Dance and instrumental diferencias in Spain during the 17th and early 18th centuries, Vol. 1 9780945193081

Table of contents :
Frontmatter
List of Illustrations (Charts, Musical Examples, and Plates) (page xi)
Abbreviations, References, and Translations (page xvii)
Acknowledgments (page xxi)
PART I. THE HISTORICAL AND MUSICAL CONTEXT (page 1)
Chapter 1. Dance and Variation (page 3)
Chapter 2. Spain and Western Europe (page 9)
Chapter 3. The Musical Environment in Spain (page 45)
Chapter 4. Publishing and Music Printing in Spain (page 77)
PART II. THE INSTRUMENTAL SOURCES (page 105)
Chapter 5. Five-Course Guitar (page 112)
Chapter 6. Harp (page 185)
Chapter 7. Keyboard (page 235)
Chapter 8. Other Instruments (page 309)
PART III. THE DANCE (page 343)
Chapter 9. The Uses of Dance in Spain (page 345)
Chapter 10. Choreographic Sources and Styles (page 419)
Chapter 11. Dancing Masters (page 487)
Chapter 12. Attitudes towards Dances and Dance Music (page 517)
Chapter 13. Dance-Names and Musical Models (page 545)
PART IV. THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES (page 597)
PART V. BIBLIOGRAPHY (page 755)
A. Sources before 1800 (Plus Later Facsimile Publications and Modern Editions of Single Authors or Sources) (page 757)
B. Sources after 1800 (Including Facsimile Publications and Modern Editions not Listed in Section A) (page 787)
Index (page 825)

Citation preview

DANCE AND INSTRUMENTAL DIFERENCIAS IN SPAIN DURING THE 17TH AND EARLY 18TH CENTURIES

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DANCE AND INSTRUMENTAL DIFERENCIAS IN SPAIN DURING THE 17TH AND EARLY 18TH CENTURIES

VOLUME I

History and Background, Music and Dance

by Maurice Esses

DANCE AND MUSIC SERIES No. 2

PENDRAGON PRESS HILLSDALE, NY

No. 1 French Court Dance and Dance Music: A Guide to Primary Source ritings

1643-1789 by Judith L. Schwartz and Christena L. Schlundt (1987) ISBN 0-918728-72-X. No. 3 Rhythm and Life: The Work of Emile Jaques-Dalcroze by Irwin Spector (1990) ISBN 0-945193-00-9 No. 4 Sixteenth-Century Dance and Music: Vol. I, Documentation of the Social Context: The Complete Transcribed Treatises and Collections translated and

annotated by A. William Smith (1992) ISBN 0-945193-25-4 No. 5 A New Most Excellent Dancing Master: The Journal of Joseph Lowe’s Visits to

Balmoral and Windson (1852-1860) to Teach Dance to the Family of Queen Victoria edited by Allan Thomas (1992) ISBN 0-945193-30-0 No. 6 A Work Book by Kellom Tomlinson: Commonplace Book of an 18th-Century English Dancing Master, A Facsimile Edition edited by Jennifer Shennan (1992) ISBN 0-945193-31-9

Library of Congress Cataloging-in Publication Data Esses, Maurice. Dance and instrumental diferencias in Spain during the 17th and early 18th centuries / by Maurice Esses. p. cm. —(Dance and music series ; no. 2) Includes bibliographical references. Contents: —v. 1. History and background, music and dance. ISBN 0-945 193-08-4 (v. 1)

1. Dancing—Spain—History—17th century. 2. Dancing—Spain—History—18th century. —3. Dance music—Spain—17th century——History and criticism. 4. Dance music—Spain—18th century—History and criticism. I. Title. II. Series. GV1673.E87 1990

192.8'0946—dc20 90-6935 CIP

Copyright 1992 Pendragon Press

This book is lovingly dedicated to the memory of my father, Israel Esses, who taught me among many things the value of learning.

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Table of Contents

Lists of Illustrations (Charts, Musical Examples, and Plates) xi

Abbreviations, References, and Translations xvii

Acknowledgments xxi PART I. THE HISTORICAL AND MUSICAL CONTEXT l

Chapter 1. Dance and Variation 3 Chapter 2. Spain and Western Europe 9

History and Culture 9 The Iberian Peninsula 12

Italy 18 Austria 34 France 36

The Spanish Netherlands 14 Chapter 3. The Musical Environment in Spain 45

The Lack of Aristocratic Patronage 45

Sacred Vocal Music 54 Instrumental Music 66 Chapter 4. Publishing and Music Printing in Spain U7 Forms of Censorship 77 Financial Obstacles 84

Individual Publishers and Printing Technology 87

Delays and Failures 100 vil

viii CONTENTS Introduction 107 Chapter 5. Five-Course Guitar 112 PART II. THE INSTRUMENTAL SOURCES 105

The Guitar in Spain 113

Sources of Dances and Diferencias 115

Other Sources 139 Temperament and Tuning 142 Rasgueado Notation 148 Punteado Notation 172

Chapter 6. Harp 185 The Harp in Spain 185

Lost Sources 201 The Structure of the Instrument 203

Sources of Dances and Diferencias 194

Temperament and Tuning 211

Tablature Notation 214

Chapter 7. Keyboard 235 The Keyboard in Spain 235

Sources of Dances and Diferencias 243

Temperament and Tuning 214

Tablature Notation 279

Staff Notation 292 Ornaments 300

Chapter 8. Other Instruments 309

Introduction 309 Vihuela (de mano) 309

Bandurria 322 Violin 326

Unspecified Instruments 334

CONTENTS ix PART II]. THE DANCE 343 Chapter 9. The Uses of Dance in Spain 345

Danza and Baile 345 Dancing by the Aristocracy 353 Lower Classes "361 Dancing by Professionals in Theatrical Works 3719 Dancing during Sacred and Secular Fiestas Especially by the

Dancing Inside and Around Churches, Especially by Choirboys 411

Chapter 10. Choreographic Sources and Styles 419

Problems of Reconstruction 419

Centuries 422

Dancing by the Aristocracy during the Late 16th and 17th

Dancing by the Aristocracy during the 18th Century 435

Dancing by the Lower Classes 460

Chapter 11. Dancing Masters 487

Royal Dancing Masters 487

Dancing Masters for the Upper Classes 501 Dancing Masters for Corpus Christi Performances 509

Dancing Masters for Choirboys 514

Chapter 12. Attitudes towards Dances and Dance Music 517

Dances of the Aristocracy 517

Dances of the Lower Classes 526 Dance Music in the Writings of Theorists 537 Chapter 13. Dance-Names and Musical Models 545

Nomenclature 545 Dance-Song 554

The Old Procedure: Cantus firmus 563 The New Procedure: Harmonic-Metric Scheme 569

Variation Techniques 586

x CONTENTS PART IV. THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES 597 Albarillo. Alemana. Alonch. Amor. [Aria]. Babau. Baylete. Borja. Canario. Canzién. Cerdana. Chacona. Chamberga. Chinfonfa. Conde Claros. Dama. Dexaldos mi madre. Desmayo. Encaramado. Entradas. Espafioleta. Fandango. Fanfarrona. Fantasmas. Faborita. Folfas. Gaita. Galerfa de amor. Gallarda. Gascona. Gitanilla. Gran Duque de Florencia. Gu4rdame las vacas. Guineo. Hacha. Impossibles. Tono Indefinible. Jacara. Jacara de la costa. Jacara francesa. Jota. Mariona. Mariz4palos. Marsella. Matachfn. Monsieur de la boleta. Morisqua. Oyes Belisa. Paracumbé. — Paradetas. Pasacalle. Paseo. Pavana. Pavanilla. Pie jibado y Alemana. Prado de San Gerénimo. Rastreado. Reina de Polonia. Ruede la bola. Rugero.

Saltarelo. Saltarén. Sambomba. San Juan de Lima. Sarao. Sardana. Seguidillas. Sinfonfa. Sombras. Tamborilero. Tarantela. Torneo. Turdién. Vacas. Villano. Villano cavallero. Zangarilleja. Zarabanda. Zarabanda francesa. Zarambeque.

PART V. BIBLIOGRAPHY 755 A. Sources before 1800 (Plus Later Facsimile Publications and

Modern Editions of Single Authors or Sources) 757

Index 825 B. Sources after 1800 (Including Facsimile Publications and

Modern Editions not Listed in Section A) 187

List of Charts

me 1. Guitar sources of dances and diferencias 116 2. Sources of the material in Minguet y Yrol (ca. 1754) B 138

3. Guitar tunings in the Spanish sources 148 4. | The Catalan chord-symbols in the Spanish guitar sources 150 5. The Castilian chord-symbols in the Spanish guitar sources 151

sources 154

6. The Italian or alfabeto chord-symbols in the Spanish guitar

7. Spanish names for the guitar chords as given in two sources 158

8. Ornament symbols in the rasgueado guitar sources 171

9. Mensuration signs in Murcia (1714) 176 10. Omament symbols in the punteado guitar sources 178-79

18th centuries 188-90

11. Some harpists in the royal chapel during the 17th and early

12. Some other chapels with full-time harpists 190-91 13. Some acting companies containing harpists, 1661-1680 192-93

14. Harp sources of dances and diferencias 195 15. Ommament symbols in the harp sources 229-30 16. Keyboard sources of dances and diferencias 244 17. Some arrangements of pieces by Lully in EMn M.1357 252-54

18. Spanish concordances for E Mn M.1360 260-61

xl

xii LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

E Mn M.1360 262-65

19. Some settings and arrangements of French pieces in

(1626) 285

20. Mensuration signs symbolizing tempo in Correa de Arauxo

21. The standard mensurations according to Lorente (1672) 293 22. Mensuration signs for proporcién menor and proporcién mayor

in some keyboard sources 295

23. Omament symbols in the keyboard sources 301 24. Other instrumental sources of dances and diferencias 310 25. Mensuration signs symbolizing tempo in the vihuela sources 322

by Corelli 329-31 27. Spanish settings of the “Amable” 340 26. Spanish transcriptions and arrangements of pieces

28. Dancing and musical forces of some acting companies during —

the first half of the 17th century 390-92

29. Payments made for the composition of music for the autos

sacramentales performed in Madrid, 1661-1681 407-8 30. Derivation of the sections in Ferriol y Boxeraus (1745) from

the treatises by P. Rameau (1725 and ca. 1725) 443 31. Corresponding sections in Minguet y Yrol (1758-1764) pt. I and the treatises by P. Rameau (1725 and ca. 1725) and

Ferriol y Boxeraus (1745) 447

32. Equivalent engravings in Minguet y Yrol (1758-1764) pt. | and P. Rameau (1725) which are not contained in

Ferriol y Boxeraus (1745) 448

33. Equivalent sections in Minguet y Yrol (1758-1764) pt. III and

Ferriol y Boxeraus (1745) tratado III chap. 4 450

34. Royal dancing masters, 1589-1700 489-93 35. Solo instrumental settings of canciones without variations 610-12

36. Folia vocal settings 642 37. Dramatic works incorporating performances of the

varambeque, ca. 1655-1721 751-53

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS xiii List of Musical Examples The editorial polices of all transcriptions are explained at the beginning of — Volume 2.

(ca. 1702) 61

1. Controversial dissonance in the Missa scala arentina by Valls

2. Acadential cross-relation in Nassarre vol. 2 (1723) 69 3. | A-simultaneous cross-relation in Correa de Arauxo (1626) 10 4-8. Melodic motives leading to augmented triads in some keyboard tientos of the second half of the

17th century 12-73

9. Guitar tunings 144 10. Chord-charts in the Spanish guitar sources 162—65

11. Ciphers in the harp sources 216-18 12. Voicings of root-position triads on the harp 221 13. Harp ornaments defined in Ferndndez de Huete (1702) 230-31

century 283-84

14. Ciphers in two Iberian keyboard sources of the early 18th

15. Vihuela and four-course guitar tunings 319

16. Bandurria tuning in Minguet y Yrol (ca. 1754) 325

17. “Amable,” E. Mn M.815, f. 75v 341

18. Elcaballero 549 19. “Ay, ay, ay, tres veces,” E Mn M.1262, f. LOv—L1r 560-62

20. A baja tenor derived from Valderrdbano (1547) 564

21. The alta tenor 566-67 22. Different settings of a particular harmonic progression 573

xiv LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS 23. Harmonic-metric schemes in Ortiz (1553) 576-77

pl. 1 581

24. The harmonic-metric scheme of the “earlier” folia in Italian

sources, as derived by Hudson (1973) 580

25. “Cont[radanz]a de la E,” Minguet y Yrol (1758-1764) pt. Ill,

26. “Triste de Xorxe,” Fern4ndez de Huete (1702), pl. 4—5 605

27. Some ballad melodies in Salinas (1577) 626 28. Dexaldos mi madre melody in Salinas (1577) 630

29. Follias melodies in Salinas (1577) 640 30. Vacas and romanesca melodies in Salinas (1577) 660

31. Passacalles in Nassarre vol. 1 (1724) 685

32. Passacalles in Valls (ca. 1742) 686 33. A Spanish tarantela melody in Cid (1787) 721

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS XV List of Plates

1. Ferndndez de Huete (1702), title-page 80

2. Ferndndez de Huete (1702), f. *3v 80 3. | Fern4ndez de Huete (1702), f. *4r 82 4. Fern4ndez de Huete (1702), f. *2v 82

5. EMnM. 2209, f. Ir 128 6. EMnM. 811, p. 95 130

f. 28v 170 8. EMnM. 816, f. 17r 199 7. TURIN, Biblioteca Nazionale Universitaria, Ms Mauro Foa 9,

9. EMmM. 1358, f. 78r 258

10. EMn Barbieri Mss 14030 (127) 499 11. EBih Archivo Gremial Ms 77-1, p. 4 508

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Abbreviations, References, and Translations

Library Sigla A Wn VIENNA, Osterreichische Nationalbibliothek B Bc BRUSSELS, Bibliothéque du Conservatoire Royal de Musique E Bap BARCELONA, Archivo Histérico de Protocolos E Bc BARCELONA, Bibloteca de Catalunya (i.e., Biblioteca Central) E Bih BARCELONA, Instituto Municipal de Historia EE ESCORIAL, Real Monasterio de San Lorenzo de El Escorial E Mah MADRID, Archivo Histérico Nacional E Mav MADRID, Archivo de la Villa E Mn MADRID, Bibloteca Nacional E Mp MADRID, Archivo del Palacio Real E Mrah MADRID, Real Academia de la Historia E Sap SEGOVIA, Archivo Histérico Provincial

F Pn PARIS, Bibliothéque Nationale GBLbm LONDON, British Library (formerly, British Museum)

GB Ob OXFORD, Bodleian Library

PB BRAGA, Biblioteca Publica P Pm OPORTO, Biblioteca Piblica Municipal US Wc WASHINGTON (D.C.), Library of Congress

Other Abbreviations BAE Biblioteca de autores esparioles

Bk. book(s)

BPSM Barcelona, Biblioteca de Catalunya (i.e., Biblioteca Central), Publicaciones de la seccién de miisica

ca. circa

chap. chapter(s) XVii

xviii ABBREVIATIONS, REFERENCES, TRANSLATIONS

dif. diferencia(s)

f. folio(s)

m. measure(s) MME Monumentos de la misica espatiola Ms manuscript

p(p). page(s)

pl. plate(s)

pt. part(s)

RISM Répertoire international des sources musicales

vol. volume(s)

In each chapter (1-13) and in pt. IV, once a work has been cited in complete form, it is abbreviated in subsequent citations. For a published source the shortened form usually consists of the author's surname followed by the date of publication in parentheses. For a manuscript source the shortened form usually consists of the depository and shelf number. The same holds true in volume 3. In vol. 2, even the first reference to a work is abbreviated in this manner.

In my translations from the primary sources | have attempted to render the meaning of the original as clearly as possible. To this end | have not hesitated to simplify the syntax or to replace pronouns with their antecedents. Owing to practical considerations | have not provided translations for all the passages quoted in vol. 3. In many instances I have decided that a brief paraphrase would suffice for the argument at hand. In other instances | was unable to produce a satisfactory translation. In all such cases, the relevance of the quotation is explained in the body of the text. Volume 2 presents the musical transcriptions. Throughout volumes 1 and 2, D-numbers and P-numbers refer to my inventory of the musical

repertoire (listed in vol. 2, Charts 40 and 41, respectively). Triads are symbolized by Roman numerals. Upper-case numerals (I) represent major triads, while lower-case numerals (i) represent minor triads.

Volume 3 presents numerous quotations from the primary sources. For these excerpts I have retained the original spelling and punctuation. In the interests of intelligibility, however, I have altered the capitalization of letters and the use of accents to accord with modern conventions. Fur-

thermore I have written out in full all abbreviations. These appear

ABBREVIATIONS, REFERENCES, TRANSLATIONS xix without editorial square brackets, except in titles of collections and individual pieces.

I have presented in vol. 3 a large amount of documentation for several reasons. First, terminological considerations are of paramount importance in this study. Second, the quotations come from a wide variety of sources, many of which are not readily accessible. Finally, | hope that the presentation of this primary material will facilitate future research.

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Acknowledgments

The early stages of this project were generously funded by the Canada Council. As a result | was able to travel to Spain some time ago and examine many primary sources housed there. My work in Spain was greatly facilitated by Rita Benton’s Directory of Music Research Libraries, RISM series C, part III (lowa City, 1972).

This study would not have been possible without the co-operation of many depositories. | would like to thank the librarians and staff of the

following institutions for their kind assistance: the Biblioteca de Catalunya, the Instituto Espafiol de Musicologia, and the Instituto Municipal de Historia in Barcelona; the Biblioteca del Real Monasterio de

San Lorenzo in Escorial; the Biblioteca General de la Universidad in Granada; the Archivo del Palacio Real and the Biblioteca Nacional in Madrid; the Archivo Capitular de la Catedral in Segovia; the Archivo de la Catedral Metropolitana in Seville; the Bibliothéque Nationale in Paris; the British Library in London; the Bodleian Library in Oxford; the Civico

Museo Bibliografico Musicale in Bologna; the Biblioteca Nazionale

Universitaria in Turin; the Gesellschaft der Musikfreunde and the Osterreichische Nationalbibliothek in Vienna; the Library of Congress in Washington; the Library of the Lute Society of America; and the Edward

Johnson Music Library and the Robarts Library at the University of Toronto. The Barbieri papers, housed at the Biblioteca Nacional in Madrid, contain a wealth of archival information relevant to this study. Francisco Asenjo Barbieri (1823-1894) painstakingly copied numerous documents of the 16th, 17th, and 18th centuries pertaining to music and theatre. He also kept some original documents which are now scattered throughout his files. A complete listing of the collection has never been published. |

xxi

xxii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS am therefore grateful to Manuel Sanchez Mariana, the director of the Sala de Investigadores of the Biblioteca Nacional, for allowing me to use his card catalogue of the Barbieri papers while I was in Madrid. Finally, I would like to acknowledge the efforts of three people who

_were instrumental in seeing the manuscript through to publication: Wendy Hilton, the series editor of Dance and Music; Robert J. Kessler, the managing editor of Pendragon Press; and Nanette Maxim, associate editor of Pendragon Press.

PART I The Historical and Musical Context

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CHAPTER ONE

OE , Dance and Variation Dance and instrumental variation are intimately related phenomena which were prominent features of Spanish culture during the 17th and early 18th centuries. Dancing pervaded secular as well as sacred festivities. It was cultivated in the palaces by the aristocracy, on stage by professionals, in the churches by choirboys, and in the streets by the lower classes. Instrumental variations permeated the activities of many profes-

sional and amateur musicians. The relatively small number of extant musical settings does not adequately reflect the important role played by variation. Owing to the popular nature of the dance repertory and the im-

provisational nature of variation techniques, much of the music was never written down. Thus, in the second half of the 17th century, Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677) felt obliged to justify his instrumental treatise as follows: On seeing the principles of this book, the judicious reader (especially if he has some knowledge of music theory, instruments, and tablature) will say that this author was unproductive; inasmuch as he set about writing things which are so common that even the children in Madrid and other places understand and practise them, and that also there are maestros who teach these things. To this charge, several responses are given. First, the world is large, and what is present in Madrid is not present everywhere. This author knows by experience (because he has seen different kingdoms and remote overseas provinces) that elsewhere they do not know or practise the

3

4 THE HISTORICAL AND MUSICAL CONTEXT said tablature or any other ciphers; because, although they play instruments and sing, they do so only from memory, except for a few persons who know mensural musical notation.!

In the middle of the 18th century Minguet y Yrol (ca. 1754) repeats these remarks almost verbatim in his own instrumental publication.’

The present study examines the instrumental dance pieces and secular variation sets. | would mention here that variation procedures were also employed in sacred instrumental music. The keyboard sources _ preserve a few fabordones glosados and variation settings of hymns such as

Pange lingua. Furthermore some church instrumentalists habitually elaborated their parts in performance by adding melodic diminutions (glosas). In 1586 Francisco Guerrero, the chapel-master at Seville Cathedral, rebuked his wind players for producing “absurdities” and “insufferable dissonances” by their incessant uncoordinated glossing. Gue-

Irero attempted to regulate the ensemble by prohibiting simultaneous diminutions. He ordered that when one player chose to gloss his part, all the other players were to leave him an open field and play their own parts as notated.’ This study rests on the close historical relationship between instrumental variation and dance. The use of instrumental music to accompany dancing and singing was an important stimulus for the develop-

ment of variation techniques. Instrumentalists faced the challenge of producing music of sufficiently long, but variable, duration to accommodate the needs and desires of dancers on different occasions. Literal repetition was one possibility, but it was tedious and prosaic. Variation provided a solution which was more interesting and imaginative. In Spain the strong links between variation and dance are revealed by the existence of terms common to both fields. For example, the names

of particular dance-types often refer to the instrumental music and the choreography. Diferencia is another word which possesses a specialized 'Lucas Ruiz de Ribayaz, Luz, y norte musical, para caminar por las cifras de la guitarra espafiola, yy arpa, tafler, ‘y cantar a compds por canto de érgano (Madrid, 1677; facsimile edition, Geneva, 1976) “Prélogo al curioso lector,” xi. 2Pablo Minguet y Yrol, Reglas, ‘y advertencias generales que enserian el modo de tarier todos los instrumentos mejores, ‘y mds usuales (Madrid, ca. 1754) B, “Prdlogo al lector aficionado,” v.

ISEVILLE, Archivo de la Catedral Metropolitana, Actas Capitulares vol. 36 (afio 1586) “Horden que han de tener los ministriles en el tafier” (dated July 11, 1586), f 46 v. An English translation, without the original, is given by Robert Stevenson, Spanish Cathedral Music in the Golden Age (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1961), 166-67.

DANCE AND VARIATION 5 meaning in each field. In 1732 the Real Academia Espajiola defines it as follows:

DIFERENCIAS. In pieces of instrumental music this is the name given to the different ways of playing one and the same piece. Also, in dances of the Spanish school, it is the name given to the variety of movements which are applied at different times to one and the same piece. . . .’

Diferencia first appears with the meaning of variation statement in the vihuela book by Narv4ez (1538).° Thereafter it is the word most frequent-

ly used in the Spanish instrumental sources to refer to variations. Synonyms appear in only a few instances. Mudarra (1546) employs the term manera instead of diferencia in his vihuela book. Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677) does call most of his guitar and harp variations diferencias. However, for triple-meter variations of duple-meter schemes Ruiz substitutes the terms baylete or buelta.? These two words are additional examples of the terminology shared by variation and dance. Baylete is a diminutive of bayle, a generic name for dances. Buelta in choreography designates a leaping revolution.’ Furthermore the term buelta may be related to volta (or volte), a courtly couple dance which was used outside of Spain in western Europe around 1600. The music of the volta was in triple meter.

‘Diccionario de la lengua castellana, .. . por la Real Academia Espafiola vol. 3 (Madrid, 1732;

facsimile edition, Madrid, 1964), 274-75. The elegant definition of instrumental variations as different ways of playing the same piece may have been taken from Sébastien Brossard, Dictionaire de musique (2nd edition, Paris, 1705; facsimile edition, Hilversum, 1965), 217. In 1736 Torres y Martinez Bravo claimed that he had translated Brossard’s dictionary into Castilian (see chap. 2, p. 34). *Luis de Narv4ez, Los seys libros del Delphin de miisica de cifras para tafter vihuela (Valladolid,

1538); facsimile edition and modern edition by Rodrigo de Zayas (Madrid, 1981); modern edition by Emilio Pujol, MME 3 (Barcelona, 1945; reprinted Barcelona, 1971). In particular, see D-54 and D-195. SAlonso Mudarra, Tres libros de misica en cifras para vihuela (Seville, 1546); modern edi-

tion by Emilio Pujol, MME 7 (Barcelona, 1949). In particular, see D-55, D-196, and D-201. The term baylete occurs in D-155, D-189, D-191, and D-192. The term buelta occurs in D-156, D-223, and D-229. SThe bueltas de pecho, bueltas de folias, and buelta de descuydo are described by Juan de Esquivel Navarro, Discursos sobre el arte del dancado (Seville, 1642; facsimile edition, Madrid, 1947) chap. 2 “De los movimientos del dancgado, y calidades que cada uno ha de tener, y sus nombres,” f. 15v—16v. See pt. IV, 646-47.

6 THE HISTORICAL AND MUSICAL CONTEXT Its choreography featured many turns, with the man hoisting the lady up in the air.9

Throughout the 17th and early 18th centuries most of the diferencias in the instrumental sources are based on harmonic-metric schemes. Spanish theorists of the period do not deal with this type of variation. In-

stead they discuss older variation procedures. Thus Lorente (1672) employs the word diferencia to denote a different set of contrapuntal voices added to a given theme, be the subject a phrase in plainsong (canto llano) or in mensural rhythm (canto de drgano)."° It is not until the 18th century that diferencia assumes a specialized meaning in the field of dancing. Both Ferriol y Boxeraus (1745) and Min-

guet y Yrol (1758-1764) use diferencia to refer to the choreographic figures performed by groups of dancers, especially in the contradanza."' By contrast, the term normally employed for any unified sequence of dance-

steps is mudanza.” It first appears with this meaning in a Spanish choreographic source in the late 16th century." In subsequent dance treatises, until the advent of the 19th century, mudanza continues to designate “a combination of steps which, shifting from one to another, form a whole.”'4

The term mudanza does not appear in Castilian instrumental sources. Nevertheless the term mudansa is found as a label of musical sections in a Catalan collection of dance melodies from the 18th century (E Bc M. 1452). Similarly, in Italy the equivalent term mutanza also migrated to the field of instrumental music. Italian dancing masters such as Caroso 9Choreographic instructions are given in Jehan Tabourot (pseudonym: Thoinot Arbeau), Orchésographie. Et traicte en forme de dialogue, par lequel toutes personnes peuvent facilement

apprendre & practiquer l'honneste exercise des dances (Langres, 1589; facsimile edition, Geneva, 1970) “La volte,” f. 63v-65v; English translation by Mary Stewart Evans, edited by Julia Sutton (New York, 1967), 119-22. 10 Andrés Lorente, El porqué de la mtisica (Alcal4 de Henares, 1672) Bk. III, chap. 54-73, 300-416 and Bk. IV, chap. 68, 642-49. "Bartolomé Ferriol y Boxeraus, Reglas titiles para los aficionados a danzar (Capua, 1745); and Pablo Minguet y Yrol, Arte de danzar a la francesa (Madrid, 1758-1764). See chap. 10, . 456. Diccionario de la lengua castellana, . . . por la Real Academia Espajiola, vol. 4 (1734), 623. \3Reglas de danzar, E Mrah Biblioteca Valleumbrosiana, Ms misceldnea en folio tomo 25; as copied by Barbieri in E Mn Barbieri Mss 14059/2. See the passages on the alta and pavana italiana transcribed in vol. 3, chap. 10, note 33 and pt. IV, note 375. \4Antonio Cairén, Compendio de las principales reglas del baile (Madrid, 1820) “El bolero,” 107.

DANCE AND VARIATION | (1581), Lupi da Carravagio (1600), and Negri (1602) employ mutanza for dance-step sequences.) In Italian instrumental music of the 17th century

the usual terms for variation statements are partita, parte, modo and, by the last decades of the century, variatione. Nevertheless, at least three Italian publications use instead the term mutanza. Furthermore all three books have some association with Spain. The first is a keyboard collection

by Valente (1576) which was published in the Spanish kingdom of Naples.'* The second is a Spanish guitar collection by Millioni (1627),! and the third is a string collection by the Neapolitan composer Mazzella (1689).'8

The present study is concerned with instrumental variations and dancing. For the former | have investigated the musical sources and treatises. For the latter | have examined the choreographic treatises, archival contracts, descriptive accounts, prohibitions, plays, and poems. Given the close relationship between instrumental variation and dance, the findings in one area should serve to enhance an understanding of the other. Volume 2 of this work consists of an inventory and transcription of the extant instrumental dance pieces and variation sets. There are three important reasons for presenting copious transcriptions. First, despite the

ISFabritio Caroso, Il ballarino (Venice, 1581; facsimile edition, New York, 1967); Livio Lupi da Carravagio, Mutanze di gagliarda tordiglione passo e mezzo canari e passeggi (Palermo,

1600); and Cesare Negri, Le gratie d'amore (Milan, 1602; facsimile edition, New York, 1969). I have not had the opportunity of examining the book by Lupi da Carravagio. It is briefly discussed in Fausto Torrefranca, “Documenti definitivi sulla partita,” Berichte tber den internationalen Musikwissenschaftlichen Kongress, Bamberg1953 (Kassel, 1954), 145. ‘Antonio Valente, Intavolatura de cimbalo recercate fantasie et canzoni francese desminuite con alcuni tenori balli et varie sorte de contraponti. Libro primo (Naples, 1576); modern edi-

tion by Charles Jacobs (Oxford, 1973). '7Pietro Millioni, Quarta impressione del primo secondo et terzo libro d’intavolatura . . . di chitarra spagnola (Rome, 1627); as described by Richard Hudson, “The Development of Italian Keyboard Variations on the ‘Passacaglio’ and ‘Ciaccona’ from Guitar Music in the Seventeenth Century” (Ph.D. dissertation, University of California at Los Angeles, 1967),

71-72 and 78-80. _'8Salvatore Mazzella (napolitano), Balli, correnti, gighe, sarabande, gavotte, brande, e gagliarde, con la misura giusta per ballare al stile inglese, con la giunta della folia di Spagna, passagagli per dui tuoni con molte partite; dui ciaccone, una spagnola, e l'altra italiana DI MOLTE MUTANZE [my emphasis]; aggiuntavi molte partite sopra la tarantella. A dui violino, e viola, o cimbalo. . .. Opera prima (Rome, 1689); as listed in Claudio Sartori, Bibliografia della musica strumentale italiana stampata in Italia fino al 1700 vol. 1 (Florence, 1952), 549-50.

8 THE HISTORICAL AND MUSICAL CONTEXT wide speculation and discussion concerning particular dance-types, most of the Spanish music has never been transcribed. Second, the original

notation in numerous settings is incomplete, incorrect, or unclear in meaning. In many instances the only way to reconstruct the troublesome pieces is to utilize other settings of the same dance-type where the notation is more precise. This approach rests on the historically probable assumption that most settings of a particular dance-type employ the same or similar harmonic-metric scheme drawn from the popular domain. By postulating that the schemes were well known and relatively stable, one can understand how musicians could notate dances and variation sets in a sketchy fashion, and yet be confident that players of the period would

be able to interpret the pieces correctly. The third reason for the transcriptions is that Spanish theorists of the 17th and early 18th centuries devote little attention to the prevailing variation techniques and new procedures in the organization of pitch and rhythm. It is the music itself that best illustrates these features.

CHAPTER TWO

Spain and Western Europe History and Culture A complex network of political and cultural links characterized the relationship between the Iberian peninsula and the rest of western Europe during the 16th, 17th, and early 18th centuries. A consideration of these ties provides the requisite context for evaluating both the geographical scope of usage and the nature of foreign influences associated with the

secular dance schemes and variation techniques found in the Spanish SOUICES.

At the same time | would emphasize that the political and cultural factors noted in the ensuing synopsis are not sufficient in themselves to furnish conclusive explanations of various aspects of Spanish music. The interactions and implications of such factors are not always self-evident. Furthermore, political and cultural phenomena are rarely related to one another in a simple one-to-one correspondence. The precise nature of a particular relationship between or within these two broad areas is often a complex matter requiring a much more detailed investigation than is feasible here. In addition, the assessment of the degree and direction of cultural influence does not readily follow from a mere listing of events and a description of works. One must also contend with the possibility that a

9

10 THE HISTORICAL AND MUSICAL CONTEXT similarity of styles is a manifestation of coincident developments which are not directly related. In general, the different facets of political, social, and cultural life in a particular region do not necessarily change in a synchronous fashion: Any periodization of history demands that we select some aspect of the life of a society, or some aspect of cultural life that we regard as important, as the basis for marking the beginning, middle, and end of the period with which we are concerned. One cannot assume, however, that what marks

the beginning of a period when seen from a political point of view also marks the beginning of a new economic period, nor that a periodization in

terms of some element of culture, such as painting or literature, will be synchronous with a periodization based on scientific discoveries or on philosophic innovation. . . . What is to be rejected is the all-or-none approach of monistic views of history, in which periodizations are taken to be equally applicable to all aspects of a society and its culture.'

For example, consider the ubiquitous characterization of Spain being in a “state of decline” during the 17th century. It is true that Spain suffered very serious reverses, especially during the first half of the century. Political incompetence and corruption were fostered by the large administrative bureaucracy and by the sale of all kinds of public offices both at home and abroad.? Moreover, Felipe III began the practice of entrusting a favorite (valido) with the responsibility and power of rule.’ Spanish military strength deteriorated during the 17th century with respect to the rest of western Europe. The end of Spanish superiority at sea is associated with the defeat of the Armada by the English in 1588; the end of her superiority on land is marked by the defeat of the Spanish army at Rocroi by the French in 1643.4 The Spanish economy was marked by rising inflation, the progressive debasement of coinage, and the recurrent failure of '\Maurice Mandelbaum, The Anatomy of Historical Knowledge (Baltimore, 1977), 22.

2The number and type of posts offered for sale gradually increased during the 17th century; according to John Horace Parry, The Sale of Public Office in the Spanish Indies under the Hapsburgs (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1953), 59. 3During the first half of the 17th century the two leading validos were the Duke of Lerma

(Francisco Gémez de Sandoval) under Felipe III, and the Count-Duke of Olivares (Gaspar de Guzman Acevedo y Zufiiga) under Felipe IV. In the second half of the century Carlos II was mentally and physically unfit to rule, and consequently during his reign actual power was held successively by different persons. {For Spain's military difficulties in the Low Countries see Geoffrey Parker, The Army of Flanders and the Spanish Road 1567-1659: The Logistics of Victory and Defeat in the Low Countries’ Wars (Cambridge, 1972).

SPAIN AND WESTERN EUROPE 11 the royal treasury to honor its debts.’ The population in Spain appears to have dropped from approximately 8.5 million in 1596 to approximately 7

million in 1700.6 Many Spaniards of the period were aware of these problems, and some writers (known as arbitristas) proposed a wide variety of remedies.’ Despite these factors, an unqualified description of Spain as being in a “state of decline” can be quite misleading for a number of reasons. First, there was considerable political, economic, and demographic instability throughout most of Europe during the 17th century. Second, the precise

chronology and extent of the problems in Spain are uncertain. It is difficult to arrive at accurate generalizations about Spain during the 17th century because of the lack of sufficient analytical and synthetic historical

studies, and because of the bias against the Habsburg monarchs which pervades many historical works from the 18th century onwards. It may well be, as Kamen argues, that economic and demographic recovery in Spain began as early as the 1660s."° Third, even granting a serious decline

in certain facets of Spanish society, it does not inevitably follow that Spanish music of the period was also in a “state of decline.” The problem relevant to this study is not if, but rather how the factors discussed above affected Spanish music. In Western history there are several outstanding

instances where adverse political and economic factors coincide with flourishing cultural activities. Consider, as examples, literature and drama 5See Earl J. Hamilton, American Treasure and the Price Revolution in Spain, 1501-1650 (Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1934); and Earl J. Hamilton, War and Prices in Spain 16511800 (Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1947). SAccording to the figures proposed by Antonio Dom{nguez Ortiz, La sociedad espaviola en el

siglo XVII (Madrid, 1963), 1:113. Any estimates of the population in Spain during the 17th century are quite speculative. The problems posed by the primary demographic sources are discussed in Domfnguez Ortiz (1963), 1:53-66; and in Bernard Vincent, “Récents travaux de démopraphie historique en Espagne (XIV*-XVIII* siécles),” Annales de démographie historique (1977), 463-68 and 483-90.

‘Discussed by J. H. Elliott, “Self-Perception and Decline in Early Seventeenth-Century Spain,” Past and Present 74 (1977), 41-61; and by Marjorie Grice-Hutchinson, Early Economic Thought in Spain 1177—1740 (London, 1978), 139-58.

®The so-called decline has been challenged and re-evaluated by Henry Kamen, “The Decline of Spain: A historical myth?,” Past and Present 81 (1978), 24—50. *See, for example, Geoffrey Parker and Leslie M. Smith (editors), The General Crisis of the Seventeenth Century (London, 1978). lOHenry Kamen, Spain in the Later Seventeenth Century, 1665—1700 (London and New York, 1980).

12 THE HISTORICAL AND MUSICAL CONTEXT in Spain during the first half of the 17th century; painting in the Spanish Netherlands during the 17th century; and all the arts in Austria during the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Therefore the circumstances outlined above did not necessarily exert an adverse influence on the quality of Spanish music or the extent of Spanish cultural influence abroad.

The Iberian Peninsula Throughout the 17th century the unity of the Spanish kingdom on the Iberian peninsula was undermined by the political powers which its individual regions possessed. Although the political centre was fixed in

Castile, some of the other provinces retained their own constitutions which guaranteed them certain traditional privileges and rights, regardless __ of the intended policies of the Spanish monarchy. The most vivid illustration of the ensuing conflicts between Castile and the peripheral provinces was the revolt of Catalonia in 1640. During the second half of the century the autonomy of the provinces, especially that of Aragon and Catalonia,

continued to be an important feature of the Spanish political system, until the early 18th century when the new Bourbon monarchy confiscated most of the regional powers. Many of the conflicts between the eastern provinces and the Spanish monarchy have been investigated admirably by Elliott:

The Catalan and Portuguese revolutions [of 1640] had shown that Madrid could retain the allegiance of the provinces only so long as it left their governing classes in peaceful possession of their traditional rights and institutions. . . . The second half of the seventeenth century was indeed for the Spanish monarchy the golden age of provincial autonomy—an age of almost superstitious respect for regional rights and privileges by a Court too weak and too timid to protest.!!

The fragmented political structure, combined with the physical size

of the peninsula, served to accentuate cultural differences among the various regions. Local variants in popular dance-songs were presumably as

sharply marked in the 17th century as they are today in the surviving traditional repertory. However, it is not possible to isolate regional variants of the 17th century for two principal reasons. First, the literate professional musician who notated adaptations of popular dance music MN), H. Elliott, The Revolt of the Catalans: A Study in the Decline of Spain (1598-1640) (Cambridge, 1963), 547. A similar analysis is made by Henry Kamen, The War of Succession in Spain 1700-1715 (London, 1969), 34-35.

SPAIN AND WESTERN EUROPE 13 belonged to a group which could transcend the limitations of provincial

boundaries. Leading musicians often enjoyed great mobility in their capacity as church employees, by holding successive posts at various capi-

llas throughout the peninsula. Second, the surviving sources of secular music do not represent the individual Spanish provinces in equal proportion. Most of the extant sources were compiled in Castile, while a lesser number come from Catalonia. There are no known sources from Andalusia in the south or the provinces in the north which contain settings

of dances indigenous to those regions. Consequently most of the “Spanish” music discussed in this study actually represents the repertoire used and adapted in Castile.

Throughout its history, the Iberian peninsula can be considered as quite distinct from the rest of western Europe. The natural geographical isolation afforded by the Pyrenees, the rich Arabic tradition absorbed during the Moorish occupation, and the pervasive extremist religious attitudes inculcated by its Roman Catholic ecclesiastics have all contributed to differentiate Spain from its neighbors. Despite these factors, Spain enjoyed a high degree of cultural interaction with the rest of western Europe from the 16th to the early 18th century. The Flemish and Italian territories belonging to the Spanish Empire, combined with her aggressive foreign policy, provided numerous channels for cultural exchanges.

The only other country on the Iberian peninsula was Portugal, which was under direct Spanish rule between 1580 and 1640." Even after

the successful Portuguese revolt of 1640 under the leadership of the Braganzas, the Spanish Habsburgs did not relinquish the hope of reconquest until a series of military defeats forced them to formally recognize Portugal in 1668. From that time on, Portugal retained her political independence."

From the 16th to the 18th century there was a high degree of cultural homogeneity between Spain and Portugal. The Inquisition, which was such an influential element in Spanish society, was established in Portugal in 1536 under Jodo III. In literature, drama, and philosophy — In 1580 the Spanish Habsburgs gained control of Portugal partly as a result of the earlier marriages between Carlos | and Isabel of Portugal in 1526, and between prince Felipe (later Felipe Il) and Marfa Manuela of Portugal in 1543. In the 18th century the Spanish and Portuguese ruling families were temporarily linked

by the childless marriage between prince Fernando (later Fernando VI) and princess Marfa Bérbara de Braganza in 1729.

14 THE HISTORICAL AND MUSICAL CONTEXT many Portuguese writers adopted the Castilian language in at least some of their works." In the field of music, the vocal polyphony and keyboard composition of both countries exhibited many of the same general traits. The interaction between Spain and Portugal was not limited to the 60year period of Spanish sovereignty. Throughout the 16th and 17th centuries many musicians traveled between western Spain and Portugal. For

instance, by examining the extant archival documents at Badajoz Cathedral, Kastner has been able to verify that a large number of Portuguese musicians worked in the Badajoz capilla, and also that several musicians from the cathedral visited the Portuguese royal chapel at Vila Vicosa.'5 Stylistic similarities in keyboard music are demonstrated in the works of Coelho issued in 1620, which represent the earliest Portuguese publication of instrumental music.’ That this collection was known and studied by at least some of the leading Spanish organists elsewhere in the

peninsula is shown by the reference to it in the preface to Correa de Arauxo’s keyboard publication of 1626."

The Spanish Netherlands The Netherlands became part of the Spanish Empire in 1516 on the accession of Carlos I, who in the previous year had inherited the territory

from his father, Philippe of Burgundy. Throughout the 16th and 17th centuries Spain was embroiled in almost constant war in an effort to maintain her sovereignty over the Lowlands.'® In 1581 the Northern

l4As early as the beginning of the 16th century Gil Vicente used Castilian for some of his lays.

ISSantiago Kastner, “La mdsica en la Catedral de Badajoz (afios 1520—1764),” Anuario musical 15 (1960), 83; and 12 (1957), 129. 16Manuel Rodrfguez Coelho, Flores de mtisica: pera o instrumento de tecla, & harpa (Lisbon, 1620); modern edition by Macario Santiago Kastmer, Portugaliae musica 1 (Lisbon, 1959; revised Lisbon, 1976) and 3 (Lisbon, 1961). '7Francisco Correa de Arauxo, Libro de tientos y discursos de muisica prdctica, y thedrica de

6rgano, intitulado Facultad orgdnica (Alcal4 de Henares, 1626; facsimile edition, Geneva, 1981), f. 4r; modern edition by Santiago Kastner, MME 6 (1948) preface, 40-41. 181n 1598 Felipe II granted control of this territory to his daughter Isabel and her future husband Archduke Albert, with the intention of establishing a separate dynasty there. However the marriage was childless; and consequently, on the death of Albert in 1621, sovereignty over the Netherlands reverted to the Spanish monarch.

SPAIN AND WESTERN EUROPE 15 provinces declared their independence under William of Orange. Reluctantly Spain recognized the autonomy of the United Provinces of Holland in the Twelve Years’ Truce of 1609. During the remainder of the century Spain retained control over the southern provinces with great difficulty. Finally in 1713, by the Treaty of Utrecht, Spain surrendered the remnants of her possessions in the Netherlands to the Roman Emperor. The Flemish style of sacred vocal polyphony of the 16th century had

a profound influence on Spanish music, vocal as well as instrumental. The primary vehicle for this foreign influence was the establishment by Carlos I, on his accession to the Spanish throne, of a Flemish Royal Chapel in Spain (Capilla flamenca or Capilla de Borgofia), which originally consisted of most of the members of his chapel in Brussels.'? Throughout

the 16th century in Spain, the Flemish chapel co-existed with the native Spanish one (Capilla espaviola). The former, however, was by far the more

prominent and attained a prestigious reputation throughout western Europe for its performance of polyphony. Most of its singers were Flemish, and both Carlos | and Felipe II regularly recruited new members from the Lowlands.” In contrast to its Flemish counterpart in the 16th century, the Spanish chapel consisted of Spanish singers. Apparently it normally con-

fined itself to the performance of plainsong, and did not accompany the king on his travels.?!

In the early 17th century these distinctions began to disappear, and

the two chapels gradually merged into one. The hispanization of the Flemish chapel has generally been associated with the appointment in 1598 of Mateo Romero as its maestro. This observation is valid, but not because of Romero's place of birth. Becquart has established that Romero

'SFor a description of the Flemish chapel which accompanied Carlos I to Valladolid in 1517 and Zaragoza in 1518, see Edmond van der Straeten, Les musiciens néerlandais en Espagne (Brussels, 1885), 1:294-95. For detailed information about the Flemish chapel, with transcriptions of original documents, see Straeten (1885), 1:183-86 and 398-403; and (1888), 2:5, 178-82, and 18688. See also Paul Becquart, Musiciens néerlandais a la cour de Madrid. Philippe Rogier et son école (1560-1647) (Brussels, 1967). “IStraeten (1885), 1: 386. Lists of wages for the members of the capilla espafiola from 1622 to 1628 are transcribed from archival documents in Nicol4s Solar-Quintes, “Panorama musical desde Felipe III a Carlos II. Nuevos documentos sobre ministriles, organistas y ‘Reales Capillas flamenca y espafiola de misica,’" Anuario musical 12 (1957), 184-87.

16 THE HISTORICAL AND MUSICAL CONTEXT was Flemish (Matthieu Rosmarin), not Spanish. In 1586, at the age of eleven or twelve, Romero was recruited and brought to Spain to join the Flemish chapel as a cantorcillo.22 During his tenure as maestro from 1598 to 1633, Spanish singers began to be selected as members of the Flemish

chapel with increasing frequency.23 The first Spanish maestro of the

Flemish chapel was Carlos Patifio, who in 1634 was appointed as Romero’s successor. In 1637 the merger of the two chapels was complete.

From this point on there are no administrative distinctions in the extant documents.”4

In turn, the Netherlands provided an important outlet for the diffusion of Spanish music in the first half of the 17th century. During that time Spanish musicians occupied most of the leading posts at the ducal chapel in Brussels, in contrast to the apparent earlier predominance of Flemish musicians there. In 1611 at the court of the Archduke Albert and Isabel, the maestro de capilla was Géry de Ghersem and the maestro de musica de cémara was Pedro Rimonte.** Although of Flemish birth, Ghersem had been recruited at a young age from Tournai in 1586, for training

in the Madrid chapel. From 1598 to 1604 he served there as an assistant chapel-master (teniente de capilla) under Mateo Romero, before returning to Flanders where he worked until his death in 1630.27 Pedro Rimonte 22For transcriptions of original documents concerning Romero's origin see Becquart (1967), 146-56, 228-30, and 266~—76. For the results of Barbieri’s research see Paul Becquart, “Au sujet de Matheo Romero (Rosmarin). Les notes biographiques de Barbieri de la Bibliothéque Nationale 4 Madrid,” Anuario musical 25 (1970), 97-103.

3Becquart (1967), 160 and 163-64. It is possible that at the same time Romero also directed the Spanish chapel, since no other maestro is mentioned in the extant lists of wages. See Becquart (1967), 165. 24The designation Capilla flamenca is no longer found, and the lists of wages are simply entitled Gajes de la capilla real; according to Becquart (1967), 183, note 2.

25For example, in the years 1572-1573 the Brussels chapel of the Governor-General Fernandez Alvarez de Toledo, Duke of Alba, was headed by the Flemish maestro “Pedro de Hotz” and consisted almost entirely of Flemish musicians, judging by the names on the extant list of wages. The original document which was preserved in the Archivo de la Casa de Alba is transcribed in José Subir4, in La miisica en la Casa de Alba. Estudios histéricos ‘y biogrdficos (Madrid, 1927), 28-34.

26The archival list of musicians for that year is partly transcribed in Suzanne Clercx, “Le dix-septiéme et le dix-huitiéme siécle,” La musique en Belgique du moyen dge a nos jours, edited by Emest Closson and Charles van den Borren (Brussels, 1950), 152. 27For biographical information about Ghersem drawn from original documents see Guy Bourligueux, “Géry de Ghersem, sous-maitre de la chapelle royale d’Espagne. (Documents inédits),” Mélanges de la casa de Velazquez 2 (1966), 163-78; and also Becquart (1967),

89-93.

SPAIN AND WESTERN EUROPE 17 was Spanish by birth and served in Brussels under the Archduke Albert as maestro de capilla in 1603, and maestro de miisica de cémara from 1605 to 1614.78

In addition to the ducal court at Brussels, the religious festive processions known as Ommegang may also have incorporated Spanish music. In various Flemish towns the Ommegang were held regularly, and included giant figures, parade wagons, and town bands.”’ The inclusion of Spanish music here is a possibility because of the striking similarities be-

tween the Ommegang and the Spanish Corpus Christi processions, and also because such festivities were occasionally used to honor the official

representatives of the Spanish king. :

The most consequential aspect of Spanish musical activity in the Netherlands was the impact it had on Catholic composers from England, Italy, and Austria who visited or worked in the region during the first half

of the 17th century. The Netherlands appears to have been the main channel by which Spanish dance schemes and keyboard techniques were transmitted to England, its political enemy. Two of the leading English virginalists represented in Tregian’s “Fitzwilliam Virginal Book” worked _

for a considerable time in the Lowlands. Peter Philips, after leaving England in 1582 and travelling throughout western Europe, entered the household of Archduke Albert in Brussels in 1597, and later served in the

ducal chapel until his death in 1628.° John Bull also worked for Archduke Albert in Brussels in 1613 and 1614, and was the organist at Antwerp Cathedral from 1617 until his death in 1628.3! Several outstand-

ing Italian instrumental composers may have become familiar with 28See Eleanor Russell, “Pedro Rimonte in Brussels (c. 1600-1614),” Anuario musical 28—

29 (1973-1974), 181-94. 29See the description in Richard Leppert, The Theme of Music in Flemish Paintings of the

Seventeenth Century (Munich, 1977) 1:160-71. Such processions were depicted by several painters of the period. For example, see the painting by Denis von Alsloot entitled “ ‘Ommegang’ at Brussels, May 31, 1615: The Triumph of Archduchess Isabella,” reproduced in Leppert (1977) plates 48 and 49, 2: 266-67. %°See John Steele, “Calendar of the Life of Peter Philips,” in his edition of Peter Philips: Select Italian Madrigals; Musica Britannica 29 (London, 1970), xvi—xxi. Steele also states — that Philips traveled to Madrid in 1585-1586. 31See Thurston Dart, “Calendar of the Life of John Bull,” in John Bull: Keyboard music, edited by John Steele and Francis Cameron, Musica Britannica 14 (2nd edition, London, 1967), xxv—xxvi.

18 THE HISTORICAL AND MUSICAL CONTEXT Spanish secular music during their sojourn in the Netherlands. Frescobal-

di worked in the region, in the service of the papal nuncio Guido Bentivoglio, from 1607 to 1608.2 Foscarini, according to his own remarks in the preface to one of his guitar publications, spent some time at the court in Brussels, where he became personally acquainted with Archduke AIbert.** Corbetta also worked for a short period in Brussels. The dedication of his fourth guitar book to Archduke Leopold William, governor of the Spanish Netherlands from 1647 to 1656, is dated Brussels, 1648.3 Finally, in the middle of the century, some Austrian musicians served in Brussels at the court of Archduke Leopold William. For example, Johann Kaspar Kerll belonged to the Archduke’s chamber in Brussels at least during the years 1647-1652 and 1655.5

Italy

For direct cultural interaction, the most important territories belonging to the Spanish Empire were located in Italy. Throughout the

16th and 17th centuries Spain controlled the Duchy of Milan, the Kingdom of Naples and Sicily, and Sardinia. From the Peace of CateauCambrésis in 1559 until the end of the 16th century, Spain maintained these territories with relative ease, partly because her domination in the

Italian arena was not challenged by the French. However, in the 17th century Spain was faced with increasing opposition. France constantly intruded in northern Italy in order to block Spain’s attempt to establish a

strong, unbroken chain of territories linking Milan with the Lowlands. 32See Alberto Cametti, “Girolamo Frescobaldi in Roma, 1604-1643,” Rivista musicale italiana 15 (1908) 704-7; and Frederick Hammond, Girolamo Frescobaldi (Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1983), 26-31. 33Giovanni Paolo Foscarini, Il primo secondo e terzo libro della chitarra spagnola (n.p., n.d.).

The relevant excerpt from the preface is quoted and translated in Richard A. Hudson, “The Development of Italian Keyboard Variations on the ‘Passacaglio’ and ‘Ciaccona’ from Guitar Music in the Seventeenth Century” (Ph.D. dissertation, University of California at Los Angeles, 1967), 153 and 413. Francesco Corbetta, Varii scherzi di sonate per la chitara spagnola di Francesco Corbetta pavese. All'alt{ez]a s[erenissi}ma di Leopoldo Guglielmo arciduca d’Austria, &c. Libro quarto (n.p., n.d.); facsimile edition, Archivum musicum 51 (Florence, 1983). The date of the dedication is given in Richard T. Pinnell, “The Role of Francesco Corbetta (1615-1681) in the History of Music for the Baroque Guitar, Including a Transcription of his Complete Works” (Ph.D. dissertation, University of California at Los Angeles, 1976), 1:130. For Corbetta's direct contact with Spain see chap. 5, 139. 35See the archival lists partly transcribed in Clercx (1950), 152—53.

SPAIN AND WESTERN EUROPE 19 Furthermore, Italian unrest manifested itself by the recurrent rebellions against the Spanish authorities—notably in Milan, 1646; in Sicily, 16471648 and 1675; and in Naples, 1647~1648 and 1701. Finally, by the Treaty of Utrecht in 1713 and the Treaty of Rastadt in 1714, Spain was

forced to cede all of her possessions in Italy, most of them to the Emperor.* One of the most important features of the cultural life in Spain and

Italy was the great influence each exerted on the other. In the 18th cen-

tury this cultural interaction was completely dominated by Italy. However, in the 16th and 17th centuries neither region was supreme. Moreover, during this period it is often difficult to assess the extent and even the direction of influence in particular fields. Nevertheless, one can distinguish two simultaneous trends. On the one hand, many activities associated with the Italian aristocracy were cultivated at the Spanish royal

court. On the other hand, many Spanish activities originating in the popular sphere were adopted throughout Italy. One of the earliest examples of a Spanish court embracing Italian principles of “courtly” behaviour occurred at Valencia during the second quarter of the 16th century. There the vihuelist Luis Mil4n wrote a book

describing the appropriate use of conversation and music, which he modelled on the code of etiquette of the Gonzaga court at Urbino, as compiled by Castiglione.*” Milan’s book was a Spanish adaptation rather than a simple translation of Castiglione’s treatise, which had already been undertaken by Bosc4n and published in 1534.38

In the field of poetry during the 16th century, Italian techniques were imitated by several Spanish poets. Italian meters, verse forms, and *6This did not mark the end of Spanish political control in Italy. Carlos, the son of Felipe V and Elisabeth Farnese of Parma, was the Duke of Parma from 1731 to 1735, and the King of Naples and Sicily from 1735 to 1759. On his accession to the Spanish throne as Carlos II (1759-1788), he crowned his son Fernando King of Naples and Sicily (reigned 17591808), thereby establishing another ruling branch of the Bourbon house. *7Luis Milén, Libro intitulado El Cortesano (Valencia, 1561); modern edition in Coleccién de libros esparioles raros o curiosos, vol. 7 (Madrid, 1874). Baldesar Castiglione, Il libro del Cor-

tegiano (Venice, 1528); modern edition by Giulio Preti (Turin, 1960). Note that Castiglione spent the last part of his life in Spain and died in Toledo in 1529. $8Juan Bosc4n, Los quatro libros: del Cortesano: compuestos en italiano por el conde Balthasar Castellén ‘y agora nuevamente traduzidos en lengua castellana por Boscdn (Barcelona, 1534); modern edition by Marcelino Menéndez y Pelayo (Madrid, 1942). For a summary and discussion of Mildn’s book see John B. Trend, Luis Milén and the Vihuelistas (Oxford, 1925),

20 THE HISTORICAL AND MUSICAL CONTEXT imagery were first adapted to the Castilian language by Juan Boscdn (1493-1543) and Garcilaso de la Vega (1503-1536). However, Spanish musical settings of such poetry did not resemble the Italian madrigal repertory, because Spanish composers generally refrained from using “expressive” dissonance to reflect the meaning of the text.*9

| In the 16th century many prominent Spanish musicians spent part of their careers in Italy. Two of the foremost composers of sacred polyphony studied and worked in Rome. Cristébal de Morales was a member of the papal choir in Rome from 1535 to 1545. He subsequently returned to Spain where he was chapel-master first at Toledo Cathedral (1545-1547), then in Marchena for the Duque de Arcos, Luis Cristébal

Ponce de Leén (1548-1551), and finally at Malaga Cathedral (15511553). Tomas Luis de Victoria studied at the Jesuit Collegium Germanicum in Rome, enrolling in 1565. He returned to Spain in approximately 1587, and from then until his death in 1611 served as chapel-master of the Monasterio de las Descalzas in Madrid.“ During the second half of the 16th century Spaniards occupied the

leading musical posts at the Spanish court in Naples. For example, in 1558 in the chapel of the Duke of Alba, Fernando Alvarez de Toledo, Viceroy of Naples, the maestro de capilla was Diego Ortiz and the horganis-

ta was Francisco Salinas.” Ortiz was in Naples as early as 1553 and was still chapel-master there in 1565.“ Salinas traveled to Rome in 1538 and 39Randel has examined the Spanish polyphonic settings of Italian verse forms in the Cancionero musical de la Casa de Medinaceli [MADRID, Biblioteca Medinaceli Ms 13230 (compiled ca. 1570); modern edition of pieces with Spanish texts by Miguel Querol, MME 8~—9 (Barcelona, 1949-1950)]. From his investigation he concludes that Spanish composers reflected the new types of verse forms and imagery primarily through changes of rhythm and texture, rather than through the use of dissonance. See Don M. Randel, “SixteenthCentury Spanish Polyphony and the Poetry of Garcilasco,” Musical Quarterly 60 (1974),

61-79. “For a detailed biography see Robert Stevenson, Spanish Cathedral Music in the Golden Age

(Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1961), 7-45. Stevenson also discusses the prominence of Spanish as well as French singers in the papal choir during the first half of the 16th century. ‘See Stevenson (1961), 345-72. “Original document transcribed in Subir4 (1927), 26—28. “The dedication of his first publication is dated Naples, December 10, 1553. See Diego Ortiz, Trattado de glosas sobre cldéusulas y otros géneros de puntos en la miisica de violones

(Rome, 1553), (an Italian translation was issued in the same year); modern edition by Max Schneider (3rd edition, Kassel, 1961). On the title-page of his second publication he describes himself as the chapel-master in Naples: Diego Ortiz, Didaci Ortiz toletani regiae capellae neopolitanae. Moderatoris et magistri. Musices liber primus hymnos, magnificas, salves,

motecta, psalmos (Venice, 1565). I have cited the ticle as it is given in Stevenson (1961), 320.

SPAIN AND WESTERN EUROPE 21 worked in the Neapolitan chapel at least from 1553 to 1558. He then returned to Spain where he was appointed organist, first at Sigiienza Cathedral (1559) and later at Leén Cathedral (ca. 1563). He became professor of music at Salamanca University in 1567 and ten years later published his music treatise.“ In the field of instrumental music Naples was extremely important in providing a channel for the transmission of Spanish keyboard style to the rest of Italy in the early 17th century. Apel was one of the first to emphasize the similarities of stylistic features found

in Spanish keyboard music of the 16th century, Neapolitan keyboard works of the early 17th century, and Frescobaldi’s music.*

In the late 16th century Spaniards also held the highest musical posts at the royal chapel in Palermo, Sicily. For example, Sebastian Raval succeeded Luis Ruiz as maestro of the royal chapel in 1595 and worked

there until his death in 1604. Thereafter, however, Italians held the position of chapel-master at Palermo.” Finally, because of their importance as instrumentalists, two other Spanish composers merit attention here. Bernardo Clavijo served as or-

ganist at the royal chapel in Palermo during the 1580's and may have worked in Naples from 1587 to 1588. He subsequently returned to Spain

where he became organist at Palencia Cathedral (1589) and then at Salamanca Cathedral (1591). In 1593 he was appointed professor of music at Salamanca University. He ended his career by working as organist in the real capilla from 1602 to 1626.* Vicente Espinel traveled to Milan in 1581 and remained in Italy until approximately 1584 before returning to Spain.

Espinel was important not only as a novelist and censor, but also as a “Biographical details are given in José Alvarez Pérez, “El organista Francisco de Salinas. Nuevos datos a su biograffa,” Anuario musical 18 (1963), 21-44. Willi Apel, “Neapolitan Links Between Cabez6n and Frescobaldi,” Musical Quarterly 24 (1938), 419-37. “For Raval’s career in Italy see Ottavio Tiby, “Sebastién Raval—A 16th-Century Spanish Musician in Italy,” Musica Disciplina 2 (1948), 217-23.

“The appointments of Vincenzo Gallo (1605), Cormelio Drago (1625), and Vincenzo d’Elia (1636) are noted in Ottavio Tiby, “La musica nella Real Capilla Palatina di Palermo,” Anuario musical 7 (1952), 189-90.

Biographical documentation is presented in Carmelo Erdozain, “Bernardo Clavijo del Castillo. Estudio biogr4fico de este célebre misico,” Anuario musical 21 (1966), 189-210. Erdozain also suggests that Clavijo may have composed music for some secular stage productions at the Spanish court in the early 17th century.

22 THE HISTORICAL AND MUSICAL CONTEXT musician. From 1599 until his death on February 4, 1624, he worked as chaplain and maestro de musica in the chapel of the Bishop of Plasencia at the church of San Andrés in Madrid.”

In contrast to the presence of many Spanish musicians in Italy, relatively few Italians worked in Spain during the 16th and first half of the 17th centuries. Of particular significance is the career of Pietro Cerone. After working as a singer at Oristano Cathedral in Sardinia, he traveled to Spain in in approximately 1592 and resided there for more than ten years. Around 1604 he moved to Naples where he remained until his death in 1625. His appointments there included the post of a singer in the royal chapel in 1610.© Although of Italian birth, Cerone wrote his encyclopedic music treatise in Castilian and dedicated it to Felipe II].5' Several other prominent Italian musicians traveled to Spain during the first half of the 17th century, but rarely have their activities been documented. For example, the lutenist and composer Andrea Falconieri (1586-1656) set off for Spain in 1621. However, nothing has been discovered about his career from that year until his reappearance in Parma in 1629. In the 17th century Italian attitudes towards Spain ranged from admiration to hostility. On the one hand, Giustiniani could emphasize the

widespread use of the Spanish guitar by equating it with the great popularity of Spanish dress among the Italian aristocracy: At the same time the Spanish guitar was introduced throughout Italy, especially in Naples. It, together with the theorbo, appears to have conspired to banish the lute altogether, and it has almost succeeded; just as the mode of dressing alla spagnola in Italy prevails over all other fashions. For a detailed biographical study see George Haley, Vicente Espinel and Marcos de Obregén: A Life and its Literary Representation (Providence, Rhode Island, 1959), 3-61. %A biographical summary is given in Higinio Anglés, “Cerone, Domenico Pietro,” translated by Christel Blume, Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart (Kassel, 1952), 2:969-73. !Pedro Cerone, El melopeo y maestro. Tractado de musica thedrica y prdctica, 2 vols. (Naples, 1613; facsimile edition, Bologna, 1969).

See Adelmo Damerini, “Falconieri, Andrea,” translated by Anna Amalie Abert, Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart (Kassel, 1954), 3:1740-43. Note that Falconieri worked as maestro di capilla at the court in Naples from 1639 to 1656. Vincenzo Giustiniani, Discorso sopra la musica, LUCCA, Archivo del Stato Ms 049 (written ca. 1628); modem edition in Angelo Solerti, Le origini del melodramma. Testimonianze dei contemporanei (Turin, 1903; reprinted Hildesheim, 1969), 126. English translation taken from Carol MacClintock in Musicological Studies and Documents; vol. 9 (n.p., 1962), 79.

SPAIN AND WESTERN EUROPE 23 On the other hand, Espinel could add to the realism of his novel by including the following description: ... he left me in the lurch, at the first inn we came to, which was in a small town [in northern Italy], where | could not provide myself with any beast whatever; nor could I get a decent answer from any of the people be-

cause I was a Spaniard, and in the dress of a soldier; so that neither my humility, my modest demeanour, nor my patience, availed to prevent my journeying on foot, without a companion, through an unknown country, ill disposed towards my countrymen. | went trudging over a plain country, and it was with a bad grace I could get the people as I went along even to tell me whether I was following the right road.”

One outlet for the resentment felt by many Italians towards the Spaniards was found in the commedia dell’arte. The stock character or mask known as “il Capitan” was often portrayed as a swaggering Spaniard who, despite incessant boasting about his innumerable conquests in war and love, was invariably revealed as a ridiculous coward. This burlesque figure was frequently used, but the actors had to be careful not to offend

any Spaniards who might be in the audience. That violence could erupt on such occasions is suggested by the remarks of A. Perrucci: When they make their braggadocio in Spanish they must do it with dig-

nity and propriety, since this people [i.e., Spaniards], glorious in every emprise [i.e., enterprise], will not allow itself to be derided as others are derided, for example the Neapolitans for being foolish and foul-mouthed, the Bolognese as gossips, the Venetians as ridiculous, the French as drunkards, the Sicilians as squabblers and babblers. These do not show anger even if they do not enjoy it. The Spaniard, on the other hand, laughs when he listens to this braggadocio but he cannot bear to see cowardice represented in the role of a soldier, even if it be merely simulated.»

The characters and improvisatory techniques of the commedia dell’arte were also known in Spain, partly as a result of performances there Vicente Espinel, Relaciones de la vida del escudero Marco de Obregon (Madrid, 1618) vol. 2, Bk. III, chap. 5; modern edition by M. Soledad Carrasco Urgoiti (Madrid, 1972), 2:148. The English excerpt is taken from the translation by Algernon Langton, The History of the Life of the Squire Marcos de Obregén (London, 1816) 2:237-38. Andrea Perrucci, Dell’arte rappresentativa premeditata ed all'improviso (Naples, 1699) pt. II, regola 7; modern edition by Anton Giulio Bragaglia (Florence, 1961), 210. The excerpt in English translation is taken from Giacomo Oreglia, The Commedia Dell’arte, translated by Lovett F. Edwards (London, 1968), 101-2.

24 THE HISTORICAL AND MUSICAL CONTEXT by Italian companies in the late 16th century. For example, the troupe directed by Alberto Ganassa (Alberto Naseli) performed at public corrales

in various Spanish towns at least between 1574 and 1584, and again in

1603. For the remainder of’the 17th century, however, there are no known records of professional Italian troupes working in Spain. During the second half of the century the influence of the commedia dell’arte in Spain may have been reinforced indirectly through France. Spain was beginning to imitate France in many fields; and the commedia dell’arte was extremely popular at the French court, where a resident Italian company enjoyed royal patronage between 1661 and 1697. The company included

one of the most famous Italian actors of the century, Tiberio Fiorilli (1602—1694), who was widely known as “Scaramouche.”

In the field of poetry during the 17th century, works in Spain and Italy exhibited many similarities. In Spain the two main styles were represented by the culteranismo of Luis Géngora y Argote (1561-1627) and the conceptismo of Francesco Quevedo y Villegas (1580—1645).* In Italy the

principal style, known as marinismo, was associated with the poetry of Giambattista Marino (1569-— 1625).% A consideration of the possible interaction here between Spain and Italy strikingly reveals the difficulty of

clearly distinguishing between direct influence and coincidental but not directly related developments. For example, in his analysis of Marino's style, Mirollo concludes that Marino imitated some of the sonnets of Lope

de Vega, that Marino and Géngora wrote independently of one another, and that Quevedo consciously imitated Marino.*! % According to N.D. Shergold, “Ganassa and the ‘Commedia Dell’arte’ in Sixteenth-Century Spain,” Modem Language Review 51 (1956), 359-68. The activities of Italian commedia troupes in France are discussed by I. A. Schwartz, The Commedia Dell’arte and its Influence on French Comedy in the Seventeenth Century (New York, 1933), 41-56; and by Donald Jay Grout, “The Music of the Italian Theatre at Paris, 1682-1697,” Papers of the American Musicological Sociery (1941), 158-70. 8A brief stylistic summary is given in Gerald Brenan, The Literature of the Spanish People from Roman Times to the Present Day (2nd edition, Cambridge, 1953), 222-70. *Discussed by James V. Mirollo, The Poet of the Marvellous: Giambatista Marino (New York, 1963); and Maria Rika Maniates, Mannerism in Italian Music and Culture, 15301630 (Chapel Hill, North Carolina, 1979), 61 and 75-77. 6In addition to making stylistic comparisons, one must assess biographical data as well.

For instance, here it is relevant to note that Quevedo spent some time in Italy, and that Marino remained in Naples from 1569 until 1600. 61Mirollo (1963), 175-76 and 265.

SPAIN AND WESTERN EUROPE 25 Dramatic writing in Spain during the early 17th century was exemplified by the “anticlassical” nature of the works of Lope de Vega

(1562-1635). Again it is not clear to what extent the Spanish style directly influenced Italian drama of the period. Of particular importance is

the degree of influence which Spanish plays exerted on Italian operatic

libretti of the 17th century. Considering the relationship in the other direction, it has been documented that staging procedures at the Spanish court did incorporate Italian techniques in the use of perspective, scene transformation, elaborate spectacle, and intricate machinery. The adop-

tion of such Italian devices in Spain is associated with the arrival in Madrid, in 1626, of the Florentine engineer and designer Cosme Lotti. Until his death in 1643 he worked in the service of Felipe IV, and he lavishly designed many court plays, including some by Lope de Vega and Calderén.®

In both poetry and drama the problem of assessing the interactions between Spain and Italy has been complicated by the reaction of later

Italian writers and literary historians. Beginning with the Arcadian Academy (founded in Rome in 1690) and continuing through to the late 19th century, many Italian critics denounced their literary heritage of the 17th century and viewed it as a period of stylistic decadence. Moreover, they often attempted to account for this “decline” by pointing to the adverse effect of Spanish influences in Italy. One of the first to present this argument, which was subsequently repeated by many others, was Tiraboschi in his encyclopedic history of Italian literature, first published in the late 18th century: Marino, one of the first to write in the decadent style, was a man of enormous talent. As a result he was held in great esteem, and his writings corrupted others. .. . The power which the Spaniards had at that time in Italy ... also contributed to the deterioration of good taste. This resourceful nation .. . then governed a large part of Italy. Their books were readily available, and their tastes were widely adopted. Just as it appears that subjects

®In a published address, Lope discussed some of his techniques and aesthetic attitudes. See Lope Félix de Vega Carpio, Arte nuevo de hazer comedias en esta tiempo. Dirigido a la Academia de Madrid (Madrid, 1609; facsimile edition, Madrid, 1971). © N. D. Shergold, A History of the Spanish Stage from Medieval Times Until the End of the Seventeenth Century (Oxford, 1967), 275-97.

26 THE HISTORICAL AND MUSICAL CONTEXT readily dress according to the fashion and practice of their rulers, so the Italians in a manner of speaking became Spanish.

During the 17th century the relatively few Spanish operatic works were influenced by Italian practice. Although music and dancing were integral parts of the Spanish theatre, long dramas which were entirely set to music were quite rare. Apparently the earliest such work was La selva sin amor, first performed before the royal family in Madrid in 1629. The oneact libretto was written by Lope de Vega Carpio and the lavish sets were designed by the Italian Cosme Lotti. Unfortunately the composer of the music is not known, and no copy of the score has survived.©

In the middle of the century the most important Spanish librettist of musical dramas was the playwright Pedro Calderén de la Barca (16001681). His works in this field may be divided into two main types. To the first category belong those dramas which were sung throughout. One of his earliest works here was his one-act fiesta entitled La ptirpura de la rosa, which was first performed at court in 1660.6 The music, however, is not extant. The composer was probably Juan Hidalgo, although this is not certain. It is known that for the production in 1680, Hidalgo was paid for composing the music for the new prologue (loa).®7

The earliest Spanish musical drama whose music as well as text have survived is Calderén’s three-act fiesta entitled Zelos aun del ayre matan with

64Girolamo Tiraboschi, Storia della letteratura italiana (revised edition, Florence, 1805; originally 8 vol., 1771-1782), 2:26-27. Lope Félix de Vega Carpio, La selva sin amor (égloga pastoral); first performed for the king in 1629; published in his Laurel de Apolo, con otras rimas (Madrid, 1630); modern edition in BAE 188 (Madrid, 1965), 185-98; discussed in Emilio Cotarelo y Mori, Origenes y establecimiento de la épera en Espavia hasta 1800 (Madrid, 1917), 12-14. In the dedication

to the Almirante de Castilla, Lope de Vega mentions the novelty of this type of work in Spain, and he also refers to the affective quality of the music: BAE 188 (1965), 187. Pedro Calderén de la Barca, La ptirpura de la rosa (fiesta que se hizo a sus magestades en el sitio de la Zarguela, toda de musica); published in his Tercera parte de comedias (Madrid, 1664; facsimile edition, Westmead and London, 1973, vol. 8), f. 207r—218r; discussed in Emilio Cotarelo y Mori, Historia de la zarzuela o sea el drama lirico en Espayia, desde su origen a fines del siglo XIX (Madrid, 1934), 51-54, and in Shergold (1967), 324-25.

°7Pointed out in Ruth Landes Pitts, “Don Juan Hidalgo, Seventeenth-Century Spanish Composer” (Ph.D. dissertation, George Peabody College for Teachers, 1968), 33; based on E Mp legajo 666 “Espectaculos publicos y privados.”

SPAIN AND WESTERN EUROPE 27 music by Juan Hidalgo, first performed at Buen Retiro in 1660.° There are two extant manuscript sources of the music, both consisting of the vocal

lines together with an unfigured bass in score format. One source contains the music for the first act only, and has been issued in modern edition.” The other source contains the music for all three acts, but it remains

to be published.”’ The Italian influence on this work is revealed by the monodic nature of the music. Subir4 has suggested that a direct link between the efforts of Calderén and Hidalgo, and Italian operatic practice may have been provided by Giulio Rospigliosi (later Pope Clement IX from

1667 to 1669) who served as the papal nuncio in Madrid between 1644 and 1653. Both before and after his sojourn in Madrid, Rospigliosi wrote libretti for operas which were performed at the Barberini palace in Rome. Furthermore, in his later works Rospigliosi transmitted characteristics of the Spanish comedia directly to Italy. At least three of his libretti are adaptations of Spanish plays:”

(a) Dal male il bene (music by Antonio Maria Abbatini and Marco Marazzoli; first performed in Rome, 1654). The libretto is based on Antonio Sigler de Huerta, No hay bien sin ageno dano (comedia); published in Flora de las mejores doze comedias de los mayores ingenios de Espayia, sacadas de sus verdaderos originales (Madrid, 1652).

(b) Le armi e gli amori (music by Marco Marazzoli; first performed in

Rome, 1656). The libretto is based on Pedro Calderén de la Barca, Los empeyios de un acaso (comedia); published in El mejor Pedro Calderén de la Barca, Zelos aun del ayre matan (fiesta cantada que se hizo a sus magestades en el Coliseo de Buen Retiro); text published in Parte diez y nueve de comedias nuevas ‘y escogidas de los mejores ingenios de Espafta (Madrid, 1663); also published posthumously in his Séptima parte de comedias (Madrid, 1683; facsimile edition, Westmead and London, 1973, vol. 16), 259-92. José Subir4, “Calderén de la Barca, libretista de Spera. Consideraciones literario-musicales,” Anuario musical 20 (1965), 60. MADRID, Biblioteca del Palacio de Liria, Caja 174-21; modern edition by José Subir4, BPSM 11 (Barcelona, 1933).

“EVORA, Biblioteca Munipal, unspecified shelf number. A careful discussion of the music, which includes many brief transcriptions from all three acts, is given in Pitts (1968), 99-181. A much shorter discussion is given by Dani@le Becker, “El intento de fiesta real cantada ‘Celos aur del aire matan,’ ” Revista de musicologia 5 (1982), 297-308.

“Identified and discussed by Margaret Murata, Operas for the Papal Court 1631-1668 (Ann Arbor, 1981), 50-64.

28 THE HISTORICAL AND MUSICAL CONTEXT de los mejores libros que han salido de comedias nuevas (Alcala, 1651), and also published posthumously in his Sexta parte de comedias (Madrid, 1683; facsimile edition, Westmead and London, 1973, vol. 15), 91-136.

(c) La comica del cielo (music by Antonio Maria Abbatini; first performed in Rome, 1668). The libretto is based on Luis Vélez de Guevara, Antonio Coello, and Francisco de Rojas y Zorrilla, La Baltasara (comedia); published in Primera parte de comedias escogidas de los meiores de Espavia (Madrid, 1652).

The second category of Calderén’s musical dramas consists of his zarzuelas. Originally the term zarzuela was simply the name of the royal palace near the Pardo where many theatrical works were performed. Beginning with the efforts of Calderén, the term gradually became a desig-

nation for a type of sung drama written in two acts which incorporated spoken dialogue. In the late 17th and 18th centuries the zarzuela was the

most important form of Spanish musical drama.” One of the earliest works written in two acts which Calderén called a zarzuela was his El laurel de Apolo, which was first performed in 1658 as part of the courtly

festivities celebrating the birth of Felipe Prospero. Unfortunately the music is not extant, nor is the composer known.” Although the zarzuela became a uniquely Spanish genre, Calderén originally modeled his works on Italian opera, as he himself states in the loa of El laurel de Apolo.”

In the 18th century Italian influences on Spanish music increased greatly, especially in the field of opera, and to a lesser extent in instru-

mental music. The predilection for Italian activities and ideas at the Spanish court was reinforced by the arrival in 1714 of the second wife of 73An account of the zarzuela during this period is given by Cotarelo y Mori (1934), 43150; and William M. Bussey, French and Italian Influence on the Zarzuela 1700-1770 (Ann Arbor, 1982). 4Pedro Calderén de Ia Barca, El laurel de Apolo (fiesta de la Zarguela, transferida al real palacio de Buen Retiro), published in his Tercera parte de comedias (Madrid, 1664; facsimile edition, Westmead and London, 1973, vol. 8), f. 189r—203v.

5Because of the lack of extant scores it is not possible to determine on musical, rather than terminological, grounds when Calderén first began to write zarzuelas. One of his earliest works in two acts which was set to music was El jardin de Falerina (fiesta que se represent6 a sus magestades); first performed in 1648; published in his Quinta parte de comedias (Madrid, 1677; facsimile edition, Westmead and London, vol. 13), f. 163v—178r; discussed in Cotarelo y Mori (1934), 39-41. %Calder6n, El laurel de Apolo, in his Tercera parte de comedias (1664), f. 191v.

SPAIN AND WESTERN EUROPE 29 Felipe V, the Italian Elisabeth Farnese of Parma. The Italian faction became so powerful that in 1715 Italians replaced Frenchmen in most of the chief ministerial posts of the Spanish government.”

The beginning of the production of Italian opera in Spain is associated with the arrival in Madrid in 1703, at the invitation of Felipe V, of the Italian troupe (la comparita de farsa italiana) commonly referred to at the time as los Trufaldines. From 1703 to 1714 they performed Italian plays, commedia dell’arte skits, and possibly some operas in Madrid, where

they even erected their own theatre in 1708 called the Cafios del Peral.’” In 1716 another Italian troupe was organized in Madrid, and with royal approval resumed the performances of Italian works at the Cafios del Peral theatre.”7 One of the most important promoters of Italian opera in

Madrid was the marqués Anibal Scotti. He came to the royal court in 1719 as the official representative of the Duke of Parma. In that year Felipe V appointed him director of all stage productions by Italians in Madrid. Scotti energetically discharged his responsibilities by inviting various Italian operatic companies to Madrid, increasing the spectacular nature of the performances, and supervising the renovation of the Cafios del Peral theatre, which reopened in 1738 with a performance of Demetrio (libretto by P. Metastasio and music by J. A. Hasse). Between 1747 and 1758 even more lavish Italian productions were

staged at the Real Teatro del Buen Retiro under the direction of the famous castrato Carlo Broschi, who was known throughout Europe by the name Farinelli. He worked at the Spanish court from 1737 to 1760 where he received an extravagant salary and was treated almost as if he were royalty.®! Farinelli was not the first castrato to work in Spain. In 1698 Mateo Sassano, known as “el Mateucci,” came to the royal court in

Madrid where he became involved in the prevailing court intrigues through his close association with Queen Mariana of Neuburg.” See Kamen (1969), 106—7. *®Cotarelo y Mori (1917), 27-46; and Bussey (1982), 53-56. Discussed in Cotarelo y Mori (1917), 49-50.

Scotti continued to work in Madrid until his death in 1752. For an account of his ac-

tivities there see Cotarelo y Mori (1917), 55-60 and 79-88. , 8!For details concerning Farinelli’s residence in Madrid see Cotarelo y Mori (1917), 101— 90; Nicolas Solar Quintes, “Nuevas aportaciones a la biograffa de Carlos Broschi (Farinelli),” Anuario musical 3 (1948), 187-204; and Consolacién Morales Borrero, Fiestas reales en el reinado de Fernando VI. Manuscrito de Carlos Broschi Farinelli (Madrid, 1972).

Cotarelo y Mori (1917), 24; and Nicol4s Solar-Quintes, “Mdsicos de Mariana de Neoburgo y de la Real Capilla de Ndpoles. Facetas Ifricopalaciegas del tiltimo Austria y del primer Borbén,” Anuario musical 11 (1956), 166 and 173.

30 THE HISTORICAL AND MUSICAL CONTEXT The use of castrati during the 17th century in Spanish sacred choirs has not been carefully investigated. Although castrati are not mentioned regularly in the extant documents, it would seem that in the early part of the century they were used more frequently than has been generally acknowledged to date. For instance, between 1620 and 1634 there were eleven castrati—all native Spaniards—among the choirboys (los seises) of Seville Cathedral. Even more revealing is a recommendation, dated Valladolid, June 9, 1601, that not all choirboys to be accepted in the royal chapel be castrati.™

During the 18th century the importance of Italian music in Spain is further demonstrated by the number of Italian musicians who occupied important posts at the royal court in Madrid. The Neapolitan violinist Jacome Guisi (or Chisi) entered the capilla real in 1693 and worked there until his death in 1720.85 One of his successors was the Venetian violinist Jaime Facco, whose activities included the composition of the musical drama Amor es todo ymbenzién. Jupiter y Amphitrién (melodrama al estilo ytaliano) in collaboration with the librettist José de Cafiizares, which was performed at the Buen Retiro in 1721. One of the most prominent Italian instrumentalists to work in Spain was Domenico Scarlatti. In the service of Maria Barbara de Braganza, he resided first in Lisbon for at least some of the years between 1719 and 1728, and later in Madrid from 1729 until his death in 1757.87 Another important Italian musician at the royal court was Francisco Courcelle (or Corselli). He came to Madrid in approximately 1734 from Parma, where he had worked as maestro of the royal chapel. In 1735 he was named music teacher to the royal children. Shortly thereafter 83 According to Simén de la Rosa y L6pez, Los seises de la Catedral de Sevilla. Ensayo de

investigacién histérica (Seville, 1904), 137. Furthermore, at least three castrati were employed at Huesca Cathedral; according to archival documents dating from 1634, 1637, and 1645 cited in Antonio Dur4n Gudiol, “La capilla de mdsica de la Catedral de Hues-

ca,” Anuario musical 19 (1964), 38-39. At the same time, however, there is only one castrato listed (in 1610) as a member of the capilla of Badajoz Cathedral in all the documents transcribed in Kastner (1957) and (1960). 84Copy by Barbieri of a document in E Mp; as printed in Straeten (1888) 2:189-90. 85According to José Subir4, “Jaime Facco y su obra musical en Madrid,” Anuario musical 3 (1948), 114. §6For a study of his life and work in Madrid see Subira (1948), 109-32. 8!For a detailed biography see Ralph Kirkpatrick, Domenico Scarlatti (Princeton, 1953), 67-136.

SPAIN AND WESTERN EUROPE 31 the king promised to appoint him as the next maestro of the royal chapel. Courcelle did in fact succeed to this post in 1738 on the death of Joseph de

Torres. He continued in this capacity at the royal court, where he also composed several operas, until his death in 1778.8 One of the most successful Italian composers of musical dramas in Spain was Francesco Coradini (or Corradini). Sometime between 1726 and 1728 he came to Valencia from Naples, and in approximately 1730 he moved to Madrid where many of his stage works were performed.® A leading position at the Spanish court was also occupied by the Italian musician Felipe Falconi. His prestigious status there is revealed by the fact that in 1737 as maestro de capilla de la Colegiata de San Ildefonso Falconi received a higher salary than the maestro de la real capilla Joseph de Torres.® He died in Madrid on April 9, 1738.9!

Finally, it should be noted that distinguished Italian musicians, especially composers of string music, continued to play an influential role in Spanish musical life until the end of the 18th century. Brunetti was active at the Spanish royal court from 1767 to 1798." Boccherini also worked in Madrid from approximately 1768 until 1805.”

In the field of vocal music many Spanish composers began to adopt Italian forms and styles during the early 18th century. In their cantadas

and musical dramas they incorporated recitado sections and da capo 88For an account of his activities in Madrid see Nicol4s Solar-Quintes, “El compositor Francisco Courcelle. Nueva documentacién para su biograffa,” Anuario musical 6 (1951), 179-204. 8Cotarelo y Mori (1934), 91-110. See the archival document transcribed in Solar-Quintes (1951), p. 181. Falconi’s activities in Spain remain to be investigated thoroughly. Without providing any substantiating references, Levasseur states that Falconi came to Madrid in approximately 1717, and that when the court of Felipe V moved to Seville during the years 1729 to 1732 all the musical activities there were directed by Falconi and not by Joseph de Torres. See Yvonne Levasseur de Rebollo, “Life and works of Joseph de Torres y Martfnez Bravo” (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Pittsburgh, 1975), 23. *!According to MADRID, Parroquia de San Martin, Libros de Defunciones; as quoted in José Subird, “Necrologfas musicales madrilefias (afios 1611—1808),” Anuario musical 13 (1958), 211-12. In these parish records Falconi is described as “maestro de la real capilla de su magestad y natural de la ciudad de Roma...” See Alice Bunzl Belgray, “Gaetano Brunetti: An Exploratory Bio-Bibliographical Study” (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Michigan, 1970), 45—107. 3See Belgray (1970), 97-105; and Germaine de Rothschild, Luigi Boccherini: His Life and Work, translated by Andreas Mayor (London, 1965), 33-86.

32 THE HISTORICAL AND MUSICAL CONTEXT arias.4 One of the first prominent Spanish composers to integrate Italian

features in his music was Sebasti4n Dur6én. After entering the royal chapel as an organist in 1691, he later occupied the post of maestro from 1701 until 1706. However, as a result of the political turmoil in Spain

during the War of Succession, Durén was imprisoned and exiled to - Bayonne, France, in 1706. He worked there in the service of Mariana of Neuburg, the widow of Carlos II, until his death in 1716.%

During the 18th century many Spanish writers objected to the use of Italian theatrical styles and instrumentation in Spanish religious music. The philosopher Feij6o was one of the earliest critics who, in an oversimplified manner, pointed to Durén as the Spanish composer responsible for the introduction of Italian secular techniques into Spanish music: This is the music of our time that the Italians have given us as a present through their devotee, Master Sebastid4n Durén, who was the first to intro-

duce the foreign style into the music of Spain. True enough, it has degenerated so much since that if Dur6én were to come back to life, he would not recognize it, but one can always cast the blame on him for [introducing] all of these novelties, since he was the first to open the door . . .% For a modern edition of some Spanish cantatas for solo voice and instrumental accompaniment from the first half of the 18th century see Miguel Querol, Musica barroca espaniola, vol. 5, Cantatas y canciones para voz solista e instrumentos (1640-1760), MME 35 (Barcelona, 1973). For biographical details see Nicolas Solar-Quintes, “Nuevos documentos para la biograffa

del compositor Sebasti4n Durén,” Anuario musical 10 (1955), 137-62; Lothar Siemens HeméAandez, “Nuevos documentos sobre el mtsico Sebastidn Durén: once afios de vida profesional anteriores a su llegada a la corte del rey Carlos II,” Anuario musical 16 (1961), 177-99; Lothar Siemens Hern4ndez, “Nuevas aportaciones para la biograffa de Sebastidn Dur6én,” Anuario musical 18 (1963), 137-159; and Antonio Martfn Moreno, “El misico Sebastian Durén: su testamento y muerte. Hacia una posible biograffa,” Anuario musical 27 (1972), 163-88. Most of Dur6én’s works have not been published in modern edition. A notable exception is his Fiesta que se hizo a sus mag[esta]des se intitula Salir el amor del mundo

(zarzuela; first performed in 1696), E Mn M. 2283; modern edition by Antonio Martin Moreno (Malaga, 1979). For a list of his extant compositions see Martin Moreno (1972), 184-87. For a discussion of his zarzuela entitled Veneno es de amor la envidia (libretto by Antonio de Zamora) see Cotarelo y Mori (1934), 65-69. A manuscript containing the complete text and music of this zarzuela has been rediscovered at E Mn (Mss 19254) by Louise Kathrin Stein, “Un manuscrito de musica teatral reaparecido: ‘Veneno es de amor la envidia,’ ” Revista de musicologia 5 (1982) 225-33. %Benito Jerénimo Feij6o y Montenegro, “Musica de los templos,” published in his Teatro critico universal, o discursos varios, en todo género de materias, para desengario de errores com-

unes vol. 1 (Madrid, 1726) discurso 14; modern edition in BAE 56 (1883), 41; excerpt translated into English by Bussey (1982), 18. The Icalian musical features of Dur6n’s zarzuelas are discussed by Bussey (1982), 19-26.

SPAIN AND WESTERN EUROPE 33 ~ Some Spanish stage performers realized that with the popularity and royal support of Italian musical drama in Madrid, a profitable course of action would be to attempt to present such works themselves. Consequently in the first half of the 18th century several Spanish operatic com-

panies were organized to compete with visiting Italian troupes in the performance of Italianate works by either Italian or Spanish composers.” Lastly, the prominence of Italian musical styles and ideas in Spain

during the first part of the 18th century is reflected in the treatise on instrumental accompaniment by Joseph de Torres. For the first edition, issued in 1702, the most important theoretical source which Torres uses is the Italian treatise by Lorenzo Penna, first published in 1672.% In several sections Torres merely presents a simple modification of the discussion and musical examples provided by Penna.” In other sections Torres uses only the format, but not the content, of Penna’s treatise. For the second edition, issued in 1736, Torres adds a new final section, consisting of seven chapters, in which he presents more detailed and recent information concerning Italian techniques of accompaniment.'! Torres explains 77See Cotarelo y Mori (1917), 61-78. Even the minor dramatic Spanish forms, such as the baile and mojiganga, began to include on occasion some Italian characters, dialogue, and musical arias in the early 18th century. For specific examples see Emilio Cotarelo y Mori, Coleccién de entremeses, loas, bailes, jécaras y mojigangas desde fines del siglo XVI a mediados del XVIII (Madrid, 1911) pt. I, vol. 1, ccxxv—ccxxvi, ccxcix, and ccciii—ccciv. 8Joseph de Torres y Martinez Bravo, Reglas generales de acompaviar, en drgano, clavicordio, ‘y harpa, con sdlo saber cantar la parte, o un baxo en canto figurado. Distribuidas en tres partes

(Madrid, 1702). Lorenzo Penna, Li primi albori musicali per li principianti della musica figurata; distinti in tre’ libri (Bologna, 1672). Note that the specific references to Penna’s treatise given below are based on the fourth edition (Bologna, 1684; facsimile edition, Bologna, 1969).

_ %For example, the discussion of intervals (especies) in Torres (Bk. I, chap. 15-20, 17-28) is based on the treatment of this topic in Penna (Bk. II, chap. 1-2, 53-63). However, Totres adds a distinction between the major semitone (semitono cantable = 5 commas) and the minor semitone (semitono incantable = 4 commas) which is not mentioned by Penna. Similarly the explanation in Torres (Bk. III, chap. 14-17, 115-27) of the types of cadences (cldusulas) and the harmonic circle (circulo or rueda) generated by each is taken from Penna (Bk. III, chap. 10-13, 173-183). Torres, however, presents only 3 of the 4 types of cadences given by Penna, and omits the cadenze del secondo ordine (Penna: Bk. III, chap. 11, 176-178).

For example, Torres (Bk. III, chap. 23, 140-43) concludes his treatise with a list of recommendations (advertencias) addressed to the accompanist, as does Penna (Bk. III, chap. 20, 197-98, “Alcuni avertimenti”). However, the contents of each list are different. l0l'oseph de Torres y Martfnez Bravo, Reglas generales de acompariar, .. . Afiadido aora un nuevo tratado, donde se explica el modo de acompariar las obras de miisica, seguin el estilo italiano

(Madrid, 1736).

34 THE HISTORICAL AND MUSICAL CONTEXT that the added information is necessary for Spanish performers because of the extensive use of Italian music in Spain at that time.’ In the opening part of this new section Torres provides definitions for seven Italian musical terms (area, alegre, andante, vivo, grave o despacio, largo, and recitado) .!

He further emphasizes the need for understanding foreign musical terminology by referring the reader to his Spanish translation of Brossard’s music dictionary. At that time Torres’s translation was still in manuscript,

and apparently it was never published despite his announced intentions. For the new section of the second edition the most important theoretical source used by Torres is the treatise by Gasparini, published in 1708.'°5 In fact Torres’s discussion of acciaccaturas in the accompaniment of recitative is closely based on the explanations given by Gasparini. '%

Austria During the 16th and 17th centuries powerful links existed between Spain and Austria (whose king was also the Holy Roman Emperor), because of the familial relationship between the ruling houses of each empire. In fact, when Carlos | of Spain (the grandson of Maximilian I) was elected Roman Emperor as Charles V in 1519, both empires were temporarily united under the same ruler. When Carlos abdicated in 1556 the Habsburg family split into two dynastic branches, with Felipe II (son of Carlos I) succeeding as the Spanish monarch, and Ferdinand | (brother of Carlos I) succeeding as the Roman Emperor. Habsburgs continued to rule both kingdoms until the Bourbon succession in Spain at the beginning of the 18th century.

'02Torres (1736), Bk. IV, “Introducci6n,” 97-98. '3Torres (1736), “Explfcanse las voces, o sefiales, que por lo regular preceden a las obras,” Bk. IV, 98.

l4Torres (1736), Bk. IV, “Introducci6n,” 98. There is no surviving manuscript of the translation. The reference is to Sébastien du Brossard, Dictionaire de musique (Paris, 1703; 2nd edition, Paris, 1705; facsimile of the 2nd edition, Hilversum, Netherlands, 1965). '05Francesco Gasparini, L'armonico practico al cimbalo (Venice, 1708; facsimile edition, New York, 1967).

l06See Torres (1736), Bk. IV, chap. 7 “De aquellas posturas, 0 golpes que Ilaman los

italianos, acciaccaturas,” 120-24; and Gasparini (1708), chap. 9 “Delle false de i recitativi, e del modo di far acciaccature,” 91-97.

SPAIN AND WESTERN EUROPE 35 The strongest ties between Madrid and Vienna were political rather

than cultural in nature. At the same time some cultural ideas and activities were exchanged between the royal courts, primarily as a result of the eight intermarriages between the Spanish and Austrian Habsburgs during the 16th and 17th centuries. In all cases the women moved to the court of their royal spouses, except for Isabel (step-sister of Felipe IIT) who resided with Archduke Albert at the Spanish court in Brussels.'”

That such marriages could provide the opportunity for the movement of at least some musicians to the new royal court is demonstrated by the career of Mateo Flecha, the younger (1530-1604). In approximately

1564, after working in his native Spain, he moved to Vienna where he was : appointed chaplain and singer in the imperial chapel of Empress Marfa, the wife of Maximilian II. He worked in eastern Europe until approximately 1599 when he returned to Spain. While residing in the East, Flecha succeeded in having two publications of music issued in Prague in 1581: one was a collection of his sacred vocal music; the other was an anthology of Spanish ensaladas, most of them by his uncle Mateo Flecha, the elder, and some by himself and other composers.

107In chronological order the marriages between the two ruling houses were as follows: Marfa (daughter of Carlos I) with Maximilian, King of Hungary and Bohemia (later Maximilian II) in 1548; Felipe II with Anna of Austria (daughter of Maximilian II) in 1570; Felipe III with Margaret of Austria (cousin of Rudolf II, and sister of Ferdinand, later Fer-

dinand II) in 1599; Isabel (step-sister of Felipe III) with Archduke Albert (brother of Rudolf II) in 1599; Marfa (sister of Felipe IV) with Ferdinand, King of Hungary and Bohemia (later Ferdinand III) in 1631; Felipe IV with Mariana (daughter of Ferdinand III) in 1649; Margarita Teresa (sister of Carlos IJ) with Leopold | in 1666; and Carlos II with Mariana of Neuburg (sister-in-law of Leopold 1) in 1690. 108Mateo Flecha, the younger, Divinarum completarum psalmi, lectio brevis et salve regina, cum aliquibus motetis (Prague, 1581). Mateo Flecha, the younger (editor), Las ensaladas de Flecha, maestro de capilla que fue de las serenissimas infantas de Castilla, recopiladas por f[ray] Matheo Flecha su sobrino, abad de Tyhan, y capelldn de las magestades caesdreas, con algunas suyas ‘y de otros authores, por el mesmo corregidas y echas estampar (Prague, 1581). The biographical information given above is taken from Higinio Anglés (editor), Mateo Flecha

(1533). Las ensaladas (Praga, 1581), BPSM 16 (Barcelona, 1954) commentary, 37-41; reprinted as “Mateo Flecha el joven,” Studia musicologica 3 (1962), 45-51.

36 THE HISTORICAL AND MUSICAL CONTEXT France During the 17th century Spain’s chief rival in the struggle for power

in western Europe was France. The first treaty of the century in which Spain was forced to make major territorial, economic, and dynastic concessions to France was the Peace of the Pyrenees, signed in 1659109 Thereafter France continued to accumulate military and diplomatic advantages over Spain.

Despite the intense political antagonism which existed between the two countries, important cultural exchanges took place throughout the period under consideration. Geographical proximity was an important factor which enabled the French to exert strong political, economic, and cultural influences on Catalonia. In turn the Catalans were not averse to seeking French support in their struggles against Castile. In fact between January 1641 and October 1652, during her revolt against the Spanish

monarchy, Barcelona accepted French suzerainty.'" Moreover by the Peace of the Pyrenees, France gained permanent control of the counties of Rossellé, Conflent, and part of Cerdanya."!!

The exchange of ideas and fashions between Spain and France was also promoted by the five marriages which were arranged between the two ruling houses to mark particular peace treaties during the 16th and 17th

centuries. In each case the women moved to the court of their royal spouses and introduced some foreign elements there, partly through the personnel of their entourages.'!!

1094 modern edition of the French text of the treaty is given in Henri Vast, Les grands traités du régne de Louis XIV (Paris, 1893), 1:79-187. MOF }iott (1963), 500-41. 'NFor details of the negotiations see Juan Regl4 Campistol, “El tratado de los Pirineos de

1659. Negociaciones subsiguientes acerca de la delimitacién fronteriza,” Hispania 11 (1951), 101-66. '21n 1560, to seal the Treaty of Cateau-Cambrésis of the previous year, Felipe II! married Isabel (Elisabeth) de Valois, the daughter of Henri II. In 1615 a double marriage was held to mark the rapprochement between Spain and France, made possible by the death of Henri IV in 1610. Felipe (later Felipe IV) married Isabel (Elisabeth) de Bourbon, the sister of Louis XIII; and Ana Mauricia, the daughter of Felipe III, married Louis XIII. These marriage agreements were signed in secret in 1611 and made public in the following year. In 1660, as a consequence of the Peace of the Pyrenees (1659), Marfa Teresa, the daughter of Felipe IV, was married to Louis XIV. This represented a major Spanish concession because at that time there was not yet a male heir to the Spanish throne. Finally, in 1679, following the Peace of Nimeguen (1678) by which Spain surrendered FrancheComté to France, Carlos II married Marie-Louise d’Orléans, the niece of Louis XIV.

SPAIN AND WESTERN EUROPE 37 In broad terms one can distinguish three periods with respect to the cultural relationships between Spain and France. First, during the late 16th and first half of the 17th centuries Spain completely dominated the cultural exchanges between the two countries: In the time of Cervantes [1547-1616], France hankered after the fashions and ideas of her neighbour beyond the Pyrenees, a country at once

mocked, reviled, feared and admired. Spain on the contrary broke off all contact, kept a watch over her frontiers, forbade her subjects in the Netherlands to study in France and recalled her medical students from Montpellier... . Any man of culture in France was obliged to know Spanish and

did;... Alongside such literary influences came a host of minor cultural borrowings. The court of Louis XIII [1610-1643], said to be as Spanish as it was French, set the tone. Anything Spanish was in fashion.!¥

Spanish influence even extended to French ballet works. For instance on February 3, 1614, there was a performance at the French court of the Baller de Don Quichotte, dansé par Mrs. Santenir [sic], which was presumably based on the first part of Cervantes’s novel.'" Similarly, a few years later a mascarade was published which featured characters from Don Quixote as well as other knights of fiction.!"5 '13Fernand Braudel, The Mediterranean and the Mediterranean World in the Age of Philip II,

translated by Sian Reynolds from the 2nd French edition of 1966, (London, 1972-1973) 2:833-34. For a study of the use of the Spanish language at the French court see Alfred Morel-Fatio, Ambrosio de Salazar et l'étude de l'espagnol en France sous Louis XIII (Paris, 1900). For a discussion of the importance of Spanish stage works in France during the

reigns of both Louis XIII and Louis XIV see Edouard Fournier, “L’Espagne et ses comédiens en France au XVII* siécle,” Revue hispanique 25 (1911), 19-46; originally published in Revue des provinces 4 (1864), 483-502. 'MMiguel de Cervantes Saavedra, El ingenioso hidalgo Don Quixote de la Mancha pt. 1

(Madrid, 1605). Cervantes did not publish the second part of the novel until 1615. The music for the ballet cited above is not extant, but was apparently part of the collection assembled in approximately 1620 by Michel Henry, an instrumentalist at the French court.

An inventory of this collection, later compiled by the Duke of La Vallitre, has been preserved (F Pn Ms fr. 24357) and issued in modern edition by F. Lesure. The title and date of the ballet given above are taken from Francois Lesure, “Le recueil de ballets de Michel Henry (vers 1620),” in Les fétes de la Renaissance, edited by Jean Jacquot, vol. | (Paris, 1956), 215. NST 'entrée en France de don Quichot de la Manche (mascarade) (n.p., n.d.); modern edition by Paul Lacroix, Ballets et mascarades de cour de Henri Ill a Louis XIV (1581-1652) (Geneva, 1868-1870; reprinted Geneva, 1968) 3:59-79.

38 THE HISTORICAL AND MUSICAL CONTEXT Although Spanish musicians did not overwhelm the French court during the first half of the 17th century, the marriage of Ana Mauricia (Anne d’Austriche) with Louis XIII did attract several Spanish musicians

to Paris. Among those known to have served the new queen was the Spaniard “Jean” Lépez de Gargas. French documentation indicates his presence at the French court as a musicien de la reine at least between the years 1634 and 1640.!' The second broad period of cultural exchange between Spain and

France is the second half of the 17th century. During this time neither country appears to have exerted a stronger influence than the other.""” Some dramatic styles and techniques were exchanged soon after the

marriage of Marfa Teresa, as a result of the activities in Paris of two Spanish theatrical companies. The troupe led by Sebastién Garcfa de Prado accompanied Marfa Teresa to Paris, and performed there from 1660 to 1661. The company headed by Pedro de la Rosa followed in 1661, and worked in Paris until 1673.''8 It is possible to assess the consequences of such activities from two opposite points of view. In one view Fournier focuses on the importance of these performances for the transmission of Spanish influences on drama at the French court." In another,

Cotarelo argues that on their return to Madrid, the two Spanish companies were instrumental in transmitting French influences to Spain, "6A ccording to the information presented in Yolande de Brossard, Musiciens de Paris 1535-1792. Actes d’état civil d'aprés le fichier Laborde de la Bibliotheque Nationale (Paris,

1965), 200. Note that all the other musicians in the service of Queen Anne, who are mentioned in this publication, have French names. Francois Lesure, in “Trois instrumentistes francais du XVII* siécle,” Revue de musicologie 37 (1955), 186, claims that Lépez de Gargas served the queen from 1632 to 1650, and that another Spanish musician, Jean Lobdeval, worked for the queen in 1634. Brossard (1965), 199, however, points out that this is one and the same person because “Lobdeval” is found as a variant of “L6pez de Gargas” in the archival documents. ''7For this period Braudel’s otherwise useful generalization is not appropriate: “One of the problems of the Pyrenees was that they never allowed two-way traffic. Either France was the predominant cultural influence and everything travelled from north to south... ; or else Spain suddenly rose to eminence and reversed the flow from south to north, as hap-

pened in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. The traditional dialogue between France and Spain abruptly took a new turn and it was to change again in the eighteenth century.” Braudel (1972-1973) 2:833. '8Shergold (1967), 533. Additional references are given in J. E. Varey and N. D. Shergold, Teatros y comedias en Madrid: 1651-1665. Estudio y documentos (London, 1973), 2930. "'9Rournier (1911).

SPAIN AND WESTERN EUROPE 39 where they subsequently became increasingly more prominent in the short dramatic forms such as the entremés, baile, and mojiganga.

In the field of music there is at least one prominent example of direct contact between French musicians and the Spanish court. On the arrival in Madrid of Marie-Louise d’Orléans for her marriage with Carlos II in 1679, her entourage included a group of 34 French musicians. The company consisted of at least one composer (Michel Farinelli, the son-inlaw of Robert Cambert), one harpsichordist, one designer of machines for spectacles, and several singers, instrumentalists, and dancing masters.'! The head of her music chapel may have been the French musician Noél Jacquart, although the years of his tenure are not known.' It is not absolutely certain whether any stage works by Jean-Baptiste Lully were ever performed in Spain. In the history of music edited and completed by J. Bonnet, and published in 1715, the claim is made that during the wedding festivities of Carlos I] and Marie-Louise d’Orléans in 1679 several operas by Lully were staged in Madrid, with their prologues suitably modified.'? This account seems plausible in light of the fact that French musicians helped to perform the music for a fiesta featuring the premiére of Calderén’s Hado y divisa (with music by Juan Hidalgo) which was staged in honour of the royal couple at the Buen Retiro on March 3, 4, and 5, 1680.'%4 This production of Calderén’s comedia ended with an 20Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. 1, vol. 1, cexxiv. 21Excerpts from some of the relevant archival sources are transcribed in Marcelle Bénoit, “Les musiciens frangais de Marie-Louise d'Orléans, reine d’Espagne,” Revue musicale numéro spécial 226 (1955), 48-60. The lengths of the contracts, although not specified in the surviving documentation, were presumably of considerable duration. Note that Queen Marie-Louise died in 1689. '21n a French archival document of 1699 Jacquart is described as deceased and a former “maftre de musique de la chapelle de la reine d’Espagne.” Nothing further is known about

his career except that in the year 1675, at the age of 29, he was married in Paris. See Yolande de Brossard (1965), 152. "23FJacques Bonnet], Histoire de la musique, et de ses effets, depuis son origine jusqu’a présent

(Paris, 1715; facsimile edition, Geneva, 1969) chap. 11, 379. "4Pedro Calderé6n de la Barca, Hado, ¥ divisa de Leonido, y de Marfisa (comedia; fiesta que se represent6 a sus magestades en el coliseo del Buen Retiro), published posthumously in his Verdadera quinta parte de comedias (Madrid, 1682; facsimile edition, Westmead and London, 1973, vol. 14), 1-66. The musical setting by Hidalgo does not survive. Payments for this fiesta include the following: “A los franceses de la épera [my emphasis] por aver tocado en los ensayos y en la fiesta, 100 reales de a ocho, 1,200 reales vellén.” E Mp legajo 666; as quoted in Shergold (1967), 346, note 6.

40 THE HISTORICAL AND MUSICAL CONTEXT abridged Spanish translation of Moliére’s Le bourgeois gentil-homme."5 Per-

haps the French musicians accompanied it with some of the music which Lully wrote for Moliére’s play. '”6

Later in the 18th century Arteaga states that during the wedding festivities of Carlos I] with Mariana of Neuburg in 1690, various works by

Lully, including his Armide, were performed at the Spanish court.” Although there is no known documentation to substantiate this claim, it is not necessarily a fabrication.”8 At any rate, both Bonnet and Arteaga maintain that French musical dramas were not popular in Spain; conse-

quently performances of them were discontinued relatively quickly. Dance pieces from Lully’s works do appear in Spanish instrumental sources of the early 18th century (for example, see chapter 7, charts 17 and 19). Thus it would seem that Lully’s music entered Spain primarily via the ballroom and instrumental arrangements rather than via the stage. The third period of cultural exchange between Spain and France is

the first half of the 18th century, years in which France completely dominated the transmission of ideas and fashions. This relationship was fostered by the establishment of the new Bourbon dynasty in Spain at the beginning of the 18th century under Felipe V, who was the grandson of

Louis XIV and Marfa Teresa. In the War of Succession (1701-1715) which followed the death of the last Spanish Habsburg king, Carlos II, in 1700, Felipe managed to gain control of the Spanish throne in large part because of the active French support which he received.” French commanders reorganized and controlled Felipe’s military forces, which were equipped with French weapons and uniforms.!* 125E] labrador gentil hombre (fin de fiesta), E Mn Mss 9373. Its performance during this fiesta is pointed out by Shergold (1967), 346; and Bussey (1982), 15-16. 126}ean-Baptiste Lully, Le bourgeois gentilhomme (comédie-ballet; first performed Chambord,

October 14, 1670) LWV 43. 27Esteban Arteaga, Le rivoluzioni del teatro musicale italiano dalla sua origine fino al presente, opera di Stephano Arteaga madridense (2nd edition, Venice, 1785), vol. 1, chap. 7, 311.

128Cotarelo y Mori (1917), 20, note 1, unreasonably rejects the claims made by Bonnet and Arteaga. 129His rival claimant was Archduke Charles, the son of Emperor Leopold 1, who was supported by the Grand Alliance of Austria, Holland, England, and later Portugal. Charles, however, left Spain in 1711 to be crowned Emperor Charles VI on the death of his brother Emperor Joseph I. Felipe was formally recognized as the king of Spain by England and Holland in the Treaty of Utrecht (1713), and by Austria in the Treaty of Rastadt (1714). 130K amen (1969), 61.

SPAIN AND WESTERN EUROPE 41 Moreover, all the chief ministers of Felipe V between 1701 and 1715

were French. One of the most powerful figures at his court was the French ambassador, especially between 1705 and 1709 when the post was

held by Michel-Jean Amelot. Indeed, until the death of Louis XIV in 1715, the French king effectively controlled many facets of the Spanish government, as Kamen explains: For several years the young king [Philip V] was inclined to defer in everything to his grandfather (Louis XIV]. Louis on his side was kept thoroughly informed of everything that went on in Spain, and the constant

correspondence he had with Philip guaranteed a direct control over all decisions. More directly than correspondence, however, control was exer-

cised through the ambassadors who became the instruments of Louis's policy in Spain . . . . It is no exaggeration to say that Spain was governed, in

the years before 1709, from Versailles and through the French ambassador.!3!

Another prominent person at the court was the French princess des Ursins, who was chosen by Louis XIV to serve as the head of the Spanish queen’s household (camarera mayor) from 1701 to 1704 and again from 1705 to 1714. While holding this post Ursins exerted considerable influence over both Queen Marie-Louise of Savoy and Felipe V.'? During his reign Felipe V attempted to promote some scholarly activities by adopting the French academies as administrative models. The first such Spanish institution was the Real Academia Espafiola, founded in 1714, which was designed “to foster and to give rulings on the purity

and elegance of the Spanish language, and to expunge all errors which have crept into its lexicon, its pronunciation, or its modes of syntax, . . .” Between 1726 and 1739 it published, in six volumes, the first official Castilian dictionary.'"? Similarly, for historical studies, Felipe V established the 31Kamen (1969), 42-43. '32Eor more information concerning French political influence at the Spanish court, with references to the activities of Amelot and Ursins, see Kamen (1969), 42—56 and 118~39. '33This academy was established by a royal decree, issued by Felipe V on October 3, 1714, and it began its activities in January, 1715. See Novisima recopilacién de las leyes de Espatia . (Madrid, 1805--1807) Bk. VIII, section xx, law 1; vol. 4, 166-68. The quotation describing its objectives is given in W. N. Hargreaves-Mawdsley, Spain under the Bourbons, 1 7001833: A Collection of Documents (London, 1973), 59, which is an English translation of an excerpt from Nicold4s de Jests Belando, Historia civil de Espavia y succesos de la guerra y tratados de la paz; desde el ario de mil setecientos hasta el de mil setecientos treinta ¥y tres (Madrid, 1740) pt. IV, 58-59.

42 THE HISTORICAL AND MUSICAL CONTEXT Real Academia de la Historia in 1738.'4 French influence may also account for the formation of the Biblioteca Nacional by Felipe V in 1711, which was opened to the public in 1714. By a royal order of 1716 a copy of every book printed in Spain was to be deposited in this library."

During the 18th century French ideas became increasingly prominent in Spanish intellectual circles.“ One of the first Spanish writers to apply the critical attitudes of French “rationalism” to a wide variety of subjects was B.J. Feijé6o.'” It has been demonstrated that an important influence on Feij6o was Bernard Le Bovier, sieur de Fontenelle, who from 1697 until his death in 1757 was the secrétaire perpétual of the French Académie Royale des Sciences. '8 For the arts there was little support in the form of royal academies.

For example, in order to promote painting, sculpture, and architecture, Felipe V did approve the formation of an academy in 1744. However the Real Academia de las Tres Nobles Artes, con el titulo de San.Fernando was not established until 1751 by Fernando VI.9 Furthermore there were apparently no royal academies in the 18th century for either music or dance. For one very brief period at the beginning of the century French musicians occupied prominent positions.at the Spanish court. Felipe V, soon after arriving in Madrid in February, 1701, decided to form a French Real cédmara de misica. As its maestro he engaged the French composer Henry Desmarest, who at the time was working in Brussels.'@ The king '34For the royal decree, issued on April 18, 1738, see Novisima recopilacién (1805-1807) Bk. VIII, section xx, law 2; vol. 4, 168-69. 135Charles Kany, Life and Manners in Madrid 1750-1800 (Berkeley, 1932), 347, and 456— 57, note 53. 36For a general discussion of this subject which concentrates on the second half of the century, see Paul Mérimée, L’influence francaise en Espagne au XVIIle siécle (Paris, 1936).

137Benito Jerénimo Feij6o y Montenegro, Teatro critico universal 9 vols. (Madrid, 17261741); modern edition in BAE 56 (1883), BAE 141 (1961), BAE 142 (1961), and BAE 143 (1961). '38Charles N. Staubach, “Fontenelle in the Writings of Feij6o,” Hispanic Review 8 (1940),

46-56. 1391 iscussed by Yves Bottineau, L’art de cour dans I'Espagne de Philippe V 1700-1746 (Bor-

deaux, 1962), 599-601. The royal confirmation issued on May 30, 1757, is printed in Novisima recopilacién (1805-1807) Bk. VIII, section xxii, law 1; 4:173-75.

140 well-documented study of his career is given by Michel Antoine, Henry Desmarest (1661-1741). Biographie critique (Paris, 1965). Desmarest received his first payment from

the Spanish king on June 6, 1701; the autographed receipt is preserved in E Mp 291/1, and is reproduced in Antoine (1965), 95.

SPAIN AND WESTERN EUROPE 43 also hired twelve other musicians from the court at Versailles, most of whom arrived in time to help celebrate his wedding at Barcelona in October 1701.'4' However, just eighteen months later Felipe V disbanded this group, owing to the exigencies of war, political intrigue, and financial difficulties. Most of the French musicians were sent back to Versailles in

May 1703.’ Desmarest was retained until the end of 1706, although none of the music which he wrote for the Spanish court seems to have survived.'?

