Trône”, now identified as the Cultic Hall of the palace. However, detailed reconstructions of the activities in these areas are very difficult, in many cases even impossible, due to the fact that the walls of the palace had been razed to the ground since the excavations of the early 20th century. Thus, the floor-plan of the palace had to be reconstructed in large parts solely on the basis of the foundations of the building. Additionally, the reconstruction was based on the preserved floors in some of the rooms, and on indications on the architectural plan of Du Mesnil du Buisson. Consequently, a detailed functional analysis of the palace, which would be based on the study of room inventories, is difficult to achieve – except for specific 1 Directed by Peter Pfälzner and Michel al-Maqdissi; see: preliminary reports in MDOG 132 (2000) to 143 (2011), the most recent of which is: Dohmann-Pfälzner / Pfälzner 2011; and the monographic final reports in the series Qaṭna Studien. 2 Directed by Daniele Morandi Bonacossi and Michel al-Maqdissi; see: Barro 2002; id. 2003; Morandi Bonacossi 2008; id. 2014. 3 Directed by Michel al-Maqdissi; see: Al-Maqdissi 2015; Mouamar 2015. 4 Du Mesnil du Buisson 1935.

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contexts such as the royal tombs, the subterranean corridor AQ, the well room, or the north-western wing. Therefore, the most fruitful way of analyzing the building as a whole is to study its structural layout, its planning principles and its building history. Methodologically, this corresponds to a formal architectural analysis. The new data available for a general appraisal of the architecture of the Royal Palace highlight the building history and chronology of the construction, the building techniques and structural principles, the metric dimensions, as well as the arrangement of rooms and the grouping of room units. Based upon this set of evidence, a thorough assessment of the architectural concept of the Royal Palace of Qaṭna can be carried out. In this way, the study of the Royal Palace of Qaṭna can contribute to establishing a more conclusive classification system of 2nd millennium BC palaces in Syria, especially through a comparative approach. The ideas proposed here refer to and were built upon the important earlier discussions of the concepts of palatial architecture in Syria by Paola Matthiae5, Nicolo Marchetti6 and Jean-Claude Margueron7. The Royal Palace of Qaṭna allows for a shift of perspective of these previous discussions. Hence, an alternative approach for the classification of the 2nd millennium BC palaces in Syria will be offered.

The Royal Palace of Qaṭna in its historical setting The rigorous stratigraphic analyses carried out in the foundations of the Royal Palace of Qaṭna resulted in a clear understanding of the chronology of the building. It was erected in the Middle Bronze Age II A (ca. 1800 – 1700/1650 BC), as is indicated by the pottery found inside the foundation trenches.8 The two successive construction phases, the ‘Urplan’ (Phase G 9b) and the ‘Implemented Plan’ (Phase G 9a), date to this period and are most probably separated by only a few years. Since the completion of the ‘Implemented Plan’ during the 18th century BC, the palace had been uninterruptedly in use from the Middle Bronze Age II (Phase G 8) until the Late Bronze Age II A (Phase G 7), when the structure was destroyed at around 1340 BC.9 This provides proof of a continued use of the building for more than 400 years. During this time, the structure seems to have served continuously as the main seat of royal power at the site. This observation impressively demonstrates the structural and functional durability of the palatial building. Furthermore, it is interesting in view of the changeful history of the Kingdom of Qaṭna over this long time-span. It spans the time of the Ammorite Kingdom of Qaṭna in the Old-Syrian period, which reached its political apogee during the first half of the 18th century BC under the rulers Išḫi-Addu and 5 6 7 8 9

Matthiae 1990; 2002. Marchetti 2006. Margueron 1987. Abd el-Hay, in press. For a detailed chronological analysis of the Qaṭna Royal Palace, see: Pfälzner, in press a.

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Fig. 1: Reconstructed plan of the Royal Palace of Qaṭna in the Middle Bronze Age II (Phase G 8).

Amud-pi-El,10 up to the later situation of the Qaṭna kingdom as a minor political power in Syria during the Middle-Syrian period of the 15th/14th centuries BC and, at certain times, even as a vassal state of the Mittani Empire.11 During these four centuries, Qaṭna, like other Syrian and Levantine kingdoms, must have undergone deep transformations of its political and social structure. Therefore, it can theoretically be assumed that different dynasties might have resided in the palace during the long time range from the Middle to the Late Bronze Age. Interestingly, despite the turbulent historical developments in Syria, the architecture of the palace of Qaṭna remained largely unchanged. Thus, it provided a stable base for the political power at Qaṭna, in flourishing as well as in troubled times. It needs to be pointed out that the time of construction of the palace coincides with the peak of the political importance of the kingdom of Qaṭna. This was reached during the reign of the kings Išḫi-Addu ( >1783 – 1776 BC) and Amud-pi-El (1775 –