For the remainder of the century almost all the foreign musicians who were employed at the royal court in Madrid were Italian. Nevertheless, as we shall see, French dance music and choreography came to dominate aristocratic dancing in Spain.

lAntoine (1965), 100~1, quotes the relevant excerpts from E Mp Reinados Felipe V legajo 179; and from PARIS, Archives des Affaires Etrangéres, Espagne, vol. 93. 12 Antoine (1965), 113. 43 Antoine (1965), 117.

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CHAPTER THREE

The Musical Environment in Spain The Lack of Aristocratic Patronage In any geographical region at a given time, the type of patronage afforded to professional musicians is a decisive determinant of the kinds of music which they will cultivate. In 17th century Spain the employers of literate musicians were almost exclusively the Church and the Crown. There was a distinct absence of patronage by other members of the aristocracy. This

yielded a state of affairs quite unlike that in some other European regions—notably Italy and Germany—which were politically fragmented.

Patronage in Spain during this time also differed from that of other historical periods. In both the 16th and 18th centuries the Spanish nobility did include prominent promoters of music. During the second quarter of the 16th century a flourishing cultural center was located at the viceregal court in Valencia, which between 1526 and 1536 was ruled by Fernando

de Aragén, duque de Calabria (son of Federico V of Naples) and his first | wife Germana de Foix (a niece of Louis XII and widow of Fernando el Catédlico), and later between 1540 and 1550 by the duque de Calabria and his second wife Mencfa de Mendoza, marquesa de Cenete.' Another important secular court for musical activity during the first half of the Nt is this court which the vihuelist Luis Mil4n describes in his book on the courtier; discussed here in chap. 2, p. 19. Further information about this court is given by José Romeu Figueras, “Mateo Flecha el viejo, la corte literariomusical del duque de Calabria y el cancionero llamado de Upsala,” Anuario musical 13 (1958), 55-70.

45

46 THE HISTORICAL AND MUSICAL CONTEXT 16th century was the palace at Guadalajara (in Castile) of Diego Hurtado de Mendoza, the third duque del Infantado (1461-1531) and later of his son and successor Ifigo Lépez de Mendoza (1493—1566).? Outstanding examples of aristocratic patrons during the middle of the 18th century in Madrid were Fernando de Silva y Alvarez de Toledo, the twelfth duque de Alba (1714—1776) and his son Francisco de Paula Silva (1733-1770).

In the 17th century a number of historical factors, aside from the negative evidence of the archival records, point to the absence of secular musical patronage by the aristocracy on the Spanish peninsula. First, the biographical data concerning composers of the period demonstrate that most of them held posts at the Royal Court or at various cathedrals and monasteries. Throughout the country there were numerous religious foundations.‘ Moreover, the amount of ecclesiastical training in Spain rose to enormous proportions in the late 16th and 17th centuries. Some officials, such as the conde de Gondomar, did raise objections against the plethora of theological seminaries and monasteries, but apparently to no avail.5 Many musicians were trained ecclesiastics and some also engaged in non-musical religious duties. For example, the prominent 1|7th-century theorist Andrés Lorente, in addition to working as organist and prebendary (racionero) at the Iglesia magistral de San Justo y Pastor in Alcala de

Henares, and teaching on the faculty of the University of Alcal4, also served as a commissary of the Inquisition (comissario del Santo Officio de la Inquisicién de Toledo) from 1664 until at least 1686.° Discussed by Emilio Pujol in his modern edition of Alonso Mudarra, Tres libros de miisica en cifras para vihuela (Seville, 1546); MME 7 (Barcelona, 1949) preface, 26-30. 3Discussed by José Subir4, La miisica en la Casa de Alba. Estudios histéricos y biogrdficos (Madrid, 1927), 85-108. The duke began to patronize composers well before the completion in 1773 of his Palacio ge Liria in Madrid. {For example, in 1650 in and around Seville there were 48 monasteries, 28 convents, 23

hospitales, and 9 hermitages; according to an archival document summarized by Mary Elizabeth Perry, Crime and Society in Early Modem Seville (Hanover, New Hampshire, 1980), 132. SDieg Sarmiento de Acufia, conde de Gondomar, [Letter to Felipe III, dated March 28, 1619]; modern edition by Antonio Ballesteros y Beretta in Documentos ineditos para la historia de Espavia, vol. 2 (Madrid, 1943), 140. The ecclesiastical “hatcheries which turned

out the superfluous bureaucrats” are discussed by H. R. Trevor-Roper, “The General Crisis of the Seventeenth Century,” in The European Witch-Craze of the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries and Other Essays (1956; New York, 1969), 76-79.

6See Louis Jambou, “Andrés Lorente (15/4/1624—-22/12/1703). Datos biograficos— semblanza,” Tesoro sacro musical 59 (1976), 67-78. According to Henry Charles Lea, A

THE MUSICAL ENVIRONMENT IN SPAIN 47 Second, most music publications of the period contain either royal

or religious dedications. The Spanish king is the dedicatee of the instrumental books by Coelho (1620), Guerau (1694), Sanz (the seventh and eighth editions, issued in 1697), and Fernandez de Huete (vol. 1, issued in 1702); and of the treatises by Cerone (1613) and Tosca (1709).? Similarly the dance treatise by Ferriol y Boxeraus (1745) contains a royal dedication by the publisher Joseph Testore to Carlos, King of Naples and Sicily (the future Carlos III of Spain).8 In the same category belong the guitar publications of Arafiés (1624) and Sanz (the early editions of 1674 and ca. 1675), inasmuch as they are each inscribed to a representative of the Spanish throne. Arajfiés dedicates his book to the Spanish ambassador in Rome, Ruigémez de Silva, duque de Pastrana and principe de Melito, for whom he worked as chaplain and chapel-master (according to his sig-

nature in the dedication).? Sanz dedicates the first six editions of his guitar book to Juan de Austria (1629-1679), the illegitimate son of Felipe IV and the actress Marfa Calder6én, who took up residence in Zaragoza on

History of the Inquisition in Spain (New York, 1906-1907; reprinted New York, 1966),

2:268-72, a “commissary” was an unsalaried representative of the Inquisition who received fees from applicants trying to prove their limpieza de sangre—i.e., that they were of pure Catholic descent and that none of their ancestors were Jewish, Moorish, or had been indicted by the Inquisition—which was a necessary qualification for entrance into most institutions and for almost all posts in the kingdom. 7Manuel Rodrfguez Coelho, Flores de miisica: pera o instrumento de tecla, & harpa (Lisbon, 1620); Francisco Guerau, Poema harménico, compuesto de varias cifras. Por el temple de la guitarra espavtola (Madrid, 1694; facsimile edition, London, 1977); Gaspar Sanz, Instruccién de misica sobre la guitarra espafiola (8 editions, Zaragoza, 1674-1697; facsimile edition, Zaragoza, 1952); Diego Fernandez de Huete, Compendio numeroso de zifras arménicas, con

thedrica, y prdctica, para harpa de una orden, de dos drdenes, y de drgano vol. 1 (Madrid, _ 1702); Pedro Cerone, El melopeo yy maestro. Tractado de miisica thedrica y prdctica 2 vol. (Naples, 1613; facsimile edition, Bologna, 1969); and Thomas Vicente Tosca, Compendio mathemdtico en que se contienen todas las materias mds principales de las ciencias que tratan de

la cantidad vol. 2 (Valencia, 1709). The eight editions of the guitar book by Sanz are discussed in the preface to the facsimile edition (xxxii-xxxiv) by Luis Garcfa-Abrines. The harp book by Fern4ndez de Huete (1702) is inscribed to the king through his lord chamberlain (sumiller de corps), the conde de Benavente. Cerone (1613) includes a religious dedication in addition to the royal one. 8Bartolomé Ferriol y Boxeraus, Reglas titiles para los aficianados a danzar (Capua, 1745). Juan Arafiés, Libro segundo de tonos y villancicos a una dos tres y quatro voces. Con la zifra de la guitarra espannola a la usanza romana (Rome, 1624).

48 THE HISTORICAL AND MUSICAL CONTEXT June 4, 1669, as the vicar general of Aragon." Religious dedications, either to the Virgin Mary or to high ranking ecclesiastics, account for the majority of the remaining music publications. Such works include the in-

strumental books by Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677) and Fernandez de Huete (vol. 2, issued in 1704); as well as the treatises by Salinas (1577), Lorente (1672), Torres y Martinez Bravo (1702 and 1736), Cruz Brocarte (1707), and Nassarre (1723—1724)."' Furthermore, although there is no official dedication in the keyboard publication of Correa de Arauxo (1626), the composer concludes his theoretical remarks with conventional words of religious homage.” Dedications to noblemen are rarely found in Spanish music publications. Two examples from the 17th century are the guitar treatise by Doizi

de Velasco (1640) and the dance treatise by Esquivel Navarro (1642). The political career of Juan José de Austria is discussed in Henry Kamen, Spain in the Later Seventeenth Century, 1665—1700 (London and New York, 1980), 328-45.

"Lucas Ruiz de Ribayaz, Luz, y norte musical, para caminar por las cifras de la guitarra espariola, y arpa (Madrid, 1677; facsimile edition, Geneva, 1976); Fernandez de Huete vol. 2 (1704); Francisco Salinas, De musica libri septem (Salamanca, 1577; facsimile edition, Kassel, 1958); Andrés Lorente, El porqué de la miisica (Alcal4 de Henares, 1672); Joseph de Torres y Martfnez Bravo, Reglas generales de acomparyiar en drgano, clavicordio, y harpa, con s6lo saber cantar la parte, o un baxo en canto figurado (Madrid, 1702; and the revised edition, Madrid, 1736); Antonio de la Cruz Brocarte, Medula de la miisica thedrica (Salamanca, 1707); and Pablo Nassarre, Escuela miisica, segiin la prdctica moderna 2 vol. (Zaragoza,

1723-1724; facsimile edition, Zaragoza, 1980). The harp publication of Ferndndez de Huete (1704) has a religious dedication to “nuestra sefiora del sagrario” through the Archbishop of Toledo, cardinal Luis Manuel Fern4ndez Portocarrero. Salinas (1577) dedicates his treatise to both Rodrigo de Castro, the Bishop of Zamora, and to the king. This

clergyman may be the same Rodrigo de Castro (1523-1600) who rose to great prominence as the Archbishop of Seville. Both editions of the treatise on accompaniment by Torres y Martinez Bravo (1702 and 1736) are inscribed to the grand almoner, i.e., the ecclesiastic who headed the royal chapel (limosnero y capelldn mayor de su magestad)—in 1702 to Pedro Portocarrero y Guzman, Archbishop of Tiro, and in 1736 to Alvaro Eugenio de Mendoza Casamafio y Sotomayor, Archbishop of Farsalia. Nassarre (1723-1724) dedicates his treatise to the Archbishop of Zaragoza, Manuel Pérez de Araciel y Rada. Francisco Correa de Arauxo, Libro de tientos y discursos de miisica prdctica, y thedrica de 6rgano, intitulado Facultad orgdnica (Alcal4 de Henares, 1626; facsimile edition, Geneva, 1981), f. 26r; as reprinted in the modern edition by Santiago Kastner, MME 6 (Barcelona, 1948) preface, 67. I3Nicol4s Doizi de Velasco, Nuevo modo de cifra para tafter la guitarra con variedad, y perfeccién (Naples, 1640); and Juan de Esquivel Navarro, Discursos sobre el arte del dangado (Seville, 1642; facsimile edition, Madrid, 1947).

THE MUSICAL ENVIRONMENT IN SPAIN 49 Doizi de Velasco dedicates his guitar book to Margarita de Austria, Branchiforti y Colona, a prominent Sicilian aristocrat who was a descendant of Emperor Carlos V through his recognized illegitimate son Juan de Austria.'4 Esquivel Navarro dedicates his dance treatise to Alonso Ortiz

de Zufiiga Ponce de Leén y Sandoval, the eldest son and heir of the marqués de Valdenzinas."°

In the early 18th century such dedications begin to appear more frequently, thus reflecting an increased interest in music on the part of some of the Spanish aristocracy. The edition of Nassarre’s Fragmentos mtisicos revised and published by Torres y Martfnez Bravo in 1700 is dedicated to Manuel de Silva y Mendoza, brother of the duque de Pastrana y del Infantado. According to Torres’s remarks in the dedication, Silva y Mendoza was one of his patrons and students.'* Similarly Murcia (1714) dedicates

his guitar publication to Jacome Francisco Andriani, who served the Spanish king as a special envoy to the Catholic cantons of the Netherlands (embiado extraordinario de los cantones cathdlicos)." Andriani was born in Lucca, Italy, and moved to Spain where he was admitted to the knightly Order of Santiago in 1712.'8 Andriani enabled Murcia to publish

his guitar treatise by paying for the engraving of the work on bronze plates.'? Shortly thereafter Ulloa (1717) also dedicates his treatise to a nobleman and knight of the Order of Santiago; namely, Ignacio Loyola, the eldest son and heir of the marqués de la Olmeda.”° \4Margarita de Austria was the only heir of Francesco Branciforte and Juana de Austria (a daughter of Juan de Austria), and she married Federigo Colonna. This biographical information is drawn from the 18th-century account by Francesco Maria Emanuele e Gaetani, Della Sicilia nobile vol. 2 (Palermo, 1754; facsimile edition, Bologna, 1968) Bk. I, 16. The first page of Doizi de Velasco's dedication, which gives a long list of Margarita’s titles, is reprinted in José Subir4, Historia de la misica espaftola e hispanoamericana (Barcelona, 1953), 319,

Not surprisingly Esquivel Navarro (1642), f. 46r, includes him in his list of “grandes senores, diestros en dangar.” ‘Joseph de Torres y Martinez Bravo in his edition of Pablo Nassarre, Fragmentos miisicos (Madrid, 1700), i-v. "Santiago de Murcia, Resumen de acompafiar la pane con la guitarra (n.p., 1714; facsimile edition, Monaco, 1980), title-page. 'SAccording to Julio de Atienza, Nobiliario espafiol. Diccionario herdldico de apellidos espavioles

y de titulos nobiliarios (3rd edition, Madrid, 1959), 142, who gives his full name as Francisco Jacome Andriani y Rubin.

Murcia (1714) “Dedicatoria al yll[ustrfsi]mo sefior don Jécome Fran[cis]co Andriani caballero del horden de Santiago y embiado extraordinario de los cantones cathélicos” (dated Madrid, August 20, 1714), 3. 0Pedro de Ulloa, Miisica universal, o principios universales de la mtsica (Madrid, 1717).

50 THE HISTORICAL AND MUSICAL CONTEXT Returning to music publications of the 17th century, a striking contrast is found in France, at least with regard to the guitar manual by the

Spaniard Luis de Bricefio (1626). For his book Bricefio sought and received support from some members of the French aristocracy as is shown by his dedication to “madama de Chales,” and by the fact that two

of the dedicatory poems in his honor were written by prominent noblemen in the French government.”! That Bricefio moved in Parisian aristocratic circles at least twelve years before the appearance of his guitar

book is demonstrated by the dedicatory soneto which he contributed to the publication, inscribed to the French king, of Le Sieur de Moulére.””

The third factor which indirectly suggests a lack of aristocratic patronage of music in Spain is the relatively little attention accorded by composers and theorists to the harpsichord (clavicordio), one of the most important chamber instruments throughout the rest of western Europe. Indeed Nassarre’s remarks about the harpsichord, which he includes in his encyclopedic music treatise, appear to reflect accurately the 17th-century practice in Spain. Nassarre does not discuss harpsichord playing in relation to performance by the professional musician; rather he includes some pedagogical comments solely for teaching the amateur who wants to play for his own amusement.” For the late 16th and early 17th centuries a final indication of the absence of Spanish aristocratic support is found in the treatise by Cerone where he contrasts the poor quality and quantity of music education in

2IHis treatise contains a “Quartillas por monsieur Du Pré, gonsejer del rey en su gran consejo [i.e., conseilleur du roi en son grand conseil],” as well as a “Quartillas hechas por el sefior Franquetot al autor.” Luis de Bricefio, Método mui facilfssimo para aprender a tafier la guitarra a lo espavtol (Paris, 1626; facsimile edition Geneva, 1972), f. 3v and 4r. Daniel Devoto, “Sur le séjour de Bricefio a Paris,” Revue de musicologie 51 (1965), 147, suggests that the dedicatee “madama de Chales” was probably “Denise Naturel, femme du Noble

Philibert de Challes, Ecuyer, Seigneur de Challes au pays du Dombes,” and the pranddaughter of Jean Godon, a “conseilleur du roi en son grand conseil.” Devoto also identifies “Du Pré” as Barthélemy Dupré, and states that “Franquetot” was most likely “monsieur maftre Robert de Franquetot, Sieur de Loigny, conseilleur du roi.” 221 e Sieur de Moulére, Vida y muerte de los cortesanos (Paris, 1614); according to Devoto (1965), 145-46. 3Nassarre vol. 2 (1723) Bk. IV, chap. 19, 485-86.

THE MUSICAL ENVIRONMENT IN SPAIN 51 Spain with that in Italy.*4 It is possible to argue that Cerone does not present an objective description of the musical environment in Spain, in light of his earlier departure from the Iberian peninsula in pursuit of his musical career. However it would be difficult to reconcile the assumption that he harbored a strong bias against Spain with the fact that he wrote

his treatise in Castilian, that he dedicated it to Felipe III, and that as a musician in Naples—where he was apparently content to work for the remainder of his life—he was still an employee of the Spanish government. Consequently it is much more likely that the state of musical life in Spain seemed particularly deficient to Cerone because of the contrast it displayed with the flourishing activity in Naples, with its numerous musical institutions including four conservatories.25 In his discussion Cerone emphasizes the indifferent and often negative attitudes held by many of the Spanish aristocracy towards music: In contrast [with the large number of Italian aristocrats who cultivate music], one finds that in Spain there are very few noblemen who take pleasure in learning about music. Instead many detest it, rejecting and banishing it from their houses as something contemptible, disgraceful, and

harmful; and as something which seems to them to have been invented solely for clergymen and monks, as | have stated above in chapter 9. Not-

withstanding all this, | gather that from now on there will be more musicians than in the past, and that also there will be distinguished gentlemen from illustrious families who will fondly take up music. I say this

because when King don Felipe III (may God preserve him for many prosperous years) was prince, he showed himself to be very fond of music

4Cerone (1613) vol. 1, Bk. I, chap. 53 “La causa porque ay mAs professores de mtsica en Italia, que en Espafia,” 148-53. He adduces five principal reasons for the Italian superiority in music education; Cerone (1613) vol. 1, Bk. I, chap. 53, 148-49. The contents of this chapter have been summarized by Ruth Hannas, “Cerone, Philosopher and Teacher,” Musical Quarterly 21 (1935), 410-12. 2>This point is also made by Ramén Baselga Esteve, “Pedro Cerone de Bérgamo: estudio bio-bibliogr4fico,” Tesoro sacro musical 55 (1972), 3. The four conservatories in Naples were all founded in the 16th century: the Conservatorio di Santa Maria di Loreto in 1537, the Conservatorio di Santo Onofrio a Capuana in ca. 1578, the Conservatorio della pieta dei turchini in 1583, and the Conservatorio de’ poveri di Gesti Christo in 1589. For historical information about these institutions see Francesco Florimo, La scuola musicale di Napoli e i suoi conservatorii, con uno sguardo sulla storia della musica in Italia (Naples, 1881-

1883; reprinted Bologna, 1969) vol. 2 and 3; and Salvatore di Giacomo, 1 quattro antichi conservatorii musicali di Napoli 1543-1800, 2 vol. (Naples, 1924-1928).

52 THE HISTORICAL AND MUSICAL CONTEXT and of its teachers; and one frequently finds in this world that it is customary for vassals to try to be whatever their kings and princes are.”

Cerone’s optimistic prognostication, probably offered to flatter the king,

did not materialize. He continues by asserting that most professional musicians in Spain enter the field not from any interest in the subject, but simply because of greed: Moreover I declare that if a person of common rank studies something about music, I would imagine that he does not study with the same purpose as the Italians, but rather solely in the hope of obtaining those posts which pay 300 or 500 ducados. In other words if it were not for the good lucrative posts which exist in Spain, there would not be as many Spanish musicians and singers as one finds today. For every day one sees that once a singer, organist, or chapel-master has obtained a good post, he no longer desires to study any more, or to put it more precisely, he no longer strives to know more than he already does.’

For Cerone the disconcerting absence of musical academies in Spain is one of the unfortunate consequences of the prevailing attitudes held by the aristocrat and the professional: The fifth [i.e., fourth] reason [for the Italian superiority in music education] is the large number of opportunities that exist for studying it there. For in many Italian cities there are buildings, called academies, which are designed solely for gatherings of singers, instrumentalists, and musicians

who meet there for two or three hours of activity at a time. Usually the most famous composers of the city attend. After their compositions are tried out and the musical performances have ended, it is customary for them to deliver speeches on some musical topic. Each one expresses his opinion in a

very affable manner, and the arguments are concluded to everyone’s advantage.

In addition to these public academies there are various other private houses of individual noblemen at which the same activities take place. Thus from these assemblies of musicians and from the speeches which are con-

stantly delivered there, one always ends up learning and progressing in a most pleasurable and speedy manner. . . . In all these opportunities and facilities for learning more easily and quickly, Spain is almost entirely lack-

ing. One sees this, for example, at the court, where among the numerous knights, counts, marquesses, dukes, and princes who reside there, there is no

6Cerone (1613) vol. 1, Bk. I, chap. 53, 150. 27Cerone (1613) vol. 1, Bk. I, chap. 53, 150-51.

THE MUSICAL ENVIRONMENT IN SPAIN 53 one (that I know of) who enjoys music or who is interested in organizing such academies. Speaking truthfully, I declare that I do not find more than

one person who enjoys holding such activities at his residence. This gentleman is don Juan de Borja, the chief steward of her sacred Catholic majesty, the Empress dotia Marfa de Austria (who is now in heaven), sister of King don Felipe II... . Consequently it is no wonder that there are more singers and more musicians among the Italians than among the Spaniards. Rather, the truly surprising thing is that the Spanish ones possess such fine skills, considering the absence of opportunities for them to train and improve themselves.”®

Cerone’s description of the musical life in Spain is not irreconcilable

with the fact that musicians occasionally met informally to perform together, for such gatherings apparently took place without aristocratic support. Such is the case, for example, concerning those informal concerts held during the early 17th century in Madrid at the house of Bernar-

do Clavijo. They are described in the partly autobiographical novel by

Espinel, where he compares them anachronistically with a private academy held earlier in Milan at the home of one of its foremost residents: I returned to Milan. That republic, which is so abundant in all things, also possesses numerous men who are very learned in literature and in the practice of music. Don Antonio de Londojfia, president of its magistracy, was

extremely knowledgeable in music. At his residence there were always gatherings of musicians with excellent voices and very proficient skills. On such occasions one used to hear references to all the prominent men in the field. The viol [vihuela de arco], keyboard, harp, and vihuela [vihuela de mano] were played with great mastery by very outstanding men on all these

instruments. They also discussed questions concerning the use of this science. However they did not reach the high level which these days [i.e., early 17th century] has been attained at the house of maestro [Bernardo] Clavijo [in Madrid], where there have been gatherings of the purest and most illustrious men of this divine, though poorly rewarded [my emphasis], discipline. Among those who assembled in the garden of his house was the licentiate Gaspar de Torres, who truly could strike the strings with elegance and erudition while accompanying his vihuela playing with his singing of the most graceful ornamental passages [pasajes de voz y garganta]. In this he attained the highest possible level of perfection. There were also many other persons very worthy of mention. However | have succeeded in listening to

maestro Clavijo himself at the keyboard, together with his daughter dovia Bernardina at the harp and Lucas de Matos on the vihuela of 7 courses, 8Cerone (1613) vol. 1, Bk. I, chap. 53, 151.

34 THE HISTORICAL AND MUSICAL CONTEXT each one imitating the others in the performance of extremely difficult and unusual passages, and it is the finest thing which I have heard in my life. In-

deed the girl—who is now a nun at the convent of Santa Domingo el Real—is an extraordinary wonder of nature at the keyboard and on the harp.”

Sacred Vocal Music The lack of aristocratic patronage in Spain is closely related to the

almost exclusive consideration given by most theorists, even in encyclopedic treatises, to the repertory of sacred vocal music. Up to the early 18th century the fundamental idea which pervades most Spanish treatises is that the chief purpose of music is to serve and glorify God. To

this end many theorists adopt elements from both the Pythagorean philosophy that music is based on number, and the neo-Platonic philosophy that the highest form of music is the celestial harmony of the

spheres which in turn is related to man’s moral behavior.” Pythagoreanism, neo-Platonism, and religious mysticism are prominent in many philosophical writings of western Europe during the 16th and early 17th centuries. Such concepts even play a leading role in the formulation of some of the revolutionary scientific theories of the 17th century. For example, Johannes Kepler (1571-1630), despite his empirical methods,

attempts to base his model of the universe first on the geometry of Pythagorean solids, and later on the harmonies of the Pythagorean scale.*!

In music theory Pythagorean, neo-Platonic, and religious ideas are characteristic of many European treatises during the 16th century. However, during the 17th and early 18th centuries Spanish theorists continue to expound these ideas with much greater enthusiasm than most of their European contemporaries. °Vicente Espinel, Relaciones de la vida del escudero Marcos de Obregén (Madrid, 1618) vol. 2, Bk. IH, chap. 5; modern edition by M. Soledad Carrasco Urgoiti (Madrid, 1972) vol. 2,

l 5.

tn his survey of Spanish treatises from the 15th and 16th centuries, Menéndez y Pelayo emphasizes the recurrence of these ideas; Marcelino Menéndez y Pelayo, Historia de las ideas estéticas en Espayia vol. 4 (2nd edition, Madrid, 1901), chap. 12, 159. Menéndez explicitly acknowledges that all his remarks on music are written with the advice and bibliographical resources provided by Francisco Barbieri. See Menéndez y Pelayo vol. 4 (1901), 156, note; and vol. 6 (1904), 383, note. 31The mixture of empiricism and mysticism in Kepler’s work is discussed by Arthur Koestler, The Sleepwalkers: A History of Man's Changing Vision of the Universe (London, 1959; reprinted Harmondsworth, England, 1979), 249-69 and 393-404.

THE MUSICAL ENVIRONMENT IN SPAIN 55 That music should be used to praise God and uplift man’s soul is a principle which is reiterated by Salinas (1577), Cerone (1613), Lorente (1672), and Nassarre (1724), and thus accords with the writings of earlier theorists such as Bermudo (1555).22 On occasion this principle is advanced in the form of the metaphorical precept that man should strive to imitate the music of the angels.” The numerical or “rational” basis of music is generally accepted by

Spanish theorists, but only Salinas presents a detailed explanation of Pythagorean number theory.*4 In addition he employs the concept of the

sounding number (numerus sonorus) to explain his approach to music theory.*

The leading exponents of neo-Platonic ideas among the Spanish theorists are Cerone, with his lengthy discussion of moral behaviour (musica humana), and Nassarre, with his frequent references to the influences of astrological forces (mtsica celestial) on the physical and spiritual world.** For their perpetuation of such concepts both Cerone and Nassarre were severely criticized in later Spanish writings, beginning with the devastating satirical novel by the Jesuit music theorist Antonio Eximeno.” The ridiculing tone of this influential novel is conveyed in the following remarks by Howell: 2Salinas (1577) preface, vi. Cerone (1613) vol. 1, Bk. II, chap. 21, 230. Lorente (1672)

Bk. I, chap. 3, 6. Nassarre, vol. 1 (1724) Bk. III, chap. 1, 210-11. Juan Bermudo, Comienca el libro llamado Declaracién de instrumentos musicales (Osuna, 1555; facsimile edition, Kassel, 1957) Bk. I, chap. 8, f. 8r. juan Ruiz de Robleda, Laura de miisica eclesidstica. Nobleza antiguedad de esta sciencia y

sus profesores, E Mn M.1287, 189-90. The original manuscript was preserved at E E and was written in approximately 1644, the date of one of its introductory letters. The Madrid manuscript is a copy transcribed in 1875 by Cosme José de Benito for F.A. Barbieri. On the title-page Benito claims that this treatise was originally published in Madrid. 4Salinas (1577) Bk. I, 1-45. For an excellent account of this section, with long translated excerpts, see Arthur Michael Daniels, “The De musica libri VII of Francisco de Salinas” (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Southern California, 1962), 39-110. Salinas (1577) Bk. I, chap. 3-4, p. 4. *6In particular see Cerone (1613) vol. 1, Bk. I, 1-202; and Nasarre vol. 1 (1724) Bk. 1], 1-88. Antonio Eximeno y Pujades, Don Lazarillo Vizcardi: sus investigaciones musicas con ocasién del concurso a un magisterio de capilla vacante 2 vols. (posthumously, Madrid, 1872-1873).

Eximeno, who lived from 1729 to 1808, originally submitted the work for publication in 1806. Further information on his life and works is given in Felipe Pedrell, P[adre] Antonio Eximeno. Glosario de la gran remocién de ideas que para mejoramiento de la técnica y estética del arte mtsico ejercid el insigne jesuita valenciano (Valencia, 1920).

56 THE HISTORICAL AND MUSICAL CONTEXT Nasarre has come down to us with an unfortunate reputation. Those who know of him at all probably remember him by the caustic bon mot of Eximeno, that he was organista de nacimiento ‘¥y ciego de profesién (organist by

birth and a blind man by profession). . . . [Eximeno’s novel, Don Lazarillo Vizcardi] is a kind of musical Don Quixote, in which the obsessed knight is replaced by a crazed church organist, and the ancient books of chivalry by Cerone’s El melopeo y maestro and Nasarre’s Escuela misica. The organist becomes loco from the too-assiduous reading of these works, teaches his followers how to set up a horoscope based on the eight modes, and catches a fever from going out on a cold night to hear the harmony of the spheres. *8

Eximeno’s aesthetic attitudes were warmly praised by Barbieri and Pedrell.

Consequently, Menéndez y Pelayo, writing under the guidance of Barbieri, dismisses Cerone’s treatise as a “veritable hodge-podge . . . overflow-

ing with pedantic learning and with chapters which are completely irrelevant to music.”29 Menéndez is kinder in his assessment of Nassarre’s

work, but nevertheless harshly condemns him for the inclusion of neoPlatonic concepts, which he attributes to the bad influence of Cerone’s treatise.©

Of the relatively few Spanish treatises extant from the 17th and early 18th centuries, those by Cerone and Nassarre are among the longest and most detailed. Unfortunately, because of the criticisms later leveled against them, they have been unjustly neglected as historical sources. A careful reading of their studies reveals that both theorists provide abundant information about the contemporaneous practice of music in Spain. Only recently have some scholars begun to re-examine the works objectively.

In order to understand the musical attitudes towards sacred vocal music prevalent among professional musicians it is essential to realize the enduring influence effected by the Council of Trent in Spain. During its Almonte C. Howell Jr., “Pablo Nasarre’s ‘Escuela Masica’: a Reappraisal,” in Studies in Musicology: Essays in the History, Style and Bibliography of Music in Memory of Glen Haydon,

edited by James W. Pruett (Chapel Hill, North Carolina, 1969), 82. For a more detailed description of this novel see Alice M. Pollin, “Toward an Understanding of Antonio Eximeno,” Journal of the American Musicological Sociery 10 (1957), 91-96. References to some of Eximeno’s criticisms of Cerone are given in Baselga Esteve (1972), 35-38. Menéndez y Pelayo vol. 4 (1901) chap. 12, 210. For more criticisms in the same vein see

Menéndez y Pelayo vol. 6 (1904) chap. 5, 380.

Menéndez y Pelayo vol. 6 (1904) chap. 5, 381-82.

THE MUSICAL ENVIRONMENT IN SPAIN 57 twenty-second and twenty-fourth sessions, held in 1562 and 1563, the Council drafted a number of recommendations concerning religious music, the most important of which stated that sacred and secular music should be kept quite distinct from one another.‘! This idea was fully sup-

ported by Spain at the time. Collet points out that the large number of Spanish representatives in attendance at the two sessions suggests that they played an important role in the formulation and approval of the Council’s recommendations. Furthermore, Spain under Felipe II officially adopted the guidelines in their entirety.”

In his study Collet adopts the over-simplified, yet still useful, hypothesis that the uniqueness of Spain’s development in the: field of sacred music during the second half of the 16th century should be attributed almost entirely to her religious attitudes and to the fact that her political stature depended on the success of a counter-reformation.” One should be careful, however, not to exaggerate the severity of the Spanish royal attitude towards sacred music. For example, it is known that on the founding of his monastic palatial retreat, the Monasterio de San Lorenzo el Real de El Escorial (constructed between 1563 and 1584), Felipe II originally intended to ban the performance of polyphony by the resident choir.“ One might mistakenly assume that this prohibition was actually enforced, and that only visiting choirs, such as that of the capilla real, performed polyphony at Escorial during the 16th century. However, the error of this suppostion has been demonstrated by Rubio, who presents archival 4'Thus, for example, it decided that secular musical models should not be used for cantusfirmus or parody compositions. The other chief recommendation was that careful attention should be given to the intelligibility of the text. For a discussion of the Council's decisions, see K.G. Fellerer, “Church Music and the Council of Trent,” translated by Moses Hadas, Musical Quarterly 39 (1953), 576-94; and Hermann Beck, “Das Konzil von Trient und die Probleme der Kirchenmusik,” Kirchenmusikalisches Jahrbuch 48 (1964), 108-77. Henri Collet, Le mysticisme musical espagnol au XVle siécle (Paris, 1913), 88-94. An alphabetical list of the Spanish participants, together with a modern edition of documents pertaining to Spain’s involvement in the Council of Trent, are given by Miguel Salv4 and Pedro Sainz de Baranda, “Noticia de los espafioles que asistieron al Concilio de Trento” and “Documentos relativos al Concilio de Trento,” Coleccién de documentos inéditos para la historia de Espayia vol. 9 (Madrid, 1846), 5-80 and 81-106. B8Collet (1913), 102. “Felipe II, “Carta de fundacién” (clausula 38); as quoted, without any further identification of the source, in Samuel Rubio, “La capilla de misica del Monasterio de EI Escorial,” La ciudad de dios 163 (1951), 62.

58 THE HISTORICAL AND MUSICAL CONTEXT accounts of polyphonic performances by the Escorial choir even in the presence of Felipe II. A clear distinction between sacred and secular styles continued to be one of the most important characteristics of Spanish musical thought until the first half of the 18th century. For example, Nassarre not only reiterates throughout his comprehensive treatise the need for using an appropriate style for church music; he also refers specifically to the recommendations of the Council of Trent: Yet in order that church music should stir the heart for the said purpose [of inducing a sense of worship and piety], it must be suitable for such a sacred place. One should not incorporate immoral and profane songs, for

those who do so are not worthy of the name “musician.” For when the music is not solemn and morally proper it not only fails to achieve the purpose of rousing one to worship, but it even draws one’s heart away from God

and sends it over to the realm of the mundane. The blessed Council of Trent, in its twenty-second session, warns that in order that the house of God may truly be called a house of prayer, in it one must not employ any indecent or profane pieces either in singing, or on the organ, or on any other instruments, especially during the divine office and the sacred sacrifice of the mass.*

The ideas expounded here by Nassarre were shared by many other theorists of the time, especially by those who objected to the growing use

of Italian musical styles in Spain. Even the renowned 18th-century philosopher Feijé0, who critically re-evaluated many traditionally accepted Spanish ideas, assumes a conservative stand with respect to sacred music: The church chants of these times, with respect to their form and manner, sound like the songs of a jovial company sitting round a table [or theatrical songs]. They are all composed of minuets, recitatives, light airs, and alegros . . . Should not all church music be grave? Ought not the whole

Rubio (1951), 61-75, also argues that a musical capilla was organized at Escorial no later than 1575. 46Nassarre vol. 1 (1724) Bk. I, chap. 16, 68. He also refers to the Council of Trent in the preface to vol. 2 (1723) “Christianas advertencias, para maestros de capilla, compositores, y misicos,” ii. Elsewhere he explains that music which is solemn (grave) can also be joyful (alegre) and even lively in tempo (ayrosa). See Nassarre vol. 1 (1724) Bk. I, chap. 16, 69; and vol. 2 (1723) Bk. III, chap. 9, 314.

THE MUSICAL ENVIRONMENT IN SPAIN 59 composition to be calculated to impress gravity, devotion and decency? The instrumental music [in the church] is the same . . . This music, so replete with jigs, that you can scarce find a piece without one, can raise no other emotions in the imagination, than those of frolic and levity. He who hears on the organ, the same minuet which he heard at the ball, what effect will

it have on him? No other, than reminding him of the lady with whom he danced the preceding night. Thus the music which ought to translate the spirit of him who listens to it, from the terrestial to the celestial temple, conveys it from the church to the banquet; . . . *

Later Francisco Valls, the retired maestro de capilla of Barcelona Cathedral, expresses the same philosophy in his large manuscript treatise. In his list of mistakes to be avoided by the composer, the most serious is the following: The first and greatest fault is not to realize what church music should be: blundering with rhythmic patterns [ayres} and ideas taken from the theatre, and recklessly disregarding the sacred canonical law and the holy fathers. Most of the time this occurs because of ignorance.

In order to avoid incurring such a serious censure and in order to stay easily clear of scandal, adopt the following measures in the composition: use

a slow tempo in order that the text can be understood; take great care to avoid those rhythmic patterns [ayres] associated with profane music; and make sure you do not incorporate those vices which are recognizable by the fact that they incite people to dance [bailar] and to twist their bodies seductively [meneos del cuerpo}. At the present time these faults are heard very often in music for the mass and for the psalms.*

Benito Jerénimo Feij6o y Montenegro, “Mdsica de los templos,” in his Teatro critico universal, o discursos varios, en todo género de materias, para desengario de errores comunes vol.

1 (Madrid, 1726) discurso 14; modern edition in BAE 56 (Madrid, 1883), 37; English translation from Three Essays or Discourses on the Following Subjects: [1] A Defence or Vindication of the Women, [2] Church Music, [3] A Comparison between Antient and Modem Music. Translated from the Spanish of Feyjéo by a gentleman [Mr. Mitford] (London, 1778),

127. Feij6o's essay on church music is discussed in Neil D. Pennington, The Spanish Baroque Guitar with a Transcription of de Murcia's “Passacalles y obras" (Ann Arbor, 1981), 15-23. All of Feij6o’s writings about music are discussed in Antonio Martin Moreno, El padre Feijéo + las idealogias musicales del XVIII en Espavia (Orense, 1976). 8Francisco Valls, Mapa arménico prdctico. Breve resumen de las principales reglas de miisica sacado de los mds cldssicos autores, E Mn M.1071 chap. 34, f. 279v. This manuscript was

written in approximately 1742, which is the date of the introductory letter by Gregorio Santisso Bermidez (f. Ir—3v).

60 THE HISTORICAL AND MUSICAL CONTEXT Such attitudes are not confined to Spain. In a treatise published in Hamburg in 1728 Mattheson makes the following observation: Now no one will readily approve that a melody . . . which has just been

heard by thousands of people at the opera, should be sung, by way of a parody, to sacred words.”

Nevertheless, the general attitudes towards church music appear to

have been more reactionary in Spain than in other parts of western Europe. This had two profound consequences in the field of music. First, sacred repertory from the 16th century was apparently reused throughout Spain up until at least the early 18th century. This practice at the beginning of the 17th century is implied by Cerone, when he criticizes Spanish musicians for their lack of productivity: The fifth reason [for the Italian superiority in music education] is the constant desire which they [i.e., the Italian musicians] possess to learn something more every day. Consequently Italian musicians are never idle, but rather are always busy composing, so that they may be able to publish at least some small new work by the end of the year. Every day one sees works being published in Venice and in Rome—not to mention the other cities— and in such quantity that it is almost unbelievable. However the Spaniards,

as soon as they have secured a fine post with a good income, give themselves up more to a life of ease. Consequently they do not devote much time to composing masses, motets, or any other works for which they might have to strain themselves. Instead they are content to compose merely half a dozen villancicos during the entire year, without giving any thought to the time they are wasting.”

Another indication of the continued use of older sacred music is the fact that Spanish theorists of the 17th and early 18th centuries still devoted some space to an explanation of the mensural notational of the 16th century. For example, as late as the 1740s, Francisco Valls includes a brief discussion of ligatures, coloration, and the dots of augmentation, perfec-

tion, division, and alteration in his manuscript treatise. For additional details he refers the reader to the treatises of Zarlino and Cerone. ‘Johann Mattheson, Der musicalische Patriot (Hamburg, 1728; facsimile edition, Leipzig, 1975), 109; English translation of this excerpt by Robert Falck, “Parody and Contrafactum: a Terminological Clarification,” Musical Quarterly 65 (1979), 5-6. See José Lépez-Calo, “The Spanish Baroque and Francisco Valls,” Musical Times 113 (1972), 353. Cerone (1613) vol. 1, Bk. I, chap. 53, 152. 2Valls, EMn M.1071 chap. 32, f. 267v-268v and 270v-27 lv.

THE MUSICAL ENVIRONMENT IN SPAIN 61 The second significant consequence of the reactionary attitudes towards church music in Spain was the perpetuation, in the realm of sacred polyphony, of compositional procedures from the 16th century, in-

cluding, most importantly, the retention of an extremely conservative treatment of dissonance. Particularly instructive in this regard is the controversy which raged in Spain during the early 18th century as the result of a musical passage in Francisco Valls’s Missa scala aretina (scale by Guido of Arezzo; i.e., a hexachord), composed, at the latest, by 1702.%3 The dispute revolved around an entry of the second soprano (tiple II), in the “Miserere nobis” section of the “Gloria,” which forms an unprepared

major ninth with the tenor and bass, and an unprepared minor second with the alto (see musical example 1) .*

|ee | oe to3. l:

Example 1. Controversial dissonance in the Missa scala aretina by Valls (ca. 1702)

soprano ae en See — alto ee| eae Eee maar eo—:re

| iv fs |

soprano II

tenor and ee ee o accompaniment (op

*5The manuscript score preserved at Barcelona Cathedral has the year 1702 notated on its title-page. This page is reproduced in L6pez-Calo (1972), 355. Francisco Valls (ca. 1672— 1747) worked as maestro de capilla, succeeding Juan Barter, at Barcelona Cathedral from 1696 until his retirement in 1726. He continued to write music for the cathedral until at least 1740. Fur further biographical information, see Baltasar Saldoni y Remendo, Diccionario biogrdfico-bibliogrdfico de efemérides de miisicos espatioles vol. 2 (Madrid, 1880), 487— 90; and Lé6pez-Calo (1972), 355.

This musical example is based on the excerpt transcribed in Felipe Pedrell, Catdlech de la Biblioteca Musical de la Diputacié de Barcelona vol. | (Barcelona, 1908), 63.

62 THE HISTORICAL AND MUSICAL CONTEXT The controversy erupted in print in 1716, with one of the most critical attacks against Valls written by Martfnez de la Roca.* In all, close to eighty

opinions were issued in Spain between 1716 and 1720 regarding the validity of this passage. Only about forty Spanish musicians concluded their remarks with a definite judgment, with the supporters of Valls slight-

ly outnumbering his detractors.* The polemic assumed such magnitude that it was brought to the attention of Alessandro Scarlatti in Naples, and he decided to consider it in a short essay on counterpoint. Although Scarlatti acknowledges the expressive merit of Valls’s dissonant passage, in general he favors the retention of traditional conservative dissonance treatment in sacred polyphony.” In comparison with techniques found in other styles and in other countries, the dissonance in Valls’s passage is not particularly wild, for it is

metrically weak and resolves down by step. In fact much of the polemic was conducted by both sides within the framework of traditional contrapuntal theory. Thus many of the arguments were directed towards the question of whether one could justifiably consider the rest preceding the critical entry as equivalent in function to a consonance—by theoretically substituting (suponer) the pitch “g” or “b flat” for the res-—which would

Joaquin Martinez de la Roca, Elucidacién de la verdad, con que d{on] Joachin Martinez, organista principal de la santa iglesia cathedral de Palencia, intenta desvanecer las sombras, con que pretende obscurecerlas: el m[aest]ro don Francisco Valls, presvitero, maestro de capilla de la santa iglesia cathedral de Barcelona, en defensa de la entrada de el segundo tiple, en el “Miserere nobis,” de la missa intitulada “Scala aretina” (Valladolid, n.d.).

*The writings of the period are summarized in Pedrell vol. 1 (1908), 61-78; José LépezCalo, “L’intervento di Alessandro Scarlatti nella controversia sulla Messa ‘Scala Aretina’

di Francisco Valls,” Analecta musicologica 5 (1968) 178-87; and Lothar Siemens Hernandez, “Contribuci6n a la bibliograffa de las fuentes de la cuesti6n Valls,” Anuario musical 31-32 (1976), 195-223.

’There is no known extant copy of Scarlatti’s original essay. It has been preserved, however, in a German translation by Kirnberger under the heading “Antwort des Cavaliers ‘Alexander Scarlatti,’ ersten kdniglichen Capellmeisters zu Neopolis, auf ein aus einem Abendlande an ihn geschehenes Ansuchen,” originally published in Johann Philipp Kirnberger, Die Kunst des reinen Satzes in der Musik aus sicheren Grundsdtzen hergeleitet und mit deutlichen Beyspielen erldwert ... Zweyter Theil (Berlin, 1776-1779; facsimile edition,

Hildesheim, 1968) 3:143-162. At the outset Kirnberger claims that Scarlatti wrote this work in Naples in the year 1717. The translated essay is also reprinted in full and discussed in L6pez-Calo (1968), 188—200.

THE MUSICAL ENVIRONMENT IN SPAIN 63 then reduce the offending dissonance to a passing status.® These arguments obscure the important underlying issue, however—whether the composer of sacred polyphony had the creative right to consciously break the accepted rules of counterpoint on occasion, for such a purpose as em-

phasizing the text. Viewed in this light, the Spanish controversy is remarkably similar to the much earlier quarrel in Italy between Monteverdi and Artusi, which led to the formulation and acceptance of the seconda pratica.» That the Spanish dispute occurred more than 100 years after that of the Italians serves to demonstrate how deeply the older contrapuntal procedures were entrenched in Spanish church music. Never-

, theless, the time difference is misleading because the Spanish polemic concerned sacred polyphony, whereas the Italian one was waged in the realm of secular music. Moreover, in the Spanish treatises there is no explicit discussion of a term resembling the seconda pratica in meaning. Apart from noting that this provides yet another indication of the neglect of secular music by most Spanish theorists—and this is a logical consequence of the prevailing philosophy that the true musician should devote himself to religious music—it is important to realize that they could dispense with such a term because the division between sacred and secular music was so strongly established in Spanish theory. It was not that composers of secular music, especially instrumental works, did not employ new and daring treatments of dissonance (see pp. 68-71), but rather that theorists could discuss sacred vocal polyphony without having to refer to

secular or instrumental practice. | During the early 18th century, with the growing influx of foreign music, Spanish theorists regarded the treatment of dissonance as the principal criterion for differentiating Spanish vocal polyphony from the music

*8This is one of the arguments used by Valls himself, and which he mentions later in his manuscript treatise; Valls, EMn M.1071 chap. 14, f. 72v—73r. The concept of suposicién is discussed in my chap. 13, pp. 594-96. See Giovanni Maria Artusi, L’Artusi overo delle imperfettioni della moderna musica 3 vols. (Venice, 1600-1603; facsimile edition, Bologna, 1968); Claudio Monteverdi, II quinto libro de madrigali a cinque voci (Venice, 1605) “Studiosi lettori,” reprinted in facsimile in the modern edition by G. Francesco Malipiero, Tutti le opere di Claudio Monteverdi (Vienna, 1926) 5:iii; and Giulio Cesare Monteverdi, “Dichiaratione della lettera stampaca nel quinto libro de suoi madrigali” in Claudio Monteverdi, Scherzi musicali a tre voci (Venice, 1607), reprinted in facsimile in Malipiero (1926) 10:69-72. An excellent account of this dispute is given by Claude Palisca, “The Artusi-Monteverdi Controversy,” in The Monteverdi Companion, edited by Denis Arnold and Nigel Fortune (London, 1968), 133-66.

64 THE HISTORICAL AND MUSICAL CONTEXT of other countries. Nassarre, for example, places great emphasis throughout his large treatise on the need for a strict conservative control of dissonance; he claims that it is precisely this quality which establishes the superiority of Spanish polyphony over foreign music: There are only two reasons which have compelled me to publish this work. The first is to shed light on music so as to enable one to operate in accordance with reason, by means of rules of the art. For owing to the lack of writings, many govern themselves solely by the enticing charm of sonorities. In many sections of this work I have written about the use of the dissonant

intervals as well as about their characteristics, and I have provided rules concerning their proper employment, in order that good music might result. However, I have decided to give consideration to the matter in this section as well, because I have observed that a corrupt practice—which is more than a little destructive—has been introduced, which consists of making use of dissonant intervals in place of consonant ones. This abuse has been

introduced into our country by several foreigners. By means of the ornamentation which they add in their short songs, and by the fact that they do not confine themselves to the rules of good music, they have transmitted this disease to many of our compatriots. They in turn give no other reason to justify their actions, save that such music gives pleasure. I am not aware

that dissonant intervals can delight the listener. If such were indeed the case, then musicians of old would not have had to take so much care in arranging systematically for the proper use of dissonance, leaving us rules so

that we would not have to endure their bad effects. This corruption is widespread in music for solo voice, where the accompaniments incorporate dissonant intervals in some of the sections, contrary to the rules which the art of music provides for their use.©

Later he concedes that foreign music has some attractive qualities which could be advantageously adopted, but he argues that its freer use of dissonance should be scrupulously avoided: . . . for with regard to sonority, Spanish music carries a very great advantage over any other foreign style, because it avoids using dissonant intervals in any way other than those which I have explained in various sections

[of this treatise]. However in Italy and in other countries they use dissonances as though they were consonances. Even if the dissonances are caused by notes of short duration—which is the reason they give for their claim that the sound is pleasing—it would be more enjoyable if they used them in accordance with the rules of the art, as is done in Spain. And if such compositions give pleasure, it is because of the diminutions [glossa] SONassarre vol. 1 (1724) prologue, xx

THE MUSICAL ENVIRONMENT IN SPAIN 65 and the variety of rhythmic patterns [ayres], rather than the vertical sonorities. For this reason | have said that if Spanish musicians were to work with the same variety of rhythmic patterns and diminutions as foreigners do, then their music would be even more delightful, owing to the addition of a perfect control of vertical sonorities.®!

Francisco Valls also discusses musical styles by nationality, claiming

that Spanish sacred polyphony is the most praiseworthy because it embodies the traditional rules of composition: We Spaniards differ from musicians of other countries in the style of composition. For when we work, we adhere more closely than foreigners do to the rules of the art in compositions for more than two voices (as I have

already said). This style conforms to the rules practised by the Italian, French, Spanish, and German writers of old. However today, with the influx of ideas from beyond the mountains, the rules are no longer observed in the

pure form in which they were taught to us by our masters. This fault originates from the desire that the compositions merely delight the listener. For when one succeeds in this, one enjoys praise; and this is the only goal

such writers have. In addition this approach does not require so much work, . . .©

In light of the earlier polemics in which he engaged, it is not surprising that Valls avoids placing great emphasis here on dissonance treatment. Instead he chooses to praise Spanish polyphony for its use of the traditional devices of imitation, as well as for the full sonority of its polychoral texture. His praise, however, is tempered by the disparaging description he offers of contemporaneous practices in Spain: ... at the same time I am trying to avoid the two extremes which prevail in our Spanish music. Some people are so slack in its practice that they are only concerned that their compositions will flatter the listener, and therefore they imitate the Italians in everything. Others are so austere and so at-

tached to infantile rules, that they do not tolerate a slight violation, not even the exception which proves the rule, which is found in all disciplines. S!Nassarre vol. 2 (1723) Bk. III, chap. 8, 312. Nassarre presents a similar argument in vol. 2 (1723) Bk. III, chap. 13, 334. 6Valls, EMn M.1071 prologue, f. 5v. Valls, EMn M.1071 prologue, f. 6v—7r.

4Valls, E Mn M.1071 prologue, f. 4v. In the introductory letter to Valls’s treatise, Bermiddez states that one of the unfortunate problems of Spanish musical practice is that most professional musicians do not even know the rudiments of musical notation and theory, and can only learn musical pieces by rote; Gregorio Santisso Bermtidez, introductory letter (dated Oct. 2, 1742) in Valls, EMn M.1071, f. 3r.

66 THE HISTORICAL AND MUSICAL CONTEXT Valls admires the expressive quality and imaginative instrumentation of Italian opera, but he warns that it is highly improper to adopt this style for church music.“ With regard to French sacred music, Valls notes that some of its stylistic elements are commendable, although he finds that its overall effect is often tiresome. Despite the constant efforts of Spanish theorists to establish a strict division between sacred and secular music, in the practice of the times these two repertories were not mutually exclusive. The objections raised by several theorists, cited previously, indicate that beginning in the late

17th century some Spanish musicians began to adopt Italian operatic forms and styles for church music. Moreover, throughout the 17th century, popular dance-songs often intruded into the sacred sphere: most notably during the festivities for Corpus Christi, when they could be used in the streets by processional figures, or adapted by actors on stage-carts for inclusion in the dramatic autos sacramentales.

Instrumental Music Another type of musical classification system, which cuts across any theoretical boundaries erected between the sacred and the secular, is the division of music into instrumental style and vocal style. Each of these two broad categories can incorporate quite different compositional proce-

dures, and individual Spanish musicians rarely deal with both types in their treatises.”

The intersection of instrumental and sacred repertories extended beyond the realm of solo organ works and the realization of continuo accompaniments by the organ or harp. Where funds were available other in-

struments were also added in the performances of sacred vocal polyphony: at first to reinforce the voices by ornamentally doubling their

parts, and later, beginning in the late 17th century, in a more complex fashion by presenting independent melodic lines. Consequently the large

Valls, EMn M.1071 prologue, f. 6v.

Valls, E Mn M.1071 prologue, f. 6v. His description of French sacred music is based at least on an examination of some of the published works by Nicolas Bernier (“Vernier”) and André Campra (“Campra”)— see Valls, E Mn M.1071 chap. 27, f. 246v. 67One exception is Nassarre (1723-1724).

THE MUSICAL ENVIRONMENT IN SPAIN 67 musical capillas in Spain played an important role in the cultivation of instrumental playing. As early as the year 1601, a recommendation was issued to the effect that all types of wind and string instruments be taught to some of the choirboys in the royal chapel, in order to eliminate the expense of hiring outside instrumentalists for special performances.® During the late 16th and most of the 17th centuries, melodic wind instruments, such as the corneta (cormnett), sacabuche (sackbut), chirimia

(shawm), and bajén (a bass double-reed instrument), were particularly prominent at the royal chapel.® According to Solar-Quintes the post of maestro de los ministriles de la capilla real was probably created in April

1588, when this title was given to Juan Bautista de Medina, a cornett player (cantor alto de corneta).” An administrative recommendation from the middle of the following century states that the group of ministriles in the royal chapel should consist of twelve instrumentalists: eight shawm players (chirimfas) capable of doubling on comneta, bajén, or bajoncillo, and SE Mp, document dated Valladolid, June 9, 1601; as printed in Edmond van der Straeten, Les musiciens néerlandais en Espagne, vol. 2 (Brussels, 1888), 190, from a copy by Barbieri. A clear description of the chirimia is given in the Diccionairo de la lengua castellana, . . . por la Real Academia Espajila, vol. 2 (Madrid, 1729; facsimile edition, Madrid, 1964), 321-22; English translation in Martin McLeish, “An Inventory of Musical Instruments at the Royal

Palace, Madrid, in 1602,” Galpin Society Journal 21 (1968), 124. An earlier description is given in Sebasti4n de Covarrubias y Orozco, Tesoro de la lengua castellana, o espariola (Madrid, 1611), f. 294r-294v; modern edition by Martfn de Riquer (Barcelona, 1943), 436. The precise meanings of the term bajén, and its diminutive form bajoncillo, are less clear. Before assuming its modern meaning of bassoon, bajén appears to have been used as a designation for various types of wind instruments in the bass register. Nassarre vol. | (1724) Bk. IV, chap. 17, 480, seems to imply some sort of difference existed between the bajén and bass shawm. Perhaps in some instances the term bajén designated a curtal, a double-reed bass instrument with two internal channels in the form of a U; as suggested by Sibyl Marcuse, Musical Instruments: A Comprehensive Dictionary (corrected edition, New York, 1975) 136-37. An undated instrument of this type, perhaps constructed in the 17th century, survives at AVILA, Convento de la Encarnaci6n; detailed description by Rafael Pérez Arroyo, “Una vihuela de arco y un bajén del convento de la Encarnaci6n de Avila,” Revista de musicologica 3 (1980) 251-52, 257, and 259. There is no entry for the term bajén in Covarrubias (1611; revised 1674). The Diccionario . . . por la Real Academia

Espafiola vol. 1 (Madrid, 1726), 581, does provide a definition. The same dictionary describes the baxoncillo as a much smaller version of the baxén which plays in the tenor | register. Excerpts from E Mah Libros de Iglesia vol. 2 (years 1578-1591), which document his appointment, are transcribed in Nicol4s Alvarez Solar-Quintes, “Nuevas noticias de midsicos de Felipe II, de su época, y sobre impresién de misica,” Anuario musical 15 (1960), 200-1.

68 THE HISTORICAL AND MUSICAL CONTEXT four sackbut players (sacabuches).” With the appointment of Francisco de Valdes (or Baldes) to the position of maestro de ministriles in 1652, the king ordered that thenceforth the maestro was to be responsible for conducting instrumental classes, both for the improvement of the other ministriles in the royal employ, as well as for the instruction of any interested novice.” Instrumentalists in the employ of the various capillas did not ignore the secular repertory. The musical publications of such church musicians

as Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677) and Fern4ndez de Huete (1702) consist of dance-song variations. In addition, it is probable that instrumentalists in some of the Spanish capillas regularly assisted at secular festivities.”

Given the lack of aristocratic patronage, the reactionary attitudes to sacred music, and the popular nature of some of the repertory, it is under-

standable that so little Spanish instrumental secular music has been preserved. Nevertheless, there are two principal reasons for the historical importance of this repertory, and of dance-variations in particular. First,

in secular instrumental music composers were unhampered by the restraints of a conservative style which were imposed on sacred vocal polyphony. Thus secular instrumental music provides the context for the

use of new compositional procedures, and the formulation of new theoretical ideas; in contrast, sacred vocal music perpetuates many older stylistic, theoretical, and notational techniques. For example, Spanish keyboard music of the 17th century employs

dissonances which are not sanctioned by contemporaneous theory of polyphony. Moreover, unlike the passage in Valls’s Missa scala aretina (dis-

cussed on pp. 61-63), none of these instrumental dissonances seems to have provoked a serious controversy. In Spanish keyboard music of the period there are many cross-relations between a diatonic note and its “Transcribed in Straeten vol. 1 (1885), 437, from a document in E Mp dated Madrid, February 15, 1655. Transcribed in Straeten vol. 1 (1885), 436, from an unspecified document in E Mp. Valdes appears to have belonged to the royal chapel as a baxoncillo at least as early as 1633, and the confirmation of his promotion to maestro is dated Madrid, August 7, 1652. See the archival documents transcribed in Straeten vol. 2 (1888), 424; and vol. 1 (1885), 436. 73Straeten vol. 1 (1885), 437, draws this conclusion regarding those in the royal chapel, on the basis of an archival document (dated March 4, 1628) which states that the menestriles should participate in a performance of a mdscara.

THE MUSICAL ENVIRONMENT IN SPAIN 69 chromatic alteration.” In a typical cadential formula the cross-relation can arise between the lowered and raised forms of the seventh pitch-degree. In the early 18th century Nassarre (1723) even incorporates such a crossrelation without comment in one of his musical illustrations of suspensions (shown in musical example 2). Example 2. A cadential cross-relation in Nassarre vol. 2 (1723)

a = aZ 3 = =

=< : Q ST | u© aa a ‘ ¢2 ; ¢ es &£. ft

Some keyboard composers attempt to justify their use of unusual dissonances in terms of traditional theory and practice. Correa de Arauxo (1626) claims that although at first sight some of the dissonances in his tientos might appear to break the laws of good music, upon careful reflection the reader will find them to be valid.”* He goes on to announce a new kind of dissonance which he calls falsa de punto intenso contra remisso.” It

consists of a simultaneous cross-relation of a “minor semitone” (i.e., a diatonic note and its chromatic alteration), a diminished octave, or an {In various writings Apel emphasizes that this is characteristic of European keyboard music of the 16th and early 17th centuries. See, for instance, Willi Apel in his modern edition of Marco Facoli, Il secondo libro d’intavolatura di balli d'arpicordo (Venice, 1588); modern edition, Corpus of Early Keyboard Music vol. 2 (1963) preface, iv. 7Nassarre vol. 2 (1723) Bk. IV, chap. 6, 401. He does not specify the performing medium.

Correa de Arauxo (1626) “Advertencias,” f. |v; modern edition by Kasmer, MME 6 (1948), 37.

“Correa de Arauxo (1626) “Advertencias,” f. lv; modern edition by Kastmer, MME 6 (1948), 37. According to Bermudo a punto intenso refers to the second of two notes to which an accidental is added (natural or sharp) so that an ascending melodic semitone is changed into an ascending tone. A punto remisso refers to the second of two notes to which an accidental is added (natural or flat) so that an ascending melodic tone is changed into an ascending semitone. These definitions are given in Juan Bermudo, Comienga el Arte tripharia (Osuna, 1550; facsimile edition, Kassel, 1970) chap. 38, f. 34r—34v; English translation in Charles Jacobs, “The Performance Practice of Spanish Renaissance Keyboard Music” (Ph.D. dissertation, New York University, 1962), 177-78.

70 THE HISTORICAL AND MUSICAL CONTEXT augmented octave.’”® To defend this daring dissonance, Correa cites supposed precedents in the works of Gombert, Josquin, and Montanos.” He

directs the reader to three specific passages in his own tientos where he uses a simultaneous cross- relation.” One such passage is shown in musi-

sy , R | | a aa so POP

cal example 3.®!

Example 3. A simultaneous cross-relation in Correa de Arauxo (1626)

°a ‘eae po aaa = 3

* “R” stands for redoble, which is a type of trill (discussed in chapter 7).

Throughout the 17th century, sustained dissonances play a prominent role in Spanish keyboard tientos, especially in those known as tientos de falsas (of dissonances). This genre is similar to the Italian toccata di durezze e ligature (of dissonances and suspensions) in that the disso-

nances are often treated in novel ways. One important Spanish composer who cultivated this type of tiento was Juan Cabanilles.® Correa de Arauxo (1626) “Punto diez y siete,” f. 11v—12r; modern edition by Kastner, MME 6 (1948), 49. A “minor semitone” consists of 4 commas in contrast to a “major semitone” which consists of 5 commas. These semitones are discussed by many theorists, including Francisco de Montanos, Arte de musica thedrica y prdtica (Valladolid, 1598) “Tratado de proporcién,” f. 1Sv—16v.

“Correa de Arauxo (1626) “Punto diez y siete,” f. 12r-12v; modern edition by Kastner, MME 6 (1948), 50. 8Correa de Arauxo (1626) “Advertencias,” f. lv; modern edition by Kastner, MME 6 (1948), 37. §1Correa de Arauxo (1626) “Tiento de octavo tono,” f. 24v, m.153; modern edition by Kastner, MME 6 (1948), 52. All three passages are shown in the discussion of Correa’s falsa de punto intenso contra remisso by Willi Apel, The History of Keyboard Music to 1700,

translated and revised by Hans Tischler (Bloomington, Indiana, 1972), 528 and 533-34; and by Charles Jacobs, Francisco Correa de Arauxo (The Hague, 1973), 19-20, and 47, examples 2-4. 82 Apel (1972), 514-15.

8His tientos de falsas are discussed in Mary J. Corry, “The Keyboard Music of Juan Cabanilles: a Stylistic Analysis of the Published Works” (Ph.D. dissertation, Stanford University, 1965), 120-30; and in Arsenio Garcfa-Ferreras, Juan Bautista Cabanilles. Sein Leben und Werk (Die Tientos fiir Orgel) (Regensburg, 1973), 88-115.

THE MUSICAL ENVIRONMENT IN SPAIN 71 In the second half of the 17th century the opening themes of some keyboard tientos contain the melodic interval of a diminished fourth (between the raised seventh degree and the lowered third degree). In such tientos augmented triads sometimes occur in metrically strong positions. The following five works serve as examples:

(i) Bernabé, “Tiento de falsas de 1° tono, de Barnavé,” in E Bc M.751/21, pp. 333-37; modern edition by Higinio Anglés, BPSM 21 (1966), pp. 85-87. See musical example 4.

(ii) Juan Cabanilles, “Tiento de falsas le tono Cabanillas,” in E Bc M.729, f. 33r-34r; modern edition by Higinio Anglés, BPSM 4 (1927), pp. 4—5; reprinted in BPSM 20 (1965), pp. 79-80. See musical example 5.

(iii) José Jiménez, “Obra de le tono de lleno,” in EE Ms 30 (2.187), f. 85v—87r; modern edition by Higinio Anglés, BPSM 21 (1966), pp. 17-21. See musical example 6. (iv) “l? obra de 2° tono por ge sol re ut,” in E Mn M.1360, f. 37v—39r; modern edition by Higinio Anglés, BPSM 22 (1967), pp. 24-26. See musical example 7. (v) “4 obra de 4 tono de lleno,” in E Mn M.1360, f. 60v—69r; modern

edition by Higinio Anglés, BPSM 22 (1967), pp. 34-48. See musical example 8.

The second principal reason for the historical importance of secular instrumental music is that many of its sources—especially those for guitar or harp, where popular dance-variations predominate—are addressed to the novice and are designed for self-teaching. As a result, numerous traditional concepts of music theory are simplified. | would suggest that this simplification and modification of traditional ideas contributed, although often inadvertently, to the gradual formulation of more modern ideas of tuning, pitch organization, metric notation, and rhythmic structure.

“4Their frequency depends in part on how one decides to apply musica ficta.

72 THE HISTORICAL AND MUSICAL CONTEXT Examples 4~8. Melodic motives leading to augmented triads in some keyboard tientos of the second half of the 17th century

- eee

Example 4. Bernabé

b) augmented triad Es

a i. z__|AP !°—™ | ; AP ; ot tff 4? :|

a a = —— SS Example 5. Cabanilles

a) opening theme J.J a a) —

| we

b) augmented triad v . —_ ;

a | on as i | *!:

Example 6. Jiménez

*

=o or

:bo Ps ; ~ at| 5a—-e | So SES

b) augmented triad_ head nA a SS AE * ee _ "Re

er |*!

THE MUSICAL ENVIRONMENT IN SPAIN 73 Example 7. Anonymous

a) opening theme J./ 0 ma

a

b) augmented triad (32] : | | _

. | ft r Pree “Tf ese eee eee eee

Example 8. Anonymous

a) opening theme ij oe

SST

b) augmented triad 30] , | | eae , |

PP er Pop or | ! a oe = : ' — | . S

The pedagogical aim of many of the Spanish instrumental sources from the 17th and early 18th centuries is manifested in a variety of ways.®

Correa de Arauxo (1626) grades each of his organ pieces according to their difficulty, into one of five categories (grados).% In other collections the self-instructional purpose is specified by the author. Apparently ec-

clesiastics constituted an important group among the potential users of such works. For example, in a letter of approbation for the accompaniment treatise by Torres (1702), Sebasti4n Durén claims that one of the The same holds true for the 16th century. It has been pointed out that “all of the [7] printed vihuela tablatures are self-instructors.” John Ward, “The Vihuela de Mano and its Music (1536-76)” (Ph.D. dissertation, New York University, 1953), 65. °This pedagogical device first appears in a Spanish publication in the vihuela collection by Enrfquez de Valderr4bano, Libro de miisica de vihuela intitulado Silva de sirenas (Valladolid, 1547), who uses a system of three grados.

74 THE HISTORICAL AND MUSICAL CONTEXT most praiseworthy aspects of this publication is that it can be profitably used by monastic persons who do not have access to a music teacher.® The use of tablature instead of staff notation can also indicate that a collection is directed toward the novice. Tablature notation is appropriate for pedagogical purposes because it facilitates the initial progress of the

student by eliminating the necessity of learning the rudiments of music

theory.” Thus, in their appeal to as wide an audience as possible, musicans such as Fern4ndez de Huete could claim that the use of tabla-

ture in their publications served to simplify matters for the reader.” Correa de Arauxo advances the same argument in the prologue to his organ publication. Tablature notation does not specify the duration of individual notes within each voice-part. Instead, when rhythm is incorporated in the notation, it is indicated above the tablature lines by note-symbols which repre-

sent the musical time between successive note attacks. Therefore, in order to play rhythmically complicated pieces from tablature, an understanding of the meaning of the various note-shapes is necessary. This is one of the reasons why Correa de Arauxo, notwithstanding his prefatory remarks in praise of tablature, also emphasizes the importance of being able to understand staff notation. Mastery of this skill occupies first place in his list of recommendations for organists.°' The player who lacks this skill is at a severe disadvantage, but it is minimized, as Nassarre points out in his discussion of harp tablatures, when the notated pieces belong to the repertory of popular dance-songs: Many maintain that tablature is superior to musical staff notation, because one can play instrumental music from tablature very easily and without knowing much. However there is a great disadvantage, which is the difficulty of playing the rhythms [el ayre] which are required when there are many voice-parts, and there is the great danger that the player will not keep time properly. Those who do not understand staff notation [no saben cantar] 87Sebastia4n Duron, “Aprobacién .. .” in Torres y Martinez Bravo (1702), vii.

Ward (1953), 65, expresses this idea as follows: “It is the special grace of tablature that the utter amateur can perform the most intricate music, without, in any technical sense, understanding it; the ability to read tablature is a substitute for theoretical knowledge.” §9Fern4ndez de Huete vol. 2 (1704), 14-15.

Correa de Arauxo (1626) “Prélogo en alabanca de la cifra,” vii; modern edition by Kastner, MME 6 (1948) 35. 91Correa de Arauxo (1626) chap. 10, f. 24v; modern edition by Kastner, MME 6 (1948)

preface, 65. |

THE MUSICAL ENVIRONMENT IN SPAIN 75 can only execute the correct rhythms from tablature when the works are passacalles, or short pieces which are popular at court [sonecitos de palacio},

because they already know the rhythms by heart, and therefore they can perform such works without the risk of losing the beat. However it is more difficult for those who do not understand staff notation to perform accurately more substantial works and pieces which they have never heard before. Consequently | have always maintained that a more proper procedure is that the person who is to perform on any instrument, should first know how to sing from staff notation, before he is allowed to perform notated music with his hands.”

Apart from the promotion of pedagogical objectives, there are three other important reasons for the use of tablature. First, its prescriptive na-

ture is particularly suitable for plucked string instruments where the player does not control the precise duration of all the notes. Second, in manuscript sources it occupies less space than its equivalent in staff nota-

tion. Third, in music printing of the time, tablature was a much easier notation to implement than either two-stave “keyboard” notation or score notation.” Music printing by typography in western Europe during the 17th century employed a process known as “single impression,” in which the individual pieces of type consisted of a note already placed on a short segment of staff lines.*4 With this kind of fount it was not possible to align one note vertically under another on the same staff. Therefore, for music exceeding two voice-parts, keyboard notation was impractical. Furthermore, tablature was preferable to score notation because it occupied

less space, and because some forms of tablature were not restricted to music with a fixed number of voice-parts. The other kind of process used for music printing was that of engraving, and tablature was here also the most practical notation. Engraving was rarely employed for staff notation

Nassarre vol. | (1724) Bk. III, chap. 19, 351. >This is one of the reasons adduced by Fernandez de Huete vol. 2 (1704), 15, to justify his use of tablature. “For further information on single impression typography, see Daniel Heartz, Pierre Attaingnant: Royal Printer of Music: A Historical Study and Bibliographical Catalogue (Berkeley

and Los Angeles, 1969), 43-60; and D.W. Krummel, English Music Printing 1553-1700 (London, 1975), 5-9.

16 THE HISTORICAL AND MUSICAL CONTEXT before the 18th century, in part because of the technical expertise required by the engraver.® It was only after 1700, with the softening of the metallic composition of the plates and the use of punches for many of the musical symbols, that engraving—as exemplified in the publications of John Walsh in London and Estienne Rogier in Amsterdam—superseded typography for the publication of music in staff notation.

95One of the earliest examples of engraving used for two-stave keyboard notation is the elegant publication issued in Rome by Nicolo Borbone of Girolamo Frescobaldi, Toccate e partite d'intavolatura de cimbalo . . . Libro primo (Rome, 1615-1616; 4th edition, Rome, 1637); facsimile edition, Archivum musicum 3 (Florence, 1978). Christopher Blancus, the name of the engraver, is given at the bottom of p. i. %For a brief historical synopsis of the use of engraving for music printing, see A. Hyatt King, Four Hundred Years of Music Printing (London, 1964), 17-23.

CHAPTER FOUR

@@@@@46

Publishing and Music Printing in Spain Forms of Censorship During the 16th, 17th, and early 18th centuries few music publications of any kind were issued in Spain. The small number of music publi-

cations does not appear to accurately reflect the amount of musical activity which existed; for in Spain there were numerous constraints of a bureaucratic, theological, economic, and technical nature which impeded publishing in general and music printing in particular.' Government censorship of all published material was introduced in Spain as early as the year 1502, and it persisted until the early 19th century. It was enforced by making government licenses mandatory for all lAn incomplete list of extant music publications from the 16th and 17th centuries is given by Higinio Anglés, “Die Musiknotendruck des 15.—17. Jahrhunderts in Spanien,” in Musik und Verlag. Karl Vétterle zum 65. Geburstag, edited by Richard Baum and Wolfgang Rehm (Kassel, 1968), 145-48. It consists of 19 publications of vocal polyphony (issued between 1555 and 1637); 9 collections for solo vihuela, keyboard, or harp (1536-1626); 2 treatises which deal with keyboard music (1555 and 1565); and 4 guitar publications (1586-1694). Anglés neglects to include the vihuela collection by Miguel de Fuenllana, Libro de miisica para vihuela, intitulado Orphénica lyra (Seville, 1554); the keyboard publication of Manuel Rodrfguez Coelho, Flores de mtisica: pera o instrumento de tecla, & harpa (Lisbon, 1620); as well as most music treatises of the period. In addition he cites the wrong date of publica- | tion for both the vihuela collection by Luis Mil4n, Libro de miisica de vihuela de mano. In-

titulado El Maestro (Valencia, 1536), and the guitar publication of Francisco Guerau, Poema harménico, compuesto de varias cifras. Por el temple de la guitarra espaftola (Madrid, 1694),

tl

78 THE HISTORICAL AND MUSICAL CONTEXT books published in Spain or imported from other countries. (See Plates 1 and 2 for the title-page and royal license of the harp book by Fernandez

de Huete [1702].) Unauthorized books were to be confiscated and burned publicly. Offending publishers or booksellers had to forfeit any money received and pay a fine equal to the value of the books.? From 1554 onwards, the power of issuing licenses was confined to the Royal Council. To prevent any textual alterations during the interim between the approval and the publication of a work, the Council could retain a copy of the original manuscript for comparison with the printed version. Thus for some large publications a list of corrections (Fe de erratas) was compiled by an official corrector general por su magestad, and it was included among the prefatory material of the printed edition.‘ (See Plate 3.) In 1558 Felipe II increased the penalties for violating the governmental regulations, to include larger fines, imprisonment, and, in the case of heretical intent, the death sentence.> Throughout the 17th and 18th centuries this law was re-enacted with various amendments: for example, by Felipe III in 1610; Felipe IV — June 3, 1627; Carlos II — May 8, 1682; Felipe V — June 30, 1705, and October 24, 1728; Fernando VI — November 22, 1752; and Carlos III — July 1, 1784.6

The decree passed by Felipe IV is particularly important because it indicates that the government wished to reduce the number of publications of a recreational or popular nature: Don Felipe IV in Madrid, on June 13, 1627. “Observance of the preceding laws; and the unconditional prohibition of publishing any papers without the licenses which must be arranged beforehand.” We order that the regulations set forth in the first, second, third, and following laws of this section [i-e., Bk. VIII, section xvi] be observed and maintained. We strongly charge that particular care and attention be exercised in eliminating the publication of books which are neither indispensable nor useful; as well as materials which should or could be avoided, or whose con-

tent is not important. For at present there is an over-abundance of these

2Novisima recopilacion de las leyes de Espafia (Madrid, 1805-1807) Bk. VIII, section xvi, law 1; vol. 4, p. 122. 3 Novtsima recopilacién (1805— 1807) Bk. VIII, section xvi, law 2; vol. 4, p. 123.

‘For example, in the music treatise by Pablo Nassarre, Escuela miisica, segin la prdctica moderna vol. 1 (Zaragoza, 1724; facsimile edition, Zaragoza, 1980), xxii. SNovtsima recopilacién (1805-1807) Bk. VIII, section xvi, law 3; vol. 4, p. 123. 6Novtsima recopilacién (1805-1807) Bk. VIII, section 16, laws 7, 9, 10, 11, 14, 22, and 31.

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q DE ZIFRAS ARMONICAS,CON THEORICA, Y PRACTICA, #23

CO ee S, _—«~Harpifia de ta Santa Iglefia de Toledo, Primada =

== COMPVESTO POR DON DIEGO FERNADEZ DE HVETE, GR

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a ae TT privilegio de fr Mageftad , por tiempode diez afios , Don Diego Ms Fernandez Huete , para poder imprimir vn Libro intitulado : Compendio

numtrofo de Zifras armonicas , con Theorica , y Practica , para Harpa deuna orden , de dos ordenes ,y Organo. Sin que otra perfona lo pueda imprimir ,fin fts

confentimiento fo graves penas contenidas en dicho Privilegio , como confta de {a Original , defpachado en el Oficio de Don Jofeph Francifco de Aguitia-

no , Efcrivano de Camara del Confejo, fu fecha en Madrid, a25. diasdelmeq Oe peers Da ae MERA Pes ke Ar brepern Be | de Febrero de 1698, aiios, :a

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Plate 1 (above). Fernandez de Huete (1702), title-page | Plate 2 (below). Fernandez de Huete (1702), f.*3v |

80 THE HISTORICAL AND MUSICAL CONTEXT works; and it would be well to keep away from them, and to see to it that superfluous works—from which neither general benefit nor utility can be expected—are not issued in print and that they do not gain any attention.”

This law accords with the government policy of the 16th, 17th, and early 18th centuries which, in the face of growing economic difficulties, attempted to curb private expenditure on luxuries, particularly by the aristocracy. During this period various regulations were passed to discourage extravagent dress, and to limit the number and type of servants employed by each family.’ Given this attitude on the part of the government, it is

not surprising that musicians and theorists took every opportunity to proclaim the high value of their subject; and to argue that, far from being a superficial pursuit, music provided a useful way to glorify God.

The government also hindered the development of printing and bookselling in Spain by controlling the amount of profits. Beginning in 1598, and continuing until the second half of the 18th century, the Royal Council determined the retail price (tassa) of every book offered for sale in

the country. (See Plate 3.) The plight of book dealers worsened after 1639 when Felipe IV included books—which previously had enjoyed exemption from all sales taxes—under his new tax laws known as the seis millones."

Even when the prospective publications were clearly of a utilitarian and non-controversial nature, the most enthusiastic authors and willing publishers must have been discouraged in the face of the bureaucratic procedures with which they had to comply. To recapitulate the government regulations discussed so far: Death and confiscation were decreed for any one who should give out for printing a book without first submitting it to the Royal Council for examination when, if found unobjectionable, a license would be issued. To prevent ‘Novtsima recopilacién (1805-1807) Bk. VIII, section xvi, law 9; vol. 4, p. 127. 8For some of the laws which were enacted between 1534 and 1723 concerning dress and the employment of servants, see respectively Novisima recopilacién (1805-1807) Bk. VI, section xii, law 1, vol. 3, pp. 182-85; and Bk. VI, section xvi, laws 2, 3, 4, 5, 6 and 7, vol. 3, pp. 212-15. Descriptions of some of these measures are scattered throughout the study by Martin Hume, The Court of Philip IV: Spain in Decadence (London, 1907). *Novisima recopilacién (1805-1807) Bk. VIII, section xvi, law 5; vol. 4, p. 126. Price con-

trol persisted until November 14, 1762, when it was finally abolished for most books by . Carlos III. See Novisima recopilacién (1805-1807) Bk. VIII, section xvi, law 23; vol. 4, . 135. lOPointed out by Pedro Bohigas, El libro espafiol (Ensayo histérico) (Barcelona, 1962), 214.

PUBLISHING AND MUSIC PRINTING IN SPAIN 81 alterations, every page of the manuscript must be signed by a secretary of the royal chamber, who must rubricate every correction and state at the end the number of pages and corrections. After printing, the manuscript must be returned with one or two printed copies for comparison. Every book must have

in front the license, the tassa or price at which it was sold, the privilege, if there was one, and the names of author, printer and place of publication. New editions were subject to the same regulations, .. .!!

In addition to these laws, one also had to contend with the censorship imposed by the Inquisition, which was rigorously enforced. The Spanish Inquisition controlled the dissemination of ideas by dealing with native and foreign books already in print, as well as with Spanish works submitted for publication. Spanish Indices of condemned books were compiled by the inquisitor-general and issued between 1559 and 1790." Each Index listed some books which were to be banned outright, as well as others in which objectionable passages were to be expurgated.

Inquisitorial censorship was entrenched in law by the government, beginning in 1558 with the severe edict passed by Felipe II. Thereafter all imports were scrutinized, especially at the shipping ports, to prevent the

entrance of condemned books printed in other countries.* Moreover, bookstores, public libraries, and private collections were examined constantly by inspectors—called revisores de libros—who were appointed in vast numbers by the Inquisition.’ The official readers of the Inquisition, known. as calificadores del Santo Oficio, were also employed to scrutinize the religious and moral content of Spanish works which were submitted for publication. Thus, even music publications often include among their prefatory material letters of approval (aprobaciones) written by respected musicians, and sometimes also by ecclesiastical officials, to testify that the book is a useful one, and that it does not contain anything contra nuestra santa fe. In some books the sanctioning declaration granted by the inquisitor or his delegate is printed as well (see Plate 4). The combined censorship imposed by the government and the In-

quisition made the publication of any work an arduous task. Further''Henry Charles Lea, A History of the Inquisition of Spain (New York, 1906-1907; reprinted New York, 1966), 3:489. '2For particulars see Lea (1906-1907), 3:484-97. '3Novtsima recopilacién (1805-1807) Bk. VIII, section xvii, law 1; vol. 4, 152—53. '4See Lea (1906-1907), 3:510. 'SAccording to Lea (1906-1907) 3:498.

FEE DE ERRATAS. P*s s.coluna 1. lin. 5 .adverteneias , lee advertencias. La mifma pagin.s :

colun. 2. lin. 16. Reglas, lee Rayas. Pagin. 8. colun. 2. lin. 5. y el indice, lee , y con el indice. De orden del Confejo he vifto efte libro intitulado: Zifras armonicas de Harpa 3 y quitadas eftas erratas , correfponde con fu Original. Madrid , y Marco 58 de 1702. , Lic. D. fofeph del Rio, Correétor general por fa Mag.

SVMA DE LA TASSA. ASSARON los Seftores del Confejo. , efte Libro intitulado : Compendto

T numerofo , de Zifras , para Harpa, af{cis matavedis cada pliego , como confta de la Certificacion que de ella did., Don Jofeph Francifco de Aguitiano , Efcriyano de Camara del Confejo.

§§ CAR-

LICENCIA- DEL ORDINARIG Et Licenciado Don Marcos Cabrejas, y Molina , Canonigo en la Sama

Iglefia de efta Ciudad de Toledo, del Confejo de la. Governacion del

Cardenal mi Sefior , Contador Mayor de Rentas dezimales , Inquifidor :, y Vis cariofeGencral en ella ,: yE/todo fu Argobifpado. la prefente doy Heencia pasa que pueda imprimir Compendio sumer ofoPor de Zifeas armonicas , con T beorica ,y Prattica , para el Harpa de una orden , de dos ordenes, y de Organo. Compucfto por Don Diego Fernandez de Huete , Harpiftaen dicha Samra. Iglefia, por quanto por mi mandado , ha fido examinado, y no tiene cofa que fe opon-

gaa nueftra Santa Fe, y buenas coftumbres , ances fcrade mucha yeilidad, y provecho. Dada en Toledo , a8. dias del mes de Odtubre de 1699. Lic. D. Marcos Cabrejas,y Molina.

Por fu mandado. fuan Lopez, Temprado, Notario Publico.

APRO-

Plate 3 (above). Fernandez de Huete (1702), f. *4r Plate 4 (below). Ferndndez de Huete (1702), f. *2v

PUBLISHING AND MUSIC PRINTING IN SPAIN 83 more, as Lea points out, it exerted a most adverse influence on the intellectual and cultural life in Spain: Authorship was discouraged by the uncertainty whether works, on which perhaps years of labor had been spent, would secure a license to print; the

business of publication was rendered extra-hazardous by the fact that a book, printed with due license from the state, might at any moment be prohibited by the Inquisition and the whole edition be seized and destroyed,

while purchasers who had bought such a licensed book were liable to be deprived of it without compensation. Thus between the state and the Inquisition, whether working in unison or at cross-purposes, the intellectual development which, in the sixteenth century, promised to render Spanish literature and learning the most illustrious in Europe, was stunted and starved into atrophy, the arts and sciences were neglected, commercial and industrial progress was rendered impossible, and the character which Spain acquired among the nations was tersely expressed in the current saying that Africa began at the Pyrenees."

In the field of music, another factor which contributed to the small number of published works is the secretive atmosphere which appears to have prevailed among many professional musicians. In the early 17th cen-

tury Cerone criticizes the high degree of envy which he finds among Spanish musicians, and which he attributes in large part to the keen competitions which were held to fill the existing prestigious posts.” The at-

mosphere remained unchanged later in the century, according to the concerns expressed by Lorente: At present our Spain possesses and enjoys many very remarkable individuals with illustrious talents, who are learned both in musical composition as well as on all kinds of musical instruments. More is the pity that there exists so much greed, anxiety, avarice, and envy among some men, that it grieves them if another person knows something skillful (in any of the arts), and even more if that person communicates his knowledge to others. For such men are not only determined to pass on to the other life—

with that which God, our Lord, in his divine compassion and mercy was . pleased to grant them—without any intention of disclosing their knowledge in this one; they also wish that everyone else would take their knowledge with them to the grave, without imparting it to others. Whence it follows Lea (1906-1907), 3:549. '/Pedro Cerone, El melopeo y maestro (Naples, 1613; facsimile edition, Bologna, 1969) vol. 1, Bk. I, chap. 31 “De los embidiosos y de mala entrafias; particularmente de los que no quieren ensefiar fielmente; y de los effectos de la embidia,” 111-14.

84 THE HISTORICAL AND MUSICAL CONTEXT that, even though there are such skillful talented people with such sensitive powers of discernment, and such illustrious understanding (as I have said), the arts may be on the verge of extinction.

In the realm of sacred polyphony, yet another reason for the paucity of music publications in Spain during the 17th and early 18th centuries has been proposed by Lépez-Calo. He argues that, given the nature of the repertory generally performed in the Spanish churches, published works would rarely be of service: [The church music which was performed] also rendered music printing in Spain almost useless, as the music to be sung, if in vernacular, had to be newly composed for each feast; if in Latin it was also, as a rule, by the same composer or his predecessors in the office, or was already in the archives ....

Finally, each church or cathedral, because of the church’s liturgical rules

and the peculiar national or local usages had particular practices or ceremonies requiring compositions which could find no place elsewhere: for instance, the Salves en romance (Salves in vernacular) in Burgos, the siestas (sacred concerts in the early afternoon) and the villancicos in honour of the patron saint of each church.”

Financial Obstacles Without question, the high cost of music printing in Spain was a major obstacle which prevented many composers and theorists from publishing their works, especially when financial support from a patron was lacking. The large expense involved is illustrated by the contract for

the posthumous publication of the keyboard works of Antonio de Cabez6n, which was drawn up between his son, Hernando de Cabezén, and the Madrid printer Francisco S4nchez on May 29, 1576.” For a print-

ing of 1,225 copies, Hernando de Cabez6n agreed to pay more than 173,740 maravedis (i.e., 5,110 reales) plus the cost of the paper to be im-

ported from Genoa. This sum included the cost of all the punches, matrices, and type which had to be cut, struck, and cast to produce the \8Andrés Lorente, El porqué de la miisica (Alcal4 de Henares, 1672) “Epfstola recomen-

datoria...,” vii. I9Tosé L6pez-Calo, “The Spanish Baroque and Francisco Valls,” Musical Times 113 (1972), 353. 2°The resulting music publication was: Antonio de Cabezén, Obras de miisica para tecla arpa vihuela, . . . Recopiladas y puestas en cifra por Hernando de Cabegén su hijo (Madrid, 1578). Each copy consists of a title-page, 12 prefatory folios, and 201 folios of tablature.

PUBLISHING AND MUSIC PRINTING IN SPAIN 85 edition. In the contract Francisco S4nchez agreed to surrender these materials to Hernando upon completion of the edition, thereby ensuring that no unauthorized reprint would be subsequently issued.?! Hernando de Cabez6n occupied a prestigious musical position at the royal court as muisico de tecla de la capilla y cdmara de su magestad. Nevertheless, the cost

of having this collection of his father’s works published exceeded his annual salary of 150,000 maravedis specified in 1574, even though he had received a substantial raise in that year.”

A quarter of a century later, music printing costs were even higher,

according to the information contained in two contracts arranged between individual composers and the Typographia Regia.” In 1598 Victoria signed a contract with Julio Junti de Modesti in which he agreed to pay 85,000 maravedfs (i.e., 2,500 reales) for a printing of only 200 copies of a collection of his sacred polyphony.” In 1602 Lobo de Borja arranged

to have Julio Junti (legally represented by Juan Flamenco) print 130 copies of a collection of his sacred vocal music. In the following year Lobo

de Borja (represented by Luis de Victoria) paid the enormous sum of 201,847 maravedts (i.e., 5,936 reales and 23 maravedts) for the publication.2> The larger expense incurred by each of these two composers in comparison with Hernando de Cabezén, was most likely caused by the decline of the Spanish currency; the smaller size of the printing runs, and the use of staff notation rather than tablature. 21E Mah Protocolo de Franciso Martinez, 1576, f. 447; as transcribed together with most of the original text in Felipe Pedrell, “Addendae a las biograffas de Antonio de Cabezén y Hernando, su hijo,” in his Hispaniae schola misica sacra vol. 8 (Barcelona, 1898; reprinted New York and London, 1971), xvi—xviii. I have not had the opportunity of consulting the complete transcription of this contract in Cristébal Pérez Pastor, “Escrituras de concierto para imprimir libros,” Revistas de archivos, biblotecas y museos 3 (1897), 363-~71.

2? Transcribed from an original document, dated Ar4njuez, May 13, 1574, by Pedrell vol. 8 (1898), viii-x. ?3Both contracts are described in Robert Stevenson, Spanish Cathedral Music in the Golden Age (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1961), 262-63. ’4The resulting publication was: Tom4s Luis de Victoria, Missae, magnificat, motecta, psalmi, & alia quam plurima (Madrid, 1600). The printing contract is dated Madrid, October 1, 1598, and is transcribed in Crist6bal Pérez Pastor, Bibliografia madrilefia o descripcién de las obras impresas en Madrid, vol. 3 (Madrid, 1907), 518-19; from the original document in E Mah Protocolo de Pedro de Prato, 1598. 23 Alfonso Lobo de Borja, Liber primus missarum (Madrid, 1602). Both the contract (dated

Madrid, August 30, 1602) and the receipt for the payment (dated Madrid, March 4, 1603) are summarized in Pérez Pastor vol. 2 (1906), 39~40; from the original documents in E Mah Protocolo de Diego Rom4n (1602), f. 624, and (1603), f. 108.

86 THE HISTORICAL AND MUSICAL CONTEXT There are other indications that the normal procedure in such undertakings was that the composer, theorist, or editor, rather than the printer, was required to assume the costs of publication. The most persuasive argument to support this view —and one which has been formulated by Ward with respect to the 16th century—is that this practice can be inferred from the observation that in Spain the copyright privileges were generally accorded to the composer, not the printer. As explained above, a royal license was required for every publication issued in Spain. Athough the original was retained by the government, some music publications include a summary—under the title Suma de la licencia or Suma del privilegio—which occasionally specifies the holder and terms of the copyright. In such instances the author is almost invariably named as the exclusive holder of the printing rights for a period of ten years.”? 6John Ward, “The Vihuela de Mano and its Music (1536-76),” (Ph.D. dissertation, New York University, 1953), 131, who also points out that in Italy the copyright was generally vested in the printer. 21See, for example, the following music publications: Francisco Salinas, De musica libri septem (Salamanca, 1577; facsimile edition, Kassel, 1958); Lorente (1672); Lucas Ruiz de Ribayaz, Luz, ‘y norte musical, para caminar por las cifras de la guitarra espajiola, y arpa (Madrid, 1677; facsimile edition, Geneva, 1976); Diego Fernandez de Huete, Compendio — numeroso de zifras arménicas, con theérica, y prdctica, para harpa de una orden, de dos 6rdenes,

y de drgano vol. I (Madrid, 1702); Nassarre vol. 1 (1724); and Pablo Minguet y Yrol, Reglas, y advertencias generales que ensefian el modo de tafier todos los instrumentos mejores, ‘y

mds usuales (Madrid, ca. 1754). The license is granted to the author, but without any mention of copyright privileges, in Guerau (1694) and in Joseph de Torres y Martinez Bravo, Reglas generales de acompaviar en érgano, clavicordio, y harpa (Madrid, 1702; and the revised

edition, Madrid, 1736). As editor and publisher of the revised edition of the treatise by Pablo Nassarre, Fragmentos misicos (Madrid, 1700), Torres y Martinez Bravo was named as the copyright holder for ten years because of a printing monopoly which he obtained in that year (discussed later in this chapter). The following works do not provide information concerning printing rights: Juan Carlos Amat, Guitarra espafiola, y vandola, en dos maneras de guitarra, castellana, y cathalana de cinco érdenes (1st edition, not extant, probably Barcelona, ca. 1596; earliest extant edition, Lérida, 1626; revised edition, Gerona, ca. 17611766: facsimile edition, Monaco, 1980); Coelho (1620); Francisco Correa de Arauxo, Libro de tientos y discursos de misica prdctica, y thedrica de érgano, intitulado Facultad orgdnica

(Alcal4, 1626; facsimile edition, Geneva, 1981); Juan de Esquivel Navarro, Discursos sobre el arte del dancado (Seville, 1642; facsimile edition, Madrid, 1947); Gaspar Sanz, Inseruccién

de musica sobre la guitarra espavtola (Zaragoza, 1674 and ca. 1675; facsimile edition, Zaragoza, 1952); Canciones francesas, de todos ayres para todos los instrumentos (Madrid, ca. 1701); Antonio de la Cruz Brocarte, Medula de la miisica thedérica (Salamanca, 1707); Santiago de Murcia, Resumen de acompajftar la parte con la guitarra (n.p., 1714; facsimile edition, Monaco, 1980); Pedro de Ulloa, Musica universal, o principios universales de la miisica

(Madrid, 1717); and Pablo Minguet y Yrol, Arte de danzar a la francesa (Madrid, 17581764).

PUBLISHING AND MUSIC PRINTING IN SPAIN 87 Individual Publishers and Printing Technology The difficulties facing composers and theorists were compounded by the fact that there were very few Spanish firms which specialized in music

printing. During the 16th century, six of the nine vihuela and keyboard publications were each issued by a different company. The publishers, arranged by city, were as follows:

(a)in Alcala de Henares: Joan de Brocar for Venegas de Henestrosa (1557) (b)in Madrid: Francisco SAnchez for Cabezé6n (1578)

(c)in Salamanca: Guillermo Millis and the composer for Diego Pisador, Libro de musica de vihuela (Salamanca, 1552; facsimile edition, Geneva, 1973) (d)in Seville: Juan de Leén for Alonso Mudarra, Tres libros de miisica en cifras para vihuela (Seville, 1546); and Martfn de Montesdoca for Fuenllana (1554)?8

(e)in Valencia: Francisco Dfaz Romano for Milan (1536)

From the names which are given, it appears that the remaining three instrumental books were published by the same firm in Valladolid: (a) Diego Hernandez Cérdova for Luis de Narvd4ez, Los seys libros del Delphin de miisica de cifras para tafier vihuela (Valladolid, 1538; facsimile edition, Madrid, 1981)

”8In the middle of the 16th century, Seville and nearby Osuna were important centers for music publishing in Spain. Juan de Leén, who acted as the official printer for the University of Osuna, also issued a collection of vocal works by Juan V4squez, Villancicos i can-

clones... a tres y a quatro (Osuna, 1551); as well as the treatises by Juan Bermudo, Comienga el libro primero de la Declaracién de instrumentos (Osuna, 1549); Comienca el Arte tripharia (Osuna, 1550); and Comienga el libro lamado Declaracién de instrumentos musicales

(Osuna, 1555). In the same decade Martin de Montesdoca also published: Francisco Guerrero, Sacrae cantiones, vulgo moteta nuncupata, quatuor et quinque vocum (Seville, 1555); and Juan Vasquez, Agenda defunctorum (Seville, 1556). In passing, note that the

treatise by Salinas (1577) was issued at another university town—in Salamanca by Mathias Gastius.

88 THE HISTORICAL AND MUSICAL CONTEXT (b) Francisco Fernandez de Cérdova for Enrfquez de Valderr4bano, Libro de musica de vihuela, intitulado Silva de sirenas (Valladolid,

1547) (c) Diego Fernandez de Cérdova for Esteban Daza, Libro de mtisica en cifras para vihuela, intitulado El Parnasso (Valladolid, 1576; facsimile edition, Madrid, 1983)

In the 17th century there was even less specialization, particularly with regard to instrumental collections and treatises. No two publications from the 17th century which are used in this study—aside from later editions and reprintings—were issued by the same company. Moreover, none

of the family names occurs in the preceding lists for the sources of the 16th century. The publishers, arranged by city, were as follows:

(a)in Alcal4 de Henares: Antonio Arnao for Correa de Arrauxo (1626); and Nicol4s de Xamares for Lorente (1672) (b)in Lérida: the widow Anglada and Andrés Lorenco for Amat (1626) (c)in Lisbon: Pedro [i.e., Pieter van] Craesbeeck for Coelho (1620)3!

(d)in Madrid: Melchor Alvarez for Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677); and Manuel Ruiz de Murga for Guerau (1694) (e)in Seville: Juan Gémez de Blas for Esquivel Navarro (1642)

°Francisco Fernandez also published the treatise by Tom4s de Santa Marfa, Libro llamado Arte de tafier fantasfa (Valladolid, 1565; facsimile edition, n.p., 1972).

Diego. Fernandez styles himself impressor de su magestad on the title-page. Diego Fernandez also published a treatise by Martin de Tapia, Vergel de miisica spiritual speculativa

y activa (Burgos de Osma, 1570). Later in the century a Diego Fernandez de Cérdova y Obiedo published a treatise by Francisco de Montanos, Arte de miisica thedrica y prdtica (Valladolid, 1592). >!Pedro Craesbeeck also published the treatise by Antonio Fernandez, Arte de miisica de canto dorgam e canto cham, et proporcdes de musica divididas harménicamente (Lisbon, 1626); as well as two collections of sacred polyphony by Manuel Cardoso, Cantica beatae Mariae virginis, quaternis et quinis vocibus (Lisbon, 1613), and Missae quaternis, quinis, et sex vocibus.

Liber primus (Libson, 1625). Three other publications by Craesbeeck which are noted by Edmond van der Straeten, Les musiciens néerlandais en Espagne vol. 2 (Brussels, 1888), 228-29, but which are not listed in RISM series A, are the following collections: Francisco Garcfa, Missas de varios tonos (Lisbon, 1609); and Emmanuel de Pifia, Villancicos :y romances a la navidad del nifio Jesvi, nuestra sefiora ‘y varios sanctos vol. 1 (Lisbon, 1615) and vol. 2 (Lisbon, 1618). Pedro’s son, Paulo Craesbeeck, published the partial catalogue of the Portuguese royal library, entitled Primeira parte do index da livraria de misica do muyto alto e poderoso rey dom Jodo o IV (n.p., 1649; facsimile edition, Lisbon, 1967).

PUBLISHING AND MUSIC PRINTING IN SPAIN 89 (f) in Zaragoza: the heirs (herederos) of Diego Dormer for Sanz (1674 and ca. 1675); and Tom4s Gaspar Martfnez for Pablo Nassarre, Fragmentos misicos (Zaragoza, 1683).

In the early part of the 17th century, however, there was one publishing house in Madrid which did more music printing. The most prestigious firm in the country, which was called the Typographia Regia, otherwise known as the Imprenta Real, issued at least five collections of sacred polyphony between 1598 and 1628.32 The Typographia Regia was

a private company which was originally directed by three printers of foreign origin. It issued a wide variety of publications throughout the 17th

century. It was founded by the Italian printer Julio Junti de Modesti, who had moved to Spain and worked in Salamanca before being invited by the king in 1592 to establish his press in Madrid.** Until his death in 1619, Julio Junti maintained close relations with other members of his family in Venice and Florence, and for at least one year, 1611, he was

32In chronological order these publications, which are also mentioned by Anglés (1968), 147, are: Philippe Rogier, Missae sex (Madrid, 1598); Tomé4s Luis de Victoria, Missae, magnificat, motecta, psalmi, & alia quam plurima (Madrid, 1600); Alfonso Lobo de Borja, Liber primus missarum (Madrid, 1602); Tomas Luis de Victoria, Officium defunctorum, sex vocibus (Madrid, 1605); and Sebastién Lépez de Velasco, Libro de missas, motetos, salmos, magnfficas y otras cosas tocantes al culto divino (Madrid, 1628). The same company later issued a revised version of the treatise by Francisco de Montanos, Arte de canto llano con entonaciones comunes de coro y altar, ‘y otras cosas diversas, . .. Nuevamente corregido -y enmendado por Sebastidn Lépez de Velasco (Madrid, 1635; reprinted Madrid, 1648). According to the listing in RISM series B, vol. 6 (Munich, 1971) pt. 2, p. 592, this source uses the Spanish name of the com-

pany (“Imprenta Real”) rather than the Latin name specified in the other music publications. The book by Juan Bautista Xamarro, Conocimiento de las diez aves menores de jaula, su canto, enfermedad, curia 'y cria (Madrid, 1604), which was printed by Juan Flamenco “en la Imprenta Real,” does not belong in a list of that firm’s music publications; because, despite

its tide, it does not contain any transcriptions of bird songs, according to Francisco José Leén Tello, La teorfa espatiola de la miisica en los siglos XVII y XVIII (Madrid, 1974), 442.

A list of some of its books, published between 1613 and 1718, is given in Cristébal Pérez Pastor, Noticias y documentos relativos a la historia y literatura espaftolas vol. 4 (Madrid, 1926) 442-43. This company is not to be confused with a different firm called the Imprenta del Reino which was active during the 17th century, and which apparently also enjoyed. some sort of royal privileges. A list of some of its publications, issued between 1628 and 1690, is given in Pérez Pastor vol. 4 (1926), 440-42. 44According to an archival document dated Madrid, September 28, 1624, whose contents are summarized by Pérez Pastor vol. 4 (1926), 409-10.

90 THE HISTORICAL AND MUSICAL CONTEXT living in Florence himself. In 1594 Felipe II offered the title of impresor del rey to Julio Junti or to his nominee. Julio chose to transfer the title to his nephew Toméas Junti, and it was so ratified by royal decree on August 24, 1594.36 As with some other government privileges, the holder of this office apparently had the right to pass it on to his heirs or to sell it. Tomas Junti held the title of the “king’s printer” and directed the Imprenta Real

until his death in 1624.7 Thereafter the title and the activities of the company were controlled in turn by his widow, Teresa Junti (1624— 1656), his son Bernardo (1656-1658), and then by Mateo Fernandez. The third prominent foreign printer and official of the Typographia Regia during its early years was known simply as Juan Flamenco (or Joannes Flandrus). Evidently of Flemish origin, he is specified as the printer— either on the title-page or more often in the colophon—of many books issued by the firm between 1596 and his death in 1612.°° Juan Flamenco was responsible for much of the company’s publishing activities in the field of sacred polyphony. In the sources themselves he is named as the printer for the collections by Rogier (1598), Victoria (1600), Lobo de Borja (1602), and Victoria (1605). Further research is needed to determine the precise nature of the royal privileges enjoyed by the Typographia Regia. According to Pérez Pastor, the royal decree of 1594 naming Tomas Junti as the impresor del 33According to the summaries of archival documents given in Pérez Pastor vol. 4 (1926),

267, 282, 339-40, and 376. Other information concerning his activities is scattered throughout this same volume. 36Summaries of two relevant documents are given in Pérez Pastor vol. 4 (1926), 270. 7According to Pérez Pastor vol. 4 (1926), 393. A list of some of his publications, issued between 1612 and 1624, is given in Pérez Pastor vol. 4 (1926), 444. 38According to a document dated October 28, 1658, which is summarized in Pérez Pastor vol. 4 (1926), 409. 9For the earliest and latest known publications bearing his name, see Pérez Pastor, Biblio-

grafia vol. 1 (1891), 397 and vol. 2 (1906), 239-40 respectively. In the latter reference Pérez Pastor cites a printing contract dated Madrid, April 6, 1611, in which Juan Flamenco is described as an “impresor y oficial mayor de la Imprenta Real de Julio Junti de Modesti.” The year of his death is given in Pérez Pastor, Noticias vol. 4 (1926), 431. There was also a printer by the name of Diego Flamenco who may have been related to him. According to the information provided by Pérez Pastor vol. 4 (1926), 429-31, Diego did not work for the Imprenta Real, but rather issued his own publications in Madrid and Segovia between 1619 and his death in 1631. According to the descriptions in Straeten vol. 2 (1888), 216-17; Pérez Pastor, Bibliografia vol. 1 (1891), 387; Stevenson (1961), 262-63; and Anglés (1968), 147, respectively.

PUBLISHING AND MUSIC PRINTING IN SPAIN 91 rey also granted him exclusive exemption from the fees charged to printing firms for the publication of government ordinances and documents.*! It would seem, however, that another major concession made to this com-

pany concerned the printing of liturgical books. After the Council of Trent special permission was required from the Crown to publish editions of the revised breviary, missal, and other prayer books for use in Spain. The fact that the Typographia Regia published seven liturgical books—all

printed by Juan Flamenco—between 1596 and 1600, suggests that the firm had indeed obtained at that time some sort of limited monopoly.®

Although during the late 16th, 17th, and early 18th centuries the Spanish government imported many liturgical books, especially from the

Plantin firm in the Netherlands (discussed in the following pages), the government occasionally granted special printing privileges in this area to Spanish publishing houses.® In 1596 and 1598 respectively, Pasqual Pérez

of Zaragoza obtained royal licenses for the exclusive publication in Aragon for a period of ten years of all libros de canto para celebrar los divinos officios and all libros de canto de que se usa en las processiones.“ In 1617 Pedro Craesbeeck in Lisbon was granted an exclusive privilege, for a period of ten years, to publish a Ritual Romano.* In 1684 Pedro Vilella of Barcelona obtained a royal license of twenty years’ duration to publish all libros de choro de letra grande.*

The activities of Julio Junti de Modesti and Juan Flamenco illustrate the importance of foreign printers for literary and musical publications in

4'Pérez Pastor, Noticias vol. 4 (1926), 409.

®The books are described in Pérez Pastor, Bibliografia vol. 1 (1891), 280, 310-11, 327, 337, 375, 379, and 398.

“Therefore, contrary to the suggestion by Nicol4s Alvarez Solar-Quintes, “Nuevas noticias de mGsicos de Felipe II, de su época, y sobre impresi6n de misica,” Anuario musical 15 (1960), 208, the Plantin firm in the Netherlands did not exercise an exclusive continuous monopoly in this field up through to the 18th century. “The original documents in BARCELONA, Archivo de la Corona de Aragon registro 4321, f. 226 (dated January 10, 1596), and registro 4323, f. 100 (dated June 14, 1598), are transcribed in José Marfa Madurell, “La imprenta musical en Espafia. Documentos para su estudio,” Anuario musical 8 (1953), 233-34 and 235-36. 4°The royal license, dated November 4, 1617, is printed in Venancio Deslandes, Documentos para a historia da typographia portugueza nos seculos XVI e XVII (Lisbon, 1888), 124~—25.

“According to the document in BARCELONA, Archivo de la Corona de Aragon registro 5931, f. 221v (dated February 20, 1684) which is transcribed in Madurell (1953), 232-33.

92 THE HISTORICAL AND MUSICAL CONTEXT Spain during the late 16th and early 17th centuries.” One of the most prominent centers for Spanish music printing was Antwerp. Apart from a few publications of vocal polyphony by Spanish composers working in the Netherlands, Antwerp was important for its editions of Spanish liturgical books.# Antwerp’s leading printer, Christopher Plantin, maintained close ' relations with Felipe II. The Spanish king actively encouraged the publication of Plantin’s Polygot Bible.” In 1570 Felipe II appointed Plantin as

the exclusive publisher for Spain of the Tridentine breviary and the revised missal. Plantin fully exploited this monopoly between 1570 and 1576, for during that time he apparently sent more than 52,000 liturgical books to Spain.» In the same years Plantin served the king of Spain as the printer-in-chief (prototypographe) for the Low Countries. Felipe II created this post in an attempt to strengthen the enforcement of his censorship laws in the Spanish Netherlands.*!

Antwerp was also important, indirectly, for the publication of Spanish music. At the end of the 16th century at least two accomplished

printers decided to leave that city and move to the Iberian peninsula. Both subsequently rose to prestigious positions and issued a considerable number of music books. Artus Taberniel (“Antverpiani”) moved his press to Spain and worked as the official printer for Salamanca University be-

tween approximately 1602 and 1610. His music publications include three collections of sacred polyphony by Sebasti4n de Vivanco, and two

’The large number of Flemish and German printers working in Spain during the 16th century is emphasized by Straeten vol. 2 (1888), 219-27.

In the realm of vocal polyphony Pierre Phalése issued three collections by one of the foremost Spanish musicians in the service of the Archduke Albert in Brussels, namely: Pedro Rimonte, Cantiones sacrae IV. V. VL et VIL vocum et Hieremiae prophetae Lamentationes sex vocum (Antwerp, 1607); Missae sex IV. V. et VI. vocum (Antwerp, 1614); Parnaso espariol de madrigales, ‘ villancicos a quattro, cinco, et seys (Antwerp, 1614). Biblia sacra hebraice, chaldaice, graece et latine, Philippi II reg. cathol. pietate et studio ad

sacrosanctae ecclesia usum 8 vol. (Antwerp, 1569-1573). For a detailed account of this enormous project see Colin Clair, Christopher Plantin (London, 1960), 57-86. According to Clair (1960), 95.

See Clair (1960), 110-12. The patent letters, dated Brussels, June 10, 1570, naming Plantin to this position are printed in Léon Degeorge, La maison Plantin a Anvers. Monographie complete de cette imprimerie célébre (3rd edition, Paris, 1886), 38—40.

2A ccording to Stevenson (1961), 278, and 339 note 133.

PUBLISHING AND MUSIC PRINTING IN SPAIN 93 by Juan Esquivel Barahona.# An even more successful career was enjoyed

by Pedro [ie., Pieter van] Craesbeeck. Flemish by birth, he served as an apprentice and then as an employee of the Plantin firm in Antwerp between 1583 and 1592, before moving to the Iberian peninsula. By 1597

he established a publishing company in Lisbon, and in 1620 he was named the Spanish king’s official printer in that city.* His relatively large number of publications in the field of music has already been observed (see p. 88, note 31). After his death the firm continued to flourish under

the direction of his heirs, but apparently it no longer engaged in music printing.

It was not until the beginning of the 18th century that a publishing house devoted exclusively to music printing was established in Spain. The distinction for this noteworthy achievement belongs to Joseph de Torres y Martfnez Bravo who, in Madrid, founded a music publishing company which he called La Imprenta de Miisica. At its inception Torres obtained a royal license for the exclusive publication of “everything pertaining to music” for a period of ten years. Evidence of this privilege is found in the summary of the copyright, dated Madrid, January 21, 1700, for the first

publication issued by his company, which was a revised edition of Nassarre’s first treatise. In 1710 his royal monopoly for the publication of music and music treatises was extended for another ten years.* Although Torres apparently founded his press entirely at his own expense, accord-

ing to one 18th-century scholar he eventually succeeded in obtaining

3Sebastian de Vivanco, Liber magnificarum (Salamanca, 1607), Liber missarum (Salamanca, 1608), and [Liber motectorum] (Salamanca, 1610). Juan Esquivel Barahona, Missarum... liber primus (Salamanca, 1608), and [Motecta festorum et domincarum] (Salamanca, 1608). The contents of Vivanco’s collections are discussed in Stevenson (1961), 277-87. The other two sources are described by Robert J. Snow, The 1613 Print of Juan Esquivel Barahona (Detroit, 1978), 93-95. 4According to Deslandes (1888), 122-25, who includes a transcription of the document, dated May 28, 1620, naming Craesbeeck to the post of royal printer. 5Pablo Nassarre, Fragmentos muisicos, repartidos en quatro tratados, . . . Y aora nuevamente aiiadido el tiltimo tratado por el mismo autor; y juntamente exemplificados con los caracteres muisicos de que carecfa (Madrid, 1700) “Suma del privilegto,” xi.

According to the summary given by Pérez Pastor, Noticias vol. 2 (1914), 252—53, of original documents pertaining to a lawsuit of the second decade of the 18th century, preserved in E Mrah 8~11-—2 tomo 205, pleitos 7.

94 THE HISTORICAL AND MUSICAL CONTEXT some tax exemptions from the Crown in 1716, in recognition of his pioneering work.” Between 1700 and 1720 Torres was the dominant figure in Spain for music publications. However, notwithstanding his royal privileges, several

sources demonstrate that in actual practice he did not possess complete control over music printing. First, the two harp books by Fern4ndez de Huete were published en la Imprenta de Musica, according to the titlepage, but the ten-year copyright was vested in the composer, not the publisher, presumably because it was granted before 1700.% Second, sometime between 1706 and 1708 when Torres was dismissed from his post at court and even briefly imprisoned, the activities of his press were temporarily suspended.® During this period Eugenio Antonio Garcfa, in Salamanca, published a music treatise by Cruz Brocarte.” Third, in 1709 the second volume of a treatise by Tosca was published in Valencia by Antonio Bordazar. This book fell outside of Torres’s control probably because it was a treatise on mathematics in which music was only one of

several topics.*' Fourth, in 1714 the widow of Juan Garcfa Infancén published in Madrid a plainsong treatise by Martfn y Coll. Only later in 1719 did Bernardo Peralta print a revised edition of this work in the Im- | prenta de Misica.® Fifth, in 1714 the guitar book by Murcia was issued in

Spain. However, it was actually engraved in Antwerp (see chap. 5, p. 132). Sixth, although Pablo Nassarre’s encyclopedic treatise was not published until after 1720, he did obtain a royal printing license and a "Francisco Mendez, Tipografia espafiola (2nd edition, Madrid, 1866); as quoted in Nicolas Solar-Quintes, “La imprenta musical en Madrid en el siglo XVIII,” Anuario musical 18 (1963), 162.

*8Fern4ndez de Huete vol. 1 (1702) “Suma del privilegio,” vi, which is dated Madrid, February 25, 1698.

Two documents, dated 1708, concerning his dismissal are preserved at E Mp caja 154/39 and 1038/46, and are transcribed in Yvonne Levasseur de Rebollo, “Life and Works of Joseph de Torres y Martinez Bravo” (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Pittsburgh, 1975), 29-30 notes 18 and 19. 6 Antonio de la Cruz Brocarte, Medula de la miisica theérica (Salamanca, 1707). 61Thom4s Vicente Tosca, Compendio mathemdtico en que se contienen todas las materias mds principales de las ciencias que tratan de la cantidad vol. 2 (Valencia, 1709) “Tratado VI. De la mdsica especulativa, y practica,” 331-482. 6Antonio Martin y Coll, Arte de canto Iano, y breve resumen de sus principales reglas, para cantores de choro (Madrid, 1714). 63 Antonio Martin y Coll, Arte de canto Ilano. . . y afladido en esta segunda impressién con algunas advertencias, y el arte de canto de érgano (Madrid, 1719).

PUBLISHING AND MUSIC PRINTING IN SPAIN 95 ten-year copyright for it in 1718.% Finally, sometime in the second decade of the 18th century an instrumentalist in the royal chapel named Francisco Dfaz de Guiti4n brought a lawsuit against Torres in order to challenge his monopoly on music publishing. Apparently Dfaz won the case and acquired the right to publish music notated in a new tablature system of his own invention. However, there is no evidence that he ever exercised this

privilege. Apart from these exceptions, Torres was responsible for all the music publications in Spain during the early 18th century, and his work did much to promote the dissemination of musical repertory and theoretical concepts. Between 1700 and 1736 his Imprenta de Musica issued at least seventeen different music collections and treatises (counting dif-

ferent editions of the same work separately). Torres published both traditional as well as modern works. In the field of music theory, for ex-

ample, he revised and expanded a plainsong treatise by Montanos— which was originally published in 1594 in Valladolid by Andrés de Merchan—and he issued three different editions. On the other hand, he 64Nassarre vol. 1 (1724) “Suma del privilegio,” xxii, which is dated San Lorenco el Real, July 17, 1718. 65The case is briefly summarized by Pérez Pastor, Noticias vol. 2 (1914), 252-53, which is based on the documents preserved at E Mrah 8—11—2 tomo 205, pleitos 7. 66A list of only fourteen publications is given in Levasseur de Rebollo (1975), 24-25. However she omits the following works: Fernandez de Huete 2 vol. (1702 and 1704); Sebastian Durén, Minué humano. Hermosa fuente pura (Madrid, n.d.), according to RISM series A, vol. 1, pt. 2 (Kassel, 1972), 469; and Sebastian Durén, Tonada humana. Pues me pierdo

(Madrid, n.d.), a copy of which I have found at SEGOVIA, Archivo Capitular de la Catedral Ms 41/28, although it is not mentioned in RISM series A; a modern edition is given in John H. Baron (editor), Spanish Art Song in the Seventeenth Century—Recent Researches in the Music of the Baroque Era 49 (Madison, 1985), 44-45. Moreover she lists the two printings of Francisco de Montanos, Arte de canto Ilano . . . nuevamente corr[egido] dora novissimamente de tiempo... por Joseph de Torres (Madrid, 1728; and Madrid, 1734) as two different editions; but according to RISM series B, vol. 6 (1971) pt. 2, p. 593, they are printings of the same edition. °’Francisco de Montanos, Arte de canto llano . . . El arte prdctico de canto de érgano con motetes, o lecciones diversas . . . por don Joseph de Torres (Madrid, 1705; revised 1712;

revised 1728 and reprinted 1734). The other treatises which he published are: Nassarre (revised edition, 1700); Torres y Martinez Bravo (1702; revised 1736); Jorge de Guzm4n, Curiosidades del canto llano, sacadas de las obras del reverendo don Pedro Cerone de Bérgamo, ‘y

de otros autores, dadas a luz a costa de Jorge de Guzmdn (Madrid, 1709); Pedro de Ulloa, Musica universal, o principios universales de la mtisica (Madrid, 1717); and Martin y Coll (revised edition, 1719).

96 THE HISTORICAL AND MUSICAL CONTEXT published the first and only orchestral score for a dramatic work to be issued in Spain before the 19th century.* Some of these editions do not specify Torres by name, but instead simply give the name of his publishing firm. Moreover, at least two publications were issued en la Imprenta de Musica por Bernardo Peralta.®

Typographically, the works printed by Torres are not of high quality.

Nevertheless, he did implement two innovations. First, in his treatise of

1702 he introduced into Spain the use of figured bass notation in typographically printed works.” Second, in the revised edition of this treatise issued in 1736 Torres introduced two-stave keyboard notation. In his examples of figured bass he notates the realizations by means of three-

note chords placed on a single staff. The result is not very elegant, however, because of the problem of vertical alignment inherent in the kind of fount used at that time for single impression typography.”! For the

outer notes of chords on one staff Torres solves the problem by using shortened stems pointing in opposite directions. Yet there is insufficient

68Joaquin Martinez de la Roca, Miisica en la comedia de los desagravios de Troya, . . . escrivid la comedia don Juan Francisco Escuder (Madrid, 1712). Its contents are described in Emilio Cotarelo y Mori, Historia de la zarzuela o sea el drama lfrico en Espafia desde su origen a fines del siglo XIX (Madrid, 1934) 79-81; and in Higinio Anglés and José Subir4, Catdlogo musical de la Biblioteca Nacional de Madrid vol. 3 (Barcelona, 1951), 62-64. The other musical works published by Torres include: Canciones francesas, de todos ayres, para todos los in-

strumentos (Madrid, ca. 1701); Sebastién Durén, Minué humano. Hermosa fuente pura (Madrid, n.d.); Sebastidén Durén, Tonada humana. Pues me pierdo (Madrid, n.d.); Sebastian

Dur6én, Tonada humana. Que es esto alevoso (Madrid, n.d.); Ferndndez de Huete 2 vol. (1702 and 1704); and Joseph de Torres y Martinez Bravo, Missarum liber . . . continentur octo missae (Madrid, 1703). 6UJlloa (1717) and Martin y Coll (revised edition, 1719). For Ulloa’s treatise Torres wrote one of the printed approbations.

Torres y Martinez Bravo (1702), where the realizations above the figured basses are notated in score. Levasseur de Rebollo (1975), 19, incorrectly states that Torres first used figured bass notation in his Canciones franceses (ca. 1701). In fact, this work, which uses

two-stave melodic notation, contains no printed figures. In the exemplar preserved at PARIS, Biblioth@que du Conservatoire, there are five figures, but they have been added by

hand to the bass voice of the last system of the first piece, entitled “La vieille contredanse” (p. 3). Furthermore, in Spanish engraved works, figured bass notation appears as early as the collection by Sanz (1674), f. 33r-35r, where the realizations are notated in guitar tablature. “Torres refers to the novelty and difficulty of producing two-stave keyboard notation; Torres y Martinez Bravo (revised edition, 1736) “Al lector,” v—vi.

PUBLISHING AND MUSIC PRINTING IN SPAIN 97 room for the stems of the inner notes, and consequently they are either distorted or omitted. Clarity is further diminished by the fact that Torres does not consistently maintain the same direction of stems for single notes which do not belong to chords. Thus such awkward notation as the following sometimes results:”

je ——

eT ee_—a 7a

This treatise was his last publication. After his death in 1738 there was no successor to carry on the activities of his Imprenta de Masica, and the company ceased its operations.”

At the beginning of the 18th century in other parts of western Europe, the process of engraving was improved to become more practical than typography for music printing (see chap. 3, pp. 75—76). In the middle of the century one of the most versatile engravers in Madrid was Pablo Minguet y Yrol. In order to appeal to a large audience he issued small — engraved booklets (libritos) dealing in an elementary manner with a wide variety of subjects, including religion, music, dance, war, card games, and

sleight-of-hand.” His treatise on musical instruments—which was published by Joaqufn Ibarra in Madrid—actually consists of an unbound "Taken from Torres y Martinez Bravo (revised edition, 1736), 117, m. 3, upper stave. Torres died on June 3, 1738, according to a document in E Mp legajo 3236, which is transcribed in José Subir4, “La mdsica en la Real Capilla madrilefia y en el Colegio de Nifios Cantorcicos. Apuntes histéricos,” Anuario musical 14 (1959), 227. “4At the end of the first section of his treatise on instrumental playing he presents a list of his works which are for sale. Besides engravings consisting of only a single sheet, he mentions several booklets, including the following: Diario sagrado y Kalendario general; Meditaciones para el santo sacrificio de la missa; Arte general de la guerra, sus términos, y definiciones; y assimismo la baraja de la fortificacién moderna, con sus figuras, y explicacién de ellas; y con ésta se puede jugar al juego de la oca perinola, ¥y otros juegos; Juego de manos... 4... juegos de naypes curiosos, y se hacen con una haraja regular. See Pablo Minguet y Yrol, Reglas, y advertencias generales que ensefian el modo de tafler todos los instrumentos mejores, y mds

usuales (Madrid, ca. 1754) Part A, “Advertencias,” 23-24.

98 THE HISTORICAL AND MUSICAL CONTEXT set of shorter treatises, each of which Minguet y Yrol was willing to sell separately.” His treatise on dancing, which he published himself, is also a composite work, although each of its four sections is relatively long.” In the second half of the 18th century the most important publisher of books dealing with music was Joaqufn Ibarra. He was one of the leading publishers of his time, and during his career in Madrid, from 1753 until his death in 1785, he became the impresor de cédmara de su magestad as well as the official printer for several other government organizations.” In addition to liturgical books he also issued at least ten music treatises and one dance manual.” It was not until the reign of Carlos III (1759-1788) that the Spanish government took active steps to promote native printing and publishing throughout the country. Carlos III revoked some of the censorship laws and provided publishers with some new privileges and exemptions. For example, in 1764 he granted some exclusive printing rights for liturgical books to the society of publishers and booksellers in Madrid called the Real Compafifa de Impresores y Libreros del Reino.” The government also organized its own printing firm in Madrid known as the Imprenta Real. The company began in 1761 by publishing various newspapers and journals which the government had bought. It gradually expanded its activity, especially after 1780, to include the printing of other works.” Between

Minguet y Yrol (ca. 1754), frontpiece. This work is discussed in chap. 5 and 8. “©Pablo Minguet y Yrol, Arte de danzar a la francesa (Madrid, 1758-1764); discussed in chap. 10. 71Biographical information together with a chronological listing of all his publications is given in Inocencio Ruiz Lasala, Joaquin Ibarra y Marin (1725-1785) (Zaragoza, 1968).

The music treatises, including that by Minguet y Yrol (ca. 1754), are listed in RISM series B, vol. 6 (1971)—-see the index in pt. 2, p. 1052. Not included in this listing is the dance book which he published entitled: Doce contradanzas nuevas abiertas, hechas para el principe n[uestro] sefior, las que se baylardn en este presente afio de 1775, con su musica de primero y segundo violin, ¥ la explicacién de figuras (Madrid, 1775). According to Ruiz Lasala

(1968), 153, the author of this work was Joseph Marset. A brief description of the copy preserved at E Mn is given in Anglés and Subir4 vol. 3 (1951), 273. In several of his liturgical publications Ibarra incorporated plainsong, and sometimes mensural, notation. For those preserved at E Mn see Anglés and Subiré vol. 2 (1949) index, 284. Discussed by Diana M. Thomas, The Royal Company of Printers and Booksellers of Spain: 1763-1794 (New York, 1984), 38-53. 8°For further information concerning government reforms and the royal press see Charles E. Kany, Life and Manners in Madrid 1750-1800 (Berkeley, 1932), 79-81; and SolarQuintes (1963), 161-95, which reprints various archival documents.

PUBLISHING AND MUSIC PRINTING IN SPAIN 99 1779 and 1800 the Imprenta Real issued at least seven books on music and one on dance.®!

During the 16th, 17th, and early 18th centuries music publications in Spain were printed either by single impression typography or by engrav-

ing. To the eye, these processes are readily distinguishable from one another because, in single impression typography, the lines of the staff or tablature between successive pieces of type are not always joined smoothly or aligned precisely. Typography, on the one hand, was used for every

publication of solo instrumental music which was printed in Spain up until 1626.® During the remainder of the 17th century it was used only rarely for instrumental and theoretical works. Later Torres temporarily revived the use of typography in some of his publications.** Engraving, on

the other hand, predominated in the printing of tablature for solo instrumental works beginning in the second half of the 17th century. In such collections the engraving was done on only one side of each folio. Outside of Spain the engraving process was applied to both sides of the folio, as seen in the guitar book by Murcia (1714) which was prepared in Antwerp. In Spain during the 18th century, engraving was further used for the musical examples in some treatises.

The technical skill and equipment necessary for the printing of music was generally lacking among Spanish publishers. For instance, Ruiz de Ribayaz encountered great difficulties in locating a publisher who was

willing and able to print his collection of guitar and harp pieces. In the end he was forced to devise a system of letter signs to replace the cus-

tomary note symbols for the indication of rhythm. Even with this 5!These works are listed in RISM series B, vol. 6 (1971)—see the index in pt. 2, p. 1052. The earliest such publication was written by Tomas de Yriarte, La miisica, poema (Madrid, 1779). The dance book was by Felipe Roxo de Flores, Tratado de recreacién instructiva sobre la danza: su invencién y diferencias (Madrid, 1793).

Milan (1536); Narvaez (1538); Mudarra (1546); Valderraébano (1547); Pisador (1552); Fuenllana (1554); Venegas de Henestrosa (1557); Daza (1576); Cabez6n (1578); Coelho (1620); and Correa de Arauxo (1626). For example, in Lorente (1672) and Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677). 4For example, in Nassarre (revised edition, 1700), Canciones francesas (ca. 1701), and Torres y Martinez Bravo (1702 and 1736). For example, in Sanz (1674 and ca. 1675), Guerau (1694), and Fern4ndez de Huete (1702 and 1704). °6For example, in Nassarre (1723-1724) and Minguet y Yrol (ca. 1754).

100 THE HISTORICAL AND MUSICAL CONTEXT modification, the resulting print—including the list of corrections—is rid-

dled with errors and omissions. In the preface to the reader, Ruiz de Ribayaz explains the problems which he experienced: I can state with assurance that, with regard to that which I have succeeded in carrying out, I tried to have it notated in the usual fashion, incorporating all the essential elements which have been, and continue to be, employed by those who teach by means of tablature. However I was not able to arrange this at the printing shops—even though I approached the majority of them at this court—because this kind of printing enjoys little use here. Instead they rendered the matter so impossible, that it was neces-

sary to alter the harp tablature. For in order to print the tablature in the other [i.e., usual] format, it would have been necessary to cast new characters with different matrices; and this was impossible to arrange because there was no one willing to undertake it. Yet even with regard to this edition, some printers caused so many difficulties that I was obliged to seek arbitration in order to have it produced. Because of its novelty it is possible to excuse the imperfections of this edition, as well as those of the person who handled the printing, and even those of its author. For it is not easy to do it accurately the first time, and there is no doubt that this book represents a new kind of printing in Spain.”

Other composers and theorists faced similar difficulties. In the first decade of the 18th century, while the activities of Torres’s music press were temporarily suspended, the theorist Cruz Brocarte found it impossible to have his treatise printed in its original form. As he explains in the preface of the edition, the only way he managed to have his work issued was by greatly abridging it and omitting all the musical examples.

Delays and Failures Both Ruiz de Ribayaz and Cruz Brocarte were resourceful enough to circumvent the technical problems of music printing by dispensing with symbols from staff notation altogether. In general, however, prospective

authors must have been completely disheartened by the financial and technical obstacles to be surmounted. Additional evidence of the prohibitive nature of these obstacles can be inferred from the delay in printing for §7Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677) “Prélogo al curioso lector,” xii. Later in this book Ruiz de Ribayaz

(1677), 15, explains that partly because of the printing difficulties he decided not to include more than a few guitar pieces in rasgueado notation. This book is discussed here in chap. 5 and 6. 88Cruz Brocarte (1707) “Prélogo al discreto lector,” xiii—xiv.

PUBLISHING AND MUSIC PRINTING IN SPAIN 101 some works, and from the number of musical publications planned but never executed. To the former category belongs the guitar book by Guerau. In the preface he states that he had wanted to publish his music several years

earlier, but various unforeseen circumstances—which he does not specify—had prevented him from doing so.® In addition, considerable delays could occur even after the necessary government license was obtained, as is demonstrated by at least two publications from the early 18th century.” Fern4ndez de Huete received a ten-year copyright for his harp works on February 25, 1698, but it was not until 1702 and 1704 that they were issued in print (in two volumes).%! Similarly, Pablo Nassarre obtained

a ten-year copyright for his encyclopedic treatise on July 17, 1718, well before the actual publication. He was apparently unable to find a company willing to publish this massive work in its entirety. Eventually he ar-

ranged to have each of the two volumes printed by a different firm in Zaragoza. The first volume was issued in 1724 by los herederos de Diego de

Larumbe, and the second volume in 1723 by los herederos de Manuel Romdn. Moreover, it is quite likely that Nassarre had completed a substantial portion, if not all, of this treatise very much earlier. Throughout the revised edition of his Fragmentos misicos, published by Torres in 1700,

Nassarre refers the reader, interested in additional detail about certain topics, to specific books of his Escuela musica, thus implying that the latter was already written and merely awaiting publication.”

One can compile an impressive list of instrumental collections and treatises by Spanish musicians which, despite the declared intentions of their authors, were apparently never issued in print. In some cases it is

Guerau (1694) “Prélogo al aficionado,” f. *3v. *} would not include here the revised edition of the accompaniment treatise by Tortes. Although the date of the printing licence given in Torres y Martinez Bravo (1736) “Suma del privilegio,” v, is March 2, 1730, this may well be a misprint for 1736. 91A summary of his printing rights, together with the date on which they were granted, is given in Fernandez de Huete vol. 1 (1702) “Suma del privilegio,” vi. *2Nassarre vol. 1 (1724) “Suma del privilegio,” xxii.

For example, see Nassarre (1700) Bk. I, chap. 5, p. 12. Other references to his later treatise are made in Nassarre (1700), xiv, 27, 37, 49, and 138. I have not had the opportunity of consulting the first edition of his Fragmentos miisicos (Zaragoza, 1683) to see if these same references appear there as well.

102 THE HISTORICAL AND MUSICAL CONTEXT certain that the works were completed and ready for publication; in other

cases it is more likely that for a variety of reasons their authors never finished writing them. Because no further supporting evidence can be adduced, it is improbable that any of the works to be discussed were actually published and only subsequently lost.%

In the 16th century, Venegas de Henestrosa prepared seven anthologies of keyboard music in tablature notation, but only the first was ever printed. All that is known today of the remaining six books is based

on the editor’s own brief description of their contents. Each book apparently contained different musical forms.® Similarly, Hernando de Cabez6n—the only other editor of published keyboard music in Spain during the 16th century—prepared two additonal collections in tablature notation of his father’s and his own compositions. In his will of 1598 Hernando implored the king to arrange for the publication of these two keyboard books after his death. His request seemingly went unheeded and the collections were subsequently lost. In 1626 Correa de Arauxo announced his intention of publishing a collection of organ versos, as well as a music treatise—under the unusual title Casos morales de musica—in which he would further elucidate some of his new theoretical ideas.” It is uncertain whether he even wrote either

work. In the second half of the 17th century one of the most important Spanish instrumental publications was the guitar collection by Gaspar Sanz. At the end of the second theoretical section—which consists of However there are two other instrumental collections whose original publication is much

more probable, even though they are no longer extant: Francisco Corbera, Guitarra espariola, yy sus diferencias de sones; and Andrés Lorente, Melodifas miisicas, prdctica del érgano

y del arpa. These collections are discussed in chap. 5, p. 139 and chap. 6, p. 201, respectively.

sVenepas de Henestrosa (1557) “Prélogo y argumento deste libro,” f. 3v; as reprinted in the modern edition by Higinio Anglés, MME 2 (Barcelona, 1944), 152. %Hernando de Cabezén, in his will dated Madrid, October 30, 1598; as transcribed in its entirety in Pedrell vol. 8 (1898), xxii. Correa de Arauxo (1626) “Primero punto,” f. 2r; as reprinted in the modern edition by Santiago Kastner, MME 6 (Barcelona, 1948) preface, 38. *8Francois-Joseph Fétis, Biographie universelle des musiciens et bibliographie générale de la mu-

sique (2nd edition, Paris, 1883), 1:126, claims that a copy of his Casos morales de la miisica had belonged to the royal Portuguese music library. However, it is not listed in the extant partial catalogue of this collection entitled, Primeira parte do index da livraria de miisica do muyto alto e poderoso rey dom Jodo o IV (n.p. 1649).

PUBLISHING AND MUSIC PRINTING IN SPAIN 103 twelve rules for realizing an accompaniment from a given bass part—Sanz promised the reader that he would issue another large book to deal more extensively with the same topic by means of additional rules and musical examples. He subsequently altered his plans, for the only book added to later editions of his collection consists only of music for twelve passaca-

lles® In a more modest fashion, Francisco Guerau later expressed the hope of completing and publishing a second volume of guitar music if his first one was well received. Presumably, his ambition was never realized.’

Later Fernandez de Huete compiled three volumes of harp music, but only two of them were published (see chap. 6, pp. 196-97). Juan del Vado wrote a treatise on instrumental accompaniment which was known to other Spanish musicians during the late 17th and early 18th

centuries. The work circulated in manuscript and does not survive (see

chap. 6, pp. 201-2). A similar fate befell the Spanish translation of Brossard’s music dictionary by Torres y Martfnez Bravo (see chap. 2, p. 34).

Having considered some of the prevailing attitudes, as well as the problems attendant upon publishing and music printing, one finds that, by itself, the small number of music publications yields a misleading picture of the amount of musical activity in Spain from the 16th to the early 18th century. Although a consistently strong market for music publications seems to have been lacking in Spain, it is difficult to assess the ex-

tent that this functioned as cause rather than effect. Every music publication issued in Spain represents a triumph of perseverance, patience, and good fortune on the part of the author, regardless of the quality or importance of his work. Each musician who was anxious to im-

part his theoretical knowledge or musical compositions in printed form was obliged to obtain a printing license from the government, secure the

sanction of officials from the Inquisition, solicit approbations from respected colleagues, raise the necessary capital to finance the printing, and locate a publisher who possessed both the technical competence and desire to venture into the field of music printing.

See the close of his second theoretical section, entitled “Documentos y advertencias generales para acompafiar sobre la parte con la guitarra, arpa, 6rgano, o qualquier otro instrumento. Resumidas a doze reglas, y exemplos de contrapunto y composicién, los mas essenciales para este efecto”; Sanz (1674), f. 32r. lOGuerau (1694) “Prélogo al aficionado,” f. *3v.

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PART II (OEE

~ The Instrumental Sources

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Introduction

Four criteria determine the scope of the musical repertoire to be investigated and transcribed in this study. First, ] have confined myself primari-

ly to Spanish sources which were composed or compiled on the Iberian peninsula. Thus, various Italian sources for strummed guitar from the early 17th century have been omitted, despite the prominence of the Spanish repertory in them.' On the other hand, I have included a harp manuscript now housed in the Library of Congress (US We Mk.290) because its contents suggest that it was probably written in Spain. For comprehensiveness | have made several other additions. | have considered all the Portuguese keyboard sources which have been studied in the secondary literature. | have also added three guitar sources from outside the Iberian peninsula. The first is the Spanish collection by Bricefio which was published in Paris in 1626. The second is the guitar treatise written in Spanish by Doizi de Velasco which was issued in Naples in 1640. The third is the anthology section of the manuscript collection compiled at Ghent by Jean Baptiste Louis de Castillion in 1730 (B Bc Ms 5615). Although this manuscript is written in French, it contains the only surviving music by the Spaniard Miguel Pérez de Zavala.

One important Iberian source was unavailable to me for inclusion in this study. It is a harp manuscript, dated Pamplona, 1700, which is cur-

rently in a private collection in Navarra. Baciero states that the manuscript contains numerous secular pieces notated in standard 'For example, guitar settings of untexted Spanish dances (as well as guitar accompaniments for some Spanish songs) are included in FLORENCE, Biblioteca Riccardiana Mss | 2774, 2793, 2804, 2951, and 2973; as discussed by John H. Baron, "Secular Spanish Solo Song in Non-Spanish Sources, 1599-1640," Journal of the American Musicological Sociery 30

(1977), 20-42.

107

108 THE INSTRUMENTAL SOURCES Spanish harp tablature.? He transcribes twenty of the pieces, including a setting of “Desmayos” (4 diferencias) and a setting of “Mariz4palos” (12 diferencias) .°

Special mention should also be made here of three Spanish sources from the New World, now preserved in Mexico City. Although they are omitted from this study, they all contain Spanish dance-songs. The first and most important source, Cédice Saldfvar 4, is a guitar manuscript from the early 18th century, currently in a private collection.‘ Following the efforts of Michael Lorimer, recent scholarship has demonstrated that the works therein are probably by Santiago de Murcia, if not in his own hand. According to Russell, this volume is “the companion volume of Murcia’s Passacalles y obras [GB Lbm Ms Add. 31640] and that whoever prepared one of those manuscripts also prepared the other. The following characteristics are identical between the two: size, binding, cover designs, the clasps that secure the books closed, paper type, ink type, page layout, number of staves, size of paper, handwriting, and embossed design that is visible on the paper edges when the book is closed.”5 The collection consists of eighty-eight dances and variation sets. The opening thirty-five

pieces are settings of Spanish dances, and the remaining thirty-three pieces are settings of French dances.* The second Spanish source contain*Libro de arpa de Bernardo de Zala y Galdiano, Pamplona, 1700, Ms in a private collection in Navarra; as described very briefly by Antonio Baciero, ed., Nueva biblioteca espamtola de musica de teclado siglos XVI al XVIII, vol. 6 (Madrid, 1981), xiv; and vol. 7 (Madrid, 1984), xv. Unfortunately, Baciero does not give an inventory of the manuscript. >Baciero, vol. 6 (1981), 33-43, and vol. 7 (1984), 88-112. 4MEXICO CITY, Private collection of Elisa Osorio Bolio de Saldfvar, Cédice Saldfvar 4. A description and inventory is given by Robert M. Stevenson, Music in Aztec and Inca Territory (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1968), 235-36. I am most grateful to Robert Stevenson for providing me with a photocopy of the manuscript and for alerting me to the recent attribution of this source to Santiago de Murcia. In its present state the manuscript consists of three prefatory pages plus ninety-four folios of music. No title page has survived. Personal communication from Craig H. Russell (December 18, 1987). 6In alphabetical order, the Spanish dance settings in Cédice Saldfvar are as follows: "Al verde rematar" (f.67v—69r), "El amor" (f.27v—29r), "Baylad caracoles" (f.11v—12v), “El caballero" (f.8r—-9r), "Canarios" (f.9r—10r), "Otros canarios por la A" (f.10r—I1r), “La chamberga” (f.51r-5lv), "Cumbees" (f.43r—44v), "Espafioletas" (f.6r—7r), "Farandango" (f.16r—18r), "Folfas espafiolas" (f.20v-23r), "Folfas gallegas" (f£.47v—49v), "Folfas ytalianas despa[ciJo" (f'60v-67r), "Gaitas" (f.4O0v—42v), "Gallardas" (f.4v—5v), "Gran duque" (f.53v— 56v), "[Guardame] las bacas" (f.23v—27v), "Los ympossibles" (f.12v—14r), "Jacaras por la E" (f.1r—2v), "Jacaras de la costa" (f.39r-40r), "Jacaras francesas" (f.29r-30v), "La jotta"

(f.14v-15v), "Marionas p[o]r la B" (f.3r-4r), “Mariz4palos" (f.31r-35v), "Marssellas" (f.56v-60v), "El paloteado" (f.46r—47v), "Las penas" (f.69v—71r), "Sarao, o bailete de El Retiro" (f.71r-72v), "Seguidillas manchegas" (f.51v—53r), "Las sombras" (f.35v—38v), "Tarantelas" (f.18v—20r), "Triste de Jorge" (f£.49v—50r), "Villanos" (f.7r-7v), "Zangarilleja"

(f.50r-50v), and "Zarambeques o muecas" (f.451r—46r). .

THE INSTRUMENTAL SOURCES 109 ing dance-songs now in Mexico City is also in a private collection. It is a manuscript compiled by one Sebasti4n de Aguirre in about 1650. According to Stevenson, at least part of it is notated in Spanish guitar tablature.’

The third Spanish source containing dance-songs is a manuscript preserved at the Biblioteca Nacional in Mexico City (Ms 1560). It consists of one section for guitar (eighty pieces in tablature) and another section for violin (sixty-nine pieces in staff notation). Most of the pieces are settings of foreign dances, not Spanish ones. The guitar section includes material from Sanz, concordances from Corbetta (1671). and Murcia (1714), and arrangements from Corelli’s Opus 5 (1700).8

The second criterion | have used for determining the scope of the repertoire in this study, is to consider all sources up to the middle of the 18th century. Originally I had intended to confine myself to sources of the 17th century. However, there are a large number of instrumental sources

from the first two decades of the 18th century, and older dance-types continue to appear even further into the same century. Therefore I have extended the terminal date forward in time to include the composite instrumental treatise by Minguet y Yrol (ca. 1754). In contrast, the surviving 16th-century repertoire is relatively small, and thus ] have extended the chronological limit back to include it. Nevertheless, | have imposed a special restriction on pieces from the 16th century: to qualify they must be compositionally based on a harmonic-metric scheme rather than on a cantus firmus. Consequently, settings of such dances as the caballero, baja, and alta are omitted from the transcriptions, although they are discussed in chapter 13 (pp. 547-51 and 563-69). ‘MEXICO CITY, Private collection of Gabriel Saldfvar Silva, Método de citara; as described by Stevenson (1986), 234-35. SMEXICO CITY, Biblioteca Nacional Ms 1560 (formerly 1686); as described, with a detailed inventory, by Gerardo Arriaga, "Un manuscrito mexicano de misica barroca," Revista de musicologia 5 (1982), 111-26. In its present state the manuscript consists of one prefatory page plus ninety-eight folios of music. No title page has survived. The manuscript and its musical borrowings are also discussed by Stevenson (1968), 236—40; Richard T. Pinnell, "Alternate Sources for the Printed Guitar Music of Franceso Corbetta (1615~— 1681)," Journal of the Lute Society of America 9 (1976), 71; Richard T. Pinnell, "The Role of Francesco Corbetta (1615-1681) in the History of Music for the Baroque Guitar, Including a Transcription of His Complete Works" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of California at Los Angeles, 1976), 1:242-43 and Appendix II; Neil D. Pennington, "The Spanish Baroque Guitar with a Transcription of de Murcia’s ‘Passacalles y obras" (Ann Arbor, 1981), 1: 103-10 and pl. 5 and 6; and Craig H. Russell, "An Investigation into Arcangelo Corelli's Influence on Eighteenth-Century Spain," Current Musicology 34 (1982), 46-47.

110 THE INSTRUMENTAL SOURCES The third criterion for determining the scope of the repertoire is to confine it to instrumental settings and to exclude all vocal works. This distinction is partly borne out by the music itself, for the extant vocal works rarely employ the fixed harmonic-metric schemes found in the instrumental pieces. Yet this distinction is an artificial one because, as will ~ be discussed later, dance and song are intimately related.° As a source of instrumental music the guitar book by Bricefio (1626) represents a borderline case, for it contains both texted and untexted dance-songs. Since Bricefio supplies music only for the guitar accompaniments, I have included some of his texted pieces.

The fourth and final criterion for limiting the repertoire relates to the individual pieces. With the exception of some 16th-century works (noted above), I have included all the secular variation sets found in the Spanish sources, regardless of the national origin of their schemes. To these I have added all other settings with the same dance-titles, each of which consists of but a single statement of a musical model. Lastly, I have

added all single settings of dance-types which seem to be Spanish in origin. This limitation eliminates two large groups of pieces which would otherwise qualify. First, it excludes instrumental settings of Spanish songs which never appear as variation sets and which are not explicitly treated as dances in other sources of the period.'® Second, it excludes numerous settings of foreign dance-types which occur only as single statements in binary form. Such dances as the amable, contradanza, minué, and paspié are thereby eliminated, despite their enormous popularity in Spain during the 18th century." The resulting repertoire consists of 723 pieces drawn from 44 sources. Although only 12 of the sources date from between 1600 and 1700, most of the dance-types represented in the transcriptions were used during the 17th century. In total, 638 of the 723 pieces are solo settings for guitar, keyboard, or harp. These sources, however, do not fully reflect Spanish practices of the period. Many other instruments were used to accompany dancing, although music for them does not survive. Records of large chapels, including the capilla real, indicate the availability of bowed strings (vihuela de arco and

*See chap. 13, pp. 554-63 and 583-86, and throughout pt. IV. l0For example, see "Canzién," pt. IV, pp. 609-12. 'IThe amable is discussed in chap. 8, pp. 338-41.

THE INSTRUMENTAL SOURCES {il violén) and wind instruments (such as the bajén, chirimia, and sacabuche).”

Other archival documents and contemporaneous descriptions reveal that during fiestas various string and wind instruments actually did accompany the dances. These non-musical sources further demonstrate that the performances were often realized by some sort of ensemble which almost invariably included one or more percussion instruments (such as the castafietas, pandero, sonajas, or tamboril). Many excerpts from such documents will be

cited in later chapters.

"For example, see chap. 3, pp. 67-68.

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CHAPTER FIVE ©

e6

Five-Course Guitar The Guitar in Spain During the 17th and early 18th centuries the five-course guitar was cultivated throughout western Europe.' It flourished especially in Italy, as Giustiniani observed in approximately 1628 (see chap. 2, p. 22). In fact, the Italian sources account for most of the surviving guitar music from the first half of the 17th century.? At the same time, the guitar was most closely associated with musical activity in Spain. Even the Italians referred

to it as the Spanish guitar (la chitarra alla spagnola). The instrument, its uses in Spain, and the Spanish musical sources have been investigated by ‘General surveys are given by Harvey Turnbull, The Guitar from the Renaissance to the Present Day (London, 1974), 41-61; and James Tyler, The Early Guitar: A History and Handbook (London, 1980). Detailed studies include Richard A. Hudson, “The Development of Italian Keyboard Variations on the ‘Passacaglio’ and ‘Ciaccona’ from Guitar Music in the Seventeenth Century” (Ph.D. dissertation, University of California, Los Angeles, 1967), 24-245; and Richard T. Pinnell, “The Role of Francesco Corbetta (1615— 1681) in the History of Music for the Baroque Guitar, Including a Transcription of His Complete Works” (Ph.D. dissertation, University of California, Los Angeles, 1976), 2 vol.

An annotated bibliography of secondary literature is given by Meredith Alice McCutcheon, Guitar and Vihuela: An Annotated Bibliography, RILM Retrospectives 3 (New York, 1985), 59-94,

2See Richard Hudson, “The Music in Italian Tablatures for the Five-Course Spanish Guitar,” Journal of the Lute Sociery of America 4 (1971) 38-40; Peter Danner, “Bibliography of Guitar Tablatures 1546-1764,” Journal of the Lute Society of America 5 (1972), 40-51; Peter Danner, “An Update to the Bibliography of Guitar Tablatures,” Journal of the Lute Society of America 6 (1973), 33-36; and McCutcheon (1985) 229-305.

113

114 THE INSTRUMENTAL SOURCES Pennington.’ The remainder of the present chapter will deal with the same sources, though in a somewhat different fashion.

The five-course guitar emerged in Spain during the late 16th century. It was extremely popular among the lower classes and was frequently

associated with barbers.4 The guitar was often employed to accompany the dances which were given during various fiestas. For example, in 1612 Gabriel de la Torre and Luis de Monzén agreed to furnish the city of Madrid with a dance for Corpus Christi which would be performed by seven persons with tambourines, guitars, and drums. The guitar also became a standard accompanying instrument in theatrical productions. An early instance of its use occurs in the late 16th century when Alberto Naseli (alias Ganassa) and Vincencio Botanelli (alias Curtio) formed an acting troupe in Spain. On March 31, 1581, they hired two Spaniards who agreed to serve the company for one year by playing their guitars and singing tonadas in the Castilian manner. The guitar was also enthusiastically adopted by some of the aristocracy. One of the first musicians to in-

troduce it into the drawing-room (sala) was Vicente Espinel (15501624).7 This may explain why some writers and guitarists of the 17th century (such as Lope de Vega and Doizi de Velasco) credited Espinel with

the “invention” of the five-course guitar. The instrument even became Neil D. Pennington, The Spanish Baroque Guitar with a Transcription of de Murica’s “Passacalles y obras” (Ann Arbor, 1981), 2 vol 4For example, see pt. IV, pp. 687-88.

9E Mah Protocolos de Pedro Martinez 1612, f. 320 (contract dated Madrid, June 14, 1612); as summarized by Cristébal Pérez Pastor, Nuevos datos acerca del histrionismo espaviol en los siglos XVI y XVII vol. 1 (Madrid, 1901), 130.

SE Mn Barbieri Mss 14043 (76), 2-3 (an original document dated Madrid, March 31, 1581). A larger portion of this contract is transcribed in Emilio Cotarelo y Mori, “Noticias biograficas de Alberto Ganasa, cémico famoso del siglo XVI,” Revista de archivos, bibliotecas

y museos, 3a Epoca, vol. 19 (1908), 51-53. Ganassa’s activities in Spain are mentioned in chap. 2, pp. 23-24. “Aside from his other activities, Espinel was an accomplished guitarist who composed sonadas ‘y cantar de sala; according to Christéval Suarez de Figueroa, Plaza universal de todas Ciencias y artes, parte traducida de toscano (Madrid, 1615) Discurso 40, f. 193v. Additional biographical information about Espinel is given in chap. 2, pp. 21—22.

8For the remarks by Lope de Vega and Doizi de Velasco see pt. IV, note 410 and this chapter, note 36 respectively. The attribution of the five-course guitar to Espinel is further discussed by Isabel Pope Conant, “Vicente Espinel as a Musician,” Studies in the Renaissance 5 (1958), 134-37.

FIVE-COURSE GUITAR 115 prominent at the royal court. For example, in 1639 Felipe IV granted the guitarist Vicente Suarez a post in the royal chapel. Relatively few musical sources for the guitar have survived from

Spain, as Pennington’s survey demonstrates.” At first the guitar was . played in a strumming manner (rasgado or rasgueado). As early as 1580 S4nchez de Lima refers to the widespread practice in Spain of accompany-

ing lyrical poetry a lo rasgado."' In the middle of the 17th century the guitar began to be played in a plucking manner (punteado). This style soon predominated in artistic circles, although the rasgueado style persisted among the lower classes.

Sources of Dances and Diferencias Dance music and diferencias are preserved in a total of fourteen guitar sources. They are listed chronologically (approximating where

necessary) in Chart 1. The following descriptions include all the biographical information which is known about the composers and compilers of each source.

°E Mp caja 1016/45 (document dated July 17, 1639). Another document in this file states that earlier in Barcelona, on June 15, 1599, Felipe III had appointed Vicente Su4rez as one of his misicos de cdémara at an annual salary of 30,000 maravedés.

Pennington (1981) 1:77-121. 'lMiguel Sanchez de Lima, El arte poética en romance castellano (Alcal4 de Henares, 1580) Didlogo II, f. 47r-47v; modern edition by Rafael de Balbfn Lucas (Madrid, 1944), 74-75.

| 115

116 THE INSTRUMENTAL SOURCES Chart 1. Guitar sources of dances and diferencias

S T ] f it e a N f e ° | ° l 2 b

Amat (ca. 1596) 3 pr 2 pr Bricefio (1626) 52 gr 43 pr Doizi de Velasco (1640) 2 gr 2 gr

Sanz (1674) 26 gr and 55 gp 25 pr and 34 gp Sanz (ca. 1675; reprinted 1697) 12 gp 12 gp

Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677) 28 gr and 37 gp 28 gr and 29 gp Guerau (1694) 40 gp 40 gp E Mn M.2209 28 pp 24 gp EMn M811 18 gr and 87 gp 18 gr and 50 gp Murcia (1714) 115 gp 13 gp E Bc M.691/2 (4) 14 gp 3 gp

B Bc Ms 5615 (pp. 82-121) 65 gp 1 gp GB Lbm Ms Add. 31640 131 gp 39 gp Minguet y Yrol (ca. 1754)B Ogr and 8pp Ser and2Zgp

Totals 138 gr and 592 gp 126 gr and 247 gp “or = rasgueado guitar gp = punteado guitar

’Concordant settings of a particular piece are counted only once, under the earliest source. Throughout this study, pieces consisting of a single statement of the same popular scheme are not considered to be concordant with each other.

(a) Amat (ca. 1596)

It is not certain when Amat’s guitar treatise was first published.' It may have appeared first in 1586, 1596, or 1626, but the year 1596 seems the most likely. The earliest surviving exemplar was issued in Lérida in

Juan Carlos Amat, Guitarra espariola, y vandola en dos maneras de guitarra, castellana, y cathalana de cinco drdenes, la qual ensefia de templar, y tafier rasgado, todos los puntos naturales, y b, mollados, con estilo maravilloso. Y para poner en ella qualquier tono, se pone una tabla, con la qual podrd qualquier sin dificultad cifrar el tono, ‘y después tajier, ‘y cantarle por doze

modos. Y se haze mencién también de la guitarra de quatro érdenes. (1st edition, net extant,

probably Barcelona, ca. 1596; earliest extant edition, Lérida, 1626; revised edition, Gerona, ca. 1761-1766: facsimile edition, Monaco, 1980). Unless otherwise noted, all my references to Amat (ca. 1596) are to this facsimile edition. The contents of this treatise are summarized in English by Monica Hall, Introduction to the facsimile edition of Guitarra espariola by Juan Carlos Amat (Monaco, 1980), iii-ix.

FIVE-COURSE GUITAR 117 1626.8 This edition is the only one listed by the 17th-century bibliographer Nicolas Antonio.’4* However the prefatory material in the surviving exemplar suggests that the book was first printed in 1596. According to Hall, the ecclesiastical license (granted by the bishop of Barcelona) is

dated July 5, 1596, and the dedication (to one Juan de Agua Viva y Tamarit) is dated Monistrol, August 10, 1596." The only evidence to support an even earlier printing appears in a letter written by Leonardo de San Martfn to Amat dated Zaragoza, April 30, 1639. This letter is found in many editions of Amat's treatise, beginning with the one issued in Barcelona in 1639.'S Leonardo gives Amat’s age as sixty-seven and states that

his guitar treatise was first published in Barcelona in 1586. Modern scholars have suggested that this is a misprint for 1596, since it is unlikely that Amat was only fourteen years old when he wrote his treatise. Never-

theless, the argument is not conclusive, for Leonardo mentions that at the age of 7 Amat was already a skilled player and singer.'®

From 1626 through to the early 19th century numerous printings of Amat’s treatise were issued in eastern Spain in Barcelona, Gerona, Lérida, and Valencia.'? Many of them contain a supplement of five chapters, written in Catalan or Valencian, entitled Tractat breu, y explicacié dels punts de

la guitarra. Its author and date of composition are not known. Hall states that this supplement survives only in those editions of Amat’s treatise which were issued after 1700.”

Notwithstanding the success of his guitar treatise, music was not Amat's primary field of endeavour. On the title-page of the 1626 edition Juan Carlos Amat (in Catalan: Joan Carles Amat) describes himself as a 'STt is now preserved in CHICAGO, Newberry Library; according to Monica Hall, “The ‘Guitarra espafiola’ of Joan Carles Amat,” Early Music 6 (1978), 363; and Hall (1980), i. ‘4Nicol4s Antonio, Bibliotheca hispana nova sive hispanorum scriptorum que ab anno MD ad MDCLXXXIV florvere notitia (Madrid, 1783-1788; facsimile edition, Turin, 1963) 1:672.

Hall (1980), i. ‘According to Hall (1980), ii. ‘Amat (ca. 1596) “Carta del padre maestro fray Leonardo de San Martfn al autor” (dated Zaragoza, April 30, 1639), i. '8Amat (ca. 1596) “Carta del padre maestro fray Leonardo de San Martfn al autor,” i. Described in Emilio Pujol, “Significacién de Joan Carlos Amat (1572-1642) en la historia de la guitarra,” Anuario musical 5 (1950), 128-30; Higinio Anglés and José Subir4, Catdlogo musical de la Biblioteca Nacional de Madrid vol. 3 (Barcelona, 1951), 104-7; and

most importantly in Hall (1980), i-iii. 20H fall (1980), ii.

118 THE INSTRUMENTAL SOURCES medical doctor by profession.2! According to archival information summarized by Pujol, Amat was a prominent citizen of Monistrol (a town just north-west of Barcelona) where he resided from 1618 until his death in 1642.2 The 17th-century bibliographer Antonio claims that Amat was born in Monistrol, studied at the University of Valencia, worked as a doctor at Montserrat, and wrote a medical book entitled Fructus medicinae ex variis Galeni locis decerpti which was published in Lyons in 1623.3 The

same medical book is mentioned by Leonardo de San Martin in his prefatory letter of 1639. Leonardo also praises Amat for his many other publications, including a small treatise on plague (issued in Barcelona), and a collection of 400 Catalan aphorisms.4 The latter work was so suc-

cessful that it was reprinted many times. The modern bibliographer Aguil6éd y Fuster lists 16 editions of it, beginning with one issued in Barcelona in 1636 entitled Quatrecents aforismes cathalans, del doctor Joan Carles Amat.44

(b) Bricefio (1626)

The only surviving exemplar of Bricefio’s book is preserved at F Pn (Réserve Vm 8 u.1). Unfortunately, folios 20 and 21 are missing from it.” Little is known about Bricefio’s life. He was probably born and raised in Spain. In 1626, using imagery based on the royal shields, Du Pré praises Bricefio for having left the raging lion in favor of the gentle fleur-de-lis.” | 2!The full title-page is quoted in Hall (1980), i. 2Pujol (1950), 126-27. 43Antonio vol. 1 (1783), 672. Since he lists the guitar treatise in a separate entry, Antonio was evidently unaware that both works were written by the same person. 24Amat (ca. 1596) “Carta del padre maestro fray Leonardo de San Martin al autor,” ii. 5Mariano Aguilé y Fuster, Catdlogo de obras en lengua catalana impresas desde 1474 hasta 1860 (Madrid, 1923), 668. 6Luis de Bricefio, Método mui facilissimo para aprender a tafer la guitarra a lo espaftol. compuesto por Luis de Bricneo [sic]. ‘y presentado a madama de Chales. en el qual se hallardn cosas curiosas de romances y seguidillas. Juntamente sesenta liciones diferentes. un método para templar. otro para conocer los aquerdos. toda por una horden agradable -y facilissima (Paris, 1626; fac-

simile edition, Geneva, 1972). It is described by José Castro Escudero, “La méthode pour la guitare de Luis Bricefio,” translated by Daniel Devoto, Revue de musicologie 51 (1965), 13144, Some of the errors in this article are corrected by Héléne Charnassé, “A propos d’un récent article sur ‘La méthode pour la guitare de Luis Bricefio,’” Revue de musicologie 52 (1966), 204-7. 21Bricefio (1626) “Quartillas por monsieur Du Pré gonsejer del rey en su gran consejo,” f.3v.

FIVE-COURSE GUITAR 119 have been unable to ascertain the date of his arrival in Paris. Presumably he was there by 1614, for in that year he contributed a prefatory soneto to a Parisian book written by Le Sieur de Moulére. For his own publication of 1626 Bricefio managed to obtain the support of at least two French noblemen who held prominent posts at the court of Louis XIII (see chap. 3, p. 50). Bricefio and his wife, Anne Gaultier, had two sons who were baptized in the Parisian parish of Saint-Sulpice in February of 1627.78 (c) Doizi de Velasco (1640)

The only known exemplar of Doizi’s treatise is preserved at E Mn (R.4042). It lacks an imprint.?? According to Anglés and Subir4 the coatof-arms on the title-page is the Spanish royal shield of Naples.2° A handwritten note on the inside front cover states that the book was published by Egidio Longo in Naples in 1640 (“En Népoles, por Egidio Longo con licencia de los superiores 1640”). I have assumed that this is correct. The same information is given by the 18th-century bibliographer Barbosa Machado.#! In the 17th century Antonio also lists the place and date of publication as Naples, 1640, although he cites the title in Portuguese. Some modern scholars mention a second edition of 1645;33 however,

it is doubtful that it ever existed. References to it can be traced back to a puzzling remark made by Mitjana in the early 20th century. He claimed 28F Pn Fichier Laborde; as transcribed in Yolande de Brossard, Musiciens de Paris 15351792. Actes d'état civil d'aprés le fichier Laborde de la Bibliotheque Nationale (Paris, 1965), 47-48. This information is also pointed out by Francois Lesure, “Trois instrumentistes francais du XVIle siécle,” Revue de musicologie 37 (1955), 186.

°Nicolés Doizi de Velasco, Nuevo modo de cifra para tafler la guitarra con variedad, y perfeccién, ‘y se muestra ser instrumento perfecto, y abundanttssimo. Por Nicolao Doizi de Velasco, muisico de cdmara de su magestad, ¥ de la del sefior infante cardenal. Y al presente en servicio del excellentiss[imo] sefior duque de Medina de las Torres, principe de Stillano, y sumiller de corps. &c. virey, y capitdn general del reyno de Ndpoles (n.p., n.d.).

*Anglés and Subir vol. 3 (1951), 107. They mistakenly give the shelf number of the exemplar as M. 4042. 5!Diogo Barbosa Machado, Bibliotheca lusitana histérica, critica, e cronolégica. Na qual se comprehende a noticia dos authores portuguezes, e dos obras, que compuserdo desde o tempo da . promulgacdo da Ley de Graga até o tempo prezente vol. 3 (Lisbon, 1752; facsimile edition, Coimbra, 1966), 492. 2 Antonio vol. 2 (1788), 150. 33For example, Danner (1972), 49.

120 THE INSTRUMENTAL SOURCES that there was no trace of the 1640 edition at E Mn, and that the only exemplar preserved there was issued by Longo in Naples in 1645.34 Mitjana was probably mistaken, for the only exemplar which survives today is E Mn R.4042. Moreover, since this exemplar belongs to the Barbieri collection, the library would have acquired it upon Barbieri’s death in 1894. Doizi's contemporaries indicate that he was born in Portugal. For ex-

ample, in one of the prefatory poems of the guitar treatise a Spanish nobleman praises him as the Portuguese Apollo.3> Doizi was probably in

Madrid sometime before February of 1624, for he claims to have met Vicente Espinel there.* On the title-page of his treatise Doizi describes himself as chamber musician to the king and to the cardinal-infante. In the lat-

ter capacity he may have worked in Milan and Brussels. The cardinal-infante was Fernando (1609-1641), brother of Felipe IV. Fernando served in Barcelona as the viceroy of Catalonia from 1632 to 1633, in Milan

as the governor of Lombardy from 1633 to 1634, and in Brussels as the governor-general of the Netherlands from 1634 until his death on November 9, 1641. The title-page of the guitar treatise further reveals that at the time of publication Doizi was working in Naples under the viceroy and lord chamberlain to the king, the duke of Medina de las Torres. It is not known how long Doizi stayed there. Ramiro Felipe Nifiez de Guzman (died 1668), the second duke of Medina de las Torres, served as the viceroy of Naples from November of 1637 to May of 1644.7 Doizi dedicated his treatise to Margarita de Austria, Branchiforti y Colona, a prominent Sicilian aristocrat of royal Spanish descent. Doizi states that it was at her home that he had the opportunity of putting into practice many of his musical ideas.*

34Rafael Mitjana, “La musique en Espagne (art religieux et art profane),” in Encyclopédie de

la musique et dictionnaire du Conservatoire, edited by Albert Lavignac and Lionel de la Laurencie, pt. I, vol. 2 (Paris, 1923), 2096. 35D oizi de Velasco (1640) “A Nicolao Doizi de Velasco, Apolo portugués. De don Gonzalo de Mendoza cavallero de la Orden de Santiago. Décima,” iv. %Doizi de Velasco (1640) “Al miisico, cantor, y cantante,” 2. Vicente Espinel worked in Madrid from 1599 until his death on February 4, 1624; as pointed out in chap. 2, pp. 21— 22. 37His term as viceroy is discussed in Giuseppe Coniglio, I viceré spagnoli di Napoli (Naples, 1967), 239-47.

38D oizi de Velasco (1640) “A la excellentfssima sefiora dona Margarita de Austria Branchiforti, y Colona, ... ,” ii. For further information about Margarita de Austria see chap. 3, p. 49.

FIVE-COURSE GUITAR 121 For the remainder of his life Doizi continued to serve Felipe IV and his representatives, even though Portugal rebelled against Spain in 1640

and regained her independence. On August 22, 1648, the king himself authorized the following payment:

I have decided that Nicol4s Doici, my chamber musician for the [Spanish] crown of Portugal, be paid the wages of the said post from the beginning of the year 1641 onwards, in the same portion and in the same form as those which were issued and paid to Gaspar de Silva Vasconcelos, a chaplain and musician who belonged to my royal chapel and who went over to Portugal. Execute it thus, by issuing the official documents which are necessary for it. [Rubric of Felipe IV.}°

In Madrid on July 7, 1652, Doizi acknowledged receipt of 81,006 maravedts. He was paid from funds which were set aside for the Portuguese chaplains belonging to the Royal Household of Castile.” Doizi died sometime between 1652 and 1659. On July 31, 1659, his widow Catalina de Osma submitted a petition to the king concerning a royal pension.‘*! Four years later his son Luis made another request regarding the pension.” (d) and (e) Sanz (1674 and ca. 1675)

| The guitar treatise by Gaspar Sanz consists of three “books.”* In this study I refer to Books I and II as Sanz (1674), and to Book III as Sanz (ca. 39E Mn Barbieri Mss 14027 (113), an original document dated Madrid, August 22, 1648. Gaspar de Silva Basconcelos is listed as a singer in the royal chapel in the expense accounts for the last third of the year 1637; according to a document in E Mp summarized by Edmond van der Straeten, Les musiciens néerlandais en Espagne vol. 2 (Brussels, 1888), 429.

*E Mn Barbieri Mss 14027(114), an original document. : ‘TE Mn Barbieri Mss 14027 (115), an original document dated Madrid, July 31, 1659. E Mn Barbieri Mss 14027 (116), original documents dated Madrid, April of 1663. “Gaspar Sanz, Instruccién de muisica sobre la guitarra espafiola; y método de sus primeros rudimentos, hasta tafierla con destreza. Con dos laberintos ingeniosos, variedad de sones, ‘y dances de rasgueado, ‘y punteado, al estilo espafiol, italiano, francés, y inglés. Con un breve tratado para acompafiar con perfeccién, sobre la parte muy essencial para la guitarra, arpa, y 6rgano, resumido en doze reglas, y exemplos los mds principales de contrapunto, ‘y composicién. Dedicado al serenfssimo sefior, el sefior don Juan. Compuesto por el licenciado Gaspar Sanz, aragonés, natural de la villa de Calanda, bachiller en teologta por la insigne Universidad de Salamanca (Zaragoza, 1674; facsimile edition, Zaragoza, 1952). This facsimile edition uses the 3rd edi-

tion (1674) for Books I and II, and the 8th edition (1697) for Book III. All my references are to this facsimile edition and its modern foliation.

122 THE INSTRUMENTAL SOURCES 1675; reprinted 1697). Book III contains only passacalles and thus differs

from the earlier sections.“ From an examination of the surviving exemplars, Garcfa-Abrines suggests that there may have been eight printings or editions of the treatise, all issued in Zaragoza between 1674 and 1697.© According to his numbering, Book II first appeared in the third _ edition (with Book I), and Book III first appeared in the fourth edition (with Books I and II). The title-pages of the third and fourth editions have the imprint “Zaragoza, 1674.” However, as Garcfa-Abrines points out, they were not issued until the following year, since the date 1675 appears on three of the engraved folios. Sanz explicitly bases much of his treatise on Italian practices, which he absorbed during his sojourn in Rome and Naples.“ According to his

own account, in Rome he met all the leading guitarists and learned the most from Lelio Colista (1629—1680).* He also claims to have studied in Naples under the organist of the royal chapel, Christé6val Carisani (i.e.,

probably Christoforo Caresana, ca. 1640-1709). Sanz reveals that he was familiar with many Italian music publications. In the preface of his treatise he alludes to the guitar books of Foscarini (Giovanni Paolo Fos-

carini), Caspergier (Johannes Kapsberger), Pelegrfn (Domenico Pellegrini), Granada (Giovanni Battista Granata), Lorenco Fardino (?), and

finally, “the best of all,” Francisco Corbera (Francesco Corbetta).» Moreover, in his section on accompaniment Sanz states that he has incorporated rules from such maestros as Horacio Veneboli, chapel-master at St. Peter’s in Rome (Orazio Benevoli), Pedro Ciano, organist in Venice (Pietro Andrea Ziani), Lelio Colista, and Christé6val Carisani, his teacher and royal organist in Naples.*! “In the 8th edition (1697) Book III has the following title: “Libro tercero de misica. De cifras sobre la guitarra espafiola, que tiene las diferencias mas primorosas de passacalles, que hasta aora ha compuesto su autor, por todos los ocho tonos més principales de canto de 6rgano, y por los puntos, y términos mAs estrafios, y sonoros de la guitarra, .. .” 45] wis Garcfa-Abrines, Introduction to the facsimile edition of Instruccién de misica sobre la guitarra espaviola by Gaspar Sanz (Zaragoza, 1952), xxxi—xxxiv.

Sanz (1674), f. 3r, 15r, and 49r. "1Sanz (1674) “Prélogo al deseoso de tafier,” f. 6v—7r. Sanz also refers here to “el Capitan” (i.e, Mateo Romero). As discussed in chap. 2, pp. 15-16, Romero was maestro of the royal chapel in Spain from 1598 to 1633.

Sanz (1674) Regla 8, f. 11r. Sanz (1674) Regla 3, f. 29v—30r. ®Sanz (1674) “Prélogo al deseoso de tafier,” f. 6r. ISanz (1674) Regla 3, f. 29v—30r.

FIVE-COURSE GUITAR 123 On the title-page of his treatise Gaspar Sanz describes himself as a native of Calanda (a town in south-east Aragon) and a graduate in theology from the University of Salamanca. For the publication of his guitar treatise in Zaragoza, Sanz sought the patronage of Juan de Austria (16291679) by dedicating the first six editions to him. Juan de Austria, the illegitimate son of Felipe IV, had taken up residence in Zaragoza as the vicar general of Aragon in June of 1669 (as mentioned in chap. 3, pp. 47— 48). In the dedication Sanz claims that before traveling to Italy he had already shown Juan de Austria some of his work.” This suggests that Sanz

made his Italian trip sometime between 1669 and 1674. | In the early 19th century, the bibliographer Latassa offered addition-

al information about the birth and output of Sanz, but did not provide any substantiating evidence. Garcfa-Abrines accepts only some of it, but even he does not establish conclusively that it concerns the same Sanz as the composer. He does show that a Francisco Bartolomé Sanz y Celma

was baptized in Calanda on April 4, 1640.4 He also points out that a Gaspar Sanz wrote two religious books which were published in Madrid during the late 17th century. The first book, issued in 1678, is a Spanish translation of a work by the Jesuit Daniello Bartoli.°5 The original Italian edition had first appeared in Rome in 1645.% The second book by Sanz, issued in 1681, is a panegyric for Pope Innocent XI.%

Sanz (1674) “Serenfssimo sefior,” f. 4r. Félix de Latassa y Ortin, Bibliotecas antigua yy nueva de escritores aragoneses, revised by Miguel Gomez Uriel, vol. 3 (Zaragoza, 1886) “SANZ Y CELMA (Don Gaspar Francisco Bartolomé),” 161. SCALANDA, Iglesia Parroquial, Libro de bautizados, vol. 1, f. 128v; as transcribed in Garcfa-Abrines (1952), xiii. *5Gaspar Sanz (translator), El hombre de letras escrito en italiano por el p[adre] Daniel Bartoli de la Compaiiia de Jestis, traducido por diversos autores en latfn, francés, alemdn, y portugués, lo vertié en espariol (Madrid, 1678); as listed and discussed in Garcfa-Abrines (1952), xvii and XVILI—XX.

Daniello Bartoli, Dell’huomo di lettere difeso et emendato (Rome, 1645); as listed along with later editions and translations in Augustin de Backer and Aloys de Backer, Bibliothéque de la Compagnie de Jésus, revised by Carlos Sommervogel vol. 1 (Brussels and Paris, 1890; reprinted Louvain, 1960), 969-70. “Gaspar Sanz, Ecos sagrados de la fama gloriosa de n[uestro] muy santo padre Inocencio XI, . . . Panegtrico ecométrico, devidido en varios discursos (Madrid, 1681); as listed and discussed in Garcfa-Abrines (1952), xvii and xx—xxi.

124 THE INSTRUMENTAL SOURCES (f) Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677)

Despite many technical obstacles, Ruiz de Ribayaz managed to have his treatise published in 1677.* The book opens with a theoretical section

of sixteen chapters in which Ruiz discusses the guitar (chap. 1-4, pp. 120), the harp (chap. 5~9, pp. 21-37), and canto de d6rgano or the rudiments of mensural music (chap. 10-16, pp. 38-64). The remainder of the book consists of solo instrumental dance-settings for guitar (pp. 66-102) and for harp (pp. 105-144). The theoretical and musical material for the harp will be discussed later in this study. The material for the guitar has been investigated by Strizich.® In the guitar sections Ruiz draws extensively on the first two books of the treatise by Gaspar Sanz (1674). In the preface Ruiz explains that, because he is addressing beginners, he has simplified some of the topics discussed by Sanz. Furthermore, in the musical section Ruiz includes eleven punteado pieces from the collection by Sanz.°!

As Strizich shows in his biographical summary, almost all the information which is known about Ruiz comes from the treatise itself.6* On the title-page Lucas Ruiz de Ribayaz states that he is “a priest and prebendary of the collegiate church of Villafranca del Bierzo [a town north-west of Astorga], and a native of Santa Maria de Ribarredonda in the district of Bureba and the mountains of Burgos.” In the preface he begs the reader's indulgence by describing himself as an enthusiast who has not practised Lucas Ruiz de Ribayaz, Luz, y norte musical, para caminar por las cifras de la guitarra espartola, y arpa, tafier, y cantar a compds por canto de dérgano; y breve explicacién del arte, con preceptos fdciles, indubitables, y explicados con claras reglas por tedrica, y prdctica. Compuesto por d{on] Lucas Ruiz de Ribayaz, presbitero, prebendado de la iglesia colegial de Villafranca del Bierco, ‘y natural de Santa Maria de Ribarredonda, merindad de Bureba, montarios de Burgos. Consdgrale a la reyna de los dngeles Maria santissima de Curifiego, patrona de dicha colegial

(Madrid, 1677; facsimile edition, Geneva, 1976). The problems he experienced in finding a publisher are discussed in chap. 4, pp. 99-100. Robert Strizich, “A Spanish Guitar Tutor: Ruiz de Ribayaz’s Luz y norte musical (1677),” Journal of the Lute Sociery of America 7 (1974), 51-81. Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677) “Prélogo al curioso lector,” xi. 6\Fight of these pieces are listed as concordances in my vol. 2, because they each contain more than one diferencia (see D-13, D-74, D-117, D-163, D-238, D-303, D-441, and P-38). The other three pieces are not listed as concordances because they each consist of a single diferencia. Nevertheless D-316, D-368, and D-407 are almost identical with D-315, D-367, and D-406 respectively. ©2Strizich (1974), 52-53.

FIVE-COURSE GUITAR 125 music professionally.® In the dedication to the patron saint of his church Ruiz provides the following autobiographical sketch: ... | graduated from the minor orders into the holy priesthood, in which status I learned some principles of music which I acquired serving the counts of Lemos y Andrade, from whence (through their intercession and upon presentation by their most excellent patron don Fadrique de Toledo, marquis of Villafranca) I came to enjoy a prebend, and after having obtained this stipend, being your most submissive servant and chaplain, I practised in the spare moments that my schedule allowed me, so as not to have those moments totally idle . . . on tablature, instruments and music, with the result that I have composed this book, . . . %

In addition, Stevenson has discovered that Ruiz probably traveled to Peru in 1667 in the service of the new viceroy, Pedro Fernandez de Castro (the 10th conde de Lemos and 6th conde de Andrade).© An archival list of the viceroy’s retinue for the New World, filed one month before he set sail from Cadiz, includes the priest Lucas Ruiz de Ribayaz as one of the “gentilhombres de la cdémara.”© Ruiz later claimed to have seen overseas provinces (see chap. 1, p. 3), which suggests that he did indeed travel to Peru. He must have returned to Spain some time before the publication of his treatise. Perhaps he left the New World just after the death of the viceroy FernAndez de Castro on December 6, 1672. (g) Guerau (1694)

Guerau’s guitar book differs from the earlier Spanish publications in

that all of its music is designed for the advanced player, yet includes a Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677) “Prélogo al curioso lector,” xii. *4Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677) “A nuestra sefiora de Curifiego Marfa santfssima,” ii; English translation taken from Strizich (1974), 52. Robert Stevenson, Foundations of New World Opera (Lima, 1973), 42-44, 46, and 7374; according to Strizich (1974), 53.

SSSEVILLE, Archivo General de Indias, Casa de la Contrataci6n Ms 5435 (dated February 4, 1667); as summarized in Guillermo Lohmann Villena, El conde de Lemos virrey del Peri (Madrid, 1946), 30-31, note 19. 6’Francisco Guerau, Poema harménico, compuesto de varias cifras. Por el temple de la guitarra espaviola, dedicado a la sacra, cathélica, y real magestad del rey nuestro sefior don Carlos Segundo, que Dios guarde, por su menor capelldn, y mds afecto vassallo, el licenciado don Francisco Guerau, presbytero, musico de su real capilla, y cémara (Madrid, 1694; facsimile edition, Lon-

don, 1977). All my references are to another exemplar which is preserved in GB Lbm K.10.a5. A facsimile of it is included in the modern edition by Janis M. Stevenson, “A Transcription of ‘Poema harménico’ by Francisco Guerau for Baroque Guitar” (M.A. thesis, San José State University, 1974).

126 THE INSTRUMENTAL SOURCES brief explanatory introduction for the beginner.® In the prefatory material Francisco Guerau makes three references to his own career. His remarks are partly supported by archival documents at E Mp which have been un-

covered by Pennington. First, on the title-page of the guitar book he describes himself as chaplain and musician in the royal chapel and chamber. A palace document indicates that on February 25, 1693, he was indeed appointed to the real cédmara with a raise in salary. Second, in his dedication to Carlos I], Guerau claims that he has served the crown for thirty-five years (i.e., since ca. 1659).” Similarly a petition regarding his

pension, submitted to the palace on July 10, 1717, states that he had worked as a musician in the college for the choirboys of the royal chapel,

known as the Real Colegio de los Cantorcicos, from 1656 to 1700.” Third, in the prologue of the guitar book he mentions that he had received musical training as a child.”? According to Pennington, a Francisco Garau [sic] is listed as a cantorcico of the Real Colegio in a document dated February 1, 1660.”

Four other works of the period may well be by the same person who

composed the guitar book under consideration. A Francisco Guerau wrote a religious study which was published in Valencia in 1698.4 A musical manuscript compiled during the early 18th century, consisting of secular vocal works by various composers, includes two pieces by Garau

[sic]. Another manuscript anthology from the same period preserves only the soprano part (tiple) of a three-voice secular song by Guerau.” Guerau (1694) “Advertencias a los principiantes,” f. *4r. OF Mp caja 479/14; according to Pennington vol. 1 (1981), 95. ®Guerau (1694) “Al rey nuestro sefior don Carlos Segundo que Dios guarde,” f. *2v. "NE Mp caja 479/14; according to Pennington (1981), 1:94. The college is discussed by José Subir4, “La misica en la Real Capilla madrilefia y en el Colegio de Nifios Cantorcicos. Apuntes hist6ricos,” Anuario musical 14 (1959), 207-30. "Guerau (1694) “Prélogo al aficionado,” f. *3v. ®3E Mp legajo 1116; according to Pennington (1981), 1:94. “Francisco Guerau, Declaraciones sacras sobre los evangelios (Valencia, 1698); as listed in Antonio Palau y Dulcet, Manual del librero hispanoamericano. Bibliografia general espaytola e hispanoamericana desde la invencién de la imprenta hasta nuestros tiempos vol. 6 (2nd edition, Barcelona, 1953), 429. ‘3 (a) Garau, “O nunca, tirano amor” (solo voice and continuo), in E Mn M.3880; listed in the inventory by Anglés and Subir4 vol. 1 (1946), 275; facsimile and transcription in J.M.

Stevenson (1974), 277-82. (b) Garau, “Alerta que de los montes” (solo voice and continuo), in E Mn M.3880; listed in the inventory by Anglés and Subir4 vol. 1 (1946), 275; facsimile and transcription in J.M. Stevenson (1974), 271-76. Guerau, “Que lleva el s[efior] Sgueva” (tiple only), in E Mn M.3881; as listed in the inventory by Anglés and Subird vol. 1 (1946), 288.

FIVE-COURSE GUITAR 127 (h) EMn M.2209 Antonio de Santa Cruz composed and produced this manuscript for one Juan de Miranda.” He wrote it in black and red ink, using a large ornate script. (See Plate 5 for a black and white facsimile of f.1r.) The musi-

cal pieces are notated for the five-course guitar, which the title-page designates simply as biguela hordinaria. This generic use of the term vihuela

occurs in other sources as well. For example, in the early 18th century Nassarre employs the name vihuela to refer to gut-stringed instruments of five, six, or seven courses. Nassarre adds that the five-course instrument (known as the guitarra espajiola) differs from the others only in size and — tuning.”® Santa Cruz opens his collection with a short introduction, but it is not very informative. He merely emphasizes the importance of careful playing and warns the player not to strike the unmarked courses in certain chords: I declare that one of the things which one should try to attain on this instrument with study and care, is to play as cleanly as possible whatever one plays on it. And in order that one may be able to acquire this to some degree, I will not omit to relate what time and experience have taught me. For this purpose I am setting down the advice which follows. One should certainly note that, both in composed works [conposturas] and in fantazias, it sometimes happens that there are chords of four voices in which one of the strings is left empty. Unless the said chord is played by the right hand with some care or neatness, that string which was blank will produce dissonance by grating with the others which are pressed down at their notes or ciphers. This is not only slovenly playing; it also causes great harshness to the ear. It seems to me that it would be tedious to want to deal with all the chords in which one should observe the advice just given. For the person who would like to understand it thoroughly, let what I have just said suffice to enable him to consider what I have neglected to say on this topic.”

Antonio de Santa Cruz, Livro donde se verdn pazacalles de los ocho tonos i de los trasportados, i asimesmo fantaztas, de compassillo, proporzionsilla, proporsién maior, i compds maior, i asimesmo diferentes obras, para biguela hordinaria que las scribia i asta dfo]n Antonio de Santa

Cruz. Para d[on] Juan de Miranda, E Mn M.2209. An inventory is given in Anglés and Subiré vol. 1 (1946), 341-42. ’8Pablo Nassarre, Escuela musica, segin la prdctica moderna vol. 1 (Zaragoza, 1724; facsimile edition, Zaragoza, 1980) Bk. IV, chap. 15, 461.

9B Mn M.2209 “Abisos para tafier con linpieza,” f. *3r. In the original the writing is very decorative and the words are not clearly separated from one another.

128 a THE INSTRUMENTAL SOURCES

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Plate 5. E Mn M. 2209, f. Ir a a 7 Santa Cruz does not mention the place or date of composition. The chord chart, the ornament symbols, and the inclusion of “Mariz4palos” settings (D-282 and D-283) all indicate that the manuscript was almost

| certainly written after 1650. (The popular song called “Mariz4palos” is discussed in pt. IV.) On the other hand, the absence of French dances in-

dicates that it was probably written before 1700, especially if it was prepared at the royal court. Pennington suggests the narrower (but less | certain) range of ca. 1675-1700, on the basis of three notational elements. He points to the inconsistent manner of representing the eleventh fret, the use of two types of slurs (suave and brebe), and the application of vibrato to two notes simultaneously.” For the purposes of chronology in

Pennington (1981), 1:96-98. | | |

FIVE-COURSE GUITAR 129 this study, I have placed the Santa Cruz manuscript at the very end of the 17th century.

Unfortunately no biographical information has been uncovered about Antonio de Santa Cruz. In 1633 one of the members of the royal chapel was named Gerénimo de Santa Cruz y Jaxardo, but it is not known whether Antonio was related to him.®! Similarly, | have been unable to establish anything about Juan de Miranda, the man for whom the manuscript was prepared. Perhaps he was the court painter Juan Carrefio de Miranda (1614-1685) or a member of his family. Carrefio de Miranda was appointed pintor del rey on September 27, 1669, and pintor de cdmara

on April 11, 1671.8 The ornate and colorful script of the manuscript would certainly be appropriate if the intended recipient was a painter.

(i) EMnM8I1 This anthology of guitar pieces “selected from the best composers,” was compiled anonymously in 1705.% The first ninety-three pages contain punteado settings only. An examination of the durational symbols reveals

that a different hand wrote the remainder of the manuscript (pp. 95— 153), which consists of both rasgueado and punteado pieces. (See Plate 6 for a facsimile of p. 95.) Almost all the works are dance-song settings. One of the works, entitled “Ay engafioso amor” (pp. 91-93), even has its lyrics written out below the tablature. The anthology identifies the composer for only one of its pieces, namely, the “Alemanda del Corbeta” (pp. 42—43). According to Pinnell, it is a variant of an “Almanda” by Francesco Corbetta which was published in 1643. However, Russell disagrees and states that the model piece is actually an “Alemanda” by Pellegrini that

SIE Mp “Sumario y némina de los gajes que se han de pagar a los capellanes, cantores y officiales de la capilla del rey n[uest]ro s[efio]r de su real cassa de Borgofia, en los cuatro meses del tercio primero deste afio de 1633, .. .”; as transcribed in Straeten vol. 2 (1888), 423.

The original documents from E Mp for these appointments are reproduced in Jests Barettini Fernandez, Juan Carrerio pintor de cémara de Carlos Il (Madrid, 1972), 117-20. 83] ibro de diferentes cifras de guitara [sic] escojidas de los mejores autores afto de 1705, E Mn

M.811. Only the tide-page is engraved. In the original the 5 in 1705 is upside-down. An inventory is given in Anglés and Subir4 vol. 1 (1946), 348-51. The musical incipits of all the punteado pieces are given in the original tablature notation in Pennington vol. 1 (1981) Appendix V, 193-215.

CO

te

llr

ee

ee

Oe

130 oe THE INSTRUMENTAL SOURCES ©

Hw Nt re | ar a ee eey —_— ee ee ff) CF FE ee ay sere eS eee

pee eT Sie ee ee eS ee eee ek eee a .rt—“‘—i—=—s*s*s*s*s”trSsm—s—sCO

Plate 6.E Mn M. 811, p. 95 , —

TT ee if "aae we ee Cs )a’

was issued in 1650.8 Pinnell also claims that a sarabanda in E Mn M.811 | comes from one of Corbetta’s books. He is mistaken though; no such

ee er rae C——=*C“NN , §4Francesco Corbetta, Varii capricci per la ghittara spagnuola (Milan, 1643; facsimile edition, Archivum musicum vol. 33, Florence, 1980) “Alm[anda] bel [sic] 4to tuono,” 40; modern edition by Pinnell (1976), 2:120. A transcription of EMn M.811 “Alemanda del Corbeta,”

42-43, is given by Pinnell (1976), 2:398. | , |

_E Mn M. 811 contains two concordances from Domenico Pellegrini, Armoniosi concerti

sopra la chitarra spagnuola (Bologna, 1650)—facsimile edition, Archivum musicum 8 | (Florence, 1978)—according to Craig H. Russell, “Imported Influences in 17th and 18th Century Guitar Music in Spain,” Actas del congreso internacional “Espafia en la misica de oc-

cidente” vol. 1 (Madrid, 1987) 399-401: Oo ,

“Alemanda quarta,” 49. _ oe -a) EMn M811 “Alemanda del Corbeta,” 42-43, is concordant with Pellegrini (1650)

(b) E Mn M.811 “Corrente por la ze,” 77-79, is concordant with Pellegrini (1650)

“Corrente detta la Grimalda,” 22. | | 7 ,

FIVE-COURSE GUITAR 131 concordance exists.° E Mn M.811 does contain five pieces from the treatise by Gaspar Sanz.® In addition it provides some indication of the new French tastes which prevailed at the Spanish court after the arrival of Felipe V. The manuscript contains several settings of French dances, including one contradanza de alemana, one paspié, and eight minuetes. (j) Murcia (1714)

The title-page of Murcia’s guitar book gives the date of publication

but not the place.’ Antonio Literes, the principal biolén in the royal chapel, wrote an approbation recommending that the book be issued in

$5Pinnell (1976), 1:118 and 338; and Richard T. Pinnell, “Alternate Sources for the Printed Guitar Music of Francesco Corbetta (1615-1681),” Journal of the Lute Sociery of America 9 (1976), 80. He erroneously claims that E Mn M.811 “Sarabande [sic],” 128, is concordant with Francesco Corbetta, De gli scherzi armonici trovati e facilitati in alcune curiosissime suonate

sopra la chitarra spagnuola (Bologna, 1639) “Sarabande. Allillustriss[ima] sig{noria] il

sig[nore] Marco Michielli,” 65; moder edition by Pinnell (1976) 2:72. There is no sarabande on p. 128 of E Mn M.811. Furthermore, none of the three zarabandas in E Mn M.811 (D-451, D-453, and D-454) resembles this sarabande by Corbetta. SE Mn M.811 “Preludio arpeado,” 55-58, is concordant with Sanz (1674) “Preludio, o capricho arpeado por la +,” f. 26r; but it lacks the closing sesquidltera section. The other concordances are D-13, D-451, P-46, and P-52. Close similarities between 8 other pairs of dance settings are discussed in Craig H. Russell and Astrid K. Topp Russell, “EI arte de recomposicién en la midsica espafiol para la guitarra barroca,” Revista de musicologta 5 (1982) 5—11 and 14. Although Russell and Topp Russell view the versions in E Mn M.811 as “recompositions” of the settings in Sanz (1674), I prefer not to consider them as concor-

dances. It is possible that the versions in E Mn M.811 were based independently on popular repertory in the public domain. 5/Santiago de Murcia, Resumen de acompafiar la parte con la guitarra. Comprendiendo en él todo lo que conduze para este fin: en donde el aficionado hallard dissueltas, por difrentes [sic] partes del ynstrumento, todo género de posturas, ¥ ligaduras, en los siete signos natur{ale]s y acciden-

tal[e]s. Dedicado al yll[ustrisi]mo s[efio]r d[on] Jdcome F[rancis]co Andriani caballero del horden de Santiago, :y embiado extr[aordina]rio de los cantones cathélicos. Por Santiago de Mur-

cia m[aest]ro de guitarra de la reyna n[uestr]a s[eftorJa d[on]a M[art]a Luisa Gabriela de Saboya q[uJe D[io]s aya (n.p., 1714; facsimile edition, Monaco, 1980). All my references are to the exemplar preserved at E Mn R.5048. It is described in Anglés and Subir4 vol. 3 (1951), 119-21. I have not had the opportunity of consulting the study by Elena Lowenfeld, “Santiago de Murica’s Thorough-bass Treatise for the Baroque Guitar (1714), Intro-

duction, Translation and Transcription” (M.A. thesis, University of New York City College, 1975); or the study and modern edition by Craig H. Russell, “Santiago de Murcia:

Spanish Theorist and Guitarist of the Early Eighteenth Century” (Ph.D. dissertation, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 1981).

132 THE INSTRUMENTAL SOURCES Spain. In the course of his remarks he reveals that Murcia’s treatise was actually engraved in Antwerp.® The book is historically significant for two reasons. First, it contains a long section of theoretical explanations (pp. 5-56). Second, it is the earliest guitar source which clearly reflects the overwhelming influence of French dancing at the Spanish court during

the 18th century. In addition to arrangements from the stage music of Jean-Baptiste Lully (D-347) and André Campra (see Chart 27 in chap. 8), Murcia includes 8 burees, 10 paspiedes, 29 menuetes, and many other French dances. According to Russell, at least 18 pieces (and probably an

additional 34 pieces) are arrangements of dance melodies in the choreographic publications of Feuillet which were issued in Paris from 1700 to 1713. Murcia closes his book with three sets of pieces arranged in the manner of French and Italian suites.

On the title-page Santiago de Murcia describes himself as guitar master to Queen Marie-Louise (then deceased). (Marie-Louise of Savoy, the first wife of Felipe V, died on February 14, 1714.) Perhaps Murcia ob-

tained this post as early as 1704. In September of that year the duc de Gramont informed Louis XIV that Marie-Louise was learning to play the

guitar. In 1705 the queen herself wrote that she was keeping busy by playing the harpsichord, studying music, and learning the guitar.9! Unfor-

tunately no archival documents have been uncovered concerning Murcia’s royal service. Pennington suggests that he may have been related to one or more guitar makers who are listed in the palace records.” Murcia (1714) “Aprobacién de don Antonio Literes, biol6n principal de la capilla real,” iv. The approbation is dated Madrid, August 1, 1717, which may be a misprint for 1714. 83Craig H. Russell, “Santiago de Murcia: The French Connection in Baroque Spain,” Journal of the Lute Society of America 15 (1982), 41 and 46-48. Many of these dance melodies appeared earlier in stage works by Lully and by Campra; as pointed out by Russell (1987), 393-96. *] etter from the duc de Gramont to Louis XIV, dated September 30, 1704; PARIS, Archives Nationales, Affaires Etrangéres, Espagne vol. 142, f. 167; as quoted in Alfred Baudrillart, Philippe V et la cour de France d'aprés des documents inédits tirés des archives espagnoles de Simancas et d'Alcala de Hénarés, et des archives du Ministére des Affaires Etrangéres a

Paris vol. 1 (Paris, 1890), 195.

Letter from Queen Marie-Louise to her grandmother, dated September 8, 1705; as quoted in Michel Antoine, Henry Desmarest (1661-1741). Biographie critique (Paris, 1965), 104 note I. *2For example, a Gabriel de Murcia is described as a viol and guitar maker belonging to the royal chapel, in E Mp caja 731/32 (document dated March 25, 1689); according to Pennington (1981) 1:134.

FIVE-COURSE GUITAR 133 In 1714, following the queen’s death, Murcia dedicated his book to J4come Francisco Andriani, a special envoy of Felipe V to the Catholic cantons of the Netherlands (see chap. 3, p. 49). Andriani actually financed the book, which may explain why it was engraved in Antwerp. (k) E Bc M.691/2 (4)

This source is an anonymous double folio which lacks an overall title and date.%3 It consists of 14 pieces for punteado guitar; namely, 1 preludio, 1 correnta, 9 minuets, and 3 sarabandas (D-459 to D-461).%4 The

repertory suggests that this manuscript was probably written sometime during the first half of the 18th century. The simple nature of the music precludes a more precise dating. For the purposes of chronology in this study I have placed the manuscript at about the year 1720. () B Bc Ms 5615 (pp. 82-121)

This manuscript was compiled at Ghent during the year 1730 by Jean Baptiste Louis de Castillion, provost of the ecclesiastical college of Sainte Pharailde.* The introduction, which discusses the guitar and its notation, reflects French practices of the period. The main body of the manuscript is divided into two sections. The first (pp. 1-81) is a collection of guitar works composed by Francois Le Cocq, a musician of many years’

service at the royal chapel in Brussels.” In the preface Castillion states

3E Bc M.691/2(4); listed as Ms 73 in Felip Pedrell, Catdlech de la Biblioteca Musical de la Diputacié de Barcelona vol. 1 (Barcelona, 1908), 98.

Pennington (1981), 1:119-121, provides a description and inventory of this source. He lists fifteen pieces because he counts the “Sarabanda por la O” and its “Glosa” separately. Note that the last four pieces in the manuscript are “por la D,” not “por la A” as Pennington has it. Recueil des pices de guitarre composées par m[onsieur] Francois Le Cocq musicien jubilaire de la chapelle royale a Bruxelles. Et présentées par l'auteur en 1729 a monsieur de Castillion prévét de S{ain]te Pharailde &c. a Gand, B Bc Ms 5615; facsimile edition, Thesaurus musicus nova

series, série A vol. 1 (Brussels, 1979). The place and date of compilation (“Fait 4 Gand pendant le cours de l’année 1730”) are given at the end of the unsigned “Préface” on p. iv. On p. ii an engraved portrait of the provost at the age of 58, dated 1739 (sic), gives his full name as “J{ean] Bap[tiste}] Lud[ovi]co de Castillion.” 6B Bc Ms 5615 “Principes de la guitarre,” v—xiv.

B Bc Ms 5615 “Recueil des pitces de guitarre composées par m[onsieu]r Francois Le Cocq musicien jubilaire de la chapelle royale, 4 Bruxelles. Je louairai Dieu mon créateur sur la guitarre 1730,” 1-81.

134 THE INSTRUMENTAL SOURCES that he copied these pieces from autograph scores given to him by Le Cocq.*% The second section of the manuscript (pp. 82-121) is the one which is relevant to this study. It is an anthology of sixty-five guitar pieces by “the best masters of the 17th century.”"® At the end of all but two of the pieces Castillion supplies the name of the composer. He attributes 31

works to Nicolas Derosier, 14 to F. Corbet (Francesco Corbetta), 6 to Lelio (Lelio Colista), 6 to Robert de Visée, 4 to Michel Perez de Zavala (Miguel Pérez de Zavala), and 2 to J.B. Granata (Giovanni Battista Granata). Although in the preface he also names Gaspar Sanz, Castillion does not attribute any pieces to him in the body of the manuscript.

All that is known about the Spanish guitarist Miguel Pérez de Zavala comes from this source. In the preface Castillion refers to him briefly as follows: I am adding in this collection, after the airs by Monsieur Le Cocq, some pieces by other masters who excelled in the last century. One finds in those by monsieur Francois Corbet [Francesco Corbetta] a great deal of profundity. Monsieur Lelio [Lelio Colista] has added with his pieces a pleasant sweetness. It seems to me that Michel Perez de Zavala [Miguel Pérez de Zavala], a Spaniard and teacher of my honoured father in Madrid in approximately 1690, has imitated these two excellent composers not badly. The pieces by monsieur Gaspar Sanchez [Gaspar Sanz], also a Spaniard, and by monsieur Jean Baptiste Granata [Giovanni Battista Granatal], an Italian, have their worth. The chaconnes and passacailles of the latter are considered to be good.'”

The four pieces attributed to Pérez de Zavala in the anthology section are his only surviving works. '°!

°8B Bc Ms 5615 “Préface,” iii-iv. °9B Bc Ms 5615 “Recueil des pi&ces de guitarre de meilleurs maftres du sidcle dix-septitme,”

82-121. l0OB Bc Ms 5615 “Préface,” iv.

l01B Bc Ms 5615 “Passacaille dite Marizapalos” (D-286), 102-3; “Gigue,” 105; “Marche Dauphine,” 108; and “Gigue,” 109.

FIVE-COURSE GUITAR 135 (m) GB Lbm Ms Add.3 1640

This collection of guitar pieces by Santiago de Murcia was prepared in the year 1732 for one Joseph Alvarez de Saavedra.’ To some extent this manuscript and Murcia’s book of 1714 are complementary. The 1732

manuscript lacks a theoretical section. Presumably the material which opens the 1714 book is supposed to suffice. In turn, the 1732 manuscript begins with 28 passacalles (P-118 to P-145), a genre which is absent in the 1714 book. The remainder of the 1732 manuscript consists of 103 pieces, grouped by mode or key, which resemble the stylized dance-settings of

French and Italian suites. Two of the allemandas actually come from Robert de Visée’s guitar book of 1682.' Pinnell suggests that as many as ten pieces may come from the guitar works of Francesco Corbetta. Some

of the corresponding pieces are closely concordant, while others are similar only in a general way.'* According to Russell, twenty-four of Murcia’s pieces are arrangements of scordatura guitar works by Francois Campion published in Paris in 1705.!°5 Russell further states that fifteen of Murcia’s pieces are based on guitar works by Francois Le Cocq, which are '00Santiago de Murcia, Passacalles y obras de guitarra por todos los tonos naturales y acidentales [sic] para el s[efio]r df{on] Joseph Albarez de Saa[ve]drra [sic] por Santiago de Murzia afio de

1732, GB Lbm Ms Add. 31640; facsimile edition (Monaco, 1979). A detailed study and complete modern edition are given by Pennington (1981), 1:135-169 and vol. 2. For a discussion of Cédice Saldfvar 4, the companion volume to this manuscript, see above p. 108.

'03(a) GB Lbm Ms Add. 31640 “Allemanda,” f. 691, modern edition by Pennington (1981), 2:129-31, is concordant with Robert de Visée, Livre de guittarre, dédié au roy (Paris, 1682) “Allemande,” modern edition by Robert W. Strizich, Robert de Visée. Oeuvres completes pour guitare; Le pupitre 15 (Paris, 1969), 12—13. (b) GB Lbm Ms Add. 31640 “Allemanda,” f. 105r, modern edition by Pennington (1981), 2:213-14, is concordant with Visée (1682) “Allemande,” modern edition by Strizich, Le pupitre 15 (1969), 2.

'Pinnell (Ph.D. dissertation, 1976), 1:241; and Pinnell, Journal of the Lute Society of America 9 (1976), 69. He points to one piece in Francesco Corbetta, Varii scherzi di sonate per la chitara spagnola . . . Libro quanto (n.p., n.d.), facsimile edition Archivum musicum 51 (Florence, 1983); and nine pieces in Francesco Corbetta, La guitarre royalle dédiée au roy de la Grande Bretagne (Paris, 1671; facsimile edition, Geneva, 1975). An amended list of the correspondences between Murcia’s collection and Corbetta’s books is given by Russell (1982), 48-49. 105Russell (1982), 44 and 49-50; and Russell and Topp Russell (1982), 17; with specific reference to Frangois Campion, Nouvelles découvertes sur la guitarre contenantes plusieurs suittes de piéces sur huit maniéres différentes d’accorder (Paris, 1705; facsimile edition, Geneva, 1977).

136 THE INSTRUMENTAL SOURCES preserved in the first part of B Bc Ms 5615 (the source discussed in the preceding section).!* The importance of foreign music is also revealed by the fact that Murcia includes guitar arrangements of five violin pieces from Arcangelo Corelli’s opus 5 (see Chart 26 in chap. 8). (n) Minguet y Yrol (ca. 1754) B

Various exemplars of the instrumental treatise by Minguet y Yrol

survive. Unless otherwise specified, all my references are to the one preserved at GB Lbm (K. 8. al4)."% The treatise is actually a composite work. It consists of seven parts which I have labeled A through G. Each has its own title-page and deals with a different topic. The overall design of the book may be summarized as follows: general introduction (A), guitar (B), accompaniment (C), psaltery (D), bandurria (E), violin (F), and flute and recorder (G). The title-pages of parts D and G give the year of publication as 1754. The remaining title-pages are undated. Part B is the only section to include the approbations, licenses, list of errors, and pricing. The dates of these documents range from September 10, 1752, to May 25, 1753.' Perhaps part B was first issued alone in 1753.'!° On the

frontpiece of the composite work Minguet states that each part of his treatise could be bought separately (as discussed in chap. 4, pp. 97-98). In the middle of the 18th century Pablo Minguet y Yrol was one of the most prolific engravers in Madrid. He issued numerous booklets on

various subjects, as well as a large composite treatise on dancing (see chap. 4, pp. 97-98). Minguet addressed all his works to the layman. At the beginning of the instrumental treatise he emphasizes the self-instructional purpose of the book: 106Russell (1982), 44 and 50-51; Russell and Topp Russell (1982), 18-22; and Craig H. Russell, “Francois Le Cocq’s Influence on Santiago de Murcia: Problems with Dates, Sources, and Recomposition,” Journal of the Lute Sociery of America 16 (1983) 7-11. 107Pablo Minguet y Yrol, Reglas, y advertencias generales que ensefian el modo de tatier todos los instrumentos mejores, ‘y mds usuales, como son la guitarra, tiple, vandola, cythara, clavicordio, 6rgano, harpa, psalterio, bandurria, violfn, flauta traversa, flauta dulce, y la flautilla, con varios tantidos, danzas, contradanzas, ¥ otras cosas semejantes, demonstradas, ¥ figuradas en diferentes

laminas finas, por miisica, y cifra, al estilo castellano, italiano, catalén, y francés, para que qualquier aficionado las pueda comprehender con mucha facilidad, y sin maestro: con una breve explicacién de como el autor los aprendiéd, que estd al bolver de esta hoja (Madrid, n.d.). 108Mfinguet y Yrol (ca. 1754) B, i-iv. 109Pennington (1981), 1:100-1, claims that an exemplar of Minguet’s treatise preserved in

MADRID, Ayuntamiento de Madrid, Biblioteca de Miasica, has the year 1752 on its titlepage. However he gives no further information.

FIVE-COURSE GUITAR 137 And thus, curious reader, if you want to learn by yourself alone, without a teacher and practically without an instrument, how to play any of these instruments, take note of how I learned them;. . . When I was a boy, I wanted to to learn how to play the guitar. I bought a booklet [i.e., almost certainly an edition of Amat’s treatise] which taught how to play it in the strumming manner. I went to a carpenter’s apprentice (as a maker of children’s things) and from a wooden board I had him saw out its figure in the shape of a tiple [a type of small guitar], attach its bridge and nut, and put on five tuning pegs. Afterwards I put on the necessary four frets, proportionally reduced. Then I put on single strings for the first, second, third, fourth, and fifth courses. | opened my booklet, examined the method of tuning the guitar, and tuned it neither well nor poorly. Then | proceeded to the chords and played them as best I could. After I had already learned how to play them a little, I studied the passacalles. If I did not understand something or | had some doubt, I availed myself of someone who was knowledgeable and | had him explain it to me. After | had learned some lictle tunes [tonadillas] | bought a small guitar. | took notice of another book, composed by the renowned guitar composer Gaspar Sanz. (The most reverend father Feij6o and various musicians refer to him thus.)!"° From it | learned some small rasgueado and punteado pieces, and the rules of accompaniment. Afterwards | bought another book which was composed by don Santiago de Murcia, the maestro who served La Saboyana [Queen MarieLouise of Savoy], the mother of our Catholic king don Fernando VI (may God preserve him). From this composer also I learned various fine tocatas. For the rest of the instruments | had to avail myself of some knowledgeable persons, inasmuch as no one has written about them.!!!

Part B (the guitar section) consists of a title-page, 6:unnumbered preliminary pages, 24 unnumbered pages of text, and 10 unnumbered plates of charts and music.'” The text presents a set of rules for rasgueado playing (pp. 1-15) and a set for punteado playing (pp. 16-23). Minguet takes most of this material verbatim from earlier Spanish books. As shown in Chart 2, his main sources are the treatises by Amat and Sanz. He later issued at least Benito Jerénimo Feij6o y Montenegro, “El deleite de la misica, acompafiado de la virtud, hace en la tierra noviciado del cielo,” published in his Cartas eruditas y curiosas, vol. 4 (Madrid, 1753): Carta I, 21; as quoted in Antonio Martfn Moreno, El padre Feijéo ¥y las ideologias musicales del XVIII en Espavia (Orense, 1976), 62.

'lMinguet y Yrol (ca. 1754) A “Indice y explicaci6n de toda la obra,” 1. Pablo Minguet y Yrol, [Part B] Reglas, -y advertencias generales para tafier la guitarra, tiple, y vandola, con variedad de sones, danzas, y otras cosas semejantes, demonstradas, ¥ figuradas en diferentes ldminas finas, por miisica, ¥ cifra, para que qualquier aficionado lo pueda aprender con mucha facilidad, ‘y sin maestro (Madrid, n.d.).

138 THE INSTRUMENTAL SOURCES Chart 2. Sources of the material in Minguet y Yrol (ca. 1754) B

Minguet (ca. 1754)B Source Jopic Regia 1, p. | Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677) parts of the guitar chap. I, p. |

Regla 2, pp. 1—2 Sanz (1674) Regla 1, stringing f.8r-8v

Regia 3, p., 2 Amat (ca. 1596) chap. 1, tuning pp. 2-3 and Sanz (1674) Regla 2, f. 8v

Regla 4, p. 3 Sanz (1674) Regla 3, f.9r frets Regla 5, p. 3 Amat ca. 1596) chap. 2, chords pp. 3-4

Regla 6, pp. 3-6 Amat (ca. 1596) chap.3, = major chords pp. 5-9

Regla 7, pp. 6-8 Amat (ca. 1596) chap. 4, — minor chords pp. 9-14

Regla 8, pp. 8-11 Amat (ca. 1596) chap. 7, transpositions pp. 23-28?

Regla 9-10, pp. 11-13 Sanz (1674) Regla 5-6, shifted chords f.9v—10r>

Regla 11, pp. 14—15 [apparently new] accompanying the violin

Regla 12, p. 15 {apparently new} five-course tiple

Regia 1, p. 16 Sanz (1674) Regla 1, punteado tablature f.lir

Regla 2, p. 16 Sanz (1674) Regla 2, right-hand technique f.lir—llv

Regla 3, pp. 16-17 Sanz (1674) Regla 3, left-hand technique f.liv

Regla 4, p. 17 Sanz (1674) Regla 4, trill (trino) f.llv

Regla 5, pp. 17-18 [apparently new] tablature

Regia 6, p. 18 [apparently new] fingering

Regla 7, pp. 19-20 [apparently new] chord insertion

Regla 8, p. 20 [apparently new] five-course tiple Regla 9, pp. 20-21 Amat (ca. 1596) Tractat six-course vandola breu chap. 4, pp. 55-56°

Explicacién de la lamina Murcia (1714), scales

sexta, pp. 21-23 pp. 28-344

*Minguet substitutes a transposition chart of “Folias espavioles” (D-113) for Amat’s chart of “{Gudrdame las] vacas” (D-202). bMinguet notates the chords by numbers instead of letters. ‘Minguet translates this Catalan chapter into Castilian. 4Minguet summarizes Murcia’s treatment of scales.

FIVE-COURSE GUITAR 139 two revised editions of part B. An exemplar of one of them is preserved at the University of Toronto." Minguet does not give its date of publication. Instead he reuses the title-page from the earlier version of ca. 1754, except that after the words “por miisica, y cifra” he inserts the phrase “al estilo caste-

llano, italiano, cataldn, y francés.” This revised edition is valuable because Minguet adds two new pages of text (pp. 25-26) in which he further explains his rasgueado notation.'“ He also adds castellano and italiano symbols (discussed below) to the chord-chart on plate 1. Minguet published this edition sometime before 1774, for in that year he issued a further revision of part B. It not only incorporates the same additions, but it also employs a new title-page which specifies 1774 as the date of publication."

Other Sources The lost sources of the 17th century include a guitar book by F. Corbera entitled Guitarra espariola, y sus diferencias de sones. As both Mit-

jana and Pinnell point out, the earliest reference to it occurs in the bibliography compiled by Nicol4s Antonio, who died in 1684."® Antonio does not give the place or date of publication, but he does claim that the book was dedicated to Felipe I'V.'"" Pinnell suggests that this collection may represent the missing third book of Francesco Corbetta, which would place it

sometime between 1643 and 1648. That Corbetta at least traveled to Spain is supported by his own remarks in the Italian preface to his La guitarre royalle (Paris, 1671) and by the biographical description in his obituary which was published in the Mercure galant (April, 1681).''

The treatises by Amat (ca. 1596), Sanz (1674), and Murcia (1714) emphasize the importance of the guitar as an accompanying instrument. Each book aims to facilitate such tasks as chord selection, bass realization, and transposition. The reappearance of material from these treatises in 'STORONTO, University of Toronto, Edward Johnson Music Library, Rare Books E-1 18.

'M4The heading at the top of p. 25 reads: “Explicaci6n de los puntos de la guitarra al estilo castellano, italiano, y catalan.” The heading in the middle of p. 26 reads: “Explicaci6n de la guitarra que est4 delineada en la l4mina segunda.” 'I5An exemplar of the 1774 edition of part B is preserved in E Mn M.891; according to the description in Anglés and Subiré vol. 3 (1951), 69-70. N6Mitjana (1923), 2096; and Pinnel (1976), 1:117. 117 Antonio vol. 1 (1783), 416.

'8See Pinnell (1976), 1:115 and 257.

140 THE INSTRUMENTAL SOURCES later Spanish sources reveals that during the 18th century accompaniment continued to be one of the primary functions of the guitar. For example, Amat’s elementary explanations for the novice became known throughout the peninsula. In eastern Spain his treatise was reprinted many times during the 18th century (as mentioned in this chapter, p. 117). Minguet y Yrol incorporated several sections from Amat in his own instrumental treatise issued in Madrid, ca. 1754 (as shown in Chart 2). Later in Madrid, Andrés de Sotos slightly modified Amat’s entire treatise (including material from the Catalan supplement) to produce a guitar book which he issued under his own name in 1764. The only section which does not come from Amat is the final chapter, in which Sotos discusses the five-course tiple." Similarly, in Lisbon, Pita de Roche issued an unacknowledged Portuguese translation of Amat’s treatise in 1752.”°

The more sophisticated explanations of Sanz (1674) and Murcia (1714) were also valued during the 18th century. A manuscript written in 1726 reproduces the complete didactic section of Murcia’s book (pp. 5—

56).!2! In the middle of the century extracts from both treatises appear verbatim in the composite instrumental book of Minguet y Yrol (ca. 1754). The borrowings in part B (the guitar section) have been noted above in Chart 2. The borrowings in part C (the accompaniment section) are also extensive and account for most of the work, as Minguet himself

9 Andrés de Sotos, Arte para aprender con facilid{ad], y sin maestro, a templar, y tafier rasgado la guitarra de cinco 6rdenes, o cuerdas; y también la de quatro, o seis érdenes, llamadas guitarra espaviola, bandurrvia, y vandola, yy también el tiple . . . . sacado de las mejores obras, maestros: dispuesto, recopilado, ‘y aumentado por Andrés de Sotos (Madrid, 1764), chap. 11 “El qual ensefia el modo de templar el tiple, y de como se acompafia con la guitarra de cinco érdenes,” 61-63. An exemplar of this book is preserved at E Mn M.607. 120Jo%0 Leite Pita de Roche, Licam instrumental da viola portugueza, ou de ninfas, de cinco ordens, a qual ensina a temperar, e tocar rasgado, como todos os pontos, assim naturaes, como accidentaes, com hum méthodo facil para qualquer curioso aprender os pontos da viola todos, sem a effectiva assistencia de mestre: com huma tabella, na qual se fay mencdo dos doze tons principaes, para que o tocador se exercite com perfeigdo na prenda da mesma viola (Lisbon, 1752). An exemplar of this book is preserved at E Mn M.597. 121Resumen de acompatiar la parte con la guitarra. Comprehendiendo en él todo lo q[uJe conduce p{a]ra este fin: en donde el aficionado hallard dissueltas p[o]r diferentes p[a]}rtes del instrum[en]to todo género de posturas, y ligad[ura]s en los siete signos naturales, y accidentales. Por Santiago de Murcia m[aest]ro de guitarra. Avio de 1726, E Mn M.881. A brief description is given in Anglés and Subir4 vol. 1 (1946), 448-49.

FIVE-COURSE GUITAR 141 acknowledges.'22 From Sanz he repeats the rules of accompaniment.'” From Murcia he reproduces most of the discussion of meter.'* Another source which preserves material from Sanz and Murcia is an undated work compiled by Manuel Valero, a native of Muniesa (a town just east of Daroca in Aragon).'2> Valero probably wrote it shortly after the death of the Jesuit Francisco de Ger6nimo on May 11, 1716. The twelve prelimi-

nary folios present an engraved portrait of the then deceased Gerénimo followed by a collection of religious poems.'6 The main body of the work, consisting of forty-one pages of text and forty folios of examples, concerns the guitar. It is nothing but a compilation of sections taken verbatim, but

without acknowledgement, from Sanz (the rules for rasgueado playing, punteado playing, and accompaniment) and from Murcia (the complete didactic section)."”? The only exception is the final folio, where Valero describes a customary method of tuning the guitar with octaves in the

122Pablo Minguet y Yrol, [Part C] Reglas, y advertencias generales para acompafiar sobre la parte con la guitarra, clavicordio, érgano, arpa, cithara, o qualquier otro instrumento, con sus léminas finas, que sirven para los exemplos de contrapunto, y composicién, las mds essenciales para este efecto, y para que qualquier aficionado las pueda comprehender con mucha facilidad, y sin maestro. Recopiladas de las obras de Gaspar Sanz (Madrid, n.d.).

'23Minguet y Yrol (ca. 1754) C [Introduction] and Reglas 1-12, 1-5, come from Sanz (1674), f. 28r-32r. The main difference is that Minguet omits the last parts of Regla 3, 6, and 12 of Sanz.

24Minguet y Yrol (ca. 1754) C “Otra regla de los tiempos usuales de la misica, para gobierno del acompafiante; explicando en ellos, quando le precisa a dar golpes llenos, (segtin el tiempo que fuere) o dar el baxo solo, sin acompafiamiento de voces, sacada de las obras de Santiago de Murcia, maestro de guitarra que fue de la reyna n{uestra] s[efiora] dofia Marfa Luisa Gabriela de Saboya (que Dios haya),” 7—8, comes from Murcia

(1714), 41-44. The main difference is that Minguet omits the sections on proporcién, proporcioncilla, and proporcién mayor. '25Manuel Valero, Esta mal concertada armonta poética y dorados caracteres musicales. Suma primorosa de la guitara [sic]. Consagra el lisenciado don Manuel Valero aragonés natus ex opido

de nominatur Muniessa comunitatis Daroce, a el espeso de la pureza de n[uest]ra madre y seflora de la concepcién cuio soberano entivo nos vista de su divina gracia i galardén triunfal diadema del

supremo alcazar, y presea de la gloria, GRANADA, Universidad de Granada, Biblioteca General Ms caja B-25. My thanks to Pedro Savir6én Cid6n of Zaragoza for directing me to Granada for this source. '26The caption of the portrait on f. i gives the place and date of Gerénimo's death: “P. Franciscus de Hieronymo societatis Jesu obijt Neapoli die XI Maij 1716 aetatis 74.” 27Sanz (1674), f. 9r-13v, 16r-17r, and 28r—341; and Murcia (1714), 5—56.

142 THE INSTRUMENTAL SOURCES fourth and fifth courses.’ Valero’s work in turn was copied without ac-

knowledgement by Joseph Trapero in 1763. As it stands Trapero's manuscript includes everything but the title-page, most of the preliminary folios, and the final folio on tuning. These folios may have been copied as well and later lost. The precise correlation of Trapero’s manuscript with the treatises of Sanz and Murcia (but without the intermediate Valero) is given by Pennington.'°

Temperament and Tuning From the outset the normal tuning and fretting of the five-course guitar probably approximated equal temperament. During the late 17th

and early 18th centuries many Spanish theorists, such as Zaragoza (1675), Tosca (1709), Ulloa (1717), Nassarre (1724), and Valls (ca. 1742), assert that the guitar employs equal semitones.4! Furthermore, one can infer equal temperament from the apparent enharmonic equivalence of accidentals in the theoretical section of Murcia’s guitar book of 1714. For example, for the pitches produced by the five courses stopped at the eleventh fret, Murcia gives the following diagram in tablature:!>2

128VV/alero (Ms) “Regla de templar,” f. 40r. The tuning of the guitar is discussed later in this

chapter. OE Mn M.1233 [Guitar method copied by Joseph Trapero in 1763]. The following note appears on the bottom of p. 42: “Este traslado es de Joseph Trapero afio de 1763.” 150Pennington (1981), 1:112-13. 3'oseph Zaragoza, Fdbrica yy uso de varios instrumentos mathemdticos con que sirvié al rey n[uestro] s[eftor] d[on] Carlos Segundo (Madrid, 1675), 209-10; Thom4s Vicente Tosca, Compendio mathemdtico en que se contienen todas las materias mds principales de las ciencias

que tratan de la cantidad, vol. 2 (Valencia, 1709): Bk. II and III; Pedro de Ulloa, Musica universal, o principios universales de la musica (Madrid, 1717), 15 and 22; Nassarre vol. 1 (1724), Bk. III, chap. 16, 316 and Bk. IV, chap. 15, 462; and Francisco Valls, Mapa arm6nico prdctico, E Mn M.1071 (written ca. 1742) chap. 28, f. 252r. 132Mfurcia (1714) “Demonstraci6n. Para saver ass{ las cuerdas en bacio como pisadas en todos los trastes, qué signos sean, para el conocimiento de toda la guitarra .. .,” 6.

FIVE-COURSE GUITAR 143 # Hb

= AR si =k Nevertheless, in his failure to discuss temperament explicitly, Murcia resembles all but one of the earlier Spanish guitarists. Only Doizi de

Velasco provides a detailed technical treatment of the subject. In a theoretical discussion in which he refers to the Neapolitan treatise by Cerreto, Doizi describes three different tuning systems or divisions of the

octave. He states that the guitar and other fretted string instruments employ the third division, which consists of equal semitones.'? He praises the guitar for its equal temperament because it enables the player to accommodate singers by transposing music to any pitch-level. Doizi dismis-

ses its minor discrepancies with the theoretical genera (diatonic, chromatic, and enharmonic) as being negligible in practice. He concludes that facility in transposition merits much more study than refinement in tuning of a comma or less.'*4

Although the other guitar sources do not discuss temperament, most of them do describe the normal tuning of the instrument." All the explanations give the same basic intervals between successive courses, namely (beginning with the fifth course), perfect fourth, perfect fourth, major third, and perfect fourth. Moreover, whenever they mention or imply note-names, they all agree that the fifth course produces the pitch “a."36 At the same time ambiguities and differences arise concerning the '33Doizi de Velasco (1640) “Que la guitarra es instrumento perfecto, conforme al repartimiento de su diapass6n,” 4. There is a reference in this passage to Scipione Cerreto, Della prattica musica vocale, et strumentale, opera necessaria a coloro, che di musica si dilettano (Naples, 1601; facsimile edition, Bologna, 1969). '4Doizi de Velasco (1640) “Que la guitarra es instrumento capacfssimo para tafier en él, por los mismos géneros, que en los dem4s,” 14-15.

, ‘An excellent investigation of tuning, which incorporates translated excerpts from the Spanish sources, is given by Sylvia Murphy, “The Tuning of the Five-Course Guitar,” Galpin Society Journal 23 (1970), 49-63. '36An exception occurs in E Mn M.2209 “Fantasfa sobre la H que es 4” and “Passacalles: por el destenple, por el mismo tono” (P-109), f. 34r—35v. For these two pieces Santa Cruz introduces an unusual tuning (destenple) which, beginning with the fifth course, produces the pitches “b flat-d—g—c-f.” As Pinnell points out, the same scordatura occurs in Corbetta (1648) “Prel[udio] al nuovo accordo,” “Gigue,” and “Pass{a]cha[g]lie,” 58-64; modern edition by Pinnell (1976), 2:187-90.

144 THE INSTRUMENTAL SOURCES

ee

number of strings per course, as well as the octave register of the strings

within the fourth and fifth courses. Assuming one string for the first course and two for the others, one can distinguish three different tunings (see musical example 9).

Example 9. Guitar tunings a) Two bourdons

. course: Ss + 3 2 | b) No bourdons .

course: Ss “b 3 2 ' ¢) One bourdon

course: my + 3 2 } The earliest and most common tuning employs two bourdons, one in each of the fourth and fifth courses, as shown in musical example 9(a). Amat gives explicit instructions for it at the end of the 16th century: This Spanish guitar of five courses is composed of nine strings: one in the

first course, called prima, and two in the other courses, which we call segundas, terceras, quartas, and quintas. The segundas and terceras within themselves are at one and the same pitch [in unison}. However, since the quartas and quintas each contain a thick string, these courses are not equal in the same manner as the segundas and terceras; for the thick strings are an octave lower than their companions, the other strings. . . . First, take the terceras (which are the strings of the third course set at one and the same pitch) at the second fret and with them tune the quintas. The string which is thinner should be equal so that it is at one and the same tone and pitch, and the thick string should be an octave lower than its companion. Next, taking the quintas at the second fret, tune the segundas by putting its strings at one and the same pitch. Next, take the said segundas at

FIVE-COURSE GUITAR 145 the third fret and with them tune the quartas in this manner: the thin string equal, and the thick string an octave lower than its companion. Taking the quartas at the second fret, tune the prima (which is the first course) also at one and the same pitch. This guitar will now be completely tuned.

Although Doizi de Velasco does not explain how to tune the guitar, he does recommend the use of bourdons in the fourth and fifth courses. He

argues that the resulting large range adds sonority to the chords and facilitates the playing of imitative contrapuntal passages (fugas)."* Later Ruiz de Ribayaz also calls for octaves in the fourth and fifth courses. In a verbose style he presents the same tuning method as Amat." At the end of the 17th century Guerau does not provide any tuning instructions in his guitar book. Nevertheless, a passing reference in his discussion of punteado fingering suggests that he too employs octaves in the fourth and fifth courses: Third, the diminution [glossa] which you perform with the index and middle fingers should be done by alternating them; for if one finger gives a great many strokes, it will not be able to be nimble or neat. Observe that if you are glossing from the first course downwards, it should be with these fingers until the fourth course; and from there downwards it should be with the thumb performing all the strokes. If you are glossing from the bourdons

[my emphasis] upwards, it should be with the thumb until the second course; and from there upwards it should be with the index and middle fingers.'*

A second tuning system is re-entrant and uses no bourdons. The strings within the fourth and fifth courses are tuned in unison at the higher octave, as shown in musical example 9(b). This arrangement seems to be the one which Bricefio describes in his book, although the terseness of his instructions precludes a definitive interpretation: First, set the two terceras in unison. Then place your finger on their fourth fret and tune them in unison with the open segundas. For the prima, place your finger on its third fret and make it sound an octave, at one and the same pitch, with the open terceras.

y el modo de templarla,” 1-3. } '7Amat (ca. 1596) chap. 1 “En el qual se trata quantas cuerdas, y trastes ay en la guitarra,

'8Doizi de Velasco (1640) “Que la guitarra es instrumento perfecto para poder tafier en él, tres, quatro, y cinco voces,” 16-17. ‘Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677) chap. 4 “En que se habla, y da modo para templar la guitarra, con mucha facilidad, y brevedad,” 11-12. 'Guerau (1694) “Advertencias a los principiantes,” f. *5r.

146 THE INSTRUMENTAL SOURCES For the quartas, place your finger on the third fret of the segundas and make them sound in unison with the open quartas. For the quintas, place your finger on the second fret of the terceras and make them sound at one and the same pitch with the open quintas.'4!

In 1674 Sanz explicitly discusses the re-entrant tuning which lacks bourdons. He associates it with Roman practice and recommends that it be used for punteado playing. At the same time he also discusses the tuning which employs bourdons in the fourth and fifth courses. He associates it with Spanish practice and recommends that it be retained for rasgueado playing: There are many ways of stringing, because those masters in Rome only

string the guitar with thin strings, without putting any bourdon in the fourth or fifth courses. In Spain, it is the contrary, because some use two bourdons in the fourth, and others two in the fifth, and at least, as is usual, one in each course. These two methods of stringing are good, but for different effects. For he who wishes to play the guitar to perform noisy popular

music [mtsica ruidosa] or to realize the bass of some tono or sonada, the guitar is better with bourdons than without. But if anyone wishes to play in the plucking manner with grace and sweetness, and use campanelas (which is the modern method now used in composing), the bourdons do not come out well, but only the thin strings, both in the quartas and quintas, as I have experienced a good deal.'” The reason is, that if there is a bourdon it impedes the making of trills [trinos] and slurs [extrasinos] and other gallantries

of the left hand, because one string is thick and the other thin, and the hand cannot press evenly and control one thick string as it can two thin ones. Furthermore, if with bourdons you form the letter or chord E, which is delasolre [i.e., a D minor triad], the open fifth course produces the interval

of a fourth in the bass [because it gives as the lowest sounding note the pitch “a,” which is the fifth of the triad] and will confuse the principal bass, and will be imperfect according to the teaching of counterpoint.'* And so you can choose whichever manner of the two pleases you, according to your

intention in playing." '\Bricefio (1626) “Método para templar la guitarra,” f. 5r. The use of letters to represent frets is a standard feature of French tablature. 1From some of the compositions by Sanz, one can infer that campanelas designates the overlapping resonances produced in figurative passages where successive notes are played on different courses. This technique is discussed by Strizich (1974), 68-70. '43However, the same objection applies when the fourth and fifth courses are tuned at the higher octave. In that case, according to his own chord-chart, the third course will give the pitch a as the lowest sounding note. Thus the result is a fourth in the bass, that is, a second-inversion triad. The chord will be in root position only when the fourth course has a bourdon and the fifth course does not. '4Sanz (1674) “Regla primera, de encordar la guitarra, y lo que conduce a este efecto,” f. 8r; English translation by Murphy (1970), 52-53, to which I have made some minor

changes. .

FIVE-COURSE GUITAR 147 Sanz proceeds to give tuning instructions which are similar to those in Amat but which make no mention of bourdons.!*

A third tuning system occurs outside of Spain in the manuscript compiled by Castillion. It uses only one bourdon, which is placed in the fourth course. The strings of the fifth course are tuned in unison at the higher octave, as shown in musical example 9(c). This re-entrant arrangement is characteristic of French sources beginning in the middle of the 17th century.'* Castillion presents this tuning in staff notation near the end of his introduction.'” He suggests that one can also employ a bour-

don in the fifth course—as he himself does—in order to increase the sonority of the instrument: I consider it fitting to record that of the five courses of strings which belong to the guitar the first one, which remains single with only one string,

should consist of a thinner string than all the other courses. .. . All the other courses or strings can be of the same thickness; but one must take care to put a [lower] octave with the fourth string, for it is absolutely necessary there. There are even some enthusiasts, whose example I follow, who in

a similar manner put a [lower] octave with the fifth string. They call it a bourdon. At the third course they also place strings whch are a little thicker, but in which the difference is not so perceptible. All this produces a fuller sound in the guitar and gives it a harmonious charm. And in order to give more sound to this instrument I thicken the two [lower] octaves, which | place at the fourth and fifth courses, by means of a slender thread of brass

or silver, .. 1 The tuning systems described in each guitar source of this study are listed in Chart 3. Five of the sources do not contain specific instructions. For

them it would be appropriate to follow the recommendations given by Sanz, discussed above. In particular, one should almost certainly use the tuning system without any bourdons for those pieces which incorporate campanelas passages. '*?

'9Sanz (1674) “Regla segunda del templar,” f. 8v—9r. } ®As discussed in Murphy (1970), 55-57; and in Pinnell (1976), 1:208-9. '47B Bc Ms 5615 “Acords de la guitarre avec les notes de musique,” xiv. 48B Bc Ms 5615 “Des chordes,” vi. ‘For example, campanelas passages occur in Murcia (1714) “Folias” (D-121) dif. 12 and “Mariz4palos” (D-285) dif. 5.

148 THE INSTRUMENTAL SOURCES Chart 3. Guitar tunings in the Spanish sources

souice Tuning within the courses*

Amat (ca. 1596), pp. 1-3 two bourdons

Bricefio (1626), f. Sr (no bourdons) Doizi de Velasco (1640), pp. 16-17 two bourdons

Sanz (1674 and ca. 1675), f. 8r—9r two bourdons or no bourdons

Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677), pp. 11-12 two bourdons

Guerau (1694), f. *5r (two bourdons) E Mn M.2209 not specified EMn M3811 not specified Murcia (1714) not specified E Bc M.691/2 (4) not specified

B Bc Ms 5615, pp. v—vi and xiv one bourdon or two bourdons

GB Lbm Ms Add. 31640 not specified

Minguet y Yrol (ca. 1754) B, pp. 1-2 two bourdons or no bourdons

“Inferred information which is not explicit in the sources is given in parentheses.

Rasgueado Notation | Rasgueado and punteado settings employ different methods of notation. Yet in both systems many of the symbols are devised especially for

the guitar. A consideration of the sociological context of the sources helps to account for certain general features of the notation. As Treitler points outs: ... the understanding of a musical notation requires that we see in it a system of signs working through a hierarchy of modes of representation whose compostition will be a function of the use that is made of the notation, the characteristics of the music to which it refers, the relationship be-

tween that music and its practitioners, and the types and degrees of competence of the practitioners. These variables can interact in different ways in a single historical situation, . . .°

Most of the guitar sources are directed to the novice or to the skilled player who lacks training in the rudiments of music theory. As a result the IX eo Treitler, “The Early History of Music Writing in the West,” Journal of the American Musicological Sociery 35 (1982), 243.

FIVE-COURSE GUITAR 149 music is notated with elementary signs in some sort of tablature. (The suitability of tablature notation is discussed in chap. 3, pp. 74-75.) In addition, most of the pieces in the guitar sources are well-known popular dances. This allows for a notation which is skeletal, either in the meaning of some of its symbols or in its application to particular settings. In the rasgueado pieces pitch is clearly notated by means of chordsymbols. Three different sets are prominent in the Spanish sources. The first, called the Catalan system by Minguet y Yrol, is shown in Chart 4. It uses the numbers | to 12 followed either by an n or a b. This system first

appears at the end of the 16th century in the guitar book by Amat (ca. 1596).'5* The numbers correspond to chord-roots (beginning with the root e) which proceed through a cycle of ascending fourths. The letter n designates a major triad (punto natural), and the letter b designates a minor one (punto b mollado). The system contains one major and one minor triad for each pitch-degree of the octave. After explaining how to play each chord on the guitar, Amat presents a summary in the form of a circular chart. Here he employs a stylized version of Italian punteado tabla-

ture, with the outermost ring representing the fifth course and numbers representing the frets.! In the middle of the 18th century Minguet y Yrol (ca. 1754) defines the same set of chord-symbols by means of the usual type of Italian punteado tablature. The resulting chords are identical to those in Amat except for the voicing of chords 5n and 5b (as shown in musical example 10, pp. 162 and 165).'# The second set of chord-symbols, called the Castilian system by Minguet y Yrol, is shown in Chart 5. It uses the numbers | to 9 and a few other symbols, such as X or 10 (i.e., the number ten, called diez), + (ie., a cross, called cruzado), and P (called patilla). The set of symbols and result-

ing chords differ somewhat among the sources. The system was first published in the early 17th century in the guitar book by Bricefio (1626). He uses 13 symbols to represent 16 chords (10 major triads, 5 minor tri-

ads, and | added-sixth chord). He defines them by means of a chordchart written in French tablature, with the highest line representing the first course and letters representing the frets. In addition to pure triads 11 Amat (ca. 1596) chap. 2-6, pp. 3-23. '2Amat (ca. 1596) chap. 5 “De la tabla para saber qu4l dedo ha de tocar la cuerda, y en qué traste,” 16. '3Minguet y Yrol (ca. 1754) B “Demostraci6n de los puntos de la guitarra, y tabla que ensefia tafier un sonido con quantas diferencias quisieren,” pl. 1. '4Bricefio (1626) “Los puntos o aquerdos. de la guitarra,” f. 4v.

150 THE INSTRUMENTAL SOURCES Chart 4. The Catalan chord-symbols in the Spanish guitar sources

Symbol Resulting triad

In E+ E+ 2n A+ At 3n D+ D+ 4n G+ G+ 5n C+ C+ 6n F+ F+ 7n Bb + Bb + 8n Eb+ Eb+

Amat (ca. 1596) Minguet (ca. 1754) BL

On Ab + Db Ab + + 10n Db+ In F*¥+ F*¥+ 12n B+ B+

lb EE2b AA3b DD4b GG5b CC6b FF. 7b BbBb. 8b Eb. Eb-

9b Ab.Ab10b C*. C*. 11b 12b F*. B- F*. BBricefio includes one added-sixth chord, which he represents by the un-

usual symbol §. Another distinctive feature of his system is that he employs three of the symbols (1, 4, and +) to represent two different chords each. Within each pair the chords are a semitone apart. Thus, in a given setting the novice would readily be able to resolve any ambiguity by trial and error. Another version of the Castilian system appears in the instrumental book by Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677). By means of verbal explanations and a chart written in Italian punteado tablature, Ruiz defines a set ~ of 14 chords (9 major triads, 4 minor triads, and one other chord).'* He employs the symbol | to represent two forms of a G+ chord: one is a pure 'SSRuiz de Ribayaz (1677) chap. 3 “En que se explica como se forman los doze puntos de que se ha hecho relaci6n atras, y con qué dedos de la mano izquierda,” 5-7.

FIVE-COURSE GUITAR 151 Chart 5. The Castilian chord-symbols in the Spanish guitar sources

Symbol Resulting triad (1626) (ca.1675)Ribayaz 2209 (ca. 1754)B! (1677)

! G+orA’+ = - G+? G+ G+

~ C+ G. C+ G- C+ G-C+ _ 2IbC+

2b - C. - -

34 B+ F+orB+ F+Bor F+BbF+ F+ Bb+DBh 56 AD- AD- AD- ADAE+ 87 E+ Ff. EB-E+ B+E+ _ B+

9 B~ F*+ ~ FF+ X - B- 7 B.

10 ~ _ Bb~ + D+orEb+ D+ D+ D+ D+

G C. g G+ with - - - -

P A+ A+ A+ A+ A+ an added 6th

'Revised edition (exemplar preserved at University of Toronto).

2Ruiz uses the symbol | to represent two different chords: a pure G+ triad and a G+ chord with a dissonant a in the bass.

triad, while the other is dissonant with the pitch a in the bass. The dissonant form is not a misprint, for as well as defining it in tablature Ruiz also describes it verbally. However, he neglects to*explain when it should be used in place of the pure triad. Perhaps he provides the dissonant form for the benefit of beginners, since it is easier to produce physically. In the dissonant form, only two fingers stop the strings (i.e., the fifth finger stops

the first course at the third fret, and the fourth finger stops the second course at the third fret). The pure form is more awkward to play, because

three fingers of the left hand must stop the strings (in addition to the fingers used in the dissonant form, the index finger must stop the fifth course at the second fret).'* Ruiz also uses a similar symbol for a pure G-

'6Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677) chap. 3, p. 5.

152 THE INSTRUMENTAL SOURCES triad. By representing it with the symbol Ib (i.e., uno vemolado), he explicitly shows its harmonic relationship with the G+ triad in the same manner as in the Catalan system. During the second half of the 17th century passing references to the Castilian symbols occur in two other guitar sources. Sanz (ca. 1675; reprinted 1697) and Santa Cruz (E Mn M.2209) employ alfabeto symbols (discussed below), but they both mention some of the corresponding Castilian symbols in the titles of their pieces. Castilian symbols continue to appear in the middle of the 18th century in the instrumental treatise by Minguet y Yrol (ca. 1754). He uses them in four of his guitar pieces (D-88, D-115, D-262, and P-37). Furthermore, in a revised edition of the guitar section Minguet supplements his Catalan chord-chart by adding twelve corresponding Castilian symbols. Except for

the absence of the symbol Ib and the dissonant form of the symbol 1, Minguet presents the same set as that given by Ruiz de Ribayaz.'”

The third set of symbols often called alfabeto or abecedario in the Spanish sources, is shown in Chart 6. It uses the letters of the alphabet and a few other symbols, such as a cross (+) and an ampersand (&). The quantity of letters varies among the sources, but each symbol always represents the same basic triad. Minguet y Yrol calls it the Italian system because of its provenance. Alfabetto was the standard method of notating strummed guitar chords in Italy throughout the 17th and early 18th centuries. The system was first published in Florence in 1606 in the guitar book by Montesardo. He presents a set of twenty-seven chords defined in Italian punteado tablature. Montesardo provides two voicings for six of the

triads (namely, C+, E+, E-, F+,G+, and A+), but three other triads are absent altogether (namely, C*-, E’-, and A’-).' The Italian system makes its first published appearance in Spain in 1674 in the guitar treatise by Sanz. He defines twenty different triads in a chart written in Italian punteado tablature.'® In order to produce a complete set of twenty-four '7Minguet y Yrol (ca. 1754; revised edition preserved at the University of Toronto) B “Demostracién de los puntos de la guitarra, y tabla que ensefia tafier un sonido con quantas diferencias quisieren. Estos ndm[ero]s son al estilo castellano. Las letras son al estilo italiano; y los nad{mero]s con n, y b, al catalan, y es el mejor,” pl. 1. '58Girolamo Montesardo, Nuove inventione d'intavolatura, per sonare li balletti sopra la chitar1a spagnivola, senza numeri e note; per mezzo della quale da se stesso ogn’uno senza maestro potra imparare (Florence, 1606) “Alfabetto, e fondamento del sonare fa chitarra alla spagnuola,” 1. His chord-chart is transcribed in Johannes Wolf, Handbuch der Notationskunde vol. 2 (Leipzig, 1919; reprinted Hildesheim, 1963), 171-72. '59Sanz (1674) “Abecedario italiano,” f. 16r.

FIVE-COURSE GUITAR 153 Chart 6. The Italian or alfabeto chord-symbols in the Spanish guitar sources

Sumbol Resulting triad Sanz EMn EMn Murcia Amat Minguet (1674) M.2209 M811! (1714) {ca.1596) {ca.

+ G+ E- G+ E. EEEEA G+ G+ G+ G+ B C+ C+ C+ C+ C+ C+ C D+ AD+ D D+ A- D+ A- D+ A- D+ A- A-

Tractatbreu 1754)B’

E E+ D- E+ D- E+ D- E+ D- DDF E+ E+ G F+ F+ F+ F+ F+ F+ G2 ~ Bb+ - - BbF* + H Bb+ — Bb+ =-Bb+ + Bb+ H2 _ _ _ _ ~ B+ IK A+ A+ A+ A+ A+ Be. Bb- —_ Bb- Bb- Bb- A+ Bb -

K2 _ _ ~ _ ~ BL CC_ CCC. M Ebt Eb+ Ebt E b+ Eb+ Eb+ M ~ Eb~ ~ Mt ~ EY. Et N Ab+ Ab+ Abt Ab+ Ab+ Ab+ N -Ab_ _ _ _ — N ~ A. N+ _G_ _G-_ GAb.G-AbO GGP FF.—F-~FFFP2 — — ~ F*. Q ~ F* + ~ R B+ B+ ~ — S Z - - E+ - -

T _ _ ~ A+ ~ V FF. _ _ X _ BY ~ — ~ G+ _ _ Z _ _Db+_| Db+ C+Db+_ Db+ _ & Db+ & Z &+__ _ —_~ Cc. _ C*._C*.

'The chord-symbols are not defined explicitly in this source. ?Revised edition (exemplar preserved at University of Toronto). >This is not a pure C- triad, for it contains a dissonant a in the second course.

|

154 THE INSTRUMENTAL SOURCES chords (i.e., one major and one minor triad for each pitch-degree), Sanz generates the four missing triads (namely, B+, B-, F*+, and F*-) by shifting four of the original chords (represented by the symbols H, K, G, and P respectively) one fret higher. He then presents the entire set in a chart in

which he groups together the major and minor triads for each pitch-degree and arranges the pairs in a cycle of ascending fourths.'© During the second half of the 17th century Santa Cruz (E Mn M.2209) presents a

smaller set of seventeen alfabeto chords at the beginning of his manuscript.'*' Written in Italian punteado tablature, his chart lacks two major triads (namely, B+ and F*+) and five minor ones (namely, B-, F*-, C#., Ab-, and Eb-). Furthermore his version of the chord-letter L is not a pure C- triad, for the second course produces the dissonant pitch d rather than a consonant eb. This dissonant form of L is almost certainly not an error. Although it does not occur in other Spanish sources, it is explicitly described in a few Italian publications. For example, in the early 17th cen-

tury Colonna defines two versions of the chord-letter L, namely, a-dis-

sonant form (with the pitch d in the second course) and a consonant form (with the pitch eb in the second course).'@ In 1639 Corbetta employs

the chord-letter L to represent the dissonant form only. He includes the pure C-triad among the altered chords (alfabeto falso) where he symbolizes

it as L*.'® Thus the presence of a dissonant C- chord in E Mn M.2209 reveals that Santa Cruz took his chart from some Italian source, not from Gaspar Sanz. In the titles of his pieces Santa Cruz employs the alfabeto symbols to indicate the tonic. However he does not incorporate the symbols in the works themselves. Instead he spells out in punteado tablature all the strummed chords which occur in his pieces.

During the 18th century the standard Italian alfabeto symbols continue to appear in the Spanish sources. The anonymous guitar collection of 1705 (E Mn M.811) employs them in some of its pieces. (See Plate 6.) Although the manuscript does not provide a chord-chart, the symbols '80Sanz (1674) “Laberinto en la guitarra que ensefia un son por 12 partes con quantas diferencias quisieren,” f. 16r. I61F Mn M.2209 “Alfabeto,” f. Ir. '62Giovanni Ambrosio Colonna, Intavolatura di chitarra spagnuola del primo, secondo, terzo, & quarto libro (Milan, 1637; facsimile edition, Bibliotheca musica bononiensis sezione IV, vol. 182, Bologna, 1971) “Alfabetto,” 6. Colonna’s first book was originally published separately in Milan in 1620. 163Corbetta (1639); as discussed by Pinnel (1976), 1:38, 49, and 75.

FIVE-COURSE GUITAR 155 seem to have their usual meanings. The largest set of symbols occurs in the guitar book by Murcia (1714). At the beginning of his theoretical section he presents a chart of twenty-eight alfabeto symbols defined in Italian punteado tablature.'™ He includes a major and minor triad for each pitchdegree as well as two voicings for four of the major triads (namely, C+,

E+, G+, and A+). Murcia employs these symbols for the strummed chords which occur within his punteado pieces, both in his book of 1714

and in his manuscript of 1732 (GB Lbm Ms Add. 31640). In eastern Spain the Italian system is incorporated in the Catalan supplement of 18th-century printings of Amat’s treatise. The Tractat breu describes the same triads and Catalan symbols as the main body of the book. It also adds the corresponding alfabeto symbols in a set of engravings showing the

left-hand positions for the chords.'* In Madrid in the middle of the 18th century Minguet y Yrol (ca. 1754) provides Italian chord-letters for three of his guitar pieces (D-115, D-116, and P-37). Furthermore, in a revised edition of his guitar treatise Minguet supplies the corresponding alfabeto letter for each of the Catalan symbols in his chord-chart.'* On the guitar additional chords can be generated from a given set by barring the neck of the instrument with the index finger and shifting existing chords to higher positions. Such shifted chords were incorporated into the alfabeto system in Italy in the first half of the 17th century. The standard

method of notating them is shown in Colonna’s guitar books, where an Arabic numeral placed over a chord-letter indicates a shifted chord.'” In general, X (where n is an integer) signifies the sounding of chord-letter X transposed up n-1 semitones. In Spain this Italian convention was adopted

l64Mfurcia (1714) “[Abecedario],” 5. 165A mat (ca. 1596) Tractat breu chap. 2 “En que se declaran mes los precedents punts, en-

senyant la propria forma, y disposici6 de cada punt, assenyalant los dits, y cordas, que tenen de pisar, y lo nom de Ia Iletra del A, B, C, que correspon a cada punt de naturals, y b, mollats,” 44-45. The chords are identical to those presented in the main body of the treatise except for a slight change in the voicing of chords 9n and 5b. In both instances the second course now produces the third of the triad. The author of the supplement does not provide engravings or alfabeto symbols for four of the triads (11n, 11b, 12n, and 126). In-

stead he simply notes (on p. 51) that they are produced by taking four of the original chords (namely, 6n, 6b, 7n, and 7b respectively) and playing them one fret higher. 1SMinguet y Yrol (ca. 1754; revised edition preserved at the University of Toronto) B, pl. 1. '67Colonna (1637) “Alfabetto,” 6. His shifted chords are discussed in Hudson (1967), 5657.

156 THE INSTRUMENTAL SOURCES in Sanz (1674), EMn M.811, and Murcia (1714). Sanz explains the notation as follows: The numbers which you may find above many letters in the chart {at the top of f.16r] and above many chords in some pieces are for shortening the guitar with the index finger by making a small fret or bridge of it. Thus if you find the chord-letter G with a 3 on top, you should extend your index

finger on the third fret. Then with the other fingers you should form the chord-letter G as if it did not have a number; for the number does not alter the form of the chord, but only its execution higher or lower, according to the number which it possesses over it. You shall do the same with the rest of the chord-letters which have numbers over them, . . .'

In the middle of the 18th century Minguet y Yrol (ca. 1754) transferred this convention to the Catalan system. In his chord-chart and in one of his passacalles (P-36) he symbolizes shifted chords by placing Arabic numerals over the Catalan chord-numbers.'© The only Spanish guitarist who discusses the Catalan, Castilian, and Italian systems of chord notation is Minguet y Yrol. In a revised edition of his guitar treatise he briefly evaluates each one and concludes by recommending the Catalan system: The guitar chords in the Castilian style are no more than 12 in number, but with these one cannot perform a piece at the 12 pitch-levels (tonos]. Nevertheless, if the beginner wants to learn by them, he should examine the numbers which are above the letters on the first plate, such as the 7, P,

+,1,2,etc.... The Italian style or abecedario makes use of the 20 chords [i.e., the remaining 4 triads are shifted chords], and with it one can perform a piece at any pitch-level one may desire. However it is laborious to keep in mind which letter corresponds to each one of the chords, . . . It seems to me that the Catalan style is the best because it makes use of all the chords and it explains those that are major [naturales] and those that are minor [b molados], as seen in the numbers, In, 2n, 3n, etc., 1b, 2b, 3b, etc., underneath [the chords in the chart on pl. 1}. Thus the beginner does not need to know music theory, or what it is to realize a bass with diatonic triads [acompariamiento diatdénico], minor triads [con tercera menor], or major

triads [con tercera.. . mayor], or other similar things.'” '68Sanz (1674) “Regla séptima, para llevar la mano por todo el mastil de la guitarra con grande facilidad,” f. 10r. l6>Minguet y Yrol (ca. 1754) B, pl. 1.

Minguet y Yrol (ca. 1754; revised edition preserved at the University of Toronto) B “Explicaci6n de los puntos de la guitarra al estilo castellano, italiano, y catalan,” 25. An explanation of the three ways of realizing a bass line, mentioned in this passage, is given by Sanz (1674), f. 28v-29r, and repeated in Minguet y Yrol (ca. 1754) C Regla 1, I.

FIVE-COURSE GUITAR 157 In the late 16th century Amat (ca. 1596) mentions that the individual rasgueado chords have special names, such as cruzado mayor, cruzado menor, vacas altas, vacas baxas, and puente. He observes that the names vary among musicians and he chooses not to use them in his own book.'?! One set of names occurs in the guitar treatise by Joseph Guerrero.'” The dates of Guerrero’s life and work are not known. His treatise survives only in fragmentary form in an undated composite manuscript copied by one Mauricio Farifias del Corral, a native of Ronda. Pennington suggests that Farifias compiled this source as early as 1600, but his argu-

ments are not conclusive.'? The copy of Guerrero’s treatise consists of four folios divided into ten reglas. Unfortunately the lower halves of the first two folios have been ripped away, and a complete chord-chart is absent. Nevertheless, from the remaining material one can reconstruct a list of Guerrero’s eleven Castilian chord-symbols, their probable meaning, and the names which he applies to nine of them. My reconstruction is shown

in Chart 7(a).' Another set of names for rasgueado chords appears in a manuscript entitled Libro de varias curiosidades.'*5 This source was written

in Peru between approximately 1670 and 1709 by a Franciscan monk named Gregorio de Zuola. The contents are primarily non-musical. How-

ever the manuscript does include sixteen secular songs, one liturgical song, an alfabeto chord-chart written in Italian punteado tablature (with the corresponding Castilian symbols added for nine of the twenty-four letters), and a list of names for fourteen chord-symbols (most of which are Castilian). The list of names and symbols together with the resulting tri-

ads as specified in the alfabeto chart are shown in Chart 7 (b).'° The

Amat (ca. 1596) chap. 2 “Qué cosa es punto, quéntos son, y cémo se Ilaman,” 4. '72Joseph Guerrero, Arte de la guitarra, undated copy by Mauricio Farifias del Corral in E Mn Mss 5917, f. Ir—4v. This source is listed in Anglés and Subiré vol. 1 (1946), 348.

Pennington (1981), 1:113-15. Guerrero, E Mn Mss 5917 Regla 2, f. Ir. The names “patilla” and “cruzado” are given on f. 3r. I have inferred the triads for each symbol from the discussion of the relationships

among the chords, given in Reglas 1 and 4, f. Ir and lv. :

175] ibro de varias curiosidades, Ms at one time in the private collection of Ricardo Rojas. All my information about this manuscript comes from the study by Carlos Vega, La miisica de un cddice colonial del siglo XVII (Buenos Aires, 1931).

Libro de varias curiosidades (Ms) “Cifras”; unspecified page reproduced in Vega (1931), 89. The alfabeto chart appears on p. 369 of the Ms and is reproduced in Vega (1931), 87.

158 THE INSTRUMENTAL SOURCES Chart 7. Spanish names for the guitar chords as given in two sources (a) Guerrero (E Mn Mss 5917)

1 G+ dedillo C+ puente 342Bb+ F+patilla vacas atra[vesada] Chord-symbol Probable triad Given name

5 Dmedio cruzado 6 A- bemol del [patilla]

7. E cruzadillo 89 E b+ [not specified] Ab + [not specified]

P A+ cruzado patilla + D+ (b) Libro de varias curiosidades (Ms)

1 G+ prima l2[asC+ above?] basio alto tendido 3 F+ bacas 4 Bb+ puente 5 DTisbe 6p8 Abemol 7 E-A+ bemolillo patilla +9 (D+)* cruzado

$11 [not specified] cruzadillo gl2 [not specified] guzmanillo

X 13 (B-)** cangrejo R13 (B+)** rebajas

* In the tablature of the alfabeto chart the Italian letter C and the Castilian symbol + are defined as an A+ triad. However this is almost certainly an error. In other sources the symbols C and + always represent a D+ triad. ** Assuming that the given symbol is an alfabeto letter.

FIVE-COURSE GUITAR 159 derivations of these names are not always clear. They can refer to the shape of the chord-symbol (e.g., cruzado, which means cross), the position

of the left hand (e.g., dedillo, which means fifth finger), or a particular dance-type (e.g., vacas, which is the short form of the title Gudrdame las vacas).

In the Catalan, Castilian, and Italian systems the voicing of a triad does not affect its harmonic function. In the late 16th century Amat (ca. 1596) does identify the root, third, and fifth in each of his chords by means of the terms baxete, alto, and tiple respectively. However, he does not differentiate among the chords on the basis of their lowest sounding notes.!””7 As Hudson observes with regard to the Italian guitar sources, “the triad inversions have no significance and each [strummed] chord has the effect of a triad in root position.” Murcia explicitly illustrates this aspect of rasgueado music in his guitar book of 1714. Underneath the tablature of his alfabeto chart he presents in staff notation the figured-bass abbreviation for each chord. He represents all the chords as if they were in root position, regardless of their actual voicing.!”9 Doizi de Velasco (1640) considered this lack of control over voicing (especially in the bass) to be an unnecessary deficiency of guitar playing.

Consequently, he expanded the vocabulary of vertical sonorities and devised a new system of chord-symbols. In his treatise he employs twelve small letters (a, b, c, d, e, f, g, h, i, l, m, and n) to represent chords built on the twelve pitch-degrees of the octave (g, ab , a, bb , b,c, c*, dye’ , e, f, and f* respectively). On each pitch-degree he forms an equivalent set of

nineteen chords, many of which contain dissonances. He labels the } chords by means of Arabic numerals placed after the appropriate letter. For example, the nineteen chords built on the pitch g are symbolized as a,

al,a2,a3,...al8. For the letter a Doizi first uses score-notation to define the chords. Here he presents each of the dissonant chords (namely, a6 to a18) in a musical context which illustrates the proper preparation and resolution.'® Doizi then uses Italian punteado tablature to present twelve chord-charts, one for each letter. He includes brief verbal phrases summarizing the intervallic structure of each chord as in figured-bass notation.'®! Such a large number of chords is generated by utilizing two playing Amat (ca. 1596) chap. 4 “De los puntos b, mollados,” 14. 8tHudson (1967), 35. Murcia (1714) “[Abecedario],” 5. '8Noizi de Velasco (1640), 29-32. 81D oizi de Velasco (1640), 37-60.

160 THE INSTRUMENTAL SOURCES techniques. First, he often employs barring with the index finger, suggesting that barred chords be called consonancias compuestas as opposed to consonancias simples.’ To indicate barring in his punteado tablature he introduces a new notational device: 7. Whenever one finds the same number on all five lines [of the tabla-

ture], it means that the index finger must be extended, pressing all the strings, on that fret which is indicated by the quantity of the number, and the remaining fingers must be placed according to the numbers which follow.'%3

Second, Doizi forms many chords by omitting one or more courses. Here too he introduces notational innovations in his punteado tablature: 6. In the tablature with which one is generally taught punteado playing, it is customary to place a zero on the string which is to be played open, and no sign on the string which is not to be played.'*4 However I have not been able to follow this general rule, since in the method of playing by chords it is appropriate for its greater perfection that in some of them [i.e., especially in

some barred chords] one does not strike some string even though it is stopped. Thus the string which has an x should not be played even if it is stopped by some finger, and the string which does not have an x or any other cipher should be played open.'®

Many of the chords which omit one or more courses cannot be produced by strumming; they must be plucked. Thus only by combining rasgueado and punteado playing does Doizi achieve sufficient control over the voicing to be able to avoid the use of six-four chords in place of root-position

or first-inversion triads.’ His entire complex system consists of 228 chords, 19 for each pitch-degree. In order to simplfiy matters for the person lacking proficiency in theory or practice (el cantante), Doizi provides a

smaller chart of 60 chords at the end of his treatise. It contains an 182 oizi de Velasco (1640), 66. 183 oizi de Velasco (1640) “Advertencias para mayor declaraci6n de la cifra, que adelante se muestra,” 35. '84However a different convention holds when Italian punteado tablature is used to define rasgueado chords. In that context, since all the strings are strummed, no sign on a Course normally means that it is to be played open. 185) oizi de Velasco (1640) “Advertencias para mayor declaraci6n de la cifra, que adelante se muestra,” 34—35. 1861 oizi de Velasco (1640) “Que la guitarra es instrumento perfecto para poder tafier en él, tres, quatro, y cinco voces,” 18.

FIVE-COURSE GUITAR 161 equivalent set of 5 chords for each pitch-degree. For the pitch g the symbols (and resulting chords) are as follows: a (major triad in root position),

al (minor triad in root position), a2 (minor triad in first inversion), a4 (diminished triad in first inversion), and a9 (dominant seventh in first inversion).'8? Doizi's chord-symbols and notational innovations do not ap-

pear in any other guitar sources. During the second half of the 17th century Sanz (1674) praises some aspects of Doizi’s treatise but rejects his

symbols in favor of the widely used Italian alfabeto.* Sanz and other guitarists did utilize punteado playing for a more precise style of accompaniment. However, instead of devising new symbols, they simply spelled

out the part in punteado tablature. . . The chord-charts given in the Spanish sources are transcribed in

musical example 10. Since the guitar was probably tuned in equal temperament, I have assumed that enharmonic equivalence holds. Furthermore, throughout this study I have transcribed the guitar music as if each course consisted of a single string tuned at the lower octave, regardless of the actual tuning within the courses.

In contrast to the clear representation of pitch in the rasgueado pieces, the notation of other elements of the music is often obscure, incomplete, or lacking altogether. For instance, the collections by Amat (ca. 1596), Briceno (1626), and Doizi de Velasco (1640) do not indicate the

direction of the chord-strums. The treatise by Sanz (1674) is the first Spanish publication to employ symbols for this purpose. Here the rasgueado tablature is built around a single horizontal line. Sanz explains that

a short vertical dash running below the tablature (—_——) means that one should strum downwards (i.e., towards the floor), while a short verti-

cal dash running above the tablature (__1.__) means that one should strum upwards.’ He also applies the same method for the strummed chords in his punteado pieces by placing the appropriate vertical dashes on the lowest line of the tablature. Sanz adopted these symbols from Italian practice, where they were standard since the early 17th century. For ex-

ample, they are used and explained in the published guitar books by Colonna.'™ 181Doizi de Velasco (1640) “Recopilacién de las consonancias bastantes para tafier ajustadamente, y por todas trasportaciones,” 82-83. 188Sanz (1674) “Prdélogo al deseoso de tafier,” f. 6v.

1°Sanz (1674) “Regla quarta, y explicaci6n del abecedario italiano,” f. 9v.

Colonna (1637) “Regola per bene imparare a sonare la chitarra spagnola,” 5. As noted earlier, Colonna’s first book was originally issued separately in Milan in 1620.

,

162 THE INSTRUMENTAL SOURCES Example 10. Chord-charts in the Spanish guitar sources

SSS aS ee

a) Amat (ca. 1596)

Major chords (puntos naturales) ro L

J es 7° «| ce. oe - | + ( b-s Le o< | “ho oa}

. b-o , ,

Symbol: In an 3n a at Sa | 6n Tea Bn An On thn | |

(=== SS SS SS Se ys Ts ny Ts Te tbe Tb Ve ae ee

Minor chords (puntos b, mollados)

Symbol: ib 2b Sb | 4b | SL 6b | 7b | Bh I AL | lob dy Wh | iab *In his chart (p.16) Amat notates the fourth course with a “1" (i.e., the

j.

first fret), which would produce the pitch “cb’. However, in the preceding text (p.7) he correctly states that the fourth course should be stopped at the third fret, which would produce the pitch * {" as shown above.

o % # i>| +? ee | | ;| | eS a a oe eS oe a aa ( -O o bs ©. | ..- 1 8 te wr > -o- | Ce

b) Bricefio (1626)

Symbol: | Z 3 4 AY 6 7 8 4 is rh | § |

\ 4 b-o

20 KS 2 Cee es Cee ee 2 eee

eS 4 :eSesceeb eee s

*In his chart (f.4v) Bricefio notates the third course with an “e” (i.e., the

fourth fret), which would produce the pitch “b”. The Ictter is almost certainly a misprint for a “c” (i.e., the second fret), which would produce the pitch “a” as shown above. ** Note the presence of an added sixth in the first course.

OS eee 4D||

FIVE-COURSE GUITAR 163

7% * * . b 2 ;

c) Doizi de Velasco (1640)—for the letter “a"

Symbol: aU a | a2 l a3 | a} as

{LS = be a

.|

ae :

Symbol: a. 4 27 a & | 24 j aio ° | a Il

“ oe oo bo | -e-

i re ta ttt tite tt terre tpg nant eases tnap a tnaramrattaninie Spent tetera eppnipeines cepa prpnnrapeiteiac tases ane thasstincanammannirinamnapunmnampesaumansn!

Symbol: a!2 ai3 | a It w IS ; a, ‘6 a, \7

0S a b -o-

Symbol: aie

*Doizi states that this alternative is berter (mejor).

—* FF 8 ee |!|||!

d) Sanz (1674)

g © 1 + + 3 + ie | eye be | = | tw | + Symbok +i la (Bc tpg | 6 ;H - TY K TL , $——— tg heb

2 te poe | weet o- | |**

bol: | v a : 2 a

Symbott oy | MTN UN COT RP Tk LS

164 THE INSTRUMENTAL SOURCES Example 10 (continued)

-SE*A A Se cr a

e) Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677)

||||

; > ; ei = be * | we Ley wo | te

Symbol: + | i tiul2 ia + 1s 16.7 8 4 . —F | =

a ie

Symbol: x | Pp

* Note the presence of the dissonant pitch “a” in the fifth course.

Se

f) E Mn M. 2209

—}— ————_{I-—_,, 1. _ Fis? 4 ny #" i

Symbok + pic |> le fF {Ss |e frftkKL |

: ig beg gs poe yay Dene |

Symbot mM |nloj pep {&:

* In che original the fifth course is left open, which would produce the dissonant pitch “g”. ** Note the presence of the dissonant pitch “d” in the second course.

FIVE-COURSE GUITAR 165

: —————— eS :

g) Murcia (1714)

ee —en ED EL .._—_~7x’W’L ld ’ ,

so. aa | * . vr | + [bor a bw a we= ._lelelelelelclelelelcl.

; a r= To —_—- et _b-* be eg gd t,t )——__*___s»— 3

b | 1 ob | |

smoot mM |M:sv: & ole }laltraistlriv |x

ee rn lel

Symbol: Y zli&i & :

‘h) Minguet y Yrol (ca. 1754) B

PY |

Symbol: |, 2a | 3n | tn | Sn | bn ! Tr Bn |} An | lOn |] Wn zn

Coo oo oo p ——— x-0-—_f-4— A LE TE a AOE SS SA TT A SA A —O E WS ae A

Saeenerene Symbol: i, | 2b { 3b | 4k | Sb 64 {7b ) as 14k lob | We | 12k! :

166 THE INSTRUMENTAL SOURCES Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677), Guerau (1694), Santa Cruz (E Mn M.2209), and the anonymous E Mn M.811 later follow Sanz in employing the same type of strum-symbols, although only Ruiz explicitly explains their meaning.'"' Ruiz further states that, regardless of direction, one should perform

the strums with all the fingers of the right hand.’ Somewhat different strum-symbols, also Italian in origin, occur in Murcia (1714). For the strummed chords in his punteado pieces Murcia moves the durational symbols onto the five-line tablature and immediately to the right of the chordletters. Rather than adding short vertical dashes, he uses the stem-direction of these durational symbols to represent the strum-direction. Thus f indi-

cates a down-strum, while J indicates an up-strum. This method is also employed in E Bc M.691/2 (4) and B Bc Ms 5615.

The rasgueado sources exhibit various degrees of completeness in their notation of rhythm. At one end of the spectrum Amat (ca. 1596) and Doizi de Velasco (1640) do not use any rhythmic symbols in their tablatures. Following Amat’s example, Minguet y Yrol (ca. 1754) provides

only abstract chord-sequences for two dance-songs which serve to illustrate the process of transposition (D-113 and P-1). Similarly, Bricefio (1626) omits all rhythmic indications in the closing seven songs of his book (including D-388). In the final song he does not even supply the chord-symbols.'!93

At the other end of the spectrum Sanz (1674) fully notates the rhythm in his rasgueado works by means of mensuration signs, barlines, and durational note-symbols. He simplifies traditional theory by confining

himself to two mensuration signs, namely, C (compasillo) and 3 (proporcién). For the benefit of those who do not understand musical rudiments and who play the rhythms mainly by ear, Sanz includes the following brief explanation: All the pieces are reduced to two meters or mensurations. They are compasillo and proporcién, or as the Italians say, binary and ternary. Compasillo is

notated with a C, and proporcién with a 3. The meter of compasillo [one

'91Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677) chap. 2 “En que se da el modo, y a entender la cifra de la guitatra, ass{ para tafier de rasgado, como de punteado,” 3. 192Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677) chap. 3, p. 8. '93Bricefio (1626) “Romance hecho por el sefior Luis contra los que se burlan de su guitatra y de sus canciones,” f. 24r. This song is discussed in chap. 13, p. 559.

FIVE-COURSE GUITAR 167 measure =| 4 4 ly consists of two equal movements, like the measure and mensuration of the gallarda. The meter of proporcién [one measure = Idd dl

=|JJJ| ] consists of three [i.e., two] unequal movements, like the measure and mensuration of the esparioleta.'™4

To indicate specific rhythms Sanz places durational note-symbols above the tablature. He explains the usual convention that one symbol remains valid for successive notes until a different symbol appears. In the notation of his pieces Sanz adheres to this convention. Minguet y Yrol (ca. 1754) also notates the rhythm clearly in all but two of his rasgueado settings. On plate 1 (D-114 and P-36) he gives melodies in staff-notation above the tablature. On plate 3 (D-88, D-115, D-116, D-262, and P-37) he.supplies barlines and employs durational note-symbols for both the rhythm and the strums. The remaining three Spanish sources of rasgueado music lie between

the two extremes. Bricefio (1626), Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677), and the anonymous E Mn M.811 indicate the rhythm in a skeletal fashion only. For example, none of them explicitly notates the triple-meter pattern lJ. JJ]. Nevertheless, other musical sources reveal that this pattern is a characteristic feature of many Spanish dance-songs. Bricefio (1626) does not verbally explain his system of rhythmic notation. In all but the last

seven pieces of his book he places durational note-symbols above the chords. He employs only two symbols, o and J . There are no mensuration signatures or barlines. Dots appear in various places (after both types of durational-symbols and after some chord-symbols), but I believe that they do not have mensural significance. They sometimes coincide with line-endings and punctuation in the lyrics. (Throughout Bricefio’s book periods are used instead of commas.) Some scholars interpret Bricefio’s system as if it were closely related to conventional mensural theory. For example, Wolf and Hudson assume that the rules of imperfection and al-

teration apply.'* Such an approach, however, neglects the sociological '94Sanz (1674) “Regla undécima y altima para tafier a compés,” f. 13r. As I have suggested in the translation, the final sentence contains an error. The beating of time in proporcién consists of two unequal movements according to Spanish theorists of the period; for example, Andrés Lorente, El porqué de la misica, en que se contiene los quatro artes de ella, canto llano, canto de érgano, cantrapunto, y composicién (Alcal4 de Henares, 1672) Bk. II, chap. 43 “Compds en canto de 6rgano, qué sea?,” 220. The equivalence of white and black notation under proporcién is discussed in the following pages. 195Sanz (1674) “Regla undécima,” f. 13v. OW olf (1919), 200; and Hudson (1967), 113-122.

168 THE INSTRUMENTAL SOURCES context of the source, and the resulting transcriptions are unconvincing. I would argue instead that Bricefio’s system is a kind of shorthand which is primarily mnemonic. The durations represented by the two note-symbols

are not fixed but can vary even within the same work. To transcribe a given piece one must first infer the meter from other settings of the same dance-type. One can then reconstruct the specific rhythms by focusing on

the recurrent patterns of the durational symbols. For instance, in triple

meter the pattern @ ¢ eo probably stands for IJ. dJ IJ. |, while ctoo, probably stands for |) 5J |J J{ .In duple meter the pattern > J oJ probably represents; } } J | . To support this interpretation I would point out that the same system of rhythmic notation occurs earlier in Spain in the treatise by Salinas (1577). He too omits mensuration signs and barlines, and uses only two durational symbols: © (semibrevis) and 4 (minima). In his melodies the repeated pattern oo

seems to stand for IJ. JJ] .'% In Italy a similar lack of precision with regard to dotted rhythms occurs in some of the guitar sources. For instance, in his publication of 1606 Montesardo does not provide mensuration signs or barlines. He simply employs three forms of the chord-letters as durational symbols. At the beginning of the book Montesardo explains that a capital letter (A) represents twice the duration of a small letter (a),

while a small dotted letter (a.) represents a duration ‘somewhat longer

than a small letter but less than a capital letter.'® In his pieces the repeated pattern a. a a probably stands for |J. J |. Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677) is the second Spanish source whose rhythmic notation is skeletal only. In his rasgueado pieces Ruiz follows Sanz by employing barlines and two mensuration signatures, C (compassillo) and Z or 3 (proporcién menor). However, he does not provide any durational

symbols for the individual strums. The intended rhythm within the measure is consequently not explicit.

The third source whose rhythm is unclear is the anonymous E Mn M.811. The manuscript does not contain any verbal explanations of its notation. The rasgueado pieces employ two mensuration signs, C (compasillo) and 2 (proporcién menor). Unfortunately, the given signs are not '97Francisco Salinas, De musica libri septem (Salamanca, 1577; facsimile edition, Kassel, 1958). See pt. IV, p. 629. 198M{ontesardo (1606) “Terza regola,” 3.

'9Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677) chap. 3, p. 9.

FIVE-COURSE GUITAR 169 reliable, for they are often contradicted by settings of the same dancetypes in other sources. Moreover there are no other rhythmic symbols in E Mn M.811. The vertical lines which run through the tablature do not mark the measures. They merely serve to signal the chord changes. The separation of successive chords is characteristic of many Italian rasgueado sources from the early 17th century. For example, in the manuscript collections by Francesco Palumbi and Desiderio Blas the tablatures lack continuous horizontal lines. Instead each chord-letter has its own horizontal line-segment on which the vertical strum-symbols are placed. (See Plate 7 for a facsimile of f. 28v from the manuscript by Blas.) Wolf points out

that to reconstruct the intended rhythms in such sources one can make use of the given strum-symbols.”! Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677) reveals that a close relationship exists between strum-patterns and meter. He states that in accompaniment the usual strum-pattern for a measure of compassillo is

++—., while the usual pattern for a measure of proporcién menor is +7 :™ Thus, for the pieces in E Mn M.811 I would suggest that the up-strums generally fall on weak beats, not strong ones. The repeated strum-pattern-~—;—!_ probably represents the rhythm |J J J | in triple meter, and |J J J| in duple meter. Two of the Spanish rasgueado sources contain some additional signs. Those found in E Mn M.811 are listed in Chart 8(a). They probably rep-

resent ornaments for the right hand, although the source itself does not provide any explanations. In the tablature the first symbol —— embraces one or more strum-symbols. I posit that it signifies a subdivision of the strum into alternating down-up strokes, such as ——+7—-. It may well correspond to the right-hand ornament known as trillo in Italian rasgueado sources of the 17th century.28 In E Mn M.811 the symbol ~~ 20°Francesco Palumbi, Libro de villanelle spagnuol’ et italiane et sonate spagnuole del molt’ ill[ustr]e sig{nore] mio oss{equentissi]mo il s[ignore] Filippo Roncherolle. Servo de v{ostra] s[ignoria] molt’ illfustre] Fran{ces}Jco Palumbi, F Pn Ms espagnol 390. Desiderio Blas, Intavolatura della chitarra spagn[uol]a, TURIN, Biblioteca Nazionale Universitaria Ms Maura Foa 9. Neither source provides a date. On the basis of their chord-charts and repertories | would suggest that the Palumbi Ms was compiled ca. 1620, and the Blas Ms ca. 1630.

201Wolf (1919), 179-80. |

202Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677) chap. 16 “En que se advierte como se ha de tafier a comp4s cantando por compassillo, y por proporcién menor,” 63. ?03One form of the trillo is described by Montesardo (1606) “Regola per fare il trillo con la mano dritta,” 4—5. For an investigation of the Italian guitar trillo, see Sylvia Murphy, “Seventeenth-Century Guitar Music: Notes on Rasgueado Performance,” Galpin Society Journal 21 (1968), 30-31; and Joseph Wedlich, “Battuto Performance Practice in Early Italian Music (1606-1637),” Journal of the Lute Society of America 11 (1978), 73-76.

170 THE INSTRUMENTAL SOURCES

.eeLr r—“=*RROCSDULUCOM ee erlrrr—~sr—S—“ i;saisSOCOsiOC(“ RO UClhULh

BS 6665606, | REG rail ee .,hmrrrr=—“‘EERERR = er——B

ee i we O!..ULUCUe

.rt~—“‘#y’CCOOCOCCCCXCiCiai‘CR‘SSNCONCNCNCCYCNO‘ié*S.‘iCOC@;SCU;iCiésC.‘i_N;COisrzCVCCsCstséKr=C(COCCiiC;CrsCCiCOCCCNCNCCOC

es at ee rrr h,r— s—sCS;sC;izsCC

eee EE PON BG ES a #2... .... .

2 trlrrr—“‘C(COCONWCONOCCisiézaC‘iC(C‘(COiCOCOCié*;C”™;™:Csts:C:ststi‘“(‘SRRECOSCC;St;SCiCi«CVC‘(CRCCiéCN

f. 28v. : a oe |

Plate 7. TURIN, Biblioteca Nazionale Universitaria, Ms Mauro Foa 9, ©

sometimes appears where a realization already seems to have been written

out. In such instances it is not clear whether additonal subdivisions of the , strums should be added. The second symbol in this manuscript consists of a dot placed to the right of a down-strum. Dots also occur in similar posi-

tions, without any explanations, in some Italian rasgueado sources. | would argue that none of these dots have mensural significance. Instead | they probably signify some special fingering for the down-strums.

204D ots appear to the right of some down-strums in Palumbi (Ms) and Blas (Ms). Dots ap- | pear below some down-strums in FLORENCE, Biblioteca Riccardiana Ms 2793 and 2804;

according to Hudson (1967), 98-99. - |

FIVE-COURSE GUITAR 171 Chart 8. Ornament symbols in the rasgueado guitar sources

(a) EMnM.811

Symbol Name Meaning ~~ [not specified] [not specified]

- [to the right of [not specified] [not specified] a down-strum

(b) Minguet y Yrol (ca. 1754) B

Symbol Name Meaning f or P [not specified] down-strum with index finger for ¥ [not specified] down-strum with four fingers

jor 2 [not specified] up-strum with thumb

.., redoble a double strum (up-down) with thumb Additional symbols also appear in Minguet y Yrol (ca. 1754) B. They are listed in Chart 8(b). Minguet uses them in the notation of five of his rasgueado pieces (D-88, D-115, D-116, D-262, and P-37). The ex-

emplar preserved at GB Lbm does not explain them. Fortunately in a revised edition of his treatise Minguet defines the symbols clearly: Be advised that the notes or signs whose tails or stems point downwards

[ie., f or )] signify that one has to play the strums downwards with the index finger. The ones which have a small dot above them [i.e., f or 3 ] are to be played with the four long fingers. The ones whose tails point upwards

[ie., J or » ] mark the strums which should be played upwards with the thumb. The ones which have a type of hook or crook [i.e., 2 or J ] are to be played more quickly. The ones which have some small dots which go up to the following note [i.e,-] signify a redoble, if one wishes to play it. This is performed with the thumb by raising it upwards striking the strings, and then at once playing a strum downwards without delay. It should also be noted that when one plays the said strums the fingers of the hand are curled a little, in order to strike against the strings with the smooth surface of the

nails?

205Minguet y Yrol (ca. 1754; revised edition preserved at the University of Toronto) B “Explicaci6n de los puntos de la guitarra al estilo castellano, italiano, y catal4n,” 25.

172 THE INSTRUMENTAL SOURCES Thus in this system an unadorned strum-symbol represents a strum played with one finger. This differs from the earlier practice described by

Ruiz de Ribayaz in which the strums are normally played with all the fingers of the right hand (as mentioned on p. 166).

Punteado Notation Guitar music for punteado playing is notated differently than that for rasgueado playing. In the punteado pieces pitch is clearly shown by means of a five-line tablature. The Spanish sources all employ the same system,

known in the secondary literature as Italian tablature. The highest line represents the fifth course, and numbers represent the frets. A zero stands for an open course. In Murcia’s collection of 1714 the symbols x and ¥ represent the tenth and eleventh frets respectively. Brief explanations of

this type of tablature are provided by Sanz (1674), Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677), Guerau (1694), and Murcia (1714).2% A different system occurs outside of Spain in B Bc Ms 5615. It is known in the secondary literature as French tablature. As Castillion explains in his preface, the highest line

represents the first course, and letters represent the frets. The letter a stands for an open course.” In punteado tablature, rhythm is normally indicated by means of mensuration signs, barlines, and durational note-symbols. Unfortunately,

the rhythmic notation is skeletal and unclear in three of the Spanish sources. First, the collection by Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677) is marred by numerous misprints. In his punteado pieces Ruiz employs barlines, but their placement is not reliable. He also provides a mensuration sign at the beginning of each work, limiting himself almost entirely to C (compassillo) and 3 (proporcién menor). During his discussion of canto de érgano Ruiz

explains that in proporcién menor the white and black forms of notes smaller than a semibreve (©) are equivalent. He states that a minima ()

206Sanz (1674) “Regla quarta, y explicacién del abecedario italiano,” f. 9r; Ruiz de Ribayaz

(1677) chap. 1-2, pp. 14; Guerau (1694) “Advertencias a los principiantes,” f. *4r; and Murcia (1714) “Explicaci6n del ABCdario y de la segunda demonstra[ci]6n,” 7. 207B Bc Ms 5615 “Principes de la guitarre,” v. 208One exception occurs in a setting of the zarabandas taken from Sanz (D-441). Here Ruiz follows the original by using the sign C§

FIVE-COURSE GUITAR 173 equals a seminima ($ ), a white corchea ($) equals a black corchea (>), and a white semi-corchea ( €) equals a black one ( $).2% This accords with traditional Spanish theory of the period (as explained in chap. 7, p. 294).

However, owing to certain printing problems, Ruiz does not use the standard note-symbols in the actual notation of his pieces. Instead he devised a set of five letter-symbols to represent the durations. He employs the symbol O for a semibreve (©), D for a minima (3%), L for a seminima (})

S for acorchea ($), and s for a semicorchea ($).2° He makes no mention of dotted rhythms. Nevertheless, they may be implied by certain combina-

tions of symbols. For example, in proporcién menor the pattern L-S-L probably stands for | J. J | . The system devised by Ruiz was potentially viable but it was not implemented properly in the publication of his pieces. The necessary letter-symbols are often missing, and many of the given ones are erroneous. The collection by Santa Cruz (E Mn M.2209) is the second punteado source whose rhythm is unclear. The manuscript does not contain verbal

explanations of its notation. Despite the reference on the title-page to four types of mensurations (compassillo, proporzionsilla, proporsién maior, and compds maior), Santa Cruz does not employ any mensuration signatures in his pieces. He does provide barlines, but many of them seem to be misplaced. Santa Cruz also employs three durational symbols S , 2 (or'Z),

and “ (or #4). They are never dotted. The symbols are given above the

tablature, but their vertical alignment with the ciphers is often ambiguous. (For example, see Plate 5.) Moreover, their very meaning is puz-

zling. Perhaps the symbols are supposed to correspond to specific durational values, such as the seminima (4), corchea ($), and semicorchea ($) respectively. If this is the case, then the manuscript is riddled with errors and omissions. Alternatively, perhaps the symbols are intended as mnemonic aids only. However, this interpretation is also unsatisfactory, for | have been unable to discover a consistent basis for the choice of sym-

bols in some of the pieces. In order to transcribe the works in this manuscript, | have used as guidelines the rhythmic patterns found in other settings of the same dance-types. In some instances, such as the first Canario piece (D-17), | have disregarded most of the given symbols. 209Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677) chap. 14 “En que se habla de la proporcién menor,” 58 (56). 710Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677) “Ecos del libro intitulado Luz, y norte musical, en cifras para guitarra, y arpa,” 65-66.

174 THE INSTRUMENTAL SOURCES The third source with unclear rhythm is the anonymous E Mn M.811. The punteado pieces contain barlines and begin with mensuration signs, usually C (compasillo) or 2, ( proporcién menor).2"' Yet the given signs are not reliable. Other settings of the same dance-songs suggest that

the copyists of E Mn M.811 committed numerous mistakes. The manuscript also employs the usual durational note-symbols above the tablature, but it rarely supplies them in full. Furthermore dotted rhythms are not notated in a consistent manner. For example, in triple meter both

the patterns [J ) J| and|J }--| probably stand for |J. JJ \. The rhythmic notation in the remaining eight punteado sources of this study is usually clear and complete. (An exception is D-286 from B Bc Ms 5615.) Minguet y Yrol (ca. 1754) even supplements the tablature of his punteado pieces with melodic staff-notation. All eight sources provide mensuration signs, barlines, and durational note-symbols in full, in accordance with the convention that one symbol serves for successive notes which have the same duration. During the second half of the 17th century the tendency is to focus on two mensuration signs in order to simplify matters for those who do not understand musical rudiments. For example, as pointed out above, Sanz (1674) discusses only C (compasillo) and 3 (proporcidn) in his treatise. Nevertheless, in several of his punteado

pieces he does utilize sesquidltera signatures (namely, C§,C3 , and C¥) without providing any explanation.?” Guerau (1694) also focuses on C (compassillo) and 3 (proporcién menor). Under the latter sign he employs the modern black notation, with

one measure equalling || | | or|JJJ|. He shows dotted values explicitly." Guerau explains that he has excluded other mensurations, such as compds mayor (usually symbolized ¢ ) and proporcién mayor (usually sym-

bolized ¢3 or ¢ 3), in order not to cause confusion for those players unversed in music theory.2'4 Only in three of his pieces does Guerau call for triplets. He signals them by verbal cues (sexquidltera or sexquinona o nonupla) and proportional signs (1? or 3 ).?' 21D ifferent signs appear at the beginning of the two “Canarios” pieces. The first setting (D-13) uses C , and the second setting (D-19) uses §212The sign C § appears in thirteen pieces, including D-13, D-14, D-15, and D-441. The sign C3 appears once, at the beginning of Sanz (1674) “Bailete francés,” f.47. The sign C }2 also appears only once, in the concluding section of Sanz (1674) “Preludio y fantasfa con mucha variedad de falsas para los que se precian de aficionados. Por la O,” f. 24r. 213Guerau (1694) “Advertencias a los principiantes,” f. *4v. 2M4Guerau (1694) “Advertencias a los principiantes,” f. 4r. 215These passages occur in D-166 dif. 7, D-273 dif. 7, and P-94 dif. 9.

FIVE-COURSE GUITAR 175 In punteado sources of the 18th century the tendency is to employ a much larger set of mensurations, owing in part to the influence of foreign

music. The anonymous E Bc M.691/2 (4) is an exception in that it restricts itself to C and 3. French practices of the period are shown in B Bc Ms 5615. In the preface Castillion describes fifteen different mensura-

tion signs (C, € ,2, $, 2 3, 3, gs. 12 3,243 2 and ? ) as well as the convention of notes inégales.?* In Spain the guitar works of Murcia

illustrate the changing notational practices of the early 18th century. In his treatise of 1714 Murcia utilizes thirteen different mensuration signs, as listed in Chart 9. He discusses eleven of them during his explanations of how to realize a bass.?!”7 Some of his signs are traditional Spanish mensurations, such as the duple-meter C and __, and the triple-meter 3 and ¢ 3. In his treatment of Spanish triple meter Murcia follows earlier theory by

equating the white and black forms of notes smaller than a semibreve (o ).28 For the musical examples under 3 and€3 in the theoretical section

of his book he employs the white forms of the notes (ie, J, .), and J ). - For the musical settings under 3 in the body of his book he employs the equivalent black forms (ie.,/ ,)), and 4). Murcia further reveals in his theoretical discussion that the Spanish signatures do not have fixed tempos. For instance, he distinguishes two types of accompaniment for the sign C, depending on whether the tempo is very slow (mui despacio) or somewhat fast (algo apriesa). However, the notation of values is identical regardless of the tempo.29 Similarly, Murcia mentions that the sign 3 can be used for slow works or fast popular pieces (juguetes). He refers to the slow version as proporcién and the fast version as proporcioncilla, but he

states that in their notation there is no difference.” Most of the other mensuration signs in Murcia’s treatise are new foreign ones. He explicitly refers to 3 as a mensuration of Italian music”! Similarly he describes 3 as the foreign equivalent of the Spanish 3, with the difference that under 3 216B Bc Ms 5615 “De signes qui marquent la mesure et le mouvement,” vii-x and “Observations sur le mouvement des croches,” xii—xiii. 217Murcia (1714) “Barios exemplos, en los tiempos usuales de la mdssica, los quales conducen para govierno del acompafiante; explicando en ellos, quando le precissa a dar golpes llenos (segan el tiempo que fuere) o dar el bajo solo sin acompafiamiento de vozes,” 41— 56.

218urcia (1714), 43. 219Murcia (1714), 42. 220Murcia (1714), 43.

21)furcia (1714), 44.

3

176 THE INSTRUMENTAL SOURCES an undotted minima (J ) is worth two-thirds of a measure.?22 In his comments as well as in his pieces Murcia further indicates that the influx of foreign dance-music during the early 18th century played a leading role in the adoption of new mensuration signs in Spain. For example, he states that the foreign sign ? is called the tiempo de gabota.”3 Chart 9. Mensuration signs in Murcia (1714)

Symbol Name Value ofa measure Value of ameasure cal section

C compassillo \J Jd Jl \J iJ d|

¢ compas mayor \d J J s] | J J J J

2 [not specified] {not specified] | JJJ Jl

2 2 por 4 | 3 | [not used]

3 proporcioncilla

3 proporcin or = J J =U J Us dor ssay

©2 proporcién mayor jd dd dd Jj=|JJ 4344] {nocused} 2

3 {not specified] [not specified] J tid |

43 33 por por 84 JWid isis Td J | 1 sexquidltera J JIS4 J| B JjJJ |

$ sexquidltera {not specified] | J JI 59 J|

; sexquinovena [not specified] | | | J | ‘ sexquidocena [JJ] JT) ITV | M Ms Chart 9 reveals that Murcia is not consistent in his use of certain

mensurations. Some of the discrepancies arise from the interaction of old and new principles. In addition to using some modern signs, Murcia also persists in applying the older proportional meanings. Consider, for example, his setting of “Mariz4palos” (D-285). He begins it under the men-

suration 3 with one measure equal to |J JJ | or| J] J) S|. When the measure changes to| JJ) JJ) JJJ\at the beginning of the ninth diferencia he introduces the sign 2? rather than 3. According to traditional theory 222Murcia (1714), 43. 23Murcia (1714), 42.

FIVE-COURSE GUITAR 177 he thereby indicates that the duration of the measure remains the same, for 2 means that 9 notes now equal 6 notes of the previous mensuration. A more puzzling discrepancy occurs in Murcia’s treatment of sexquidltera. In his pieces he follows the modern foreign practice of employing $ when

the measure equals |J J JJJJ/ and § when it equals ‘J J] IT] , However, in the theoretical section of his treatise he uses § when the measure equals IT TJ IJd | . One could justify this last usage by considering the sign $ in its older proportional sense (6 notes equal 4 previous notes) in relation to a hypothetical measure of 7. In his later collection of 1732 (GB Lbm Ms Add.31640) Murcia still includes some anomalies of this kind, but they are fewer in number. By the middle of the 18th century Minguet y Yrol (ca. 1754) dispenses with the older proportional meanings altogether. In his punteado pieces he consistently uses the modern meanings of the mensuration signatures (C, 3 ,

3 ,and § ). All the punteado sources in this study employ ornament symbols, as shown in Chart 10. These ornaments have been carefully investigated by Strizich.224 There are a total of six main types, namely, the trill, mordent, slurred lower or upper auxiliary, vibrato, slur, and arpeggiation. Among the Spanish sources the symbols and names are similar though not identical. The manuscript collection B Bc Ms 5615 stands apart because it uses French ornaments.?2> Castillion’s symbols and names appear in earlier French sources, such as the guitar booklet by Derosier issued during the last decade of the 17th century.”"6

224Robert Strizich, “Ornamentation in Spanish Baroque Guitar Music,” Journal of the Lute Society of America 5 (1972), 18-39. 225B Bc Ms 5615 “Explication des marques et des signes de la tablature de la guitarre,” xiii.

226Nicolas Derosier, Les principes de la guitarre (Amsterdam, n.d; facsimile edition, Bibliotheca musica bononiensis sezione IV, vol. 213, Bologna, 1975), ii.

178 THE INSTRUMENTAL SOURCES Chart 10. Ornament symbols in the punteado guitar sources

(a) Sanz (1674 and ca. 1675)

Tv trino trill VU mordente mordent

symbol Name. Meaning U apoyamento or ligadura slurred lower auxiliary

U esmorsata or ligadura slurred upper auxiliary

*or f temblor vibrato ~~ extrasino slur

+or 1 arpeado arpegpiation

(b) Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677)

t/*mordente trino trill temblor mordent vibrato

Symbol Name Meaning —or ~__— extrasino slur (c) Guerau (1694)

Symbol Name Meaning f,? trino or aleado trill mordente mordent temblor vibrato

KW extrasino slur [no symbol] harpeado arpeggiation

t— trill ‘f.vibrato trill FE | slur . ‘

(d) EMn M.2209

Symbol Probable Meaning (e) EMnM.811

‘~_” 2slur trill f }. vibrato

Symbol Probable Meaning

FIVE-COURSE GUITAR 179

1.3 trill % or # vibrato —__ slur (f) Murcia (1714) and GB Lbm Ms Add.31640

Symbol Probable Meaning mordent

‘f. trill —_ slur (g) EBc M.691/2 (4)

Symbol Probable Meaning (h) B Bc Ms 5615

Symbol Name Meaning , tremblemen trill x or U martellemen mordent %,cheute miolemen ortirade plainte vibrato a or slur /4 [not specified] arpepgiation (i) Minguet y Yrol (ca. 1754) B

t trino trill

Symbol Name Meaning 'Usually the word brebes (short) or suave (gentle) appears below this sign. ‘In some instances an Arabic numeral, indicating the fret of the upper note, appears below this sign. 3An Arabic numeral, indicating the fret of the upper note, always appears below this sign. ‘The slashes are placed on the tablature between all the fret-symbols of the chord.

Unfortunately none of the guitar sources under consideration define their ornaments by means of written-out realizations. Some of the sources do discuss the ornaments, but their explanations are of limited use. Al-

together there are only two sets of verbal descriptions. The first set originally appears in the treatise by Sanz (1674). He discusses each type of ornament separately.22? In addition he indicates that he has based his ornaments (habilidades) on Italian practice.2*8 One problem in his system is 27Sanz (1674) Regla 3-9, f. L1v—12v. ?8Sanz (1674) Regla 7 8, f. 12r.

180 THE INSTRUMENTAL SOURCES that he uses the same symbol ( U ) to represent the mordente, apoyamento,

and esmorsata, although he notes that the last two are rarely notated. Later Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677) removes this ambiguity by dispensing with the apoyamento and esmorsata entirely. He employs four types of orna-

ments and acknowledges that he has copied his explanations verbatim - from Sanz.”° Only with regard to the trino does Ruiz add some remarks of

his own (quoted below). The descriptions by Sanz reappear during the 18th century in the sources compiled by Valero and Trapero. (These sources are discussed in this chapter, pp. 141—42). Furthermore, his explanation of the trino is repeated by Minguet y Yrol (ca. 1754), as indicated in Chart 2. A second set of verbal descriptions is given by Guerau (1694). He discusses five types of ornaments (afectos), although he employs symbols

for only four of them.2 Rather than notating the harpeado, Guerau recommends that it be used for all three-note chords: I also advise you that in those chords which consist of three notes you accustom yourself to playing them in arpeggiated fashion, which you will execute by plucking first with the thumb the course which it plays, next with the index finger, and finally with the middle finger. However, do not hold the chord any longer than its indicated value, nor allow the beat to falter.??!

In 1714 and 1732 Murcia employs the same four symbols as Guerau. Instead of describing the individual ornaments (gracias) in his treatise, Murcia simply refers the reader to Guerau’s explanations.?” A conclusive reconstruction of all the punteado ornaments is not possible because the verbal descriptions in the Spanish sources are not sufficiently detailed. Italian practices are probably relevant in light of the remarks made by Sanz. However the Italian guitar sources are of limited value since they rarely provide precise explanations. Moreover, as Tyler points out, the intended realization of particular ornaments may well vary from book to book, even within the output of one composer.?? The instrumental ornaments in other Spanish and foreign repertories are not 29Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677) chap. 4, p. 16. 239Guerau (1694) “Advertencias a los principiantes,” f. *4v—*5v. 231Guerau (1694) “Advertencias a los principiantes,” f. *5r; English translation by Strizich (1972), 36. 232furcia (1714) “[Prélogo],” ii-iii. 13T yler (1980), 87-102.

FIVE-COURSE GUITAR 181 necessarily relevant. Nevertheless they do lend credibility to certain interpretations of the guitar symbols. One general problem in the Spanish guitar sources is their failure to

specify the metrical placement of the ornaments. Other instrumental practices throughout western Europe during the 17th and early 18th cen-

turies suggest that the ornaments should be played on the beat, not before it. Some Italian guitar books further support this interpretation. Consider, for example, the mordente. Sanz (1674) refers to it only briefly: The mordente is left on the same fret which trills [i.e., the upper note of a trill, which in Sanz is always a semitone above the lower note] and it dampens the string there. Because it bites [muerde] the string, the Italians rightly use the name mordente for that manner of playing the string.2*4

Guerau (1694) explains the ornament in more detail but he too neglects to mention its metrical position: Likewise you will find a backwards C or comma in this manner, D which in Italy they call mordente. This is executed by placing the appropriate finger two frets [i.e., a tone] or one fret [i.e., a semitone] behind [ie., lower than] that which the number indicates, according to the requirements of the vertical sonority [punto]. With another finger and with greater

speed than in the trill, one has to strike the string at the fret which the number indicates, finishing the chord [punto] on it.?°

By contrast, in an Italian guitar book issued in approximately 1655, Bartolotti clearly defines the mordente (x) by writing it out in tablature, such

that_jJ.= [0

The Spanish sources also fail to explain the apoyamento in a precise fashion. Sanz (1674) simply offers the following remarks: The number with an apoyamento is struck in this manner. If you find a “one” on the first course, in order to play this number you should strike the first course open and immediately press it at the first fret, so that in reality you press [with the left hand] what you don’t play [with the right hand] and you play what you don’t press. For although you struck the first course

?34Sanz (1674) “Regla quinta, del mordente,” f. 1 lv. 235>Guerau (1694) “Advertencias a los principiantes,” f. *4v.

: *°Angiolo Michele Bartolotti, Secondo libro di chitarra (Rome, n.d.) “Modo per far li mordente”; according to the illustration given in Tyler (1980), 91.

182 THE INSTRUMENTAL SOURCES open, you stole its voice and applied it to the first fret. It is that which sounds, and you did not play it.24”

Perhaps this ornament is equivalent to that which Corbetta calls abelimento or cheute ( —~ ) in his guitar book issued in Paris in 1671. In equivalent Italian and French prefaces Corbetta defines the ornament in

tablature as a slurred lower appoggiatura,ie., J. = 2 8 In addition, the anonymous Spanish collection E Mn M.811 incorporates written-out slurred lower appoggiaturas in some of its pieces.”*9

Another problem in the Spanish guitar sources concerns the execution of the trino. It is not absolutely clear whether the trill is supposed to begin on the main note or the upper note, although the former is more likely. Sanz (1674) does not refer to this matter at all. Instead he focuses on where one can use the ornament: The trino and mordente are very similar. However they are also distinct

from each other in that the trilling voice [i.e., the upper note] is not the note where the trill is notated but rather a semitone higher. Nevertheless | want to give a famous rule so that you will know where the trill works well even when you do not find it symbolized. In the first place, if you have a free finger, you should trill the open first and second courses [i.e., the pitches e and b] even if the trill is not notated. Also you should trill the fourth and fifth courses on the second fret [i.e., the pitches e and b] and all the courses on the fourth fret [i.e., the pitches c*, f*, b, d*, and g*]. The reason is because they are mi’s or sharps [sustenidos]. In music theory this name corresponds to the trills.?®

Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677) repeats this explanation and adds some remarks of his own which seem to suggest that the trino is a main-note trill: ... the manner of crilling is, to pluck the string on which one is to trill with the right hand, and shake the finger which pertains to the number (on the string and fret on which it is done) of the left hand; the manner of shaking the finger is to place it, and lift it two times, without interruption in the tempo, nor does one have to pluck with the right hand more than once for each trill.#! 237Sanz (1674) “Regla octava, del apoyamento, y esmorsata,” f. 1 2r.

238Corbetta (1671) “Curioso lettore,” 5 and “Advis au lecteur,” 9. These ornament tables are discussed in Pinnell (1976) 1:227—28 and 2:ix—x. 239For example, E Mn M.811 “Canzion,” 36-37 and “Paspié,” 122. 240Sanz (1674) “Regla quarta, del trino,” f. 11v. 241Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677) chap. 4, p. 17; English translation by Strizich (1974), 64.

FIVE-COURSE GUITAR 183 A realization of tJ as S£L1_ would accord with his statements. Later the description given by Guerau (1694) implies even more strongly that the trino begins on the main note: You will also find a small stroke with two small dots in this manner, //,, which in Italy they notate with a T and two small dots. It is called trino or aleado. It is performed with the left hand by placing the appropriate finger

on the fret which the number indicates, and striking the string without delay with another finger of the same hand two frets [i.e., a tone] or one fret [i.e., a semitone] ahead [i.e., higher], according to the requirements of the vertical sonority [punto] 2”

Strizich prefers to stress the ambiguity of the above passages. Nevertheless he too suggests a main-note interpretation for most of the trinos. Strizich

bases his argument on the observation that main-note trills are the type

which seem to be used in Spanish harp and keyboard music of the period.2 Useful information for the reconstruction of the Spanish trino is

lacking in the Italian guitar sources. For example, although Corbetta briefly discusses the tremolo in his book of 1643, he does not specify whether it is a main-note or upper-note trill.2“ In the Italian and French prefaces of his 1671 collection Corbetta does show that the tremolo or tremblement (x) should begin on the upper note. However, since the book

was published in Paris, these trills may well represent French practice only.45 Returning to the Spanish sources, a further complication arises in

the 18th century with the influx of French dance-music. Does the inclusion of French pieces necessarily mean that their trills should be exe-

cuted in the French manner, beginning on the upper note? Strizich answers this question in the affirmative, especially with regard to the French-style cadential formulas in Murcia’s book of 1714 and manuscript of 1732.: However his argument is not conclusive. It is also possible that Spanish musicians employed French pieces without assimilating French ornaments.

24Guerau (1694) “Advertencias a los principiantes,” f. *4v.

*#Strizich (1972), 20-27. Harp and keyboard ornaments are discussed here in chap. 6

and chap. 7 respectively. .

24Corbetta (1643), 4. 243Corbetta (1671) “Curioso lettore,” 5 and “Advis au lecteur,” 9. 24Strizich (1972), 27.

BLANK PAGE

CHAPTER SIX

ea Harp The Harp in Spain From the middle of the 16th century to the early 18th century the harp was a distinctive feature of Spanish musical practice. The instrument was

far more prominent on the Iberian peninsula than anywhere else in western Europe. Furthermore, it was the Spanish presence in Naples— together with the Florentine interest in the music of classical antiquity— that helped to foster the use of the harp in Italy during the late 16th and early 17th centuries.! In Spain the aristocracy regarded harp playing as a suitable activity

for their own recreation. In 1563 princess Juana, sister of Felipe II, employed in her household a harpist by the name of Martfnez.? In the following year two of her ladies-in-waiting played harps during a lavish court 'General studies of the harp include Roslyn Rensch, The Harp: Its History, Technique, and Repertoire (London, 1969); Joan Rimmer, “Harps in the Baroque era,” Proceedings of the Royal Musical Association 90 (1963— 1964), 59-75; Hans Joachim Zingel, Harfe und Harfenspiel vom Beginn des 16. bis ins zweite Drittel des 18. Jahrhunderts (Halle, 1932; reprinted Laaber, 1979); and Hans Joachim Zingel, Harfenspiel in Barockzeitalter (Regensburg, 1974). A very brief survey of the harp in Spain is given by Macario Santiago Kastner, “Harfe und Harfner in der iberischen Musik des 17. Jahrhunderts,” in Natalicia musicologica Knud Jeppesen septuagenario collegis oblata, edited by Bjgrn Hjelmborg and Sgren Sgrensen (Copenhagen, 1962), 165-72.

2SIMANCAS, Archivo General, Casa Real legajo 41; as quoted in Santiago Kastner, “Relations entre la musique instrumentale francaise et espagnole au X Vle siécle,” Anuario musical 10 (1955), 102.

185

186 THE INSTRUMENTAL SOURCES spectacle staged by the princess for queen Isabel de Valois (as described in

chap. 9, pp. 356-58). The harp continued to flourish among the Spanish nobility throughout the 17th century. In the first part of Cervantes’s Don Quixote, published in 1605, a young woman named Dorotea describes her proper upbringing as follows:

That portion of the day that was left me after I had dealt with the stewards, overseers, and laborers I devoted to those pursuits that are as proper as they are necessary for young ladies, commonly represented by the needle, the sewing-cushion, and the distaff. And if I occasionally, by way of recreation, forsook these tasks, it was to read some book of devotion or play

upon the harp, for experience has taught me that music soothes the troubled mind and brings rest to the weary soul.

In 1691 an ambassador of the sultan of Morocco recorded the following observations during his visit to Madrid: This harp is a large wooden instrument, as high as a man, and having about forty-six strings. It produces harmonious sounds and one does not see the blow given by him who plays it. The Christians make much use of it and teach it to their wives, sons and daughters. Hence it is rare to find a house all of whose indwellers do not skillfully pluck the harp. When they receive guests, when they are welcoming anyone or when they wish to honor some-

one who has come to see them, they let the harp express what they feel. The persons who most cultivate this instrument are the daughters and sons of the great and noble. It is similarly much in use in their chapels, in their churches and all those places in which they indulge themselves in their impious acts. It is the instrument they employ most of all.‘

In professional musical circles the harp enjoyed a prominent position because both the church and the theatre offered opportunities of full-time employment. In the early 18th century Nassarre describes the 3Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra, El ingenioso hidalgo Don Quixote de la Mancha pt. I (Madrid, 1605) chap. 28; modern edition by Luis Andrés Murillo (Madrid, 1978) 1:34849; English translation by Samuel Pumam (New York, 1949) 1:236. 4 Viaje a Espavia de un embaxador enviado por Muley Ismael a Carlos Segundo, y observaciones

que hace en todo lo que vid, E Mn Mss Gg.192; modern edition in French translation by H. Sauvaire, Voyage en Espagne d'un ambassadeur marocain (1690-1691) traduit de l'arabe (Paris, 1884), 227-28; excerpt in English translation by Frederick Martens, “The Musical Observations of a Moroccan Ambassador (1690—-1691),” Musical Quarterly 15 (1929),

578-79. Martens does not quote the original and he fails to acknowledge the modern French edition.

HARP 187 harp as an ecclesiastical instrument, for he maintains that it is used almost as much as the organ to accompany church music in Spain.’ He praises two qualities of the harp which make it eminently suitable for this purpose: Among the instruments with gut strings, the harp is the one which should hold first place, on account of its enlargement [wide range] as well

as its great resonance. For in both respects it exceeds all the other gutstringed instruments which are in use at this time .... It is more resonant than any other one. Thus music chapels accompany themselves with the harp, for its tones have sufficient body for this usage.®

Throughout most of the 17th and early 18th centuries the royal chapel in Madrid actually employed full-time harpists. A preliminary list is given in Chart 11. Beginning in the middle of the 17th century some of the other large Spanish chapels followed suit, as illustrated in Chart 12. (For each of the chapels listed, | have simply recorded the earliest archival reference available in the secondary literature to a full-time harpist.) Furthermore the harp was used on a regular basis even at some churches which lacked a separate post exclusively for it. A common arrangement was to entrust the harp playing to one of the organists. For example, in 1661 Badajoz Cathedral paid its organist Miguel Temudo 50 reales to replace the strings which had worn out on the harp.’ In 1685 the chapter hired Agustin de Valladares to serve as singer, harpist, and assistant organist.’ Similarly in 1703 Valencia Cathedral appointed Félix Jorge Rodrfguez to the post of second organist and harpist. Rodrfguez had formerly worked in the same capacity at the collegiate church of Alicante.®

Pablo Nassarre, Escuela miisica, segin la prdctica moderna vol. 1 (Zaragoza, 1724; facsimile edition, Zaragoza, 1980) Bk. III, chap. 18, p. 331. 6 Nassarre vol. 1 (1724) Bk. IV, chap. 15, p. 458.

"BADAJOZ, Archivo de la Catedral, Actas Capitulares (dated June 22, 1661); as transcribed in Santiago Kastner, “La mdsica en la Catedral be Badajoz (afios 15201764),” Anuario musical 15 (1960), 76.

SBADAJOZ, Archivo de la Catedral, Actas Capitulares (dated September 28, 1685); as transcribed in Kastner (1963), 228. SVALENCIA, Archivo de la Catedral vol. 3183, f. 379 (dated February 15, 1703); according to Arsenio Garcfa-Ferreras, Juan Bautista Cabanilles. Sein Leben und Werk (Die Tientos fiir Orgel) (Regensburg, 1973), 25. Further information about Rodrfguez is given in José Climent, “Organistas valencianos de los siglos XVII y XVIII. Organistas de la Catedral,” Anuario musical 17 (1962), 191-93.

188 THE INSTRUMENTAL SOURCES Chart 11. Some harpists in the royal chapel during the 17th and early 18th centuries

Name Documented years of service Antonio Martinez (de Porras) 1612 (payment)*-1615 (death)>

Lope Machado 1616-1634 (payments)*

Juan Hidalgo ca. 1631 (appointment)4—1685 (death)*

Bartolomé Jovenardi 1633 (appointment) —1654 (authorization of payment) £

Francisco Hidalgo 1644 (appoinument)"-ca. 1675 (death)!

Leandro Pons 1662 (payment)! Martin de Armendariz 1668 (appointment)*—1669 (death)! Antonio de Armendariz 1674 (appointment)™—1701 (payment)"

Juan (Francisco) de Navas 1700 (approbation in a harp book)°-1709 (approbation in a plainsong treatise)?

Pedro Peralta 1736 (death)?

*E Mp legajo 1135; as summarized by José Subir4, “La musica en la Real Capilla madrilefia y en el Colegio de Nifios Cantorcicos. Apuntes histéricos,” Anuario musical 14 (1959), 210

and 213. A harpist by the name of Martfnez also served at the royal court in 1563, as stated previously (p. 185). His relationship to Antonio is not known. “Antonio Martinez, masico del arpha, murié a 9 de jullio.” E Mp legajo 1135; as quoted by Subird (1959), 210. ‘E Mp legajo 1135; as summarized by Subir4 (1959), 210 and 212. 4“Joan Idalgo misico de arpa y claviarpa de la real capilla de vuestra magestad dize que ha dies avtos que sirve [my emphasis] con entrambos instrumentos echos a su costa y todos los que ha gastado en este tiempo sin haverle dado en todo él ninguno ni ayuda de costa para comprarle. Supplica a vuestra magestad sea servido de mandar se le satisfaga este gasto o se le dé lo que pareciere justo por el que ha hecho como se hizo con Lope Machado su antecessor y con sus compafieros y juntamente porque los instrumentos que tiene no estén de provecho que se le dé para comprar otros dos arpa y claviarpa en que recivir4 merced.” E Mn Barbieri Mss 14069 (126), an original document dated June 16, 1641. However in E Mp legajo 1135 (a record of payments made to members of the royal chapel) Juan Hidalgo is not listed until

the second third of the year 1634; according to Subir4 (1959), 212. Hidalgo’s musical output is discussed here in chap. 9, pp. 397-400 and 408-9. ‘MADRID, Parroquia de San Martfn, Libros de Defunciones vol. 9, f. 276, and _ vol. 12, f. 20 (dated March 30 and 31, 1685); as printed and translated in Ruth Landes Pitts, “Don

HARP 189

Juan Hidalgo, Seventeenth-Century Spanish Composer” (Ph.D. dissertation, George Peabody College for Teachers, 1968), 17-18.

“El rey nuestro sefior (Dios le guarde) ha sido servido de hacer merced al doctor Bartolomé Jobenardi de una placa de misico de harpa de su real capilla, y manda le corran desde primero de henero de este afio de 1633; y avfsolo a vuestra merced para que en esta

conformidad lo note en los libros de su magestad.” E Mp caja 599/5, document dated Madrid, July 14, 1633; as ranscribed in José Subira, “Dos midsicos del rey Felipe IV: B. Jovenardi y E. Butler,” Anuario musical 19 (1964), 203.

SE Mp caja 599/5, document dated Madrid, December 3, 1654; transcribed in Subird (1964), 212. hFrancisco Hidalgo (probably the brother of Juan Hidalgo) was promised the post on June

23, 1643, and entered it on March 1, 1644; according to documents in E Mp as summarized by Barbieri in E Mn Barbieri Mss 14069 (130). ‘In 1676 his widow received the following payment: “Dofia Juana Vélez, viuda de Francis-

co Hidalgo miisico de arpa que fue de la capilla—730 reales [i.e., 24,820 maravedis] anuales.” Document dated 1676, preserved in E Mp; as summarized by Barbieri in E Mn Barbieri Mss 14069 (132). Socorra vuestra magestad a Leandro Ponce arpista de la capilla real de su magestad con quatrocientos reales [i.e., 13,600 maravedis] porque esté muy enfermo para curarse y tenga vuestra magestad este papel para cobrarlos a su tiempo. Palacio 12 de enero 1662.” E Mn Barbieri Mss 14040 (72), an original document dated January 12, 1662. On the back of the document Pons signed for the money as follows: “Resibf del sefior Agustin Jimenes cuatrosientos rreales de bell6n a cuenta de lo que se me librava de gajes o distribusién y lo firmé de mi mano oi jueves a 12 de enero afio 1662. Leandro Pons [signature].” kMartin de Armenda4riz assumed the post on August 1, 1668; according to a document in

E Mp, as summarized by Barbieri in E Mn Barbieri Mss 14021 (83). He was born in Muruz4bal (a village near Pamplona), where he was baptized on April 20, 1644, and he was admitted to Toledo Cathedral as a choirboy (seise) on September 28, 1651; according to documents in TOLEDO, Archivo Histérico, as summarized by Barbieri in E Mn Barbieri Mss 14021 (82). IMADRID, Parroquia de San Martin, Libros de Defunciones (dated April 12, 1669); as summarized by José Subir4, “Necrologfas musicales madrilefias (afios 1611—1808),” Anuario musical 13 (1958), 206. ™“Antonio Almendares, cantorcico que fue de la capilla real, fue recivido por arpista y tiene su asiento entre los misicos de ynstrumentos, en 1° de setiembre de 1674.” E Mp Real Capilla legajo M.26; as transcribed in Nicol4s Alvarez Solar-Quintes, “Panorama musical desde Felipe III a Carlos I]. Nuevos documentos sobre ministriles, organistas, y ‘Reales Capillas flamenca y espafiola de misica,’” Anuario musical 12 (1957), 197. ™E Mp legajo 1132; as summarized by Michel Antoine, Henry Desmarest (1661-1741). Biographie critique (Paris, 1965), 96-97.

Aprobacién de don Juan de Nabas, harpista de la real capilla, y camara de su magestad” (dated Madrid, August 6, 1700), in Diego Fernandez de Huete, Compendio numeroso de — xifras arménicas, con thedrica, y prdctica, para harpa de una orden, de dos érdenes, y de érgano vol. 1 (Madrid, 1702), f.*3r. p“Aprobacién de don Juan Francisco de Navas. Arpista de la real capilla del rey don Felipe Quinto” (dated Madrid, August 2, 1709), in Jorge de Guzman, Curiosidades del cantollano,

190 THE INSTRUMENTAL SOURCES sacadas de la obras del reverendo don Pedro Cerone de Bérgamo, y de otros autores (Madrid, 1709), p. iii; according to the description in Higinio Anglés and José Subir4, Catdlogo musical de Ia Biblioteca Nacional de Madrid vol. 2 (Barcelona, 1949), 133. «Don Pedro Peralta, arpista, 700 ducados [i.e., 262,500 maravedis]. Falleci6 el 5 de junio de 1736.” E Mp legajo 3236; as summarized by Subir4 (1959), 228.

Chart 12. Some other chapels with full-time harpists 1. | Segovia Cathedral, 1649 Appointment of Tom4s Montes Source: SEGOVIA, Archivo de la Catedral, Actas Capitulares (dated September 24, 1649); according to Robert Stevenson, “Francisco Correa de Arauxo: New Light on his Career,” Revista musical chilena 22 (1968), 26.

2. Huesca Cathedral, 1650 Appointment of Valero Vergara Source: HUESCA, Archivo de la Catedral, Libro de Resoluciones vol. 5 (dated March 22, 1650); according to Antonio Duran Gudiol, “La capilla de masica de la Catedral de Huesca,” Anuario musical 19 (1964), 46.

3. Oviedo Cathedral, 1654 Appointment of Matilla de Arce

Source: OVIEDO, Archivo de la Catedral, Actas Capitulares vol. 26, f. 377r; quoted by Emilio Casares Rodicio, La misica en la Catedral de Oviedo (Oviedo, 1980), 112.

4. Real Convento de la Encarnacié6n (Madrid), 1655 Death of Pablo Castel Source: MADRID, Parroquia de San Martin, Libros de Defunciones (dated January 22, 1655); transcribed in Subir4 (1958), 205.

5. Monasterio de las Descalzas Reales (Madrid), 1658 Death of Luis de Carrié6n

Source: MADRID, Parroquia de San Martin, Libros de Defunciones (dated September 6, 1658); transcribed in Subir4 (1958), 205.

6. Toledo Cathedral, 1670 Payment to Pedro Ferrer

Source: TOLEDO, Archivo de la Catedral, record dated September 20, 1670; copied by Barbieri in E Mn Barbieri Mss 14040 (156). Part of this copy is printed in Francois Reynaud, “Contribution 4 l'étude des danseurs et des musiciens des fétes du Corpus Christi et de l’Assomption 4 Toléde aux XVIe et XVIle siécles,” Mélanges de la casa de Velazquez 10 (1974) document 57, p. 167.

7. Leén Cathedral, 1671 Dismissal of Luis Vidal

Source: LEON, Archivo de la Catedral, Actas 1670-1671 né&mero 9934, f. 88r (dated July 20, 1671); wanscribed in José Alvarez Pérez, “La polifonfa saprada y sus maestros en la Catedral de Leén durante el siglo XVII,” Anuario musical 15 (1960), 151-52.

HARP 191 8. Pamplona Cathedral, 1695

Appointment of Martin Joseph de Ibarrola Source: PAMPLONA, Archivo de la Catedral, Actas Capitulares afio 1695, f. 234v (dated December 15, 1695); transcribed in Leocadio Hern4ndez Ascunce, “Masica y mdsicos de la Catedral de Pamplona,” Anuario musical 23 (1968), 235.

9, Parish Church of Santa Marfa del Mar (Barcelona), 1699 Appointment of Francisco Montan (or Montau) Source: E Bap Rafael Albfa legajo 35 manual afio 1699, f. 353v-360r (dated May 19, 1699); transcribed in José Marfa Madurell, “Documentos para la historia de maestros de capilla, infantes de coro, maestros de méisica y danza y ministriles en Barcelona (siglos XIV-XVII),” Anuario musical 4 (1949), 197.

The harp also became a standard accompanying instrument in the theatre. During the first half of the 17th century members of acting troupes who played the harp usually performed in other ways as well. For instance, in 1633 Francisca de la Concepcién sang with the harp, danced, and acted (canta con arpa baila y representa) in the company headed by

Manuel de Vallejo.*° Similarly in 1644 Alonso de la Paz organized a troupe in which Antonio de Velasco agreed to sing, play the harp, and act (cantar, tocar el arpa, y representar).'' By contrast, during the second half of the 17th century theatrical harp playing became a specialized occupation. Presumably its music was more prominent and demanding. Begin-

ning in approximately 1660, archival lists of acting companies often include a member designated solely as a harpist (arpista). Some examples are given in Chart 13. (Many of the players named therein also appear in other lists, but without an explicit designation of their function.) Despite the prominence of the harp in Spanish sacred and secular music, very few sources survive which are notated exclusively for it. One reason is that harpists sometimes played from keyboard notation. In the second half of the 16th century Venegas de Henestrosa (1557) and Her-

nando de Cabezén (1578) each published a collection of works in keyboard tablature which they also addressed to harpists. In 1620 Manuel Coelho issued a set of pieces in score notation to be played either on the l0F Mav 2-196—39; as transcribed in N. D. Shergold and J. E. Varey, “Documentos sobre los autos sacramentales en Madrid hasta 1636,” Revista de la biblioteca archivo :y museo 24 (1955), 282.

''E Mah Protocolos de Juan Garcfa de Albertos, 1644; as summarized in Cristébal Pérez Pastor, Nuevos datos acerca del histrionismo espafiol en los siglos XVI ‘y XVII vol. 2 (Bordeaux,

1914), 129.

192 THE INSTRUMENTAL SOURCES Chart 13. Some acting companies containing harpists, 1661-1680 1. | Company of Antonio de Escamilla 1661 — Marcos Garcés (alias Capiscol)®

| 1662 — Marcos Garcés‘ 1663 — Juan de Malaguilla? 1664 — Juan de Malapuilla® 1664 — Gaspar Real! 1670 — Juan Ortiz® 1671 — Juan Gallego* 1672 — Juan Gallego! 1673 — Juan Gallego! 1678 — Juan de Malaguilla*

2. Company of Joseph Carrillo 1662 — Domingo Garcfa!

3. Company of Simén Aguado 1662 — Domingo Garcfa™ 1674 — Juan de Malaguilla* 1675 — Juan de Malaguilla®

4. Company of Manuel Vallejo 1672 — José Soler? 1673 — Jusepe Soler‘ 1674 — Joseph Solier [i.e., Soler]' 1675 — Joseph Soler* 1676 — Joan de Ugarte'

5. Company of Félix Pascual 1673 — Marcos Garzés (alias Capiscol)*

6. Company of Juan Manuel 1676 — Juan de Lima Sequeyros”’

7. Company of Agustin Manuel de Castilla 1677 — Valerio Malaguilla” 1678 — Valerio Malaguilla*

8. Company of Pablo Martin de Morales 1678 — Nicolas Andino’

9. Company of Jer6nimo Garcia 1680 — Valerio Malaguilla*

*Following the death of Felipe IV, the crown prohibited public theatrical performances from September 22, 1665 to November 30, 1666; according to the royal edicts summarized in Emilio Cotarelo y Mori, Bibliografia de las controversias sobre la licitud del teatro en

Espafta (Madrid, 1904), 635-36. This chart reflects the fact that theatrical productions continued to suffer until 1670. bE Mav 2-198-12; transcribed in Cristébal Pérez Pastor, Documentos para la biografia de d{on] Pedro Calderén de la Barca (Madrid, 1905), 282. CE Mav 2-198-11; transcribed in Pérez Pastor (1905), 292.

HARP 193

4E Mav 2-198-9; transcribed in N.D. Shergold and J.E. Varey, Los autos sacramentales en Madrid en la época de Calderén 1637-1681. Estudio y documentos (Madrid, 1961), 168. °E Mav 2-198-8; transcribed in Pérez Pastor (1905), 302. fE Mav 2-198-8; transcribed in Shergold and Varey (1961), 175. Gaspar Real is discussed here in chap. 9, pp. 393~94 and 410. sE Mav 2-198-4; transcribed in Shergold and Varey (1961), 211. hE Mav 2-198-2; transcribed in Pérez Pastor (1905), 323. iE Mav 2-198-1; transcribed in Pérez Pastor (1905), 329.

jE Mav 2-197-20; transcribed in Shergold and Varey (1961), 252. , hE Mav 2-199-15; transcribed in Pérez Pastor (1905), 352. 'E Mav 2-198-11; transcribed in Shergold and Varey (1961), 160.

™E Mav 2-198-11; transcribed in Pérez Pastor (1905), 293. ™E Mav 2-197-19; transcribed in Shergold and Varey (1961), 271. | °F Mav 2-197-18; transcribed in Shergold and Varey (1961), 285. PE Mav 2-198-1; transcribed in Pérez Pastor (1905), 329. IE Mav 2-197-20; transcribed in Pérez Pastor (1905), 333. 'E Mav 2-197-19; transcribed in Shergold and Varey (1961), 271. *E Mav 2-197-18; transcribed in Shergold and Varey (1961), 285. tE Mav 2-200-1; transcribed in Pérez Pastor (1905), 346.

“E Mav 2-197-20; transcribed in Pérez Pastor (1905), 334; and in Shergold and Varey (1961), 269. YE Mav 2-200-1; transcribed in Shergold and Varey (1961), 286. Juan de Lima Sequeiros is discussed here in chap. 9, pp. 402 and 410. YE Mav 2-199-17; transcribed in Pérez Pastor (1905), 350. XE Mav 2-199-15; transcribed in Pérez Pastor (1905), 351.

YSEVILLE, Archivo del Ayuntamiento; unspecified document summarized in José S4nchez-Arjona, Noticias referentes a los anales del teatro en Sevilla desde Lope de Rueda hasta fines del siglo XVII (Seville, 1898), 491.

7E Mav 2-199-13; transcribed in Pérez Pastor (1905), 365-66.

keyboard or harp."? In the early 18th century Nassarre (1724) describes five ways of notating harp music. Three employ staff notation (canto de 6rgano) and two employ tablature (cifra). All five methods also serve for keyboard music." "Luis Venegas de Henestrosa (compiler), Libro de cifra nueva para tecla, harpa, y vihuela (Alcal4 de Henares, 1557); modern edition by Higinio Anglés, MME 2 (Barcelona, 1944). Antonio de Cabezé6n, Obras de miisica para tecla arpa ¥y vihuela, . .. Recopiladas y puestas en cifra por Hemando de Cabecgon su hijo (Madrid, 1578); modern edition by Higinio Anglés,

MME 27-29 (Barcelona, 1966). These sources are discussed in chap. 7. Manuel Rodrfguez Coelho, Flores de mtisica: pera o instrumento de tecla, & harpa (Lisbon, 1620); modern edition by Macario Santiago Kastner, Portugaliae musica 1 and 3 (Lisbon, 1959 and 1961). '3Nassarre vol. 1 (1724) Bk. III, chap. 19 “Del provecho, y utilidad, que sirve en el arpa la trasportaci6n de los tonos, de los modos que se figura la misica para ella, y del modo de templarla,” 347-51. The three types of staff notation are described in pt. IV, p. 684.

194 THE INSTRUMENTAL SOURCES A second reason for the paucity of sources is that the harp was used primarily as a continuo instrument. In his encyclopedic treatise Nassarre

(1723) indicates that the main duty of the church harpist was accompaniment, not solo performance: In many cathedrals they make use of the instrument of the harp by having a musician set aside solely for it. Inasmuch as his admission is usually decided by an examination, I will state here the order which should be observed in it.

Harpists should be extraordinary in two areas, on which the examiners should focus all their attention. One is the execution as regards playing the instrument, and the other concerns accompaniment. . . . . . . All those who possess greater skill in accompaniment ought to be preferred, even if they are somewhat less skilled than others in the execution of free playing.'*

The principles of accompaniment on the harp were the same as those on the organ and harpsichord, according to the treatise by Torres y Martinez

Bravo (1702). For his book Torres managed to obtain an approbation from Juan de Navas, a harpist in the royal chapel.'5 One source of harp accompaniments for secular songs does survive from the early 18th century. It is notated in tablature."

Sources of Dances and Diferencias Dance music and diferencias specifically for harp are preserved in a total of six sources. They are listed chronologically (approximating where necessary) in Chart 14. l4Nassarre vol. 2 (1723) Bk. IV, chap. 20 “De el orden que se ha de guardar en los exdmenes de todo especie de miasica,” 492-93. \SJoseph de Torres y Martinez Bravo, Reglas generales de acompafiar, en érgano, clavicordio, harpa, con sdlo saber cantar la parte, o un baxo en canto figurado (Madrid, 1702) “Aprobacién de don Juan de Navas, harpista de la real capilla de su magestad” (dated Madrid, February 26, 1702), ix. IGE Mn M. 2478 [Libro de tonos puestos en zifra de arpa]. In its present state this manuscript lacks a title-page. It opens with a table of contents. An annotation on f.73r gives the date 1706 (“. .. este afio del [1]706”). The body of the manuscript can be divided into two sections. Folios 1r-64r consist of seventy-five poems with harp accompaniment notated in tablature (no vocal lines are given). Folios 64v—148r consist of 226 poems without any music.

HARP 195 Chart 14. Harp sources of dances and diferencias

Source Total number of Number of pieces

cluded i 12

Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677) 36 36

Fernandez de Huete (1702) 49 33 Fern4ndez de Huete (1704) 353 25

E Mn M816 36° 16 US We Mk.290 39° 13

E Bc M.741/22 _L _1 Totals 196 124

“Includes seven works with Latin lyrics and three works with Spanish lyrics written out below the tablature. Includes eight works with Spanish lyrics written out below the tablature. “Includes six works with Spanish lyrics written out below the tablature.

(a) Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677)

Lucas Ruiz de Ribayaz and his instrumental book are discussed above in the preceding chapter." In addition to material for the guitar, he provides a theoretical discussion of the double-rank harp (chap. 5-9, pp. 21-37) and a set of solo dance-settings for it (105—44). Ruiz claims that for his collection of harp pieces he has selected works from the best composers of the period, such as Andrés Lorente and Juan del Vado: ... So far my intention has been none other than to explain the ciphers which are written for playing these instruments [i.e., the guitar and the double-rank harp]. Anyone with this understanding will be able to begin practising and playing, for which exercise they will find many published works for both instruments, .. . For the harp, Andrés Llorente [has printed] another [book] which he entitles Melodias mdsicas [sic]. Juan del Bado is trying to print [a book] for the harp. If he does it, his works will undoubtedly be very select and worthy of esteem. In case these works cannot be had, I

Lucas Ruiz de Ribayaz, Luz, y norte musical, para caminar por las cifras de la guitarra espatiola, y arpa, tavier, y cantar a compds por canto de é6rgano (Madrid, 1677; facsimile edi-

tion, Geneva, 1976). See chap. 5, pp. 124-25.

196 THE INSTRUMENTAL SOURCES am offering some later on in this book, . . . The section should win some es-

, teem, at least for the work which I had in collecting the pieces, seeing that they are by the best composers to be found at present.!®

Unfortunately Ruiz presents each of the pieces without naming its composer. (b) and (c) Ferndndez de Huete (1702 and 1704)

In the early 18th century Fernandez de Huete managed to publish two volumes for the harp. The first, issued in 1702, consists of a theoretical section of fourteen chapters (pp. 1-22) plus a tablature section subdivided into three libros (pl. 1-13, 14-34, and 35-53). Despite the royal dedication, Fern4ndez probably completed most of the book before the ar-

rival in Spain of Felipe V and his French advisers. The dates of the ptefatory material range from February 25, 1698 (the royal copyright) to March 8, 1702 (the list of printing errors).”” (See Plates 1—4 for facsimiles

of the title-page and three of the prefatory pages.) Furthermore the book contains just one setting of the minuet. This volume reflects the close association between the popular secular repertory and the player unversed in music theory. In the tablature section Fernandez presents only secular dance-songs. In the theoretical section he avoids all technical terms, thus accommodating the beginner as well as the enthusiast (aficionado) who does not understand musical rudiments.

The second volume, issued in 1704, also consists of a theoretical section of six reglas and various advertencias (pp. 1-15) plus a musical section subdivided into three libros (pl. 1-26, 27-53, and 54-67).?! The dates '8Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677) chap. 8, pp. 31-32.

Diego Fernandez de Huete, Compendio numeroso de xifras arménicas, con thedrica, prdctica, para harpa de una orden, de dos drdenes, y de érgano, compuesto por don Diego Fernd[n]dez de Huete, harpista de la santa iglesia de Toledo, primada de las Espafias. Y le dedica, y consagra al rey nuestro sefior. Por mano del excelentissimo sefior conde de Benavente, sumiller

de corps. Primera parte (Madrid, 1702). All my references are to the exemplar preserved at E Mn R.11075. It is described in Higinio Anglés and José Subir4, Catdlogo musical de la Biblioteca Nacional de Madrid vol. 3 (Barcelona, 1951), 101-2. 0Ferndndez de Huete (1702) “Suma del privilegio,” f. *3v; and “Fee de erratas,” f. *4r. 1Diego Fernandez de Huete, Compendio numeroso de zifras arménicas, con theérica, y prdctica, para harpa de una orden, de dos drdenes, y de érgano, compuesto por don Diego Femdndez de Huete, harpista de la santa iglesia de Toledo, primada de las Espayias. Y le dedica a n[uestra] seflora del sagrario. Por mano del em[inentisi]mo sefior don Luis Manuel Ferndndez Portocarrero, cardenal arcobispo de Toledo. Segunda parte (Madrid, 1704). All my references

are to the exemplar preserved at E Mn R.11076. It is described in Anglés and Subir4 vol. 3 (1951), 103.

HARP 197 of its prefatory material range from January 28, 1704 (the religious dedication) to February 13, 1704 (the pricing).”* This volume reflects the close association between the sacred repertory and traditional music theory. In the tablature section Fernandez devotes himself entirely to sacred pieces and passacalles. In the theoretical section he discusses the tuning comma (coma), modes (tonos), cadences (cléusulas), suspensions (ligaduras), and other technical aspects of continuo accompaniment (acompafiar). In fur-

ther contrast to the first volume, here he refers to the pitches by name rather than cipher and he employs some staff notation in the musical illustrations.

In the prologue of the first volume Fernandez announces that he intends to issue three volumes in all: The entire work amounts to three volumes or tomes, and each one of them is subdivided into three sections [libros]. By means of the index [on pp. 23~—30] you will comprehend the contents of this first volume. The other two are already completely worked out and will be published very shortly. They consist of popular pieces of the court [sones de palacio], clarion songs [canciones de clarines], passacalles at various pitch-levels, rules of accompaniment, and works which pertain to divine worship.”°

Juan de Navas, in his approbation of 1700, confirms that Fernandez had prepared three volumes, each subdivided into three libros.4 Unfortunately a third volume does not survive. Presumably it contained sones de palacio and canciones de clarines. There is no evidence that Fern4ndez ever succeeded in having it printed.

22Fern4ndez de Huete (1704) “Eminentfssimo sefior,” f. *1r—*1v; and “Suma de la tassa,” f. *2v.

5Fernéndez de Huete (1702) “Prélogo al lector,” f. *7r-*7v. The clarfn was an early type of trumpet; described in Diccionario de la lengua castellano, . . . por la Real Academia Espartola vol. 2 (Madrid, 1729; facsimile edition, Madrid, 1964), 368. Clarion songs would be settings which imitate the clear sound, triadic fanfares, and repeated notes of the clarin. An example for punteado guitar is found in Gaspar Sanz, Instruccién de mitisica sobre la guitarra espatiola (Zaragoza, 1674; facsimile edition, Zaragoza, 1952) “Clarines y trompetas,” f. 49r. Some clarines works resemble batallas; as shown by Craig H. Russell and Astrid K. Topp Russell, “El arte de recomposicién en la mdsica espafiola para la guitarra barroca,” Revista de musicologia 5 (1982) 11-13.

4Fernandez de Huete (1702) “Aprobacién de don Juan de Nabas, harpista de la real capilla, y camara de su magestad” (dated Madrid, August 6, 1700), f. *3r.

198 THE INSTRUMENTAL SOURCES In his two published volumes Diego Fern4ndez de Huete provides only a little information regarding his own career. In the introductions he states that he has been a practising musician for thirty years. He further claims to have learned from the best maestros in Spain, but he does not name any of them.” On the title-pages he describes himself as harpist at Toledo Cathedral. According to Jambou, archival documents record that he was first appointed to the post in 1688.76 Over and above his salary Ferndndez sometimes received remuneration in the form of a cash payment known as an ayuda de costa. For instance, on August 5, 1697, the cathedral paid him an ayuda de costa of 7,480 maravedis.27 Later, on September 24, 1700, the cathedral paid him a much larger one in the amount of 18,750 maravedts.”8

Diego was probably related to a harpist named Francisco Fern4ndez de Huete who was active at the royal court during the late 17th century. In 1696 Francisco applied for an official post in the queen’s chamber, but his petition was opposed by the queen’s chief steward: Request of don Francisco Fern4ndez de Huete in order that he be sworn into the post of harpist of the queen’s chamber. He says that he has served diligently for eight years without wages or an allowance.

The marqués de los Balbases, chief steward of the queen, states that there has never been such a post in the queen’s chamber and he asks that Huete be excluded from it.

The archlute and bowed vihuela are accepted [into the queen’s chamber].?9

5Ferndndez de Huete (1702) “Prdélogo al lector,” f. *6v. Fernandez de Huete (1704) “Introducci6n,” 1-2. 26TOLEDO, Archivo de la Catedral, Actas Capitulares nimero 46, f. 129r; according to Louis Jambou, “Andrés Lorente, compositeur. Essai d’identification de la tablature du Ms. M.1358 de la Biblioth@éque Nationale de Madrid,” Mélanges de la casa de Valazquez 12 (1976), 263. 27TOLEDO, Archivo de la Catedral, Libro de gastos del afio 1697, f. 133; as copied by Barbieri in E Mn Barbieri Mss 14029 (101). 28TOLEDO, Archivo de la Catedral, Libro de gastos del afio 1700, f. 134; as copied by Barbieri in E Mn Barbieri Mss 14029 (102). 25E Mp, document dated January 4, 1696; as summarized by Barbieri in E Mn Barbieri Mss 14029 (100).

HARP 199 (d)EMnM.816 | | o — _ This anonymous collection of harp music lacks an original title-page |

and date. According to the modern title added by Barbieri, the ~ manuscript was preserved at one time in Avila (a town midway between | Madrid and Salamanca) and was probably written at the end of the 17th i or beginning of the 18th century.” One can divide this source into two , parts on the basis of the notation. In the first section (f. 1r-27r) the | numeral seven is written as 7, the ornaments are notated as ~wor tr., and | the flat signs are placed after the numbers. In the second section (f. 27v39v) the numeral seven is written as >, the ornaments are notated as +,

and the flat signs are placed in front of the numbers. Furthermore, letter- | symbols (for fingering and for added left-hand notes) appear only in the

first section, whereas durational symbols and fully texted works appear only in the second section. For a facsimile of f.17r, see Plate 8.

Plate 8.E MnM. 816,f.17r | Oey ee -0 Be6473-8 ee Be 8eeoe rh oS phe 2 eee ee eae ee a ok eee hae Cee

of... —hCrrts—.sC i a&wrmrmrmrmrrmrmr—~si] and the string is not lowered, the note is produced by applying one’s finger to the

3 [ie., the a-string] a little bit lower than as was said for producing the

sharp, ... ”

On the double-rank harp (as well as on the harpsichord), Fern4ndez advises that the appropriate strings be adjusted in advance for chromatic notes which lie outside the temperament. (At its usual pitch-level, meantone temperament provides only the following five accidentals: c*, eb, f*, g*, and b>.) When a sharp is needed, the strings of its enharmonic flat should be lowered a comma by re-tuning them with the third (or tenth) below. When a flat is needed, the strings of its enharmonic sharp should be raised a comma by re-tuning them with the fifth above: ... Be advised that, in order to be able to execute the accidentals with complete perfection on the double-rank harp and on the harpsichord, one should observe that when the flats are to serve as sharps, they are lowered the comma which they have in excess with the third below. When the sharps are to serve as flats, they are raised the comma which they lack with the fifth above. For inasmuch as mi to fa, which is a major semitone, has 5 commas, and the minor semitone has 4, it is better to refine the thirds and the fifths for greater perfection.”

Nassarre (1724) also advocates mean-tone temperament for the harp. His tuning method (not counting the octave transpositions) is to ascend from g by major triads through to e, then to ascend from e by a major third to g*, and finally to descend from g by fifths through to e’.75 He indicates the temperament by instructing that all the fifths should be slightly flat and all the major thirds should be pure: . .. For the harp and harpsichord [the tuning] should begin with the string of gesolreut, the second one counting from the bottom [i.e., the g im-

mediately below middle c]. . . . With this string one should then tune the major third above it, which is befabemi, and then the fifth, which is delasolre.

Nevertheless I advise that with the fifth tuned as pure as possible, one should then lower the higher string a little bit, but so that one does not notice any dissonance. This has to be executed in all the fifths in order that the major thirds will be pure at all the pitch-levels. However, when the fifth

Fern4ndez de Huete (1704) “Aviso importante para acompafiar en una orden,” 12. “Fernandez de Huete (1704) Regla 2 “De los sustenidos y bemoles,” 3. Nassarre vol. 1 (1724) Bk. III, chap. 19, p. 352.

214 THE INSTRUMENTAL SOURCES is tuned below (that is, when the lower string has to be tuned with the higher one), after making it very pure, one has to raise the lower string a little bit [i.e., to make the interval slightly flat], which is contrary to when the higher string is the one which is being tuned.”

Nassarre also agrees with Fernandez de Huete that, when necessary, pretuning should be employed on both the harp and the harpsichord in order

to preserve the temperament. To change a flat enharmonically into a sharp, the string is lowered a comma by making it pure with the major third below. To change a sharp enharmonically into a flat, the string is raised a comma by making it pure with the major third above. In a comprehensive manner Nassarre gives pre-tuning instructions for all twelve transpositions of each of the eight modes.”

Tablature Notation The six sources under consideration all employ a four-line tablature designed specifically for the harp. (For example, see Plate 8.) Only Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677) and Ferndndez de Huete (1702 and 1704) discuss the notation, but the same principles seem to apply in the other sources as well. Pitch is clearly notated by means of numbers and accidental signs, as both Ruiz and Fern4ndez explain.”® Seven Arabic numerals (1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, and 7) represent the seven diatonic pitch-degrees (f, g, a, b,c, d, and e respectively). The manner in which the numbers are written indicates the precise octave-register of the pitches. Plain numbers represent the register containing middle c, while numbers embellished with slashes or dots represent each of the other registers.” Chromatic notes are shown by sharp and flat signs which are added to the numbers. In harp notation there are no more than five chromatic notes per octave, namely 1*, 2*, 4> 5# and 7>(ie., f, g*, b> c*, and e> respectively). They correspond to the chromatic strings of the ‘6Nassarre vol. 1 (1724) Bk. III, chap. 19, p. 352.

TNassarre vol. 1 (1724) Bk. III, chap. 18 “De cémo en los instrumentos del arpa, y clavicordio se puede transportar cada tono por doze partes,” 332-41.

78Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677) chap. 5, pp. 21-22. Fernéndez de Huete (1702) chap. |! “Explicaci6n de los ntimeros, de que se compone la zifra del harpa de la primera orden,” 1-2; chap. 7, p. 11; and pl. 1. 9In this regard the pieces given by Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677) contain many misprints. One frequent error is the omission of dots for the octave-register above the one containing middle c.

HARP 215

double-rank instrument under normal tuning. On occasion a notated accidental can function enharmonically. For instance, 7° (ie., e-) sometimes serves as d* in Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677), Fernéndez de Huete (1702 and

1704), and E Mn M.816. (For example, this occurs in D-192, P-173, and P190.) The ciphers found in each of the harp sources are shown in musical example 11. (No definitions are given in EMn M.816, US Wc Mk.290, and E Bc M.741/22.)

In Spain during the 17th and early 18th centuries the standard technique for playing the harp consisted of plucking the strings with only the thumb, index finger, and middle finger of each hand.™ In harp notation two different methods were devised for using the individual lines of tablature. In this study the method which predominates always prescribes the fingering. It is therefore suitable for beginners. This method appears in two forms, according to the texture of the music, as illustrated in the following diplomatic facsimile:®!

hi ed inn ab _ . . o> ) ? 7 .Y 4) o 4) . ‘

$67 6+ Sp Fg o fe)

For chordal passages (see m. | above), each of the four tablature lines corresponds to a particular finger. The highest line represents the right-hand

thumb, the second line the right-hand index finger, the third line the tight-hand middle finger, and the bottom line the left-hand middle finger. These correspondences are to hold in the absence of other symbols.” For 80Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677) chap. 9, p. 37. 5!From Fernéndez de Huete (1702) “La tarantela” (D-404 m.49-51), pl. 22 m.4-6. ?Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677) chap. 6 “En que se declara cémo se ha de entender, y cémo se escrive la cifra de esta arpa,” 23. Fernandez de Huete (1702) chap. 2 “De las Ifneas en que se apunta la zifra,” 3.

216 THE INSTRUMENTAL SOURCES

aas as ~~ |

Example 11. Ciphers in the harp sources

a| | |

Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677) |e! A

aaa eee |‘

FemA4ndez de Huete (1702 and 1704) i. 4 iv onnaoao@Cqyqququooooeeee

|

E MnM. 816 i 5s tela!

rt :

US We Mk. 290 f 5 1:16 | Zz |

en ———oooaenaannsoaeoeeooooeoeoooooo eo OOOO

E Bc M.741/22 os | —|z

ne | | i ;‘an |:||| i||

—oeeeeee"leee-_-”|[—-—yT727">"=>EODnDDSDM9m@nnn-"—20— [4 1 f#s | Oo D |Z]°2r

US We oe ee eee ee els |stle nee

| re ee ee ee

E Bc __ —_ Z Soo. ee + ' 8S ;a2rts §| —~19

HARP 217

:|

po of | |.

: o- =+-e- a Oe na

_ Ruiz | Ix | 2 La | 3 14°14 5S | Sx| 6 7b 1 7

ela te kel

re 2 Pg | | b : e }| | i 3 | 3 . 3 3 |a po Io!pd i

Fern4ndez | " | Z. 42. | 3 ab | 4. lc aS | 6 | 7° 7

| | | : Tp | |

eS OoumemeumumemeEmememEeEeEeEE

EMn | | * | 2. ee | 3 14>: 4 _ i+ 6 7 7

=USWe i jit[2 jatja latia os [ste fala

| _ :| Pop ):

_EBe. i! ~___ 2i—isi—i4,sl|—le]— 7

(a ae ioe ee es ee —

|}| po||po;|;|i||

Rug ep 2 fae ah a ES Se 7 7

' ; i ob: . ~e i. . . ~b .

Feméndex 17 jal | 2° eet BT AS RS eT 7

! i _ ob hae .

cet oe tbl ae beeateek! uswe| |yo yeot[eeperiaeistiat sis]De of +] 7l75.

rs |

218 THE INSTRUMENTAL SOURCES Example 11, continued

_ _ eo pm -& =

) FOP Ee | |

Ruiz bobo fay t BoP 2x, BO ma ae]

Ferndndez _ ! \> 'e)> : 2? #2? 3°. “7% ZL? : 5?

|| ! i|

EMn . | 7 af 2 eh 3 — ~ — US We |? ife 2 ~— 3 4% 255 :

E Bc _ — . a ae _—~ —— oe] CU figurative passages (see p. 215, m. 3), the meanings of the lines extend only

to the division of the hands. Runs (carretillas) and diminutions (glossas) for the right hand are notated on one of the three upper lines, while those for the left hand are notated on the bottom line. Letters are added above or below the ciphers to indicate the fingering in each hand. All the sources in this study employ the same symbols. The letter p stands for the thumb (pulgar), y for the index finger (fndice), and I for the middle finger (largo) .®3 Sometimes even the usual division of the hands is modified so that the left hand is responsible for the middle lines of tablature as well as

the bottom line. Fernandez de Huete (1702 and 1704) notates this by placing a dash on the tablature between vertically aligned ciphers (see m.3 above). He explains that the right hand should play the ciphers above the dash, while the left hand should play those below it. Furthermore, if there are two notes for the left hand, the player is to use the 83Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677) chap. 6, p. 25. Fernandez de Huete (1702) chap. 4 “Explicacién de la ordenacién de los dedos,” 7.

HARP 219 thumb and middle finger. The dash also appears in the anonymous E

Mn M.816 (for example, in P-188), presumably with the same meaning. The second method of employing the tablature is to have each line

represent a separate voice-part. This method occurs only rarely in the sources under consideration. It is less suitable for beginners because it sometimes obscures the required fingering. In performance all vertical sonorities are played with the fingers ordered from the highest-sounding note to the lowest-sounding one as follows: right-hand thumb, right-hand index finger, right-hand middle finger, left-hand thumb, left-hand index finger, and left-hand middle finger. Allowing for gaps, this order must be retained regardless of which fingers are used. One disadvantage of notating each voice on a separate line is that when the voices cross, the vertical arrangement of the ciphers does not correspond to the required fingering. Fernandez de Huete (1702) calls this arrangement dedos trocados (permuted fingers) and he warns that it may pose difficulties: One often finds in the tablature that the numbers which are on some lines pertain to fingers other than those which are designated [by the lines]. In this explanation, be advised that this is done only so that each voice will be singing on its own line. However in the execution one has to place the thumb of the right hand on the highest string, the index finger on the next

highest, and the middle finger on the lowest, . . . This second method of tablature is only for those who understand music theory, and it serves to confuse those who do not; because, for the execution, it is the same thing whether the fingering is permuted or not [in the notation] .&

Nevertheless, in his first volume Fern4ndez (1702) employs this method of notation in a few of his canziones settings (including D-33). Furthermore, in his second volume Fern4ndez (1704) uses it in all his texted ver_ sos, as he announces in the theoretical section: The first [observation] is that the ciphers of the voice which sings the verse go on one of the three upper lines, which will be indicated [in the

titles], without jumping to another line, and with its text below. The accompaniment [i.e., the bass] goes on the bottom line, and the voices with some imitative passages go on the other two lines. However none of the voices passes to another line. ®4Fernandez de Huete (1702) chap. 2, p. 4. 8>Fernéndez de Huete (1702) chap. 6 “De los dedos trocados,” 10-11.

yerander 12-13. de Huete (1704) “Advertencias, para los que quieren aprehender versos,”

220 THE INSTRUMENTAL SOURCES Although harp tablature consists of only four lines (normally three for the right hand and one for the left), harpists often employed six-voice

chords for accompaniment. In order to notate more than one note at a time for the left hand, a set of letter-symbols (q, 0, and s) was devised for the tablature. A much less common method occurs without explanation in a few of the pieces by Fernandez de Huete (for example, in D-35). It

consists of adding a cipher on a line-segment which is placed, like a ledger-line, below the fourth line of tablature.

In his instrumental book Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677) advises the harpist to produce six-note chords wherever possible: For the left hand no more than one number is notated [at a time], which is the one that it scrupulously plays. Nevertheless, whenever there is room between the hands, one can provide full chords for the accompaniment by means of the other two fingers [of the left hand], which are the index finger and the thumb. Either extend the hand upwards for a quinta [an overall interval of a fifth] with said hand, which is formed with the three fingers by leaving one string [i.e., the interval of a third] between each finger; or else extend the hand downwards or upwards for an octava [an overall interval of an octave] with the said three fingers, which is formed with the said left hand by leaving three empty strings [the interval of a fifth] between the middle finger (which is the one which attends to the compulsory note) and the index finger, and two empty strings [the interval of a fourth] between the index finger and the thumb.”

Ruiz differentiates three voicings for each six-note triad in root position. He calls them quintas, octavas, and sextas (or dézimas). To notate the additonal left-hand notes required in each, he employs the symbols q, 0, and Ss respectively:

The passacalle written below [P-152], and almost everything which is played on the harp, consists of quintas, dézimas or sextas (which are the same), and octavas. The quintas are those [full chords] which are played by leaving two strings [the interval of a fourth] between the hands and one

string [the interval of a third] between the fingers of both hands. The dézimas or sextas are the ones in which one string [the interval of a third] is left between the thumb and index finger of the right hand, two strings [the interval of a fourth] between the index finger and middle finger of the same hand, and three strings [the interval of a fifth] are left between the hands. The octavas are when two strings [the interval of a fourth] are left between S7Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677) chap. 6, p. 23.

HARP 221 the index finger and thumb of the right hand, one string [the interval of a third] between the index finger and middle finger [of the right hand], and another string [the interval of a third] between both hands. Repuesta is the name of that vertical sonority which is played after the full chord with only one hand, either on a single string or else accompanied [on more than one string]. On occasion one finds a single number and it has to be played with the quinta, dézima, or octava. In order to show this, a q is written down for

eS| when they have to be quintas, a d for dézimas, and an o for octavas.®

In thirteen of the passacalles contained in the theoretical section of his book (P-146 to P-158), Ruiz places the symbols q, 0, and s (not d) below the bottom line of tablature. He also uses them in the same way in his chart of six-note harp chords. For each root-position triad which corresponds to one of his twelve guitar chords, he presents three voicings for harp.” A transcription of his three voicings of the C+ triad (guitar symbol 2) is shown in musical example 12(a). Example 12. Voicings of root-position triads on the harp a) Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677)*

Quinras Octavas Sextas or dézimas**

b) Ferndndez de Huete (1702)***

| Quinta Sexta baja Sexta alta

=. 2. | o-

*The white notes are symbolized by ciphers. The black notes are symbolized by letrers (“q”, “o”, and “s”) below the tablature.

**The “g” in the right hand is notated an octave lower in che original.

*** The white notes are symbolized by ciphers. The black notes are symbolized by dotted letters (“q.”, “o.”, and “o.”) below the tablature.

S8Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677) chap. 6, p. 25. ®Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677) chap. 9, p. 36. This chart contains many misprints, such as in the o and s forms of the G+ triad (guitar symbol 1).

222 THE INSTRUMENTAL SOURCES The terms and letter-symbols which Ruiz uses are confusing. From the chord-chart, passacalles, and excerpts translated above, one can draw the following conclusions. As names for voicings of root-position triads, the terms quintas, octavas, and dézimas refer to the outer intervals of the chords. However the term sextas refers to the interval formed by the right hand. As symbols for left-hand notes to be added above the bass, the letter q represents a third and a fifth, and the letter o represents a fifth and an octave. However, the letter s also represents a fifth and an octave. Ruiz further complicates matters in the musical section of his book, where he places the symbols q, 0, and s above the lowest line of ciphers. He prefaces this section with the following remarks: Be advised that the q, 0, and s, which indicate quintas, octavas, and sextas,

will be introduced in future between the lines of tablature [i.e., above the ciphers of the fourth line]. In this regard they are placed with simple vertical sonorities, so that you will know that, in those where the said letters are notated, you have to produce above them what the letter indicates. If it is q, play quintas; if it is 0, octavas; and if it is s, sextas;...™

His explanation is misleading because it seems to imply that the lettersymbols will have the same meaning as in the theoretical section of his book. However an examination of the tablature reveals that this is not the case, at least with respect to the symbol s. In three of the four instances where the s appears, the harmonic scheme of the piece clearly calls for a sixth, not a fifth, above the bass.%! Thus in the excerpt translated above, the terms quintas, octavas, and sextas are probably supposed to denote the intervals formed by the left hand. In my transcriptions of the harp pieces

which Ruiz presents in the musical section of his book (pp. 105-144), I have chosen to realize each letter as a single note. For the q I have added a fifth above the bass, for the o an octave, and for the s a sixth.

Fernd4ndez de Huete (1702 and 1704) deals with chords and added left-hand notes in a much more consistent fashion. For six-note triads in root position he distinguishes the same three voicings as Ruiz. However, as shown in musical example 12(b), Fern4ndez calls them quinta (fifth), sexta baja (minor sixth), and sexta alta (major sixth). Evidently all three Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677) “Sfguense los ecos segundos de la Luz, y norte musical, en cifras para el arpa de dos 6rdenes; cffranse diferentes tafiidos,” 105. %'The three instances occur in his “Espafioletas” (D-78 m.29) and “Marionas” (D-276 m.10 and m.18). The fourth instance (D-78 m.46) could accommodate either the interval of a fifth or a sixth above the bass. Fern4ndez de Huete (1702), pl. 1.

HARP 223

names refer to the intervals formed by the right hand. In his discussion Ferndndez indicates that such chords are standard elements of harp technique. He further states that the notes should normally be struck simultaneously (not successively as an arpeggiation, which he classifies as an omament): ... The numbers in the quinta, sexta alta, and sexta baxa are placed on the lines [on pl. 1] for beginners, so that they may see how the notes should be played at the same time and in the same manner as in other chords. In

order to perform them, it is best to practise each of the three explained chords a great deal, until one’s hands can return very promptly and strike the strings clearly and at one time, .. . ”

To notate more than one note for the left hand, Fern4ndez employs the symbols q (i.e., quinta), o (i.e., octava), and s (i.e., sexta). He uses them in both dotted and undotted form below the bottom line of tablature. Apparently the names refer to the intervals formed by the left hand: . .. One places the middle finger [of the left hand] on the number which is on the bottom line of tablature. If underneath it there is a Q [i.e., q] it means quinta, if an O [o] octava, and if S [s] sexta. It should be understood that in order to produce the quinta, one is to count upwards from the string occupied by the middle finger, and between the middle finger and the index finger one has to leave one intervening string [i.e., the interval of a third], and between the index finger and the thumb another string [i-e., the interval of a third], not counting the strings of the second rank. The octava is to be counted in the same way, observing that from the middle finger to the index finger one has to leave three intervening strings [i.e., the interval of a fifth], and from the index finger to the thumb two strings [i.e., the interval of a fourth]. The disposition of the sexta is in this form: the number which is on the fourth line of tablature is played with the middle finger, and from it to the index finger one has to leave one intervening string [i.e., the interval of a third], and from the index finger to the thumb two strings [i.e., the interval of a fourth]. Furthermore it is understood when the chords are to be full. In order to recognize this, a dot will be added to the Q in this form Q.

li.e., q°], to the O [o-], and to the S [ s- ]. If the letter does not have this dot, it will suffice to play the two fingers, middle finger and thumb, in a quinta [the interval of a fifth], octava [the interval of an octave], and sexta {the interval of a sixth]. If there is no letter at all, it implies that is to be with the middle finger, . . . ™ *3Ferndndez de Huete (1702) chap. 2, p. 4. *4Fernéndez de Huete (1702) chap. 2, pp. 3-4.

224 THE INSTRUMENTAL SOURCES In my transcriptions of his pieces I have realized the symbol q . as a third and a fifth above the bass, the o . as a fifth and an octave, and thes. asa

third and a sixth. When the letters lack dots I have added only a single note: for the q a fifth above the bass, for the o an octave, and for the s a sixth. The remaining three harp sources also contain letter-symbols below the bottom line of tablature. E Mn M.816 employs only the dotted forms q-,o-,and s-; US We Mk.290 only the undotted forms q, 0, and s; and E Bc M.741/22 only the undotted o. In transcribing these sources I have not

distinguished between the dotted and undotted forms, because they do not appear together in the same manuscript. | have realized each letter by a single note. For q(-) | have added a fifth above the bass, for o(:) an octave, and for s(-) a sixth.

Rhythm is shown in harp tablature by means of mensuration signs, barlines, and durational note-symbols. In this regard the sources under consideration display various degrees of completeness. Rhythm is most

fully notated in the two volumes by Fernandez de Huete (1702 and 1704). At the beginning of each piece he provides one of three mensura-

tion signs, namely C (compasillo), 2 (proporcién), or 02, (proporcidn mayor). To signal metrical changes within a piece he uses verbal cues. (For example, at dif. 19 in P-161, he indicates a change from compasillo to

the equivalent of the modern }? by the phrase de 12 = cada compds.) Ferndndez defines his mensuration signs by name only. He does not ex-

plain their meaning: _ When there is a C at the beginning, it is compasillo. When there is a capital Z [i.e., & ] it is proporcién [menor]. If there is an O with a line running through it and a capital Z [i.e..03], it is proporcién mayor. If the measure is to be of 6 or 12 notes, it will be indicated by words.”

In all his pieces Fern4ndez includes barlines and places durational note-symbols above the tablature. They reveal that his mensuration signs conform to

traditional Spanish theory. One measure equals [4444] under C, |424|

under 3, , and |ooo| under 2. Furthermore under proporcién and proporcién mayor he employs the white forms of the note-symbols (ie., § , § and § ). The intended rhythms in his works are clearly shown. He usually *Fern4ndez de Huete (1702) chap. 12 “De las apuntaciones de los tiempos, para el compas, y sefiales para las repeticiones,” 17.

HARP 225

provides the durational note-symbols (including dotted ones) in full, in accordance with the convention that one symbol serves for successive notes which have the same duration: For those who know music theory, the note-symbols are notated above the numbers. So that there will be fewer of them, the one which is placed first is to be understood for those which follow, until there is another dif-

ferent symbol. Where they are lacking, it is because they are like those which are already notated or because the rhythm [ayre} with which one has to play is so clear, that that indication is unnecessary.”

As with the mensuration signs, Fernandez does not attempt to explain the note-symbols. He does not even mention their names. His only advice

for the beginner is to rely on the spacing between the ciphers in the pieces: For those who do not know the rudiments of music theory [solfa], it is given as a notice and general rule that they execute the numbers in accordance with the distances with which they are written. For, just as the person who does not understand Latin will pronounce it perfectly, merely by carefully observing the accents and punctuation, so that those who understand it will apprehend him; so, in the same way, by observing the rhythm [ayre] from measuring the distances with which the attacks are written, it will sound well to everybody; . . . 7

In the remaining harp sources the notation of rhythm is incomplete. Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677) employs only barlines and the two mensuration signs C (compassillo) and 3 (proporcién menor). Before presenting his harp passacalles Ruiz briefly explains the two mensurations by repeating almost verbatim the definitions given for beginners by Gaspar Sanz (1674). Ruiz

also devised a set of five letter-symbols to represent durations (as discussed above, chap. 5, p. 173). However in his harp pieces he fails to pro-

vide these letters or any other durational symbols. In order to reconstruct the intended rhythms within the measure, one should take %*Fern4ndez de Huete (1702) chap. 9 “Del ayre de tocar el harpa para los que saben misica,” 14. Fernandez de Huete (1702) chap. 8 “Del ayre que han de observar los que no saben mdsica en el modo de tocar,” 13. In Spanish sources of keyboard tablature, the spacing of the ciphers also played an important role in indicating the intended rhythm (see below, chap. 7, pp. 288-89). Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677) chap. 8, p. 32. These definitions come from Sanz (1674), f. 13x; translated in chap. 5, pp. 166-67. The only exception occurs in D-318 at m.19, where he gives the symbol “O” which

stands for a semibreve (0).] ,

226 THE INSTRUMENTAL SOURCES into account the patterns of musical texture. Ruiz distinguishes two types of vertical sonorities on the harp. He defines punto Ileno (or golpe) as a full chord played by both hands and he equates it with a down-strum on the

guitar. He defines repuesta (or respuesta) as a thinner vertical sonority played by one hand alone (on one, two, or three strings) and he equates it

with an up-strum on the guitar. According to Ruiz, in harp accompaniment the texture should reinforce the meter. For a measure of compassillo he recommends the pattern punto lleno — repuesta — punto Ileno — repuesta.

For a measure of proporcién menor he recommends punto lleno — punto lleno — repuesta.'©

The anonymous E Mn M.816 employs barlines and mensuration signs in all its pieces. However only the second section of the manuscript (f. 27v-37v) contains durational note-symbols (including dotted ones). In the first 22 pieces the rhythm within the measure is not explicitly shown. The predominant mensurations in this source are C (i.e., compasillo) and 3, (i.e., proporcién menor). Under the latter, most of the note-symbols are

given in white form (i.e., J and )). Three other mensurations appear in this manuscript. The sign (3 occurs in two pieces (the siguidillas D-391 and D-392), both of which lack durational symbols. According to Nassarre (1724),03 stands for proporcién mayor, where one measure equals [o e@ o.! The sign }$, occurs only once in E Mn M.816—in De los zelos

los desvelos (minu[e]t), f. 30v—with one measure equal to |JJJ| asin the modern 3. The sign 3 also occurs in only one piece—Alsaltado estd mi pecho (aria del Coliseo), f. 31r-32v—with one measure equal to|J7TU. These last two mensurations probably stem from the influence of foreign music.

In the anonymous US Wc Mk.290 the notation of rhythm is even more skeletal. Barlines are the only consistent element in all thirty-nine pieces. Mensuration signs are lacking in fourteen pieces, while durational note-symbols are entirely absent in thirty-three pieces. Of the given men-

suration signs all but one are either C ( compasillo) or 3 (pbroporcién 10Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677) chap. 16 “En que se ha de tafier a comp4s cantando por compassillo, y proporci6n menor,” 63. For guitar accompaniment Ruiz gives equivalent recommendations in terms of strum-patterns; as shown in chap. 5, p. 170. l0lNassarre vol. 1 (1724) Bk. III, chap. 7 “En que se explican los tiempos de proporcién mayor, ternario menor, y ternario mayor,” 247—48. Nassarre acknowledges that in practice proporcién mayor is usually indicated by ¢} or ¢ 3. However he argues that the sign (3 is theoretically more correct.

HARP 227

menor, in which the white notes J and ) are used). The one exception

is the symbol 3 (in Déjame tirano Dios, f. 9r—-10r), with one measure equal

told J J| as in the modern 3 . None of the six pieces containing durational note-symbols supply them in full. Moreover dotted rhythms are not

notated explicitly. Thus the given pattern | 4 }3{ (found in D-231) probably stands for |J.)J|, In the final source, E Bc M.741/22, the one harp composition possesses a mensuration sign (C, i.e., compasillo) and barlines but no durational symbols at all.

Harp tablature, with its four lines and numerals 1 through 7, resembles keyboard tablature in general appearance. At the same time, notation which is intended specifically for the harp can be readily identified by the presence of letter-symbols (for added left-hand notes and

especially for fingering) as well as by the absence of rests and ties. Ferndndez de Huete (1702) emphasizes these distinctive features as follows: He who wishes to produce some ciphers for organ must observe all that is explained for the double-rank harp, except the three letters which are P [p], Y [y], and L [I], because on the organ the fingering is different; ... And be-

cause the organ is an instrument with a lasting sound, there are two signs . for organ tablature [i.e., the rest and the tie] which are used for when the sound is to stop or is not to stop. These are not necessary in this (harp] tablature. For what more of a sign is needed than to place one additional attack so that the instrument speaks, or one less so that it ceases to sound? This is neither an imperfection for the organ; nor is it a perfection for the harp. For, as the harp is not an instrument with a lasting sound, it is given life by duplicating the attacks or by using ornaments [trinados] for unceasing harmony. The same is to be observed on the harpsichord.”

The absence of rests in harp tablature implies that Spanish harpists did not employ any special techniques to cut short the duration of individual notes. Instead, as Fern4ndez suggests in the above passage, the player probably relied on the relatively short decay-time of pitches produced on

the instrument. On the other hand, during the early 17th century the technique of damping the strings with the fingers was actually used in Italy by at least one virtuoso performer. In approximately 1628 Gius- | tiniani relates the following observations:

l0Fern4ndez de Huete (1702) chap. 14 “De la diferencia que ay entre el harpa, y el 6rgano, y cémo se han de executar las zifras del uno, en el otro,” 21.

228 THE INSTRUMENTAL SOURCES The double harp [I'arpa doppia] was discovered almost in our own time in

Naples; . . . And now Horatio Mihi plays this double harp almost miraculously, not only in his technic but in his special way of damping the sound of the strings which, if they continued, would cause dissonances and cacophony. !%

The Spanish sources make no mention of this technique. All the harp sources in this study, except Ruiz de Ribayaz (1677), employ ornament symbols, as shown in Chart 15. The symbols occur only above the ciphers which are highest in the tablature, thereby demonstrat-

ing that the ornaments are intended exclusively for the right hand. The only source which explains its ornaments is the treatise by Fernandez de Huete (1702). He defines them by writing out realizations of each type in tablature, as transcribed in musical example 13.'4 Although lacking durational symbols, his realizations clearly indicate that all the ornaments are

to begin on the beat and on the main note (the note with the symbol). Fern4ndez refers to the ornaments collectively as trinados. He distinguishes five main types and subdivides each one. The first type, the single alternating trinado, is symbolized by +. This ornament assumes two forms, according to the given fingering: When for the embellishment of the music one is to execute some trinado, a cross [i.e., +] is placed above the number of the string on which it is to be

played. If there should be a P [p] under the number, it means that it is a trinado with the thumb. It is to be executed by striking the string of 4° [the

pitch b above middle c, as shown in musical example 13(a)] with that finger, and the string below [i-e., the pitch a] with the index finger; and repeat the thumb as quickly as if it were all one stroke. If the letter is Y [y],

it is to be executed with the index finger on the string on which it is notated, which [on pl. 1] is 4 [the pitch b, as shown in musical example 13(a)]; and strike the string above [i.e., the pitch c] with the thumb, and repeat the index finger with the same speed. If the letter is L [I], it is played

with the middle finger on the 4 [i.e., the pitch b, as shown in musical example 13(a)], and with the index finger on the string above [i-e., the pitch c]; and repeat the middle finger as is explained in the others; . . . !° 103Vincenzo Giustiniani, Discorso sopra la musica, LUCCA, Archivo del Stato Ms 049 (written ca. 1628); modern edition in Angelo Solerti, Le origini del melodramma (Turin, 1903; reprinted Hildesheim, 1969), 124; English translation by Carol MacClintock in Musicological Studies and Documents 9 (1962), 78. According to Rimmer (1963-1964), 64—-

66, the arpa doppia was “double” in two senses: it had at least two ranks of strings and it was much larger than the plain harp. 104Fern4ndez de Huete (1702) chap. 5 “Forma de executar los trinados,” 8-10 and pl. 12.

105Fern4ndez de Huete (1702) chap. 5, p. 8. |

HARP 229 Chart 15. Ornament symbols in the harp sources (a) Ferndndez de Huete (1702 and 1704)

Symbol Name. Meaning + trinado (de pulgar, {ndize, or largo) mordent or inverted mordent (depending on given fingering)

+ trinado (en quinta, sexta alta, or sexta baja) broken chord

+° trinado mis largo prolonged mordent or main-note trill (depending on given fingering)

+* trinado con carrerilla prolonged mordent or main-note trill (depending on given fingering) plus a short scalar run

[no

symbol] arpeado (sencillo, doble, or largo) arpeppiation

(b) EMn M.816

Symbol. Probable Meaning MAW main-note alternation (single or repeated) with note above or below (depending on fingering)

tr’ (or tr) as above

+ as above

(c) US We Mk.290

Symbol Probable Meaning

t

main-note alternation (single or repeated) with note above or below (depending on fingering)

+ as above

a

:EE | i |ee i a

230 THE INSTRUMENTAL SOURCES (d) E Bc M.741/22

Symbol Probable Meaning + main-note alternation (single or

repeated) with note above or below (depending on fingering)

Example 13. Harp ornaments defined in Fernandez de Huete (1702) a) Trinado (+)

4 De pulgar = 37 - De indize ==" De largo = 7

b) Trinado (+) r3s -3an —3-4 ~ En quinta tts En sexta alta = == : En sexta baja ===

c) Trinado més largo (+°) _

~ . og. |

A sees S52 reoyeisi” FEii "SEE T

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KEYBOARD 259 nine popular Spanish dance-songs (canziones comunes), all of which are included in my vol. 2. Martfn y Coll does not name the composer of any

of the pieces in this manuscript. No concordant settings have been reported to date in the secondary literature.

(j) EMn M.1360 This manuscript of keyboard pieces by various composers was compiled by Antonio Martfn y Coll in 1709." The collection may be divided into two large sections. The first (f. 1r-185v) consists of Spanish obras (i.e., tientos), arranged by mode (tono). No composers are named here.

Anglés has located concordances which attribute 4 of the pieces to Aguilera (ie., Sebastidén Aguilera de Heredia), 3 to Pablo Bruna, 3 to Cabanillas (i.e., Juan Cabanilles), 1 to either Bruna or Cabanilles, 1 to Bernavé, and 1 to Clavijo (i.e., Bernardo Clavijo del Castillo).® All these concordances are listed in Chart 18. The careers of Aguilera de Heredia and Cabanilles have already been briefly discussed above in this chapter

(under E E Ms 29 and E Bc M.387 respectively). Pablo Bruna was a prominent organist who worked at the collegiate church in Daroca (a town south-west of Zaragoza) from April, 1631, until his death on June 26, 1679. In 1674 Bruna was also appointed chapel-master there, having unofficially served in this capacity since 1669. Bernardo Clavijo del Castillo belongs to an earlier generation. He worked as organist in Palermo, Sicily, during the 1580s. He subsequently returned to Spain where he be-

came organist at Palencia Cathedral (1589) and then at Salamanca Cathedral (1591). He was also appointed professor of music at Salamanca University in 1593. Clavijo later moved to the capital where he served as

organist in the royal chapel from 1602 until his death on February 2, 1626.” For the composer Bernavé | have not found any biographical information. S’Huerto ameno de varias flores de muissica recogidas de varios organistas por fray Antonio Martin avio 1709 de Estevan Yusta Calvo, E Mn M.1360. The title-page is engraved. Anin- °

ventory is given in Anglés and Subir4 vol. 1 (1946), 307-9. As mentioned above in the discussion of E Mn M.1358, nothing is known about Estevan de Yusta Calvo. 88 Anglés, BPSM 4 (1927), lix-Ix; Anglés, Anuario musical 21 (1966), 145-46; and Anglés, BPSM 23 (1968), 10.

8°According to archival documents transcribed and discussed by Calahorra Martinez (1967), 174-89. A modern edition of 32 of his keyboard pieces is given by Julian Sagasta Galdés, Obra completas para érgano de Pablo Bruna (1611-1679) (Zaragoza, 1979). According to archival documents transcribed and discussed by Carmelo Erdozain, “Bernardo Clavijo del Castillo. Estudio biografico de este célebre miasico,” Anuario musical 21 (1966), 190-207.

260 THE INSTRUMENTAL SOURCES Chart 18. Spanish concordances for E Mn M.1360 1. E Mn M.1360 “Obras de Ileno de primer tono [number 1],” f. 111— 13v; modern edition by Anglés, BPSM 20 (1965), 13-17. Concordance: E E Ms 30 (2.187) “Obra de 1 tono Aguilera,” f. 99v— 100v; modern edition by Apel, Corpus of Early Keyboard Music 14 (1971), 64-68.

2. E Mn M.1360 “Obras de Ileno de primer tono [number 8],” f. 18v— 21v; modern edition by Anglés, BPSM 20 (1965), 7-12. Concordance: E E Ms 30 “Obra de 1 tono Aguilera,” f 98r—-99v; modern edition by Apel, Corpus of Early Keyboard Music 14 (1971), 69-74.

3. E Mn M.1360 “Obras de 4 tono de Ileno [number 1],” f. 53v—55v; modern edition by Anglés, BPSM 20 (1965), 3-6.

Concordance: E E Ms 30 “Tiento de 4° tono, de falsas Aguilera,” f.101r—-101v; modern edition by Apel, Corpus of Early Keyboard

Music 14 (1971), 59-62.

4. E Mn M.1360 “Obras de octavo tono [number 2],” f. 160v—163r; modern edition by Anglés, BPSM 22 (1967), 15-18. Concordance: E E Ms 30 “Tiento de 8° tono, por delasolre Aguilera,” f. 91r-92r; modern edition by Apel, Corpus of Early Keyboard Music 14 (1971), 88-92.

5. E Mn M.1360 “Obras de quinto tono [number 1],” f. 72v—79v; modern edition by Anglés, BPSM 22 (1967), 84-95. Concordance: E Bc M.729 “Tiento de 5° tono de Pablo Bruna lleno,” f. 76r—83r.

6. E Mn M.1360 “Obras de sexto tono [number 2],” f. 113v— 119r. Concordance: E Bc M.729 “Tiento 6° tono Pablo Bruna lleno,” f.87r— 90v; modern edition by Anglés, BPSM 23 (1968), 59-68.

7. E Mn M.1360 “Obras de sexto tono [number 6],” f. 1241r— 129v. Concordance: E Bc M.729 “Tiento lleno 6° tono Pablo Bruna,” f.83r— 86v; modern edition by Anglés, BPSM 20 (1965), 63-70.

8. E Mn M.1360 “Obras de lleno de primer tono [number 1],” f. 1r—2r. Concordance: E Bc M.729 “Tiento de falcgas 1° tono Cabanillas,” f.33r—34r; modern edition by Anglés, BPSM 4 (1927), 4-5.

KEYBOARD 261 9. E Mn M.1360 “Obras de Ileno de primer tono [number 9],” f. 26r— 30r. Concordance: E Bc M.729 “Tiento de 1° tono de Cabanillas Ileno,” f.36r—39r.

10. E Mn M.1360 “Obras de sexto tono [number 8],” f. 138v— 140r. Concordance: E Bc M.729 “Tiento 6° tono de Cabanillas,” f. 34v—36r; modern edition by Anglés, BPSM 13 (1936), 165-67.

11. E Mn M.1360 “Obras de sexto tono [number 5],” f. 122v— 123v. Concordance: E Be M.729 “Tiento de falcas 6° tono de Pablo Bruna,” f. 32r—33r; modern edition by Anglés, BPSM 21 (1966), 45—46.

Another concordance: E Bc M.387 “Tiento de falsas 6° tono.

(1956), L08~9. ,

Cabanillas,” f. 226r-226v; modern edition by Anglés, BPSM 17

12. E Mn M.1360 “Obras de séptimo tono [number 1],” f. 149v—15 Ir. Concordance: E Bc M.751/21 “Tiento de falsas de 7° tono Bernavé,” 333-37; modern edition by Anglés, BPSM 21 (1966), 85-87. 13. E Mn M.1360 “Obra de 2 tono por Gsolreut,” f. 181v—184r. Concordance: E E Ms 30 “Tiento de 2° tono, por gesolreut Clavijo,” f.104v—105r; modern edition by Anglés, BPSM 22 (1967), 1-4.

In E Mn M.1360 the second section (f.186r-243v) consists of secular dance pieces. The large number of settings of foreign dance-types clearly reflects the importance of French and Italian music at the Spanish royal court during the early 18th century. For example, this section contains thirty-nine settings of the minuet. It also contains more than thirty

pieces which are explicitly designated for violin and keyboard.” Throughout this manuscript Martfn y Coll names only two composers. He attributes 3 works to Coreli (ie., the Italian violinist Arcangelo Corelli) and 1 work to Ardel (i.e., the French harpsichordist Hardelle). Although all the remaining dance pieces lack attributions, a few of them

have concordances which establish their foreign authorship.” From 9'E Mn M.1360 “[3] Tocatas alegres de Coreli,” f. 186r-199r; and “[29] Minuetes al violin,” f. 232v—243v. In addition the top of f. 199v bears the heading “Otras tocatas alegres para violfn, y 6rgano.” It is not clear how many of the subsequent pieces belong to this category.

Many, but not all, of the concordances which I mention here have been pointed out by Bruce Gustafson, French Harpsichord Music of the 17th Century: A Thematic Catalogue of the Sources with Commentary (Ann Arbor, 1979) 2:262-66.

262 THE INSTRUMENTAL SOURCES Italian sources Martfn y Coll presents not only 3 works by Corelli (listed

below in chap. 8, Chart 26), but also 2 works by Frescobaldi.2 From French sources he includes arrangements and settings of at least 9 pieces by Lully, 1 by Hardelle (with a double by Louis Couperin), 1 by La Barre, 1

by Monnard, and 1 anonymous piece. These French works are listed in Chart 19.

Chart 19. Some settings and arrangements of French pieces in E Mn M.1360 l. E Mn M.1360 “Otro [minuet],” f. 210r—210v. French source: Jean-Baptiste Lully, “Menuet,” in his Armide (tragédie

en musique; first performed in 1686) Prologue, LWV71/13; modern edition reduced for piano and voice by Théodore de Lajarte, Chefs-d'oeuvre classiques de l'opéra francais vol. 17 (Paris, n.d.; reprinted New York, 1971), 36.

2. E Mn M.1360 “Otro [minuet],” f. 210v—211r. French source: Jean-Baptiste Lully, “Menuet. Les divinitez de fleuves

et les nymphes forment une danse générale,” in his Alceste (tragédie en musique; first performed in 1674) Prologue, LWV 50/14; modern edition reduced for piano and voice by Théodore de Lajarte, Chefs-d'oeuvre classiques de l’opéra francais vol. 16 (Paris, n.d.; reprinted New York, 1971), 38.

3. E Mn. 1360 “Otro [minuet],” f. 2111. French source: Lully, “Quel coeur suavage,” in his Alceste (1674) Prologue, LWV 50/15; modern edition reduced for piano and voice by Lajarte, Chefs-d'oeuvre classiques de l'opéra francais vol.

16, pp. 40-42.

4. E Mn M.1360 “La chacona,” f. 217v—220v (D-47). French source: Lully, “Passacaille,” in his Armide (1686) Act V, LWV 71/61; modern edition reduced for piano and voice by Lajarte, Chefs-d’oeuvre classiques de lopéra francais vol. 17, pp. 277-82. 3First, E Mn M.1360 “Corrent,” f. 231r-231v, is concordant with Girolamo Frescobaldi, “Corrente prima,” in his Toccate e partite d'intavolatura di cimbalo . . . Libro primo (4th edition, Rome, 1637; facsimile edition, Archivum musicum vol. 3, Florence, 1978), 66; modern

edition by Etienne Darbellay (Milan, 1977), 84. Second, E Mn M.1360 “Otro corrent,” f,231v—232r, is concordant with Frescobaldi (1637) “Corrente seconda,” 66-67; modem edition by Darbellay (1977), 85.

KEYBOARD | 263 5. E Mn M.1360 “Canarios,” f. 221v (D-23). Probable French source:* Jean-Baptiste Lully, “Canaries,” in his Le temple de la paix (ballet; first performed in 1685), LWV 69/26.

6. E Mn M.1360 “[Canarios],” f. 222r (D-24). Probable French source:* Lully, “Canaries,” in his Le temple de la paix (1685), LWV 69/27.

7. E Mn M.1360 “[Canarios],” f. 222r—222v (D-25). French source: Lully, “Canaries,” in his Armide (1686) Act IV, LWV 71/54; modern edition reduced for piano and voice by Lajarte, Chefs-d'oeuvre classiques de l’opéra francais vol. 17, p. 218.

8. E Mn M.1360 “Matassins,” f.223r—223v (D-307). French source:> Jean-Baptiste Lully, “Le marié et la mariée,” in his Ballet de flore (first performed in 1669) Entrée IX, LW V 40/18.

9, E Mn M.1360 “Entrada de Bretons,” f. 224v. Probable French source:* Lully, “Entrée de Bretons et Bretonnes. Passepied,” in his Le temple de la paix (1685), LWV 69/30.

10. E Mn M.1360 “Obra de Pensie,” f. 225v French source: Jean-Baptiste Lully, “Gigue,” in his Persée (tragédie en musique; first performed in 1682) Act IV, LW V 60/71; modern

edition reduced for piano and voice by Théodore de Lajarte, Chefs-d’oeuvre classiques de l'opéra francais vol. 22 (Paris, n.d.), 260-61.4

11. E Mn M.1360 “Monica forsata,” f. 228r. French source:* Jean-Baptiste Lully, “Sommes-nous pas trop heureux belle Iris” (serenade), in his Ballet de l'impatience (first performed in 1661) Entrée I, LWV 14/2.

12. E Mn M.1360 “3° [Minuete al violfn],” f. 233r—233v.

French source:’ Jean-Baptiste Lully, “Prélude,” in his Phaéton (tragédie en musique; first performed in 1683) Act II, LWV 61/37; modern edition reduced for piano and voice by Théodore de Lajarte, Chefs-d’oeuvre classiques de l'opéra francais, vol. 23 (Paris, n.d.; reprinted New York 1971), 141.

13. E Mn M.1360 “8° [Minuete al violfn],” f. 235v. | French source: Lully, “Air pour les suivants d’Astrée et de Saturne,” in his Phaéton (1683) Prologue, LWV 61/15; modern edition teduced for piano and voice by Lajarte, Chefs-d'’oeuvre classiques de l'opéra francais vol. 23, pp. 34-35.

264 THE INSTRUMENTAL SOURCES 14. E Mn M.1360 “9° [Minuete al violfn],” f. 236r. French source:* Jean-Baptiste Lully, “Premiére entrée: menuet,” in his Roland (tragédie en musique; first performed in 1685) Prologue, LWV 65/4.

15. E Mn M.1360 “10 [Minuete al violfn],” f. 236r~23 6v. French source:* Lully, “Premiére entrée: second menuet,” in his Roland (1685) Prologue, LWV 65/5.

16. E Mn. M.1360 “17 [Minuete al violfn],” f. 239r. French source:! Lully, “Troupe de compagnes d’Astrée dansante. Menuet,” in his Phaéton (1683) Prologue, LWV 61/2; modern edition reduced for piano and voice by Lajarte, Chefs-d’oeuvre classiques de l'opéra francais vol. 23, p. 4.

17. E Mn M.1360 “19 [Minuete al violfn],” f. 240r. French source:‘ Lully, “Menuet, un éthiopien,” in his Persée (1682) Act IV, LWV 60/72; modern edition reduced for piano and voice by Lajarte, Chefs-d'oeuvve classiques de l’opéra francais vol.

22, pp. 261-62.

18. E Mn M.1360 “26 [Minuete al violfn],” f. 242v—243r. French source:§ Jean-Baptiste Lully, “Premier rigaudon,” in his Acis et Galatée (pastorale heroique; first performed in 1686) Prologue,

LWV 73/6.

19. E Mn M.1360 “28 [Minuete al violfn],” f. 2431r—243v. French source:* Lully, “Air gay. Second rigaudon,” in his Acis et Galatée (1686) Prologue, LW V 73/7.

20. E Mn M.1360 “Jaboste de Ardel,” f. 2271-227v. French source: “[Gavotte] de m[onsieu]r Hardel” and “Double par mfonsieu]r [Louis] Couperin,” in F Pn Réserve Vm’ 674-75 (“Bauyn” manuscript; facsimile edition, Geneva, 1977) vol. 3, f.38r—38v.

21. E Mn M.1360 “Zarabandas 1°,” f. 205v~206r (D-477). Foreign source: “Selebrand Beare [i.e., Sarabande, La Barre],” in Elizabeth Rogers hir virginall booke . . . 1656, GB Lbm Ms Add.10337, p. 18; modern edition by George Sargent, Corpus of Early Keyboard Music vol. 19 (1971), 11.

22. E Mn M.1360 “[Zarabanda] sexta” dif. 1, f. 207v (D-480). French source: “Sarabande de m[onsieu]r Monnard,” in F Pn Réserve Vm! 674-675 vol. 3, f. 42v.

KEYBOARD 265 23. E Mn M.1360 “La marche de Gantier” m. 20-26, f. 225r.* French source: “Riguaudon” m. 10-16, in BERKELEY, University of California, Music Library, “Parville” manuscript, pp. 138-39; modern edition in Alan Curtis (editor), Louis Couperin. Piéces de clavecin, Le pupitre vol. 18 (1970), 54. *At least as suggested by the musical incipit given in Herbert Schneider, ChronologischThematisches Verzeichnis sdmtlicher Werke von Jean-Baptiste Lully (LWV) (Tutzing, 1981). I have not had the opportunity of examining the music of Lully’s Le temple de la paix.

bAccording to Craig H. Russell, “Imported Influences in 17th and 18th Century Guitar Music in Spain,” Actas del congreso internacional “Espafia en la muisica del occidente” vol. 1

(Madrid, 1987), 394. I have not had the opportunity of verifying the concordance beyond the incipit given in Schneider (1981). ‘The version in E Mn M.1360 is transposed up a whole tone. 4The version in E Mn M.1360 is transposed down a whole tone. ‘According to Russell (1987), 394. See Chart 17, number 3.

Pointed out by Russell (1987), 394. |

tAccording to Russell (1987), 395. I have not had the opportunity of verifying the concordance beyond the incipit given in Schneider (1981). hThe first 19 measures of this piece later appear as a separate work entitled “Marcha” in the keyboard source E Mn M.815, f. 16v.

(k) P Pm Ms 1577 Loc. B,5

This collection of keyboard works by various composers does not bear the name of the copyist or the date of compilation. Although it is written in Portuguese, much (if not all) of the theoretical and musical material in this source comes from Spain. The manuscript opens with a short theoretical section called “Arte de sifra.”® The first five pages

“Libro de cyfra adonde se contem varios jogos de versos, e obras, e outras coriosidades, de varios

autores, P Pm Ms 1577 Loc. B,5. I have not had the opportunity of examining this manuscript. A detailed study and complete transcription is given by Barton Hudson, “A Portuguese Source of Seventeenth-Century Iberian Organ Music. Manuscript no. 1577, Loc. B,5 Municipal Library, Oporto, Portugal” (Ph.D. dissertation, Indiana University, 1961) 2 vol. 95P Pm Ms 1577 Loc. B,5 “Arte da sifra,” f. l1r-7v. An English translation is given by Hud-

son (1961) 2:1~18. Excerpts from f. 3r, headed “Modo de por as m4os em o org4o,” are

quoted by Santiago Kastner, “Tres libros desconocidos con misica org4nica en las Bibliotecas de Oporto y Braga,” Anuario musical 1 (1946), 146. Facsimiles of f. lr and 2v

are published in Gerhard Doderer, Orgelmusik und Orgelbau im Portugal des 17. Jahrhunderts. Untersuchungen an Hand des Ms 964 der Biblioteca Publica in Braga (Tutzing,

1978), 266-67.

266 THE INSTRUMENTAL SOURCES present an explanation of keyboard tablature. From the materials available to me, I have been able to determine that this explanation is a Portuguese translation of part of a Spanish treatise entitled Arte de canto llano, 6rgano, y cifra which was published in Madrid in 1649.% As mentioned above in this chapter (p. 237), the Spanish book was probably . written by Tom4s Gémez. In the main body of P Pm Ms 1577 Loc. B,5, the copyist names the composer for 69 of the 85 works. He attributes 24 pieces to Ber[tolo]}meu de Olague (probably Bartolomé Olaegui), 13 to

Joseph Torrelhas, 6 to Joseph Urros (Joseph de Urroz), 4 to Antonio Brocarte, 4 to Andre de Sola (Andrés de Sola), 4 to Jofo del Vado (Juan del Vado), 2 to Aguilera (Sebastia4n Aguilera de Heredia), 2 to Joao Correya, 2 to Sebastido Duron (Sebasti4n Durén), 2 to Miguel de Sopuerta (or Supuerta), 1 to Jacinto Bacelar, 1 to Paolo de Bruna (Pablo Bruna), 1 to Alfons]o Cuevaz, | to Martinho Garcia de Olague (Martfn Garcfa de Olague), 1 to Lucas Puxol, and 1 to Joseph de Torres (Joseph de Torres y

Martinez Bravo). The 16 anonymous works include 2 settings of the minuet. As Barton Hudson points out, a concordance for one of the

minuets appears in the Martin y Coll anothology of 1709 (E Mn M.1360).” The source P Pm Ms 1577 Loc. B,5 does not contain any dates. On the basis of its repertory Hudson suggests that it was compiled between 1700 and 1710, or a little later.*% On the basis of its watermarks Doderer suggests that it was written sometime between 1705 and 1715.” For the purposes of chronology in this study I have placed the manuscript at the year 1712. Nothing is known about the careers of Joseph Torrelhas, Joao Cotreya, Miguel de Sopuerta, Jacinto Bacelar, Alonso Cuevaz, and Lucas Puxol. All the other ten composers named in P Pm Ms 1577 Loc. B,5 were musicians who worked in Spain, not Portugal. Biographical information has already been given earlier in this study for Juan del Vado (chap.

6, pp. 201-2), Sebasti4n Aguilera de Heredia (this chapter, p. 249), Sebasti4n Durdn (chap. 2, p. 32), and Pablo Bruna (this chapter, p. 259). 96P Pm Ms 1577 Loc. B,5 “Arte de sifra,” f. 1r—3r, is a Portuguese translation of Arte de canto llano, érgano, cifra (Madrid, 1649) chap. 4 “Arte de cifra,” f. 20r-22v. The last paragraph in the Spanish treatise, consisting of praise for Cabez6n (1578), is absent in the Portuguese version. 57P Pm Ms 1577 Loc. B,5 “Minuet de 5° tom,” f. 191v—modern edition by Hudson (1961) 2:588—is concordant with E Mn M.1360 “Otro [minuet],” f. 209r.

Hudson (1961) 1:6-7. Doderer (1978), 53.

KEYBOARD 267 Bartolomé Olaegui was chapel-master at Santiago Cathedral in the middle of the 17th century, according to Barbieri and Saldoni (both of whom fail to provide supporting documentation). Barbieri mentions only the year 1658.'© Saldoni states that Olaegui, having first worked as maestro de

capilla at Burgos Cathedral, held the post at Santiago Cathedral from March, 1651, until his death in February, 1658.'°!

Joseph de Urroz was organist at Santiago Cathedral, at least in the

early part of the year 1710.' Sometime later he moved to Avila Cathedral. Urroz was one of the musicians who disapproved of the dissonance treatment found in a passage of the Missa scala aretina by Francisco Valls.°3 Urroz contributed a supporting letter to the critical attack directed against Valls which was written by Martfnez de la Roca. In this letter, dated October 25, 1716, Urroz describes himself as the organist at

Avila Cathdral.' Part of his letter was later quoted in an approbation which was written for the encyclopedic treatise by Nassarre (1724) .!°

Antonio Brocarte worked as organist at four different churches in succession. He began as second organist at Palencia Cathedral (May, 1650) and then became organist at the Cathedral of Santo Domingo de la Calzada in Logrofio (December, 1651). Later, in June, 1655, he succeeded Correa de Arauxo at Segovia Cathedral. Finally Brocarte worked

10°F Mn Barbieri Mss 14043; according to Stevenson (1968), 12. !0\Baltasar Saldoni y Remendo, Diccionario biogrdfico-bibliogrdfico de efemérides de miisicos espatioles vol. 4 (Madrid, 1881), 232. (0? According to an archival document (dated January 24, 1710) transcribed by José Lopez

Calo, “Fray José de Vaquedano, maestro de capilla de la Catedral de Santiago (16811711),” Anuario musical 10 (1955), 203. '03The controversial passage is discussed above, chap. 3, pp. 61-63. “Joaquin Martinez de la Roca, Elucidacién de la verdad, con que d[on] Joachfn Martinez, organista principal de la santa iglesia cathedral de Palencia, intenta desvanecer las sombras, con que pretende obscurecerlas: el m{aest]ro don Francisco Valls, presvftero, maestro de capilla de la santa iglesia cathedral de Barcelona, en defensa de la entrada de el segundo tiple, en el “Miserere nobis,” de la missa, intitulada, “Scala aretina“ (Valladolid, n.d.); as described by Pedrell vol. 1 (1908), 64, and by Lothar Siemens Hernandez, “Contribucién a la bibliograffa de las fuentes de la cuesti6n Valls,” Anuario musical 31-32 (1976), 215-16.

'OSNassarre vol. 1 (1724) “Aprobacién de los muy reverendos p[adres] fr[ay] Lorenzo Sanz, ...y fr[ay] Joseph Olivan, .. .” (dated Zaragoza, May 20, 1722), xi.

268 THE INSTRUMENTAL SOURCES as organist at Salamanca Cathedral from December, 1676, until his death on August 21, 1696,!*

Andrés de Sola spent his entire career at Zaragoza Cathedral. In June, 1654, he was appointed assistant organist (ayudante de organista) under his uncle José Jiménez. In February, 1664, Sola was promoted to the rank of second organist (segundo organista). In January, 1672, he suc-

ceeded Jiménez as the principal organist (organista principal) and he retained this post until his death on April 21, 1696. Between April, 1687,

and October, 1691, Sola also acted as the chapel-master at Zaragoza Cathedral.'°7

Martin Garcfa de Olague compiled a manuscript of secular vocal works composed by Joseph Marin (who died at the age of 80 in Madrid on

March 8, 1699).' On the title-page Olague is described as a member and organist of the monastery in Madrid called the Convento de la Santfsima

Trinidad.'” In addition the manuscript has a modern annotation (by 106 A ccording to archival documents transcribed and discussed by Dionisio Preciado, “Antonio Brocarte, organista en la Catedral de Segovia. Primer perfodo: 1655 (15, VI)—1661 (27, IV),” Tesoro sacro musical 57 (1974), 74-82; Dionisio Preciado, “Antonio Brocarte, organista en la Catedral de Segovia. Segundo perfodo: 1661 (18, X)—1676 (7, XII),” Tesoro sacro musical 57 (1974), 105-15; Dionisio Preciado, “Antonio Brocarte, organista en la Catedral de Salamanca (del 2—XII-1676 al 21—VIII—1696),” Tesoro sacro musical 59 (1976), 38-51; and Dionisio Preciado, “El organista Antonio de Brocarte. Primeros afios (1629-1654). (Con una biograffa del organista Cristébal de Brocarte, su padre),” Tesoro sacro musical 61 (1978), 38-44. Antonio Brocarte is not to be confused with his nephew Antonio de la Cruz Brocarte, who served as organist at Zamora Cathedral from 1675 to 1721; see Dionisio Preciado, “Antonio de la Cruz Brocarte, 45 afios de organista en la catedral de Zamora (15, IX, 1675-29, IV, 1721),” Revista de musicologfa 1 (1978) 61-106. 107 According to archival documents transcribed and discussed by Siemens Hern4ndez (1966), 164-65 and (1968), 130-43; and by Calahorra Martfnez (1977), 45-50. 106M ocuments of the period concerning Marfn’s death are printed in Saldoni y Remendo

vol. 2 (1880), 81-82. Marin began his service in the royal chapel as a tenor (“cantor thenor”) on December 11, 1644; according to E Mp legajo M.26, as transcribed in Nicolas Alvarez Solar—Quintes, “Panorama musical desde Felipe III a Carlos IT. Nuevos documen-

tos sobre ministriles, organistas y ‘Reales Capillas flamenca y espanola de misica’,” Anuario musical 12 (1957), 190. 109F ste libro es de d[on] Miguel Martin miisico de su magestad en el qual se incluyen los tonos siguientes escritos por fr[ay] Martin Garcia de Olague, religiosso de la Santissima Trinidad ¥ hor-

ganista insigne de dicho combento y compuestos por d[o]n Joseph Marin, CAMBRIDGE, Fitzwilliam Museum MU. 4-1958; as cited by J.E. Varey and N.D. Shergold, Introduction to their modern edition of Los celos hacen estrellas by Juan Vélez de Guevara (London, 1970), xciv.

KEYBOARD 269 Barbieri?) which states that Olague was the senior organist at Cuenca Cathedral in 1695." Joseph Torres y Martfnez Bravo was a prominent musician at the court in Madrid. He began his royal service as organist in January, 1687. From approximately 1718 until his death on June 3, 1738, Torres was maestro of the royal chapel.!!! As discussed earlier in this study (chap. 4,

pp. 93-96), Torres also founded the first Spanish publishing company devoted exclusively to the printing of musical works and treatises.

(l) EMnM.2262

This manuscript is bound in red leather covers bearing the royal coat of arms of Felipe V.'" It lacks a title-page. Unfortunately the first two folios have been cut out, leaving behind only two narrow strips of paper in

the binding. This source reveals the importance of Italian music at the Spanish court during the early 18th century. The manuscript contains four types of works. First, it opens with a short pedagogical section (f. Ir and 2r—3v) written in Italian which deals with the rudiments of staff nota-

tion, solmization, and figured bass. Second, the closing section of the manuscript (f. 47v—52r) includes 16 untitled and untexted melodies written in staff notation. The presence of a few solmization syllables suggests

that these melodies are sight-singing exercises. Third, the manuscript contains 6 complete pieces written on two staves without texts. All of them are probably dance settings, but only two have titles. One is a folfa (D-136) and one is a paspié nuevo. These two settings seem to be for keyboard, although the intended instrumentation is not specified. Fourth, E Mn M.2262 contains 8 vocal works written in the Italian style. There are 3 da capo arias with Italian lyrics (for voice and figured bass), 2 da capo arias with Spanish lyrics (for voice and figured bass), and 3 cantatas with Italian lyrics (one for voice and figured bass; one for voice, violin, and figured bass; and one for voice, two violins, and figured bass). Giuseppe Draghi Cardinalino is named as the composer of 2 of the cantatas, one of which bears the date April, 1718." All the other pieces are anonymous. 110 According to Varey and Shergold (1970), xciv, note 229. '!! According to archival documents transcribed and summarized by Levasseur de Rebollo

(1975), 15-31. 'VE Mn M.2262. An inventory is given in Anglés and Subir4 vol. 1 (1946), 328-29. 'N3E Mn M.2262 “Cantata con violino di Giuseppe Draghi Cardinalino,” f.13v-24r and “Cantata con violini di G[iuseppe] D{raghi] C[ardinalino] . . . aprile 1718,” f. 25v—41v.

Note that Anglés and Subir4 vol. 1 (1946), 329, have mistakenly transcribed the composer's name as “Braghi.”

270 THE INSTRUMENTAL SOURCES For the purposes of chronology in this study I have placed the manuscript at the year 1718. Giuseppe Draghi Cardinalino worked at the royal court in Madrid as

music-master to prince Luis (born 1707), the eldest son of Felipe V. Draghi Cardinalino died in the early part of 1720. Shortly thereafter the Venetian native Jaime Facco, with the support of the duque de Popoli, successfully applied to fill the vacant post. Popoli’s letter of recommendation, dated February 9, 1720, includes the following information: There occurred some days ago here in Madrid the death of don Joseph Draghi Cardinalino, who served in teaching the prince [i.e., prince Luis, the future Luis I] to play the harpsichord, and in producing some musical and instrumental concerts which his highness enjoys a great deal during the hours which he does not devote to his studies. Having investigated what individuals there are to succeed him in this post, I find that don Jayme Faco, who presents the attached petition, is a man of much ability for this profes-

sion;... '!4

Nothing further is known about Draghi Cardinalino. Perhaps he was related to Antonio Draghi (a composer active in Vienna who died in 1700) or to Giovanni Battista Draghi (a composer active in London who died in 1708). From the biographical information given above and the contents of the manuscript itself, it seems almost certain that Draghi Cardinalino wrote the entire E Mn M.2262 for the benefit of his royal pupil prince Luis.

(m) P B Ms 964

This Portuguese collection of keyboard works by various composers

is an undated composite source.''5 Only 17 of the 208 pieces bear the name of their composer. The copyists attribute 10 works to Pedro de Aratijo, 2 to Frascati, 2 to Pedro de San Lorenzo, | to Luis Coutinho, | to Joao de Christo, and 1 to Bernardo Pasquini. Pedro de Aratjo worked as '4Document in E Mp written by the duque de Popoli to Joseph Rodrigo, dated February 9, 1720; as transcribed in José Subir4, “Jaime Facco y su obra musical en Madrid,” Anuario musical 3 (1948), 112-13. 115] ivro de obras de orgdo, P B Ms 964. I have not had the opportunity of examining this manuscript. A detailed study is given by Doderer (1978). A modern edition of 74 of the 208 pieces is given by Gerhard Doderer, Portugaliae musica 25 (1975).

KEYBOARD 271 a music teacher at the Seminary of Santo Pedro in Braga from July, 1662,

until March, 1668.6 According to the 18th-century bibliographer Barbosa Machado, the composer Joao de Christo was born in Lisbon and became a prominent organist and music teacher during the first half of the

17th century. Barbosa further states that Joao de Christo entered the Cistercian order at the monastery of Santa Marfa in Alcobaga (a town approximately midway between Lisbon and Coimbra) in January, 1614, and died there on July 30, 1654.!"" Bernardo Pasquini was a famous Italian composer who worked in Rome, where he died on November 21, 1710. Almost nothing is known about the other three composers named in this source. Frascati was most likely an Italian. Pedro de San Lorenzo and Luis

Coutinho were Iberian monks, as each is referred to as fr[ey] in the manuscript. P B Ms 964 consists of many sections written in various hands on

different types of paper. One anonymous section contains fifteen solo vocal works with sacred texts and accompaniment for organ or harp."® Doderer points out that another anonymous section contains forty-one works which have been taken from Manuel Rodrigo Coelho’s Flores de musica (Lisbon, 1620)."9 All the dance settings which are relevant to this study occur in two other sections, both of which are Italian. The first section (f. 216r-230v) has the heading Foreign or Italian works for organ or

harp... . It contains twenty-six dance pieces with Italian titles, including four settings of the minuete. One work is attributed to Bernardo Pasquini (D-137), and the rest are anonymous. A note at the top of f. 224r indicates that many, if not all, of the pieces come specifically from Rome.! The second Italian section (f. 253r-259r) lacks an overall head-

ing.” It contains twenty-one dance pieces with Italian titles, including '6According to archival documents summarized by José Augusto Ferreira, Histéria abreviada do Semindrio Conciliar de Braga e das escolas eclesidsticas precedentes (Braga, 1937), 202.

Diogo Barbosa Machado, Bibliotheca lusitana histérica, critica, e cronolégica. Na qual se comprehende a noticia dos authores portuguezes, e das obras, que compuserdo desde o tempo da promulgacdo da Ley de Graca até o tempo prezente vol. 2 (Lisbon, 1747; facsimile edition, Coimbra, 1966), 636. 'I8P B Ms 964 “Versos p[ar]a se cantarem ao org%o ou arpa em tiple ou tenor,” f. 1471- —

l6lv. 'I9P B Ms 964, f. 162r—208v; as discussed in Doderer (1978), 26-27 and 33-46. 120Estrangeiras ou italianas p[ar]a org4o, ou arpa. Os fez hé para se trinar com a tecla de cima sobre o punto aonde elles estiverem.” P B Ms 964, f. 216r. '21Continuam os passos estrangeiros que vieram da Roma...” P B Ms 946, f. 224r. 1224 facsimile of P B Ms 964, f. 253r, is printed in Doderer (1978), 260.

272 THE INSTRUMENTAL SOURCES three settings of the minuete. Two works are attributed to Frascati, and the rest are anonymous. Doderer suggests that the various sections of P B Ms 964 were once separate manuscripts which were bound together in their present form

sometime during the second half of the 18th century.’* From an examination of the watermarks, he has identified 22 different types of paper. They span a long period of time. According to Doderer the earliest paper

dates from 1610-1630, and the most recent paper (it occurs in the two Italian sections) dates from 1720-1766.'4 For the purposes of chronology in this study I have placed the collection at the year 1720.

(n) EMnM.815 The title-page of this manuscript bears the name Francisco de Tejada

and the date 1721. It also has an inscription by Barbieri stating that the manuscript was discovered in Seville at the end of the year 1872 (Este mlanu]s[rito] se hallé en Sevilla, a fines de 1872). This collection is the ear-

liest Spanish source of music written specifically for the harpsichord (clavictmbalo). All the pieces are anonymous, except for three works (a total of 5 movements) which are attributed to Coreli (the Italian violinist Arcangelo Corelli). E Mn M.815 consists almost entirely of secular dance settings. Most of the dance-types are French or Italian, thus reflecting the enormous influence of foreign music at the Spanish court during the early 18th cen-

tury. The manuscript includes keyboard arrangements of six movements from the trio sonatas of Corelli (listed in chap. 8, Chart 26). It also includes forty-seven settings of the minuet. A group of twenty-one of these minuetes (f. 5lv—59v) possesses two distinctive features. First, each setting is notated for melody and figured bass (labelled acomp[atiamien]to). Second,

each has a Spanish subtitle (which may refer to Spanish lyrics), thereby revealing the absorption of the minuet into Spanish society. Among the

23D) oderer (1978), 16.

24Doderer (1978), 16, 59, and 231. 125] ibro de miisica de clavictmbalo del s[efio]r d[o]n Francisco de Tejada. 1721, EMn M.815. An inventory is given by Anglés and Subir4 vol. 1 (1946), 330-33. 26Tn the manuscript, four of these arrangements name Corelli while two do not. I have not

counted the work entitled “Piesa de Coreli” (E Mn M.815, f. 19v— 20v) because I have not found a concordance for it in Corelli’s compositions.

KEYBOARD 273 many other French dance-types in this collection, there is one setting of the Amable (listed and transcribed in chap. 8, Chart 27 and musical example 17).

Nothing is known about Francisco de Tejada or his relationship with this manuscript. Perhaps he was the musician who composed or compiled the collection. In that case he may have been related to the

Francisco Tejada who worked as principal organist at Salamanca Cathedral from September, 1696, until his death on September 19, 1699.7 Alternatively, perhaps Tejada was an aristocrat who owned the

manuscript. The name Tejada does belong to several families of the Spanish nobility. For example, in 1727 a Francisco Tejerizo de Tejada submitted evidence of his noble ancestry to the royal tribunal in Valladolid.'8 (o) E Bc M.386

This collection of organ works by Juan Cabanilles was probably compiled by Estevan Maronda. The title-page bears the date October 12,

1722. In the body of the manuscript all ninety-eight pieces are attributed to Cabanilles. However for the piece entitled Tiento de contras, 8° tono (pp. 132-33) the name Cabanillas has been crossed out and replaced by the name Pablo Bruna.™

The careers of Juan Cabanilles and Pablo Bruna have been discussed previously in this chapter (under E Bc M.387 and E Mn M.1360 respectively). Estevan Maronda is described as a minor pupil of Joseph Elfas on the title-page of E Bc M.386. José Elfas was one of the most prominent organists in Spain during the first half of the 18th century. He began working as an organist in Barcelona, first at the parish church of 27Archival documents concerning his tenure are transcribed by Preciado (1976), 49. '28 According to Alberto Garcfa Carraffa and Arturo Garcfa Carraffa, Diccionario herdldico y genealégico de apellidos espafioles y americanos vol. 84 (Madrid, 1961), 114. "?Libro de obras de érgano. Compuestas por el grande maestro Joan Cabanillas, presbitero, -y organista de la s[an]ta iglessia y cathedral de Valencia siendo del licenciado en la misma facultad Estevan Maronda, siendo uno de los menores dicfpulos del g{ran]de maestro Joseph Elfas, presbttero, y organista de la parroquial de S[anto]s Justo, yy Pastor de Barzelona dia 12 de 8bre del afio del s[efto]r 1722, E Bc M.386 (formerly 887). I have not had the opportunity of examining this manuscript. A description and inventory are given by Pedrell vol. 2 (1909), 75-88; and by Anglés, BPSM 4 (1927), xli—xliii. 130 ccording to Pedrell vol. 2 (1909), 88.

274 THE INSTRUMENTAL SOURCES . Sant Pere de las Puellas (1712-1715) and then at the parish church of Santos Justo y Pastor (1715-1725). Elfas subsequently moved to Madrid where he served as organist at the Monasterio de las Descalzas Reales

from 1725 until at least July 14, 1751. The date of his death is not known."!

Temperament and Tuning During the late 16th and 17th centuries in Spain, mean-tone temperament predominated for keyboard instruments. Tomds de Santa Marfa (1565) devotes a chapter to tuning the clavichord in which he says that the fifths should be slightly flat. Cerone (1613) incorporates most of this chapter in his own treatise. He elaborates upon the tuning method and recommends it for all keyboard instruments. Cerone claims that it yields the 27 comma system which was described earlier in Zarlino’s Institutioni harmoniche (Venice, 1558)."3 Salinas (1577) also advocates mean-tone temperament for the keyboard. He provides details for implementing three different varieties, namely, the 1/3 comma, 2/7 comma, and 1/4 comma systems.'4 Despite the lack of tuning instructions from the 17th century, the Spanish keyboard sources themselves imply the use of mean-tone temperament, for rarely does the notation of chromatic notes exceed the set of c*, eb , f#, g#, and b>.

During the early 18th century Spanish keyboard players continue to

advocate some sort of mean-tone temperament. In 1709 Martin y Coll gives instructions for tuning the organ, harpsichord, or harp at the end of

131 Archival documents concerning his career are transcribed and discussed by José Marfa Llorens, “La obra org4nica de José Elfas, discfpulo de Juan B. Cabanilles,” Anuario musical 17 (1962), 127-29; and José Marfa Llorens (editor), José Elias. Obras completas, BPSM 24 (Barcelona, 1971), 11—12 and BPSM 26 (Barcelona, 1981), 9-12. 132Tomds de Santa Marfa (1565) pt. II, chap. 53 “Del modo de templar de monacordio y la vihuela,” f. 122v.

13Cerone (1613) vol. 2, Bk. XXI, chap. 12 “Del modo de templar el monochordio, arpycordio, clavicémbalo, y el érgano, &c.,” 1048-49. 134Erancisco Salinas, De musica libri septem (Salamanca, 1577; facsimile edition, Kassel, 1958) Bk. III, chap. 15-26, 143-— 164. This material is discussed and explained by Arthur Michael Daniels, “The ‘De musica libri VII’ of Francisco de Salinas” (Ph.D. dissertation,

University of Southern California, 1962), 239-80; slightly revised in Arthur Daniels, “Microtonality and Mean-Tone Temperament in the Harmonic System of Francisco Salinas,” Journal of Music Theory 9 (1965), 254-78.

KEYBOARD 275 the manuscript devoted to his own organ compositions."> His method (not counting the octave transpositions) is to proceed by ascending fifths from g through to g* and by descending fifths from g through to e> . In the ascending fifths the upper note is to be somewhat flat (algo descabezada), while in the descending fifths the lower note is to be somewhat sharp (algo subida). In other words, all the fifths should be somewhat flat. Martin ex-

plains that without this adjustment the major thirds would be disagreeably sharp: The reasons why the fifths which we mentioned above in the tuning of the flautado [the principal pipes of the organ], harpsichord, and harp are to be flat and not pure, and why in other fifths the lower note is to be somewhat sharp and not flat [making the interval flat], is as follows. When one

tests the tuning [with the triads Bb +, G+, or C+], . . . if the fifths are tuned very pure, the major thirds which are located in the middle of the chord, between the unison and the fifth, will be somewhat sharp and will sound badly. By leaving the fifths a little bit flat, one finds in practice that they produce pleasant chords to the ear, which is the proper judge of the sonority of a chord.!¥

Martin follows the usual procedure of setting the middle register first and then tuning the outer registers by octaves. However, for the highest notes of the instrument (beginning an octave above middle c) he adds an un-

usual qualification: “It is important that all the octaves in the highest register be very pure, with the upper notes pulled up as much as possible, so that the fifths with which they are placed in consonance will produce a very pure harmony.”?’ Later in his instructions he emphasizes that “all the fifths [whose upper notes are] from c with the dot [the c above middle

c] up to the end of the organ are to be very pure and raised as much as possible . . .”88 Evidently Martfn preferred to have sharp thirds rather than flat fifths in the highest register. The result is a temperament which does not extend consistently throughout the instrument. This modification of mean-tone temperament does not occur in any other extant Spanish source of the period. For example, Nassarre (1724) provides instructions for tuning the organ in a uniform manner. His _ 135E Mn M.2267 “Modo de templar el érgano, clavicordio, y arpa,” 407—10. 36E Mn M.2267, p. 409. 37E Mn M.2267, p. 407. 138E Mn M.2267, p. 409.

276 THE INSTRUMENTAL SOURCES method (not counting the octave transpositions) is to ascend from g by major triads through to e, then to ascend from e by a major third to g*, and finally to descend from g by fifths through to e” . Nassarre states explicitly that all the fifths should be slightly flat.49 This method is the same one which he gives for tuning the harpsichord and harp. There he further specifies that the major thirds should be pure (see chap. 6, pp. 213-14).

Under mean-tone temperament, enharmonically related notes are not identical in pitch. They differ by a comma. On a keyboard incorporating the temperament at its normal pitch-level, the black keys produce the notes c*, eb, f#, g#, and b>. In order to expand the system, some Spanish organs were constructed with additional chromatic notes. In 1709 Martfn y Coll alludes to organs which have separate pipes and keys

for such accidentals as d° , dé, e*, a’ , and a*. Martin explains how to

tune these notes under mean-tone temperament. He states that each sharp should form a pure interval with the major third below, while each flat should form a slightly flat interval with the perfect fifth above.' However, organs with such accessories were relatively rare in Spain. Conse-

quently most Spanish organists adopted a simple method to deal with chromatic notes situated outside the temperament. They merely ignored the theoretical discrepancies and substituted the enharmonically related notes. Torres y Martinez Bravo (1702) describes the practice as follows: Note that in the accompaniments one often finds a sharp and a flat which the organ does not possess in an exact manner, namely, d* and a’. These are replaced on the organ by playing e> when one meets d*, and by playing g* for a’. These are not exact because the key [of e’ on the organ manual] which serves for the sharp has a comma mote, and the key [of g*

on the organ manual] which serves for the flat has a comma less. The reason is because the semitono cantable, which is the interval from mi to fa, has five commas, and the interval of the semitono incantable, which is from fa natural to fa sharp, consists of four commas. Therefore e’ which serves as d* has a comma too much, since the semitono incantable should have four commas according to what has been written. The opposite is the case with a’ , because when g* serves as the said a’ it is not distant [from g' ] by more

than four commas, which is the interval of a semitono incantable. Yet it

139Nassarre vol. 1 (1724) Bk. IV, chap. 20 “En que se trata de la afinaci6n de los érganos en toda especie de cafiuterfa,” 497-98. IF Mn M.2267, pp. 408-409 and 410.

KEYBOARD 277 should be five commas, which is the interval of a semitono [cantable], according to what has been written. Therefore it lacks a comma."*!

Although enharmonic substitution was widely used, Nassarre (1724) strongly disapproves of it: . .. there is an abuse introduced especially among organists which is against all good practice. It happens that when playing the organ they want to produce a sharp where there is not one [under mean-tone tuning] or a flat on a key which lacks it. They want to replace the sharp with a flat and

the flat with a sharp. These notes do not have the quantity which they ought to have, because when the sharp is replaced with a flat it is a comma higher, and when the flat is replaced with a sharp it is a comma lower. Consequently dissonance arises in such arrangements. When one charges such practitioners with this fault, they respond that their method does not sound badly. The fact is that, from using such dissonances so much, they now have their ears accustomed to them. Through use, what is bitter is changed for them into what is sweet. However this is more on account of their imagination than in reality. They could make up for these notes in other ways, but since the above method is less laborious they want to go by the short cut, although the path is more bitter.”

He argues that the player should strive to preserve the mean-tone temperament. For the harpsichord (and harp) Nassarre advocates that the tuning of appropriate strings be adjusted in advance to supply the chromatic notes which normally lie outside the temperament. Pre-tuning enables the player to transpose each of the eight modes to any pitch-level (as discussed in chap. 6, p. 214). For the organ Nassarre acknowledges that pre-tuning is impractical because of the difficulty involved in adjusting the pipes. Consequently he advises the player to confine himself to the usual five chromatic notes. This means that the organist has at his disposal only five complete transpositions of each of the eight modes.'® If the score contains other chromatic notes, Nassarre recommends that they be omitted in performance:

'4'Torres y Martinez Bravo (1702) Bk. I, chap. 3 “De los signos de la segunda orden que pertenecen al género enarménico,” 6-7. '42Nassarre vol. 1 (1724) Bk. I, chap. 15 “De la melodfa, y qué sea?,” 60-61. 'S8These transpositions are described in Nassarre vol. 1 (1724) Bk. III, chap. 17 “De los términos, por donde se pueden transportar los ocho tonos accidentalmente en el 6rgano,” 325-30.

278 THE INSTRUMENTAL SOURCES ... at this pitch-level [in mode 1 (d final) transposed to c] the flat which one may occasionally make use of has its position on a. There is no key [on the organ manual] which corresponds to it. Many organists supply it with the black key which is for g*, although its pitch is a comma lower than what is necessary for the flat and it sounds disagreeable to the ear. They should be attentive to the ear by using the substitute note with [only] a short duration. When there is to be this flat which is lacking on the organ, it is better to omit it altogether, for in this way it sounds neither well nor badly. With any voice at all, except the bass, it is easy to omit the note. When the bass is to use it, one can arrange the music in another way so that the note is not needed, except in the obligatory cases of realizing accompaniments. In the section on accompaniments | will show how those notes should be replaced. Everything which has been said about the flat is to be observed at any other pitch-level where the note is not found on the organ, both for the first mode as well as for all the other modes.'“

As Nassarre promises in this excerpt, he later explains how the accompanist should replace unwanted chromatic notes when they are given in the bass. The organist is to substitute another note of the triad implied in the music. In this way he can suggest the same harmony in his realization, although the originally intended chord will be incomplete and in another position: When some sharp occurs [in the bass to be realized] where there is none on the organ, one is to make up for it by placing the bass a third lower. For example, if the sharp occurs on d, which is lacking on the organ, one is to replace it with b. One does not place any voice [of the chord realized above it] in a third or tenth, but only in a fifth and octave. When some flat occurs in the written bass which is lacking on the organ, such as on a or elsewhere, one is to replace it with a note a third higher. For example, when the flat is on a, one is to raise the bass to c, with the observation that one does not place the voices [of the chord realized above it] in any interval other than an octave.!*

During the late 17th and early 18th centuries three prominent Spanish mathematicians advocated the use of equal temperament for the organ, harpsichord, and harp. The Jesuit mathematician Joseph Zaragoza argued that equal temperament could be easily implemented by means of '44Nassarre vol. 1 (1724) Bk. III, chap. 17, pp. 325-26. '45Nassarre vol. | (1724) Bk. III, chap. 20 “En que se dan las reglas mAs principales para acompafiar en el 6rgano, y arpa, para los que no son compositores,” 357.

KEYBOARD 279 the tetrachordo, a geometric device consisting of four strings whose lengths

are measured into 10,000 parts. In his treatise of 1675, Zaragoza relates the following account of its demonstration at the court of Carlos II: It does not fail to cause a great deal of amazement that, while the guitar is so common, its tuning [equal temperament] has not been employed on the organ. . . . I would not have thought more about the subject if the oc-

- easion had not arisen of renovating the organ of the royal chapel of your majesty. On the first day I said to the builder that he should make a small organ with this tuning [equal temperament] for your majesty. At this time don Félix [Félix Falco de Belaochaga] came from Valencia and brought the tetrachordo, which he placed in you majesty’s hands. He told me that he had already put it into practice in Valencia the previous year, with much praise by the musicians of that city. I consider it certain that he was the first to make use of this tuning [on the organ]. The experiment was also performed in front of your majesty with the approbation of the musicians of the royal chapel. What is certain is that the advantages which this tuning brings with it are so great, that it can be tolerated if ic has some defect which does not cause a notable dissonance to the ear.'®

In 1709 the Valencian priest and mathematician Tosca repeats Zaragoza’s discussion and gives specific instructions for employing the tetrachordo.'””

In 1717 the Jesuit mathematician Ulloa reports that equal temperament has often been used with success on the organ.'® Nevertheless, despite these recommendations and accounts, it seems that mean-tone-temperament remained the predominant tuning system for keyboard instruments in Spain during the first part of the 18th century.

Tablature Notation Keyboard tablature occurs in six of the sources under consideration: Venegas de Henestrosa (1557), Cabezén (1578), Correa de Arauxo (1626), E Mn R.14096 (the Ms addition to Correa de Arauxo), E Mn M.1358 (£. Ir—80r only), and P Pm Ms 1577 Loc. B,5. The three published sources and

Joseph Zaragoza, Fdbrica y uso de varios instrumentos mathemdticos con que sirvid al rey n[uestro] s[evtor] dfon] Carlos Segundo (Madrid, 1675), 212-13. '4’Thomas Vicente Tosca, Compendio mathemdtico en que se contienen todas las materias mds principales de las ciencias que tratan de la cantidad vol. 2 (Valencia, 1709) Bk. II, chap. 4. '®Pedro de Ulloa, Mitisica universal, o principios universales de la misica (Madrid, 1717), 15.

280 THE INSTRUMENTAL SOURCES the Portuguese manuscript explain the tablature in their prefaces.'® The notational system is more or less the same in all six sources. The last two manuscripts (written in 1707 and in approximately 1712 respectively) reveal that the use of Spanish keyboard tablature spans a period of more than 150 years. Furthermore Nassarre (1724) briefly discusses keyboard tablature as one of the prevailing notational systems of his time. He also states that it is suitable for the double-rank harp.'® (The similarity between keyboard tablature and the usual harp tablature has been discussed in the previous chapter, p. 227.)

The appearance of keyboard tablature in Spain during the early 18th

century was not a sudden revival of the system. It was probably used throughout the second half of the 17th century, despite the lack of extant musical sources. For example, the lost organ book by Lorente (entitled Melodias miisicas and likely issued sometime between 1672 and 1677) was

written in tablature, according to the composer himself (see chap. 6, p. 201). The continuity of Iberian practice is also shown by the anonymous Arte de canto llano, érgano, y cifra (Madrid, 1649). Its final chapter, which is

an explanation of keyboard tablature, provides a direct link between the late 16th century and the early 18th century.'*! On the one hand, the chapter is only a slightly modified version of the explanation given earlier by Cabez6n (1578). The author does not acknowledge the borrowing, but he does close the chapter with the following recommendation:

149(a) Venegas de Henestrosa (1557) “Comienga la declaracién de la cifra,” f. 6r—12r; modern edition by Anglés, MME 2 (1944), 156-65. (b) Cabezén (1578) “Declaracién de la cifra que en este libro se usa,” f. *8r—-*1 Ir; modern edition by Anglés, MME 27 (1966), 25-29. (c) Correa de Arauxo (1626) “Siguese el arte de poner por cifra,” f. 13r—-25v; modern edition by Kastner, MME 6 (1948), 50-66. (d) P Pm Ms 1577 Loc. B,5 “Arte da sifra,” f. 1r—-3r; English translation by Hudson (1961) 2:1-6. 'S0Nassarre vol. 1 (1724) Bk. III, chap. 19 “Del provecho, y utilidad, que sirve en el arpa la trasportacién de los tonos, de los modos que se figura la midsica para ella, y del modo de templarla,” 350-51. He describes keyboard tablature but he does not write out any examples. Except for a few minor details, his description does accord with the notation actually found in the extant keyboard sources. 151 Arte de canto llano, érgano, ¥ cifra (1649) chap. 4 “Arte de cifra,” f. 20r—-22v.

KEYBOARD 281 The published tablature of Antonio Cabez6én has two-voice and threevoice pieces for beginners, and skillful works to produce consummate organists. It would be very beneficial to the service of God if in all monasteries there were Cabez6n’s book or manuscripts of equivalent tablature.!

On the other hand, most of this chapter was later translated into Portuguese to form the opening section of P Pm Ms 1577 Loc. B,5 (as pointed out in this chapter, pp. 265-66).

In Spanish keyboard tablature each horizontal line represents a separate voice-part. There are normally four lines, which from highest to lowest represent the soprano (tiple), alto (contra alto or alto), tenor (tenor), and bass (contrabaxo or baxo). For two-voice and three-voice pieces the number of lines is reduced accordingly. Correa de Arauxo (1626) em-

phasizes the contrapuntal nature of this notational system as follows: “Item, let it be obeyed with inviolable observance that one does not lift up

a number [note] until another number or rest follows on the same tablature line, .. .""? Keyboard tablature thus presents each work as if it were strictly polyphonic. Consequently it is not completely satisfactory for those pieces (such as simple dance settings) which are musically conceived in a freer texture.

Pitch is clearly notated in Spanish keyboard tablature by means of numbers and accidental signs. Seven Arabic numerals (1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, and 7) represent the seven diatonic pitch-degrees (f, g, a, b, c, d, and e respec-

tively). The manner in which the numbers are written indicates the precise octave-register of the pitches. Plain numbers represent the register containing middle c, while numbers embellished with slashes or dots represent each of the other registers. In four of the sources under considera-

tion the set of ciphers encompasses a range of 27 diatonic notes (beginning on c, two octaves below middle c). In the theoretical section of P Pm Ms 1577 Loc. B,5, the set is extended upwards by two ciphers to yield an overall range of four complete octaves.'*4 However, in the musical pieces of this source, the notation only goes as high as 4 (b).'% '2 Arte de canto llano, érgano, ¥ cifra (1649) chap. 4, f. 22v. '3Correa de Arauxo (1626) chap. 10, f. 24v; modern edition by Kasmer, MME 6 (1948), 65. '4P Pm Ms 1577 Loc. B,5 “Arte da sifra,” f. 11; facsimile of this page printed in Doderer

(1978), 266. The same expanded range is given in Arte de canto llano, é6rgano, y cifra (1649) chap. 4, f. 20v. 155 According to Hudson (1961) 1:10.

282 THE INSTRUMENTAL SOURCES Chromatic notes are shown by sharp and flat signs which are added to the numbers. The lowest octave usually contains only one chromatic note, namely, 4° (b’). This reflects the short-octave arrangement normally found on Spanish keyboard instruments. In the tablature, each of the other octaves usually contains no more than five chromatic notes, namely, 1#, 2#, 46, 5*, and 7> (f*, e#, b® c#, and e’). They correspond to the black keys of the instrument tuned in mean-tone temperament. For example, Correa de Arauxo (1626) explains that he does not give symbols for a’ and d’ because the organ lacks these notes.'* On occasion a notated accidental functions enharmonically. For instance, Hudson reports that in P Pm Ms 1577 Loc. B,5, 2* (g*) and °7 (e* ) sometimes serve as a” and d* respectively.'” The ciphers found in the two keyboard manuscripts of the early 18th century are shown in musical example 14. A facsimile of a page from E Mn M.1358 is given in Plate 9 (p. 258). In order to reduce the number of accidental signs, all the sources after Venegas de Henestrosa (1557) employ certain symbols in the manner of modern key signatures. Cabez6én (1578) explains that at the beginning of a piece the sign 4 (called B quadrado) means that all the b’s are natural, while the sign B (called B [mol]) means that all the b’s are flat.'* The same convention is described in the Arte de canto llano, érgano, ¥y cifra (1649) and in P Pm Ms 1577 Loc. B,5. The tablature section of EMn M.1358 employs three types of signatures without explanation: §, f (or 8), and ri (or }4). The first sign probably stands for b4, while the second sign probably stands for b>.

The precise meaning of the third sign is not known. It occurs in pieces which seem to require b> , but it is not clear why it is used instead of the second sign. The most elaborate system of signatures is found in Correa de Arauzo (1626). He states that B calls for b>, § for f*, 44 for f* and c*, and k 4 4 for f*, c*, and g*.!® Correa stresses the novelty of his “sharp” signatures. He also explains that the absence of a symbol is itself a signature calling for the diatonic pitches (including b4 s).'

‘Correa de Arauxo (1626) chap. 3, f. 14r; modern edition by Kastner, MME 6 (1948), 52. Nevertheless Correa does use 3b (i.e. a> ) in his “Cancién glosada Dexaldos mi madre” (D-64); modern edition by Kastner, MME 6 (1948), 201-12 measures 126 and 130. Perhaps one of his organs did have separate pipes and keys for the pitch ab ,

7Hudson (1961) 1:11. 158Cabez6n (1578), f. *9r; modern edition by Anglés, MME 27 (1966), 26.

93Correa de Arauxo (1626) “Punto” 5 and 6, f. 3v; modern edition by Kastner, MME 6 1948), 40. Micores de Arauxo (1626) “Advertencias,” f. lr; modern edition by Kastner, MME 6 (1948), 37.

Example 14. Ciphers in two Iberian keyboard sources of the early 18th

century De gee erieerecinemreanil

- |w |e

E Mn M. 1358, f. Ir - 80 r Me ) ———— : P Pm Ms 1577 Loc. B, 5, f. Ir | Ey e& z

| ! | : : || ,ne | ee |rn . |||)|| | bo | | 3 | ee : ee Sc; | St —— a: aa eS LF ISAT @-y EEE ee

E Mn — iA : 38 4b 4.8 sete layla

' |ceLfa!13. -* x [et] th e{fz ppmti ;s eA es

,|

2 &es = NN SS TSp eo SSt-o-Sea Ca enpreenee arerrsnentrars caren ened te tps mapper sneer cts epee ny tts cease pepe nin nnttag gape agua ee apatines asanaapnanatiy maiden nig nagmaovanael

Sa aa aa Tae Lacey aa aes Se Sea P Pm Lod fF i® i 2 2% 03 34 4 | 5 | ste] 6 fb7 7?

————————[—$—[—[—[—[—£{—{_&££—S—>—————————

———S SSS ee | Poop Eg po} | | es ee ee | | nn Poot PoE peo} ti ®. at far] a ba 4 fs | sR] et [bz |: Sn ee ee ceeenerreerepremnarmmeen semana pore nin panarememnan antes’ *orsngusrerammnetn-eny- sane nstunsgterrasnnni satonsanprsin tty-nareirgnmnt sana, taprtsaercescect

EMn elt | ae 2°) ate} at ab FY tt va COL Thi] 7°

284 THE INSTRUMENTAL SOURCES

rn | ? rc ae | ;|!

Example 14 (continued)

a ~ o- ba 2. alll

: PO EEE |

EMn |! | l¢' 2 24.3 [|—!'— .-

SO la a de

pPPm GY T# BBA S OR eS In Spanish keyboard tablature, rhythm is shown by means of barlines, mensuration signs, rests, ties, spacing of the ciphers, and durational note-symbols. The sources up to 1626 differ from the later ones in their

use of mensuration signs. Correa de Arauxo (1626) states that he employs various signatures “in order to distinguish the different prolonga-

tions of time [speeds] that are to be had in beating the measure.”'*! He proceeds to discuss five mensuration signs. He assigns a different relative tempo to each one, as shown in Chart 20.'@ Under four of the five signs the notated measure is binary with a value of one semibreve (o}. Correa explains that the choice of sign (and therefore tempo) depends on the size of the smallest note-symbol which prevails in a given piece. For example, Correa distinguishes between C and @ as follows: I have seen many works of very great masters notated now with tiempo imperfecto [C] and now with the slash [@], without distinction. And there is — no reason why they should be used without any difference at all, since these two mensurations have so great a disparity between them. I content myself with the manner of use of padre Manuel Rodrfguez Coelho in the book he 161Correa de Arauxo (1626) “Advertencias,” f. lr; modern edition by Kastner, MME 6 (1948), 37. '62Summarized from Correa de Arauxo (1626) “Punto” 7, f. 4r—4v; modern edition by Kastner, MME 6 (1948), 40-41. Most of this section is translated into English by Charles Jacobs, Tempo Notation in Renaissance Spain (New York, 1964), 45-47. In his pieces Correa employs a total of eight mensuration signatures. In addition to the five which he discusses in the theoretical section, he uses the signs @?, C3 , and 03 without explanation. See Charles Jacobs, Francisco Correa de Arauxo (The Hague, 1973), 5-9.

KEYBOARD 285 wrote in mensural notation for keyboard players, etc. [his Flores de miisica: pera o instrumento de tecla, & harpa (Lisbon, 1620)], since he uses the tiempo imperfecto [C] in works of sixteen semicorcheas [§] to the measure, without mixing another mensuration. And so considering this, and that properly the function of the tiempo de por medio [@] is to make one measure of two, and that this can be done better in works of eight [corcheas, J] to the measure; | determined to assign the tiempo partido [€ ] to those works of eight [J] for the said reason, and the imperfecto [C] to those of sixteen (AJ (as it certainly ought to be), in order to make clear the difference that there should be in

beating the measure under each sign.”

In his system Correa does not always retain the usual meanings of the mensuration signs. For instance, he employs the signs © and O for binary notation, even though in traditional theory they symbolize ternary mensurations.

Chart 20. Mensuration signs symbolizing tempo in Correa de Arauxo (1626)

Symbol. Name. Value of Relative tempo one measure. fy tiempo medio imperfecto por 4 fastest ld dde| -84

o tiempo perfecto de ld J | =8J fast

por medio |

C tiempo imperfecto | od | ~ 16d moderate 3 or :} proporcién mayor (or lnoola24 dh slow : comp4s mayor ternario) | youve O tiempo perfecto absoluto | d d | -32 4 slowest In the keyboard sources before Correa de Arauxo (1626) it is not clear whether the mensuration signs are supposed to designate tempo. The question rarely arises in Venegas de Henestrosa (1557), since most of

his pieces lack mensuration signatures.’ By contrast, all the works in Cabezén (1578) do employ mensuration signatures. However, in the '3Correa de Arauxo (1626) “Punto” 7, f. 4r; modern edition by Kasmer, MME 6 (1948), 40-41. The English translation is taken from Jacobs (1964), 45-46, to which I have made some changes. '64The few exceptions are discussed in Jacobs (1964), 30-34.

286 THE INSTRUMENTAL SOURCES preface Hernando de Cabez6n makes no mention of different tempi. For

the ternary proportions & 3 and C3 he merely defines the measure in terms of note-symbols.'® He does not even discuss most of the other signatures. Nevertheless Jacobs argues that, as in some Spanish vihuela publications of the 16th century, the mensuration signs in Cabez6n (1578) - function as tempo indications. In particular Jacobs suggests that @ and ‘iy 3 represent a fast tempo, C and C3 a moderate tempo, and O and O3 a slow tempo.'® Before considering the later sources, it is important to emphasize one general feature of the notational practices of western Europe during the 16th and early 17th centuries. In any piece the given mensuration sign and barlines do not necessarily indicate the metrical framework and accentual organization of the music. Thus instrumental dance-song settings based on triple-meter schemes are sometimes notated as if they were in duple meter. This often occurs in Spanish settings of Gudrdame las vacas from the late 16th century (as well as in Italian settings of the romanesca from the early 17th century). For instance, in a keyboard setting by Cabez6n (D-210) the harmonic elements of the scheme change every three measures (O |¢ls!o!), In a vihuela setting by P4ez (D-199) the same elements change every one and a half measures (C |oléslel ). Later Nassarre (1724) attempts to account for such practices in his description of older mensuration signs. He states that under temnario menor (O) one can beat time as duple meter in terms of each measure ( |44| ) or as triple meter in terms of groups of three

measures ( |ololel ); This mensuration [tenario menor] can be sung under the two kinds of measure, either equal [binary] or unequal [ternary]. If it is sung under the equal measure, all the note-symbols have the value which I have said [the mdxima (=) is worth 12 measures, the longa (9 ) 6, the breve (= ) 3, and the semibreve ( © ) 1 and one measure contains 2 minimas ( 4 ), 4 seminimas (4), 8 corcheas ( $ ), and 16 semicorcheas ( § )]. However if it is under the unequal measure, then the notes of three measures are included in one: the mdxima being worth 4 measures, the longa 2, the breve 1; and one measure containing 3 semibreves, 6 minimas, 12 seméinimas, 24 corcheas, and 48 semicorcheas.'° 165Cabez6n (1578) “De las proporciones y tiempos,” f. *9v—*10r; modern edition by Anglés, MME 27 (1966), 26-27. l65Jacobs (1964), 37-52. i67Nassarre vol. 1 (1724) Bk. III, chap. 7 “En que se explican los tiempos de proporcién mayor, ternario menor, y ternario mayor,” 250.

KEYBOARD 287 Nassarre similarly states that under ternario mayor ( ©) one can beat time as duple meter in terms of each measure (/¢o!) or as triple meter in terms

of groups of one and a half measures ( loeloolool ): This mensuration [ternario mayor] can be sung in the same manner as the other one [ternario menor], both with the measure equal [binary] and with it unequal [ternary]. If it is sung under the equal measure, the mdxima note [—] is worth 6 measures, the longa [5] 3, the breve [-] 117, and in each measure there enters 2 semibreves [9 ],4 minimas [4], 8 seminimas [4], 16 corcheas { $ ], and 32 semicorcheas [ § ], . .. However it can also be sung under the unequal measure. In this case the note-symbols have neither more nor less value than as I said under proporcién mayor [one measure equals 1 breve or 3 semibreves], .. .'®

Some early instrumental settings exhibit the same sort of duality under compasillo (C), but Nassarre does not deal with this case in his treatise. In the Spanish keyboard sources after Correa de Arauxo (1626) the mensuration signs almost certainly do not denote specific tempi. The sig-

natures probably have the same meanings in keyboard tablature as they do in staff notation of the period. For example, the most frequent mensuration signs in E Mn M.1358 (f. 1r—80r) are C, @. £3 (or? or or 2 or z ),@ 3 ,C§ sesqui[dlter]a, and @'? sesquidltera. With respect to staff notation the very same signs are discussed by Lorente (1672) under the names compasillo (or tiempo menor imperfecto), compds mayor, proporcién menor, proporcién mayor, sexquidltera menor, and sexquidltera mayor respec-

tively (see Chart 21 in this chapter). Lorente considers them among the most important mensurations of his day.'® In the tablature section of E Mn M.1358 the value of the measure under each of the signs (except @ ) accords with Lorente’s definitions.'” During the second part of the 17th and early 18th centuries none of the Spanish sources of music or theory mention any one-to-one correspondence between mensuration signs and le8Nassarre vol. 1 (1724) Bk. III, chap. 7, p. 251. ‘Andrés Lorente, El porqué de la miisica, en que se contiene los quatro artes de ella, canto llano, canto de érgano, contrapunto, yy composicién (Alcalé de Henares, 1672) Bk. II, chap. 3 “Exemplo de los tiempos que oy se usan en canto de é6rgano, donde se ver4 como han de ser sefialados,” 148.

Under @ the value of the measure is |J J J J| in EMn M.1358 (f. 1r—80r), but juss} in Lorente (1672). It should be noted that in E Mn M.1358 the distinction between the signs C and C is not always clear. The slash runs from the highest to lowest tablature line and thus may simply be an introductory barline.

288 THE INSTRUMENTAL SOURCES tempo. For instance, the anonymous Arte de canto llano, érgano, ¥ cifra (1649), which deals with keyboard tablature, devotes a separate chapter to mensural notation.'?! According to the author the most common signatures are C (compasillo), © (compds mayor), C, (proporcién menor), and 03 (proporcién mayor). He defines the measure for each in terms of

note-symbols but he does not assign specific tempi to them. Later theorists, such as Nassarre (1723-1724), reveal that different speeds were used for works notated under the same mensuration sign (see Staff Notation in this chapter). Thus Spanish musicians discontinued not only the experimental systems of Correa de Arauxo and earlier instrumentalists, but also the traditional principle of employing one absolute pulse (known in Latin as the tactus) for all the signs.

Spanish keyboard tablature explicitly shows rests and ties. A rest (bausa) is notated by the letter p or by a slash through a tablature line (or +- ). Venegas de Henestrosa (1557) introduces the letter symbol.'” Cabez6n (1578), Correa de Arauxo (1626), and P Pm Ms 1577 Loc. B,5 employ the slash. E Mn M.1358 (f. 1r—80r) uses the letter in some in-

stances and the slash in others. A tie (ligadura) or prolongation (detencién) is notated by a comma under a tablature line ( ——). It is defined first by Cabez6n (1578) and later by Correa de Arauxo (1626).!73

In E Mn M.1358 (f. 1r-80r) the use of this symbol is inconsistent, for sometimes it seems to stand for a rest rather than a tie.

All the sources under consideration expect the player to infer the intended rhythms primarily from the spacing of the ciphers with respect to the barlines. Durational note-symbols are only occasionally added above the tablature lines. Cabez6n (1578) explains this aspect of the notation as follows: Likewise you should know that each of the spaces which are between the

strokes which cross the tablature lines from top to bottom equals one measure. [Under compasillo] if there is no more than one cipher at the beginning of the measure, it will be worth a semibreve [e]. If there are two, one at the beginning and another in the middle, they will be worth minimas [ J]. If there are four ciphers, they will be worth seminimas [ 2]; and so on, in accordance with the table which is set down as a demonstration of how

Arte de canto llano, érgano, y cifra (1649) chap. 3 “Arte de canto de érgano,” f. 19r-20r. '2Venegas de Henestrosa (1557), f. 6v; modern edition by Anglés, MME 2 (1944), 157. 173Cabez6n (1578), f. *8v; modern edition by Anglés, MME 27 (1966), 25. Correa de Arauxo (1626) chap. 10, f. 24v; moder edition by Kastner, MME 6 (1948), 65.

KEYBOARD 289 one notates all the note-values of mensural music and a few easy melodic diminutions [glosas]: . . . [The table follows].

Because sometimes you will find the note-values to be so intertwined with one another that it would be difficult to set down [the ciphers] properly in all the parts where there are these difficulties, you will find the rhythm [ayre] set down above the tablature lines [by means of note-symbols].'4

All the sources, except E Mn M.1358, provide similar explanations.'”5 E Mn M.1358 (f. lr-80r) probably relies on spacing also, since it does not supply durational symbols in full. Furthermore this source does not always

dot the note-symbols where appropriate. Thus, under proporcién menor

the given pattern | 5 Ay J | probably stands for | J. 5 J | . Two of the sources contain unusual rhythms. Cabez6n (1578) uses some quintuplets (proporcién sesquiquinta), which he indicates by placing the symbol 5 above the relevant groups of ciphers.'"* Correa de Arauxo (1626) employs a few passages with five or seven semfnimas ( J ) to the measure.'” Correa’s groupings should probably be performed as equal quintuplets and septuplets respectively, although his explanation is not absolutely conclusive on this point. In his preface Correa only discusses how to beat time for measures consisting of n equal notes, where n is indivisible by 2 or 3.8 Groups of 6 equal notes to the measure or half measure are often ambiguous as to their internal accentual organization. With sextuplets (in keyboard tablature as well as in other notational systems) it is not always

clear which of the following patterns is intended: | xxx xxx| (two groups of three, as in the modern § ) or |xx xx xx| (three groups of two, as in the modern 3). This problem frequently arises in the dance-song repertory because, as the clearly notated settings indicate, an alternation between two groups of three and three groups of two is characteristic of some of the Spanish dance-types. Correa de Arauxo (1626) attempts to 4Cabez6n (1578), f. *8v—*9r; modern edition by Anglés, MME 27 (1966), 2526. Venegas de Henestrosa (1557), f. 6r—6v, modern edition by Anglés, MME 2 (1944), 156-57; Correa de Arauxo (1626) chap. 4, f. 15r, modern edition by Kasmer, MME 6 (1948), 53; Arte de canto llano, érgano, y cifra (1649) chap. 4, f. 21r-22r; and P Pm Ms 1577 Loc. B,5, f. 2v, facsimile in Doderer (1978), 267. '76Explained in Cabez6n (1578), f. *10r; modern edition by Anglés, MME 27 (1966), 27. ‘According to Jacobs (1973), 9. ‘Correa de Arauxo (1626) “Punto” 10, f. 6r; modern edition by Kastner, MME 6 (1948), 43.

290 THE INSTRUMENTAL SOURCES eliminate the notational ambiguity by introducing special symbols above the tablature. He places a 3 to indicate two groups of three, and a 2 to indicate three groups of two: In melodic diminutions under the sesquidltera of six notes to the measure, if ic is notated with the rhythm [ayre] of proporcién menor, which is with a 3

above, give the main downbeat of the measure on the first note, the main upbeat on the fourth note, and again a downbeat for the following measure

on the seventh note [| ia xx | x. J. If it is notated with the rhythm of proporcién mayor, which is with a 2 above, give the main downbeat of the measure on the first note, the main upbeat on the fifth note, and again a downbeat for the following measure

on the seventh note [| xx XX 1 xx| x. . .).19

This notational device does not appear in later sources. Two Spanish sources advocate the use of some sort of rhythmic ine-

quality in the performance of keyboard works. Tom4s de Santa Marfa (1565) states that to play with good rhythm (tayier con buen ayre) one should perform groups of four equal semfnimas ( | ) or corcheas (f ) as if some of the notes were dotted. He recommends that the notated pattern

$444 berealizedas $-¢4.f , and that the notated pattern [PES be. realized as Ff. FL. § or FL. EL. or FEFL. (sic; perhaps this last grouping stands for MH jy ).8 Since Antonio and Juan de Cabezén formally approved the treatise by Tom4s de Santa Marfa (according to the

title-page), it is probably appropriate to apply this convention to the works in Venegas de Henestrosa (1557) and Cabezén (1578). Correa de Arauxo (1626) advocates a second type of rhythmic inequality. It consists of performing notated triplets by prolonging the first note and shortening the last two notes. Correa describes this method as playing with the gentle lilt (ayrezillo) of proporcién menor. He attempts to

signal this convention explicitly in his pieces. Above the tablature he places a 3 for unequal triplets and a 2 for equal notes: Correa de Arauxo (1626) chap. 7, f. 18r; modern edition by Kastner, MME 6 (1948), 57. '©Tomas de Santa Marfa (1565) pt. I, chap. 19 “Del modo de tafier con buen ayre,” f. 45v— 46v. This chapter is translated into English and discussed by Charles Gilbert Jacobs, “The Performance Practice of Spanish Renaissance Keyboard Music” (Ph.D. dissertation, New York University, 1962) 1:100-4 and 108-9. Another English translation of this chapter is given by Diana Poulton, “How to Play with Good Style by Thom4s de Santa Marfa,” Lute Society Journal 12 (1970), 24~26.

KEYBOARD 291 The very same notes in number can be played in two different ways under that which we call sexquidltera proportion, which consists of 6 or 12 notes to the measure, and also under that of 9 or 18 notes to the measure. The first and easiest way is to play them equally and evenly, that is, without

lingering more on one note than on another. This rhythm [ayre] is like proporcién mayor [3], in which 3 semibreves [=], 6 minimas [J] and 12 seminimas [ J ] go into each measure equally and evenly and without a gentle lilt [ayrezillo]. The second way is to play them somewhat unequally and with that gentle lilt and elegance of proporcién menor [C,]. This way (although difficult) is the one most used by organists. It consists of lingering more on the first note, and less on the second and third; and then lingering on the fourth, and less on the fifth and sixth. It is (almost) as if one were making the first note a minima and the second and third seminimas [realiz-

ing dddas ddd ] or (in half values) one seminima and two corcheas [realizing J J J as J J] J. One continues thus through all the notes of each measure. Therefore, granting this disparity (which can occur under any mensuration sign, with or without the slash), it will be logical if there is a disparity in the signs which denote them, so that one may know when the said notes or numbers are to be played with an equal rhythm or with an unequal rhythm. ... And thus it is established that the 3 above the said notes (in mensural notation) and numbers (in tablature) signifies the said gentle lilt of proporcién menor and the ternary number [inequality]; and the 2 signifies the equality of notes as in the binary number. '®!

However his notational system is somewhat puzzling. Elsewhere in his organ book (as translated above in this chapter, p. 290) Correa states that the symbols 3 and 2 are supposed to distinguish between two groups of three notes and three groups of two notes. If he is being consistent, then apparently he intends that all triplets be performed unequally. The unequal triplets described by Correa de Arauxo (1626) should not be confused with the unequal beating of time for ternary measures.

According to Spanish theory, every measure consists of one main downbeat (dar) and one main upbeat (alzar). For the three parts of a ter-

nary measure one beats time either as |} —¢| or | —|. This does not mean that the notes become unequal. On the contrary, it is precisely be-

cause the three parts of the measure are of equal duration that the

'81Correa de Arauxo (1626) “Punto” 11, f. 6r-6v; modern edition by Kastner, MME 6 (1948), 43.

292 THE INSTRUMENTAL SOURCES downbeat is unequal with regard to the upbeat. Cerone (1613) provides the following clear explanation: Although of the three parts which the ternary measure has, each part in itself (one with respect to the other) is equal; nevertheless the measure is not equal, but unequal. For the main downbeat [dar] is twice as long as the main upbeat [alcar]; inasmuch as two of the three parts are sung on the beat which strikes downwards, and one part on the beat upwards. Thus one two on the main downbeat, and three on the main upbeat [ | J— + | ].'

Later Lorente (1672) repeats this explanation almost verbatim. '®

Staff Notation Two types of staff notation appear in the keyboard sources under consideration. The first type is score notation, with a separate staff for each voice-part. Most pieces are presented in a four-voice texture. Score notation occurs in E E Ms 29, E Bc M.387, P B Ms 964 (most sections), and E Bc M.386.'* The second type of notation consists of two staves per

system. It occurs in E Mn M.1357, E Mn M.1358 (f.81r-185v), E Mn M.1359, E Mn M.1360, E Mn M.2262 (for six of the untexted pieces), P B Ms 964 (f. 216r—230v and 253r—259r; the two Italian sections), and E Mn M. 815.'® Two-stave notation is the more suitable system for works which are not strictly polyphonic. It also has the potential of indicating the division of notes between the hands for performance. None of the Spanish keyboard sources discuss the elements of staff notation. In many instances the key signature and clefs of a given piece are probably related to its modal classification. Nevertheless, in this study I will not investigate the Spanish theory of modes, since it does not seem to play a major role in the musical organization of secular dance-songs. All the keyboard sources under consideration employ mensuration signatures and barlines. In appearance and value of the measure, many of 182Cerone (1613) vol. 1, Bk. VI, chap. 19 “Del compds ternario, que es el menos usado,” 495. 183] orente (1672) Bk. II, chap. 43 “Compas en canto de érgano, qué sea?,” 220. 164The use of score notation in E Bc M.386 is mentioned by Anglés, BPSM 4 (1927), Ixv.

185The notation in the Italian sections of P B Ms 964 is briefly described by Doderer (1978), 46.

KEYBOARD 293 the signatures accord with those explained in general music treatises of the period. Some of the existing differences might be attributed to the fact that Spanish theorists discuss mensural notation primarily with regard to vocal music, not instrumental music. However, most of the differences probably reflect the changing nature of mensural theory itself during the 17th and early 18th centuries. Lorente (1672) provides a detailed explanation of general men-

sural theory. He devotes special attention to seven mensurations, which he describes as the most standard ones of his day.'86 They are summarized in Chart 21. In the keyboard sources, one of the most frequent signs is C. It signifies simple duple meter

with the measure equalto | JJJJ |, as in Lorente (1672). The sign @ appears much less often in the keyboard pieces. When it does

occur, its measure usually equals | JJ JJ |, not | JJJd |. Chart 21. The standard mensurations according to Lorente (1672)

Symbol Name Value and main beats of one. __Measure*

C compasillo | ‘ ‘ , ,) | |

¢ compd4s mayor | > 4 * Y |

C3 or 2, or proporci6n menor Jb23 | = hee |

@ 3 proporcién mayor | ° . |

€3 ternario |ooeLobsbssl=[ssdses | | b

C4 sexquidltera menor vf Lb Tf

@4 2sexquidltera | lesb esos sss a sles1[baagas mayor +L ‘The arrow pointing downwards (}) represents the main downbeat (dar). The arrow pointing upwards (} ) represents the main upbeat (alzar). bAccording to Lorente (1672) Bk. II, chap. 20, p. 176, temario is the same as proporcién mayor except that under ternario three movements are used to beat the measure. Lorente does not specify the direction of the middle movement. According to Nassarre vol. | (1724) Bk. III, chap. 4, p. 232, the three movements for ternario are as follows: | 14 t|.

'86T orente (1672) Bk. II, chap. 3, p. 148 and chap. 15-24, pp. 155-87.

294 THE INSTRUMENTAL SOURCES This practice recalls the complaints made by earlier musicians, such as Correa de Arauxo (1626), about the indiscriminate use of @ (see the excerpt translated above in this chapter, pp. 284-85). Even in

Spanish theory @ gradually lost its strict proportional relationship to C. For example, Lorente (1672) states that @ is sung more slowly (with a slower pulse) than C.'§? In the system discussed by

Nassarre (1724), the measure under @ stillequals J J J J. However Nassarre declares that the composer is free to use @ with a pulse which is faster, slower, or the same as that of C.'*8 Thus the traditional system of proportions, which began to break down in the notation of solo instrumental music during the middle of the 16th century, was eventually discarded in Spanish mensural theory. The same process occurred in the rest of western Europe during the 16th and 17th centuries. '® In the Spanish keyboard sources the notation of triple meter often agrees with that of proporcién menor or proporcién mayor as defined by Lorente (1672). The keyboard sources employ a wide variety of signatures

for these mensurations (see Chart 22). The chief discrepancy between theory and practice concerns the use of the sign ¢Z (or a similar stylization of the letter C with a slash, followed by the letter Z or the number 3). According to Lorente (1672) this signature stands for proporcién menor, but in the keyboard sources it stands for proporcién mayor.

In both theory and practice three distinctive features characterize the Spanish notation of triple meter. First, white symbols for corcheas, semicorcheas, and fusas usually replace the normal black forms ( f ,§,

and § inplaceof [, $ ,and § respectively). These white symbols have the same value as their black counterparts. The use of white notes may well represent an attempt to maintain a distinction between hemiola

(notated by coloration) and sesquialtera (notated by proportional 187Torente (1672) Bk. II, chap. 12 “El tiempo menor, porque tiene diferencia de nombres?,” 154; and Bk. II, chap. 43, p. 220. 188\Jassarre vol. 1 (1724) Bk. III, chap. 5 “En que se explica el tiempo imperfecto, cantado debaxo del compasillo, y comp4s mayor,” 239.

'89Two practices illustrate the gradual collapse of the traditional mensural system throughout western Europe. First, there was no consistent relationship between C and © . Second, musicians began to employ signs of triple proportion to represent sesquialtera relationships. See the discussion by Curt Sachs, Rhythm and Tempo: A Study in Music History (New York, 1953), 217-25, 228-31, and 269-71.

KEYBOARD 295 Chart 22. Mensuration signs for proporcién menor and proporcién mayor in some keyboard sources

Source Symbol for. Symbol for

proporcién menor proporcién mayor*

EE Ms 29 Bor Later, Italian violinists, such as Jacome Guisi and Jaime Facco, arrived in Spain to work at the royal court (as mentioned in chap. 2, p. 30). The Italian influence in Spain is strikingly shown by the dissemination of Corelli’s violin works. At least seventeen transcriptions and arrangements of his pieces are preserved in the Spanish sources. They

are listed in chronological order (approximating where necessary) in Chart 26. Chart 26. Spanish transcriptions and arrangements of pieces by Corelli’ l. “Tocatas alegres de Coreli [Tocata prima]” (melody and bass), E Mn M.1360, f. 186r—19 lv.

Model: Corelli (1700) “Sonata 1” (complete), pp. 3~9; modern edition vol. 3, pp. 2— 15,

2. “Tocatas alegres de Coreli. Tocata segunda” (melody and figured bass), E Mn M.1360, f. 191v—196r.

Model: Corelli (1700) “Sonata 2” (complete), pp. 9-15; modern edition vol. 3, pp. 16-25. 3. “Tocatas alegres de Coreli. Tocata 3a” (melody and figured bass), E Mn M.1360,

f. 196v—199r. ;

Model: Corelli (1700) “Sonata 3” (first, second, and third movements), pp. 15-18; modern edition vol. 3, pp. 26-31.

*4Minguet y Yrol (ca. 1754) B Regla 11 “Del modo de acompafiar con la guitarra, al violfn, y la bandurria,” 14-15. Sanz (1674) “Prdélogo al deseoso de tafier,” f. 6v.

330 THE INSTRUMENTAL SOURCES Chart 26 (continued) 4. “Tocata para el arpa” (harp), JACA, Archivo de la Catedral, pp. 370-371"; modern edition by Macario Santiago Kastner, Sette pezzi per arpa dei secoli XVII e XVIII tratti da antichi manoscritti spagnoli e portoghesi (Milan, 1972), pp. 8-11.

Model: Corelli (1685) “Sonata 7” (third and fourth movements); modern edition vol. 1, pp. 100-101. 5. “Alemanda de Coreli” and “Segunda parte” and “Tercera parte” (keyboard), E Mn M.815, f. 13v-14v. Model: Corelli (1685) “Sonata 1” (second, third, and fourth movements); modern edition vol. 1, pp. 76-77.° 6. “Corante” (keyboard), E Mn M.815, f. 17v—18v. Model: Corelli (1685) “Sonata 7” (third movement); modern edition vol. 1, p. 100. 7. “Aria” (keyboard), EMn M.815, f. 18v—19r.

Model: Corelli (1685) “Sonata 7” (fourth movement); modem edition vol. 1, pp. 100-1. 8. “Aria de Coreli” (keyboard), E Mn M.815, f. 22v—23r. Model: Corelli (1694) “Sonata 1” (second movement); modern edition vol. 2, pp. 196-97. 9, “[{Sonata de Coreli]” (keyboard)4, E Bc M.1011, f. 82r-84r.° Model: Corelli (1700) “Sonata 8” (complete), pp. 46-49; modern edition vol. 3, pp. 76-79. 10. “Sonata de la quinta é6pera de Coreli” (keyboard) E Bc M.1011, f. 84r-86v.¢ Model: Corelli (1700) “Sonata 10” (complete), pp. 53-57; modern edition vol. 3, pp. 85-89. 11. “(Sonata de Corelli]” (keyboard)£, E Bc M.1011, f. 87r— 89r.° Model: Corelli (1700) “Sonata 2” (first two movements and m.1~—22 of the third movement), pp. 9-12; modern edition vol. 3, pp. 16-20. 12. “Folfas de la épera 5 del s[efiJor Arcangelo Coreli” (melody), E Bc M.1452, f. 205r— 209v (D-142).5 Model: Corelli (1700) “Follia,” pp. 62-68; modern edition vol. 3, pp. 96-107. 13. “Tocata de Coreli. Grave” (punteado guitar), GB Lbm Ms Add. 31640, f.86r—86v; modern edition by Neil D. Pennington, The Spanish Baroque Guitar with a Transcription of de Murcia's “Passacalles y obras” (Ann Arbor, 1981) 2:17072.

Model: Corelli (1700) “Sonata 8” (first movement), p. 46; modern edition vol. 3, p. 76.

14. “[Tocata de Coreli.] Allegro” (punteado guitar), GB Lbm Ms Add. 31640, f. 87r87v; modern edition by Pennington (1981) 2:173-74. Model: Corelli (1700) “Sonata 8” (second movement), pp. 46—47; modern edition vol. 3, p. 77.

15. “[{Tocata de Coreli.] Giga” (punteado guitar), GB Lbm Ms Add. 31640, f. 88r-89r; modern edition by Pennington (1981) 2:175—77. Model: Corelli (1700) “Sonata 5” (fifth movement), p. 32; modern edition vol. 3, pp. 56-57.

OTHER INSTRUMENTS 331 16. “Preludio. Grabe” (punteado guitar), GB Lbm Ms Add. 31640, f. 89v—-90r; modern edition by Pennington (1981) 2:178—79. Model: Corelli (1700) “Sonata 3” (first movement), p. 15; modern edition vol. 3, pp. 26—27.

17. “Una giga de Coreli diffcil” (punteado guitar), GB Lbm Ms Add. 31640, f. 9Sv-97r;

| modern edition by Pennington (1981) 2:192—95. Model: Corelli (1700) “Sonata 3” (fifth movement), pp. 20-21; modern edition vol. 3, pp. 34-35. “In this chart the Corelli sources are abbreviated as follows: Corelli (1685) = Arcangelo Corelli, Sonate da camara a tre’, doi violini, e violone, o cimbalo... . opera seconda (Rome, 1685) Corelli (1694) = Arcangelo Corelli, Sonata a tre... Opera quarta (Rome, 1694) Corelli (1700) = Arcangelo Corelli, Sonate a violino e violone o cimbalo . .. Opera quinta (Rome, 1700; facsimile edition, Archivum Musicum vol. 21, Florence, 1979) Modern edition = Corelli oeuvres, edited by Joseph Joachim and Friedrich Chrysander (London, n.d.) >] have not had the opportunity of examining this manuscript. At one time it was on loan at BARCELONA, Instituto Espafiol de Musicolgfa. It is described by Higinio Anglés, “Manuscritos desconocidos con obras de Cabanilles,” Anuario musical 17 (1962), pp. 106— 11. The manuscript lacks a title-page and was probably compiled in the early 18th century. It consists of keyboard works by various composers (including Cabanilles) as well as a few harp pieces. The manuscript probably contains other settings of Corelli's music in addition to the arrangement listed above. The copyist attributes two works to Corelli; according to the inventory given by Anglés (1962), pp. 106-11. ‘The arrangement in E Mn M.815 is transposed down a whole tone. ‘The bass staff is blank in the last movement. ¢E Bc M.1011 is a keyboard manuscript written in two-stave notation. It lacks a title-page and contains over 330 pieces by various composers (including Juan Cabanilles). One of the works bears the date 1727 (“Pange linguas de m[osé]n V[icen]te Rodrfguez del afio 1727,” E Bc M.1011, f. 106r). An inventory is given by Higinio Anglés, BPSM 4 (Barcelona, 1927), pp. liv—Ivi.

‘The bass staff is blank except in the first movement and part of the second movement. During the 17th century there is neither a consistent nor widespread use of the term seises. Cova-

rrubias, for example, defines it only with specific reference to Toledo Cathedral." Regardless of their designation, it is clear that the boys who received special musical instruction formed a group apart from the other boys who assisted at the services. For instance, on October 12, 1580, the chapter of

Malaga Cathedral decided that there should be a maximum of eighteen boys, of which only four were to be seises.2” At churches such as Seville Cathedral, the musical training given to the seises as opposed to that given to the mozos de coro, reflects the distinction between the capilla which performed polyphony, and the coro which performed plainsong.?”8

In archival sources from the 17th century there are numerous references to the dancing of choirboys, especially at the cathedrals in Toledo and Seville. However, because of the ambiguous terminology, it is impossible to determine whether these were all performed by the seises rather than by other mozos de coro. For example, in the relevant records from Toledo Cathedral copied by Barbieri, the boys are most commonly called los colegiales (ynfantes) 2”

2734 Spanish translation of part of this edict is given in Rosa y Lépez (1904), 65-66. 274A ccording to Rosa y Lopez (1904), 67, note 1, the terms used to refer to these choirboys

first appear in the documents at SEVILLE, Archivo de la Catedral Metropolitana, in the following order: niflos cantorcicos, seisescicos (1570), seyeses (1590), and seyses (1592). 275In GRANADA, Archivo de la Catedral, Fondo de libros némero 17; according to Lépez

Calo (1963), 1:139. 276Covarrubias (1611), f. *25v; modern edition (1943), 932. 277 MALAGA, Archivo de la Catedral, Actas capitulares nGmero 13, f. 44; according to the summary in Llordén (1961), 145. 278 According to Lépez Calo (1963), 1:67-68, this distinction between capilla and coro was characteristic of all Spanish cathedrals. At Seville the mozos de coro and the seises each had their own maestro, whose duties are listed separately in SEVILLE, Archivo de la Catedral

Metropolitana, legajo 124, nGmero 8 (dated February, 1597, and November, 1598, respectively); transcribed in Rosa y Lépez (1904), 56-57 and 132-34. 279Among the documents copied by Barbieri which are printed in Reynaud (1974), there are nineteen payments made by Toledo Cathedral, between 1629 and 1674, to dancing masters for instructing—and sometimes accompanying—the boys in dances for religious

THE USES OF DANCE IN SPAIN 415 Corpus Christi and its Octave were the main occasions for the dancing of choirboys. At Toledo Cathedral the boys also danced annually on the Feast of Assumption and its Octave. At Seville Cathedral los cantorcillos were paid for singing and dancing in the Corpus procession as early as 1508.28! In addition, owing to private donations, the seises at Seville also danced in church during the Octave of the Immaculate Conception (beginning in 1654) and Carnival (beginning in 1695). On exceptional occasions, choirboys participated in secular celebrations as well. For instance, seises, wearing garlands on their heads and carrying olive branches,

danced in the procession which accompanied Felipe II on his entrance

into Tarazona in November, 1592.28 :

During the 17th century on religious holidays the choirboys seem to

have performed their dance-songs as part of the main procession. Although details are scarce, there is one explicit reference to their dancing in the procession of Assumption in the archival records from Toledo.% This suggests that their performances were given outside on the church grounds and in the streets. However, it does not preclude the possibility that the boys danced inside the church. Indeed, it was common practice at Seville for the giant figures and dancers to perform inside the cathedral

fiestas. The boys are described as los seises in only one source (Reynaud, document 45); as los clerizones in two sources (Reynaud, documents 24 and 51); and as los colegiales (ynfantes) in the remaining sixteen (Reynaud, documents 22, 27, 41, 46, 47, 50, 54, 57, 58, 60, and 62-67). The number of boys is mentioned in only a few sources (Reynaud, documents 63-67), where it is specified as eight. *80Of the nineteen payments recorded in Reynaud (1974), there is only one which refers to a different fiesta. It is a payment of 160 reales to the maestro de danzar Jacinto Gémez for a fiesta in honor of la Concepcién de Nuestra Sefiora; TOLEDO, Archivo de la Catedral, record dated February 7, 1662; as copied in E Mn Barbieri Mss 14031(117); also printed in Reynaud (1974), 166. 281SEVILLE, Archivo de la Catedral Metropolitana, unspecified document dated 1508; as transcribed in Rosa y Lépez (1904), 229, note 1. 282 According to Rosa y Lépez (1904), 256-58. 283 According to the summary in Alenda y Mira (1903), 1:105, of a contemporaneous account entitled, Entrada del rey Felipe II en Pamplona y Tarazona, con el principe y la infanta; y fiestas con que fueron recibidos, E Mah Coleccién de Jesuftas vol. 88, f. 503. 284Archival record dated August 23, 1690; as printed in Reynaud (1974) document 65, p. 168, from the copy in E Mn Barbieri Mss 14040 (154).

416 THE DANCE at the beginning and conclusion of the procession; as shown by the royal edict forbidding such activities which was obtained in 1695 by Jaime de Palafox y Cardona, Archbishop of Seville (1685~1701).8 Furthermore, as early as 1613 there is an archival reference at Seville to dancing by the seises on Corpus Christi in front of the high altar.” Any dancing by the seises outside the church appears to have ceased sometime during the first half of the 18th century. In an account of the Corpus festivities held at Toledo in 1736, the seises are described as carrying torches in front of the Sacrament during the procession; but the only

reference to their dancing concerns a performance given inside the cathedral on the afternoon of the feast.28” Similarly, near the end of the 18th century, Roxo de Flores mentions the dancing by the Toledo seises, on the Feast of Assumption, only with regard to their performances inside

the cathedral? Primary sources do not contain any useful information about the choreography of the dances performed by the choirboys during the 17th century. Perhaps their dancing and singing was as decorous as that used in the procession held at Escorial in June, 1598, to celebrate the arrival of four large coffers of religious relics collected by Felipe II, as described in the following account: In the morning a route was laid out running from the chapel to the gate of the portico, lined with trees, roses, and many other flowers, forming a colourful sight. Along it proceeded a very stately procession with many tapers, and a large group of monks wearing capes and other rich adomments. There were many dances [danzas], motets, villancicos, and other expressions of beautiful sentiments, all in praise of the saints and the sacred relics. There was a great deal of polyphony which was performed by very graceful voices in such a harmonious manner, that it truly was an extremely vivid picture of paradise. All this was conducted with so much gravity, dignity, unhurried calm, and above all, with so many tears of devotion, which is what God desires and seeks in man, that such an affair was unknown in living memory.” 28Rosa y Lépez (1904), 218. 286A ccording to Rosa y Lopez (1904), 248-49. 287Andrés Saa, Compendio histérico eclesidstico, unspecified Ms (?) written in 1736; as quoted in Rosa y Lépez (1904), 340, note 1. 288Feline Roxo de Flores, Tratado de recreacién instructiva sobre la danza: su invencién y diferencias (Madrid, 1793), 14. 28Jeré6nimo de Sepdlveda, Historia de varios sucesos y de las cosas notables que han sucedido de veinte afios [1584-1603] a esta parte en toda Espafia, y en toda Ia iglesia cathélica, E Mn Mss

2576-2577; modern edition by Julian Zarco Cuevas, Documentos para la historia del Monasterio de San Lorenzo El Real de El Escorial vol. 4 (Madrid, 1924), 185-86. Sepdlveda

goes on to say that Carducho—i.e., Bartolomeo Carducci—depicted this procession in a large painting for Felipe II.

THE USES OF DANCE IN SPAIN 417 The tradition of the seises dancing in front of the high altar has continued at Seville Cathedral up until the present day. It is not clear, however, to what extent the modern choreography reflects the practice of the 17th century. At least by the early 19th century their dancing was stately

and highly stylized, according to the following description by Blanco White: A dance... . is still performed before the high altar in the presence of the chapter, at the conclusion of the service on this day [i.e., Corpus Christi] and the following se’nnight. The dancers are boys of between ten and fourteen, who, under the name Seizes, are maintained at the college which the Cathedral supports for the education of the acolytes, or inferior ministers. These boys, accompanied by a full orchestra, sing a lyric composition in _ Spanish, which, like the Greek choruses, consists of two or three systems of metres, to which the dancers move solemnly, going through a variety of figures, in their natural step, till ranged at the conclusion of the song, in two lines facing each other as at the outset, they end with a gentle capriole, rat-

tling the castantets, which hitherto lay silent and concealed, in their hands.2®

This account accords closely with detailed descriptions of performances by the seises at Seville in more recent times. According to Rosa y Lépez, in

the early 20th century the individual choreographic movements are ~ simple, solemn walking steps, with the dancers rising on their toes to mark the rhythm of the music.?*! While singing villancicos in front of the high altar, the ten seises together form figures which symbolize religious articles. For example, the pattern SS presumably stands for the words Santtsimo

Sacramento. During the 16th and 17th centuries, it was customary at many churches for the chapel-master to write the music for the Corpus dance-songs performed by the choirboys. Among those extant is a set of pieces composed by Juan Bautista Comes in Valencia during the first half of the 17th

2°Tosé Marfa Blanco White, Letters from Spain by don Leucadio Doblado (London, 1822) letter 9, dated Seville, 1806, pp. 305-6. 231Rosa y Lépez (1904), 266. 272Rosa y Lépez (1904), 265-78. Some of his diagrams of dancing figures are reprinted and translated in Very (1962), 100-4.

418 THE DANCE century.” Comes enjoyed a prestigious reputation during his lifetime, for

he served as assistant chapel-master (teniente de maestro) at the Real Capilla in Madrid between 1618 and 1628.2 He spent most of the rest of his career in Valencia, working as maestro at both the Real Colegio de

Corpus Christi (1608-1613 and 1628-1632) and the Cathedral (16131617 and 1632-1643).%> Apparently his Corpus dance-songs were designed to be performed by the infantes in a procession conducted on the church grounds. The set of pieces transcribed in modern edition is divided into six groups: the outer ones for performance before the high altar, and the inner ones for performance at four stations in the cloister. The music itself consists of texted vocal parts with an unfigured bass for harp. Instead of composing new music for such works, it was also possible to adapt that of popular dance-songs. For example, during the first half of the 16th century, SA4nchez de Badajoz indicates that one of his texts for

performance by choirboys on Corpus Christi is to be set to the music of the secular dance-song called el chapirén.2* Although there is no extant instrumental setting of this dance-song, its popularity is reflected by the fact that Covarrubias cites its text in his dictionary.”

253Modern edition by Vicente Garcfa Julbe and Manuel Palau, Juan Bautista Comes. Danzas del Santisimo Corpus Christi (Valencia, 1952). These transcriptions are of limited value

because there are no references to the original sources or to the editorial procedures employed. 2°4His entrance to this post on January 1, 1618, is recorded in E Mp legajo 1135; according to Subiré (1959), 211. 295 According to the biographical summary in José Climent, “iQué afio naci6é Juan Bautista Comes? Una fecha equivocada,” Tesoro sacro musical 58 (1975), 20-22. 2%6Diego Sanchez de Badajoz, “Otro cantar para los muchachos cantar y baylar el mesmo dfa [de Corpus Christi] al tono del chapirén,” published posthumously in his Recopilacién en metro (1554), f. 150r; modern edition (1968), 551. 297Covarrubias (1611), f. 291v; modern edition (1943), 432.

CHAPTER TEN

(US

Choreographic Sources and Styles Problems of Reconstruction The extant choreographic sources provide valuable information about aristocratic dancing in Spain. They even contain some technical descriptions of particular dances; and these passages are cited below during the discussion of the relevant dance-type. However, the task of fully reconstructing the choreography poses too many problems to be undertaken within the scope of this study. One of the principal difficulties would be to determine the precise relationship between the dance movements and the accompanying music. In Spanish choreographic sources from the late 16th and 17th cen-

turies there is no music; nor are there any specific references to units of musical time. Furthermore, since these sources are not addressed to the novice, their choreographic descriptions are not self-explanatory.

With respect to the 18th century, the reconstruction of some of the —

dances would be less problematic, owing to the fact that the Spanish

manuals adopt the French system of choreographic notation (chorégraphie) as presented in the published treatises by R. A. Feuillet . (1700) and P. Rameau (ca. 1725).! In this system the symbols for the dance steps are placed on a line representing the route or track of the ‘Raoul Auger Feuillet, Chorégraphie ou l'art décrire la dance, par caractéres, figures et signes démonstratifs, avec lequels on apprend facilement de soy-mémes toutes sortes de dances (Paris,

1700; facsimile edition, New York, 1968). Pierre Rameau, Abbrégé de la (continued)

419

420 THE DANCE dancer. This line is marked off by small dashes which correspond to the measures of the music, whose melody is given in staff notation. Unfortunately, in the Spanish treatises chorégraphie is used only for those dances taken or derived from the French repertory; notational explanations for the performance of Spanish dance-types are lacking throughout the 18th century. Moreover, the system of chorégraphie is not without its ambiguities. For example, it is not always clear how the dance steps correspond to the music within each measure.?

Without chorégraphie, an understanding of the step sequences of particular dance-types is of limited aid when attempting to transcribe instrumental settings whose rhythm or meter is not clearly indicated in the sources. An unequivocal succession of dance steps is not sufficient to determine the temporal organization of the music; for the choreographic pattern may be syncopated with respect to the musical meter. For instance, we know from choréographie that this type of syncopation occurs

in the French minuet of the late 17th and 18th centuries. The “minuet step” is actually a composite movement of four steps which corresponds

nouvelle méthode dans l'art d'écrire ou de tracer toutes sortes de danses de ville (Paris, ca. 1725; facsimile edition, Westmead, 1972). To date the most comprehensive study of chorégraphie is by Wendy Hilton, Dance of Court and Theatre: The French Noble Style 1690-1725 (Princeton, 1981). A comprehensive listing of dances extant in chorégraphie is given by Meredith Little and Carol Marsh, La Danse Noble: A Handbook of Notated Dances and Sources (New

York, 1992). An annotated bibliography of primary published sources concerning French dancing of the period, excluding sources in chorégraphie and sources of contredanses is provided by Judith L. Schwartz and Christena L. Schlundt, French Court Dance and Dance

Music: A Guide to Primary Source Writings 1643-1789, Dance and Music Series | (Stuyvesant, New York, 1987). 2Some of the problems of interpreting the chorégraphie found in the French dance manuals

of the early 18th century are discussed frankly in Shirley Wynne, “Reconstruction of a Dance from 1700,” Committee on Research in Dance. Proceedings of the Second Conference

(1970), 28; and in David S. Mercer, “Musical and Choreographic Embellishment of the Sarabande,” Canadian Association of University Schools of Music. Journal 2 (1972), 11-13.

These difficulties tend to be minimized or disregarded in studies which attempt to use choreographic reconstructions to elucidate the musical organization of instrumental dance-settings; as, for example, in Meredith Ellis Little, “The Contribution of Dance Steps to Musical Analysis and Performance: ‘La Bourgogne’,” Journal of the American Musicological Sociery 28 (1975), 112-30.

CHOREOGRAPHIC SOURCES AND STYLES 421 to two measures of music. In one of its standard forms (called passo regular by Ferriol y Boxeraus), the minuet step consists of (1) demicupé (2) demicupé (3) passo (4) passo

It is related to the music in the following manner:

dd diss dl | (1) (2) (3) @) |

On a more detailed level it is important to note that in some Spanish dances of at least the late 16th and early 17th centuries, the dan-

cer was often allowed a degree of latitude in performance within the framework of certain choreographic rules. This freedom is not always explained explicitly in the sources. A detailed choreographic account of a particular aristocratic dance-type does not necessarily represent the only acceptable manner of performance; instead, it may simply illustrate one of several possible realizations. Evidence of this choreographic flexibility is found in the following recommendation made by Esquivel Navarro: Dancing masters should give out mundanzas which suit the aptitude of the student; for, because some mundanzas are very energetic while others are performed with low steps close to the ground [por lo bajo], they should be assigned in accordance with the vitality of each student. In general, those who dance with low steps are not less elegant or skilful than those who dance with high leaps in the air [por lo alto]; for, within each of these two styles, there have been many skilful and good-looking dancers. And of those who have danced

Bartolomé Ferriol y Boxeraus, Reglas titiles para los aficionados a danzar. Provechoso divertimiento de los que gustan tocar instrumentos. Y polyticas advertencias a todo género de personas. Adomado con varias ldminas (Capua, 1745) tratado I, chap. 13, p. 85. The same explana-

tion is given in Pablo Minguet y Yrol, Arte de danzar a la francesa (3rd edition, Madrid, 1758) pt. I, p. 11. Both are based on Pierre Rameau, Le maitre a danser. Qui enseigne la maniére de faire tous les différens pas de danse dans toute la regularité de l'art, & de conduire les

bras a chaque pas (Paris, 1725; facsimile edition, New York, 1967) pt. I, chap. 21, pp. 77— 78.

422 THE DANCE with low steps, there are usually some who make themselves so strong through practice, that in a short time they are dancing in all styles.‘

There are relatively few extant choreographic sources from Spain. They can be divided into two groups:

(1) those dating from the late 16th and 17th centuries (2) those dating from the 18th century. With the exception of one source, the two groups are quite distinct from each other in their repertory of dances, their method of presentation, and the type of reader they address. Moreover, this division reflects the great change in dancing style and repertory which began among the Spanish aristocracy in approximately 1700 because of French influence.

Dancing by the Aristocracy during the late 16th and 17th Centuries

From the late 16th and 17th centuries there are five known choreographic sources. The first is entitled Reglas de danzar and is preserved in a copy consisting of five folios made by Barbieri in the late

19th century.2 The original was an anonymous undated manuscript which was probably written in the late 16th century. It consists of some general choreographic considerations, followed by technical verbal instructions for the performance of the alta, baja, and pavana italiana. Two other dance-types are mentioned only in passing: namely, the canario and gallarda. At the very beginning the reader is warned that the contents are not self-explanatory.®

The second source is a Catalan manuscript consisting of only one folio. According to the original inscription it was written by one Jatot 4Juan de Esquivel Navarro, Discursos sobre el arte del dangado, y sus excelencias y primer origen, reprobando las acciones deshonestas (Seville, 1642; facsimile edition, Madrid, 1947) chap. 3, f. 26v—27r.

5E Mn Barbieri Mss 14059/2; copied from E Mrah Biblioteca Valleumbrosiana, Ms miscel4nea en folio, tomo 25, f. 149. SE Mn Barbieri Mss 14059/2, f. Ir. 1E Bc Fondo del Hospital de la Santa Creu, unnumbered Ms. It is described in Aurelio Capmany, “El baile y la danza,” in Folklore y costumbres de Espavia, edited by F. Carreras y Candi, vol. 2 (Barcelona, 1931), 302-4; and in Frederick Crané, Materials for the Study of the Fifteenth Century Basse Danse (New York, 1968), 27-29. I have not had the opportunity of examining this folio; therefore I will not refer to it in later sections of this study.

CHOREOGRAPHIC SOURCES AND STYLES 423 Tarragé. The date is also given, but unfortunately it is no longer legible. It

may have been written sometime during the early 17th century.® It provides brief choreographic notes for 18 or 19 dances, but there are no definitions of the terms and symbols used.

The third source is the treatise by Esquivel Navarro which was issued in Seville in 1642.9 It consists of 16 preliminary folios, followed by

50 folios which are divided into 7 chapters. It is the only choreographic treatise to be published in Spain before the 18th century. Esquivel was not a professional maestro, although he enjoyed the reputation of being an expert dancer.'° According to his own account, he had returned to Seville in or shortly before 1637 after having studied in Madrid with Antonio de Almenda, the king’s dancing master." In fact, one of Esquivel’s

main purposes in writing this treatise is to promote the dancing and teaching style of his maestro, Almenda." As he makes clear in the preface, Esquivel addresses his treatise primarily to those who aspire to be dancing

masters.!3 He even devotes an entire chapter to a discussion of those qualities which a maestro should possess.'* Esquivel is not concerned with

providing systematic detailed descriptions of particular dance-types. In one of the chapters he does discuss many choreographic movements individually; however, the meaning of his remarks is not always self-evident, because he assumes a considerable amount of dancing experience on the

SCrane (1968) suggests a date of circa 1580 merely because the titles of some of its dances are similar to those contained in the treatise by Fabritio Caroso, II ballarino (Venice, 1581; facsimile edition, New York, 1967). However Capmany (1931) claims that the first two

digits of the inscribed year are “16...”

*The title-page reads as follows: Discursos sobre el arte del dancado, ¥y sus excelencias y primer origen, reprobando las acciones deshonestas. Compuesto por Juan de Esquivel Navarro, vezino natural de la ciudad de Sevilla, discfpulo de Antonio de Almenda, maestro de dancar de la magestad de el rey nuestro seflor d[on] Phelipe Quarto el Grande, que Dios guarde. Dedicados a don Alonso Ortiz de Zufliga Ponce de Le6n y Sandoval, hijo primogénito del marqués de Valdenzinas, y sucessor en su casa, estado, yy mayorazgos. Con licencia, impressos en Sevilla, por Juan Gomez de Blas. Afio de 1642.

Esquivel Navarro (1642) “Por Alonso Ramfrez al autor, octavas,” f. *3r.

"Esquivel Navarro (1642) title-page and chap. 7, f. 43r. : 12Esquivel Navarro (1642), f. 49v—5Or.

Esquivel Navarro (1642) “Al lector,” f. *16v. \4Esquivel Navarro (1642) chap. 6“De las propridades que deben tener los maestros,” f. 35v—40v. It begins with an “Octava del autor, al que quisiere ser maestro.”

424 THE DANCE part of the reader.'5 There is only one choreographic diagram in the entire

treatise. It appears on folio 22r as follows: .

NY, According to the accompanying text, the cross symbolizes the position of

the dancing master who is giving the lesson. The footprints indicate various positions of the student's feet: the one at the upper right represents the right foot, while the remaining three represent the left foot. Esquivel uses this diagram to illustrate three choreographic positions: (1) The upper two footprints represent the normal stance, known as la planta natural.

(2) The curved line between the two footprints on the left side of the diagram shows the movement back, and subsequent return, of the left foot while performing the reverencia cierta.

(3) The line running diagonally across the diagram represents the movement back, and subsequent return, of the left foot while performing the reverencia galana.

For the proper execution of either type of reverencia, one is supposed to remove one’s hat gracefully with the right hand while bowing, and then replace it when one straightens up." The fourth source is an undated manuscript of twenty-five folios by a dancing master named Juan Antonio Jaque. Although the original is

apparently now lost, its contents are preserved in two 19th-century copies, one of which was written by Barbieri.” Jaque presents technical choreographic instructions for the performance of six dance-types, each with several mudanzas: namely, the folfas, gallardas, jdcara, paradetas, 15Esquivel Navarro (1642) chap. 2 “De los movimientos del dangado y calidades que cada uno ha de tener, y sus nombres,” f. 9v—23v. 16Esquivel Navarro (1642) chap. 2, f. 23r.

Juan Antonio Jaque, Libro de danzar (Ms); copied in E Mn Mss 18580/5, and in E Mn Barbieri Mss 14059/15; modern edition in José Subir4, “ ‘Libro de danzar’, de don Baltasar de Rojas Pantoja, compuesto por el maestro Juan Antonio Jaque (s. XVII),” Anuario musical 5 (1950), 190-98.

CHOREOGRAPHIC SOURCES AND STYLES | 425 pabana, and billano. There is much that is not clear about this source. Nothing is known about the maestro Jaque. Barbieri claims that the manuscript which he copied was written in the last quarter of the 17th

century, but he points out that it was probably a copy itself, not an autograph.'® The number of performers is not specified for any of the dan-

ces. Perhaps they were all intended for one or more couples. However, only in las paradetas are there explicit references to el galdn (or el hombre)

and la mujer; in the remaining dances the steps are given in terms of a

single dancer only. The instructions are not illustrated by means of choreographic notation, and the technical terms are not explained. That the dances were meant to be performed by the nobility is suggested by the fact that many of the choreographic terms in this source are also used in the treatise by Esquivel Navarro." It is not clear whether the dances were designed to be used during a sarao or presented during an aristocratic fiesta.2°

The fifth source is an anonymous set of technical instructions for performing the jdcara. It survives in a seven-page copy by Barbieri of an

undated manuscript which at one time belonged to José de Sancho Ray6n.2! I have included it in this chronological period partly because of its contents and partly because Barbieri states that the handwriting of the original manuscript dates from the end of the 17th century. Nevertheless, the original was very likely written in the 18th century. This is suggested by the fact that the choreographic instructions often concern the movement of the arms. Excluding this feature, this anonymous source is similar

to the one by Jaque. The steps are given in terms of a single dancer. Choreographic symbols and music are absent. The choreographic terms suggest that the dance was designed for performance by the aristocracy. None of the technical terms are explained here. A few of them do occur SE Mn Barbieri Mss 14059/15, f. 2v. In the manuscript which he copied, the dance section is followed by thirty-six folios of Spanish poetry. Barbieri includes only part of each poem in his copy. He suggests that the poems were written by Baltasar de Rojas Pantoja, and that some of them were meant to be set to music. '9The following terms in E Mn Barbieri Mss 14059/15 are discussed individually in Esquivel Navarro (1642) chap. 2, f. 9v—23r: cabriola, campanela, cargado, carrerilla, cruzar (or cruzado), encaxe, floreo, floreta, paso, planta, quadropeado, quiebro, reverencia cortada, rompido, sacudido, salto al lado, salto en buelta, bazto, buelta al descuydo, and buelta de pechos. There are other terms which are unique to each source. 2°In the instructions for the jdcara and paradetas, the references to el auditorio can be interpreted in either context. 21E Mn Barbieri Mss 14059/12 “X4cara.”

426 THE DANCE in the treatise by Esquivel Navarro.22 A complete transcription of Barbieri’s copy is given in my volume 3 (pt. IV, note 302).

In the field of aristocratic dancing during the late 16th and 17th centuries there was a great deal of similarity among the courts of western Europe. An international style of dancing can be discerned, within which - each country exhibited its own predilections for certain dance-types and

its own distinctive traits in performance. Although the origins of particular dances were often attributed to specific geographical areas, the dances were widely circulated owing in part to the family relationships ex-

isting between the various ruling houses. Furthermore, dance treatises from different countries share common concerns. In many of them a strong emphasis is placed on etiquette, on the importance of grace and elegance in all movements, and on the necessity of dancing in time to the music. In this regard, the following opening remarks from the Reglas de danzar are not uniquely Spanish: First, in any dance performed alone or with a partner, it is not seemly to

appear without one’s cape. When leading any lady by the hand, the gentleman should take hold of her hand by placing his on top of hers; and

under no circumstances should he let go of it unless it is required in the dance itself. To begin the execution of the reverencia, the gentleman should

not stand with his feet together; but rather, his left foot should be a little further forward than his right one, so that the left foot can be drawn back with greater elegance in a straight line without crossing behind the right foot. In the reverencia the left heel should be turned out somewhat, and one should take as much time in straightening up as in bowing. When dancing

with a partner [at one’s side] one should not turn one’s body toward the lady to perform the reverencia; but rather, one should keep it straight with one’s face turned slightly in her direction. Whenever a reverencia is required in any dance with a female partner, the gentleman must remove his cap and then replace it when taking the first step.

In dancing, the body should be kept very erect so that the legs swing from the knees down, the feet move smoothly, and the toes point elegantly downwards. In dancing, one should make as little noise as possible and tread very delicately, except when performing the canario.

22The following terms in E Mn Barbieri Mss 14059/12 are discussed individually in Esquivel Navarro (1642) chap. 2, f. 9v-23r: carrerilla, doble, paso, reverencia, sencillo, and sustenido (or substenido). Moreover the term quiebro, which is used so frequently in E Mn Barbieri Mss 14059/12, is also mentioned in passing by Esquivel Navarro(1642) chap. 2, f. 191, 19v, and 20v.

CHOREOGRAPHIC SOURCES AND STYLES 427 Whatever one’s manner of taking steps may be, when dancing with a lady one should adjust it to accord with hers; so that it does not appear that one is dragging her along, or one is lingering behind. One should proceed with as much lateral space as possible between oneself and one’s partner.

The greatest elegance in dancing is to proceed exactly in time to the thythm of the instrumental accompaniment. To begin to perceive this it is very useful to concentrate at all times on the music [sonada] of the instrumental accompaniment, for then one will understand when the dance

begins and ends.”

The international use of some courtly dances is illustrated by the royal sarao held at Guadalajara on January 29, 1560, to celebrate the marriage of Isabel de Valois and Felipe II. At this party Spanish, French, and Italian aristocrats performed various dances with each other, including the alemana, alta, gallarda, hacha, pavana, and pie de gibao, In par-

ticular, all the Spanish and French women participated in the alemana and pie de gibao.* Where language proved to be a barrier, dancing could provide an important common ground. As Ameztia y Mayo points out, this was probably the case at the Spanish court in 1560 upon the arrival of Queen Isabel de Valois and her ladies-in-waiting; for it took the French women three or four months to learn to speak Spanish.” The dance-types known as baja and alta reveal the long traditional association between aristocratic dancing in Spain and the rest of western Europe. They correspond to those dances which are associated with the

bassa danza in Italy and the basse danse in France. The earliest extant choreographic source from Spain consists primarily of dances of this type. It is a Catalan manuscript consisting of two unattached folios preserved in a notebook from the year 1468. Three of the pages contain choreographic

symbols for the performance of eleven dances; the fourth page contains unrelated material and is dated 1496. Seven of the eleven dances include the terms baixa or alta in their Catalan titles.”

23Reglas de danzar, E Mn Barbieri Mss 14059/2, f. 1r—2r.

4Sebastian de Horozco, Relacién de las bodas de los reyes don Felipe II y dofia Isabel [de Valois], celebradas en Guadalajara el aflo 1560, E Mn Mss 9175; as transcribed in Francisco R. de Uhagén, Relaciones histéricas de los siglos XVI 'y XVII (Madrid, 1896), 58-59. 5A gustin Gonz4lez de Ameztia y Mayo, Isabel de Valois, Reina de Espafia (1546-1568). Estudio biogrdfico (Madrid, 1949), 227-28.

26CERVERA, Archivo Histérico, unnumbered Ms; described in Capmany (1931), 302, and in Crane (1968), 13-14; facsimile of one page in Capmany (1931), 303, and facsimile of another page in F. Carreras y Candi, Folklore y costumbres de Espafta vol. 1 (Barcelona, 1931), vii.

428 THE DANCE During the second half of the 15th century, the aristocratic dances in Italy were grouped according to the following system: bassadanca—

quaternaria—saltarello—piva. According to Cornazano, one of the foremost Italian dance theorists of the period, the term alta was the Spanish name for the saltarello.2” The notion that the alta was first intro-

duced into Spain from Germany can be traced back to an erroneous etymological explanation given by Covarrubias.” The correct derivation of the terms baja and alta arises from their choreography: baja refers to the use of low restrained steps, and alta refers to the use of high steps and leaps.”9

A striking feature of the baja and the alta is the fact that they persisted, at least in name, much longer in Spain than their counterparts did elsewhere in Europe. It is true that as late as 1589 in France, Tabourot (writing under the pseudonym of Arbeau) gives various choreographic instructions for performing the basse dance in triple meter (mesure ternaire), but he notes that: . .. the basse dance has been out of date for some forty or fifty years, but I foresee that wise and dignified matrons will restore it to fashion as being a type of dance full of virtue and decorum.” 27Antonio Cornazano, Libro dell’ante del danzare, ROME, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Codex Capponiano Ms 203 (from ca. 1455), f. 5r-Sv; modern edition in Curzio Mazzi, “Il ‘Libro dell’arte del danzare’ di Antonio Cornazano,” La Bibliofilia 17 (1915-1916), 10.

There is an English paraphrase of this passage in Otto Kinkeldey, “A Jewish Dancing Master of the Renaissance (Guglielmo Ebreo),” Studies in Jewish Bibliography and Related Subjects in Memory of Abraham Solomon Freidus (1867-1923) (New York, 1929), 343. The tempos of these four dance-types were related by fixed proportions, as explained in Cornazano (ca. 1455), f. 11r—-13v; modem edition in Mazzi (1915-1916), 14-16; discussed in

Kinkeldey (1929), 352-54; and in Lawrence H. Moe, “Dance Music in Printed Italian Lute Tablatures from 1507-1611” (Ph.D. dissertation, Harvard University, 1956), 103-9. 28Sebasti4n de Covarrubias y Orozco, Tesoro de la lengua castellana, o espafiola (Madrid, 1611), f. 60r; modern edition by Martin de Riquer (Barcelona, 1943), 105.

29BRUSSELS, Bibliothéque Royale Ms 9085 (written ca. 1500); as quoted in Daniel Heartz, “The Basse Dance: Its Evolution Circa 1450 to 1550,” Annales musicologiques 6

(1958-1963), 292. Baja and alta can also refer to types of instruments (soft and loud, respectively). However, it is not certain that these meanings are relevant to the dance names. 30fehan Tabourot (pseudonym: Thoinot Arbeau) Orchésographie. Et traicte en forme de dialogue, par lequel toutes personnes peuvent facilement apprendre & practiquer Vhonneste exer-

cice des dances (Langres, 1589; facsimile edition, Geneva, 1970), f. 24v; English canslation by Mary Stewart Evans, edited by Julia Sutton (New York, 1967), 51. His treatment of the basse dance is discussed in Heartz (1958-1963), 312-16.

CHOREOGRAPHIC SOURCES AND STYLES 429 Tabourot’s prediction of its revival proved to be incorrect. Similarly, the bassa danza gradually fell out of fashion in Italy during the 16th century. Caroso does provide choreographic instructions and music (in lute tablature) for a Bassa et alto in his treatise published in 1581, and later revised in 1600. However, the term alta in the title suggests that this dance was modelled on a Spanish one.*!

In Spain the use of the baja and especially the alta continued into the 17th century. Although extant instrumental settings are scarce, the performance of these dance-types is documented in various sources of the period.?? Choreographic instructions for both the baja and alta are given in the Reglas de danzar.» The alta was one of the dances performed at the royal sarao held in Guadalajara on January 29, 1560.*4 An alta and baixa were used to begin the dancing at an aristocratic party given in Valencia on February 13, 1586, to honor Felipe II during his visit.*5 Later in Valencia, on April 18, 1599, Felipe III performed the alta, baja, gallarda, and hacha during a sarao celebrating his marriage with Margaret of Austria,

and the marriage of the Infanta Isabel with the Archduke Albert. The Flemish noblemen and women in attendance also participated in the dancing.® At the royal palace in Madrid, a grand sarao was held on January 13, 1608, following the ceremony at which the court swore allegiance to prince Felipe (later Felipe [V). The baja y alta dance-pair was

performed here—along with the gallarda, pavana, pie de gibao, and turdién—and in one contemporaneous account it is described as “the 31Caroso (1581) “Bassa et alta, balletto d'incerto” trattato II, f. 154v-156v. A different choreographic version set to the same music is given in Fabritio Caroso, Nobilta di dame (Venice, 1600; facsimile edition, Bologna, 1970) “Bassa, et alta...” Bk. II, pp. 162-69; modern edition in English translation by Julia Sutton (Oxford, 1986). The extant musical settings of the alta and the baja are discussed below in chap. 13. 33Reglas de danzar, E Mn Barbieri Mss 14059/2, f. 2r—3v.

34See the account cited above, note 24. ‘SL ibre de memorias de diversos sucessos e fets memorables e de coses sefialades de la ciutat e regne de Valencia, e de eleccions de jurats e altres officis de aquella, seguint lo ordre dels llibres de

consells de la dita ciutat, F Pn fonds espagnol Ms 147 (an 18th-century copy); as transcribed by Alfredo Morel-Fatio and Antonio Rodrfguez Villa, in their modern edition of Henrique Cock (Ms), entitled Relacién del viaje hecho por Felipe II, en 1585, a Zaragoza, Barcelona y Valencia. Escrita por Henrique Cock, notario apostélico ‘y archero de la guardia del cuerpo real (Madrid, 1876), 309-10. *6Luis Cabrera de Cordoba, Relaciones de las cosas sucedidas en la corte de Esparia desde el arto 1599 hasta 1614, Ms; modern edition (Madrid, 1857), 20.

430 THE DANCE most appropriate mudanza of this way of life.”*” In a more general context the baixa plana is one of the dances mentioned by Ribes in his description

of the Carnival activities held at Barcelona during the early 17th cen-

tury. The manner in which Esquivel Navarro treats these two dancetypes indicates that the alta outlived the baja as an important dance in Spain. One the one hand, Esquivel mentions the baja only once in his treatise: he names it, along with the alta and rey don Alonso, when he ad-

vises the aspiring dancing master that he should know how to play the music for all types of aristocratic dances.*® On the other hand, Esquivel discusses the alta as one of the most fundamental dances in the Spanish repertory. The alta occupies first place in the curriculum which he recommends for use in the dance studios (escuelas). The entire curriculum consists of the alta, four mundancas of the pavana, six passeos of the gallarda, four mundangas of the folfas, two mundangas of the rey [don Alonso], and

two of the villano, chacona, rastro, canario, torneo, pie de gibado, and alemana.® Esquivel further notes that the alta is the dance-type which should be performed on three important sorts of occasions. First, it should

always be used to open the regular evening sessions held at the dance studios.' Second, it should be performed whenever one issues or accepts a formal challenge (reto) to a dancing duel.“ Third, it should be danced by each student in turn when, at the end of a studio session on special holidays, they each deposit a suitable amount of money into a hat as a gift (haya) for their maestro.*

%’Relacién del juramento del principe nuestro sefior, que se celebré en San Jerénimo de Madrid, domingo 13 de enero de 1608 afios, dia de San Hilarién, obispo, Ms; as transcribed in Uhagén 1896), 325. Miquel Ribes, Relaciéd breu, vertadera y molt gustosa de les famoses festes balls, saraus, mdscares, capuchades, farces, entremesos ¥ altres coses de folga y entreteniment que se acostumen fer en la noble ciutat de Barcelona en lo temps de Camestoltes (Barcelona, 1616); as quoted in Joan Amades and Francesco Pujol, Diccionari de la dansa, dels entremesos i dels instruments de miisica i sonadors vol. 1 (Barcelona, 1936), 459.

Esquivel Navarro (1642) chap. 6, f. 38v. Esquivel Navarro (1642) chap. 3, f. 26v. 41Esquivel Navarro (1642) chap. 4 “Del estilo de dancar en escuelas,” f. 28v—29r.

Esquivel Navarro (1642) chap. 7 “De los retos, y hayas,” f. 40v-42r. The dancing duel is discussed below in chap. 12. Esquivel Navarro (1642) chap. 7, f. 44v.

CHOREOGRAPHIC SOURCES AND STYLES 431 A short while later the alta no longer enjoyed such a prestigious position at the dance studios, at least according to the characters in a comedia by Calder6én published in 1664.4 Nevertheless it did not drop out of use altogether. For example, in another comedia by Calderén, first per-

formed at the Buen Retiro in 1652 and published in 1664, the song text

of the closing mdscara indicates that the alta was performed in this scene." During the late 16th and 17th centuries the strongest foreign influence on Spanish aristocratic dancing came from Italy. The prominence of Italian dances in Spain—and indeed throughout western Europe—is reflected in the repertory of particular dance-types discussed later in this study (pt. IV). In addition there were some Italian dancing masters who

worked in Spain during the first half of the 17th century. Esquivel acknowledges their presence in Madrid, but at the same time he contends that they have adopted the Spanish style of dancing as taught by Antonio de Almenda and Francisco Ramos.

A striking example of direct Italian influence is provided by the dance treatise of Cesare Negri, issued in Milan (a Spanish territory) in 1602. It is an Italian work which embodies many of the choreographic principles set forth earlier by Fabritio Caroso in a Venetian publication of 1581. Negeri dedicates his treatise to Felipe III], whom he considers to

have served by having taught dancing to the Milanese aristocracy, the Spanish deputies, and some members of the royal Habsburg family. Negri also refers to his participation in the festivities staged in Milan for Margaret of Austria during her visit there (from November 30, 1598, to February 3, 1599) while en route to Spain to marry Felipe III. On December 8, 1598, Negri supervised a performance by eight of his dancing students given before Margaret of Austria and the Archduke Albert at the “Pedro Calderén de la Barca, El maestro de danzar (comedia), published in his Tercera parte de comedias (Madrid, 1664; facsimile edition, Westmead and London, 1973, vol. 8), f. 40r.

Pedro Calderé6n de la Barca, La fiera, el rayo y la piedra (fiesta real, que se hizo a sus magestades en el Palacio del Buen-Retiro), published in his Tercera parte de comedias (Madrid, 1664; facsimile edition, Westmead and London, 1973, vol. 8), f. 256v. “Esquivel Navarro (1642), f. 47r. ‘'For example, see above chap. 9, note 21. *®Cesare Negri, Le gratie d'amore (Milan, 1602; facsimile edition, New York, 1969) “Al

potentissimo, & catholico Filippo Terzo Re di Spagna, et monarca del mondo novo” (dated, Milan, August 1, 1602), i.

432 THE DANCE ducal palace. The program included a sword dance, a stick dance, and a dance of buffoons (di mattaccino) .”

Negri’s treatise became known at the Spanish court in Madrid. There is a Spanish translation of the text—omitting only the prefatory material and the first trattato—in a manuscript written in 1630 and dedicated to the newly born Spanish prince, Balthasar Carlos. A 19th-century copy by Barbieri of this translation has also been preserved.» The original manuscript may have been intended for publication. Barbieri observes that, although the manuscript does not contain the portraits of dancers or the music engraved in the Negri treatise, it does cite the relevant page numbers in blank spaces left at the appropriate places.*! It is possible that Esquivel was familiar with the original Italian publication of Negri’s treatise, even though he makes no specific reference to it. At the end of his own book Esquivel provides ten lists of Spanish dancers: namely, one list of accomplished grandees, four lists of maestros, and five lists of male students. These dancing lists are reminiscent of those given by Negri in the first trattato of his treatise, in which he furnishes the names of famous Italian professional dancers, and proficient Milanese noblemen and women.®

In comparison with the Italian peninsula, the other regions in Europe exerted relatively little influence on Spanish dancing during the 16th and 17th centuries. Nevertheless, some features of French choreography were incorporated into the Spanish repertory. For example, Queen Nepri (1602) trattato 1, chap. 4, pp. 13-14. Sword dances are studied later in the present chapter. For buffoon dances, see the discussion of matachines below in pt. IV. Arte para aprender a dancar compuesto por Cesar Negri milanés traducido en castellano por mandado del ex[celentisi]mo seftor conde duque de S[an] Lucar dirigido al principe de Esparia don Balthasar Carlos n[uest]}ro sefior. En Madrid afio de MDCXXX, E Mn Barbieri Mss 14085; which is a copy of F Pn fonds espagnol Ms 352. SIE Mn Barbieri Mss 14039/31, p. 16.

Esquivel Navarro (1642) “Grandes sefiores, diestros en dangar,” f. 46r; “Maestros de dancar, que a avido desde cien afios a esta parte,” f. 46v; “Maestros que oy ay en Madrid,”

f. 46v-47r; “M4s maestros de Madrid,” f. 47r; “Maestros de Sevilla,” f. 47r—47v; “Discfpulos de mi maestro Antonio de Almenda,” f. 47v-48r; “Discfpulos de Francisco Ramos,” f. 48r; “Discfpulos de Joseph Rodriguez Tirado,” f. 48r—48v; “Discfpulos de Luis de Caravallo,” f. 48v; and “Discfpulos de Marcos Gémez,” f. 49v. 33Negri (1602) “Nomi di tutti i pid famosi ballarini, che fiorirono nel secolo dell’autore” trattato I, chap. 1, pp. 2-6; and “Nomi de’ cavalieri, & delle dame di Milano, che al tempo dell’auttore hanno leggiadramente ballato” trattato I, chap. 5, pp. 16-30.

CHOREOGRAPHIC SOURCES AND STYLES 433 Isabel de Valois was an enthusiastic dancer and she continued to perform French dances after her arrival at the Spanish court in 1560. According to one contemporaneous account, she danced branles with her ladies-in-

waiting for her own amusement at Toledo on May 2, 1560. Later, in November of the same year at Toledo, Isabel organized a royal masque in which her ladies-in-waiting made their entrance dressed in an old French style and performing le grant bal de France. Following their presentation,

Isabel danced with her husband, Felipe II.5 Despite her fondness for French dances, it appears that the queen did not neglect the Spanish repertory; for, according to the archival lists of her household, in the years

1560 and 1567 her maestro de ensefiar a danzar was one Diego Herndndez.*

As noted above, the branle was one of the French dance-types per-

formed at the Spanish court. Its extensive use in France during the second half of the 16th century is reflected by the large amount of space which Tabourot devotes to it in his treatise. In all, he gives melodies and

choreographic instructions for twenty-four types of branles.” The prominence of the branle in France continued into the 17th century. Mersenne describes six types of bransles and gives a melody for each one. He states that they are round dances and, therefore, can be performed by any number of people. He further notes that the six types are usually danced one after another at the beginning of a ball.** The complexity of national “Journal privé d'Elysabeth de Valois, adressé a Catherine de Médicis par une des dames frangaises qui avaient suivi Elysabech en Espagne, Ms; modern edition in Amezia y Mayo (1949), 3:107. Letter from Loise de Bretaigne, madame de Clermont, to Catherine de Medici, la reine mére (dated Toledo, November 1560); transcribed in Louis Paris, Négociations lettres et pieces diverses relatives au régne de Francois Il tirées du portefeuille de Sébastien de l' Aubespine,

évéque de Limoges (Paris, 1841), 718; pointed out in Ameztia y Mayo (1949), 1:198. *SIMANCAS, Casa Real legajo 52, ntimero 1 (list for 1560) and legajo 53 (list for 1567); transcribed in Ameztia y Mayo (1949), 3:122 and 365, respectively.

Tabourot (1589), f. 68v-93v; English translation (1967), 128-76; where he discusses the following types: branle double, branle simple, branle gay, branle de Bourgoigne, branle du haul Barrois, branle couppé nommé Cassandre, branle couppé appellé Pinagay, branle couppé Charlone, branle couppé de la guerre, branle couppé appellé Aridan, branle de Poictou, branle d'Escosse, branle appellé Triory, branle de Malte, branle des lavandiéres, branle des pois, branle des hermites, branle du chandelier, branle des sabots, branle des chevaulx, branle de la Montarde, branle de la haye, branle de l'Official, and gavotte.

Marin Mersenne, Harmonie universelle contenant la théorie et la pratique de la musique (Paris, 1636; facsimile edition, Paris, 1963, vol. 2) “Traitez de la voix et des chants” Bk. II, proposition 24, p. 167. He goes on to discuss the following types: bransle simple, bransle gay, bransle a mener ou de Poitou, bransle double de Poitou, bransle de Montirandé, and gavote.

434 THE DANCE interactions within the European dance repertory is indicated by the fact that in Spain during the 17th century the bran was considered to be an English dance.® Esquivel refers in passing to the bran de Inglaterra as an old dance which every maestro should know, even though it has fallen out of use. In a comedia published in 1657, the second act—written by Rojas y Zorrilla—contains a description of the bran as a masked dance of the English aristocracy which can be performed by any number of dancers.*! Unfortunately there are no extant Spanish instrumental settings of the bran.

A Spanish dance of the 17th century whose name alone suggests that it incorporated French choreographic traits is the Madama de Orliens.

No choreographic instructions or music have survived for this dancetype. However, it was performed—along with the gallarda, pavana, and turdién—at the royal sarao held at the palace in Valladolid on June 16, 1605, to celebrate the birth of prince Felipe (later Felipe IV). This affair

was also attended by an English contingent headed by Lord Admiral Charles Howard, Earl of Nottingham. One contemporaneous account names two of the English noblemen who, dancing with Spanish partners, made a favorable impression on the Spanish court. This is yet another illustration of the international quality of courtly dancing.* The Madama *The English bran was probably modeled on the French branle. The use of French dances in England during the early 17th century is shown by the French treatise, dedicated to the Duke of Buckingham (George Villiers, the Lord High Admiral of England), which was written by F, de Lauze, Apologie de la danse et la parfaicte méthode de l'enseigner tant aux cavaliers qu'aux dames (n. p., 1623; facsimile edition, Geneva, 1977). In this treatise Lauze

(pp. 36-44 and 57-64) includes explanations (without choreographic symbols and without music) for dancing the bransle simple, bransle gay, bransle de Poictou, bransle double de Poictou, and gavotte. Esquivel Navarro (1642), f. 38r; quoted below, chap. 11, p. 503.

61Luis de Belmonte y Bermiidez, Francisco Rojas y Zorrilla, and Pedro Calderén de la Barca, El mejor amigo el muerto (comedia), published in Parte nona. De comedias escogidas de los mejores ingenios de Espatia (Madrid, 1657); modern edition in BAE 14 (Madrid, 1850), 480; pointed out in Emilio Cotarelo y Mori, Coleccién de entremeses, loas, bailes, jdcaras y mojigangas desde fines del siglo XVI a mediados del XVIII (Madrid, 1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. CCXXXV.

®Relacién de lo sucedido en la ciudad de Valladolid, desde el punto del felictssimo nacimiento del

principe don Felipe Domfnico Victor nuestro sefior (Valladolid, 1605); as reprinted in the modern edition of Tomé Pinheiro da Veiga (Valladolid, 1916) pt. 2, p. 39. The dancing at this sarao is also described in Tomé Pinheiro da Veiga, Fastiginia o fastos geniales, Ms in P Pm,

modern edition translated into Spanish by Narcisco Alonso Cortés (Valladolid, 1916), 94; and in Cabrera de Cérdoba, Ms, modern edition (1857), 252.

CHOREOGRAPHIC SOURCES AND STYLES 435 de Orliens was also danced by three performers during a mdscara given at

the royal palace in Madrid on December 21, 1647, by the infanta and eighteen ladies-in-waiting, to honor the queen on her birthday. Other dances performed on this occasion include the alemana y el pie de gibao,

esparioleta, galerta de amor, gallarda, and torneo.® , Dancing by the Aristocracy during the 18th Century The end of the 17th century marks a great change in the international style of aristocratic dancing in western Europe. Courtly dancing became predominantly French in character and remained so throughout the 18th century. The dissemination of French dancing was facilitated by the use of the notational system known as chorégraphie (described above, pp.

419-20). The system of chorégraphie was first published in 1700 in a treatise by Raoul Auger Feuillet, who claimed to be its inventor.“ Furthermore, on August 25, 1699, Feuillet obtained from the king the exclusive rights to publish all dance books in France for a period of six years. However, the creation of a clear method for recording choreographic movements

was a task which attracted at least two other French dancing masters,

each of whom disputed Feuillet’s claim. One was André Lorin, a prominent teacher and head of the Royal Academy of Dance in Paris. In a parish document dating from 1716, which concerns the marriage of his son Philippe, André Lorin is described as “the sole inventor of the art of notating dance.” His extant works consist of two manuscript collections of contredances which he wrote for the king between approximately 1685

3Gabriel Bocangel Ungueta, Piedra cdndida con que en real y festiva mdscara numera los felicissimos aftos de la serenfssima y augustfssima seflora archiduquesa, Marfa Ana de Austria,

reina de Espafia (Madrid, 1648); quoted from excerpts copied in E Mn Barbieri Mss 14070/7 (5). Other aspects of this mdscara are discussed above, chap. 9, p. 356. S4Feuillet (1700) “Préface,” iii.

Feuillet (1700) “Privilége du roy,” v. SF Pn Fichier Laborde, dated Paris, February 24, 1716; as transcribed in Yolande de Brossard, Musiciens de Paris 1535-1792. Actes d'état civil d'aprés le fichier Laborde de la Bibliotheque Nationale (Paris, 1965), 201.

436 THE DANCE and 1688. In these sources he does employ dance notation, but it is dif-

ferent from the chorégraphie later published by Feuillet. In Lorin’s manuscripts, letter abbreviations denote the dance steps, an unadorned line shows the floor route of the dancer, and a melody in staff notation represents the musical accompaniment. Numbers indicate how the dance

steps, floor track, and music correspond to one another. In the second manuscript Lorin modifies the notation and adds portraits of dancers executing various movements.®

The other dancing master to dispute Feuillet’s claim was Pierre Beauchamp. For approximately 22 years he served as maitre a danser to

Louis XIV.” During his career he also held the posts of directeur de l’Accadémie de Danse and compositeur des ballets du roy.” Beauchamp asserted that he had invented chorégraphie sometime before 1680, at the re-

quest of Louis XIV. On April 28, 1704, he submitted a formal petition to the king, demanding that the publishing rights of Feuillet and Lorin be revoked and that they both be made to pay him damages for using his notational system. Three months later the king dismissed his suit.”! This

does not mean that Beauchamp may not have been the creator of chorégraphie, but simply that he failed to establish any legal rights in the

matter. The only extant source of his work, as reported by Derra de

$71 ivre de contredance présenté au roy par André Lorin académicien de sa majesté pour la dance

(written ca. 1685-1686), F Pn Ms fr. 1697; and Livre de la contredance du roy présenté a sa majesté par André Lorin, l'un de ses académiciens pour la dance. 1688, F Pn Ms fr. 1698. Both

manuscripts are described in Jean-Michel Guilcher, “André Lorin et l’iavention de l’écriture chorégraphique,” Revue de Ia société d'histoire du théatre 21 (1969), 257-58. The title-page and one other page from the second manuscript are reproduced in facsimile in Jean-Michel Guilcher, La contredanse et les renouvellements de la danse francaise (Paris, 1969), pl.:V and VI. 68s described in Guilcher, “André Lorin . . .” (1969), 261-64. “Rameau, Le maitre (1725) pt. I, chap. 26, p. 111. He is so described in the royal expense accounts for the year 1688, preserved in PARIS, Archives Nationales, Série KK 214, f. 28; as transcribed in Marcelle Benoit, Musiques de cour. Chapelle, chambre, écurie 1661-1733 (Paris, 1971), 115.

\The relevant documents are preserved at F Pn fonds frangais, collection Anisson, Ms 22071, Priviléges et permissions, Arrét du Conseil, dated April 28, 1704, and July 28, 1704; excerpts quoted in Guilcher, “André Lorin . . .” (1969), 259-60; also summarized with excerpts in English translation in Philip J. S. Richardson, “The Beauchamp Mystery: Some Fresh Light on an Old Problem,” The Dancing Times (1947), 351-54. The second set of archival documents includes a list of the exhibits filed by the parties concerned.

CHOREOGRAPHIC SOURCES AND STYLES 437 Moroda, is an undated manuscript which records the movements of a sarabande using chorégraphie.”

In Spain the adoption of French dancing was precipitated by the ac-

cession of the Bourbon king, Felipe V. Indeed, upon his arrival many changes were implemented at the Spanish court, in part due to the efforts of the Princesse des Ursins, camerera mayor to Queen Marie-Louise. For example, she arranged for the grandees to be in attendance while Felipe V and Marie-Louise danced minuets for their own amusement at the court in Barcelona on November 17, 1701. Two days later Ursins sent the following description of the affair back to France: I will give you an account of our afternoon, following dinner, which was

spent in dancing. Again contrary to court protocol, the king and queen danced in the presence of the Spanish grandees; and after their majesties, I made some of the ladies of the palace dance with the duc d’Ossone.” It is Necessary to provide such entertainments, and I wanted the grandees to be there in order to obtain their approval and to accustom them to these types of recreations. They thanked me very much for it. Seeing that his majesty was resting after the fourth minuet, I said to him that a king who gets tired so easily from dancing seems to me scarcely fit to endure the hardships of war. He replied to me that the minuets may well have tired him out [le lasser], but that he would lasso [lasserait] the Roman king [i.e., Archduke Charles of Austria]. This reply delighted the Spanish grandees who heard it. . .”4

The subsequent acceptance of French practices by the Spanish aristocracy is satirized in a dramatic baile written by Zamora in the early 18th century. In this work the arbitrator of Good Taste is aptly represented by Paris, personified as an old shepherd. Paris has to decide which of the following women is the most beautiful: a woman in Italian attire who sings "Sarabande de M[onsieu]r de Beauchamp, SALZBURG, Universitat Salzburg, Institat for Musikwissenschaft, Derra de Moroda Dance Archives, Ms DdM 797; facsimile of one page in Friderica Derra de Moroda, “Chorégraphie, the Dance Notation of the Eighteenth century: Beauchamp or Feuillet?,” The Book Collector 16 (1967), pl. 1 following p. 464.

At the royal balls in France the king danced first, followed by the nobility in order of their rank. Perhaps it was this procedure which was contrary to Spanish etiquette.

“Letter from the Princesse des Ursins to the Marquis de Torcy, dated November 19, 1701; preserved in PARIS, Archives du Ministére des Affaires Etrangéres, Correspondance politique, Espagne vol. 94 (Nov.—Dec., 1701), f. 125r-125v; as quoted in PaulMarie Masson, “Le recueil madriléne des ‘Canciones francesas . . . para todos los instrumentos’ (1701),” Acta musicologica 10 (1938), 188.

438 THE DANCE an aria by Scarlatti with harpsichord accompaniment; a woman in Spanish attire who performs a dance-song known as the esparioleta; and a woman dressed as a Spanish prostitute who sings and dances a seguidillas to the accompaniment of tambourine and castanets. Paris praises each of them in turn, but in keeping with the comic nature of this dramatic genre he finally awards the prize to the Spanish prostitute.”

The overwhelming influence of French dancing among the nobility is demonstrated by each of the three choreographic treatises which were written in Spanish and published during the first two-thirds of the 18th century. The first treatise, by Ferriol y Boxeraus, was actually published in

the Kingdom of Naples in 1745, although there does exist a greatly abridged edition which was likely issued in M4laga in the same year.’ In this study my references are to one of the exemplars from Capua, 1745, preserved as E Mn M.860.” The treatise, based on various earlier publications and manuscripts written by Ferriol, was assembled and issued by the

publisher Joseph Testore at his own expense.” Unfortunately Testore does not detail the provenance of these earlier sources, and apparently no other record of them has survived. The published treatise consists of four-

teen introductory pages, followed by 302 pages which are divided into three large sections.* Engravings portraying dancers and explaining Antonio de Zamora, Juicio de Paris (baile), E Mn Mss 14088 (8); as summarized by Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. 1, vol. 1, pp. ccii—cciii, who assigns a date of 1716 to this work. The espafioleta and seguidillas are discussed below in pt. IV. ©The six exemplars of his treatise which are preserved in E Mn, as described in Higinio Anglés and José Subira, Catdlogo musical de la Biblioteca Nacional de Madrid vol. 3 (Barcelona, 1951), 239-43, represent four different printings: two from Capua, 1745; one from Naples, 1745; and an abridged edition without an imprint, whose title-page states that it is available in Malaga. Nts title-page reads as follows: Reglas titiles para los aficionados a danzar. Provechoso divertimiento de los que gustan tocar instrumentos. Y polyticas advertencias a todo género de personas. Adomado con varias laminas. Dedicado a la s[acra] m[{agestad] del rey de las dos Sicilias, &c. Su author d[on] Bartholomé Ferriol -y Boxeraus, tinico author en este idioma de todos los diferentes passos de danza francesa, con su brazeo correspondiente, chorografia, amable, contradanzas,

&c. Capoa: a costa de Joseph Testore, mercader de libros, a la Calle Nueva. Ajo de MDCCXLYV. Con licencia de los superiores.

‘Joseph Testore in Ferriol y Boxeraus (1745) “Prélogo,” vii. Ferriol y Boxeraus (1745) “Tratado I. Donde se contienen todos los diferentes passos de la danza francesa” (13 chapters), 1-130; “Tratado II. Donde se contiene el brazeo corre-

spondiente en cada passo (4 chapters), 131-78; and “Tratado III. Que contiene la demonstracién y declaraci6n de algunas danzas de corte, corographfa, y distinctas contradanzas” (4 chapters), 179-298.

CHOREOGRAPHIC SOURCES AND STYLES 439 various movements are found throughout the work, but music (melodies in staff notation) and French choreographic notation are used only in the

final two chapters of the third section.” Ferriol intended to publish another volume explaining the choreography of fashionable dances, but there is no evidence that such a work was ever issued.®!

Some biographical information about the author can be inferred from his own remarks in the treatise. Ferriol y Boxeraus was probably of Catalan descent on his mother’s side and French descent on his father’s side. At one point he refers to the dancing masters in Catalonia as his “countrymen” (paisanos).2 At another point, to illustrate his contention that people can retain their dancing skills into old age, he refers to a mon-

sieur Ferriol who had been the French ambassador to Turkey. With regard to his choreographic training Ferriol y Boxeraus states that he had studied with four different maestros over a period of seven years, but he does not supply their names. He further asserts that he had been in contact with the most accomplished dancers from various countries."

Ferriol devotes his entire treatise to French aristocratic dancing, which he describes as the style prevailing in the major capitals of western Europe.® He declares that his work is the first comprehensive explanation of French dancing to be written in Spanish.® His treatment of the subject is very thorough and he even includes a description of the French con-

ventions of etiquette to be followed when inviting a partner to dance during a sarao or mdscara.” Ferriol also provides a chart of twenty-four French dancing terms, each with its meaning and phonetic spelling given

in Spanish, so that the Spanish enthusiast can learn to use and Ferriol y Boxeraus (1745) tratado III, chap. 3 “De la explicacién de la chorograffa, por la qual se ensefia el modo de escrivir todos los passos, posiciones, y todo género de danzas,” 212-42 (34); and chap. 4 “De las etiquetas y explicacién de las contradanzas,” 242 (34)98. The page numbers cited in parentheses are the erroneous ones given in the original. 8!Ferriol y Boxeraus (1745) tratado III, chap. 4, p. 298. *?Ferriol y Boxeraus (1745) tratado II, chap. 1, p. 134. ®3Ferriol y Boxeraus (1745) tratado I, chap. 2, pp. 20-21. "4Ferriol y Boxeraus (1745) tratado I “Introducci6n,” 3. §5Ferriol y Boxeraus (1745) tratado I “Introducci6n,” 2. 8Ferriol y Boxeraus (1745) “Prélogo,” viii. *“Ferriol y Boxeraus (1745) tratado I, chap. 9 “De las ceremonias de los bailes,” pp. 57-64, which concludes with a description of the formalities observed at the French royal court. This is probably taken from Rameau, Le maitre (1725) pt. I, chap. 16 “Du cérémonial que l’on observe au grand bal du roy,” 49-54.

440 THE DANCE pronounce correctly the standard French vocabulary.® Ferriol does not

concer himself with Spanish dances, for he claims that they are not fashionable among the nobility. He dismisses them entirely, with only a simple reference to the treatise by Esquivel Navarro published more than a century earlier!®

In the preface Ferriol acknowledges in a general fashion that he has relied heavily on the writings of other dancing masters.™ Later, in his dis-

cussion of the standard dancing positions, he mentions six outstanding French choreographers by name: Beauchamp, Feuillet, Bal6n, Pecour, Desais, and Rameau.*! Raoul Auger Feuillet and Pierre Beauchamp have already been discussed above (pp. 435-37). Claude Balon (or Ballon) rose to prominence at the French court in the second decade of the 18th century. In 1715 he was appointed by Louis XIV to be the dancing master to the Dauphin (the king’s great grandson and the future Louis XV).% By 1719 Balon was directeur de l'Académie Royale de Danse and maitre a danser du roy.%

Louis Pécour (or Pécourt) also enjoyed an illustrious career at the French court. In 1680 he was appointed maitre a danser des pages de la

Chambre.4 Soon after the death of Lully in 1687, Pécour succeeded Beauchamp as choreographer for the Opéra, according to the historical sketch given by Pierre Rameau.” His prestigious reputation in the early 18th century is reflected in the treatises by Feuillet and Rameau. Pécour is the dedicatee of Feuillet’s first publication. Moreover, nine of his dances, as notated by Feuillet, form the third part of this publication.” Later,

8Ferriol y Boxeraus (1745) tratado I, chap. 10, pp. 68-69. §Ferriol y Boxeraus (1745) tratado I, chap. 13, p. 129. *Ferriol y Boxeraus (1745) “Prélogo,” viii. *!Ferriol y Boxeraus (1745) tratado I, chap. 11, pp. 70-71. S2PARIS, Archives Nationales, Série O’ 59, f. 1 (dated Versailles, January 1, 1715); as transcribed in Benoit (1971), 265. %3According to PARIS, Archives Nationales, Série O' 890, numéro 91 (dated Paris, September 21, 1719); as transcribed in Benoit (1971), 306.

“According to PARIS, Archives Nationales, Série O' 24, f. 281v (dated Versailles, November 5, 1680); as transcribed in Benoit (1971), 72. 93Rameau, Le maitre (1725) “Préface,” xiii—xiv.

*Feuillet (1700) “A monsieur Pécour, pensionnaire des menus plaisirs du roy, et compositeur des ballets de l’Académie Royale de Musique de Paris,” pp. i-ii.

S7Feuillet (1700) pt. III “Recueil de dances, composées par m[onsieur] Pécour, . . . Et mises sur le papier par m[onsieur] Feuillet, maftre de dance.”

CHOREOGRAPHIC SOURCES AND STYLES 441 in 1725, Pécour wrote approbations for both of Rameau’s dance treatises.* In turn, Rameau presents choreographic notation for twelve of Pécour’s dances as the second part of his Abbrégé.”

Dezais was important in France during the early 18th century for his many choreographic publications. According to the title-page of one of his collections of contredances, he considered himself to be a maitre, et compositeur de dances. In the printing license (dated July 7, 1709) of an edition of Feuillet’s Chorégraphie issued by Dezais in 1713, Feuillet transferred his exclusive publishing privileges to Dezais.""' As a result, from

1709 until 1722 Dezais continued the series of annual publications of dances which Feuillet had begun in 1702.'”

The French theorist who influenced Ferriol’s work the most was Pierre Rameau. On the title-page of his second treatise Rameau describes

himself as the “dancing master in-ordinary in the household of her Catholic majesty, the second dowager Queen of Spain.”"°? The meaning

of this description has been misinterpreted in the secondary literature. It : is, in fact, a reference to Louise-Elizabeth (1709-1742), a daughter of Philippe, duc d’Orléans, and recent widow of Luis I of Spain. Luis had as-

cended the Spanish throne with his wife in January, 1724, upon the abdication of his father, Felipe V. The reign was short-lived, for Luis died in

August of the same year, whereupon Felipe V returned to the throne. After various negotiations Louise-Elizabeth returned to France in May, 1725, where she first took up residence at the Chateau de Vincennes, outside of Paris.'°5 Louise-Elizabeth was referred to as the second dowager Rameau, Le maitre (1725), xxii-xxiii, dated Paris, January 15, 1725; and Rameau, Abbrégé (ca. 1725), v, dated Paris, October 20, 1725. Rameau, Abbrégé (ca. 1725) pt. II“... Douze des plus belles danses de monsieur Pécour

compositeur des ballets de l’Académie Royale de Musique etremis en chorégraphie suivant la nouvelle correction et augmentation du s{ieur] Rameau . . .” 10D ezais, 11 [Deuxime] Recueil de nouvelles contredances mises en chorégraphie (Paris, 1712;

facsimile edition, Westmead, 1972). 101 According to Derra de Moroda (1967), 457. 102The entire series from 1702 to 1722 is listed in Hilton (1981), 336-37. 103Rameau, Abbrégé (ca. 1725), title-page. 104English translations of three original documents concerning the abdication and return of Felipe V are given in W. N. Hargreaves-Mawdsley, Spain under the Bourbons, 1700-1833. A Collection of Documents (London, 1973), 83-86. 105}fer return and residence in France, where she remained until her death in 1742, are discussed in Alfonso Danvila, El reinado relémpago. Luis I y Luisa Isabel de Orledns (17071742) (Madrid, 1952), 361-66 and 376-436.

442 THE DANCE Queen of Spain because the title of first dowager Queen would have been reserved for the widow of Carlos II, Mariana of Neuburg, who lived until 1740.

Rameau, in his second treatise, revised and augmented the choreographic notation which was first published by Feuillet.!™ It is this revised system which Ferriol employs in his treatise and which he praises as follows: The best and easiest scheme which has been devised in this discipline is la chorografia. For by using it, not only can one review the dances which one has learnt, but also one can perform new dances, even those one has never seen, without a maestro. This is done with the same facility with which one sings and plays music [i.e., from notation], even new pieces. There are two types of chorografia, the old and the new. The old type was invented by monsieur Feuillet, and the new type by monsieur Rameau. Because the lat- ter system is easier and clearer, it is the one which I will explain in order to avoid any confusion on the part of the novice.!””

Ferriol senses that his use of choreographic notation will meet with some opposition. Therefore, at the beginning of his treatise he launches the following attack: I don’t doubt that some people who are displeased with my work will clamour forth with the slander that only by seeing contradanzas can one learn them. These people are usually the ones who, when they go out to dance them, are confused and become the joke of the party [saraos], because they do not know how to perform what should be done.'™

It is only by comparing the primary sources that one discovers the

great extent to which Ferriol based his treatise on the two books by Rameau. Although Ferriol frequently intersperses his own remarks, much of his treatise consists of literal translations of Rameau’s definitions and

explanations. Ferriol even models most of his engravings on those in Rameau’s publications. The corresponding sections between Ferriol’s treatise and Rameau’s books are shown below in Chart 30. The only 106Symbols from the two systems are juxtaposed in Rameau, Abbrégé (ca. 1725) “Table paralélle de l’ancienne chorégraphie avec la nouvelle” pt. I, pp. 86-93. 107Ferriol y Boxeraus (1745) tratado III, chap. 3, pp. 212-13. At one point Ferriol does use Feuillet’s system: in his explanation of a contradanza a lo largo entitled “El freno, con clave francesa, y chorographfa antigua,” in tratado III, chap. 4, p. 269(60). l08Ferriol y Boxeraus (1745) “Prdélogo,” ix.

CHOREOGRAPHIC SOURCES AND STYLES 443 major section in which Ferriol does not rely on Rameau’s writings is the final chapter of his treatise where he deals with contradanzas. Ferriol almost certainly compiled it from other French sources, but these remain to

be identified.' Chart 30. Derivation of the sections in Ferriol y Boxeraus (1745) from the treatises by P. Rameau (1725 and ca. 1725)

Ferriol y Boxeraus (1745) Rameau

tratado I Le maitre (1725) pt. I

tratado II* Le maitre (1725) pt. II tratado III, chap. 1 “De el modo de danzar Le maitre (1725) pt. I, chap. 22, pp. 84-91 el minuete,” pp. 181-98 tratado III, chap. 2 “Del modo que se debe Abbrégé (ca. 1725 pt. II, “Le passepied,”

danzar el passapié, ” pp. 199-211 pp. 18-25 tratado III, chap. 3 “De la explicacién de la Abbrégé (ca. 1725) pt. I chap. 1-5, pp. 1chorograffa, por la qual se ensefia el 26 and “Traité de la cadence,” pp. 103-—

modo de escrivir todos los passos, 11; and pe. II, “Aimable vainquer,” pp. posiciones, y todo género de danzas,” 39-44 pp. 212-42 (34)

*However, tratado II, chap. 4, pp. 149-55, is based on Rameau, Le maitre (1725) pt. I, chap. 24, pp. 99-103.

The second Spanish choreographic treatise of the period was written, engraved, and issued by Minguet y Yrol in Madrid." There are five different copies of his dance treatise—in varying degrees of completeness—which are extant at E Mn.!'!! My references in this study are to the exemplar preserved as E Mn R.14649. It is actually a composite work consisting of four parts, each of which was apparently first issued at a different time. Part I is preserved in its third edition, which was published in 1758. It consists of six prefatory pages, followed by forty numbered pages. It incorporates twenty-five pictures and diagrams, but it does not make lFerriol y Boxeraus (1745) tratado III, chap. 4, pp. 242(34)-98. I have not had the opportunity of examining many of the French sources of contredanses in order to pursue this — int.

a publishing activities are discussed above, chap. 4, pp. 97-98 and chap. 5, pp. 136-

39, Described in Anglés and Subiré vol. 3 (1951), 245-50.

444 THE DANCE use of French choreographic notation.'” Part II in E Mn R.14649 consists of fifty-six unnumbered plates without a title-page. This copy may be in-

complete, for it lacks the first two and last two plates found in the cor-

responding part of the exemplar preserved as E Mn _ R.14607. Unfortunately the title-page in this second exemplar does not give the date of publication." Alternatively Minguet may have suppressed this title-page himself, for it appears to be an earlier version of the title-page used for part I. Moreover there are some cross-references between the first two parts of his treatise.'"4 In part II Minguet provides the music (melodies

in staff notation) and choreographic explanations for various dances, using for the most part the notational system published by Feuillet. Part III consists of twenty numbered pages without any choreographic notation, followed by a fold-out page of music which gives the melody and bass in staff notation for five contradanzas. The imprint on its title-page

does not include the date of publication.''5 Part IV is preserved in its '!2Pablo Minguet y Yrol, [Part 1] Arte de danzar a la francesa, adornado con quarenta ¥ tantas ld4minas, que ensefian el modo de hacer todos los passos de las danzas de corte, con todas sus reglas, y de conducir los brazos en cada passo; yy por chorographia demuestran cémo se deben escribir, y delinear otras: obra muy conveniente no solamente a la juventud, que quieren aprender el bien danzar, sino aun a las personas civiles, y honestas, a quien les ensevia las reglas para bien andar, saludar, ‘y hacer las cortesias, que convienen en qualquier suerte de personas. Corregido en esta tercera impressién por su autor Pablo Minguet e Yrol (Madrid, 1758).

'3The tide-page in E Mn R.14607 reads as follows: [Part II] El noble arte de danzar a la francesa, espariola; adornado con LX ldéminas finas, que ensefian el modo de hacer todos los passos de las danzas de corte, con sus reglas, y de conducir los brazos, en cada passo; yy por chorographia demuestran cémo se deben escribir otras (Madrid, n.d.). For my references to

part II, I have numbered the plates in the order in which they appear in E Mn R.14649, beginning with the number 3. '4The title-page of part I refers generally to the plates in part II. Furthermore in pt. I, pp. 36—40 (entitled “Tratado de la chorographfa, por la qual se ensefia el modo de escribir todos los passos, posiciones, y todo género de danzas de corte”) Minguet y Yrol refers to the notation illustrated in pt. II, pl. 33-34 (entitled “Explicacién de la chorographfa, por la qual se aprende a danzar, y escribir todo género de danzas, y contradanzas de corte. Cada lamina representa la sala, y mirandolas como en un espejo se executa lo que ensefian”). '5Pablo Minguet y Yrol, [Part 111] Quademillo curioso, de veinte contradanzas nuevas, escritas de todas quantas maneras se han inventado hasta aora; tienen la musica muy alegre, y con su baxo: compuestas por Pablo Minguet. Los bayles mds divertidos en la juventud, son las contradanzas, de quienes he querido explicar en éste algunas; mas como hay distintos gustos en baylarlas, las he puesto de quatro modos, que son largas, redondas, quadradas, y de dos pares, para que los aficionados elijan el suyo en las mdscaras, ‘y en otras funciones. Trae quarenta [sic] diferencias muy curiosas, que sabiendo algunas de memoria, pueden baylar qualquiera contradanza, siguiendo el ayre, ‘y compds de la muisica que tafien; sirven para baylar las seguidillas en los dichos 4 modos (Madrid, n.d.).

CHOREOGRAPHIC SOURCES AND STYLES 445 second edition, which was published in 1764. It consists of fourteen numbered pages without any choreographic notation.'* The fold-out page of music containing melodies in staff notation, which is found at the end, is probably bound in the wrong place, for there is a reference to it in part [.!"" The publishing history of Minguet’s choreographic works is impossible to unravel on the basis of the extant sources. In part III he does provide a list of the various choreographic engravings which he has in stock but he does not give any publication dates for them.'"® Elsewhere he does mention that he first issued choreographic material in 1733. In part II, at

the bottom of a plate in which he shows the dance movements for “La idea buena, contradanza buena” by using stick-people rather than the French symbols to represent the dancers, Minguet states: Reader, this is the perfect way to notate and sketch dances (bailes]; and not the ways I have seen, which cannot be understood if there is no one around to provide instruction. In this discipline, where explanation is useless without illustration, I have been the only one in Spain since the year 1733

to use the said choreographic notation for dances. I sell these dances in groups or separately.!9

However, precisely what he published in 1733 is not known. Perhaps it was no more than a few sheets. Minguet appears to have kept all of his engraved sheets unbound, for he was willing to sell them individually. He also assembled them into various collections, and at least on one occasion he formed a booklet which combined choreographic material with some sheets from his instrumental manuals.!2! The publication history of "Pablo Minguet y Yrol [Part IV] Breve tratado de los passos del danzar a la espafiola, que oy se estilan en las seguidillas, fandango, y otros taftidos. También sirven en las danzas italianas, francesas, e ingleses, siguiendo el compds.de la muisica, ¥ las figuras de sus bayles. Corregido en esta segunda impression por su autor Pablo Minguet (Madrid, 1764). ''’Minguet y Yrol (1758-1764) pt. I, p. 27, refers specifically to the music for the “Pasapié

de m{onsieu]r Pecour,” “Otro de clarines,” and “Otro de m[onsieu]r Malé” given on the final fold-out page. '8Minguet y Yrol (1758-1764) pt. III, pp. 19(15)—20(16).

'Minguet y Yrol (1758-1764) pt. Il, pl. 5. 20Minguet y Yrol (1758-1764) pt. III, p. 20(16).

1Minguet y Yrol (1758-1764) pt. III, p. 20(16). This is probably the same booklet which—according to Baltasar Saldoni y Remendo, Diccionario biogrdfico-bibliogrdfico de efemérides de miisicos espafioles vol. 4 (Madrid, 1881), 208—was advertised in the Gaceta Oficial de Madrid on December 24, 1764, as Quademnillo nuevo que explica los passos de danzar a la espafiola, saber tafter la guitarra, y el tiple y otras curiosidades. There is no known extant copy of this booklet

446 THE DANCE his works is further obscured by the fact that he could issue later editions of a booklet simply by adding some new engraved sheets, without neces-

sarily making any other alterations, even to the imprint. Minguet describes his output in the field of dancing as follows: In the year 1733 I published the first edition, after having issued different types of works, and each time I have added some fine dances [danzas] and contradanzas to it. (I was the first author in Spain in this discipline.) I know

that as a result some enthusiasts have made good progress without a teacher. If this is pleasing, I will issue the charamdn, the alemanda, and other dances which are fashionable at the courts of Europe; for I possess the books of the best authors who have written about this discipline.'2?

In parts I to III of his treatise Minguet deals exclusively with French dances. As in his other works, he addresses himself primarily to those who want to teach themselves: The reason, curious reader, which I have had for publishing this booklet is based on the fact that French dancing is introduced to such an extent at all the sovereign courts (and rare is the king, queen, prince, or princess who does not know how to dance), and on the observation that the other lords and mistresses arrange for maestros to come to their houses to give them instruction. Inasmuch as this type of dancing is so fashionable, there is scarcely a person of taste who does not want to know a little bit about it. There are others who did know how to dance, but through lack of practice they have forgotten how. As for those who do not have the opportunity of going into the house of any maestro, and those who find themselves in a place which does not have one, they can avail themselves of these short explanations which I am placing with every illustration.'”

In the first three parts Minguet relies almost entirely on material drawn from treatises by other writers, but he never acknowledges his sources. Only at one point, after his explanation of a passapié, does he refer the reader to other theorists, namely, Feuillet, Pécour, Dezais, Ricart, and Balo (i.e., Balon).!24 All these French choreographers have been discussed above, with the exception of Ricart (i.e., Richard?) whose identity is not

122Minguet y Yrol (1758-1764) pt. III, p. 20 (16). The title charamdn is probably a corruption of the French word charmant. 23Minguet y Yrol (1758-1764) pt. I “Prélogo al lector,” iv. 24Minguet y Yrol (1758—1764) pt. II, pl. 27.

CHOREOGRAPHIC SOURCES AND STYLES 447 clear. Perhaps this is Antoine Germain Richard, who was a member of the Académie Royal de Danse in Paris during the late 17th century.” A close study of the sources reveals that all the material in part I of Minguet’s treatise corresponds very closely to certain passages in the published works of Rameau and Ferriol y Boxeraus (as shown in Chart 31). Thus both Ferriol and Minguet present material from Rameau’s treatises, but which one was the first to do so is not certain, owing to the obscurity surrounding the initial compilation of their works. Chart 31. Corresponding sections in Minguet y Yrol (1758—1764) pt. I and the treatises by P. Rameau (1725 and ca. 1725) and Ferriol y Boxeraus (1745).

Minguet_y Yrol (1758 Rameau Ferriol y Boxeraus (1745) 1764) pt. I

pp. 1-8 Le maitre (1725) pt. I, tratado I, chap. 11-12, chap. 3-14, pp. 9-46 pp. 70-77

pp. 9-12 Le maitre (1725) pt. I, tratado I, chap. 13, chap. 20-21, pp. 71- pp. 78-86 83

pp. 13-20 Le maitre (1725) pt. 1, tratado III, chap. 1, chap. 18, pp. 60-70 pp. 181-98 and chap. 22, pp. 84— 91

pp. 21-22 Le maitre (1725) pt. I, tratado II, chap. 4, chap. 24, pp. 99-103 pp. 149-55

pp. 23-24 Le maitre (1725) pt. 1, tratado I, chap. 13, chap. 25, pp. 104-9 pp. 86-89

p. 25 Le maitre (1725) pt. 1, tratado I, chap. 13, chap. 33, pp. 153-55 pp. 90-92

pp. 28-35 Abbrégé (ca. 1725) pt. If tratado III, chap. - 2, "Le passepied," pp. 18- pp. 199-211 25; which in tum is

based on Feuillet (1700) pt. III "Le passe pied," pp. 22-31

'5He is so described in a parish record of the death of a son of his, dated April 28, 1693, which is preserved in F Pn Fichier Laborde; as summarized in Brossard (1965), 256.

448 THE DANCE Nevertheless, one can draw two definite conclusions about the relationship between the treatises of Ferriol and Minguet. First, one of these two writers copied some material directly from the other. This is shown by the fact that many textual passages are almost identical in the two sources. Moreover, there are some diagrams which are the same in their treatises, but which are not found in Rameau’s works.’ The second

conclusion is that Ferriol and Minguet each made independent use of Rameau’s first treatise. On the one hand, Ferriol presents much information from the French source which is not contained in Minguet’s treatise. (For this reason one might be inclined to argue that Minguet copied from

Ferriol, rather than the other way around.) On the other hand, in Minguet’s illustrations the dancers are much closer in appearance to those in Rameau, than are the ones in Ferriol. Even more importantly, Minguet copies some engravings from Rameau which are not found in Ferriol’s treatise (as shown in Chart 32).

Chart 32. Equivalent engravings in Minguet y Yrol (1758-1764) pt. I and

P. Rameau (1725) which are not contained in Ferriol y Boxeraus (1745)

p. frontpiece p. 4,1figure 1 pt. I, p. 24

Minguet y Yrol (1758-1764) pt. I Rameau, Le maitre (1725)

p. 95, figure 3 pt. I, p. 26 p. 6, figures 1 and 2 pt. I, pp. 29 and 31

p. 7, figures 1 and 2 pt. I, pp. 35 and 36 In part II of his treatise Minguet employs the older French system of

choreographic notation as published by Feuillet.” That Minguet incor126The following pairs of diagrams fall into this category: Ferriol y Boxeraus (1745) tratado I, chap. 13, p. 83 and Minguet y Yrol (1758-1764) pt. I, p. 11; Ferriol y Boxeraus (1745) tratado III, chap. 1, p. 184 and Minguet y Yrol (1758-1764) pt. I, p. 15. Further evidence

is provided by the equivalent diagrams found at Ferriol y Boxeraus (1745) tratado III, chap. 2, pp. 199-211 and Minguet y Yrol (1758-1764) pt. I, pp. 28-35. Although these are based on diagrams in Rameau, they have been simplified in the same manner: on the line representing the dancer's track, Rameau’s choreographic symbols have been replaced by letters which refer to explanations in the body of the text.

'27Choreographic symbols from Feuillet (1700) pt. I are explained in Minguet y Yrol (1758-1764) pt. II “Resumen de todos los passos del danzar,” pl. 21-23; and “Explicaci6n de la chorographfa, por la qual se aprende a danzar, y escribir todo género de danzas y con-

tradanzas de corte. ...,” pl. 33-34.

"CHOREOGRAPHIC SOURCES AND STYLES 449 porated material specifically from Feuillet’s treatise of 1700 is shown by his presentation of castanet notation and by his choreographic treatment of the folfas, both of which correspond exactly to the explanations given

in that work.8 In addition, he bases his choreographic treatment of a passapié on an explanation in Feuillet, but he simplifies the notation.” In part II Minguet also relies on other French sources which use the older system of chorégraphie, as is demonstrated by his notational explanation of three dances choreographed by Pécour.'™

Most of the material in part III of Minguet’s treatise is also found in Ferriol’s book (see Chart 33). As mentioned above (p. 443), the French sources for these passages remain to be identified. Although Ferriol discusses the contradanza much more extensively than Minguet, it is not cer-

tain which of them copied from the other. The equivalence of the five pairs of contradanzas shown in Chart 33 applies to the choreographic instructions only. The music in the two treatises is different, although the corresponding pieces do use the same key, meter, and phrase lengths. Only in part IV of his treatise does Minguet discuss Spanish dancing. Although he does not describe in detail the performance of any particular dance-types, he does provide brief verbal explanations for forty-five choreographic steps, thirty-six of which incorporate terms in their names

which are similar to those used much earlier by both Esquivel Navarro

8Minguet y Yrol (1758-1764) pt. II “Figuras para saber tafier las castafiuelas con la mésica en las danzas italianas, y espafiolas,” pl. 34, is equivalent to Feuillet (1700) pt. I “De la batterie des castagnettes,” 100-1. Similarly both the music and notation in Minguet y Yrol (1758-1764) pt. II “Folfas primera diferencia,” pl. 42, are found in Feuillet (1700) pt. I “Couplet de folie d’Espagne avec les bras et la batterie des castagnettes, ... ,” 102.

29Minguet y Yrol (1758-1764) pt. If “Demonstracién del passapié que comGnmente se baila,” pl. 27, is a simplification of Feuillet (1700) pt. III “Le passe pied,” 22-31. The same material above. is treated in Minguet y Yrol (1758-1764) pt. I, pp. 28-35, as noted in Chart 31 0Minguet y Yrol (1758-1764) pt. II “Demonstraci6n del minué de Alcides,” pl. 29-30; “Demonstraci6n de la Bretagne,” pl. 35—41; and “El amable, con otra chorographfa,” pl. 43-

48. The same dances, notated in the revised version of chorégraphie, are contained in Rameau's second treatise where the attribution to Pécour is explicit: Rameau, Abbrégé (ca.

4) pt. II “Menuet d’Alcide,” 45-50; “La Bretagne,” 65-71; and “Aimable vainqueur,”

450 THE DANCE Chart 33. Equivalent sections in Minguet y Yrol (1758-1764) pt. III and Ferriol y Boxeraus (1745) tratado III] chap.4

Minguet y Yrol (1758-1764) pt. III Ferriol_y Boxeraus (1745) tratado III chap. 4 pp. 2-5 “Explicaci6n de algunos letras, y pp. 250(42)—255(47) “Explicacién de al-

figuras, que de ordinario hay en las gunos nombres, letras, y figuras, que contradanzas largas, y redondas” de ordinario hay en las contradanzas largas”

pp. 6-8 “Explicacién de las diferencias, pp. 256(48)—259 Explicaci6n de las que suelen hacer en las contradanzas diferencias que de ordinario hay en las quadradas, o de quatro pares, y en las contradanzas quadradas sepuidillas”

pp. 8-9 “De cémo se han de baylar las pp. 263-264 “De cémo se han de baylar

contradanzas” las contradanzas”

pp. 9-10 “Contradanza de la letra A” pp. 267—269(59) “El resvalén” pp. 10-11 “Contradanza de la letra E” pp. 272(62)—273 (63) “El volante” pp. 11-12 “Contradanza de Ia letra I” pp. 272 (62)—273 (63) “El tuetano” pp. 12~13 “Contradanza de la letra O” pp. 274(64)-275(65) “Contradanza con baxo. Andrés Kerr”

pp. 13-14 “Contradanza de la letra U” pp. 276(66)—277(67) “La charratera” pp. 15-17 “Resumen de las diferencias pp. 259-262 “Diferencias de la primer

explicadas” parte de las contradanzas de quatro pares”

and Jaque."! While Ferriol’s treatise shows that many Spanish dancetypes dropped out of fashion among the aristocracy, Minguet’s remarks 1311 alphabetical order the names of these thirty-six steps, as given in Minguet y Yrol (1758—1764) pt. IV, are as follows: cabriola cruzada, cabriola en buelta, cabriola texida, media cabriola, campanela, campanela breve, campanela de compds mayor, campanela por adentro, cargada, carverilla, cruzados, cruzar por detrds, encage, floreo, floreta en buelta, floreta natural, floreta passada, floreta passada en buelta, passo en buelta, planta de quadrado, planta natural, quatropeado, quatropeado atrds, quatropeado en buelta, quiebro en buelta, quiebro por delante, reverencia cortada, rompido, sacudido, salto y campanela, salto y encage, salto y encage en buelta, bacto, buelta al descuydo, buelta de pechos, and buelta de tornillo. In addition, the movements called substenido de un pie and substenido de los dos pies, in Minguet y Yrol (17581764) pt. IV are related to the substenido mentioned in Esquivel Navarro (1642) chap. 2, f. 17r. Similarly those called llamada, tropecillo and tropecillo en buelta in Minguet y Yrol

(1758-1764) pt. IV recall the terms llamada and topetillo [sic] used in Jaque (E Mn Barbieri Mss 14059/15). This leaves only the borneo trinado, contratiempo, puntapié, and rastrén from Minguet y Yrol (1758-1764) pt. IV with names which are not found in either of the two earlier sources.

CHOREOGRAPHIC SOURCES AND STYLES 451 indicate that others were greatly transformed owing to the influence of French practices. For instance, Minguet notes that the basic principles of French choreography also apply to Spanish dances.'? Furthermore, he points out that Spanish steps can be used in foreign dances, and foreign steps can be used in Spanish dances such as the seguidillas.'3

The third choreographic treatise written in Spanish during this period is by Joseph Ratier. Apparently no complete exemplar of this work survives. However, a printing of the approbations for it, issued in Seville,

is preserved at E Mn." In addition, there does exist a 19th-century manuscript copy by Barbieri of the first part of Ratier's treatise along with the approbations."5 According to the title-page the original was published

in Madrid. No date is specified, but it was probably issued in 1759 or shortly thereafter, because all the approbations are dated 1758 or 1759. Barbieri's copy consists of fifty-four pages of text without any subdivision

into chapters, and without any music or choreographic notation. In this section of his treatise Ratier outlines his aims (pp. 3—6), discusses dancing

in ancient times (pp. 6-10), provides a brief survey of dancing in European countries other than France (pp. 10-19), emphasizes the benefits of dancing (pp. 19-21), describes the characteristics of a good maestro (pp. 21-22), and presents concise explanations of numerous choreographic terms (pp. 22-41). Presumably Ratier had been born and raised in France. At the time of publication he was a member of the Royal Academy of Music in Paris

and was active as a dancing teacher in Cadiz." By his own account he

had begun working on this treatise eighteen years earlier, and had 132 Minguet y Yrol (1758-1764) pt. IV, p. 14.

133Minguet y Yrol (1758-1764) pt. IV, title-page and p. 14. See the excerpt translated in the discussion of the seguidillas, below in pt. IV. '34Aprobacién de los mds famosos maestros prdcticos y theéricos de la Europa, sobre las Observaciones, principios yy reglas del arte de la danza (Seville, n.d.); exemplar at E Mn M.1258;

listed in Anglés and Subir vol. 3 (1951), 250. .

'35Joseph Ratier, Observacién I sobre el arte de la danza, de las muchas compuestas por don Joseph Ratier, antiguo académico en danza de las Academias Reales de Mitisica de Francia, y maestro de ella en Cadiz, aprobadas por los mds famosos maestros prdcticos, y theéricos de la Europa, como se verd al fin de este discurso (Madrid, n.d.); manuscript copy by Barbieri in E Mn Barbieri Mss 14059/16. 136A ccording to the title-page, cited in the preceding note.

452 THE DANCE originally written it in French before having it translated into Spanish.” He mentions in passing that his first dancing teacher had been Dupré, a famous performer at the Paris Opéra who was later described by Compan as one of the finest dancers of the century." Ratier further states that he had worked and studied in Paris as well as in other European capitals. The thoroughly French nature of his choreographic ideas is reflected by the fact that he was able to obtain such impressive approbations from France for his book. There is even one approbation, dated Paris, August 25, 1758, which was signed by all the dancing masters belonging to the French Royal Academy of Music.'* The first signatory was Laval, maestro de danza de la familia real de Francia, y compositor de los bayles para el Rey.

This was probably the same Laval who had risen to prominence at the French court in 1731, on being named to succeed his uncle, Balon, as mattre a danser des Enfants de France."

Evidently Ratier dealt in even greater detail with French choreography in those portions of his treatise which are no longer extant; for he refers to the numerous engravings contained therein which illustrate the steps of the minuet, the execution of the cortesfa, and the various arm movements to be used in dancing.'” One of Ratier’s express purposes in writing this book is to provide instruction for less knowledgeable teachers.'* He strongly disapproves of the treatises of the period which purport to enable the reader to teach

'37Ratier in Aprobacién (Seville, n.d.), 10; as quoted in Anglés and Subir4 vol. 3 (1951), 250. '38Ratier (ca. 1759); as copied in E Mn Barbieri Mss 14059/16, p. 32. Compan’s enthusiastic remarks about Dupré are given in Charles Compan, Dictionnaire de danse, contenant histoire, les régles & les principes de cet art, avec des réflexions critiques, @ des anecdotes curieuses concernant la danse ancienne & modeme; le tout tiré des meilleurs auteurs qui ont écrit sur cet art (Paris, 1787; facsimile edition, New York, 1974) “Opéra,” 258. 139Ratier (ca. 1759); as copied in E Mn Barbieri Mss 14059/16, pp. 5-6. 1®Ratier (ca. 1759); as copied in E Mn Barbieri Mss 14059/16, pp. 46-49. 41PARIS, Archives Nationales, Série O' 75, f. 351 (dated Versailles, August 25, 1731); as transcribed in Benoit (1972), 428-29. 142Ratier (ca. 1759); as copied in E Mn Barbieri Mss 14059/16, p. 41. In the Aprobacién (Seville, n. d.), 10 —as quoted in Anglés and Subir4 vol. 3 (1951), 250—Ratier refers to the “172 figuras” contained in his treatise. 1SRatier (ca. 1759); as copied in E Mn Barbieri Mss 14059/16, p. 6.

CHOREOGRAPHIC SOURCES AND STYLES 453 himself how to dance (such as the publications by Minguet y Yrol). According to Ratier, the services of a maestro are indispensable.'* No doubt

this attitude was appreciated by his French colleagues who in turn provided him with enthusiastic approbations. In Spain during the 18th century the most important French dances were the minuet and those known collectively as contradangzas (i.e., contredanses). To acquit oneself adequately in aristocratic dancing, proficiency in the minuet alone was considered to be both necessary and sufficient by such writers as Minguet, who offers the following advice: . .. even if you do not know more than the choreographic figures of the minuet, it is sufficient for taking part in any sarao or party, and dancing

before any great lord. With regard to the other dances—such as the passapié, Bretafia, amable, etc.—if you do not know them you are not obliged to dance them; unless it is some contradanza, seguidillas, etc., which are easily learnt by paying attention to the choreographic figures and move-

ments performed by the person who begins them. If you do not want to dance them, you can excuse yourself with fine manners, saying that you are tired.!#

At the court of Felipe V the minuet was prominent from the outset of his reign. It was one of the dances included in the comic fiesta known as la Momerfa which was staged by twenty-four performers at the Palacio de la Diputacién in Barcelona to welcome Felipe V and Queen MarieLouise in 1701. This fiesta also featured the canario, gran duque, jdcara, paradeta, torneo, and turdién.'* On other occasions the king and queen danced the minuet for their own recreation (see above, p. 437). According to Cotarelo y Mori, the minuet began to be used as a dance-song in

Spanish dramatic interludes around the turn of the century.” In addition, Sebasti4n Dur6én incorporated the minuet in at least two of his \4Ratier (ca. 1759); as copied in E Mn Barbieri Mss 14059/16, pp. 23-24. '45Minguet y Yrol (1758-1764) pt. I “Prélogo el lector,” iv. '4 According to the summary in Capmany (1931), 416-17, of the description given in Festivas demonstraciones ‘y magestuosos obsequios con que el muy ilustre ‘y fidelfssimo consistorio de

los deputados, oydores del principado de Catalufia, celebré la dicha que legé a lograr, con el deseado arribo, ¥ feliz himeneo de sus catélicos reyes d[on] Felipe IV de Aragén y V de Castilla, conde de Barcelona, &c., y dofia Marfa Luisa Gabriela de Saboya (Barcelona, 1702). 14?The following three interludes are among the earliest to include the minuet: (a) Juan Francisco de Tejera, Sarao de la minué francés (fin de fiesta), E Mn Mss 16571 (late 17th century); discussed in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. ccevi. (b) Francisco de Castro, El amor sastre (baile), published in his Segunda parte de Alegria cémica, explicada en diferentes assumptos jocosos (Zaragoza, 1702); discussed in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. ccliv. (Continued)

454 THE DANCE musical stage-works which date from before 1706, the year in which he was imprisoned and exiled.'’# One of his minuets for solo voice and continuo was even published by Torres y Martinez Bravo.'!”

The choreography of the minuet was not easy to master. Consequently, using Rameau’s explanations, both Ferriol and Minguet devote considerable space to it in their treatises.!® As Ferriol explains: The most difficult and demanding dance, and that which bestows exceptional skill for the elegant bearing of one’s body, is the minuete. If one knows it to complete perfection, then one can learn very quickly and with great skill the entire repertory.!°!

In Spain the other important type of French dance was the contradanza. Adopted from the contredanse it furnishes another illustration of

the complex cultural relationships among the countries of western Europe; for the contredanse in turn was based in large part on the English country dance which was imported into France during the late 17th and early 18th centuries.'* The popularity of the country dance in England is reflected by the eighteen editions of John Playford’s manual on the subject which were issued in London between 1651 and circa 1728.'%

(c) Antonio Zamora, Todo lo vence el amor (baile y sarao for his comedia of the same title), published in Flores de el Parnaso, cogidas para recreo del entendimiento, por los mejores ingenios de Espavia, en loas, entremeses ‘y mojigangas (Zaragoza, 1708); discussed in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. cclx, who states that it was first performed in 1707 to celebrate the birth of prince Luis.

M8 According to Nicol4s Solar-Quintes, “Nuevos documentos para la biograffa del compositor Sebastian Durén,” Anuario musical 10 (1955), 159 and 161, a minuet is contained in Sebastién Dur6én, La guerra de los gigantes (6pera scénica), E Mn M.2278; and in Sebastién Durén, Selva encantada de amor (zarzuela), E Mn M.2211. These manuscripts are listed in Anglés and Subir4 vol. 1 (1946), 360-62. Sebastian Durén, Minué humano. Hermosa fuente pura (Madrid, n.d.); listed in RISM series A, vol. 1, pt. 2 (Kassel, 1972), 469. \0Ferriol y Boxeraus (1745) tratado I, chap. 13, pp. 78-92; tratado II, chap. 4, pp. 14955; and tratado III, chap. 1, pp. 181-98. Minguet y Yrol (1758-1764) pt. I, pp. 9-25; and pt. II, pl. 25 and 29-30. '5!Ferriol y Boxeraus (1745) tratado III, chap. 1, p. 181. 12The combination of English and French elements in the early French contredanse is discussed in Guilcher, La contredanse (1969), 13-85. 13John Playford, The English Dancing Master: or, Plaine and Easie Rules for the Dancing of Country Dances, with the Tune to Each Dance (London, 1651; annotated facsimile edition, London, 1957). The eighteen editions are listed by Margaret Dean-Smith in the preface to the facsimile publication (1957), xxi—xxxi.

CHOREOGRAPHIC SOURCES AND STYLES 455 On the Spanish stage the contradanza began to be included in some dramatic interludes during the second decade of the 18th century. Ac-

cording to Ferriol, the contradanza became the most frequently used dance-type at Spanish parties, especially among the younger generation.’ In recognition of the international use of the contradangza, Ferriol lists the dance terms associated with it in four different languages: Italian, English, French, and Catalan. For each foreign term he provides its phonetic spelling and meaning in Spanish.'* A further indication of its tremendous influence is the fact that the contradanza could incorporate elements from other dance-types. For example, Ferriol gives the melodies and verbal instructions for performing the Contradanza de el minuete del nardo and the Contradanza de el minuete de trompas.'" The titles of other contradanzas in-

dicate an overlap with Spanish dance-types. Such is the case with La airosa malaguenia, La catalana, and El suple seguidillas whose melodies and choreography are contained in Minguet’s treatise. '%

There was considerable variety possible in the performance of the contradanza. Ferriol offers a detailed discussion of its choreography in the

final chapter of his treatise."° Here he includes the melodies and choreographic explanations for eighteen contradanzas, each of which can be performed in more than one way.'® Some of the material in this chapter also appears in part III of Minguet’s treatise (as shown above in Chart '4The following three works are among the earliest ones mentioned by Cotarelo y Mori to include the performance of a contradanza: (a) La fuente nueva de la red de San Luis (baile), E Mn Mss 14513(47); discussed in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. cexvii, who dates this work 1713.

(b) Antonio Zamora, El serenf (fin de fiesta for his zarzuela entitled La fuente del desengafio), E Mn Mss 14088(35) (19th-century Ms); discussed in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. cccvi, who dates this work 1719. (c) José de Cafiizares, Los sopones (mojiganga para el Corpus de 1723), E Mn Mss 14517(29); discussed in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. ccxxxix. '55Ferriol y Boxeraus (1745) tratado III, chap. 4, p. 250(42). '6Ferriol y Boxeraus (1745) tratado III, chap. 4, pp. 246(38)—249(41). 'S7Music and choreography in Ferriol y Boxeraus (1745) tratado III, chap. 4, pp. 266 and 291 (81)-294 (84) respectively.

'8Minguet y Yrol (1758-1764) pt. II “Explicacién de las 4 contradanzas que Ilaman airosas,” pl. 26. Also see the remarks later in the present chapter, pp. 459-60. 'Ferriol y Boxeraus (1745) tratado III, chap. 4, pp. 242(34)-298. 'Only for two of the dances does he employ choreographic notation—namely, Ferriol y Boxeraus (1745) tratado III, chap. 4 “EI frenco con clave francesa, y chorographfa antigua,” 270(60); and “La gentil,” 279(69)—280(70).

456 THE DANCE 33). Minguet also deals with this dance-type in part II of his work where he presents the melodies and choreographic instructions for seventeen contradanzas.'s!

The different ways of performing a contradanza depended in part on the initial position and basic pattern employed by the couples. The four most fashionable types, as described by Ferriol, were the following:' (i) quadradas or en quadro, performed by four couples who each stand on a different side of an imaginary square (ii) de dos pares, performed by two couples who face each other across the room (iii) largas or a lo largo, performed by a variable number of couples with the men and women separated into two parallel files (iv) redondas or en redondo, performed by a variable number of couples aligned as in (iii); but here the first man forms a circle by dancing

in turn with each of the women, while the first woman does the same with the men.

Further variety resulted from the different figuras which could be used within each of these categories. In contrast to the importance in 17thcentury Spanish dances of the individual steps (pasos) and groups of steps (mudanzas), the main emphasis in 18th-century contradanzas was on the

choreographic figures (figuras) formed by the entire group of dancers. Many figuras are described in the Spanish sources, where they are given colorful names.'’® The wide range of possibilities is illustrated by Ferriol and Minguet who each present the same list of fifty figures (diferencias)

which can be used one after the other to perform a contradanza quadrada.'* In practice the dancers could choose their own sequence of '61Minguet y Yrol (1758-1764) pt. II, pl. 3-18, 26, and 57-58. For all of them, except the four contradanzas airosas on pl. 26, he uses choreographic notation. \62Rerriol y Boxeraus (1745) tratado III, pp. 263-64. 13Ferriol y Boxeraus (1745) tratado III, chap. 4, pp. 250(42)—59; Minguet y Yrol (17581764) pt. Ill, pp. 2-8; and Antonio Cairén, Compendio de las principales reglas del baile: traducido del francés por Antonio Cairén, ‘y aumentado de una explicacién exacta, ‘y método de ejecutar la mayor parte de los bailes conocidos en Espafia tanto antiguos como modemos (Madrid, 1820), 67-74 and 77-88. Brief descriptions in English of some of these figuras are given in Charles E. Kany, Life and Manners in Madrid 1750-1800 (Berkeley, 1932), 2779,

itera y Boxeraus (1745) tratado III, chap. 4, pp. 259-62; and Minguet y Yrol (17581764) pt. III, pp. 15-17.

CHOREOGRAPHIC SOURCES AND STYLES 457 figures. Minguet notes that, in masked balls held in Barcelona and else-

where, each group of four couples performs a different set of figures (mudanzas) during a contradanza.'© Apparently the figures were often em-

phasized at the expense of other important choreographic elements. In the treatises little attention is given to the individual steps to be used in the contradanza, although on this subject Minguet does discuss briefly the passo de rigodén, the passo de burea, and the floreo.'* Near the end of the 18th century Fern4ndez de Rojas offers the following satirical advice to

the aspiring dandy: “Execute the figures with precision, take the steps anyway you like, and relate your movements to the meter of the music anyway you can. "!6

The contradanza retained its importance in Spanish society during the last third of the 18th century. For example, between 1767 and 1773 the conde de Aranda organized masquerade balls at the Coliseo de los Cafios del Peral in Madrid, which were modeled on those held at the Opéra in Paris.’ A manuscript survives of some of the dances to be performed there in 1770. It consists of the melodies and verbal choreographic explanations for twenty-four contradanzas nuevas.'® Two other collections of contradanzas from Madrid, containing melodies and choreographic in-

structions, have been preserved at E Mn. One is a collection of twelve dances compiled by Marset and published by Ibarra in 1775.'® The other is an anonymous undated collection of sixty-six folios, all of which are in 165Minguet y Yrol (1758-1764) pt. III, p. 15. 'Minguet y Yrol (1758-1764) pt. III, “Explicaci6n de los passos que més se estilan en las contradanzas,” p. 18. This section is not found in Ferriol’s treatise. '67[Juan Fernandez de Rojas], Libro de moda o ensayo de Ia historia de los “currutacos, pirracas, y madamitas del nuevo cufio.” Escrito por un fildsofo currutaco, ‘y aumentado nuevamente por un seflorito pirracas (Madrid, 1795) leccién 5, p. 94. 168) escribed in Kany (1932), 327-31. 'Contrada[nza]s nuevas, que se han de baylar en el Amphitheatro de los Cafios del Peral en los bayles en mdscara del inmediato Carnabal de 1770. Con sus misicas, y explicacién de figuras, E: Mah Diversos, unnumbered Ms (on the last folio it is dated Priego, December 22, 1769);

modern edition in Nicol4s Alvarez Solar-Quintes, “Contradanzas en el Teatro de los Cafios del Peral, de Madrid,” Anuario musical 20 (1965), 86-103. '[Joseph Marset], Doce contradanzas nuevas abiertas, hechas para [or por] el principe nuestro sefior, las que se baylaron [or baylardn] en este presente afio de 1775: con su miisica de primero y segundo violin, y la explicacion de figuras (Madrid, 1775); listed in Anglés and Subir4 vol. 3 (1951), 273. The attribution to Marset and the variants in the title, given above in square brackets, are based on the listing of this work in Inocencio Ruiz Lasala, Joaquin Ibarra y Marin (1725-1785) (Zaragoza, 1968), 153.

458 THE DANCE manuscript except for the last four, which are printed.'”! Masquerade balls in the French style were also held in the eastern part of Spain. For those

given at Barcelona in 1768 there is a publication of the melodies and choreography for various contradanzas.'” For those held at Valencia there is a publication issued by Monfort in 1769 which contains choreographic . descriptions (without music) of thirty-two contradanzas.'3 Important information about the contradangza is also found in two satirical works published in Spain during the last decade of the 18th century. They ridicule the many dandies and stylish women—known as currutacos, pirracas, and madamitas del nuevo cufio—who embraced French

fashions and modes of behavior.’ After describing such creatures as being part human and part monkey, Zamacola offers the following ludicrous remarks in their defense: . . . but inasmuch as God does not create anything superfluous on this earth, we will find that just as flies, bedbugs, fleas, and mosquitos contribute to the perfection of this absolute whole of the universe, so the currutacos, pirracas, and madamitas del nuevo cufio (who some will consider to be the scum of the earth) were born to perfect the science of the contradanza—a

science so useful and necessary to mankind that we would not be able to survive without it even for a single instant.!”°

Varias contradanzas con sus misicas y explicacién de todas figuras, E Mn M.918; inventory in Anglés and Subir4 vol. 1 (1946), 431-34. The last four folios are printed anonymously under the title Explicacién méthodo de executar los passos diferencias de las contradanzas n.p., n.d.). Rate Rivas and Segismundo Torrents, Contradanzas, que se han de baylar en el theatro de esta ciudad, en los bayles de mdscaras del Carnaval de 1768. Con su misica y explicacién de figuras (Barcelona, n.d.); listed in Anglés and Subiré vol. 3 (1951), 272-73. '3 Bonifacio Monfort (publisher), Contradanzas nuevas que se han de baylar en el theatro de la casa interina de comedias de la ciudad de Valencia en los bayles en mdscara del immediato Carnaval del afio 1769 (Valencia, 1769); listed in Anglés and Subir4 vol. 3 (1951), 254. '74Fern4ndez de Rojas (1795); and [Juan Antonio de Zam4cola y Ozerfn], Elementos de la ciencia contradanzaria, para que los currutacos, pirracas ‘-y madamitas del nuevo curio puedan aprender por principios a baylar las contradanzas por sf solos, o con las sillas de su casa, &c. &c.

&c. Su autor don Preciso (2nd edition, Madrid, 1796). These types of dandies and stylish women, along with those known as petimetres (from the French “petit maitre”), are discussed in detail in Kany (1932), 174-208. '75ZamAcola y Ozerin (1796) chap. 2, pp. 12-13.

CHOREOGRAPHIC SOURCES AND STYLES 459 ZamAcola adopts a similar tone when discussing the enormous popularity of the contradanza in Spain, as, for instance, in the following passage: . .. we ought to suppose that this science [of the contradanza] is the most useful and necessary of all those which up until now have been taught on

this earth. Because, although we see that the discoveries of gunpowder, printing, the compass, chemistry, and physics have deserved so many commendations from the civilized nations, owing to the profits which they are said to have brought to mankind (notwithstanding the thousands of men whom we see losing their lives in these activities), how much more acclaim does our science of the contradanza deserve? For not only does it distract a large portion of the human species from the worries which they might have, it also maintains them in a cheerful state of idleness, diverted from rational

thoughts and faculties—a state in which nothing is craved, nothing is desired, and nothing is troublesome to them.!”

Fern4ndez de Rojas, in his more general work on the dandies, also offers some ludicrous remarks about the contradanza. He states that the dandy’s manner of walking is as closely related to the steps of the contradanza as the recitative is to the aria. In order to acquire the dandy’s bouncing gait he playfully advises the student to practice walking for two hours a day in front of a mirror with his feet in shackles.'” Fern4ndez de Rojas closes his book with a set of absurd regulations which he invented concerning the contradanza."8 Notwithstanding the satirical intent of these works, the following account by Zam4cola seems to be an accurate reflection of the changing status of the contradanza in Spain during the course of the 18th century: The commendations which this new science [of the contradanza] acquired in Spain were so great, that in a short time the native Spaniards forgot all their dances [danzas +y bayles] in order to adopt the contradanza. This

is evident, for example, in Catalonia where there has barely remained any memory of their national dance [bayle]. However, when [choreographic] pastimes get to be excessively common, they become contaminated by other dances [bayles] in such a fashion that, within a short time, the person who created them would no longer recognize them. Thus in our Spain, and even '767amAcola y Ozerin (1796) chap. 4, pp. 27-28.

'Fern4ndez de Rojas (1795) leccién 4, p. 91. 8Rern4ndez de Rojas (1795) “Nuevas ordenanzas para los bayles de contradanza, compuestas por el abate Muchitango, secretario de la Academia Currutaca,” 129-35.

460 THE DANCE at our own court, the contradanza deteriorated in a few years, because of the crude dandies of the lower classes in Madrid [manolos] from the districts of Avapiés, Barquillo, and Maravillas. Acting like monkeys, because they want to do everything which they observe among people “of distinction,” they devoted themselves to this type of dancing [bayles] in their wretched festivities. Consequently when refined and dignified persons observed the corruption of these [choreographic] pastimes—namely, that the dances were treated with the greatest disrespect by the lower classes (with their underjackets, cigars, and wide-brimmed hats), and that those same choreographic

figures which had been established by learned dancers were being incorporated by the lower classes in their seguidillas for eight dancers—they resolved to abandon the contradanza and to devote themselves to the exquisite, learned, and stately qualities of the minuet and the passepied. In this they were following the advice of that wise French dancer [Marcel] who stated that this dance [the minuet] possesses such an influence over men that any dancer, by the amount of grace in his steps, reveals his breeding, education, manners, character, morals, and even his motives. Thus the contradanza continued in the hands of the ignorant for some years, until heaven, weary of seeing the disasters befalling this science, was kind enough to send us those of its creatures who undoubtedly were chosen for the study and perfection of this discipline—namely, the currutacos, pirracas, and madamitas del nuevo curio.'”9

Dancing by the Lower Classes Detailed choreographic descriptions of the dances performed by the

lower classes in Spain during the 17th century are difficult to uncover. The extant choreographic treatises are not directly informative about the dances of the lower classes because they contain only stylized versions of those which were adopted by the aristocracy. Most of the available information is located in other types of sources and is general in nature. For the dances performed during such public fiestas as Corpus Chris-

ti there are some extant documents in the form of contracts and receipts. However only in rare instances do such records contain '797am4cola y Ozerfn (1796) chap. 1, pp. 5-8. The manolos are discussed along with the majos in Kany (1932), 220-31. '80Mfodern editions of archival records for Corpus Christi are listed above, chap. 9, note 59.

CHOREOGRAPHIC SOURCES AND STYLES 461 specific references to the choreography of the dances.'*! For the most part the details in these archival sources concern the costumes of the dancers. This is illustrated in the documents outlining the Corpus dances proposed for performance in Madrid in the years 1651, 1656, 1663, and 1674. They

consist almost entirely of descriptions of the elaborate costumes to be worn by the dancers, who are to represent various characters, such as Blacks (negros), Catalans (a lo cataldén), Frenchmen (franceses), Galicians

(gallegos), Gypsies (gitanos), Hungarians (ungaros), Indians (yndios), Moors (moros), Romans (romanos), Turks (turcos), and Valencians (a lo balenciano) .' Comic and bizarre elements were prominent features of many sacred

and secular fiestas. One source for the humorous traits used during the early 17th century was the Italian commedia dell’arte. For instance, during the festivities held in Valencia in 1599 to celebrate the marriage of Felipe III, Lope de Vega dressed himself as a commedia dell’arte character and ap-

peared before the king to recite a poem first in Italian and then in Spanish.'® In addition, for the Corpus processions in Madrid, the figure of

harlequin was sometimes placed on the back of the dragon (tarasca), as mentioned above (chap. 9, p. 365). Comic Italian elements were also incorporated in some of the dances, as is shown by the records for Segovia from the early 17th century. On May 18, 1609, a band of Italian acrobats (bolatines) agreed to perform dances during the Corpus festivities in Segovia.'** On September 21, 1613, a figure dressed up as harlequin was used in the procession entitled La mdscara de la genealogta de la Virgen

'81For example, a Corpus contract dated Segovia, April 22, 1622, is unusual for its inclusion of choreographic details: E Sap Protocolo de Juan de Benavente nGimero 1012, afio de 1622, f. 358-59; as transcribed in Jean Louis Flecniakoska, Las fiestas del Corpus en Segovia (1594-1636) (Segovia, 1956), 51-52. 1828 Mav 2-197-8, 2-197-13, 2-198-9, and 2-197-19; as transcribed in N.D. Shergold and J.E. Varey, Los autos sacramentales en Madrid en la época de Calder6n 1637-1681. Estudio y documentos (Madrid, 1961), 100-2, 122-23, 170-71, and 274, respectively.

IN, D. Shergold, “Ganassa and the Commedia Dell'Arte in Sixteenth-Century Spain,” Modern Language Review 51 (1956), 364; based on the manuscript account by F. de Gauna, Libro copioso ‘y muy verdadero del casamiento ‘y bodas de las magestades del rey de Espafia don Phelipe Tercero con dofia Margarita de Austria en su ciudad de Valencia de Aragon.

I84F Sap Protocolo de Juan de Segovia Tercero nimero 707, afio de 1609, unnumbered folio; as transcribed in Flecniakoska (1956), 31.

462 THE DANCE madre de Dios.'®* On June 3, 1620, a contract was drawn up for a Corpus dance to be performed by eight harlequins.'®

Other humorous kinds of costumes and choreography were also employed in dances presented during fiestas. For example, as part of the reception given by the city of Burgos to the new Spanish queen, Anna of Austria, on October 24, 1570: . .. there were many dances, including an elaborate ballet on stilts performed by twelve men and twelve women dressed in green, who did conjuring tricks with rings and finally performed a mock bullfight, . . . Another danza was made up of tiny negroes and an ostrich embraced by an old woman. !8

One particular type of comic dance, purported to be of ancient origin, was called the danza de los chitones. It was used, for instance, during the reception held by the city of Tarragona on July 17, 1599, to welcome Felipe III and his sister Isabel. The dance is described briefly in an anonymous contemporaneous account of these festivities, as follows:

On Saturday the 17th [of July, 1599], their majesties made their entrance, under the canopy, into the city: the king on horseback, the queen on a palfrey, the ladies-in-waiting following in like manner, and the officials of the council carrying their rods of authority. At the front there were many different dances, including one called de los chitones. It consists of men placed between two pieces of blue and red cloth, with their heads sticking out at the top. They wear masks with large noses, and tall pumpkins as hats. This dance is so old that it was used when Spain was governed by Roman

185Diego de Colmenares, Historia de la insigne ciudad de Segovia y compendio de las historias de

Castilla (Segovia, 1637) chap. 49, p. 619. This procession is discussed above, chap. 9, p.

375. 18F Sap Protocolo de Juan de Benavente nimero 1011, afio de 1620, f. 317-318; as transcribed in Flecniakoska (1956), 49. IStN], D. Shergold, A History of the Spanish Stage from Medieval Times until the End of the Seventeenth Century (Oxford, 1967), 241; partly based on the account in Relacién verdadera, del recebimiento, que la muy noble -y muy mds leal ciudad de Burgos, cabega de Castilla, y cdmara de s[u] m[agestad] hizo a la majestad real de la reyna nuestra seftora, dofia Anna de Austria, primera de este nombre: passando a Segovia, para celebrar su felicissimo casamiento con el rey don Philippe, nuestro seflor, segundo de este nombre (Burgos, 1571). A summary of the contents of this source is given in Jenaro Alenda y Mira, Relaciones de solemnidades y fiestas piiblicas de Esparia (Madrid, 1903), 1:76-78.

CHOREOGRAPHIC SOURCES AND STYLES 463 consuls. When new consuls came, they were welcomed by macebearers and royal heralds with this dance and much music; . . .'®

On occasion the choreography of a dance was arranged so as to include brief dramatic episodes of an amusing nature. For example, according to a contract dated April 15, 1608, the city of Segovia agreed to pay Mateo de Salazar and Juan Antonio Rodrfguez the sum of 800 reales for a Corpus dance which was to take the following form: ... there are to be two [dancers dressed up as] bears who are to perform

a mudanca. Then two other bears are to appear and perform another mudanca. Then all together they are to perform a finely danced one. Four shepherds are to appear and perform another mudanga. Approaching the bears in two groups of two, the shepherds shoot at them with their slings.

Then all the bears and shepherds join together and perform another mudanga. At this point four small monkeys appear, dancing and performing another mudanca. As soon as the bears and shepherds see them, they are to try and catch them. When the said monkeys see that they are going to be pursued, they are to climb up a pine tree which is to be set up for this pur-

pose. One of the monkeys should be hanging from it by his arm, and another one by his leg, so that when the shepherds shoot their slings, the monkeys are to make a lot of faces. The bears should be at the foot of the pine tree with their sticks, waiting to see if they can catch them. Then the monkeys give themselves up. All join together to perform a mudanga, and then another fine one which is structured in such a way that the bears sit down and the monkeys climb up onto their shoulders. They all have to be dressed in suitable costumes. . .1

Serious dramatic spectacle could also form the basis for the choreography of particular dances performed during fiestas. Such dances overlap with theatrical works, for the action portrayed by means of choreographic

pantomime was sometimes supplemented by texts which were either recited by the dancers or sung by an accompanying musician. Cervantes

uses the term danza hablada to designate a dramatic dance which he describes in his novel Don Quixote, as part of the festivities preceding Quiteria’s marriage. The performers include eight nymphs divided into '88Jornada de su majestad Felipe Ill y alteza la infanta dofia Isabel, desde Madrid, a casarse, el rey con la reina Margarita, y su alteza con el archiduque Alberto, E Mn Mss H-48; as printed in Uhag6n (1896), 265-66. There are no known instrumental settings of the music for the danza de los chitones.

\8F Sap Protocolo de Juan de Benavente nGmero 1000, afio de 1608, f. 177; as transcribed in Flecniakoska (1956), 26-27.

464 THE DANCE two groups, headed by Cupid (Cupido) and Worldly Wealth (Interés). Cervantes also provides the poetic texts recited by the dancers.'* The prominence of pantomime dances during fiestas is emphasized in two nonfictional works of the period, where these dances are viewed as originating in ancient Greek and Roman times. In the early 17th century Caro notes

that, during Corpus celebrations in Seville, dramatic dances are staged

with an accompanying vihuela player narrating the story in song.’ Similarly in the late 17th century Bances y Candamo refers to the practice adopted throughout Castile of basing pantomime dances—which he calls danzas castellanas que llaman historias—on romances which are sung in a clear voice as part of the performance.'”

There were two important types of dances associated with the Moors or the Moriscos (descendants of the Moslems in Spain who had

been forcibly converted to Christianity). They were frequently used during various fiestas but only one Spanish instrumental setting for them survives.'® The first type was derived from the simulated battles between

Moors and Christians (moros y cristianos) which were performed throughout Spain. These mock battles served to recall the religious and

nationalistic reconquest of Spain from the Moors. They were often produced on a grand scale as non-choreographic spectacles.'4 For example, to entertain Felipe II during his visit to Tortosa on December 21,

1585, a mock battle between Moors and Christians was performed in which a specially erected castle was stormed by artillery from land and 'N0Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra, El ingenioso hidalgo Don Quixote de la Mancha pt. 2 (Madrid, 1615) chap. 20; modern edition (Madrid, 1978), 2:190-93; English translation

by Samuel Pumam (New York, 1949) pt. 2, pp. 639-41. In the 18th century the term danza hablada is defined as a dramatic dance interspersed with acting scenes: Diccionario de la lengua castellana, . . . por la Real Academia Espafiola vol. 3 (Madrid, 1732; facsimile edition, Madrid, 1964), 5. '91Rodrigo Caro, Dias geniales o hidicros (original Ms, not extant, written in Seville, ca. 1626); modem edition by Jean-Pierre Etienvre (Madrid, 1978), 1:96-97. '2Francisco Antonio de Bances y Candamo, Theatro de los theatros de los pasados presentes siglos, Ms in E Mn (written ca. 1690); as quoted in Emilio Cotarelo y Mori, Bibliografia de las controversias sobre la licicud del teatro en Espafia (Madrid, 1904), 80.

193¢Morisqua” D-309. The transcription of this setting is problematical because the original manuscript lacks metrical and rhythmic symbols. 194A brief history of their use in Spain from the 16th century to the present is given in Carmen Mufioz Renedo, La representacién de “moros ¥ cristianos” de Ziijar. Cautiverio y rescate de N[uestra] S[efiora] de la Cabeza de Ziijar (Madrid, 1972), 3-24.

CHOREOGRAPHIC SOURCES AND STYLES 465 sea.!95 Similar non-choreographic spectacles were also produced in which

the Moors were replaced by more recent enemies of Spain, such as the Turks (turcos) of the Ottoman Empire or the Indians (indios) of the New

World. For instance, the capture of Montezuma was portrayed in an equestrian mdscara held at Alcal4 de los Gazules in 1571 (mentioned

above, chap. 9, p. 359). ,

These forms of simulated battles were further stylized into dances which were sometimes performed on Corpus Christi, as shown by the archival records for Madrid. In a contract dated May 7, 1609, arrangements were made for a Corpus dance, complete with a cardboard horse and an enchanted castle, from which a princess was to be rescued from a group of Moors.'% In 1668 one of the Corpus dances was supposed to simulate an equestrian fight between four Moors and four Christians.'” The same forces were represented by the performers in a Corpus dance of 1675 which

was to include singing and an instrumental accompaniment. In some instances this kind of choreographic mock battle overlaps with the dance-type known as the danza de espadas (sword dance), discussed later in this chapter. For example, according to Castellanos the traditional procession held in Madrid on Corpus Eve ended with a sword dance—complete with a “beheading” figure—in which a band of angels defeats a band of Moors (as described above, chap. 9, p. 366). This overlap is also illustrated during the 16th century in Italy, where the dance called the moresca rarely included Moorish characters despite the derivation of its name. Instead, it was simply a type of dramatic sword (or stick)

'9SHenrique Cock, Anales del afio ochenta ¥ cinco, en el qual el rey cathdlico de Espafia don Philipe con el principe don Philipe su hijo se fue a Mongén a tener las cortes del reino de Aragén, F Pn fonds espagnol 272 (Ms written 1585-1586); modern edition by Alfredo Morel-Fatio and Antonio Rodrfguez Villa (Madrid, 1876), 186-87. 198E Mah Protocolos de Pedro Martinez 1609, f. 79; as transcribed in Cristébal Pérez Pastor, Nuevos datos acerca del histrionismo espafiol en los siglos XVI y XVII vol. 1 (Madrid,

1901), 112-13. ay Mav 2—198—5 (dated April 19, 1668); as transcribed in Shergold and Varey (1961),

187 Mav 2-197-18 (dated June 5, 1675); as transcribed in Shergold and Varey (1961),

466 THE DANCE dance, which was often staged as an intermedio during theatrical productions.'® Perhaps this was the kind of moresca which Monteverdi intended for the closing scene of his Orfeo. The second important type of dance associated with the Moors and the Moriscos was one in which all the performers represented characters

of this sort. It was not a mock battle, but rather a non-dramatic dance which attempted to portray through choreography, costume, and music, some of the exotic practices of the East—practices which represented such an important part of the cultural history of the Iberian peninsula, especially in the south. After 1609, the year in which the Spanish government began the deportation of its entire Morisco population, these dances were performed by Spaniards dressed up as Moors.”"! Before that date, actual Moriscos were sometimes hired as performers, as illustrated in a payment made by the city of Seville in 1574 for a Corpus dance.” However,

the extent of this practice is not clear, because most contracts fail to specify whether or not the performers were of Moorish descent.

This type of Moorish dancing was used occasionally during the festivities of Corpus Christi. For instance, at Madrid in 1592 there was to be a mdxcara danced by four moriscas and four moriscos, accompanied by three musicians playing ynstrumentos moriscos. Similarly, at Segovia in '99Performances of the moresca which were given at Ferrara, Florence, Mantua, Rome, Ur-

bino, and Venice, especially during the 16th century, are described in Bianca Galanti, “Ancora sulla moresca,” Lares 15 (1949), 45-53. Several Italian lute settings of the moresca from the 16th century are listed in Moe (1956), 69. 200Claudio Monteverdi, L'Orfeo favola in musica de Claudio Monteverde maestro di capella della sereniss[ima] republica. Rappresentata in Mantova l'anno 1607. Et novamente ristampata (2nd edition, Venice, 1615; facsimile edition, 1972), 100. This moresca is a five-part instrumental setting. 201The deportation started in Valencia where it was announced by a royal edict published on September 22, 1609. The text of this edict is given in Pascual Boronat y Barrachina, Los moriscos espaftoles y su expulsién (Valencia, 1901), 2:190-93; which is reprinted in Mercedes Garcfa-Arenal, Los moriscos (Madrid, 1975), 251-55. The events surrounding their deportation are discussed in Henry Charles Lea, The Moriscos of Spain: Their Conversion and Expulsion (Philadelphia, 1901; reprinted New York, 1968), 292-365. Between 1609 and 1614 approximately 275,000 Moriscos were expelled from Spain; according to Geoffrey Parker, Europe in Crisis 1598-1648 (Glascow, 1979), 150. 2027osé Gestoso y Pérez, Curiosidades antiguas sevillanas (serie segunda) (Madrid, 1910), 109; based on SEVILLE, Archivo Municipal, Libro de caja de 1574. 203E Mav 2~-196-17; transcribed in N.D. Shergold and J.E. Varey, “Documentos sobre los autos sacramentales en Madrid hasta 1636,” Revista de Ia biblioteca, archivo ‘y museo 24 (1955), 209.

CHOREOGRAPHIC SOURCES AND STYLES 467 1607, eight moriscas and one morisco were to dance in the “Morisco style”

to the accompaniment of a drum.™ Moorish dancing was also incorporated in some theatrical works. For instance, in a historical comedia by Lope de Vega, four Spaniards gain entrance to a Moorish wedding party by disguising themselves as Moors and dancing to the music of the morisca. During their performance they lift up the bride in their arms as if this were part of the celebrations, and they manage to abduct her before the Moors realize what has happened. Another example occurs in a comedia by the Valencian playwright T4rrega—a play based on the conflict between Spaniards and Moriscos which erupted in the town of Hornacho at the beginning of the 17th century. In the opening scene a group of Moriscos perform a dance-song with guitar accompaniment.” Moorish dancing, at least in name, was also prominent elsewhere in western Europe. Vicente, in one of his stage works from the early 16th century, refers to the mourisca as a dance which was popular among the Portuguese.2” In England the name Morris dance was used from the late

15th to the 17th century to denote a wide variety of dances. Some of them incorporated elements from the May Day festivities, the sword dance, or the dance of fools. (The Spanish dance of fools known as matachines is discussed below in pt. IV.) The performers usually wore bells, but according to Lowe the chief characteristic which the early Mor-

tis dances had in common was that “each dancer always danced as a separate entity in the pattern of the dance, never linked to the rest of his companions.”?°° Etymologically the term Morris (Mores, Morice, Morrice) was derived from the Spanish word morisco. However the choreographic 204E Sap Protocolo de Juan de Segovia Tercero nGmero 705 (dated May 5, 1607); as transcribed in Flecniakoska (1956), 24~—25. 205L ope Félix de Vega Carpio, El primer Fajardo (comedia), published in his Séptima parte de sus comedias (Madrid, 1617); modern edition in BAE 213 (Madrid, 1968), 199.

Francisco de Tarrega, Los moriscos de Homachos (comedia), MADRID, Palacio Real, Biblioteca, Ms E 39 82 (dated 1649); modern edition in C.B. Bourland, “Los moriscos de Hornachos,” Modem Philology 1 (1903-1904), 555. *1Gil Vicente, Farsa chamada Auto da fama, first performed ca. 1515; published posthumously in his Copilacam de todalas obras (Lisbon, 1562; facsimile edition, Lisbon, 1928), t ye modem edition of this publication by Marques Braga (1944; fourth edition, Lisbon, | 08Barbara Lowe, “Early Records of the Morris in England,” Journal of the English Folk Dance and Song Sociery 8 (1956-1959), 79.

468 THE DANCE and musical relationships are not so clear. Gallop suggests that the Morris dance was not Moorish or Spanish in origin. He claims that many impor-

tant features of the Morris dance—such as the mock battle, the blackened faces, the exotic robes, and the bells worn by the performers—were used in early European pagan dancing before they were associated with Moorish characters.2” Ward argues that in the English instrumental settings of the 16th and 17th centuries the morris is musically unrelated to the morisco.?!

In Spain there is a passage in a comedia by Lope de Vega which indi-

cates that the morisca was further stylized to become an aristocratic dance. In act III of El maestro de danzar one of the characters pretends to explain to his beloved the steps of a morisca which would be performed at

a mdscara2"' The morisca is not mentioned in any of the Spanish choreographic treatises. Yet in France the morisque is described by Tabourot (1589) as follows: In fashionable society when I was young, a small boy, his face daubed with black and his forehead swathed in a white or yellow kerchief, would make an appearance after supper. He wore leggings covered with little bells and performed a Morris [dance de morisques], wherein he advanced the length of the room, made a kind of passage and then moving backwards retraced his steps to the place from whence he had started. Then he executed a new passage and he continued thus making various passages which delighted the spectators. ... Morris dances [Les morisques] are performed in duple time. Originally they were executed by striking the feet together, but because the dancers found this too painful they tried striking the heels only while keeping the toes rigid. Others wished to dance them with marques pieds and marques 209Rodney Gallop, “The Origin of the Morris Dance,” Journal of the English Folk Dance and Song Society 1 (1932-1934), 129. A similar opinion is expressed by Violet Alford, “Morris and Morisca,” Journal of the English Folk Dance and Song Society 2 (1935), 48. 210}ohn M. Ward, “The Morris Tune,” Joumal of the American Musicological Sociery 39 (1986), 294-331. Beginning with the twenty-five English settings of the morris extant from

the 16th and 17th centuries (listed on pp. 299-300), Ward attempts to group together melodies of other titles (such as “Nobody’s Jig”) into one large family of so-called variants of the morris tune. He then argues that the extant English settings of the morisco (listed on pp. 314-16) are musically unrelated to this family. 211Lope Félix de Vega Carpio, El maestro de danzar (comedia, dated 1594), E Mn Mss 16048, published posthumously in Parte tercera de comedias de los meiores ingenios de Espafia (Madrid, 1653); modern edition by the Real Academia Espafiola (nueva edici6n) vol. 12 (Madrid, 1930), 506-7.

CHOREOGRAPHIC SOURCES AND STYLES | 469 talons intermixed [i.e., choreographic movements in which the weight of the body rests entirely on one foot, while next to it one places the toe (pied) or heel (talon) of the other foot]. The practice of any of these three methods, especially the one involving tapping the feet, has been proven by experience

to lead eventually to podagra and other gouty affections, wherefore this dance has fallen into disuse.?”

Tabourot goes on to provide more precise choreographic instructions in

conjunction with a melody presented in both plain and embellished form.?!3 Later in France, Mersenne (1636) presents a different melody in triple meter under the title “La moresque.”?"4 Another important kind of dance which was frequently performed during various fiestas was the danza de espadas or sword dance. It can be considered a separate dance-type, although as a choreographic mock fight

it overlaps in some instances with the Moorish dances discussed previously (pp. 464-66). Sword dances were used throughout Europe and usually featured the simulated death and rebirth of one of the performers.

The underlying symbolism of this dance-type can be interpreted in various ways. The fact that in some parts of Spain, such as Seville, the danza de espadas was performed by guilds of gardeners (hortelanos) raises the possibility that it may have originally served as a fertility rite.2!5 How-

ever Wolfram argues that, at least in the Germanic countries, the sword dance originally represented a type of initiation rite, and only later was it confused with fertility symbolism.?"* Yet another approach is taken by

22Tabourot (1589), f. 94r-94v; English translation by Evans (1967), 177. 213Tabourot (1589) “Tablature des morisques,” f. 94v—95r. 2l4Mersenne (1636; facsimile edition, 1963, vol. 2) “Traitez de la voix, et des chants” Bk. II, proposition 25, p. 171. This melody is almost identical with the top voice of a five-part setting of “La moresque” in Michael Praetorius, Terpsichore, musarum aoniarum quinta. Darinnen allerley frantzdsische Dantze und Lieder (Wolfenbittel, 1612); modern edition by Ganther Oberst in Gesamtausgabe der musikalischen Werke von Michael Praetorius vol. 15 (Wolfenbattel and Berlin, 1929), 45. 215Tts association with gardeners is revealed in the literature of the period by such passing

references as the one found in Matéo Alem4n, Primera parte de Guzmdn de Alfarache (Madrid, 1599) Bk. 2, chap. 7; modern edition by Benito Brancaforte (Madrid, 1979), 1:325. Additional references are cited below, note 230. 116Richard Wolfram, “Sword Dances and Secret Societies,” Journal of the English Folk Dance and Song Sociery 1 (1932—1934), 34-41.

470 THE DANCE Schneider, who attempts to explain the danza de espadas as a kind of medicinal dance.?"”

The performance of the danza de espadas during the early 17th century is described by Covarrubias as follows: | DANCA DE ESPADAS. This dance is used in the kingdom of Toledo. They dance it wearing shirts and wide breeches of linen, with kerchiefs tied around their heads. They wear ordinary steel swords and with them perform great turns and leaps [bueltas y rebueltas]. They also perform a mudanca known as the beheading, so called because they fix their swords around the neck of their leader, and just when it appears that they are about to cut him to pieces, he slips out from among the swords. . . .2!8

A similar picture emerges from the following fictional account which Cervantes incorporates in his novel Don Quixote, during his description of the festivities for Quiteria’s marriage: Shortly afterward many and varied sets of dancers made their entrance from different sides of the arcade. Among them was a band of sword-dancers, made up of some twenty-four lads of gallant and dashing mien, all of them clad in the finest and whitest of linen and wearing fine silk kerchiefs embroidered in various hues. One of those upon the mares inquired of the sprightly youth who led the group if any of the dancers had been wounded. “Not as yet, thank God”, was the reply. “We are all sound and whole.” And with this he and his companions began to execute any number of complicated maneuvers, with so many evolutions and such skill that, although Don Quixote was used to witnessing such dances, he thought he had never seen any to equal this.”

217Marius Schneider, La danza de espadas y la tarantela. Ensayo musicolégico, etnogrdfico + arqueolégico sobre los ritos medicinales (Barcelona, 1948). An outline of this work is given in Marius Schneider, “La danza de espadas y la tarantela,” Anuario musical 2 (1946), 41-51.

This interpretation is unconvincing because of the way in which Schneider incorporates musical elements into an anthropological framework. He devises a complex system which fixes specific “mystical correspondences” between completely different categories; such as the months of the year, the signs of the zodiac, physical shapes, colors, the ancient ele-

ments, animals, parts of the human body, various occupations, musical instruments, pitches, and rhythms. 218Covarrubias (1611), f. 298r; modern edition (1943), 442. This description is repeated in Felipe Roxo de Flores, Tratado de recreacién instructiva sobre la danza: su invencién ¥y diferen-

cias (Madrid, 1793), 92-93; and in Cairé6n (1820), 125. 219Cervantes Saavedra, El ingenioso hidalgo don Quixote de la Mancha pt. 2 (1615) chap. 20; modern edition (1978), 2:189-90; English translation by Putnam (1949), 2:638.

CHOREOGRAPHIC SOURCES AND STYLES 471 These remarks indicate that the performance of the danza de espadas was a dangerous undertaking. Much earlier, in 1486, accidental bloodshed ensuing from this dance had led the city of Vitoria to prohibit it.22 During the 17th century the archival records for fiestas suggest that the risk of in-

jury was reduced by entrusting the sword dance to carefully drilled troupes who specialized in its performance.

There is no extant Spanish instrumental music for the danza de espadas. Apparently it did not employ an elaborate musical accompaniment because of the complexity of its choreography. In order to coordinate the clash of the swords it needed no more than a strong rhythmic beat (which could be supplied by a single drummer).”?!

One use of the danza de espadas in Spain was to honor royalty.? At Toledo on February 13, 1560, it was one of the dances performed by the

neighboring villagers to accompany the entrance of queen Isabel de Valois.“ At Burgos on October 24, 1571, two sword dances and a dagger dance (danza de pujiales) were used during the celebrations welcoming queen Anna of Austria.224 At Madrid in December of 1657, a danza de

espadas was given in the Plaza Mayor to celebrate the birth of prince Felipe Préspero.””°

The danza de espadas was also employed on sacred fiestas. During the

17th century it was a regular feature of the annual Corpus celebrations held in Madrid, where its performance was often entrusted to a special

220 uoted by Capmany (1931), 400, from an unspecified source. 22'Niccionario . . . por la Real Academia Espafiola vol. 3 (1732), 5.

2221t also served this purpose outside the peninsula, as shown by the performance supervised by Negri which was staged at Milan on December 8, 1598, to entertain queen Margaret of Austria (described above, pp. 431-32). 225Sebastian de Horozco, Relacién y memoria de la entrada en esta cibdad de Toledo del rrey y rreyna n[uest]ros seftores don Felipe y dovia Isabela y del rrecebimiento y fiestas, E Mn Mss 9175; modern edition in Uhagén (1896), 77. *24According to Relacién verdadera, del recebimiento (1571); as summarized in Alenda y

Mira (1903), 1:77. 225ccording to Joseph Félix Barreda, Relacién verdadera, en que se declara, y da cuenta de la salida de su magestad, que Dios guarde, a dar gracias a la soberana Virgen de Atocha, por el feliz sucesso de la reyna nuestra sefiora, y nacimiento del principe de Esparia nuestro sefior, que Dios guarde. Y las mogigangas, mdscaras invenciones de fuego, ‘y luminarias que huvo por las calles, y

Plaga Mayor, y en particular en la de Palacio (Madrid, 1657); as quoted in Alenda y Mira (1903), 1:331.

472 THE DANCE troupe from the neighbouring village of Brunete.”* Some of the archival documents indicate that the dancers wore costumes of white cotton with black trim.”” In Madrid the normal performing forces appear to have consisted of eight dancers, a drummer (tanborilero), and the maestro of the group who probably played the part of the fool (matachin) who is nearly beheaded.”8 In Seville the danza de espadas was also used during Corpus Christi. For example, in 1602 arrangements were made for the performance of one consisting of twenty dancers accompanied by small tambourine, drum, and cymbals.” Passing references in the literature of the 16th and 17th centuries reveal that in Seville the sword dance was often performed by the guild of gardeners.» At Toledo the danza de espadas was presented on the Feast of Assumption by troupes hired from nearby villages, such as Torrijos and Ajofrfn.”! A sword dance was also performed 226A troupe from Brunete was hired in at least twenty-four of the years between 1632 and 1678 inclusively, according to the contracts preserved at E Mav which are published in

Shergold and Varey (1955), 278, 286, and 301; and in Shergold and Varey (1961), 1011, 24, 62, 69, 71, 82, 98, 100, 104, 119, 144, 149, 161, 191, 224, 235, 254, 274, 286, 323, and 337. Throughout this period the troupe is represented in the contracts by only four different leaders, namely, Juan de Montes (maestro de la danza de espadas de la villa de Brunete), Miguel Matéo, Ysidro Rodrfguez, and Matfas Gémez.

227For example, a contract dated March 11, 1636, in E Mav 2-196-42; as transcribed in Shergold and Varey (1955), 301. 228For example, see the contract dated May 16, 1640, in E Mav 2-196-46; as transcribed in Shergold and Varey (1961), 24; and the contract dated March 23, 1665, in E Mav 2198-10; as transcribed in Shergold and Varey (1961), 191. 229SEVILLE, Archivo Municipal, Libro de propios (dated 1602); as summarized in Gestoso y Pérez (1910), 114.

230This is illustrated by the metaphor in a passage in La da fingida (novela), SEVILLE, Biblioteca Colombina, cédice A2-141-4; traditionally attributed to Cervantes; modern edition by Angel Valbuena Prat, Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra. Obras completas (Madrid, 1952), 1740. Additional references to this and other aspects of the danza de espadas are given in Joseph E. Gillet (editor), “Propalladia” and Other Works of Bartolomé de Torres Naharvo vol. 3 (Bryn Mawr, Pennsylvania, 1951), 796-98. 231Ror example, payments (recorded in TOLEDO, Archivo de la Catedral) were made for such performances to a troupe from Torrijos on the following dates: (a) August 16, 1634; according to the copy by Barbieri, printed in part by Francois Reynaud, “Contribution a l'étude des danseurs et des musiciens des fétes du Corpus Christi et de Assomption a Tol@de aux XVI* et XVII* siécles,” Mélanges de la casa de Velazquez 10 (1974), 164. (b) August 16, 1636; according to the copy in E Mn Barbieri Mss 14035 (183). (c) August 16, 1646; according to the copy in E Mn Barbieri Mss 14041 (181); printed in part by Reynaud (1974), 165.

A similar payment was made to a troupe from Ajofrin on August 22, 1676; according to the copy in E Mn Barbieri Mss 14045 (162); printed in part by Reynaud (1974), 167.

CHOREOGRAPHIC SOURCES AND STYLES 473 at Toledo during the Feast of the Conception of Our Lady in 1662.7 Closely related to the danza de espadas were those dances known as danzas de paloteados (or danzas de toqueados) in which wooden sticks replaced swords. At Segovia during the early 17th century stick dances were incorporated in the Corpus procession. They were usually performed by eight dancers—dressed predominantly in white, but with blue stockings, colored ribbons, and black pointed caps—who were accompanied by a drummer.® As in the sword dance, the performers would follow the

beat in knocking their sticks together. One characteristic mudanza, known as capateados, required the dancers to slap their feet with their hands in time to the accompaniment.“ For the Corpus stick dances at Segovia, the use of capateados is stipulated in contracts dating from 1607, 1608, 1611, 1613, and 1624.25 Dances associated with gypsies (gitanos) were also prominent during

fiestas. As a minority group in Spain, the gypsies were repeatedly persecuted by law during the 16th, 17th, and 18th centuries. They were despised to such an extent that in 1619 Sancho de Moncada wrote that they ought to be exterminated, although as “an act of mercy” he proposed that they all be deported, just as the Moriscos had been a few years earlier. One of the reasons which Moncada gave for condemning them was the following: ... the gitanas are public harlots, common, as it is said, to all the gitanos, and with dances, demeanor, and filthy songs, are the cause of continual _ detriment to the souls of the vassals of your majesty, it being notorious that they have done infinite harm in many honorable houses; . . .” 232TOLEDO, Archivo de la Catedral, payment made to Jacinto Gémez, maestro de danzar,

dated February 7, 1662; copied in E Mn Barbieri Mss 14031 (117); printed in part by Reynaud (1974), 166. 233For example, see the contract dated May 30, 1609, in E Sap Protocolo de Juan de Segovia Tercero nimero 707, afio de 1609; as transcribed in Flecniakoska (1956), 31. 234Covarrubias (1611) “Capato,” f. 264r; modern edition (1943), 394.

235For instance, see the contract dated April 14, 1611, in E Sap Protocolo de Juan de Segovia Tercero nimero 708, afio de 1611; as transcribed in Flecniakoska (1956), 33. The other contracts are transcribed in Flecniakoska (1956), 25-26, 30, 38, and 55.

236Such legislation is reprinted and discussed in Marfa Helena S4nchez Ortega, Documentacién selecta sobre la situacién de los gitanos espafioles en el siglo XVIII (Madrid, 1977). Sancho de Moncada, “Espulsi6n de los gitanos,” in his Restauracién polftica de Esparia. Primera parte, deseos priblicos al rey don Felipo Tercero . .. Ocho discursos (Madrid, 1619) dis-

curso VII, pt. 2; reprinted in an 18th-century edition of Juan Hidalgo, Romances de germania de varios autores con el vocabulario por la orden del a.b.c. para (continued)

474 THE DANCE Despite such attitudes, gypsy dances—treal or imitated—were often used during secular and sacred festivities. For instance, danzas de gitanas were performed during the welcome given to queen Isabel de Valois at

Toledo in 1560. Their use as royal entertainment is reflected by Cervantes in the second act of his comedia Pedro de Urdemalas, in which a group of gypsy characters dance before a king. Gypsy dances were also featured during the celebrations of Corpus Christi at Madrid, Segovia, Seville, and Toledo. Most extant contracts and receipts do not clearly specify whether the performers were gypsies or Spaniards in disguise. One

exception is the payment authorized by the Cathedral of Toledo to a gitano by the name of Juan Maldonado for a gypsy dance performed during Corpus Christi in 1604.2 Other exceptions are the contracts from Segovia for the Corpus festivities of 1613 and 1624, in which actual gyp-

sies were hired to perform a dance consisting of two men and eight women accompanied by a drummer.”*' Unfortunately the available archival documents fail to provide a useful description of the choreography. Nevertheless, they usually include some information about the performances which indicates that the gypsy dances were not always the same in every respect.?” At Segovia, in 1628, a Corpus gypsy dance was given by six men and eight women, accompanied by drum and tambourine

declaracién de sus términos ‘¥ lengua (Barcelona, 1609; Madrid, 1779), 206; English translation from George Henry Borrow, The Zincali: An Account of the Gypsies of Spain (first edition, 1841; 9th edition, London, 1907), 140. 238 According to the account cited above, note 223. 29Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra, Pedro de Urdemalas (comedia), published in his Ocho comedias y ocho entremeses nuevos nunca representados (Madrid, 1615); modern edition

(1952), 524. The subsequent dialogue contains allusions to the choreography of the performance.

2TOLEDO, Archivo de la Catedral, document dated June 22, 1604; as copied in E Mn Barbieri Mss 14035 (53). 241E Sap Protocolo de Juan de Segovia Tercero nimero 709, afio de 1613; as transcribed in Flecniakoska (1956), 38. E Sap Protocolo de Juan de Benavente ndmero 1014, afio de 1624, f. 427; as transcribed in Flecniakoska (1956), 54. 2421 east informative are the brief records of payments, such as those made for a danza de los gitanos performed in Seville in 1572, 1574, and 1579, as summarized in Gestoso y Pérez (1910), 107 and 112; and that made for a danga de gitanas performed in Madrid in 1645, as transcribed in Shergold and Varey (1961), 61.

CHOREOGRAPHIC SOURCES AND STYLES 475 (sonajas).27 At Madrid in 1651, 1654, and 1655, gypsy dances were performed by two men and six women, while in 1656 one was arranged for just six women.“ Quite different was the one used at Madrid in 1669, for it was danced by a group of tiny girls wearing veils and playing castanets, who were accompanied by a drummer.” At Toledo in 1674 one was performed by an unspecified number of men and women wearing masks.? The performances of gypsy dance-songs during sacred fiestas is reflected by Cervantes in the following episode from his story about Preciosa, the young girl who was brought up as a gypsy: The day on which Preciosa first went into Madrid was the festival of St. Anne, the patroness of the city. She took part in a dance which was performed by eight gipsy women, four veterans and four girls, and a gipsy who

was a greater dancer as leader; . . . Amid the sound of the tambourines [tamborin: which should be translated as “small drum”] and the castanets, and the flurry of the dance, praises of the beauty and grace of the little gipsy

girl brought the lads running to see her and the men to gaze at her. But when they heard her sing—for it was a dance with song accompaniment— that really was something! Then the little gipsy girl’s reputation spread like wildfire, and by common consent of the directors of the festival she was singled out there and then as the star of the dancers; and when they performed in St. Mary’s Church, before the statue of St. Anne, after they had

all danced, Preciosa picked up the tambourine [sonajas] to the sound of which, gracefully pirouetting around, she sang the following ballad: “Arbol preciosfsimo . . .”24

245E Sap Protocolo de Juan de Benavente namero 1018, afio de 1628, f. 364 (dated June 9, 1628); as transcribed in Flecniakoska (1956), 58. The sonajas are discussed below, pt. IV, note 157. *4E Mav 2-197-8 (dated May 16, 1651); as transcribed in Shergold and Varey (1961),

101-2. The relevant documents from 1654 and 1655 are transcribed in Shergold and Varey (1961), 113 and 115. One of the dances proposed in 1656 is described as jitanas in E Mav 2-197-13; as transcribed in Shergold and Varey (1961), 123. 245E Mav 2-198-3; as transcribed in Shergold and Varey (1961), 207. 4STOLEDO, Archivo de la Catedral, Libro de gastos del afio 1674, f. 118v (dated June 1,

1674); as printed in Reynaud (1974), 167, from the copy in E Mn Barbieri Mss 14030 (15). “4’Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra, La gitanilla (novela), published in his Novelas exemplares (Madrid, 1613); modern edition (1952), 775; English translation by C. A. Jones, Cervantes. Exemplary Stories (Harmondsworth, England, 1972), 20.

476 THE DANCE It is not certain what music and choreography were used for gypsy dance-songs. No instrumental piece entitled “La gitana” survives from the 17th century.2* Today the repertory which is most closely associated with the Spanish gypsies is that of flamenco. However, as a style of singing, dancing, and guitar playing, flamenco did not emerge until the late 18th and early 19th centuries in Andalusia. Its relationship to the gypsy dancesongs used earlier in Spain is unclear.?” The manner in which the gypsy repertory is protrayed in literary and dramatic works of the 17th century suggests that, at that time, it consisted of the same popular dance-songs which were used by the lower classes in general. For example, in La gitanilla Cervantes describes Preciosa as being a

proficient performer of various dance-song lyrics, including villancicos, coplas, seguidillas, zarabandas, and especially romances. Another illustration

occurs near the end of one of Cervantes’ entremeses where several gypsy characters—two female dancers and a few male musicians—perform two dance-songs as an audition for the festivities of Corpus Christi. The text

of the first dance-song is a newly composed romance which begins:

248A manuscript source from approximately 1731 contains an instrumental melody entitled “Gitana” (E Bc M.1452, f. 162r). However the piece is a binary setting in the French style. A keyboard manuscript from 1721 contains a work entitled “La gitanilla” (D-186). 2V/arious theories concerning the origins of flamenco are discussed in Manuel Garcfa Matos, “Cante flamenco. Algunos de sus presuntos orfgenes,” Anuario musical 5 (1950), 97—124; and in Arcadio Larrea, El flamenco en su rafm (Madrid, 1974). 2Cervantes, La gitanilla, in his Novelas exemplares (1613); modern edition (1952), 775. The villancico was one of the most prominent Spanish genres of verse and vocal music. By the 17th century the villancico was normally a sacred composition written in the vernacular. A

modern edition of twelve villancicos from the 17th century is given by Miguel Querol Gavald4, Musica barroca espafiol, vol. 3—Villancicos polifonicos del siglo XVII, MME 42 (1982). On its early history see Isabel Pope, “Musical and Metrical Form of the Villancico: Notes on its Development and its Role in Music and Literature in the Fifteenth Century,” Annales musicologiques 2 (1954), 189-214. The term copla can designate a variety of metzical forms. The seguidillas and zarabanda are popular dance-songs which are discussed below in pt. IV. The romance is the Spanish ballad, whose basic form consists of “octosyllabic verse in which the even-numbered lines assonate with the same assonance throughout the poem and the odd-numbered lines are left free”—as explained by Dorothy Clotelle Clarke, “A Chronological Sketch of Castilian Versification Together with a List of its Metric terms,” University of California Publications m Modem Philology 34 (1948-1952), 359. 251Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra, La eleccién de los alcaldes de Danganco (entremés), published in his Ocho comedias y ocho entremeses nuevos nunca representados (Madrid, 1615);

modem edition (1952), 561-62.

CHOREOGRAPHIC SOURCES AND STYLES 477 “Reverencia os hace el cuerpo.” Cotarelo y Mori assumes that this line is a

characteristic opening of gallarda texts of the period, but this is questionable.2” The second dance-song which they perform has the following textual refrain:

Pisaré yo el polvico, |

atén menudico; pisaré yo el polvé atén menudé.

Although no instrumental music survives for this dance-song (known elsewhere as the polvillo), its popularity is reflected in other sources from the first half of the 17th century. Cervantes himself refers to it again in La gitanilla, by incorporating the words of its refrain in the dialogue which accompanies one of Preciosa’s dances.*3 In addition, the polvillo (with al-

most the same textual refrain as that cited above) is performed by characters who do not represent gypsies in a baile for a comedia by Lope de

Vega, and in a comedia by three playwrights which was published in the middle of the century.24 Gypsy characters also use popular dance-songs in an. anonymous mojiganga from the late 17th century which was written for Corpus Christi. In this stage work they perform a villano (a lo divino) and a chacona.?5

252Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. ccxlvii. The gallarda is discussed below in pt. IV. 2>3Cervantes, La gitanilla, in his Novelas exemplares (1613); modern edition (1952), 776; pointed out in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. cclvii. 254PAsate acd, compadre (baile), published in El Fénix de Espafia Lope de Vega Carpio, familiar del Santo Oficio. Octava parte de sus comedias. Con loas, entremeses, y bayles (Madrid, 1617);

‘modern edition in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 2, p. 493. Luis Vélez de Guevar, Antonio Coello, and Francisco de Rojas y Zorilla (authors of the first, second, and third acts respectively), La Baltasara (comedia), published in Primera parte de comedias escogidas de los

mejores de Espafia (Madrid, 1652); according to the excerpt quoted in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. cclvii. Purely textual references to the polvillo in other works of the period are cited in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, pp. cclvii-celviii and cclxviii; and in Thomas B. Barclay, “The Role of the Dance and Dance Lyrics in the Spanish ‘Comedia’ to the Early Eighteenth Century” (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Toronto, 1957), 284-86, note 42. 51a gitanada (mojiganga), copy by Barbieri (from a late 17th-century Ms) in E Mn Barbieri Mss 14090 (9); excerpts quoted by Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, pp. ccl and ccci, who suggests an original date of ca. 1670 for this work. Both the chacona and villano are discussed below in pt. IV. In this mojiganga the gypsy characters also perform a dancesong which uses the following textual refrain: “A la dina dana, la dana dina, canten y bailen las gitanillas.”

478 THE DANCE Spanish theatrical works are valuable sources, for they incorporate all sorts of dances. In some instances the choreography is designed to portray a particular action by means of pantomime.2* An elaborate example occurs in a baile by Navarrete which depicts a naval battle: male dancers represent the Spanish ships laden with gold and silver, female

dancers represent the attacking French vessels, and the sound of castanets simulates the firing of cannons.? Theatrical works do illuminate some general choreographic features of the popular dance-songs used by the lower classes. However the kind of information which they provide is extremely limited (as discussed above, chap. 9, p. 394). In particular they do not furnish complete choreographic descriptions of individual dance-types; though some stage-directions do contain technical choreographic terms, and some song texts do include references to the dance movements.?* The dances of the lower classes were performed on stage in an exu-

berant fashion with much arm movement, in contrast to the more restrained choreography of aristocratic dances. This is indicated in some of the writings from the 17th century which attempt to differentiate between the terms baile and danza (see above, chap. 9, pp. 345—48). It is also

revealed in the following description by d’Aulnoy of a theatrical performance held in Vitoria in 1679: The interludes were mixed with dances to the sound of the harps and guitars. The actors [more precisely: “the actresses”] had castanets, and a lit-

tle hat on their heads, without which they never dance, . . . [When] ’tis a sarabande; they seem not to walk, they slip along so lightly. Their manner is wholly different from ours: they move too much their arms, and often pass their hands on their hats and face, and that with no ill grace; they play admirably well on the castanets.?” 256As in the danza hablada and danza castellana que llaman historia discussed above, pp. 463—

Francisco de Navarrete y Ribera, La batalla (baile), published in his Flor de saintes (Madrid, 1640); as described in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. cxci. 238Examples of choreographic references in stage-directions and song texts from various dramatic works are cited in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, pp. ccxxx—ccxxxiii. The choreographic indications given in the interludes by Quifiones de Benavente are discussed in Hannah E. Bergman, Luis Quiftones de Benavente (New York, 1972), 124-31. 259MMadame d’Aulnoy, Relation du voyage d’Espagne (Paris, 1691); modern edition by R. Foulché-Delbosc in Revue hispanique 67 (1926), 183. The English translation is taken from The Ingenious and Diverting Letters of the Lady—Travels into Spain (2nd edition, London, 1692); modem edition (London, 1930), 35.

CHOREOGRAPHIC SOURCES AND STYLES 479 There is even an anonymous entremés, published in 1691, which satirizes

the arm movements used in popular dances. The remarks of one of its characters evokes the image of wild uncontrollable scratching; for he claims that to relieve the itching caused by his chilblains he dances the canario, capona, encorvada, endiablada, foltas, [gudrdame las] vacas, guineo, pavana, saltarelo, villano, and zarabanda,*

There appears to have been considerable flexibility regarding the manner in which the individual dance-types of the lower classes were per-

formed. In addition, some theatrical dances were created by combining elements from different popular dance-songs. For example, features from the capona, chacona, serdana, and seguidillas are incorporated in the dance-song, performed by eight characters, which closes an entremés from

the late 17th century.” Similarly, the music of the jécara and the dancesteps of the gallarda are combined in the dance-song which opens a loa by Calderén.2%

260F1 doctor Soleta (entremés), published in Arcadia de entremeses escritos por los ingenios mds | cldsicos de Espavia. Primera parte (Pamplona, 1691); as quoted in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. ccxliii.

All but three of the dance-types mentioned here are discussed below in pt. IV. The three exceptions are the capona, encorvada, and endiablada, for which no instrumental music survives in Spanish sources. References in twelve works from the 17th century to the capona as a popular baile are cited in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, pp. clxxxii, ccxxxi, Ccxxxvii—ccxxxviii, ccl, and cclxxi; and are repeated in José Castro Escudero, “Bailes y danzas en el teatro de Lope de Vega,” Les langues neo-latines 62 (1968), 25-27. In

the 18th century the capona was described as a dance-song which was similar to the mariona (discussed below in pt. IV), but faster and rowdier: Diccionario . . . por la Real Academia Espaftola vol. 2 (1729), 151. A musical setting for chitarrone survives by Giovanni Girolamo Kapsperger, “Capona,” in his Libro quarto d’intavolatura di chitarone (Rome, 1640), 37; facsimile edition, Archivum musicum vol. 46 (Florence, 1982). The encorvada was described in the early 17th century as a lascivious dance which had preceded the zarabanda and chacona: Covarrubias (1611), f. 349v; modern edition (1943), 515.

The endiablada was described in the 18th century as a noisy masked dance in which the performers appeared as ridiculous-looking devils and the accompaniment produced a “hellish” racket: Diccionario... por la Real Academia Espariola vol. 3 (1732), 457. *61See the accompanying song text in El camaval (entremés), probably written by Baltasar

de Funes y Villalpando, E Mn Mss 4085 (dated 1685); as quoted in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. ccxxxi. The capona is discussed above in the preceding note. The chacona, serdana (or sardana), and seguidillas are discussed below in pt. IV. ?6?Pedro Calderén de la Barca, Loa (para la compafifa de Escamilla, 1669); as quoted in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. ccxxxii, from an unspecified Ms in E Mn. The gallarda and jdcara are discussed below in pt. IV.

480 THE DANCE Some of the comic choreography used in theatrical dances was modeled on the practices of the Italian commedia dell'arte. One example occurs in an auto sacramental by Lope de Vega which was published in the early 17th century. Regarding this work, Shergold points out that: ... among the Vices which attend Damasceno as he drinks the Wine of Forgetfulness in the House of Gluttony is the figure of “El Juego,” or Gambling, dressed as an Italian “Zan” in a costume covered with patches of various colors [“. . . el Juego en la figura de un zan italiano, con su vestido de anjeo cubierto de remiendos de diversos colores, . . .”]. He speaks in a mixture of Spanish and Italian and when rebuked for this observes that deceit has many faces and thus it is not fitting that he should speak with only one tongue. He goes on to speak in Valencian dialect, Portuguese, Basque, a sort of French and Latin, and offers to speak in German in pursuance of this idea. Several times during the play he is referred to as Harle-

quin [Arlequin] and he dances in Italian fashion [“. . . danza el Juego diestramente al modo que los zanes en Italia.”].*”

Later adaptations were different, as a result of the popularity which the commedia dell’arte enjoyed at the royal court in France (noted above,

chap. 2, p. 24). By the early 18th century the masks in Spain were portrayed using French choreography. This is illustrated in an anonymous

baile, dated 1714 by Cotarelo y Mori, which incorporates some Italian dialogue as well as a dance performed by a trofaldi.4 In this stage work an Italian sorceress offers to arrange for the performance of particular types of French dances by commedia dell’arte characters. An important general feature of the dances of the lower classes ap-

pears to have been an uninhibited erotic style of performance. This is strongly suggested by the fact that in their titles and lyrics many of these dance-songs deal with particular criminals and prostitutes.“ During the 263Shergold (1956), 366—describing Lope Félix de Vega Carpio, El hijo prédigo (auto sacramental); published in his novel El peregrino en su patria (Seville, 1604) Libro IV; modern edition by Juan Bautista Avalle-Arce (Madrid, 1973), 366-418. 264A explained above, chap. 2, p. 29, trufaldines was the name given to an Italian theatrical troupe which worked in Spain from 1703 to 1714. 2651 alboroque (baile); as quoted in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. ccxxvi, from an unspecified source. 266Qn a more general level, the word baile was used in the slang of the underworld to designate a thief; as noted above, chap. 9, pp. 347-48.

CHOREOGRAPHIC SOURCES AND STYLES 481 late 16th and 17th centuries a growing interest in such unsavoury characters also manifested itself in the literary genre known as the picaresque novel.? Most likely there was a large increase in actual crime during this period, although this has yet to be established.2

One popular dance-song whose name was that of a notorious criminal was the Escarramdn. Perhaps, as some scholars suggest, Escarramén was an actual person.” However he may well have been a purely fictional character, for there is no known reference to him in archival sources as a real person. It is also not clear whether the name Escarramdn was first that of a dance-song or a particular criminal (be he real or imaginary) 2”

Apparently no instrumental settings of the Escarramdn have survived. Nevertheless, in Spanish poetry and drama of the 17th century there are numerous references to Escarramdn as a baile—that is, as either a dance-song or a criminal.2”! One of the earliest and most celebrated is an entire poem (jdécara) written by Quevedo, probably between 1610 and

1612, which takes the form of a versified letter from an imprisoned Escarram4n to his woman, La Méndez.?” Quevedo followed this with a 267Good introductory studies to this genre include: Alexander A. Parker, Literature and the Delinquent: The Picaresque Novel in Spain and Europe 1599-1753 (Edinburgh, 1967); and Peter N. Dunn, The Spanish Picaresque Novel (Boston, 1979). 268The prevalence of crime and poverty in both Spain and Italy during the late 16th and early 17th centuries is discussed in Fernand Braudel, The Mediterranean and the Mediterranean World in the Age of Philip II, translated by Sian Reynolds from the 2nd French edition of 1966, (London, 1972-1973), 2:734-56. An excellent analysis of the distribution of crime in Spain, based on extant galley records, is provided by I. A. A. Thompson, “A Map of Crime in Sixteenth-Century Spain,” The Economic History Review series 2, vol. 21

(1968), 244-67. Thompson points out that it has not been possible to verify whether . ¢rime increased dramatically during the late 16th century, because there lacks a continuous set of criminal records for all of Spain. 76°For example, Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. ccxliii; and Armando Cotarelo y Valledor, El teatro de Cervantes. Estudio critico (Madrid, 1915), 607. ?70There is no entry for the word escarramdn in Covarrubias (1611) or in the Diccionario... por la Real Academia Espafiola vol. 3 (1732).

’1\Many references are cited in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol.1, pp. clxxxviii-cxc, ccxxxi, and ccxliii-ccxliv; in Cotarelo y Valledor (1915), 603-18; and in José Manuel Blecua (editor), Francisco de Quevedo. Obra poética vol. 3 (Madrid, 1971), 261-62.

*7Francisco Gémez de Quevedo y Villegas, Carta de Escarramdn a La Méndez (jécara), published posthumously in his El Pamaso espafiol, monte en dos cumbres dividido, con las nueve musas castellanas (Madrid, 1648); modern edition by Blecua vol. 3 (1971), 261-74. The jdcara is discussed below in pt. IV.

482 THE DANCE jdcara representing the reply by La Méndez.?” Another important source is an entremés by Cervantes in which Escarram4n appears on stage as a convict who has just escaped from the galleys and from the Turks.?”* One modern writer, working on the assumption that Escarram4n was a fictional character, suggests that his portrayal as an escaped convict reflects the

- Tesurgence of a dance-type which previously had been prohibited.?” Regardless of the possible existence of an earlier version of this dance, the

Escarramdn is described by Cervantes as the most popular baile of the early 17th century: ESCARRAMAN. What have people been saying about me in this world, while my misfortunes have held me in the other?

MOSTRENCA. A thousand things. You’ve been put into plays and hanged on the stage.

PIZPITA. The boys in the streets discuss the slightest detail of your bones and marrow.

REPULIDA. They’ve even sainted you [i.e., transformed you a lo divino]. What more do you want?

CHIQUIZNAQUE. They sing about you in the streets and squares; they dance you in the theatres and houses; you’ve given poets more to do than Troy did Vergil.

JUAN. Your name resounds in stables. REPULIDA. Washwomen praise you by the river; and grooms curry you.

CHIQUIZNAQUE. The cloth-shearer has you under his shears; you are more famous than the old gray mare.

MOSTRENCA. The fame of your floggings has passed to the Indies, in Rome your misfortunes have aroused sympathy, and your

share in the gang’s bounty has been multiplied sine numero.

273Quevedo y Villegas, Respuesta de La Méndez a Escarramén (jécara), published posthumously in his El Parnaso espafiol (1648); modern edition by Blecua vol. 3 (1971), 274-80. 274Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra, El rufidn viudo llamado Trampagos (entremés), in his Ocho comedias y ocho entremeses nuevos nunca representados (Madrid, 1615); modern edition (1952), 551. 275}oaquin Hazafias y la Rua, Los rufianes de Cervantes. “El rufidn dichoso” y “El rufidn viudo" con un estudio preliminar y notas (Seville, 1906), 264-65.

CHOREOGRAPHIC SOURCES AND STYLES 483 VADEMECUM. You have been pounded like privet, and plucked like pe~ tals; you have been proclaimed with more clanging than the bells of a clock and you are more commonplace than a running nose in a Sunday School class. All the rival dances of our pleasure-seeking youth have complained of you and fought you in stiff competition, but your dance carried off the prize.’

In this entremés Escarram4n is presented as an accomplished dancer. After the musicians begin to sing a romance in praise of his exploits, he dances the gallarda and canario by himself and then the villano with three other characters.?”"

The Escarramdén was so popular that on occasion it was incorporated in religious fiestas. For instance, according to an account published in 1618, the Escarramdn was one of nine dance-songs personified in a procession held by the University of Baeza in honor of the Immaculate Conception.?” There is also an adaptation al lo divino of the Escarramdn theme in a loa written by Lope de Vega for one of his autos sacramen-

tales”? Perhaps this entire loa was intended to be sung to the tono (melody or harmonic-metric scheme) of the Escarramdn dance-song. That

such standard music existed is revealed by the direction given in an entremés cantado by Quifiones de Benavente to perform the closing song por el tono de Escarramaén.© 276Cervantes (1615); modern edition (1952), 551-52; English translation by S. Griswold Morley, The Interludes of Cervantes (Princeton, 1948), 43-45. 277Cervantes (1615); modern edition (1952), 552-53. The canario, gallarda, and villano are discussed below in pt. IV. 278 Antonio Calderén, Relacién de la fiesta que la Universidad de Baeza celebré a la Inmaculada

Concepcién (Baeza, 1618); as described in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, pp. ccxliv

and ccl. The other dance-songs personified in the procession were the [Ay, ay, ay!, gatatumba, gorrén, hu-hu, Juan Redondo, rastrojo, vaquerfa, and villano. Apparently music has survived only for the IAy, ay, ay! (discussed below in chap. 13) and the villano (discussed below in pt. IV). 273L ope Félix de Vega Carpio, Loa del Escarramdn (loa for his auto De la puente del mundo), published posthumously in his Fiestas del Santissimo Sacramento, repartidas en doze autos

sacramentales, con sus loas, y entremeses (Zaragoza, 1644); modern edition in BAE 157 (Madrid, 1963), 391-92; pointed out in Bruce W. Wardropper, Historia de la poesta Ifrica a lo divino en la cristianidad occidental (Madrid, 1958), 182. 2807 uis Quifiones de Benavente, Las manos ¥ cuajares (entremés cantado), published in his Jocoseria, burlas versas, o reprehensién moral, y festiva de los desérdenes piiblicos. En doze

entremeses representados, y veinte y quatro cantados (Madrid, 1645); modern edition (Madrid, 1872), 338.

484 THE DANCE Other sources indicate that the Escarramdn was similar to many other dance-songs of the lower classes because it was often performed in an uninhibited manner with obscene lyrics. Quevedo, in one of his bailes, personifies Escarramdn as a white-haired old man suffering from gout whose first wife was the Zarabanda, and whose many “descendants” include the following dance-songs: the iAy, ay, ay!, Baile de las armas, Chacona, Ejecutor de la vara, Juan Redondo, Pironda, Rastro viejo, Santurde,

Valientas, Vaquerta, and Vida airada.*' In a treatise of the early 17th cen-

tury directed against theatrical practices, Ferrer condemns the Escarramdn along with the chacona as being lascivious dances in which the devil himself takes part.” Ferrer further censures these two dancesongs because of their lyrics: Another harmful feature, similar to the preceding one [i.e., women appearing in men’s clothing], consists of the indecent and obscene songs which come from the comedias. For, because they are sung in the streets at night by dissolute people, these songs not only corrupt the young and incite them to morally lax behavior, but they even disturb upright and retiring people with their obscene words in such a deluge that these people are forced to plug up their ears in their own homes. The introduction of these obscene songs has been so excessive that many times prelates have banned them under penalty of excommunication. In a certain city in Spain there circulated for a time one of these songs, known as the chacona, which was so lewd that it eventually led to very serious scandals. Now there circulates in this city [Barcelona] some songs, known as Escarramén, which have been performed in the theatre with such lasciviousness that they have scandalized even the enthusiasts of the comedias, many of whom have been leaving the theatre to avoid hearing them.”

281Francisco Gémez de Quevedo Villegas, Los valientes -y tomajonas (baile), published post-

humously in his El Parnaso espaftol (1648); modern edition vol. 3 (1971), 356-57. The chacona and zarabanda are discussed below in pt. IV. No instrumental music has survived for the other dance-songs. The “Baile de las armas” is an alternative title for the following work: Francisco Gémez de Quevedo Villegas, Las valentonas ¥ destreza (baile), published posthumously in his El Parnaso espafiol (1648); modern edition vol. 3 (1971), 360-65. 282Ju1an Ferrer (pseudonym: Fructuoso Bisbe y Vidal), Tratado de las comedias en el qual se declara si son licitas. Y si hablando en todo rigor serd pecado mortal el representarlas, el verlas, y el consentirlas (Barcelona, 1618); from the excerpts quoted in Cotarelo y Mori (1904), 251. Some of the approbations for this treatise are dated 1613. 283Ferrer (1618); from the excerpts quoted in Cotarelo y Mori (1904), 253.

CHOREOGRAPHIC SOURCES AND STYLES 485 Some of the secular authorities shared these views. A proclamation was

, issued in Valencia on October 23, 1613, which prohibited the singing of the Escarramdn.™ Shortly later, in 1615, the Escarramdén was one of the bailes which was banned by royal decree from all the Spanish theatres.”®

784A ccording to Miguel Querol, La miisica en las obras de Cervantes (Barcelona, 1948), 108. 78510 que acerca de la reformacién de comedias se ha mandado por dos autos del Consejo, provefdos uno en catorze de marco, otro en ocho de abril deste presente afio de mil y seiscientos y quinze, para que se guarde ass{ en esta corte, como en todo el reyno (Madrid, 1615); reprinted

in J. E. Varey and N. D. Shergold, Teatros y comedias en Madrid: 1600-1650. Estudio y documentos (London, 1971), 56. This decree is discussed in further detail below in chap. 12.

BLANK PAGE

CHAPTER ELEVEN

Dancing Masters ©

Royal Dancing Masters The most prestigious dancing posts in Spain were at the palace in the service of the royal family. Information about the royal dancing masters is preserved in two archival collections. The first is housed at E Mp among

those documents which are catalogued alphabetically by name of the palace employee (ie., in the Seccién Administrativa, Expedientes personales).! The second is contained in E Mn Barbieri Mss 14020~—14047. In

addition to the original documents interspersed among these files, there is also a summary compiled by Barbieri regarding six of the royal dancing masters.”

The original documents in both E Mp and E Mn concern appointments, payments of the media anata, requests for back wages, and other petitions by the maestros and their heirs. The media anata was a royal tax, equal in value to half the first year’s income, which every officer had to 'My investigation at E Mp was confined to this collection of documents. The archives does

not contain a separate section or an index for dancing masters. Note that at the royal palace the Archivo is distinct from the Biblioteca; as pointed out in Maurice Esses, “New Information Conceming some Music Research Libraries in Spain,” Fontes artis musicae 26 (1979), 190. 2B Mn Barbieri Mss 14018/24 (9)—which contains information about Luis Fern4ndez de Escalante, Manuel de Frias, Antonio de Almenda, Antonio Dfaz de Solfs, Alonso Ruipérez

Caballero, and Juan de la Bria (i.e., Brida). Throughout this summary Barbieri seems to | have closely paraphrased some unidentified archival sources.

487

488 THE DANCE pay before taking possession of a new post.’ It was introduced in 1631 for all secular appointments and was levied even if the post was bought. It replaced the tax known as the mesada (equal in value to one month's income) which had been in effect since 1625.4

Many of the archival documents concerning the royal dancing - Masters were written by the grefier, an official whose duty was to keep all the records and financial accounts regarding the palace employees.5 The

grefier also served as secretary for the bureo, which was the council— headed by the chief steward (mayordomo mayor)—charged with the administration of the palace.§

Chart 34 lists the individual royal dancing masters who worked at the Spanish court between 1589 and 1700. At the royal palace there were two main dancing posts: one for the king’s pages (maestro de dangar de los paxes del rey) and one for the queen and her ladies-in-waiting (maestro de dangar de la reyna y sus damas). Court service was organized in such a way that the pages and their dancing master belonged to the king’s stables (las reales caballerizas). This section was headed by a nobleman holding the office of master of the horse (caballerizo mayor).’ A dancing master was only one of several instructors who trained the king’s pages. In 1674 the court was employing four maestros to teach the pages fencing, tumbling, dancing, and instrumental playing.® 3Diccionario de la lengua castellana, . . . por la Real Academia Espafiola vol. 1 (Madrid, 1726; facsimile edition, Madrid, 1964) “ANNATA,” 300. ‘These taxes are discussed in John Horace Parry, The Sale of Public Office in the Spanish Indies under the Habsburgs (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1953), 63; and in Antonio Dominguez Ortiz, Politica y hacienda de Felipe IV (Madrid, 1960), 228. There are separate records (not

examined for this study) of the medias annatas from the years 1631-1850 which are preserved at E Mp; according to Conrado Mortero Simén, Archivo general del Palacio Real de Madrid (Inventario-gula del fondo documental) (Madrid, 1977), 51. SDiccionario . . . por la Real Academia Espafiola vol. 4 (1734), 80. The responsibilities of the grefier are described in greater detail in Mortero Sim6n (1977), 8-9. SDiccionario .. . por la Real Academia Espaftola vol. 1 (1726), 716. 'The major divisions of court service are discussed briefly in Charles E. Kany, Life and Manners in Madrid 1750-1800 (Berkeley, 1932), 139-42. In the 18th century the duties

of the master of the horse were summarized in Diccionario . . . por la Real Academia Espafiola vol. 2 (1729), 6. 8Baltasar Saldoni y Remendo, Diccionario biogrdfico-bibliogrdfico de efemérides de muisicos

espafioles vol. 1 (Madrid, 1868), 338; based on a source which he identifies simply as “Madrid 1674. Etiquetas de la c4mara del rey.” The salary noted by Saldoni (of between 29,125 and 29,200 maraved{s) appears to be too low for the dancing master, in light of the evidence discussed below, p. 494.

DANCING MASTERS 489 Chart 34. Royal dancing masters, 1589-1700

Name Date of appointment” $Date of death Luis Fern4ndez de Escalante October, 1589° not known Alonso Fern4ndez de Escalante (K) not known? November, 1629! (Q) not known®

Luis Fernandez de Escalante (K) July, 1629" May, 1638! (Q) not known!

Manuel de Frias (Q) February, 1637* August, 1652™ (K) January, 1639!

Antonio de Almenda (K) January, 1639! June, 1654! (Q) January, 1639"

Antonio Dfaz de Solfs (K) July, 1654° August, 16634 (Q) November, 1654?

Alonso Ruipérez Caballero (Q) October, 1663' December, 1679' (K) in or before October, 1671°

Juan de la Brida (K) in or before in or before April, 1683” September, 1679" (Q) January, 1681”

Roque Maldonado (K) March, 1681* in or before January, 1685 Sebastian de Molina (Q) in or after in or before July, 16877 April, 1683”

Agustin Caballero™ (Q) December, 1687? in or before August, 1692

Juan Maldonado“ (K) January, 1685 in or after Dec., 17004 (Q) August, 1692° *Unless otherwise specified, all archival sources cited below are original documents. 6(K) = post of Maestro de dangar de los paxes (del rey) (Q) = post of Maestro de dangar de la reyna (y sus damas)

‘At that time there was no Queen of Spain. (Ana of Austria, the last wife of Felipe II, had died in October, 1580.) Luis Fernéndez de Escalante was appointed dancing master to the prince and princess (sus altezas). He succeeded to this post on the death of his brother Diego and received 100 ducados (i.e., 37,500 maravedis), according to the following authorization dated May 16, 1591:

“Francisco Guillamas Vel4zquez maestro de c4mara del rey nuestro sefior de los ~ maravedfs que son 0 fueron a vuestro cargo para el gasto de la casa del principe nuestro sefior y sefiora infanta pagaréis a Luis Herndndez maestro de dangar de sus altezas cient ducados que valen treynta y siete mill y quinientos maravedfs que le devfan por lo que a servido en el dicho officio desde diez y siete de octubre del afio de mill y quinientos y ochenta y nueve que ffallesci6 Diego Hernéndez su hermano maestro de dangar que fue de sus altezas asta fin de diziembre del afio de mill y quinientos y nobenta .. .” E Mn Barbieri Mss 14029 (95).

490 THE DANCE Earlier in the 16th century a Diego Hernandez served as maestro de dancar in the household of Queen Isabel de Valois; according to the records of expenditure for the years 1560 and 1567, preserved at SIMANCAS, Casa Real legajo 52, namero 1, and legajo 53; as transcribed in Agustin G. de Ameztia y Mayo, Isabel de Valois, reina de Espaita (1546— 1568). Estudio biogrdfico (Madrid, 1949), 3:122 and 365. A Diego Hern4ndez also served as royal dancing master in 1570; according to an unspecified source summarized in Francisco Asenjo Barbieri, “Danzas y bailes de Espafia en los siglos XVI y XVII,” La Ilustracién espafiola y americana vol. 21, pt. 2 (November, 1877), 330. “He is described as holding this post in both E Mn Barbieri Mss 14029 (96) and in E Mp 347/42; see below, note (h). Aurelio Capmany, “El baile y la danza,” in Folklore y costumbres de Espafia, edited by F. Carreras y Candi, vol. 2 (Barcelona, 1931), 233, states (without substantiating evidence) that Alonso Fernandez de Escalante began serving at the royal palace on October 17, 1600. “In E Mn Barbieri Mss 14030 (128), dated November 11, 1638, Manuel de Frias refers to

Alonso Hern4ndez as his predecessor in the post of dancing master to the queen. See below, p. 494.

‘According to the summary by Barbieri in E Mn Barbieri Mss 14018/24 (9). Capmany (1931), 233, states (without substantiating evidence) that Alonso Fernandez de Escalante died on November 6, 1629. ‘He was the nephew of Alonso Fern4ndez de Escalante, according to the document quoted below in note (h). It is not clear how uncle and nephew were related to the earlier brothers Luis and Diego Fern4ndez de Escalante. Remarks made by Esquivel Navarro only serve to complicate the matter. In the following passage he states that a Marcos Fernandez de Escalante served as the king’s dancing master for 40 years, and that he was succeeded by his son Luis who served for 15 years until his death:

“Marcos Fernandez de Escalante, fue maestro de su magestad quarenta afios: Luis Fern4ndez de Escalante su hijo, que lo sucedié, y lo exercié quinze afios hasta que muri6.” Juan de Esquivel Navarro, Discursos sobre el arte del dancado, y sus excelencias ‘y primer origen, reprobando las acciones deshonestas (Seville, 1642; facsimile edition, Madrid, 1947) “Maestros de dancar, que a avido desde cien afios a esta parte,” f. 46v.

The king promised Alonso Fern4ndez that he would be succeeded on his death by his nephew Luis; according to the following document dated July 13, 1629: “Certifico que por un decreto del sefior conde duque de Sanldcar cavallerizo mayor del

rey nuestro sefior de la fecha desta parece que su magestad ha sido servido de hazer merced a Alonso Fern4ndez maestro de dancar de su placa para después de sus dfas para Luis Fern4ndez su sobrino y que acuda a servirla en las faltas ausencias o enfermedades del dicho Alonso Fern4ndez. .. .” E Mn Barbieri Mss 14029 (96). The same promise is recorded in E Mp 347/42, dated August 31, 1629, where Alonso Fern4ndez is described as maestro de danzar de los pajes de su magestad.

‘in E Mn Barbieri Mss 14030 (127 and 128), Luis is described as the predecessor of Manuel de Frfas in this post. {According to a note in E Mp 347/42. kIn February, 1637, Frias was allowed to serve in this capacity jointly with Luis Fernandez de Escalante. However, he was not granted any wages for this post until February, 1638. His career is discussed below, pp. 497-500.

DANCING MASTERS 491 That Manuel de Frfas and Antonio de Almenda held this post jointly since January, 1639, is shown in their requests for back wages which they submitted in 1641 and again in 1649; as preserved in E Mn Barbieri Mss 14030 (134) and E Mp 377/9 respectively. ™According to a petition dated August 29, 1659, which was submitted to the bureo by his son Manuel Lorenco de Frias; preserved in E Mn Barbieri Mss 14030 (130); cited below, note 17. *Almenda was appointed to share this post with Manuel de Frfas; according to the following document dated January 12, 1639: “A Antonio de Almelda [sic] he hecho merced de plaza de maestro de dangar de la reyna con calidad que an de servir él y Manuel de Frias ygualmente, y que el uno al otro se comunicar4n los libros donde est4n las dancas que se pratican en palacio con uniformidad, en esta forma se dispondré la execucién y a Almelda se le a sentar los gages y raci6n que le tocare, por raz6n de dicha plaza.” E Mp 1335/13.

| It is not clear precisely what was contained in the dance books of the palace referred to above. Almenda was sworn into this post on January 21, 1639; according to the following summary by Barbieri: “Avfsolo el sefior marqués de Santa Cruz en papel de 15 del dicho mes y afio [i.e., January, 1639] y juré en sus manos en veinte y uno del dicho mes de enero y desde este dfa se le han de hacer buenos los gajes y dem4s emolumentos que por razon del dicho oficio le pertenecen. Consté haber pagado la media anata.” E Mn Barbieri Mss 14018/24 (9). of, .ha hecho su magestad merced a Antonio Dfaz de Solfs de la plaza de maestro de danzar de sus paxes que vac6é por muerte de Antonio de Almenda.” E Mp 2618/18, dated July 4, 1654. According to another document in this file, in the previous year he had been appointed to act as a substitute in this post for an ailing Almenda. P“Haviendo hecho merced su magestad Dios le guarde de la plaga de maestro de dancar de la reyna nuestra sefiora a Antonio Dfaz por muerte de Antonio de Almenda.. .” E Mp 2618/18, dated December 17, 1654. The appointment was made in November, 1654; according to the following summary by Barbieri:

“Su magestad Dios le guarde por decreto de catorce de noviembre de 1654 segdn consta de orden del sefior conde de Altamira mayordomo mayor de 18 del, fue servido de hacer merced a Antonio Dfaz de Solfs, maestro de danzar de sus pajes de la plaza de maestro de danzar de la reina nuestra sefiora por ser a propésito para ello, en lugar de Antonio de Almenda que la servfa con los gajes, raci6n, casa de aposento y los demés emolumentos que con ella le tocan, y habiendo pagado la media anata, juré la dicha plaza en 26 de dicho mes de noviembre en manos de su excelencia y en mi presencia, y ha de gozar de lo referido desde 19 del dicho mes de noviembre, que acordaron los sefiores de la sala del consejo de hacienda, que administran la media anata se le recibiese en los gajes.” E Mn Barbieri Mss 14018/24 (9). ‘This date is given in a marginal note in E Mp 2618/18. There is no evidence to support the date of September 10, 1663, which Barbieri gives in E Mn Barbieri Mss 14018/24 (9). "According to the following summary by Barbieri: “Su magestad Dios le guarde por resolucién de consulta del sefior marqués de Astorga, conde de Altamira, mayordomo de Ia reina nuestra sefiora de 7 de octubre de 1663, segan const6 de orden de su excelencia de 17 del mismo mes, fue servido de hacer merced a Alonso Ruipérez Caballero de la plaza de maestro de danzar de la reina nuestra sefiora, en la conformidad que la tenfa Antonio Dfaz, por cuya muerte vacé y juré en manos de su ex-

492 THE DANCE celencia y en mi presencia en 27 del dicho mes de octubre y goza de los gajes, raci6n y

dem4s emolumentos desde 22 del dicho mes de octubre que fue el dfa en que dié satisfacci6n de la media anata desta merced.” E Mn Barbieri Mss 14018/24 (9).

The year is substantiated in a document preserved in E Mp 151/2, dated August 20, 1676; for in it Caballero claims to have served at the court for thirteen years.

‘In response to one of his petitions (cited below, note 21), the Queen Regent describes him as “dancing master to the king”: “Vuelve a suplicar en el memorial incluso, Alonso Caballero, maestro de danzar del rey mi hijo, le haga merced de plaza de ayuda de alguno de los oficios de boca, para poder dar estado a una hija suya; diréisme lo que en orden a esta instancia se os ofrezca para que

yo tome resolucién.” E Mah Consejos legajo 388, ndmero 2 (dated October, 1671); as transcribed in Nicol4s Alvarez Solar-Quintes, “Contradanzas en el Teatro de los Cafios del Peral, de Madrid,” Anuario musical 20 (1965), 79.

‘This is the date given by Barbieri in E Mn Barbieri Mss 14018/24 (9). Moreover, on March 9, 1680, the royal treasury made a payment of 200 reales (i.e., 6,800 maravedis) to Caballero’s daughter to help pay for his funeral: “. . . a la hija de Alonso Cavallero maestro de dangar que fue de la reyna nuestra sefiora se le den 200 reales de ayuda de costa por su real bolsillo para el entierro de su padre .. .” E Mp 151/2. “Brida is described as such in the following document (dated September 13, 1679), where he is appointed to act as a substitute for an ailing Alonso Caballero in the post of dancing master to the queen:

“Don Francisco Mufioz y Gamboa secretario de su magestad y grefier de la reyna nuestra sefiora teniendo entendido lo achacoso y impedido que se halla Alonso Cavallero

maestro de dancgar de la reyna nuestra sefiora, he venido nombrar para que sirva las ausencias y enfermedades de este exercicio a Juan de la Brida que lo es de los pajes de su

magestad por tener entendido concurren en él las partes que se requieren y se halla enterado de todas las dancerfas de palacio. Y assf{ lo tendréis entendido para hacerle el assiento que se acostumbra en este género de officios.” E Mp 142/30. “This is the date given by Barbieri in E Mn Barbieri Mss 14018/24 (9). On receiving this appointment he relinquished the post of maestro de dangar de los pajes; according to the document quoted below, note (x). “After Brida's death Agustin Caballero unsuccessfully applied for the vacant post of dancing master to the queen; according to a document preserved in E Mp 150/22, dated April 15, 1683. The actual successor appears to have been Sebastian de Molina. x“. «Su magestad (que Dios guarde) por consulta de su excelencia se a servido de hacer merced a don Roque Maldonado de la placa de maestro de danzar de sus pajes que vacé por haver passado a Juan de la Brida que lo. . . [one or two illegible words] maestro de la reyna nuestra sefiora. Vuestra merced le har4 su asiento en la forma que se acostumbra.” E Mp 609/5, dated March 16, 1681. YHe died sometime before his son succeeded him as dancing master to the king’s pages; according to the document quoted below, note (dd). In a document preserved in E Mp 150/22 (dated July 10, 1687) there is a list of nine applicants for the post of dancing master to the queen which was vacant because of Molina’s

death. The applicants included Agustin Caballero and Juan Maldonado. According to another document in E Mp 150/22 (dated December 10, 1687), Agustfn Caballero received the appointment.

DANCING MASTERS 493 He was a nephew of Alonso Ruipérez Caballero; according to the documents in E Mp 150/22.

bbHe died sometime before Juan Maldonado succeeded him as dancing master to the queen; according to the document quoted below, note (ee). ¢¢He was a son of Roque Maldonado; according to the document quoted below, note (dd).

dd, su magestad (Dios le guarde) a consulta del excelentfsimo duque de Medinaceli su cavallerizo mayor de ocho del dicho mes de henero se sirvi6 hacer merced a don Juan Maldonado de la plaza de maestro de danzar de los cavalleros paxes que estava vaca por muerte de don Roque Maldonado su padre y desde el dicho dfa 12 de henero en adelante que haver dado seguridad a derecho de la media anata a de gozar lo siguiente. .. .” E Mp 608/10, dated January 12, 1685. “Don Manuel Zorrilla de Velasco grefier de la reyna nuestra sefiora certifico que por los libros de mi oficio parece que el rey nuestro sefior (que Dios guarde) . . . a consulta del sefior marqués de los Balbases mayordomo mayor de su magestad de veinte de julio préximo pasado de este presente afio (segfin consta de horden de su excelencia de veinte y

quatro de dicho mes) fue servido de hacer merced a don Juan de Maldonado de nombrarle por maestro de danzar de la reyna nuestra sefiora y sus damas en la que vacé por fallescimiento de don Agustin Cavallero y haviéndosele rrecivido la media anata que devfa por esta merced en los primeros gaxes . . .; jur6 dicha plaza en manos de su excelencia y en mi presencia el dfa primero del corriente [mes] . . ." E Mp 608/10, dated August 22, 1692. On December 2, 1700, Juan Maldonado received money for a lavish robe which the queen had promised him that year; according to an unspecified archival source summarized in Nicolas A. Solar-Quintes, “Mdsicos de Mariana de Neoburgo y de la Real Capilla de N4poles. Facetas lfricopalaciegas del Gitimo Austria y del primer Borbén,” Anuario musical 11 (1956), 176.

The queen’s dancing master belonged to the queen’s household (la casa de la reina). This section of palace service was administered by a nobleman holding the post of chief steward to the queen (mayordomo mayor de la reina).9 When there was no reigning queen, the post of danc-

ing master to the queen was apparently changed to that of dancing master to the royal children (sus altezas). This would account for the appointment of Luis Fern4ndez de Escalante in 1589 (see Chart 34 note c). This would also explain two archival descriptions of the royal maestros in the year 1646; for Queen Isabel (the first wife of Felipe IV) had died in October, 1644, and Queen Mariana (the second wife of Felipe IV) did not arrive until October, 1649. First, Manuel de Frfas is described as maestro de dangar de sus altecas in the baptismal record of his daughter Josefa, — dated January 15, 1646. Second, in the same year Antonio de Almenda Diccionario... por la Real Academia Espafiola vol. 4 (1734), 519-20.

lOMADRID, Parroquia de San Justo, Libro de Bautismos; as transcribed in Mercedes Agullé y Cobo, “Documentos para las biograffas de mdsicos de los siglos XVI y XVII,” Anuario musical 24 (1969), 220.

494 THE DANCE is also described as maestro de dancar de sus altecas in an official summary

of a petition which he submitted to the bureo. He was making a request regarding the bail which he had posted for his brother Jusepe.!!

Appointments to the positions of dancing master to the king’s pages and dancing master to the queen were normally made for life. At times the same maestro held both posts, as did Antonio Dfaz de Solfs in 1654. At other times a different maestro held each post, as did Juan de la Brida and Roque Maldonado in 1681. In addition there were also assistant instructors under at least some of the royal maestros. For example, Esquivel Navarro refers to one Luis de Faria as an ayuda de maestro de su magestad.2 The royal maestro received for his service an annual salary (gajes), as well as other payments in cash and in material goods (ayuda de costa and demds emolumentos). For instance, according to Barbieri, in 1570 the royal

dancing master Diego Fern4ndez received 30,000 maravedis de gajes, 45,000 maravedfs de ayuda de costa, a new suit, and a daily ration of straw

and barley for his mule." Throughout the 17th century the standard salary (gajes) for each of the two posts appears to have been 100 ducados (Le., 37,500 maravadts).'4 Other cash payments increased this sum substantially. In 1638 Frfas submitted a petition to the bureo concerning his service as dancing master to the queen. On the grounds that he had been

promised the same income as his predecessor Alonso Hern4ndez (i.e., Alonso Fern4ndez de Escalante), Frias stated that he was entitled to an annual cash payment of 200 ducados (100 de gajes plus 100 de ayuda de costa). The grefier subsequently verified his claim. Some confusion had 'E Mn Barbieri Mss 14020 (121), dated July 23, 1646. Juan de Esquivel Navarro, Discursos sobre el arte del dangado, y sus excelencias -y primer origen, reprobando las acciones deshonestas (Seville, 1642; facsimile edition, Madrid, 1947) “Mas maestros de Madrid,” f. 47r. When Esquivel’s treatise was published, Frfas and Almenda were sharing both major posts. Francisco Asenjo Barbieri, “Danzas y bailes de Espafia en los siglos XVI y XVII,” La Ilustracién espafiola y americana vol. 21, pt. 2 (November, 1877), 330; based on an unspecified source. For futher information about Diego Ferm4ndez see above, Chart 34 note C}.

"Barley, as shown in Chart 34 note (c), Luis Fernandez de Escalante was paid a salary of 100 ducados for serving as maestro de dancar de sus altezas from October 17, 1589, to December 31, 1590. I5E Mn Barbieri Mss 14030 (128), dated November 11, 1638.

DANCING MASTERS 495 arisen because when Luis Fern4ndez de Escalante succeeded his uncle Alonso as dancing master to the queen in 1629, he was obliged to share the income from this post equally with his uncle’s widow Melchora. Thus for three years Luis and Melchora each received 100 ducados annually. However, beginning in 1632 the ayuda de costa was discontinued for some unknown reason, and they each received only 50 ducados.'*

Other additional benefits could assume various forms. For example, housing in Madrid (casa de aposento) was promised explicitly to Dfaz de Solfs upon his appointment as dancing master to the queen (see Barbieri’s

summary quoted above, Chart 34 note p). Moreover the queen or the princess often agreed to provide their dancing master with a lavish new suit each year. Such a promise was made to Manuel de Frias but it was not fulfilled during the last six years of his life (1647-1652). Consequent-

ly in 1659 a petition was submitted to the bureo on behalf of his son Manuel Lorenco de Frias, asking that payment be made for the six suits which his father had never received.” The custom of the queen giving her dancing master lavish outfits is one which persisted at least until the end of the 17th century. For example, in 1700 Queen Mariana of Neuburg

paid Juan Maldonado for three suits which she had promised him in 1693, 1696, and 1700." Despite all these benefits the royal dancing masters were not always secure financially. Promises were one thing, payments another. For instance Almenda and Frfas tried to obtain their back wages in 1641 and in 1649 (mentioned in Chart 34 note l). Moreover, as explained above, the dancing masters had to pay a considerable sum in the form of the media anata before assuming office. Inflation also caused serious problems. Al-

though the value of Spanish currency fluctuated violently during the 17th century, the salary of the royal dancing master appears to have remained fixed.' ICE Mn Barbieri Mss 14030 (128), dated October 5, 1639. Alonso’s widow, Melchora de Nagera, survived until October 21, 1646; according to Barbieri in E Mn Barbieri Mss 14018/24 (9). '7E Mn Barbieri Mss 14030 (130), dated August 29, 1659. Lists of the materials to be used for two of these suits are preserved in E Mn Barbieri Mss 14030 (131 and 132). '*According to Nicolds Solar-Quintes, “Mdsicos de Mariana de Neoburgo y de la Real Capilla de N4poles. Facetas Ifricopalaciegas del dltimo Austria y del primer Borbén,” Anuario musical 11 (1956), 176; based on unspecified archival documents. "The purchasing power of the maravedf in New Castile for each year of the 17th century is given by Earl J. Hamilton, American Treasure and the Price Revolution in Spain, 15011650 (Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1934), 370-75; and Earl J. Hamilton, War and Prices in Spain 1651-1800 (Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1947), 234-41.

496 THE DANCE At least two of the maestros found themselves in severe financial straits. Manuel de Frias, despite all his years of royal service, had little to

leave to his son and sole heir on his death. In fact, in 1659 Manuel Lorengo de Frfas was described by his guardian as being a minor, without

parents, very poor, and without the means to support himself.” Alonso ' Ruipérez Caballero, after eight years as a royal dancing master, also faced financial difficulties. Describing himself as “with little means and poor,” he asked the queen regent in 1671 to grant him a supplementary post at the king’s table (plaza de ayuda de boca de la casa del rey) so that he could earn enough money to arrange for his daughter’s marriage.?! Of all the royal maestros from the 17th century in Spain, perhaps the most influential was Antonio de Almenda. Esquivel Navarro, one of his students, claimed that he based his treatise entirely on Almenda’s dancing and teaching style.“ He further maintained that all the leading maestros then active in Madrid were following Almenda’s teaching.” Another reference to Almenda’s prestigious reputation is found in a stage work, published in 1663, which was written by a playwright who was employed at the palace.*4 According to Esquivel, Almenda was one in a line of famous Spanish dancing masters dating back approximately a century to the great

maestro of maestros named Quintana the elder. Almenda’s immediate teacher was one Marcos Pérez, who had operated a studio for forty years.” Almenda served as royal maestro to the king’s pages and to the queen for fifteen years. However, during most of this period he was drawing an income equivalent to that of only one of these posts; for he was obliged to

20E Mn Barbieri Mss 14030 (130).

21F Mah Consejos legajo 388, nGmero 2 (dated October, 1671); as transcribed in Solar Quintes (1965), 79. See also Chart 34, note (s). 2Esquivel Navarro (1642), f. 49v—50r; as cited above, chap. 10, note 12. Esquivel Navarro (1642), f. 471; as cited above, chap. 10, note 46. 44Vicente Sudrez de Deza y Avila, La ronda en noche de Camestolendas (mojiganga), published in his Parte primera de los donayres de Tersicore, compuesta por don Vicente Sudrez de Deva y Avila, ugier de saleta de la reyna nuesta sefiora, y sus altezas, fiscal de las comedias, en

esta corte (Madrid, 1663); as quoted in Emilio Cotarelo y Mori, Colleccién de entremeses, loas, bailes, jdcaras ‘y mojigangas desde fines del siglo XVI a mediados del XVIII (Madrid, 1911)

pt. 1, vol. 1, p. cexcvi. 25Esquivel Navarro (1642) “Maestros de dangar, que a avido desde cien afios a esta parte,”

f. 46v. Nothing further is known about Quintana el viejo, Damian Danga, or Marcos Pérez.

DANCING MASTERS 497 share both positions with Manuel de Frfas until the latter’s death in August, 1652.76

The career of Manuel de Frias is noteworthy because it reveals a direct relationship in the field of dancing between the royal courts at Madrid and Vienna. Marfa of Austria, the sister of Felipe IV, was married to Ferdinand, King of Hungary (since 1625) and Bohemia (since 1627) who was later to become Emperor Ferdinand III (in 1637). Marfa took her marriage vows with a representative of the king in Madrid on April 25,

1629. From that date on she was referred to as the Queen of Hungary. Marfa departed from Madrid on December 26, 1629, and travelling via Zaragoza, Barcelona, Naples, Ancona, and Trieste, she finally arrived in Vienna to join her husband on February 26, 1631.2” Felipe IV appointed Manuel de Frfas to serve as her dancing master in Vienna for eight years.

The king recorded this appointment on February 21, 1630, and further promised Frias the post of maestro to the queen of Spain upon completion of his service abroad: To Manuel de Frfas I have granted the favour of the post of dancing master to the Queen of Hungary my sister. He is to enjoy the same salary and benefits which have been given to the dancing master of the queen at this court. They are to be paid to him through the administration and accounts of the household of my sister. I have also granted him the favor that he be sworn in immediately into the same post in the household of the queen [of Spain]; with the provision that he is not to take possession of it until he returns with my permission, after having remained the same eight years which is the term that other servants are to serve in Germany. The official record of this is to be made for him in the usual manner.”

Frfas went to serve in Vienna, but misfortune befell him there. He was constantly in poor health and suffered many serious illnesses. Two

*6It was only in January, 1653, that Almenda was granted full wages as maestro to the king’s pages (retroactive to the death of Frias): E Mn Barbieri Mss 14020 (122), dated January 25, 1653. /The contents of primary sources describing her marriage and voyage are summarized in Jenaro Alenda y Mira, Relaciones de solemnidades y fiestas friblicas de Espafia (Madrid, 1903), 1:259-60 and 265-72. Marfa remained in Barcelona from February 8 to June 12, 1630. The carnival celebrations which were held during her stay there are described above, chap. 9, pp. 373-74. 28E Mp caja 377/9, dated February 21, 1630.

498 THE DANCE particular periods of great exertion were disastrous. First, in approximate-

ly February of 1633 he undertook to arrange the choreography for an elaborate and spectacular royal fiesta. In the course of his “excessive activities” he sustained a serious “fracture on his right side.” Second, in ap-

proximately January of 1635 he was again ordered to prepare various dances (otro baylete y dancas) for a special fiesta. To train the Spanish and German ladies-in-waiting of the queen for it, he worked “for a very long

time.” Not knowing the language he had to demonstrate the choreography over and over again. In the end his health deteriorated so much that he was unable to continue fulfilling his duties. The doctors in Vienna examined him, gave him medical certificates testifying to his poor health,

and recommended that he return to his native Spain to recuperate. The King and Queen of Hungary were completely satisfied and granted him permission to go. They also furnished him with letters of recommendation to show to Felipe IV. All in all Frfas served the Queen of Hungary for six years and three

months. Upon his return to Madrid he requested that he be allowed to take possession of the post of dancing master to the queen. The matter was referred to the queen’s bureo for a ruling. At first his request was refused for the following two reasons: first, that Luis Ferndndez de Escalante was then serving as dancing master to the queen; and second, that Frfas had not completed his service abroad. In response to the first point, Frfas stated that when the king had guaranteed him the post in 1630 Luis Fernandez was occupying it. Since this had not been considered a problem then, he argued that it should not present any difficulties now. In response to the second point, Frias stated that he had valid medical reasons for not being able to fulfill the terms of the original agree-

ment. The Queen of Hungary herself had excused him from further service at her court. After making additional references to the hardships he had endured, Frias ended his petition by arguing that, even if the post of the queen's dancing master was unavailable, he was still entitled to its full wages and benefits.’ For a facsimile of this petition, see Plate 10.

The king was not sure of his options. He thought that to accommodate Frias he might have to dismiss Luis Fern4ndez de Escalante.* The

23E Mn Barbieri Mss 14030 (127), dated January 23, 1637. 530A ccording to the king’s note in the margin of a document dated January 31, 1637; E Mp 3771/9.

aee

:Pee: cy ee Sie—.. USEESy es 2. eg..oe.... Ce AS.RES ee Se TERE ae

4oe og ke ell — i» |... EE Se =. i... oe ESE ge = “s i | = te :,= Ne ee gan I rr ..... eae ee ee ee :;esDepe es a .. ee ee i er ee ae a ee eS eeea.(foee eetoneeeoe ee, eecS re Aw ee Fe Se eea,; ee tis ee pe ee oe eee hm ee ee oh apie _ee ny- eeCN rete

Fo. AS. 2 oeee Se2aeee at et ey PROD RES Sree —ESE ie — aa ee Teg Kt :eT Dok ena eee SEs ae PEO ee——“i—™—OCOCOCOCO—C—C—COC—CO SeeeeEk ee EE TiS, harrrr—~s=Ci‘ eyOSES ME ' It was formally recognized by the king in July, 1599. The royal approval, signed by Felipe II],

has been preserved in a document which contains the twenty-eight Esquivel Navarro (1642) chap. 3, f. 24r-24v. Other remarks by Esquivel in which he treats the dance studio as an institution of the social élite are considered below, chap. 12, . 523. oThere were no guilds (gremios) for dancing masters (or musicians) among the five major guilds and fifty-five minor ones which were active in Madrid in 1766; according to the lists given by Kany (1932), pp. 156-57 and pp. 427-28, note 3.

5'In Catalonia during the 16th and 17th centuries the term confraria (in Castilian: cofradia) was used to designate confraternities as well as guilds. The term gremi (in Castilian: gremio) was not used there until the 18th century; according to Pedro Molas Ribalta, Los gremios barceloneses del siglo XVIIL La estructura corporativa ante el comienzo de la revolucién industrial (Madrid, 1970), 50-53.

DANCING MASTERS 507 statutes of the guild. According to its first statute, this guild was founded for dancing teachers (mestres de dansas) as well as for professional teachers

and players of wind instruments (menestrils), bagpipes (gaytes), bowed viols (violes darch), harps (arpes), rebecs (rebaquets), and snare drums (atambor de cordes).* For a facsimile of the first two statutes, see Plate 11.

The guild was centered in Barcelona, but it extended throughout Catalonia. The founding statutes include not only the names of members resident in Barcelona, but also the names of those living in the following neighbouring towns and villages: Arenys, Cales de Montbuy, Calella, Esparraguera, Granollers, Hostalrich, Molins del Rey, Sant Cugat del Vallés, Sant Vicens de Llobregat, Santa Coloma de Centelles, Sentmenat, Terrassa, Tiana, Vallvidrera, and Vilafranca del Penadés.* The religious home of the guild was in Barcelona at the Church of the Monastery of

Santa Marfa del Carmelo. The guild’s two patron saints were Pope Gregory I (the Great) and Saint Cecilia. Accordingly it held special religious celebrations each year on March 12 and November 22.5 Within the guild there were four types of members: the administrative officials (four mayorals and one clavari), the masters (mestres examinats), the ordinary members (confrares necessaris), and the apprentices (apranets). From. 1593 onwards, elections were to be held annually—eight days before

St. Cecilia’s Day—to select four directors (mayorals) and one treasurer (clavari) from among those masters of the guild residing in Barcelona.* For persons interested in becoming professional instrumentalists, the term of apprenticeship in the guild was two years. At the end of that time the apprentice was required to pass an exam which was administered by two examiners

32E Bih Archivo Gremial Ms 77-1 [Confraria dels musichs. Privilegi de fundacié de la Confraria, 1599]. It consists of fifteen pages: the opening and closing sections (pp. 1-2 and 12-—

15) are written in Latin and present the king’s approval; the central section (pp. 2-12) is written in Catalan and presents the statutes of the guild. There are actually twenty-nine statutes, for two of them are numbered “capftol 17.” Appended to this original manuscript are three pages written in Castilian by the archivist Prospero de Bofarrall y Mascaré, dated Apr 24, 1818, in which the minor variants between this document and another copy are noted. 33E Bih Archivo Gremial Ms 77-1, p. 4.

- Bih aces.Archivo Gremial Ms 77-1, pp. 3-4. I have used the modern spelling of these SSE Bih Archivo Gremial Ms 77-1, p. 4.

%E Bih Archivo Gremial Ms 77-1, p. 5.

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lefts tac then eve ne i oe. ees oo Sie chendiuer (leMontane Orla 18bt9 ent ec Ce ae Gee aptngerin ants~ hate Le ean mort t itn Oa af.Ssoe tae Be aefed a Rites eecto Ceean ae — ituader ee du *ALI ee 2 ee 3 Dt ie, | oreenas finsscow Be mph ond Mio Cotte. Pion ein Bl Mace Mores Sato neni=|

win ap fase ne rie et Sa. lel

ee Sa oan = Se ee > |... i io. 4 ee naruto

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nf. .6....._A____._f __ _ 2. _ pp a :

ORS OaSeSaSe: OT 0.LS WhRR AD,

ie

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: _ : ‘ | ' — | : Zz !!1 ‘!'I‘!t'|:i!|| ‘;| -a ‘t; y‘ , &1 ~f.) i; -1’ , I ;

pe- (mar ¢ y par! ra que i que si Min-; gui- Ila es yn- !

—~ id | ” won .

eenTT aaaa TS — a (-. ' 2Bo,(}LS SEAT—NNN RR — OT

pean tenner npn ener nsennen onnernerenntnenneedrnrnne a a= ~ SRE n= SRR

gra- ta por' mu- chos a-- | fios loes-' té su, mer- 1 ced que el’

OS TT a TT Ee aS TIED sc we aw, 4s

t i i { '’‘1 ' 1 ' ' ; .'’‘ tJ' i]\1:

ealCD —SPS | }a> . |SE”. | | | EDA i-—,WD, | ot0A. WWLo™ _ a ‘. AP A PY i}

G..8 * am:

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=r248| VY

;'‘

a ’i i;roetF_‘Pot,|' i.\ong°1 j ,-|

SH, | ! eg I-> VIL-i-V-i) he includes the fantinella, favorita,

moresca, and romanesca (2 versions). Under the “B molle” scheme VII (abstract harmonic progression: i-> VIIi—V—"III- > VII-i-V-i) he includes the ballo del fiore, paganina, and passamezzo per B molle (2 versions). Under the “B molle” scheme V (abstract harmonic progression: i-V-i—> VII—>III-

VII-i-V-i) he includes the folia (2 versions), monica, pavaniglia, spagnoletta, and zarabanda francese (2 versions). Finally under the “B quadro” scheme IV (abstract harmonic progression: I-IV-I-V-I-IV-I-V-l) he includes the ciaccona, aria di Firenze (or del gran duca), passacaglio (or ripresa, or ritornello), passamezzo per B quadro (2 versions), ruggiero, tenor For example, Robert U. Nelson, The Technique of Variation. A Study of the Instrumental Variation from Antonio de Cabezén to Max Reger (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1948), 28-78; Spohr (1956), iii and xi—xii; and to a lesser extent, Warren Kirendale, L'aria di Fiorenza id est il ballo del gran duca (Florence, 1972), 16.

572 THE DANCE di Napoli, and the Spanish zarabanda.® Although his methodology and results are open to criticism, Hudson’s investigation does serve to highlight the harmonic similarities among the various dance-types.*!

The second observation concering the harmonic vocabulary of the

dance repertory is that it is characteristic of much of the music used throughout western Europe during the 16th and 17th centuries. Each harmonic-metric scheme can be regarded as a crystallization of idiomatic harmonic progressions. Furthermore these harmonic progressions represent important formulas in the changing concepts of pitch organization. Consider, for example, the harmonic-metric scheme of the “later” folia

which was used by European composers beginning in approximately 1670.” The scheme consists of two eight-measure phrases shown in musical example 22(a). From a modern point of view the harmonic progression fixed in the second phrase clearly defines a tonal centre, because the bass is a simple elaboration of an arpeggiated tonic triad (g—b’-d—g). Consequently it is not surprising to find such a harmonic progression in one of

the earliest discussions of major-minor tonality. Christopher Simpson (1665), in his treatise on viol divisions, distinguishes between flat [i.e., minor] keys and sharp [i.e., major] keys.® He then illustrates how to devise a typical bass in a flat key and how to add one, two, and three parts above

it.4 His two-voice model is shown in musical example 22(b). It uses the same harmonic progression found in the “later” folia, but fixes it with a

different meter and harmonic rhythm. In addition, at the end of his treatise Simpson presents eighteen divisions of an untitled ground.%> The

ground itself, shown in musical example 22(c), corresponds to yet another setting of this harmonic progression. Richard Hudson, “The Concept of Mode in Italian Guitar Music during the First Half of the 17th Century,” Acta musicologica 42 (1970), 172, 175, and 177. *'Hudson’s chord-rows or schemes are twice removed from the music. For each dancetype he first abstracts a “chordal framework.” It is not equivalent to a harmonic-metric scheme because it lacks meter and harmonic rhythm. From the chordal frameworks he then derives the chord-rows. At both stages of abstraction Hudson fails to explain his methodology in sufficient detail. Richard Hudson, “The Folia Melodies,” Acta musicologica (1973), 115. Christopher Simpson, Chelys, minuritionum artificio exomata . . . The division-viol, or, the art of playing “ex tempore” upon a ground (2nd edition, London, 1665; facsimile edition, London, 1965) pt. II, p. 16. Simpson (1665) pt. II, pp. 17-19. Simpson (1665) pt. III, pp. 75(65)-77(67).

DANCE-NAMES AND MUSICAL MODELS 573 Example 22.Different settings of a particular harmonic progression a) The “later” folia, Hudson (1973)

SSS SSS Z bi bt bi BVA x bw bar bar (=

py "="

b) Simpson (1665) pr. Il, p. 17

3|35353s3|s8: !

c) Simpson (1665) pr. Hl, p. 75 (65)

=== The third important observation concerning the harmonic progressions of the dance music is that a similar vocabulary occurs in earlier repertory. Moe has shown that it appears at the end of the 15th century in secular vocal music. He cites examples of both Spanish and Italian vocal pieces dating from approximately 1500 which incorporate the same harmonic progressions (but in different harmonic rhythms) as those used later in the bergamesca, pass'e mezzo antico, pass’e mezzo moderno, and romanesca.®

In light of these observations it is most unfortunate that many scholars employ the dance-names to refer to certain harmonic progressions which otherwise are not fixed. By allowing for all sorts of musical

*Moe (1956), 127-33.

574 THE DANCE “variants” they manage to subsume pieces having different titles, even dif-

ferent dance-titles, under a single dance-name.” This disregard for terminological precision is highly misleading and fosters fallacious historical

arguments. For example, there is no reason to suppose a direct causal relationship among the different harmonic-metric schemes. Yet in one article Gombosi attempts to demonstrate that the passamezzo antico is the oldest basso ostinato and that the folia and romanesca were derived from it.° His main historical argument rests on an incorrect dating of the earliest appearance of certain bass patterns. His hypothesis is unsound and

has since been rejected. Another kind of fallacious argument involves equating earlier pieces with later dance-types solely on the basis of harmonic similarities. Ward commits this error when he maintains that certain songs in the Cancionero musical de palacio (MADRID, Palacio Real, Biblioteca Ms 1335) are folia pieces.% Querol, who describes the folia theme as a “solid harmonic-melodic block,” extends the same fallacy to other vocal and instrumental Spanish pieces from the 16th and 17th cen-

turies.'"© Querol is more accurate when he characterizes the chord progression. used in settings of Gudrdame las vacas as being an “idiomatic element of the musical language.”"™!

The concept of the “harmonic-metric scheme” is not discussed in Spanish or Italian music treatises of the period. Some Spanish sources refer to the dance music as tono, meaning tune or song.’ In this context it is synonymous with the term tonada, meaning the melody of a popular little song. Covarrubias (1611) notes that tonadas were frequently used by the guitarists of his day.'® Other Spanish sources refer to a dance setting For example, throughout Apfel pt. III (1976). On the other hand, there are a few musicologists who carefully respect the given dance-titles. For instance, Hudson (1973), 99-102, uses his abstract chord-rows and tone-series to describe pieces which exhibit harmonic and melodic similarities with settings of the folia. 9OQrto Gombosi, “Italia: patria del basso ostinato,” La rassegna musicale 7 (1934), 25. John Ward, “The Folia,” International Sociery for Musical Research. Fifth Congress Report

(1952), 416; and at greater length in John M. Ward, “The ‘Vihuela de Mano’ and its Music (1536-1576)” (Ph.D. dissertation, New York University, 1953), 303-14. lOOMuerol (1966), 73-80. 11Muerol (1966), 82. 102For example, el ono del Escarramdn and el tono del iAy, ay, ay!; as quoted above, chap. 10, p. 483 and chap. 13, note 62 respectively. Also see the definition of tono in Diccionario de la lengua castellana, .. . por la Real Academia Espaytola vol. 6 (Madrid, 1739; facsimile edition, Madrid, 1964), 296. 103Covarrubias (1611), f. *47r; modern edition (1943), 966.

DANCE-NAMES AND MUSICAL MODELS 575 as tafiido, meaning instrumental music.'* According to an 18th-century definition, tavtido also connotes solo chordal playing.’

Ortiz (1553) uses other terms to describe the harmonic-metric schemes which serve as the basis for some variation sets in his viol treatise. He lists three general ways of playing the viol with harpsichord accompaniment: free improvisation (fantasia), playing over a cantus firmus (sobre canto llano), and arranging a vocal polyphonic piece (sobre compostura).'°5 He concludes the treatise with nine recercadas which he classifies as examples of playing over a canto llano:

The better to complete this work, I thought to set forth here these studies on plain-songs, which in Italy are commonly called tenors [my emphasis]. One must notice that the principal way they are to be played is as notated here, with four voices [by the harpsichord] and the study on them [by the viol]. But if one wants to play the counterpoint over the bass alone, the counterpoint remains perfect, as if it were made for this one voice. If by chance the harpsichord is missing, one may play and study in this way.'®

Here we have an illustration of old terms being applied to a new compositional procedure. The music does not use the traditional control of a cantus firmus. Instead it employs a new kind of harmonic control.'® For each

note in the bass (which is the so-called canto llano) the harpsichord real- . izes a four-voice triad in root position. In a single piece the harpsichord

part is identical for every variation statement. The harmonic-metric scheme of each recercada is shown in musical example 23. Although Ortiz

does not provide any other proper titles, Reese notes that the schemes display similarities with those known as the folia, passamezzo antico, pas-

samezzo moderno, romanesca, and ruggiero.'” In two instances the harmonic-metric schemes can be described much more precisely. Recercada '04For example, Esquivel Navarro (1642); as quoted above, chap. 11, p. 503. !05Diccionario .. . por la Real Academia Espaviola vol. 6 (1739), 223.

Ortiz (1553) Bk. II, f. 26r; modern edition (1961), 51. !’Ortiz (1553) Bk. Il, f. 47r; modern edition (1961), 106. The English translation is taken from Peter Farrel, “Diego Ortiz’ ‘Tratado de glosas’, ” Journal of the Viola da Gamba Society of America (1967), 9. ‘The music is presented in Ortiz (1553) Bk. II, f. 47v-61r; modern edition (1961), 107— 36. lSGustave Reese, “The Repertoire of Book II of Ortiz’s ‘Tratado’, ” in The Commonwealth of Music edited by Gustave Reese and Rose Brandel in honor of Curt Sachs (New York, 1965), 205-6.

576 THE DANCE

Q= > tr 2 eedrane

Example 23. Harmonic-metric schemes in Ortiz (1553) Recercada primera (7 statements).

Se ia | *

SS - 7 5—< i bv i Z i b vi iN™w@ 1

ozd * i] ‘4 al ’ a

ozd , «

Recercada segunda (6 statements)

5 Se es — ree a eae Ta nee re SS NS SS — Sk — ST ES 8

r wwa I Z x b Ti rMYVox

Recercada tercera (7 statements)

Po PE OPO OE a a aS Ce eS Se i. Ss CS TS CS Cl eine 5

aa iv =x x x iv Ty mM x

Recercada quarta (3 statements) ’ o:d

wy i bi b ar bir i nva

2awibmba bm i ava zibémbnmi Mu iT

eo: J { | A bv Zz 4 |

=] SS (4) sa es es ee ee ee Recerada quinta (9 statements)

SS N00 SSeS ere oom

L_

Oo: d oo, , *

Recerada sesta (3 statements)

a

a2 “am wa. AE A A AT ES CS EE RT WE — A A AO = TO NS SE OT| SA — SEN

bin ti ifm bm ait iz =x

Recercada settima (3 statements)

o:d

bm » i \ rcs i Iw {8] # ¥Y Lf

DANCE-NAMES AND MUSICAL MODELS 577 Recercada ottava (2 statements) ** O:90

Z i > i bra Si Zz —————————— —————

2 iGn Orr x | | mitt om i |

) oz d : : t . . ;

[Recercada novena] Quinta pars (7 statements) ***

I Nt HIVY,Z vi © Iv VET * The third of the triad is absent in the harpsichord part. ** Here Ortiz gives only the bass line for the harpsichord. In all the other recercadas above, he notates the harpsichord part in 4-voice score.

***The given title “Quinta pars” refers to the viol part. In these recercadas the only harpsichord triad in inversion occurs here in m. 4.

segunda employs a scheme which is identical to the one used by Valente (1576) under the title tenore de zefiro."° Recercada sesta employs a scheme

which closely resembles the one used by Valente under the title tenore grande alla napolitana.™!

During the late 16th and 17th centuries in Spain a wide gulf developed in the realm of harmony between instrumental practice and general music theory. On the one hand, instrumentalists focused their attention on the triad as an important musical unit. Guitarists isolated the chords and devised special rasgueado symbols for them (see above, chap. 5, pp. 148-61). Harpists concentrated on six-voice triads and accordingly supplemented their tablature system by means of letters (see above, chap. 6, pp. 220-24). On the other hand, general music theorists were reluctant

to alter traditional concepts to accommodate new harmonic ideas. The following example illustrates the attitudes which prevailed. As early as Antonio Valente, “Tenore de zefiro con dodeci mutanze," in his Intavolatura de cimbalo recercate fantasie et canzoni francese desminuite con alcuni tenori balli et varie sorte de con-

traponti. Libro primo (Naples, 1576), 54-62; modern edition by Charles Jacobs (Oxford, 1973), 82-90. 'tlTenore grande alla napolitana con sei mutanze,” Valente (1576), 71-75; modem edition (1973), 102-5. There are only two small differences in the Valente setting: measure 3 lacks a i chord, and measure 7 employs the harmonic rhythm | Jd

578 THE DANCE 1565 Tomd4s de Santa Marfa devotes several chapters of his keyboard book to four-voice consonant vertical sonorities (i.e., four-voice triads). He classifies the possible voicings according to the consonant interval (consonancia) formed by the outer voices (tiple and baxo). For each outer interval he distinguishes four categories (grados) based on the arrangement of the inner voices." This system, formulated in the the context of keyboard playing, represents a potential point of departure for a new harmonic theory. However, in the succeeding century general music theorists failed to build on the ideas of Tom4s de Santa Marfa. Cerone (1613) simply incorporates them in his own encyclopedic treatise."3 Lorente (1672) in turn summarizes Cerone’s discussion.'"4 Cerone does add a new

table (not repeated in Lorente), but in it he reverts to an older approach: he lists the four-voice sonorities according to the interval between the soprano and tenor, rather than soprano and bass.''5 Thus, instead of exploring new harmonic ideas, Cerone merely adapts existing ones to suit the traditional procedure, associated with contrapunto, of adding new voices to a given tenor canto llano.""6

Spanish theorists of the period do not discuss harmonic function at all. It remains to be inferred from the music itself. In modern writings Roman numerals are convenient labels for triads, but they do not necessarily indicate harmonic function. European theory of the late 18th and 19th centuries is inadequate to account for the harmonic progressions found in the earlier dance repertory. For instance, the progression of two major triads whose roots move a major third down does not accord with the practice of “classical tonality.” Yet it appears in some of the dance

Tomas de Santa Marfa, Libro llamado Ane de tafier fantasta, asst para tecla como para vihuela, y todo instrumento, en que se pudiere tafler a tres, y a quatro vozes, y a mds (Valladolid, 1565; facsimile edition, n.p., 1973) pt. II, chap. 6-10, f. 12r—2Or. '13Pedro Cerone, El melopeo ‘y maestro. Tractado de muisica thedrica ‘y prdtica: en que se pone por extenso, lo que uno para hazerse perfecto misico ha menester saber (Naples, 1613; facsimile

edition, Bologna, 1969) vol. 2, Bk. 13, chap. 34-42, pp. 730-37. 114A ndrés Lorente, El porqué de la miisica, en que se contiene los quatro artes de ella, canto lano, canto de é6rgano, contrapunto, ‘y composicién (Alcal4 de Henares, 1672) Bk. IV, chap. 26-33,

- 477-84. WSCerone (1613) vol. 2, Bk. 13, chap. 43 “Tabla sumaria y breve, adonde con otra orden van resumidos los sobredichos acompafiamientos,” 737-39. 116Cerone (1613) vol. 2, Bk. 13, chap. 43, p. 737.

DANCE-NAMES AND MUSICAL MODELS 579 music under consideration, especially with one phrase ending on V and the succeeding one beginning on ° III." A striking harmonic feature of the dance music of the 17th century, especially as compared with “classical tonality,” is the emphasis which it places on the “flat” side of the tonic. I use the term “flat” (as opposed to “sharp”) to designate those chords whose roots are related to the tonic by descending (as opposed to ascending) through the cycle of fifths. For example, taking C as the tonic, the chords on the “flat” side are shown to the left of C in the following diagram:

wee A’ «KF Bre F< [C}> Gs» Ds» A-—-» E- ...

Dvr bin bvil Vor Vf wi ii The modality of any of these triads (including the tonic) can be altered without changing their classification as “flat” or “sharp.”

One of the most prominent chords in Spanish and Italian dance music is ° VII. Its frequent use serves to emphasize the “flat” side of the tonic. In later “classical tonality” > VII is almost always confined to pieces in a minor key, where it usually functions as a secondary dominant to the relative major (’ III). Yet it was only gradually during the course of the

17th century that this emerged as its primary function. The various Italian settings of the folia illustrate the change which occurred. In the harmonic-metric scheme of the “earlier” folia as derived by Hudson (shown in musical example 24), the tonic can be either major or minor." The triad’ VII is always present, but only in some of the minor-mode settings does it proceed to ° III. In other words, with regard to the progression ’VII-PIII, here it is the first chord which is necessary (primary) and the

second which is optional (secondary). By contrast, in the harmonicmetric scheme of the “later” folia—given above, musical example 22(a)—

the tonic is always minor, and ° III consistently follows » VII. '7Tt is historically inaccurate to classify this progression as belonging to Renaissance (16th-

century) practice alone, as does John Clough, “The Leading Tone in Direct Chromaticism: From Renaissance to Baroque,” Joumal of Music Theory 1 (1957), 6. Nevertheless, Clough does devise an analytical procedure (which focuses on the major thirds of the triads) which distinguishes this two-chord progression from most of those used in western Europe during the first half of the 18th century. 118] have taken this scheme from Hudson (1973), 115.

580 THE DANCE Consequently in this later context one can interpret VII as the secondary chord (secondary dominant) of the pair.

(3 ————

Example 24. The harmonic-metric scheme of the “earlier” folia in Italian sources, as derived by Hudson (1973)

i(erx) XZ i(or) > war (om) > tur i(oeL) W

V(orL) >on (I) i(rl) & i (or L)

Two aspects of the use of » VII in the “earlier” folia apply to the dance music in general. First, ¥ VII can occur in major-mode pieces as well as minor-mode ones. An isolated example occurs as late as the mid-18th

century in a contradanza published by Minguet y Yrol (see musical example 25, m. 3). Second, in minor-mode pieces > VII can proceed to chords other than ° III. This is often the case in the Spanish repertory. Even within a single variation set } III may follow VII in only some of the statements. Furthermore in some minor-mode pieces ° VII is emphasized by its secondary dominant, the chord of IV."

In the Spanish and Italian dance music of the 17th century one can distinguish at least three different harmonic functions of ° VII: (1) a passing chord in minor-mode pieces (i- VII VI) 120

(2) a lower neighbor chord to a major tonic (I- » VII-I) or more often a minor tonic (i- b VIT-i)

(3) a secondary dominant to the relative major in minor-mode pieces ( bVIT— > IIT)

\9For example, in Francisco Guerau (1694) “Pavanas” (D-344). 20The frequent use of the progression i —> VII —>VI — iv — V in the Italian repertory is dis-

cussed by Hudson (1967), 306-31. He groups this progression with all other realizations of the same bass-line under the label S_,. 121The progression I —>VII was eventually discarded. Perhaps one of the reasons is that it contains a cross-relation of an augmented fourth.

i

DANCE-NAMES AND MUSICAL MODELS 581 Example 25. “Cont[radanz]a de la E,” Minguet y Yrol (1758-1764) pt. III, pl. 1

he S

tL 5 eee th

Pf |3 \-_ 2, | ee +6; oo a rn G _ — SS —

al Ne 3

|——__— =Te Seee ee ee

{‘

As a passing chord and lower neighbor chord the use of ° VII implies a predilection for parallel writing and a disregard for consecutive fifths and octaves which may well have characterized the popular music of the period. The fact that ° VII does not always proceed to ° III can be related to the cycle of fifths: in this system » VII is closer to the tonic than ° III is. Finally, from a historical point of view > VII should be regarded against a

582 THE DANCE background of the traditional modes. For the modes ending on G and D, the chord >VII represents the triadic harmonization of the seventh pitchdegree.

The precise musical origins of the various harmonic-metric schemes are obscure and may well be lost in the unrecorded popular repertory of the period. Speculation regarding their origins is a matter quite separate from inferring the musical models used for the extant instrumental set-

tings. Only in one case has a scheme been traced back to a particular composed piece of music.!”

Most of the other dances appear to have emerged from the realm of popular music. For this reason the following theory proposed by Apfel is unconvincing. Instead of allowing for the formulation of homophonic patterns in the popular repertory, Apfel attempts to explain the origins of the schemes entirely in terms of compositional procedures used in art-music of the 15th and 16th centuries. He argues that for most European dances (including the chaconne, folia, passacaglia, passamezzo antico, passamezzo

moderno, romanesca, and ruggiero) the prototype of the musical model (Genistsatz or Kernsatz) is not a melody, bass, or harmonic scheme, but

rather a structural duo in the tenor and soprano, moving primarily in parallel sixths. He further contends that the bass voice was only a later addition to the tenor-soprano duo and that eventually one of the upper voices dropped out leaving a melody-bass pattern or harmonic bass pattern.’ Although his theory is a dubious one, Apfel does offer analytical insights into particular compositions by focusing on the individual voice-

parts. For example, he points out that in various voices—not only the bass—composers frequently incorporate two forms of a linearly descending tetrachord: a “major” form (consisting of semitone—tone—tone; e.g., d—

c*-b—a) and a “minor” form (consisting of tone—-tone—semitone; e.g., d—c—b > —a).124

122The aria di Firenze, which is discussed below in pt. IV under the name gran duque de Florencia. Kirkendale (1972) has identified its prototype as a ballo composed by Cavalieri. This scheme is also exceptional because it is the only one which has been directly related to an earlier piece bearing a different tide. 3Emst Apfel, “Ostinato und Kompositionstechnik bei den englischen Virginalisten der elisabethanischen Zeit,” Archiv far Musikwissenschaft 19-20 (1962-1963), 33-34; Ernst Apfel, “Zur Folia und zu anderen Ostinato-Modellen,” Die Musikforschung 28 (1975), 295-96; and Apfel pt. III (1976), 62-126. 124A fel pt. III (1976), 24-25. The use of tnese tetrachords as bass ostinatos is discussed in Wolfgang Ostoff, Monteverdistudien L Das dramatische Spatwerk Claudio Monteverdis (Tutz-

ing, 1960), 77-89.

DANCE-NAMES AND MUSICAL MODELS 583 I propose quite a different hypothesis regarding the origins of the harmonic-metric schemes. It is probable that popular vocal melodies played a crucial role in their initial formulation. I suggest that many of the schemes developed in the domain of popular music by the following three stages: (1) a popular vocal melody

(2) the same melody plus a homophonic accompaniment (3) a solo instrumental setting consisting only of the homophonic accompaniment and not necessarily incorporating the vocal melody

This speculative hypothesis cannot be substantiated conclusively by musical evidence. While a few popular melodies have been preserved in the treatise by Salinas (1577), it seems that little or no music has survived which corresponds to stage (2) above. A thorough investigation of the extant vocal repertory lies outside the scope of this study. Nevertheless, | would point out that at least some vocal works with dance-titles do not

employ the harmonic-metric schemes found in the corresponding instrumental settings (examples are cited below in pt. IV under the chacona and folfas). Instead, such vocal pieces may well be completely new compositions. Perhaps their dance-titles refer to the lyrics and to the inclusion of some rhythmic and harmonic elements associated with the “standard” versions.

The hypothesis proposed above can be supported by some of the terminological usage of the period. For example, in Spanish sources the term tono (discussed above, p. 574) may refer to a vocal origin as well as a vocal performance. In Italian sources the term aria, or equivalently aere,

offers more compelling evidence.'5 During the late 16th and early 17th centuries, aria is used with a variety of meanings and connotations which are not always clear;'6 yet the term does provide a direct link between popular melodies and harmonic-metric schemes.

125Aria and aere are synonymous, according to the Vocabolario degli Accademici della Crusca (Venice, 1612; facsimile edition, Florence, 1974), 24. 26D iscussed in Nino Pirrotta, “Early Opera and Aria,” in New Looks at Italian Opera. Es-

Sap Honor of Donald J. Grout, edited by William W. Austin (Ithaca, New York, 1968),

584 THE DANCE In some contexts aria or aere designates a popular vocal melody.” Guistiniani (ca. 1628) appears to adopt this meaning in his discussion of vocal styles. He points out that variants of particular arias and unique

arias together characterize the vocal music of different geographical regions: . .. Tight here in Italy it is recognized that the style [modo] [of singing] and the melody [aria] differ from one place to another; as for example the Romanesca aria, which is unique and considered to be most beautiful, and is sung by everybody with the greatest delight as something exquisite and most suitable for every sort of embellishment and is accompanied with great facility in every mode [tuono]; and the same is true of the aria called Fantinella. In Sicily there are particular melodies [arie] which differ according to

the location, for in Palermo it will be one aria, in Messina another, yet another in Catania, and still different in Siracusa. The same is true in the other cities and districts of that kingdom; and also in the other places in Italy, as in Genoa, Milan, Florence, Bergamo, Urbino, Ancona, Foligno and Norcia. I have specified these [places] only as examples, leaving out many others in order to restrict this discourse.!”8

Earlier, Galilei employs the term aria in order to emphasize the importance of the soprano melody in popular homophonic songs. He seems to use the term to mean the distinctive character of a piece of music: . .. today many of our airs do not reach or extend beyond a compass of six notes, for example, the soprano parts of come t’haggio lasciato vita mia, ti parti cor mio caro, la brunettina mia, la pastorella si leva per tempo, l'aria co-

mune della terza rima, that of the romanesca, and a thousand others. The soprano of these, which is the part that principally provides the air [my emphasis], even when six or eight others are singing in harmony [in consonanza], does not extend beyond this number of notes.”

127" AERE, the aire. Also an aspect, a countenance, a cheere, a looke or apparance in the face of man or woman. Also a tune or aire of a song or ditty. . . .” John Florio, Queen Anna's New World of Words, or Dictionarie of the “Italian” and “English” Tongues (London, 1611; facsimile edition, Menston, England, 1968), 12.

128Vincenzo Giustiniani, Discorso sopra la musica, LUCCA, Archivo del Stato Ms 049 (written ca. 1628); modern edition in Angelo Solerti, Le origini del melodramma (Turin, 1903; reprinted Hildesheim, 1969), 112-13; English translation by Carol MacClintock, Musicological Studies and Documents vol. 9 (1962), 72. 129V/incenzo Galilei, “Dubbi intorno a quanto io ho detto dell’uso dell’enharmonio con la solutione di essi,"” FLORENCE, Biblioteca Nazionale, Mss Galileiani, Anteriori a Galileo

vol. III, f. 64r-64v (written ca. 1588-1591); as translated by Claude V. Palisca, “Vincenzo Galilei and Some Links between ‘Pseudo Monody’ and Monody,” Musical Quarterly 46 (1960), 348.

DANCE-NAMES AND MUSICAL MODELS 585 This passage is significant because Galilei does not use the word aria merely as a synonym for the soprano melody. For example, in the context of harmonic sonorities he states that it is the bass part which gives a composed piece of music its aria,"° Untexted instrumental settings of arias—corresponding to stage (3)

of the hypothesis outlined above—appear in Italy as early as 1588. Facoli’s collection of harpsichord pieces includes twelve “new and delight-

ful aeri for singing all sorts of verse.”"! Each is the same length: eight measure plus a ripresa of four measures. Most of these arias have titles which appear to be dedications to aristocratic women. Such titles are common in Italian sources, but they are not found in Spanish ones." The use of the term aria to mean a harmonic-metric scheme is implied in Italian variation sets of the 17th century. The word aria appears in some of the titles as part of the name of the musical model. A striking example is a set of six variations for harpsichord by Frescobaldi entitled “Capriccio del soggetto scritto sopra l’aria di ruggiero.” In this work Frescobaldi combines two musical models: the aria of the ruggiero, and a short melody (soggetto) called Fra Jacopino. Each variation incorporates motives from the soggetto in the different voices while preserving the same harmonic-metric scheme. Therefore, here the aria of the ruggiero is not a particular voice-part, but rather a harmonic-metric scheme. This is fur-

ther substantiated by the fact that Frescobaldi employs the same harmonic-metric scheme in a more straightforward set of twelve variations entitled “Partite sopra ruggiero.”'4 '°Vincenzo Galilei, Dialogo . . . della musica antica, et della moderna (Florence, 1581; facsimile edition, New York, 1967), 76. This passage is pointed out by Palisca (1960), 352. '31Marco Facoli, Il secondo libro d'intavolatura di balli d’arpicordo, pass'e mezzi saltarelli, padovane, & alcuni aeri novi dilettevoli, da cantar, ogni sorte de rima (Venice, 1588); modern edition by Willi Apel, Corpus of Early Keyboard Music vol. 2 (1963). '32In Facoli (1588) nine of the titles fall into this category: “Aria della signora Livia,” “Aria della signora Cinthia,” “Aria della signora Lucilla,” “Aria della marcheta Saporita,” “Aria della signora Moretta,” “Aria della signora Ortensia,” “Aria della marcheta Schiavonetta,” “Aria della signora Michiela,” and “Aria della signora Fior d’Amor.” The remaining three titles are: “Aria della comedia,” “Aria della comedia novo [sic],” and “Aria da cantar terza rima.” '33Girolamo Frescobaldi, Toccate e partite d'intavolatura di cimbalo . . . Libro primo (4th edition, Rome, 1637), 85-88; facsimile edition, Archivum musicum vol. 3 (Florence, 1978); modern edition by Etienne Darbellay (Milan, 1977), 112-15. '34Frescobaldi (1637), 56-62; modern edition (1977), 69-77.

586 THE DANCE Thus, it may well be that the harmonic-metric schemes were initially

derived from popular melodies. Regardless of their actual origin, the schemes dominated the instrumental dance music and variations of the 17th century. The schemes represented a new conception of musical organization, very different from the traditional cantus firmus model. The importance of this new approach is shown in the music itself, rather than in the theory of the period.

Variation Techniques Musicians applied many different techniques to the harmonicmetric schemes in order to generate variation statements. Most of the techniques can be subsumed under one of the following five categories: (1) addition of melodic or rhythmic ornaments notated by symbol

(2) fragmentation or diminution (glosas) of a voice-part, especially the soprano melody (3) creation of a new melody or voice-parts by superimposing melodic or rhythmic motives onto the harmonic-metric scheme (4) syncopation of the harmonic rhythm (5) insertion of new chords The third category is the clearest indicator of the degree of compositional sophistication of a particular work. An elementary technique is to superimpose the same motivic formula onto each chord of the harmonicmetric scheme. This is simplest when the scheme is isometric, because then the only necessary modification of the motivic formula is transposition. This also produces the simplest results aurally: given the scheme and the motivic formula for only the first chord, one can precisely predict the remainder of the variation statement. Another technique is to apply the same motivic formula between successive chords of the scheme, grouping them in disjunct pairs. This is simplest when the interval of root move-

ment between the chords of each pair is the same. Consequently, this technique is often applied to the chord progression [| — IV ~ V — |. More sophisticated kinds of motivic superimposition, including overlapping imitative entries, occur primarily in keyboard settings. Complex contrapun-

tal writing is more suitable for the keyboard than for the guitar or harp

DANCE-NAMES AND MUSICAL MODELS 587 because the physical limitations involved in playing the instrument are less severe.

In a particular work a different motif often characterizes each variation statement. Sometimes the motif of one diferencia is first introduced at the end of the preceding one, thereby lending cohesion to the two state-

ments. Groups of variation statements may be linked together in other ways. However, one should temper any consideration of structure and continuity on the large scale with the recognition that a variation set was not necessarily intended to be performed in its entirety.

Harmonic variety is achieved mainly through the technique of chord insertion. In a harmonic-metric scheme the time-interval between

each of the chords is fixed. In a particular setting each time-interval begins with the appropriate chord of the scheme; but, as Spohr explains, the chord need not be retained for the entire duration of the time-interval. New chords can be introduced before the prescribed entry of the next chord of the scheme.'5 Hudson observes that in Italian sources of guitar

music the inserted chords often appear to function as secondary dominants or as longer cadential formulas to the chords of the scheme which follow or precede them.'%*

Each of the variation techniques was affected by both practical and theoretical considerations. The physical movements involved in playing particular instruments greatly influenced the formulation and implementation of variation procedures.” Music theory also played a major role, but this is seldom made explicit in the sources of the period. Of all the

variation techniques, the Spanish treatises discuss only the ormament symbols (examined above in pt. II) and melodic diminution (glosas). Glosas were frequently incorporated in the performance of secular as

well as sacred music. (Concerning the latter, see above, chap. 1, p. 4). Some theorists mention the glosas simply to warn against their abuse. In 135Spohr (1956), xi-xii.

'36Richard Hudson, “Chordal Aspects of the Italian Dance Style 1500-1650,” Journal of the Lute Sociery of America 3 (1970), 41. Examples of chord insertion in settings of the folia

are discussed in Richard Hudson, “The ‘Folia’ Dance and the ‘Folia’ Formula in 17thCentury Guitar Music,” Musica disciplina 25 (1971), 209-13.

'57Ferand labels this factor the “motorische Moment (or ‘Komponente’)” and emphasizes } it in his discussion of instrumental improvisation. See Ernst Ferand, Die Improvisation in der Musik Eine entwicklungsgeschichtliche und psychologische Untersuchung (Zurich, 1938), 273-

588 THE DANCE the 16th century Bermudo roundly condemns all instrumentalists who dare to add glosas to the notated music." In the early 18th century Torres y Martfnez Bravo includes the following recommendation in his accompaniment treatise: “Advisory note 5”: That when one is accompanying one should not gloss

_ either with the right hand or with the left, unless it is done with great discretion. One reason is that otherwise the accompaniment will confuse the singers, especially if they are soloists. The other reason is that there is plenty

of time in the interludes for the accompanist to demonstrate his playing skill with more brilliance and fewer impediments.

Valls (ca. 1742) also censures diminutions, but at the same time he advo-

cates that performers should add the types of ornaments (presumably those fixed by symbols) used in French and Italian music: __ 5. It is also a serious defect to gloss what one sings or plays, and this defect is much greater in the bass parts, whether they are instrumental or vocal; because with the glossas one destroys the particular composition. If it happened in the accompaniments it would be much worse.

The remedy for everything [i.e., every defect in performance] is for each performer to sing or play his part faithfully and exactly, without adding or removing anything from what is notated in the music, and to sing it without

affectation or roughness, but rather with the spirit which the particular music demands. I do not mean by this that each one cannot adorn his part without disfiguring it. On the contrary I state that if the instrumentalist or singer did not add something of the appropriate riches, the music would be insipid, and much more so if it was for one or two voices. In this, one should imitate the Italians and the French, who are extremely precise both in the execution of what the notes specify as well as in the embellishments with which they adorn them.'®

138Juan Bermudo, Comienca el libro lamado Declaracién de instrumentos musicales (Osuna,

1555; facsimile edition, Kassel, 1957) Bk. IV, chap. 43 “De algunos avisos para los tafiedores,” f. 84v-85r. 139}oseph de Torres y Martinez Bravo, Reglas generales de acompafiar, en érgano, clavicordio, y harpa, con sélo saber cantar la parte, o un baxo en canto figurado (Madrid, 1702) Bk. III,

chap. 23, p. 141. 40Francisco Valls, Mapa arménico prdctico (ca. 1742), E Mn M.1071 chap. 34, f. 282v283r.

DANCE-NAMES AND MUSICAL MODELS 589 Other theorists adopt a much more positive position. Ortiz (1553) provides the earliest extensive treatment of glosas in Spanish theory.""' In his viol treatise Ortiz distinguishes three different methods of glossing a given voice-part with respect to its individual melodic intervals. The first method consists of filling in an interval so that the first given note is the first and penultimate note of the embellished version. Ortiz describes this as “the most perfect way” because it preserves the original voice-leading.'” The second method consists of filling in an interval so that in the embellished version the last note is approached by step from the opposite direction than in the given interval.'“ Although it does not preserve the original voice-leading, Ortiz recommends it highly: This manner is necessary, because with the license which is taken very good things and very pretty flourishes are made which one would not be able to do using the first way alone, and for this I use it in some places in this book. And the fault that can be found in it is that at the time of passing from one quarter of a note to another, since the progression is different than that of the plain notes, the other voices can come so that the embellishment makes two perfect consonances with some of them; which is a thing that matters little, because with the rapidity they are not heard.“

The third method consists of disregarding the given melodic intervals altogether. It is one which Ortiz rejects completely: The third way is to depart from the composition and play by ear, or with little difference, without any certainty of what one is doing. Some use this, for since they have a little ability they wish to practise it. They set forth without purpose and out of time with the composition, and they will end on some cadence or figure they have already learned. This is a thing disapproved in music, because, since it does not go in accordance with the composition, it cannot have any beauty whatsoever.’ .

''His treatment is discussed in the context of other European diminution manuals by Imogene Horsley, “Improvised Embellishment in the Performance of Renaissance Polyphonic Music,” Journal of the American Musicological Society 4 (1951), 10-12.

47Qrtiz (1553) Bk. I “Modo de glosar sobre el libro,” f. 3v; modern edition (1961), 6. Ortiz (1553) Bk. I, f. 3v; modem edition (1961), 6.

Ortiz (1553) Bk. I, f. 3v; modern edition (1961), 6; English translation by Farrell (1967), 7.

MOrtiz (1553) Bk. I, f. 3v; modern edition (1961), 6; English translation by Farrell (1967), 7.

590 THE DANCE Ortiz devotes the remainder of the first half of his treatise to musical illustrations. He gives numerous examples of glosses for cadential formulas (cadencias) and particular melodic intervals (ascending and descending seconds, thirds, fourths, and fifths) .' Tomas de Santa Marfa (1565) also deals with glosas in his treatise on the instrumental imitative fantasfa. He provides musical examples arranged according to the size of the given melodic interval (from unison to octave) and the duration of the first given note.'” His verbal explanations are very brief: To gloss musical works, it should be observed that glosas are applied only to three note-values, namely semibreves [ o ], ménimas [ 4 ], and seminimas [4+], alchough least often to seménimas.

To gloss a work [i.e., an imitative fantasia] well, one has to note two things. The first is that, if possible, all the voices should bear the diminution equally, that is, one voice should bear as much glosa as another. The other thing is that just as the voices imitate each other, so the glosas should im-

itate each other in all the voices, except when there is some [physical] obstacle, which often happens.'®

In the early 17th century Cerone devotes ten chapters of his encyclopedic treatise to vocal ornamentation.'® He includes numerous musical illustrations of glosas, cadential formulas (cldusulas), and other melodic formulas. Even in the early 18th century Nassarre provides a few musical examples of glossing melodic intervals for singing.'© Vocal glosas are relevant to a consideration of instrumental variation techniques, because the melodic formulas of diminution were apparently the same regardless of the medium of performance. Nassarre is the only

46Ortiz (1553) Bk. I, f. 4r-24v; modern edition (1961), 7-48. 147Tom4s de Santa Marfa (1565) pt. I, chap. 23 “Del glosar las obras,” f. 58v-59v. There is a modern edition of these examples by Pierre Froidebise, Tomds de Santa Marla. Oeuvres transcrites de Art de tafler fantasia (Valladolid, 1565), Orgue et liturgie vol. 49 (Paris, n.d.), 7-10. 1Tom4s de Santa Marfa (1565) pt. I, chap. 23, f. 58r. 149Cerone (1613) vol. 1, Bk. 8 “En el qual se ponen las reglas para cantar glosado y de garganta,” chap. 1-10, pp. 541-64. He defines cantar de garganta as the elegant and skillful singing of rapid passages: Cerone (1613) vol. 1, Bk. 8, chap. 1, p. 541. X0Pablo Nassarre, Escuela musica, segin la prdctica modema vol. 1 (Zaragoza, 1724; facsimile edition, Zaragoza, 1980) Bk. III, chap. 11, pp. 280-81.

DANCE-NAMES AND MUSICAL MODELS 591 Spanish theorist who attempts to differentiate between instrumental and vocal glosas. He does so primarily on the basis of quantity: For three reasons it is more important that music which is performed on

instruments be glossed more than that which is performed with natural voices. The first reason is because on every instrument, except the organ, the sound does not last after it is produced; but with the natural voice it lasts as long as one likes, in accordance with the wish of the composer.

The second reason is because whatever one sings has a text, and this is part of the harmonious whole {armonia]. Inasmuch as this part is lacking in whatever one plays on an instrument, one supplements the degrees of the

short-lived harmony by means of the rapidity of the sounds. The third reason is because the ability to perform them is more universal with the hands than with the voice.'*!

Even Nassarre does not make any meaningful distinction with regard to the diminution formulas themselves. It is only by considering rapid arpeggiations (aliados or arpeados) and trills (trinos) as types of glosas that Nassarre further contrasts instrumental and vocal practice: One performs three kinds [of glossas] on them [i.e., on instruments]. The first is ascending and descending with notes of short duration, in the man-

ner | have explained regarding the glossa which one devises for natural voices. The second kind is called glossa aliada and it is performed only on string instruments. It is used when there is some note that has to be sustained for a while; for inasmuch as the sound ceases right after one plucks the string, one makes up for this cessation by fluttering [?—aliando] as long

as one has to be on the said note, according to its notated value. One executes this with all the voices of the chord in constant motion, not simultaneously but rather one after another with great speed. The result is that, with the harmony produced by the rapid movements of all the voices, one makes up for the defect that the sound ceases. Such a glossa is called arpeados by practical instrumentalists, because the harp [arpa] is one of the instruments on which it is most often performed. However it is more appropriate to call them aliados because the rapidity of

the movements, always in several voices, is similar to that of the wings {alas} of birds in flight. There is also the reason that they are common to every string instrument, not only the harp.!” 5tNassarre vol. 2 (1723) Bk. IV, chap. 10, p. 431. 'S2 Although here Nassarre equates the aliado with the arpeado, elsewhere in his treatise he uses the term aleado to designate a mordent. See the excerpt translated above, chap. 7, p. 306.

592 THE DANCE The third type of glossa is the one which is commonly called the till [trino]. It produces the same effect as the aliado, by compensating for the lack of harmony [armonia] when the actual sound does not equal the notated value of the note. However it is different in that here the rapid movements are in a single voice, with one note rising and falling many times; while in the former type [i.c., the aliado] the movements of the sounds go from one voice to another.!? These two kinds of glossa, both the aliados and the trinos, are extremely necessary because, in addition to supplementing the sound, they make the

music very graceful. On the organ it is more to make the music graceful than to supplement the harmony; because on this instrument there is no need for a supplement, owing to the fact that the sound lasts in accordance with the notated duration of the note.

In Spanish theory of the late 17th and early 18th centuries the topic of glosas is discussed almost exclusively in the context of consonance and

dissonance treatment. For instance, even though Lorente does not include musical examples of diminution formulas in his treatise, he does present the following rules concerning the use of consecutive fifths and octaves in rapid passages: Some musicians of the past were of the opinion that the notes of short duration—such as (for example), the seminimas [4], corcheas [ $], and semicorcheas [ *], under [the mensuration sign] compasillo [C]; and the mfnimas [4] and semfnimas [ § ] under [the mensuration sign] compds mayor [¢ ],

etc.—do not prevent two [consecutive] fifths or octaves [on successive strong beats]. For it seemed to them that the [intervening] consonances which were set with such note-values passed by with brevity and lightness. Consequently they did not take into account the intervening movements, but only those of the main downbeat [dar] and main upbeat [alcar] of the measure.!> For that reason, if on the downbeat of the measure they set the

interval of a fifth in the consonance, and on the upbeat of the measure another one—even if it was preceded in the intervening time by another consonance of a third, sixth, or octave—it would seem to them that with

'53Elsewhere in his treatise Nassarre provides more information about the trino. See the

excerpt translated above, chap. 7, pp. 305-6. , '54Nassarre vol. 2 (1723) Bk. IV, chap. 10, p. 433. 155Qne theorist who holds this view is Ortiz (1553) Bk. I, f. 3v; as translated above, p. 589.

DANCE-NAMES AND MUSICAL MODELS 593 the said notes they had produced consecutive fifths. They were of the same opinion with regard to the octave, ... We moderns hold the opposite view. For it seems to us that of all the

movements which are made in the space of a measure—be they on the main downbeat, the main upbeat, or in the intervening time at whatever point the voice or voices are set down in consonance (not in dissonance, for

this does not prevent consecutive fifths or octaves, even if they are produced quickly with a note of short duration)—any of them is sufficient to prevent consecutive fifths and octaves. .. . Therefore, regardless of how small the note-value of the intervening consonance or rest is—even if it is a rest of a semicorchea (which is the smallest)—it is sufficient to prevent consecutive fifths and octaves; . . . If two fifths or two octaves are given with small note-values one after the other (without interposing another [consonant] interval), one considers it to be bad in the music (for the reasons which we have already explained), declaring that consecutive fifths or octaves have been produced, . . .'*

Later Nassarre concurs with this “modern” view that any intervening consonance or rest eliminates consecutive fifths and octaves.'”

For theorists such as Nassarre, melodic diminution is intimately bound up with dissonance treatment.'® Nassarre defines glosa as a group

of rapid notes which forms dissonances as well as consonances with another voice-part. If it does not produce any dissonances, then he does not consider it to be a proper glosa.'® In his Fragmentos miisicos he further

maintains that, since it must incorporate dissonances, the glosa must move by step.’ By contrast, in his Escuela mtsica Nassarre recognizes three possible types of melodic movement in glosas: passing-note motion by step (movimiento recto), neighbor-note motion by step (movimiento obli-

quo or redoble or buelta), and motion including both steps and leaps (movimiento mixto). However, he does not pursue the third type beyond

1] orente (1672) Bk. IV, chap. 40 “Nota muy curiosa, tocante a las figuras diminutas,” pp. 541-42. 157Nassarre vol. 2 (1723) Bk. I, chap. 6, pp. 37-40. '98The relevant sections of his writings are Pablo Nassarre, Fragmentos misicos, repartidos en quatro tratados en que se hallan reglas generales, :y muy necessarias para canto Ilano, canto de 6rgano, contrapunto y composicién (Zaragoza, 1683; revised edition, Madrid, 1700) Bk. IV,

chap. 1-11, pp. 127-284; and Nassarre vol. 2 (1723) Bk. I, chap. 19-20, pp. 125-39, and Bk. IV, chap. 1-10, pp. 375-434. !2°Nassarre vol. 2 (1723) Bk. IV, chap. 3, p. 388. '6ONassarre (1700) Bk. IV, chap. 1, p. 131.

594 THE DANCE recommending that, in order to mitigate the harshness of two consecutive dissonances separated by leap, one should resolve the second dissonance by step not leap.'*!

Nassarre also defines glosa as the “hypothetical substitution [suponer] of two, three, or more notes by a single one.”*@ Suposicién is a concept which Nassarre and other Spanish theorists of the period employ to explain various types of dissonance treatment. They may have adopted

the idea from French music theory. Cohen explains that “as defined by French theorists, supposition in music is the practice of substituting a dissonant element for a consonant one, and of understanding and treating that dissonance as if it were the very consonance that it represents.”!© In France, Ouvrard uses supposition with this meaning as early as 1658.1

In traditional Spanish theory a fundamental rule of dissonance treatment is that the main downbeat (dar) and main upbeat (alzar) of each measure be consonant. In earlier times the principal way to circumvent this rule was by means of the suspension (ligadura).'* To allow for other exceptions to the rule, Spanish theorists, such as Nassarre, devise two ways of applying the notion of suposicién. The first method of justifying a dissonance is to replace it hypothetically with the consonance which precedes or follows it.'% It allows accented passing notes or neighbor notes

as long as a consonance is present in the voice-part in the same half measure. Nassarre calls this method suponer la mala por la buena.'™ Torres y Martfnez Bravo employs different names in his analysis of bass parts for

realization: mala por buena for unaccented passing notes, and mala por

‘6tNassarre vol. 2 (1723) Bk. IV, chap. 2, pp. 379-81. '62Nassarre (1700) Bk. IV, chap. 1, p. 132. This definition is repeated in Nassarre vol. 2 (1723) Bk. I, chap. 20, p. 138. 1634 Ibert Cohen, “ ‘La supposition’ and the Changing Concept of Dissonance in Baroque Theory,” Journal of the American Musicological Society 24 (1971), 71. In this article Cohen briefly surveys the use of suppositione in Italy, supposition in France, supposition in England, and suposicién in Spain. 164René Ouvrard, Secret pour composer en musique par un art nouveau (Paris, 1658), 44; as quoted by Cohen (1971), 71. 1651 igaduras are discussed in detail as late as Nassarre vol. 2 (1723) Bk. I, chap. 16-19, pp. 103-35 and Bk. IV, chap. 6, pp. 400-5. 166Nassarre (1700) Bk. IV, chap. 1, p. 128. \67Nassarre vol. 2 (1723) Bk. I, chap. 20, p. 138. It is also discussed in Nassarre (1700) Bk. IV, chap. 1, pp. 129-37.

DANCE-NAMES AND MUSICAL MODELS 595 glossa for accented passing notes falling on the main upbeat of the measure.!®

The second method of applying suposicién is by hypothetically replacing the given mensuration sign with one which defines larger measures. It allows accented passing notes or neighbor notes which occupy half a measure or more. Spanish theorists call this method suponer otro tiempo.'!® Lorente is one of the first theorists to describe this kind of suposicion: One should note the following whenever one encounters some elegance in the music—be it a consonance, a dissonance, a suspension, or not a suspension—and the meter is set down as compasillo [C]. If that consonance, dissonance, or suspension cannot be approved under the said meter, but only under compds mayor [ ¢ ]—because of the more extended beats which this mensuration possesses as compared with others—even though it is not set down there (since the mensuration sign is not compds mayor), one has to understand and suppose [suponer] that the maestro who composed the work, composed it under the implied meter of the said mensuration sign of compds mayor. This serves us for every type of composition. If (for example) in some work in proporcién menor [C3 or ZB or #3] there occurs some consonance or dissonance which cannot be approved unless the measure is twice as long— because it requires longer beats—one should consider and understand that the consonance, dissonance, or suspension in question is made under proporcién mayor {@3], which is a mensuration which contains twice as many note-values in one measure than proporcién menor; . . 1°

Nassarre discusses this topic in greater detail: ] have wanted to make this explanation regarding note-values so that one will know with which ones the glossa will be lawful, on the basis of the mensuration or meter of the vocal work: . .. And the rule which one has to observe in this is the following: that kind of note-value—whatever it may be—for which more than two notes go into one measure, is the kind which one should make use of for the glossa.

One [also] glosses frequently with the minima [ 4 ] and even with the semibreve [o ] under the notated mensuration sign of compasillo [C]. However in these cases the composer supposes [supone] another mensuration. '68Torres y Martinez Bravo (1702) Bk. II, chap. 2—3, pp. 69-81. looNassarre vol. 2 (1723) Bk. I, chap. 19, pp. 125-26.

T orente (1672) Bk. III, chap. 38 note 18 “Que trata de suposicién de tiempos en la misica,” p. 278.

596 THE DANCE Because if the glossa is with a semibreve, one supposes the mensuration of

temario [€3], where this is a minor note-value since three go into one measure. If the glossa is with a minima, one supposes the mensuration of compds mayor [ €] where four go into a measure. However, if the glossa is with a seminima [J] ] or corcheas [[], there is no need to suppose a mensuration other than compasillo, which is the one which is notated. The reason is that they are note-values which go into a measure as follows: four if they are seminimas, and twice as many [i.e., eight] if they are corcheas.

In the mensuration of proporcién menor [C?] one can make the glossa with semibreves, ménimas, and other smaller note-values. If it is with a semibreve, one supposes the mensuration of proporcién mayor [€ 3]; because here

it is a note-value which goes three times into one measure, and it is considered as a minor note-value in the said mensuration. If it is with a minima,

or others smaller than it, one understands the said glossa under the very same mensuration sign of proporcién menor which is notated, because under it they are minor note-values.!”!

Valls, in his own treatise, repeats some of Nassarre’s precepts for the treatment of dissonances. Valls discusses the concepts of passando mala por buena, o por glossa and suponiendo otro tiempo.'” Furthermore, in order to defend a controversial passage in his Missa scala aretina, Valls appeals

to the first type of suposicién (see above, chap. 3, pp. 62-63). However, the point of contention is that he tries to justify the dissonance by a rest, not a consonance. The applications of suposicién represent elegant ways of accounting for various types of dissonances. At the same time this kind of approach

demonstrates that Spanish theorists were preoccupied with retaining traditional principles, at least as a working framework. The very ingenuity

of their explanations suggests that such theoretical principles were becoming less relevant to actual musical practice.

'71Nassarre vol. 2 (1723) Bk. IV, chap. 1, pp. 377-78. This topic is also discussed in Nassarre (1700) Bk. IV, chap. 4, pp. 159-72. 12Valls, EMn M.1071 (ca. 1742) chap. 13 “De el modo, como pueden usarse las especies dissonantes fuera de ligadura,” f. 65v—69v.

Part IV (US ss

The Individual Dance-Types

BILANK PAGE

THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES 599 Instrumental variation sets survive for approximately seventy-five types of

dances. The purpose of the present section is to document the uses and possible meanings of each dance-type. Unfortunately, it is not always clear what a particular dance-name designates. As discussed at the beginning of the previous chapter, one name may possess several different meanings. The references presented here are intended to be comprehensive but

not exhaustive. Moreover, I have chosen not to investigate questions of

etymology or origin. From the late 16th century to the present these topics have attracted considerable attention, but many of the proposed theories are wildly speculative. In addition | have not fully explored the use of these dances throughout Europe. A complex set of musical exchanges and choreographic transformations marked the relationship be-

tween Spain and the rest of western Europe. For each dance I| have provided no more than a few references to indicate its use outside of Spain. ALBARILLO D-1

In 1726 the Real Academia Espafiola defined this term as follows: ALBARILLO. The name of a music [son] or instrumental piece which the

common people play on the guitar for dancing [bailar] and accompanying jdcaras and ballads. Its rhythmic flow [cadencia] is very fast and short. . . .!

ALEMANA See below, under Pie jibado y alemana.

ALONCH D-2 I have found no reference to this as a dance-song. Perhaps alonch is simply a tempo marking. In Catalan llonch is an old form of the adjective llarg, and a la llarga means slowly. AMOR D.-3 to D-4

This title is ambiguous because many dance-song lyrics are about love. Nevertheless, an anonymous dramatic baile from the end of the 17th

'Diccionario de la lengua castellana, .. . por la Real Academia Espartola vol. 1 (Madrid, 1726; facsimile edition, Madrid, 1964), 165. The jdcara is discussed separately in this part. ?According to the Diccionari catalé — castell4 ~ lati — francés — italid. Per una societat de catalans (Barcelona, 1839), 2:116 and 146.

600 THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES century contains a specific reference to the music of el amor. Furthermore, a dance (bayle) called el amor was expressly forbidden by the Bishop of Tervel in 1733 and again in 1745 (see above, chap. 12, p. 530).

[ARIA] D-5

The Italian term aria has a variety of meanings. In some Italian instrumental sources it may be a general designation for a harmonic-metric scheme (see above, chap. 13, pp. 583-86). In Spain during the 18th century, many composers employed the Italian aria as a vocal form in cantadas and dramatic works (pointed out above, chap. 2, pp. 31-32). BABAU D-6 to D-7

I have found no reference to this as a dance-song. In Catalan babau means stupid or a simpleton. BAYLETE D-8

In Castilian baylete is a diminutive of baile, a generic term for dances.‘

BORJA D-9 to D-10 I have found no reference to this as a dance-song. In Castilian Borja is the surname of a noble family (known in Italy as the Borgias). It is also the name of a town in Aragon.° CANARIO D-11 to D-31

Covarrubias claims that the canario is a graceful type of saltarelo which was brought to Spain from the Canary Islands.‘ Spain had completed her conquest of the islands in 1496. In approximately 1602 Abreu Galindo wrote a history of the Canary Islands in which he included some general descriptions of the dance-songs performed by the natives. He offers the following remarks about the Island of Hierro: 3El maestro de arpa (baile), E Mn Mss 15788 (34); as summarized in Emilio Cotarlo y Mori, Collecién de entremeses, loas, bailes, jdcaras y mojigangas desde fines del siglo XVI a mediados del

XVIII (Madrid, 1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. ccxii. 4The terms baile and danza are discussed above, chap. 9, pp. 345-53. 5Both meanings are given in Sebasti4n de Covarrubias y Orozco, Tesoro de la lengua castellana, o espariola (Madrid, 1611) “BORJA,” f. 147v; modern edition by Martin de Riquer (Barcelona, 1943), 229.

6“Canario, el natural de las Canarias, y un género de saltarelo gracioso, que se truxo a Espafia de aquellas partes.” Covarrubias (1611) “CANARIAS,” f. 184v; modern edition (1943), 282. The saltarelo is discussed separately in this part.

THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES 601 The people of this island were very mournful and of average stature. They used to sing short songs whose melodies were like sad endechas. They used to dance in a circle and en folfa, with one group going forward towards the other group and then returning backwards.’ Together in pairs they perform great leaps up in the air while holding hands, so that many of them ap-

pear to be attached to one another. In these dances they used their songs which, along with their dances, they have not abandoned to this day.®

Concerning two of the other islands, Abreu observes: The natives of these two islands, Lanzarote and Fuerteventura, were charitable, cheerful, friendly, and great singers and dancers. The music which they produced was graceful and very well synchronized with their feet, hands, and lyrics. They were very nimble in jumping, and it was their principal exercise. Two men would take hold of a long pole, one at one end and one at the other end. They would raise their arms with the pole as high as they could, and the person who jumped over it was considered to be the most nimble. In this manner they used to place two or three in a row, and

, there was a man who could jump over them in three leaps without stopping. With respect to the natives of the Island of Gran Canaria, Abreu notes: They had houses where they used to gather to dance and sing. Their baile

was quite brisk and lively, the same which today they call canario. Their songs were sorrowful and sad, or amorous, or mournful, which we call endechas.°

In Spain the endecha and the canario were musically distinct from one another. The endecha was used throughout the Iberian peninsula as a ‘The meaning of en folfa is unclear. In this context it probably refers not to a particular dance-type, but rather to the fact that the dance is performed by savages; as suggested by Lothar Siemens Hern4ndez, “La folfa histérica y la folfa popular canaria,” El museo canario 26 (1965), 27. Juan de Abreu Galindo, Historia de la conquista de las siete islas de Canario Bk. I, chap. 18 “Que pone el trato y costumbre de la gente del Hierro”; TENERIFE, Biblioteca Municipal

de Santa Cruz Ms 11.4.34; modern edition by Alejandro Cioranescu (Santa Cruz, Tenerife, 1977), 87. *Abreu Galindo (Ms written ca. 1602) Bk. I, chap. 10 “De los ritos y costumbres que tenfan los de estas dos islas, Lanzarote y Fuerteventura”; modern edition (1977), 55. 10Abreu Galindo (Ms written ca. 1602) Bk. II, chap. 3 “De sus casamientos, crianza de hijos, manera de orar, juramentos y vestidos”; modern edition (1977), 157.

602 THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES poem or song lamenting the dead."! One of the earliest Spanish pieces as-

sociated with the Canary Islands is a setting for voice and vihuela by Pisador (1552), subtitled Endechas de Canaria.” In the Phrygian mode and duple meter, it is very different from later Spanish settings of the canario. As Ward points out, a similar melody to the one used by Pisador occurs in ~ another endechas for voice and vihuela by Fuenllana (1554).

By the late 16th century the canario was stylized as an aristocratic dance in Spain. A set of choreographic instructions from that period mentions it as a dance in which one does not try to “tread very delicately.” Both Covarrubias (1611) and Esquivel Navarro (1642) maintain that it belongs to the repertory of dances taught in the dance studios (see above, chap. 11, p. 503 and chap. 10, p. 430 respectively). In 1626 the dancing master Antonio Rodriguez agreed to provide private instruction which would include four mudanzas of the canario (see above, chap. 11, p. 505).

A detailed explanation of how to perform the aristocratic canario is

lacking in the Spanish sources. In the early 18th century the Real Academia Espafiola simply states that the canario is “an instrumental piece of four measures, which one dances by producing the sound with one’s feet by means of violent and quick movements.” In the early 19th century Cairén discusses one kind of canario by equating its movements to those of two other dances:

''Described in Francisco Salinas, De musica libri septem (Salamanca, 1577; facsimile edi-

tion, Kassel, 1958) Bk. VII, chap. 13, pp. 404-5; and in Covarrubias (1611), f. 350r, modern edition (1943), 516-17. Diego Pisador, “Para qué es dama tanto quereros” (Endechas de Canaria enténase la segunda en vazio), in his Libro de miisica de vihuela (Salamanca, 1552; facsimile edition, Geneva, 1973), f. 6v-7r; moder edition by Guillermo Morphy, Les luthistes espagnols du XVle siecle (Leipzig, 1902; reprinted New York, 1967), 2:191-92. 3Miguel de Fuenllana, “Si los delfines mueren de amores” (Las endechas), in his Libro de musica para vihuela, intitulado Orphénica lyra (Seville, 1554) Bk. VI, f. 169r; modem edition by Charles Jacobs (Oxford, 1978), 969-72. The similarity is noted by John Ward, “The Vihuela de Mano and its Music (1536—76)” (Ph.D. dissertation, New York University, 1953), 195. Regs de danzar, E Mn Barbieri Mss 14059/2, f. 1v; copied from E Mrah Biblioteca Valleumbrosiana, Ms miscel4nea en folio, tomo 25; translated above, chap. 10, pp. 426-27. ISDiccionario,. . . por la Real Academia Espaftola vol. 2 (1729), 106. This description is repeated in Felipe Roxo de Flores, Tratado de recreacién instructiva sobre la danza: su invencién y diferencias (Madrid, 1793) chap. 8, p. 103.

THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES 603 According to don Casiano Pellicer the canario is the same as the zapateado.'® And because the guaracha is a type of zapateado, we can conjec-

ture that these are three bailes which are distinct from one another in name only. For all three consist of the same type of steps, which must be dragging and full of redobles and repiqueteos.” All three are danced by a single person, and this person can accompany himself on the guitar: . . . As has been said, these bailes are very amusing when danced in private; but on the stage they

are unattractive. Moreover they are harmful to the dancer, for they do nothing but fill him with defects on account of their contorted steps, in which it is very often necessary to turn the toes of one’s feet inwards. And even if this is avoided, there still remains the difficulty that it is indispensable for one to be constantly with one’s knees bent in order to be able to execute the redoblados steps which fill these dances. We cannot say anything more about them, inasmuch as the large number of steps which make them up are nothing more than forced and tangled movements which do not have any names in the art of dancing.'®

The canario is rarely specified in the extant archival documents for Corpus Christi. One exception occurs in the records from Granada for the year 1586 in which a dancer was paid six reales for performing the canario in the Corpus procession."? Similarly, only a few primary sources mention the use of the canario (or canari in Catalonia) during the festivities of Carnival.” Most references to the canario are found in theatrical works. One of the earliest occurs in a play by S4nchez de Badajoz, published posthumously in 1554.2! During the 17th century the canario was often performed as a popular dance-song in stage works.” In 1599, for the wedding '6The reference is to Casiano Pellicer, Tratado histérico sobre el origen y progresos de la comedia y del histrionismo en Esparia (Madrid, 1804), 1:126. In the early 17th century zapateados

designates a mudanza in which the dancers slap their feet with their hands in time to the music; as discussed above, chap. 10, p. 473, and below, pp. 730-31. '’The terms redobles and repiqueteos may refer to rapid stamping of the feet or “beating” of the legs. '8 Antonio Cairén, Compendio de las principales reglas del baile (Madrid, 1820), 114-16.

ISGRANADA, Archivo Capitular de la Catedral legajo 5~139-1; as transcribed in José Lépez Calo, La miisica en la Catedral de Granada en el siglh XVI (Granada, 1963), 1:274, note 156. 20For two references from the early 17th century see above, chap. 9, note 123 and chap. 10, note 38.

1Diego Sanchez de Badajoz, Farsa de Santa Barbara, published posthumously in his Recopilacién en metro (Seville, 1554); modern edition (Buenos Aires, 1968), 164. 721c is one of the bailes whose movements are ridiculed in an anonymous entremés published in 1691; discussed above, chap. 10, p. 479.

604 THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES festivities of Felipe III], Aguado wrote an entremés which contains a dancesong with the following refrain: Canaria bona, fanfaladd4n, faladan.”

A few years later Lope de Vega incorporated performances of the canario in two of his comedias which are set in the Canary Islands. In each work he supplies a different set of lyrics.24 At about the same time Cervantes used the canario in one of his entremeses as a solo dance for Escarramén.?5

In the middle of the 17th century a particular refrain became associated with the theatrical canario. In an entremés by Rojas Zorrilla a zapateado dance has the following lyrics: Canario y bona rufa y fa; si mi padre lo sabe matarme ha.”

Almost the identical refrain accompanies the canarios which are danced in two other entremeses.?” At the end of the 17th century it appears that 23Sim6n Aguado, El platillo (entremés), E Mn Mss 17438 (autograph dated Granada, July 16, 1602); modern edition in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. 230. The occasion of this entremés is stated by Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol.1, p. ccxl. 24(a) Lope Félix de Vega Carpio, Los guanches de Tenerife y conquista de Canaria (comedia) Act II, published in his Décima parte de las comedias (Madrid, 1618); modern edition in BAE 215 (1968), 92. This comedia is dated ca. 1604—1606 by S. Griswold Morley and Courtney Bruerton, Cronologia de las comedias de Lope de Vega. Con un examen de las atribuciones dudosas, basado todo ello en un estudio de su versificacién estrofica, translated by Marfa Rosa Cartes (Madrid, 1968), 86. (b) Lope Félix de Vega Carpio, San Diego de Alcalé (comedia), published posthumously in Parte tercera de comedias de los meiores ingenios de Esparta (Madrid, 1653); modern edition in BAE 52 (1884), 523; dated 1613 by Morley and Bruerton (1968), 90. The scene contain-

ing the canario is discussed by Thomas B. Barclay, “The Role of the Dance and Dance Lyrics in the Spanish ‘Comedia’ to the Early Eighteenth Century” (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Toronto, 1957), 127-30. >See above, chap. 10, p. 483. Cervantes does not provide lyrics for this canario. 6Francisco de Rojas Zorrilla, El alcalde Ardite (entremés), E Mn Mss 15168 (3); as quoted in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. cexxxvii. 27(a) Jerénimo de C4ncer y Velasco, La visita de la cdrcel (entremés), published posthumously in Vergel de entremeses y conceptos del donaire, con diferentes bayles, loas, -y mojigangas. Compuestos por los mejores ingenios destos tiempos (Zaragoza, 1675); modern edition in Hannah E. Bergman, Ramillete de entremeses y bailes nuevamente recogido de los antiguos poetas de

Espafia. Siglo XVII (Madrid, 1970), 309.

(b) La ladrona (entremés), E Mn Mss 17092; quoted in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. ccxxxvii, who gives a date of 1680 for this work.

THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES 605

‘: i |

another song could be used for the canario. A character in a comedia by Cafiizares refers to a ghost who enjoys dancing the canario to the music

(son) of “Triste de Jorge.” An untexted setting for harp of “Triste de

Xorxe” survives in the book by Fern4ndez de Huete issued in 1702. (See musical example 26.)9 Example 26. “Triste de Xorxe,” Fernandez de Huete (1702), pl. 4-5

ie} tr tr tr ; PP Pp la) te— pt ~~ AE SS ES A aS | LT Senne Any ns an

*In the original many measures lack durational symbols. It is likely that’ the rhythm J. }J is intended even when it is not explicitly indicated (e.g., in m. 3, 4, 7, and 9).

*8José de Cafiizares, El démine Lucas (comedia) Act II, E Mn Mss 16576; modern edition in BAE 49 (1859), 512.

Diego Fernandez de Huete, Compendio numeroso de xifras arménicas, con theérica, y prdctica, para harpa de una orden, de dos érdenes, y de érgano vol. 1 (Madrid, 1702), pl. 4-5.

606 THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES In several dramatic interludes the performance of the canario is followed by humorous references to its dance movements. In an entremés by

Navarrete a dancing master remarks that anyone who is skilled in the canario, with its stumbling steps and foot slapping (zapateado), can soon become a maestro.» In an entremés by Moreto a character ridicules the canario as consisting of nothing more than kicking (“el canario no es mAs que dar patadas”).3! In a baile by Villaviciosa the canario is personified as an absurd old man. After performing his dance-song he exclaims that its mudanzas have ruined him, for the soles of his shoes are worn out and his hair has turned grey from all the dust he has kicked up. Adaptations of the canario were even performed in religious plays. For example, an auto by Lope de Vega contains an unnamed dance-song whose lyrics begin: Canariabona, lirunfé, que Rengo es vencido por Caupolican.”

Similarly, in an auto by Calderén two gypsy characters, personifying Guilt and Gluttony, perform a dance (bailan y zapatean) while the accompanying musicians sing: Canario a bona arrosaisa, si mi padre lo sabe matarme ha.**

Francisco de Navarrete y Ribera, La escuela de danzar (entremés), published in his Flor de sainetes (Madrid, 1640); as quoted in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. cexxxvii. 31A pustin Moreto y Cabano, Los érganos y el relox (entremés), published in Rasgos del ocio, en diferentes bayles, entremeses yy loas, de diversos autores. Segunda parte (Madrid, 1664); as quoted in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. ccxxxvii. 2Sebasti4n Rodrfguez de Villaviciosa, Los sones (baile), published in Rasgos del ocio, en diferentes bayles, entremeses, y loas de diferentes autores (Madrid, 1661); as quoted in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. ccxxxvii. 33Lope Félix de Vega Carpio, La Araucana (auto sacramental), E Mn Mss 16738; modern edition in BAE 158 (1963), 424. 4Pedro Calder6én de la Barca, El gran mercado del mundo (auto sacramental), published posthumously in his Autos sacramentales alegéricos y historiales . . . Parte quarta (Madrid,

1717); modern edition in his Obras completas, edited by Angel Valbuena Prat vol. 3 (Madrid, 1952), 240.

THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES 607 In Italy the canario first appears in sources of the late 16th century.

As an instrumental piece it survives in several lute settings from that period.*> As an aristocratic dance it is described in detail by Caroso. In his

treatise issued in 1581 he presents choreographic instructions and lute accompaniment for its performance by a couple.** Caroso also closes three

other balletti with an entire canario. One of them uses the same music as in the canario proper.’ The other two share a slightly different accompaniment.*® Yet both musical versions are in the major mode and triple meter, and consist of four-measure units ending on V. Two decades later Negri provides similar choreographic instructions and lute accompaniment for an aristocratic canario.*® His musical setting resembles the two in

Caroso, except that here the four-measure units have a different harmonic scheme which ends on I.

In Italy the canario was also employed in dramatic works. For example, at the end of his Rappresentatione di anima et di corpo Cavalieri adds

an optional ballo. This strophic dance-song consists of six texted stanzas and two untexted ritornelli. Cavalieri recommends that during the ritornellia group of four maestri perform dances containing leaps and capers; and that for each musical statement they vary the dance, making use of the gagliarda, canario, and corrente.”

In France the canarie appears as an aristocratic dance in the late 16th century. In 1588 Tabourot presents choreographic instructions and a melody for its performance. (His melody is unusual in that it is notated in duple meter.) Preceding the technical account he makes the following statements:

§5Listed by Lawrence H. Moe, “Dance Music in Printed Italian Lute Tablatures from 1507 to 1611” (Ph.D. dissertation, Harvard University, 1956), 66, note 5.

*6Fabritio Caroso, “Il canario ... ,” in his Il ballarino (Venice, 1581; facsimile edition, 1967) trattato II, f. 179r—180v. ©

37Caroso (1581) “Alta Ruissa balletto” trattato I, f. 176r. *8Caroso (1581) “Austria Gonzago balletto; . . .” trattato II, f. 15v; and “Cesia Orsina bal-

letto;...” trattato II, f. 70r. Cesare Negri, “II canario dell’autore con le sue mutanze,” in his Le gratie d'amore (Milan, 1602; facsimile edition, New York, 1969) trattato III, pp. 198-202. *Emilio de’ Cavalieri, Rappresentatione di anima, et di corpo (Rome, 1600) “A’ lettori,” p. iv; facsimile edition in Bibliotheca musica bononiensis section IV, vol. 1 (Bologna, 1967).

608 THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES Some say this dance is common in the Canary Isles. Others, whose opinion [ should prefer to share, maintain that it derives from a ballet composed for a masquerade in which the dancers were dressed as kings and queens of Mauretania, or else like savages in feathers dyed to many a hue.*! This is how the canaries is danced. A young man takes a damsel and to the

rhythm of the appropriate tune they dance together to the far end of the hall. This done, he withdraws to the place from whence he started, continuing the while to gaze at the damsel; then he regains her side anew and performs certain passages after which he withdraws again. The damsel now advances, does likewise before him and then withdraws to her former place, and they both continue to sally and retreat as many times as the variety of passages permits. And take note that these passages are gay but nevertheless strange and fantastic with a strong barbaric flavor.”

As a stylized dance of courtship with advances and retreats, this dance resembles the canarios presented by Caroso and Negri. Much later Cairé6n

translates Tabourot’s description and claims that the Spanish canario is quite different.“ However, Cairén’s conclusion is misleading, for he seems to be comparing an earlier version used by the aristocracy with a later version used by the lower classes. In the 17th century Mersenne describes the canarie as an extremely difficult dance with many fast movements.“ It later became a prominent

dance in French ballet and opera. At the beginning of the 18th century Feuillet presents choreographic notation and melodies for four different canaries. The first is for performance by a couple;* the second and third form part of a balet for nine male dancers whose music is taken from a

4'These remarks concerning the origin of the canarie are repeated by F. de Lauze, Apologie de la danse et la parfaicte méthode de l'enseigner tant aux cavaliers qu'aux dames (n.p., 1623; facsimile edition, Geneva, 1977) preface, 9-10. “Jehan Tabourot (pseudonym: Thoinot Arbeau), Orchésographie. Et traicte en forme de dialogue, par lequel toutes personnes peuvent facilement apprendre & practiquer Uhonneste exer-

cice des dances (Langres, 1588; facsimile edition, Geneva, 1970), f. 95v; English translation by Mary Stewart Evans, edited by Julia Sutton (New York, 1967), 179-80.

8Cairén (1820), 117. “Marin Mersenne, Harmonie universelle, contenant la théorie et la pratique de la musique (Paris, 1636; facsimile edition, Paris, 1963) “Traitez de la voix et des chants” Bk. I], proposition 25, p. 170, where he also gives a melodic example. 45Raoul Auger Feuillet, “Canary a deux,” in his Chorégraphie ou l'art de décrive la dance, par caractéres, figures et signes demonstratifs, avec lequels on apprend facilement de soy-mémes toutes

sortes de dances (Paris, 1700; facsimile edition, New York, 1968) pt. II, pp. 39-40.

THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES 609 tragédie lyrique by Lully.“ The fourth represents a canarie danced by two men in the opera Didon.“ Detailed descriptions of the French canarie are absent from Spanish

choreographic treatises of the 18th century. At the same time Ferriol y Boxeraus does explain how to execute the passo de canario: This is performed starting in the third position with the left foot back. One drags the right foot forward to the fourth position and then one strikes the ground with the left foot in the same place. This is for moving backwards.*

CANZION D-32 to D-36

Canzién is a generic term for both song and poetry. A large number of instrumental works entitled “Cancién . . .” are not transcribed in this

study because they lack variation statements. They are listed in Chart 35.© Most of these pieces appear to be settings of popular dance-songs. (The close relationship between dance and song is discussed above, chap. Feuillet (1700) “Canary” and “Second canary,” in “Balet de neuf danseurs” pt. II, pp. 73— 84. The music is from Jean-Baptiste Lully, Bellérophon (tragédie lyrique; first performed in Paris, 1679) LWV 57/69-70; modern edition reduced for voice and piano by Théodore de Lajarte in Chefs-d'oeuvre classiques de lopéra francais vol. 19 (Paris, n.d.; reprinted New York, 1971), 293-300. 47Raoul Auger Feuillet, “Canary pour deux hommes dancées par M. Piffetot et Mr. Chevrier 4 l'opéra de Didon,” in his Recueil de dances contenant un trés grand nombres, des meillieures entrées de ballet de Mr. Pécour, tant pour homme que pour femmes, dont la plus grande partie ont été dancées a l'Opéra (Paris, 1704; facsimile edition, Westmead, England, 1972),

158-63. The reference may be to Henry Desmarest, Didon (tragédie lyrique; first performed in Paris, September 11, 1693). Bartolomé Ferriol y Boxeraus, Reglas titiles para los aficionados a danzar (Capua, 1745) tratado I, chap. 13 “Del modo de formar todos los diferentes passos de la danza francesa,” 122. Ferriol fails to explain how the dancer moves backwards. After stamping with the left foot, perhaps the dancer is to step back with the right foot. 49In addition eleven works in E Mn M.1357 have sections which are subtitled cancién,

namely: “Entrada de clarines, antes de tocar canciones. Despacio,” 48-51; “Batalla famosa,” 75-87; “Obra de clarfn,” 93-103; “Discurso de mano derecha para corneta y ecos,” 149-63; “Obra de clarines, partido de mano d[erec]ha,” 163-74; “Discurso de mano derecha para corneta y ecos,” 175-83; “Registro de clarines m[an]o derecha,” 19599; “Obra de clarines 8° tono, mano derecha,” 237—44; “Partido de mano derecha. Obra .

de 3° tono,” 251-54; “Batalla de quinto tono,” 267-72; and “Obra de 8° tono de remedos,” 302-11. The division between successive works is not always clearly marked in this manuscript. Consequently, the distinction between independent pieces and sections of works is open to some interpretation. According to Russell, a cancion section in two of these works is based on an air by Lully (see above, chapter 7, Chart 17, number 1).

. 610 THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES 13, pp. 554-63.) According to Russell, both D-33 and D-34 are built ona serenade by Lully (see above, chap. 7, Chart 17, note d). In the keyboard repertory the term cancién can also designate two other types of works. The first is a long sectional piece which resembles the Italian keyboard canzona.» The second is a cancién - cancién a dos clarines pair, in which a simple melody is followed by a canonic duo on the same theme.*!

Chart 35. Solo instrumental settings of canciones without variations A. Punteado guitar Sanz (1674)* “Canciones,” f. 49r EMn M3811 “Canzi6n (por la ze),” pp. 36-37

“Canci6n,” pp. 144-45 Murcia (1714)? “Cancion,” pp. 112-13 B. Harp Fern4ndez de Huete (1702)< “Canzi6n por 2° tono,” pl. 39

“Canzién de 4° tono,” pl. 40 “Canzién por 8° de chirimfas,”4 pl. 48

“Canzi6n aclarinada por segundillo,”* pl. 39-40 “Canzi6n alemana,” pl. 36 “Canzi6n flam[en]ca,” pl. 40-41 “Canzi6n ynglesa por 6” tono,” pl. 42

“Canzién mallorquina de 8° por la mediazi6n,” pl. 48 “Canzi6n portuguesa,” pl. 41 “[{Canzi6n] balenziana por 3° tono,” pl. 40

E Mn M816 “Canz[i6]n flamenca aclarinada,” f. 23r—24v

For example, the “Canci6n” by Torrijos in E E Ms 29 (2.186), listed in Chart 35. 5'For example, the four pairs in E Mn M.2267, pp. 120-21, 121-23, 192-93, and 200-2; listed in Chart 35. In the context of this study I have chosen not to consider this procedure as a kind of variation. The term clarin is the name of an early type of trumpet; see above, chap. 6, note 23. It also designates a reed organ stop which imitates the trumpet; see Peter F. Williams, The European Organ, 1450-1850 (London, 1966), 272.

THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES 611 C. Keyboard E Mn R. 14069, Ms addition to Correa de Arauxo (1626) “Canz[i]6n,” f. 39r “Cancion,” f. LOlv

EE Ms 29 (2.186) “Canci6n de 6° tono por delasolre. Fr[ay] Diego de Torrijos,” f. 66r—69v E Mn M.1357 “Canzi6n catalana,” p. 244

“Cancién francesa,” pp. 22-24 “Canci6n italiana,” pp. 115-115’ E Mn M.1358 “Canzié6n alemana,” f. 69r—69v

“Canzién beneciana,” f. 69r E Mn M.1359

[30] canziones diversas a dos clarines,”*, pp. 561-83 E Mn M.2267 “Canci6n,” pp. 124-25 “[Cancién],” pp. 126-27 “Canci6n” plus “A dos clarines la mesma canci6n,” pp. 120-21 “{Cancién]” plus “[La misma] canci6n de dos clarines,” pp. 121-23 “Cancién” plus “{La misma cancién] a dos clarines,” pp. 192-93 “Cancién” plus “[La misma cancién] a dos clarines,” pp. 200-2 “Canci6n de dos clarines,” pp. 125-26 “Canci6n de dos clarines,” pp. 127-28 “Canci6n de dos clarines,” pp. 195-97 “Canci6n de dos clarines,” pp. 197-98 “{Cancién de dos clarines],” pp. 202-4 “Canci6n catalana,” p. 50 “Cancion catalana,” p. 52 “Canci6n catalana mui aprisa,” pp. 57—58

“Canci6n francesa,” pp. 52-53 “Cancién ynglesa,” p. 55

“Canci6n ytaliana,” p. 56

612 THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES Chart 35 (continued) E Mn M815 “Canzién,” f. 8r-8v “Cansion grave [#1],” f. 60r “Cansi6n grave [#2],” f. 60r “Cansién prave [#3],” f. 60r “Canzi6n ynglesia,” f. 7v *Gaspar Sanz, Instruccién de musica sobre la guitarra espayiola (Zaragoza, 1674; facsimile edition, Zaragoza, 1952). ’Santiago de Murcia, Resumen de acompafiar la parte con la guitarra (n.p., 1714; facsimile

edition, Monaco, 1980). ‘Diego Fernandez de Huete, Compendio numeroso de zifras arménicas, con theérica, y prdctica, para harpa de una orden, de dos érdenes, ‘y de érgano vol. 1 (Madrid, 1702). 48° chirimias (which is equivalent to octavo tono punto alto) is mode 8 (final g) transposed up a tone so that its final is a; according to Fern4éndez de Huete vol. 2 (1704) Regla 3, p. 6. *Segundillo is a mode with a final of b> and a signature of one flat; according to Fernandez

de Huete vol. 2 (1704) Regla 3, p. 4. {8 por la mediazién is mode 8 (final g) transposed down a perfect fourth so that its final is d; according to Fernandez de Huete vol. 2 (1704) Regla 3, pp. 5-6. ‘Francisco Correa de Arauxo, Libro de tientos y discursos de musica prdctica, yy thedrica de Organo, intitulado Facultad orgdnica (Alcalé de Henares, 1626; facsimile edition, Geneva, 1981). kClarin can designate a trumpet-like reed stop frequently found on Spanish organs.

CERDANA

See below, under Sardana.

CHACONA D-37 to D-52 The chacona was used extensively as a type of poem (letra), a vocal melody (tono), a dance of the lower classes and a dance of the aristocracy (baile and danza), and an instrumental scheme (tayiido). Lyrics for the chacona first appear in poetic sources at the very end of the 16th century. The poems generally incorporate repeated exhortations to set off for the good life in a place called Chacona. The usual form of the refrain is an oc-

tosyllabic couplet. A typical example occurs as early as 1598 in a letra published in Valencia:

THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES 613 Vita bona, vita bona, aora v4manos a Chacona.”

This idea was adapted in a poem attributed to Lope de Vega which was issued in 1602. Written “in the manner of the chacona,” it employs the following humorous refrain to praise the amorous life in Seville:

v4monos vida a Sevilla, Vida, vida, vida, vida

Vida, vida, vida bona, ya me enfada la chacona.”3

In 1616 Aurelio Mey edited the texts of “three famous chaconas for singing.”** The first consists of twelve quatrains with the following refrain: (1) Asf, vida, vida bona, vida v4monos a Chacona.”

The other two are love poems whose refrains are somewhat different: (2) Asf, vida, vida mfa, tui eres alba de mi dfa. (3) Asf, vida, vida amores, vos sois rosa destas flores.

In a few works the chacona is portrayed as a woman.* Normally, however, the proper noun Chacona refers to a place. As Very points out, “Vida y bona, vida y bona” (letra), published in Tercero quaderno de varios romances, los mds modemos que hasta oy se han cantado (Valencia, 1598); modern edition in R. FoulchéDelbosc, “Les romancerillos de Pise,” Revue hispanique 65 (1925), 185. “Toores y alabangas de Sevilla, y de las Indias a modo de chacona de Lope de Vega,” published in Segundo quaderno de varios romances, los més modernos que hasta hoy se han can-

tado (Valencia, 1602); modern edition by Antonio Rodrfguez-Mofiino, Las series valencianas del romancero nuevo ¥ los cancionerillos de Munich (1589-1602). Noticias bibliogrdficas

(Valencia, 1963), 255-56.

Tres famosas chaconas para cantar,” published in Aurelio Mey (editor), Norte de la poesfa espaviola, illustrado del sol de doce comedias (que forman segunda parte) de laureados poetas valencianos, yy de doce escogidos loas + otras rimas a varios sugetos, sacado a luz, ajustado

con sus originales por Aurelio Mey (Valencia, 1616); modern edition in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 2, pp. 493-95, An English translation of the first four quatrains of this poem is given by Gerald Brenan, The Literature of the Spanish People from Roman Times to the Present Day (New York, 1951; 2nd edition, Cambridge, 1953), 255. *°For example, in Esteban Martin de la Puente, El casamiento gracioso del famoso Codillo con la hermosa Chacona. Con una loa muy curiosa. Y un romance nuevo ‘y muy sentido (Barcelona,

1608); cited with a quoted excerpt in Agustin G. de Ameztia y Mayo, El casamiento engatioso ‘y El coloquio de los perros. Novelas ejemplares de Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra.

Edicién critica (Madrid, 1912), 484, note 3. Later in the century Quevedo refers to the “chacona” as a “mulata”; see the source cited above, chap. 10, note 281.

614 THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES it seems to have been “a mythical land of content and material wellbeing, of exotic, possibly Carribean, setting, whose name became synonymous with a refuge from the harsh realities of life.” A colorful description is given in an anonymous romance, published in 1621, entitled “La isla de Chacona.” Its entire text may be translated as follows: Now the guitar serves me as a sonorous voice and language with which I can sing this tale to you. Before I give you a long account, summarized in a few words, of the land which you scorn, its people, and its things, you should

know that we of this island cannot say anything without the guitar and without singing to this music in this manner. This land, my friends, is the Island of Chacona or Cucafia, for it is called by both names. The airs of this land are gentle breezes which caress the sense of smell with the fragrance of roses. The waters are like pure crystal, and run with mead. At every step are a thousand wine vessels set in snow. On the other shore of a river are trees, whose leaves are manchets of the finest flour, whose fruit is rusks. The pits of this fruit are slices of fat ham and bacon, ready to be roasted and eaten.

A tree grows there so large that beneath its shade is space for forty thousand tables, each accomodating twenty persons. The fruit of this tree is composed of turkeys, partridges, hares, doves, sheep, heath-cocks, hens, capons, and pullets. All are born roasted and exquisitely prepared, so that it seems as if this tree also bears stew-pans and cooking-pots, well filled. When sitting down at the table a man has only to look at what he wants, and it will drop down as desired. Each Chacén among us has six wenches at his

command: one wench has an aquiline face, another has a round face, another is light-skinned with black hair and black eyes, another has blue eyes, another is dark and elegant, and one is plump and graceful. Each week

they take away these six and give us others. This truly was the good life. Let’s all go to Chacona.*

Although the lyrics in poetic sources lack music, the above romance shows that they were often intended to be sung with guitar accompani-

ment. In the last decade of the 16th century two published poems explicitly call for the tono of the chacona.® Another poem issued in 1604 Francis G. Very, “A Note on the Isle of Chacona and a Corpus Christi Dance,” Western Folklore 18 (1959), 239. 581 q isla de Chacona, published in Primavera y flor de los mejores romances que han salido ahora nuevamente en este corte, recogidos de varios poetas (Madrid, 1621); modern edition by Agustin Duran, Romancero general, o coleccién de romances castellanos anteriores al siglo XVIII vol. 2, BAE 16 (1851; reprinted Madrid, 1945), 573. The English translation of lines 17-44 is taken from Very (1959), 239.

5 Antes que el alma sugetes (letra al tono de chacona)” and “Al son del rumor sabroso (otra al mesmo tono)”; both published in Quarto quademo de varios romances ¥ letras las mds

modemas que hasta oy se han cantado (Valencia, n.d.); modern edition in RodrfguezMofiino (1963), 134-36.

THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES 615 lacks the usual refrain; but its title “Chacona” probably indicates the music which should be used for its rendition.

Among the lower classes the chacona was extremely popular as a lively dance-song. Cervantes describes a performance of it in one of his novels. Twelve mule drivers and kitchen maids dance while another character sings and accompanies himself on the guitar.*' Among the aristocracy it seems that the chacona was stylized as a courtly dance. In 1626 Antonio Rodriguez agrees to give private dancing lessons which will include sixteen paseos of the chacona (see above, chap. 11, p. 505). In 1642 Esquivel Navarro recommends that two mudangas of the chacona be taught in the dance studios (see above, chap. 10, p. 430). Unfortunately, no detailed explanation of how to perform the aristocratic chacona survives in the Spanish sources. The chacona first appears as an amusing theatrical dance-song in an entremés written by Aguado in 1599 for the wedding festivities of Felipe Ill. A group of thieves concoct a dance-song called the chacona del platillo

in order to dupe a rich indiano. Two women attach his silver plates to their waists and dance away with them. The lyrics of their dance begin as follows: Chiquf, chiquf, morena mfa, si es de noche o si es de dfa; v4manos, vida, a Tampico, antes que lo entienda el mico; que alguien mira la chacona,

que ha de quedar hecho mona.#

Another early example occurs in a comedia by Lope de Vega written in

approximately 1602. To accompany the dance Lope provides six quatrains of lyrics, with the following refrain:

©“Chacona,” published in Romancero general, en que se contienen todos los romances que andan impressos [pt. I] (Madrid, 1600; revised edition, Madrid, 1604), f. 451r; modern edition by Angel Gonz4lez Palencia vol. 2 (Madrid, 1947), 132. 6!Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra, La ilustre fregona (novela), published in his Novelas exemplares (Madrid, 1613); modern edition in his Obras completas, edited by Angel Valbuena Prat (Madrid, 1952), 933. © Aguado, El platillo (entremés), E Mn Mss 17438; modern edition in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. 229. Tampico is a city in present-day Mexico.

616 THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES i Vida bona, vida bona, esta vieja es la Chacona!®

The chacona was performed in numerous stage works during the 17th century. Already by about 1624 Quevedo personifies it in one of his entremeses as an old baile covered with dust and cobwebs. Nevertheless, the chacona continued to be used through to the early 18th century. For example, a mojiganga first published in 1708 contains a performance of it by gypsy characters.“ The chacona also appears in an entremés staged in Madrid in 1721.6

In the dramatic interludes, lyrics for the chacona dance are not always specified. Usually, however, the playwrights do provide a song text with a typical refrain, such as: (a) Esta sf que es vita bona: vida y vamanos a Chacona.®

(b) iVaya, vaya de Chacona; esta sf que es la vida bona!®

Lope Félix de Vega Carpio, El amante agradecido (comedia) Act II, published in his Décima parte de las comedias (Madrid, 1618); modern edition by the Real Academia Espafiola (nueva edicién) vol. 3 (Madrid, 1917), 123. This comedia is dated ca. 1602 by Morley and Bruerton (1968), 80. “Source cited above, chap. 13, note 58. 651s sacas (mojiganga para la fiesta del Corpus), published in Flores del Pamaso, cogidas para recreo del entendimiento, por los mejores ingenios de Esparia, en loas, entremeses y mojigan-

gas (Zaragoza, 1708); according to Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. ccciv.

“Ios gorrones (entremés), E Mn Mss 14516 (13) which states that it was performed in Madrid in 1721. The use of the chacona here is noted by Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. J, vol. 1, p. ccxlii.

S'For example, none are given in La inocente enredadora (entremés), published in Entremeses nuevos de diversos autores (Zaragoza, 1640); modern edition in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt: I, vol. 1, pp. 195-96.

681 uis Quifiones de Benavente, La socarrona Olalla y Lanzas (entremés), published in Ramillete gracioso. Compuesto de entremeses famosos ¥y bailes entremesados. Por diferentes in-

genios (Valencia, 1643); modern edition (from a Ms source) in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) ot. I, vol. 2, p. 732. 51 a gitanada (mojiganga), copy by Barbieri (from a late 17th-century Ms) in E Mn Barbieri Mss 14090 (9); as quoted in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. ccl.

THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES 617 (c) iVita bona, vita bona! iLa chacona, la chacona!”

Presumably such performances were accompanied by the chacona music. However, only a few works refer explicitly to the chacona as an instrumental piece. One example occurs in a baile by Quevedo which includes the following stage-directions: “Play the chacona and sing to it; and instead of

repeating it, dance face to face to the same music without singing.””! Similarly, in a mojiganga by Villaviciosa, the closing dance is to be performed al tariido de la chacona.”

The chacona was sometimes adapted as a theatrical dance-song in religious contexts, although this practice was criticized as early as 1606 by

G. L. Hidalgo.” In an auto by Lope de Vega three allegorical characters

play, dance, and sing, using the following refrain: Vida bona, vida bona, vida, vimanos a la gloria.”

0A chacona with this refrain is danced in the following three interludes: (i) Bernardo Lépez del Campo, Zarambeque (mojiganga para la zarzuela), E Mn Mss 4123 (51); as quoted in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. ccxlii, who dates this work ca. 1660. (ii) Pedro Francisco Lanini Sagredo, El colegio de los gorrones (entremés), published in Migaxas del ingenio, y apacible entretenimiento, en varios entremeses, bayles, y loas, escogidos de

los mejores ingenios de Espafia (Zaragoza, n.d.); modern edition by Emilio Cotarelo y Mori (Madrid, 1908), 43. (iii) Los gorrones (entremés), E Mn Mss 14516 (13); according to Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. ccxlii. “Francisco Gémez de Quevedo y Villegas, La boda de pobres (baile), E Mn Mss 4123 (28); modern edition in his Obras poéticas, edited by José Manuel Blecua, vol. 3 (Madrid, 1971), 400. "Sebastién Rodriguez de Villaviciosa, Las figuras y lo que pasa en una noche (mojiganga), published in Ramillete de saynetes escogidos de los mejores ingenios de Espafta (Zaragoza, 1672); according to Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. J, vol. 1, p. ccxev. ®BGaspar Lucas Hidalgo, Didlogos de apacible entretenimiento, que contiene unas carnestolendas

de Castilla (Barcelona, 1606) didlogo I, chap. 2; modern edition in BAE 36 (1855), 283. This passage is pointed out by Bruce W. Wardropper, Historia de la poesia Ifrica a lo divino en la cristianidad occidental (Madrid, 1958), 221.

“Lope Félix de Vega Carpio, La maya (auto sacramental), published in his novel El peregrino en su patria (Seville, 1604) Bk. III; modern edition by Juan Bautista Avalle-Arce (Madrid, 1973), 296-98.

618 THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES Similarly, in an auto by Valdivielso, the usual lyrics are transformed a lo divino for a dance-song which begins: i Vita, vita, la vita bona! iAlma, vimanos a Chacona!?5

The chacona was one of the most severely criticized dance-songs in the Spanish repertory.” In philosophical sources, as in poetic and theatrical sources, references to the chacona do not appear until the very end of the 16th century. Its first known critic was Rosas de Oquendo, a Spanish soldier and writer who also used the name Juan S4nchez. In 1598, while serving in Peru, he wrote a poem satirizing the practices of the Spanish women living there. He blames the devil for the extremely provocative dances which the women perform, with their hips moving like windmills. As examples he names the chacona, as well as the balona, churunba, Puertorrico, sarbapalo (i.e., zambapalo?), taparque, totarque, and zarabanda.” In the following year Juan de la Cerda also censures the chacona, along with the polvillo and zarabanda: And so | judge that parents who teach their children how to dance [danzar 'y bailar] are teaching them to be crazy. What prudence can there be in the woman who in these diabolical exercises goes beyond the bounds of the modesty and moderation which she owes to her virtue, by revealing with these leaps her breasts, her feet, and those things which nature or art has decreed should be covered up? What can I say of their brazen looks, and the way they move their necks, toss their hair back and forth, circle around, and make faces, as occurs in the zarabanda, polvillo, chacona, and other dances?”8

José de Valdivielso, El hospital de los locos (auto sacramental), published in his Doze autos sacramentales y dos comedias divinas (Toledo, 1622); modern edition in BAE 58 (1865), 226. 4Some condemnations from the early 17th century are cited above: chap. 9, p. 346; chap. 10, p. 485; and chap. 12, p. 527.

Mateo Rosas de Oquendo, Sdtira a las cosas que pasan en el Pini. Avto de 1598, lines 1199-1230; preserved in E Mn Mss 19387, f. 1r—24v; modern edition by A. Paz y Melia, “Cartapacio de diferentes versos a diversos asuntos compuestos o recogidos por Mateo Rosas de Oquendo,” Bulletin Hispanique 8 (1906), 269. The zarabanda is discussed separately in this part. For the remaining dance-songs I have not found any musical settings in Iberian sources. Some textual references to the zambapalo are cited above, chap. 12, p. 528-29. Juan de la Cerda, Libro intitulado, Vida politica de todos los estados de mujeres (Alcala de Henares, 1599), 468; as quoted in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. cclxviii. The polvillo is discussed above, chap. 10, p. 477.

THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES 619 In 1590 Pedro S4nchez makes almost the identical criticism of erotic dancing, except that he names only the zarabanda.” Many moralists, including Rey de Artieda, mention the chacona — together with the zarabanda in their condemnations of theatrical dances.

In fact, in 1615 the Crown attempted to ban both the chacona and the zarabanda from the stage (see above, chap. 12, p. 534). This legislation may have been effective for a few years; but, as shown above, the chacona

was used in many later plays. One prominent feature of the chacona dance may have been rapid footwork. In 1619 Cano y Urreta criticizes three different bailes by referring to their characteristic movements. He condemns the chacona because of its foot movement, the zarabanda because of its hand gestures, and the escarramdn because of its indecent body twisting and leaping.®!

The extant repertory of Spanish vocal music from the 17th century contains at least one complete setting of a chacona. It is found in a collection by Arafiés which was published in Rome in 1624. The text of this Spanish song, which incorporates a typical chacona refrain, begins as follows: Un sarao de la chacona se hizo el mes de las rosas, huvo millares de cosas y la fama lo pregona: A la vida, vidita bona, vida, v4manos a Chacona.

. clxxix. :

Pedro Sdnchez, Historia moral y philoséphica (Toledo, 1590); according to Amezta y

Mayo (1912), 485. Andrés Rey de Artieda, Discursos, eptstolas y epigramas de Artemidoro (Zaragoza, 1605) “Carta al illustrfssimo sefior marqués de Cuellar sobre la comedia”; modern edition by Antonio Vilanova (Barcelona, 1955), 176; pointed out in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, SI Alonso Cano y Urreta, Dias de jardin (Madrid, 1619), f. 4Or; as quoted in Emilio Cotarelo

y Mori, Bibliografia de las controversias sobre la licitud del teatro en Espafia (Madrid, 1904), 137. The escarramdn is discussed above, chap. 10, pp. 481-85. SJuan Arafiés, “Un sarao de la chacona” (chacona a 4), in his Libro segundo de tonos y viancicos a una dos tres y quatro voces. Con la zifra de la guitarra espannola a la usanza romana (Rome, 1624), 23~24; modern edition by Miguel Querol, “La chacona en la época de Cer-

vantes,” Anuario musical 25 (1970), 57-61; same modern edition by Querol in MME 32 (1970), 129-32.

620 THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES The music is written for four voices, unfigured bass, and strummed guitar. It consists of a succession of four-measure phrases articulated by simultaneous rests in all the parts. The harmonic-metric organization resembles

that found in solo guitar settings of the chacona, except that here only four of the twelve four-measure phrases begin on I and end on V. In addition to this complete setting, there seems to be a musical reference to the chacona in another vocal work. The relevant passage occurs

in an anonymous three-voice song which survives in a manuscript from

the 17th century.8 The lyrics of the song open with the following quatrain: iOh, qué bien que baila Gil! con las mozas de Barajas, la chacona a las sonajas y el villano al tamboril.™

The musical setting of the third line begins with a change of meter, and consists of two four-measure phrases, each beginning on I and ending on V. Thus it would seem that chacona music was introduced for singing the words “la chacona a las sonajas.”

The chacona gradually became prominent throughout western Europe.® In Italy the ciaccona was known as an erotic dance-song during

the 17th century, although some writers fail to distinguish it from the zarabanda. For instance, Marino in one of his poems describes a provocative saravanda e ciaccona il nuovo Hispano performed by a woman playing

83«iOh, qué bien que baila Gill,” in [Tonos castellanos B], Ms in MADRID, Biblioteca Bartolomé March (formerly, Ms 13231 in the Biblioteca de los Duques de Medinaceli), f. 59v-61r; modern edition by Jesis Bal y Gay, Treinta canciones de Lope de Vega (Madrid,

1935), 75-77; another modem edition by Querol in MME 32 (1970), 33-34. The manuscript contains 67 secular vocal works, according to the inventory given by Querol in MME 32 (1970), 15-16.

Another dance-song opens with the same quatrain in Lope Félix de Vega Carpio, Al pasar del arroyo (comedia) Act I, published in his Dozena parte de las comedias (Madrid, 1619); modern edition by the Real Academia Espafiola (nueva edicién) vol. 11 (1929), 254-55. This play was written in 1616, according to Morley and Bruerton (1968), 94. 854 modern edition of 119 musical settings from throughout western Europe (including Spain), dating from 1606 to ca. 1738, is given by Richard Hudson, The Folia, the Saraband, the Passacaglia, and the Chaconne. The Historical Evolution of Four Forms that Originated in Music for the Five-Course Spanish Guitar (Neuhausen-Stuttgart, 1982), vol. 4.

THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES 621 castanets and a man playing the tambourine.® Music for the ciaccona was

first published in Italy in 1606 in the guitar book by Montesardo.” Numerous solo settings for guitar and keyboard survive in Italian sources of the 17th century.® Hudson points out that the Italian ciacconas exhibit a great deal of harmonic variety. Consequently, instead of working with one harmonic-metric scheme, Hudson prefers to define the ciaccona (as well as the passacaglia) as “an ostinato of selected bass formulas” which

consist of both harmonic and melodic progressions in the bass.® He devises a system of symbols to represent the various formulas, but he does not distinguish among different harmonic realizations of the same abstract bass line.”

In France, dancing and music associated with the chacona occur in a ballet de cour staged at the Louvre in 1625.5! An entrée in Act I consists of

Spanish characters (one of whom was played by Louis XIII) called chaconistes espagnols. The libretto and extant drawings indicate that these

characters danced and accompanied themselves on the guitar.” In the . %Giambattista Marino, L’Adone, poema (Venice and Paris, 1623) canto 20 “Gli spettacoli,” stanzas 84-86; modern edition by Marzio Pieri vol. 2 (Rome, 1977), 644. 57Girolamo Montesardo, “La ciaccona sopra I'A,” “[Ciaccona] in un’altro tono sopra la B,” and “[Ciaccona] ma in un’altro tono hoggi @ piu usata, cioe sopra la G,” in his Nuove inventione d'intavolatura per sonare li balletti sopra la chitarra spagnivola, senza numeri, e note; per mezzo della quale da se stesso ogn'uno senza maestro potra imparare (Florence, 1606), 23(20)—

24(21). 8Discussed by Richard Hudson, “The Development of Italian Keyboard Variations on the ‘Passacaglio’ and ‘Ciaccona’ from Guitar Music in the Seventeenth Century” (Ph.D. dissertation, University of California, Los Angeles, 1967); and by Thomas Walker, “Ciaccona and Passacaglia: Remarks on their Origin and Early History,” Journal of the American Musicological Society 21 (1968), 316-20.

Hudson (1967), 387. Hudson (1967); Richard Hudson, “Further Remarks on the Passacaglia and Ciaccona,” Journal of the American Musicological Society 23 (1970), 309-14; and Richard Hudson, “The Ripresa, Ritornello, and Passacaglia,” Journal of the American Musicological Sociery 24

(1971), 391-93. *'Les fées de la forest de Saint-Germain. Ballet dansé par le roy en la salle du Louvre, le Xle jour de fevrier MDCXXV (Paris, 1625); modern edition of this libretto in Paul Lacroix, Ballets et

mascarades de cour de Henri III a Louis XIV (1581-1652) (Geneva, 1868-1870; reprinted _ Geneva, 1968), 3:33-47. For an excellent study of this ballet see John H. Baron, “Les fées des forests de S. Germain ballet de cour, 1625, with transcription of the text and music for Act II,” Dance Perspectives 42 (1970). 2A drawing of this entrée by Daniel Rabel is reproduced in Baron (1970), 31.

622 THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES following year two texted chaconas with guitar accompaniment by Bricefio were published in Paris (D-37 and D-38). In the travel diaries of F. Bertaut the French term chacone is used to

refer to a musical piece. Bertaut journeyed to Spain in the company of Marshal Grammont, who was chosen to obtain the hand of Marfa Teresa for Louis XIV and thereby seal the Peace of the Pyrenees. Bertaut offers the following description of the Spanish fiesta which took place in Valladolid on Christmas Eve, 1659: I went to the Midnight Mass celebrated by the Franciscan friars. .. . As soon as they opened the gates of the church, where a multitude of people were waiting, I heard the tambourines. They harmonized with the organs which were playing a chacone.... Shortly later the lower gate of the church was opened. Through it, following the cross and the candles of the procession, there entered a large number of monks. Wearing masks as ridiculous as those of Carnival in Paris, with large noses, false beards, and grotesque costumes, they were dancing and leaping with tambourines and violins [violons] which harmonized with the organs.”

Sometime in the middle of the 17th century the chaconne was stylized as a slow theatrical dance in France, where it was used in ballets and operas. Feuillet provides choreographic notation and melodies for the solo performance of three different chaconnes:

(1) “Chacone de Phaéton pour une femme,” Feuillet (1704), pp. 10-19

(2) “Chaconne pour un homme non dancée a |’Opéra,” Feuillet (1704), pp. 176-84

(3) “Chaconne de Phaéton pour un homme non dancé a |’Opéra,” Feuillet (1704), pp. 185-94. The music for the first and third is taken from a tragédie lyrique by Lully.™

During the 18th century Spanish choreographic treatises employ the term chacona to refer to the stylized French version. Ratier, for example, Francois Bertaut, Journal du voyage d'Espagne fait en l'anne'e mil six cens cinquante neuf, a l'occasion du traité de la paix (Paris, 1669); modern edition by F, Cassan in Revue hispanique

- 47 (1919), 167-68. “Jean-Baptiste Lully, Phaéton (tragédie lyrique; first performed in Versailles, January 9, 1683) Act II, LWV 61/40; modern edition reduced for voice and piano by Théodore de Lajarte in Chefs-d’oeuvre classiques de l'opéra francais vol. 23 (Paris, n.d.; reprinted New York, 1971), 151-55.

THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES 623 claims that this is the only kind of chacona known at the time. Ferriol y Boxeraus, in his treatise, explains how to perform a composite step called the contratiempo de chacona, o abierto.* His explanation is simply a transla-

tion of the instructions given by Pierre Rameau for the contre-tems de chaconne ou bien ouvert.#

CHAMBERGA D-53

In approximately 1670 the word chamberga emerges as a new term in the field of poetry, costume, and dance-song. A posthumous collection of

verse by Leén Marchante (died 1680) contains a secular poem entitled ‘Chamberga.” Each stanza of this poem consists of ten lines exhibiting the following structure: four lines of 7 + 5 + 7 + 5 syllables, plus six lines of

34+74+3+7+43 + 7syllables.% Chamberga also refers to a type of Spanish dress characterized by a long loose-fitting coat and a wide-brimmed hat. This outfit was associated with the uniforms worn by the French troops who fought against Spain in Portugal during the 1660s under the command of Friedrich Hermann, Duke of Schomberg.’ During the minority of Carlos II a new Spanish regiment was named tlie Chamberga because it adopted the loose-fitting coat.'© The same sort of dress is specified for some dances in documents concerning Corpus Christi. For example, according to a contract from Madrid, 1672, four boys and four girls were supposed to wear costumes a la chamberga and perform a dance with violin accompaniment.

*Joseph Ratier, Observacién I sobre el arte de la danza (Madrid, ca. 1759); as copied by Barbieri in E Mn Barbieri Mss 14059/16, pp. 31-32.

Ferriol y Boxeraus (1745) tratado I, chap. 12, p. 112; and tratado II, chap. 4, pp. 175-76. Pierre Rameau, Le maftre a danser. Qui enseigne la maniare de faire tous les différens pas de danse dans toute la regularité de l'art, & de conduire les bras @ chaque pas (Paris, 1725; facsimile edition, New York, 1967) pt. I, chap. 38, pp. 170-71; and pt. II, chap. 16, pp. 26061,

Manuel de Leén Marchante, “Relacién de la singular estratagema con que el rey Pedonio se libré de la estrecha prisién en que le tenfa el barbaro Polisemo. . .. Chamberga” (poesfa humana), published posthumously in his Obras poéticas pésthumas vol. 1 (Madrid, 1722), 173—76.

Diccionario... por la Real Academia Espafiola vol. 2 (1729), 300. Diccionario. . . por la Real Academia Espafiola vol. 2 (1729), 300-1. 101E Mav 2-198-1 (dated May 6, 1672); as transcribed in N. D. Shergold and J. E. Varey, Los autos sacramentales en Madrid en la época de Calderén 1637-1681. Estudio y documentos (Madrid, 1961), 235. This contract is also transcribed in E Mn Barbieri Mss 14027 (17).

624 THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES In dramatic works the term chamberga designates a type of dancesong and a particular melody. One of its earliest dated performances occurs at the end of a mojiganga which was staged in Seville during the Corpus festivities of 1672. Here the characters describe the chamberga as a

new sonecillo and tonadilla.\? The chamberga is also performed in an - anonymous baile and in a sainete by Leén Marchante.'® Apparently the chamberga melody was frequently employed in religious contexts. In an essay published in 1678 Filguera criticizes the practice of staging autos sacramentales in the churches. One of his arguments concerns the music. He finds it deplorable that church musicians should make use of secular songs, such as chambergas and jdcaras, as if they were in the theatre. CHINFONIA See below, under Sinfonia.

CONDE CLAROS D-54 to D-60 Conde Claros de Montalvan is the name of a Spanish romance which begins with the following quatrain: Media noche era por filo los gallos querfan cantar Conde Claros con amores no podfa reposar.

A text consisting of 432 lines was published in Zaragoza in 1550."°5 The same ballad, but with an additional twenty lines, was issued in Antwerp in 1550.'% The legend of Conde Claros also occurs in much shorter romances 102Mojiganga hecha en Sevilla por fiesta, el afio 1672, en la compafifa de Bernardo de la Vega,

E Mn Mss 17001; excerpts quoted in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, pp. ccxlii and cclxxxvii.

103(a) Los juegos de Vallejo (baile), E Mn Mss 14851 (14); according to Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. ccxi. (b) Manuel de Leén Marchante, Sainete a la boda del marqués de Liche; according to the excerpts quoted from an unspecified source by Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. ccxlii. 14)fanuel Ambrosio de Filguera, Si sea lIicito hazer los autos sacramentales en las iglesias

(Madrid, 1678); as quoted in Cotarelo y Mori (1904), 261. The jdcara is discussed separately in this part.

105*Romance del Conde Claros de Montalv4n,” in La silva de varios romances pt. II (Zaragoza, 1550), f. 182v—-191v; modern edition by Antonio Rodrfguez-Mofiino (Zaragoza,

1970), 390-96. 106"Romance del Conde Claros de Montalv4n,” in Cancionero de romances en que estdn recopilados la mayor parte de los romances castellanos que fasta agora sean compuesto. Nuevamente corregido emendado ¥ afiadido en muchas partes (2nd edition, Antwerp, 1550), f. 82v— 90v; modern edition by Antonio Rodrfguez-Mofiino (Madrid, 1967), 168-73.

THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES 625 dating back to the late 15th century.'” One early version consists of thirty-six lines, beginning as follows: Pésame de vos, el conde, porque vos mandan matar, pues el yerro que bos hezistes no fue mucho de culpar.

It survives in the manuscript known as the Cancionero musical de palacio,

where it is set to music for 4 voices by Encina.' This setting does not employ the melody or the harmonic-metric scheme later associated with Conde Claros.

Sometime during the 16th century a particular melody began to be used for singing the Conde Claros poem. The tono became very popular

and was even adopted for other lyrics.'° However it did not receive universal approval. As a simple melody performed with strummed accompaniment it represents the type of music which Bermudo disparages in his treatise of 1555. While emphasizing the importance of understanding the science of music (mtisica thedrica), Bermudo condemns all those who play merely to satisfy the public. He argues that performing is nothing to boast about, because the “ears of the public are satisfied with the song of Conde Claros played on the guitar, even one that is out of tune.”!"°

Later in the century Salinas provides musical information about the Conde Claros song.""' In his treatise of 1577 he presents a generic melody for ballads. Salinas explains that, by subdividing the second or third note (and presumably the ninth or tenth note), Spaniards employ it for singing

: '\’The textual history of this ballad is documented by José Romeu Figueras, MME 14 (1965), 2:309-11. '08Juan del Encina, “Pésame de vos, el conde,” in MADRID, Palacio Real, Biblioteca Ms 1335 (formerly 2~1—5), f. 77v-78r; modern edition by Higinio Anglés, MME 5 (1947), 158. '9For example, Coplas nuevamente hechas al caso acahescido en Ytalia: en la batalla de Pavia en las quales se requenta dende que el duque munsiur de Borbén: se passé de Francia a la parte del emperador: hasta la batalla y prisién del rey de Francia: las quales se pueden cantar al tono

del Conde Claros (n.p., n.d.); as listed in Antonio Rodrfguez-Mofiino, Diccionario bibliogrdfico de pliegos sueltos poéticos (siglo XVI) (Madrid, 1970), 473.

Tuan Bermudo, Comienca el libro llamado Declaracién de instrumentos musicales (Osuna, 1555; facsimile edition, Kassel, 1957) Bk. I, chap. 3, f. 3v. 'I'His treatment is discussed by Isabel Pope, “Notas sobre la melodfa del ‘Conde Claros,’” Nueva revista de filologia hispdénica 7 (1953), 395-402.

626 THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES many of their romances including Conde Claros."* He does not explicitly indicate the meter and rhythm of this melody. In fact for all the musical examples in his treatise Salinas adopts a kind of shorthand notation. He omits mensuration signs and barlines, and uses only two durational symbols, namely the semibrevis (0) and the minima (}). A plausible transcription of his Conde Claros melody is shown in musical example 27 (a). Example 27. Some ballad melodies in Salinas (1577)

a) ond | Con- de Cla- ros con a- mo- res no po- df- a re- po- sar

b) ©: on |

c) ;

Re- tra- ¥ -da es- c4 la 1 in- fan-ta bien as- sf «o- mo so- Iif- a

It accords with the harmonic-metric scheme found in the settings for solo vihuela. Salinas also gives the same melody (but with the last note sub-

divided to accommodate a final unaccented syllable) for singing the romance which begins: Retrayda est4 la infanta bien assf como solfa.!%

It is transcribed in musical example 27(b). The lyrics are the opening of the ballad known as the “Romance del Conde Alarcos y de la infanta '2Salinas (1577) Bk. VI, chap. 15, p. 346.

'3Salinas (1577) Bk. VI, chap. 15, p. 346. |

THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES 627 Solisa.” A long version of its text, consisting of 428 lines, was published in 1550 in two different collections.'*

During the 17th century the music and lyrics of Conde Claros were

adopted for dance-songs in a few dramatic works. For example, in an anonymous interlude published in 1615, two lines from the romance are

incorporated in the lyrics of a dance-song performed by an elderly bridegroom. The fact that he dances with his hat in his hand suggests that he is performing the steps of the gallarda."5 A comedia by Lope de Vega contains a passing reference to Conde Claros as a dance. In a passage filled with puns, one of the characters gives comic reasons for declining to perform various dances:

Ines. What is it that you want to dance? Martinez. Whatever you know, seflora.

Beatriz. Vacas? Ines. Although I am a peasant, my lady, I don’t know how to dance it.

Beatriz. Folfas? Ines. They are too common. Beatriz. Canario? Ines. I am from Toledo. Beatriz. Villano? Ines. I am not rustic in wit or temperament. Beatriz. Conde Claros? Ines. It may give pleasure to a person who has love-affairs, if it is true that

“with thoughts of love he could not rest.” |

Beatriz. Zarabanda?

Ines. It is very old. Beatriz. Chacona}?

Ines. It is too satirical. Beatriz. Rey don Alonso? Ines. Don't you see that it is joining crown and ploughshare? !!6 '4(a) 4a silva de varios romances pt. II (1550), f. 191v—201r; modern edition by RodrfguezMofiino (1970), 396-402 (b) Cancionero de romances (1550), f. 107r—114r; modern edition by Rodrfguez-Mofiino (1967), 185-90. 5.4 boda de Foncarral (baile), published in Flor de las comedias de Espafia, de diferentes autores. (Quinta parte. Recopiladas por Francisco de Avila (Alcal4, 1615); modern edition in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 2, p. 482. The gallarda is discussed separately in this part. '6Lope Félix de Vega Carpio, La villana de Getafe (comedia) Act I, published in his Parte catorze de las comedias (Madrid, 1620); modern edition by the Real Academia Espafiola (nueva edicién) vol. 10 (1930), 375. Morley and Bruerton (1968), 91, suggest that Lope de Vega wrote this play sometime between 1610 and 1614. The Rey don Alonso is discussed above, chap. 9, note 17. All the other dance-songs are discussed separately in this part.

628 THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES The story of Conde Claros is a prominent feature of two stage works

from the middle of the 17th century. One is a comedia by Cubillo de Aragé6n which includes a character named Conde Claros. The opening of the romance is modified to reflect the plot in the second act, where it is sung off-stage with vihuela accompaniment.!” The other work is a comic

dramatic baile by Moreto y Cabafia which parodies the Conde Claros legend. It begins with a rendition of the opening lines of the romance and then continues in a burlesque fashion." Apart from the Spanish musical repertory, at least ten instrumental settings of Conde Claros survive in European sources from the middle of

the 16th century. All but one are solo pieces for lute, cittern, or fourcourse guitar." In addition, Salinas presents a version of the ballad melody which he claims was brought from Spain to Italy where it was adopted for the gagliarda. He relates that when he was in Rome he heard

his friend Francesco Canova da Milano (died 1543)—‘the prince of lutenists of his time”— improvising over this “tenor” in the presence of Pope Paul III."2° The melody cited by Salinas is transcribed above in musi-

cal example 27(c).!2! One instrumental piece which partly supports his

claim is a set of keyboard variations by Valente entitled Gagliarda napolitana. It employs a harmonic-metric scheme which is similar to that

of Conde Claros in that it is two measures long and consists of the progression I — lV — V. However its harmonic rhythm is different, with the

three chords in the durational proportion 2:1:3.!” '7 Alvaro Cubillo de Aragé6n, El amor cémo ha de ser (comedia) Act II, published in his El enano de las musas (Madrid, 1654); modern edition in BAE 47 (1858), 169; discussed in Barclay (1957), 218-20. 118A pustin Moreto y Cabafia, Conde Claros (baile burlesco), in E Mn Mss 14856; modern edition by Rafael de Balbfn Lucas, “Tres piezas menores de Moreto, inéditas,” Revista de bibliografia nacional 3 (1942), 97-102. 19These settings are listed and discussed by Daniel Heartz, “Parisian Music Publishing under Henry II: A Propos of Four Recently Discovered Guitar Books,” Musical Quarterly

46 (1960), 463-65; and by John Ward, “Spanish Musicians in Sixteenth-Century England,” in Essays in Musicology in Honor of Dragan Plamenac on his 70th Birthday, edited by Gustave Reese and Robert J. Snow (Pittsburgh, 1969), 363, note 27. 120Salinas (1577) Bk. VI, chap. 14, p. 342.

121The intended meter and rhythm are not clear. I have chosen to follow Pope (1953), 401, and ignore the vertical slash in the original notation. 122 Antonio Valente, “Gagliarda napolitana con molte mutanze” (39 variations), in his Intavolatura de cimbalo recercate fantasie et canzoni francese desminuite con alcuni tenori balli et

varie sorte de contraponti. Libro primo (Naples, 1576), 78-81; modern edition by Charles Jacobs (Oxford, 1973), 110-15.

THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES 629 DAMA D.-61 to D-63

Only a few references to the dama survive in the Spanish sources. In 1642 Esquivel Navarro states that it is one of the old dances (dangas) and instrumental pieces (taftidos) which are no longer used regularly, except at

royal saraos and mdscaras (see above, chap. 11, p. 503). In a comic mojiganga by Cafiizares from the early 18th century a dance called the dama is personified on stage." In the early 19th century Cair6n describes the dama as “an old Spanish baile, a type of minuet,” but he offers no substantiating evidence.'4

A. keyboard piece entitled “Bailo di dame” is preserved in a manuscript compiled by Martfn y Coll in 1709. It is not transcribed in this study because, despite the similarity of its title, it is musically different from the three instrumental settings called Dama. It is a binary piece (4 + 7 measures) which seems to be written in the French style.!% The set of keyboard variations by Cabez6n on the canto de La dama le demanda (D-63) employs a harmonic-metric scheme. Outside of Spain

a similar, but not identical, scheme is found in a lute piece by Becchi, published in Venice in 1568, called “Madama mi domanda”.'26 DEXALDOS MIMADRE D-64 Dexlados mi madre is the name of a song which begins as follows: Dexaldos mi madre mis ojos llorar pues fueron amar.

A melody for these lines is given by Salinas in his treatise of 1577.2 It is transcribed in musical example 28. As pointed out above (p. 626), Salinas employs only two durational values in his musical examples. I have inter-

preted the repeated pattern 3, as J.SJ. '23José de Caflizares, Los sones (mojiganga), E Mn Mss 14517 (30); according to Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. J, vol. 1, p. cexlii. 24Cairé6n (1820), 126. 125“Bailo di dame,” E Mn M.1360, f. 202r. "6Antonio de Becchi, “Madama mi domanda,” in his Libro primo d'intabulatura da leuto, di M. Antonio di Becchi parmegiano. Composta da lui novamente, et data in luce, con alcuni balli, napolitane, madrigali, canzon francese, fantasie, ricercari (Venice, 1568), 40; modern edition in Gerald Lefkoff, Five Sixteenth-Century Venetian Lute Books (Washington, D.C., 1960), 141. 27Salinas (1577) Bk. VI, chap. 13, p. 338.

630 THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES Example 28. Dexaldos mi madre melody in Salinas (1577) o: J

De- xal- dos- mi ma- dre. mis o- jos Ilo- rar Pues fue- rom a- mar.

An adaptation a lo divino survives in a villancico text by Ocafia which was published in 1603. This villancico consists of the three lines of the secular song followed by eight stanzas of seven lines each. The set of keyboard variations by Correa de Arauxo (D-64) is un-

usual in that it employs a cantus firmus rather than a harmonic-metric scheme. The pitch sequence of the cantus firmus is identical to that of the melody cited by Salinas. Correa de Arauxo presents the cantus firmus in all four voices and at four different pitch-levels.”9 DESMAYO D-65

I have found no reference to this as a dance-song. In Castilian desmayo means a swoon. ENCARAMADO D.-66 to D-67

I have found no reference to this as a dance-song. In Castilian encaramado means exalted. ENTRADAS P-218 to P-226 See below, under Pasacalle.

ESPANOLETA D-68 to D-86

The esparioleta is the name of an aristocratic dance and an instrumental piece. In 1642 Esquivel Navarro refers to the espajioleta as one 128Rrancisco de Ocafia, “Otro villancico,” published in his Cancionero para cantar la noche de Navidad, y las fiestas de Pascua. Fecho por Francisco de Ocafia. Agora de nuevo afiadido de muchos villancicos y chanconetas (Alcal4, 1603); modern edition by Antonio Pérez Gémez

(Valencia, 1957), 49-51. 129The voice-part and opening pitch of the cantus firmus statement in each diferencia are as follows; dif. 1 (soprano, C), dif. 2 (tenor, C), dif. 3 (alto, G), dif. 4 (tenor, G), dif. 5 (alto,

D), dif. 6 (soprano, D), dif. 7 (bass, G), dif. 8 (soprano, G), dif. 9 (alto, C), dif. 10 (bass, C), dif. 11 (tenor, F), dif. 12 (alto, F), dif. 13 (tenor, C), and dif. 14 (soprano, C).

THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES 631 of the dancas and taviidos which, although no longer performed regularly, are still used in royal saraos and mdscaras (see above, chap. 11, p. 503).

Actual events corroborate his remarks. During a mdscara held at the palace in Madrid on December 21, 1647, four ladies-in-waiting dance the

espatioleta (see above, chap. 10, p. 435). A later example occurs in a mdscara given at Cadiz on December 22, 1672, to celebrate the birthday of the queen regent. The works opens with the appearance of two pages who represent Mars and Hercules. After dancing the torneo they perform a dance-song to the music (son) of the esparioleta with lyrics written specially for the occasion."° Performances of the espafioleta seldom occur in dramatic works. One rare instance is an adaptation a lo divino which is presented in an auto sacramental by Lope de Vega. Two characters dance the espajioleta with lyrics which incorporate the following religious refrain: Madre de Dios, y Virgen entera, Madre de Dios, divina doncella."!

During the early 18th century two playwrights treat the espavioleta as the

epitome of Spanish aristocratic dancing, in contrast to the repertory of French dances which were being adopted in Spain. In a comic mojiganga by Cafiizares one of the characters exclaims: “Sefior, with the espajioleta let all the minuets be silent.”"? In a satirical interlude by Zamora, entitled

The Judgement of Paris, a woman in elegant Spanish attire dances the esparioleta while singing the following refrain: Arrojéme el sefior Cupidillo, las saetas que flecha veloz; arrojémela y arrojéselas, y venimos a amar los dos.'° Academia con que el ex{celentisi]mo serior marqués de Xamaica celebré los felices aftos de su magfestad] la reina n[uestra} sefiora d[oita] Maria Ana de Austria, el dia 22 de diziembre de

1672 (Cadiz, 1673); as copied by Barbieri in E Mn Barbieri Mss 14070/7 (6), p. 2. This

mdscara is mentioned above, chap. 9, p. 356. . '5!Lope Félix de Vega Carpio, De los cantares (auto sacramental), published posthumously in his Fiestas del santissimo sacramento, repartidas en doze autos sacramentales, con sus loas, y

: entremeses (Zaragoza, 1644); modern edition in BAE 157 (1963), 381-82. '?Cafiizares, Los sones (mojiganga), E Mn Mss 14517 (30); as quoted by Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. ccxliv. '33Antonio de Zamora, Juicio de Paris (baile), E Mn Mss 14088 (8); as quoted by Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, pp. cciii and ccxliv. This work is discussed above, chap. 10, p. 437— 38.

632 THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES In Italy instrumental settings of the spagnoletta survive in sources from the late 16th and 17th centuries."4 Choreographic explanations of the aristocratic spagnoletta are contained in the treatises by Caroso and Negri. In 1581 Caroso provides instructions and lute accompaniment for the performance of a spagnoletta by a couple.5 Using the same music he

also describes a spagnoletta nuova for three dancers. In 1602 Negri presents his own version of a spagnoletto (sic) for two couples.37 Whereas

Caroso employs triple meter, Negri notates his lute accompaniment in

duple meter. Yet, by considering two measures of the former to be equivalent to one measure of the latter, one finds that both settings employ a similar, but not identical, harmonic-metric scheme consisting of three repeated strains. Instrumental settings of the spagnoletta appear in sources from other

parts of Europe as well. For instance, in a collection of instrumental dance-music issued in 1612, Praetorius includes one five-voice piece called “L’Espagnollette” and two four-voice pieces each called “Spagnoletta.”!38 In the preface he states that the “spagnoletta is made in the Netherlands and is seldom danced in France.” The first part of his statement suports the view that the Low Countries played a prominent role in the dissemination of Spanish dances throughout western Europe, including England (see above, chap. 2, pp. 17-18). The Fitzwilliam Virginal Book contains two pieces by Giles Farnaby called “Spanioletta” and “The old spagnoletta.”'"® Only the second piece employs the musical scheme which is characteristic of Continental settings. In England the spanioletta was often used as an aristocratic dance. A 134Some are listed by Moe (1956), 276-77. Hudson abstracts a representative harmonic progression from the settings for solo guitar; as noted above, chap. 13, p. 571 135Caroso (1581) “Spagnoletta” trattato II, f. 163r—-164r. 136Caroso (1581) “Spagnoletta nuova, da farsi in terzo;...” trattato II, f. 164v—165r. 137Negri (1602) “Balletto a quattro dell’autore detto lo spagnoletto, ballano due cavalieri,

& due dame” trattato III, pp. 116-17. 138Michael Praetorius, Terpsichore, musarum aoniarum quinta. Darinnen allerley frantzdsische

Dantze und Lieder (Wolfenbiattel, 1612); modern edition by Gunther Oberst, Gesamtausgabe der musikalischen Werke von Michael Praetorius vol. 15 (Wolfenbittel and Berlin, 1929), 38-39. 139Praetorius (1612) preface; facsimile printed in the modern edition (1929), x. 140 Fitgwilliam Virginal Book], CAMBRIDGE, Fitzwilliam Museum 32.g.29 (Mu. Ms 168);

modern edition by J.A. Fuller Maitland and W. Barclay Squire (Leipzig, 1899; reprinted New York, 1963), 1:199-201 and 2:471.

THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES 633 miscellaneous collection of notes, written primarily by John Ramsey sometime between 1596 and 1633, includes a short section of three pages entitled Practise for dauncinge.'*! This choreographic source summarizes the

movements of twenty-one different dance-types. Unfortunately the descriptions are brief, the technical terms are not explained, and no music is supplied. Nevertheless, it does provide the following general description of the spanioletta: Honour. Take handes, fall in to your pace, parte with your pace; traberse sydewayes, meete with your pace, & heave upp youre woman in your armes, - parte againe, pace, traberse meete againe, the woman heabe up youre man,

honor & soe ende.!

FANDANGO D-87 to D-94

The fandango emerges as a popular Spanish dance during the 18th century. According to one source, it was introduced into Spain by those who had spent time in the Indies. However no substantiating evidence accompanies this claim. Moreover, although many fast Spanish dances have been associated with the New World, they may well have originated in Spain. In the early 19th century Cairé6n offers the following general description of the fandango in which he compares it with the renowned bolero: FANDANGO. An old Spanish baile and the one which has been kept in use for the longest time on the stage. The fandango, like the majority of Spanish dances, is in triple meter, and is merry and lively. Its duration is not precisely fixed, and it can be longer or shorter according to the caprice of the person dancing it. The fandango possesses much charm. It is not a dance with as much potential content as the bolero; nor does it require as much skill to dance it. For although the bolero is in part an imitation of the fandango, nevertheless the latter is much easier. That is to say that the steps which are characteristic of the fandango drag on the ground, and its tempo is hurried and swift. This does not give one the opportunity to be able to perform in it expanded and majestic steps, as can be done in the bolero. In

\4lPractise for dauncinge, in GB Ob Ms Douce 280 (formerly Ms 21854), f. 66av(102)66bv(103). The entire manuscript is described by Falconer Madan, A Summary Catalogue of Western Manuscripts in the Bodleian Library at Oxford vol. 4 (Oxford, 1897), 578-79. '2Practise for dauncinge, GB Ob Ms Douce 280, f. 66br. ISN iccionario... por la Real Academia Espafiola vol. 3 (1732), 719.

634 THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES spite of all that has been said, the simple mudanzas of the bolero work out very well in the fandango.'*

In the second half of the 18th century some writers consider the fandango to be the most popular and exemplary dance of the Spanish people. For example, Iriarte accords it special praise in his poem about music: In Spain the dance most fascinating found, By pleasure courted in her giddy round, Is that to which in triple time disclosed, The music in two parts is so composed, As to exhaust even fancy, and embrace Such execution, ornament, and grace; That the most skilled professors oft are proud, On it to shew their art, and charm the crowd. Such is the gay fandango, that invites To amorous sports, and so all hearts delights That hoary age, philosophers severe, Natives and strangers, all delight to hear.!*

Similarly, in a treatise which refers to the French and Spanish repertories as being unsurpassed in Europe, Ratier singles out the fandango as a very fine and entertaining dance. He further notes that each Spanish province performs it somewhat differently.“ Later, without supporting evidence, Cair6n claims that names such as rondefias and malagueyias merely designate different regional versions of the fandango.'*

Several theatrical works incorporate the fandango as a popular dance-song. One of the earliest examples is a comic mojiganga written by Cafiizares for the Corpus festivities of 1723. Here the fandango is danced and sung with the following refrain: Me dice del fandanguillo, jay, picarf, picarillo! Mil finecitas al son.'® '4Cair6n (1820), 110-11. The bolero is also discussed by Cairén (1820), 103-9, who remarks that it has been in use for about forty years. '47Tomés de Iriarte, La miisica, poema (Madrid, 1779) canto 5, p. 120; English translation by John Belfour, Music. A Didactic Poem in Five Cantos (London, 1807), 132. \46Ratier (ca. 1759); as copied in E Mn Barbieri Mss 14059/16, pp. 12-13. '47Cair6n (1820), 112. M48José de Cafiizares, Los sopones (mojiganga para el Corpus de 1723), E Mn Mss 14517 (29); as quoted by Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. ccxlv.

THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES 635 An anonymous entremés published in the same year also includes a fandango. In between the stanzas of the lyrics the performers are instructed to make use of “the shouting, shrieks, and other things which are customary when the fandangos are sung boisterously.”!© Apart from regional variants, the fandango was subject to two types of transformation during the 18th century. First, it could be performed as an

aristocratic dance. Zamdcola, writing under the comic pseudonym Mr. Exact (don Preciso), attributes this stylization to a dancing master by the name of Pedro de la Rosa. ZamAcola states that in approximately 1740 Rosa

presented himself in Madrid, after returning from his travels in Italy, and soon formulated sound principles and rules for dancing both the fandango and the seguidillas.'° The second type of transformation resulted from the influx of French dances. In the middle of the century the fandango could be

used as part of a contradanza. For instance, Minguet y Yrol provides choreographic notation and melodies for a contradanza —seguidillas — fandan-

go grouping to be performed by four couples.“! He employs the same combination for a contradanza mixta by verbally indicating that the music of a seguidillas and a fandango be added.'*

FANFARRONA D-95

I have found no reference to this as a dance-song. In Castilian fanfarrona means flashy. FANTASMAS D-96 to D-97

I have found no reference to this as a dance-song. In Castilian fantasmas means phantoms.

“EI novio de la aldeana (entremés), published in Arcadia de entremeses. Escritos por los ingenios mds cldsicos de Espafia (Madrid, 1723); as quoted by Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. ccxlv. Juan Antonio de Zamf4cola y Ozerfn, Colleccién de [las mejores coplas de] seguidillas [tiranes y polos que se han compuesto para cantar a la guitarra] por don Preciso vol. 1 (Madrid,

1797; Sth edition, Madrid, 1816), xviii-xix. The printing history of this volume is discussed by Domingo Hergueta Martin, “Don Preciso. Su vida y sus obras,” Revista de archivos, bibliotecas ‘y museos (series 3) vol. 50 (1929), 326-28. The seguidillas are discussed , separately in this part. '5tPablo Minguet y Yrol, “Los presumidos, y pres[umi]das miscel4nea nueva,” published in his Arte de danzar a la francesa (Madrid, 1758-1764) pt. II, pl. 13. '2Minguet y Yrol (1758-1764) “Los bailarines, contradanza mixta, y nueva” pt. II, pl. 14.

636 THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES FABORITA D-98

In Spanish sources I have found no reference to this as a dancesong. In Italian sources several instrumental dance pieces from the second

half of the 16th and 17th centuries are entitled “La favorita.” They employ a particular harmonic-metric scheme.'? Apparently the single Spanish setting entitled “Faborita” (D-98) is completely unrelated, for it does not use the same scheme.

FOLIAS D-99 to D-144 | Folfas were prominent as a comic spectacle, a type of poetry, a popular song, a dance of the lower classes, a stylized dance of the aristocracy, and an instrumental scheme. The term folfas first appears in Portuguese sources, but there its precise meaning is not clear.

Some of the earliest references occur in the chronicles about King Joao II of Portugal which were written by Resende and first published in 1545. Resende presents the following account of the festivities which were held in Evora in April, 1490, to celebrate the marriage of prince

Afonso of Portugal (son of Joao II) and princess Isabel of Castile (daughter of Fernando and Isabel): All the people of the city were placed with great speed in dancas and folias, with a great many torches in the public square, in the terraces of the palaces, and in all the main streets. There were so many people of respected and noble rank, as well as those of the populace, that there was no room for

them, and never had there been seen so much rejoicing and merriment. Many respected old men and women were singing and dancing together with extravagant pleasure in front of the king and queen, something from which their years rightly excused them... . Soon afterwards on the next day, early in the morning on Tuesday, the king, the prince, and the duke, with all the grandees and noblemen of the court and city, rode on horseback dressed in very lavish attire. In front of them came the Moors and Jews with their head-dresses, gumolas [comic mumming outfits?], and entertainments. Also all the populace came with many folias and delightful inventions. They went to the monastery of nossa Senhora do Espinheiro to hear mass and to give many thanks to God and to her.!™ 33D iscussed by Moe (1956), 160-61; and by Helga Spohr, “Studien zur italienischen Tanzkomposition um 1600” (Ph.D. Inaugural-Dissertation, Albert-Ludwigs-Universitat, Freiburg im Breisgau, 1956), 48-52. 14Garcia de Resende, Chronica do principe d[om] Jodo depois segundo do nome rey de Portugal

(5th edition, Lisbon, 1622) chap. 115; modern edition (Lisbon, 1902), 2:64-65. The first edition of these chronicles was issued in Lisbon under the title Lyvro das obras de Garcia de Resende que trata da vida e grandissimas virtudes: e bondades: magnanimo esforgo: excellentes costumes e manhas e muy craros feitos do christianissimo: muito alto e muito poderoso principe el-

THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES 637 Later in the same year Joao II decreed that young men and women from the nearby villages who were good singers and dancers should come to the court in order to perform bailos and folias.'5 Princess Isabel made her official entrance into Evora on November 27, 1490. According to Resende, many entremeses and folias de folides were performed along ‘the route.'* Nowhere in the chronicles does Resende furnish any details about the nature of the folias.

Some later sources describe the folfas as a comic spectacle in which boys, dressed as women, ride around on the shoulders of men. In this context the term folfas can refer to the boys in the performance. For example, Horozco offers the following vivid description of the welcome extended by the city of Toledo to Queen Isabel de Valois on January 13, 1560: Out of Toledo came four triumphal carts, each one with four wheels, similar to carriages. They were very elegantly constructed and painted in the Roman style. They had many birds and many kinds of paintings in the ancient style, as depicted in the [Roman] triumphs. The mules which pulled them were bedecked in various colors with many trappings of light woolen

cloth and were adorned with branches, so that they did not appear to be mules but rather other animals. In one of these carts there was much music performed by wind players and by certain children who were singing many villancicos and coplas which were appropriate for the arrival of the queen and the peace of Christendom. Behind this cart there appeared a danza de folias. The folias were some boys who were very finely attired as women with various colours of silk and satin. Their heads were very lavishly adorned and crowned with garlands of ivy, similar to nymphs. They were carried on the shoulders of some large men by means of devices made out of wooden poles, so that the folias were seated on their shoulders as if in chairs. The men who carried them were also very finely dressed in the same way. In all there were probably 24 of them. The men were dancing, and the folfas were singing

rey dom Jodo o segundo deste nome (n.p., 1545); according to Innocencio Francisco da Silva, Diccionario bibliogrdphico portuguez vol. 3 (Lisbon, 1859), 118-20.

Resende (1545; 5th edition, 1622) chap. 177; modern edition (1902), 2:74. | Resende (1545; 5th edition, 1622) chap. 123; modern edition (1902), 2:85. An English translation of this excerpt is given by John Ward, “The Folia,” International Sociery for Musical Research. Fifth Congress Report (1952), 419; repeated in Ward (1953), 318.

638 THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES appropriate songs and playing with tambourines [sonajas and panderos] in their hands." It was a very amusing affair and quite a sight to behold.!*

According to Horozco, a similar danza de folfas was also performed inside

Toledo Cathedral to entertain the queen (see above, chap. 9, p. 377). In the early 17th century Covarrubias, in his dictionary, describes the same sort of comic dance: FOLIA. It is a certain Portuguese dance which is very noisy. For in addition to the fact that many characters go on foot with tambourines [sonajas] and other instruments, some disguised porters carry on their shoulders some

boys dressed as maidens who, with pointed sleeves [?], spin around and sometimes dance and also play their tambourines. The noise is so great and the music [son] so fast, that it seems that both the men and the boys are out of their minds. . . .!

Perhaps the folfas which were performed at other secular fiestas resembled the type described by Horozco and Covarrubias. In 1570 at Madrid, the celebrations welcoming Felipe II and Anna of Austria included dancas invenciones y bayles, y folfas.© In June, 1603, at Villaviciosa,

folfas were performed during the festivities for the marriage of Teodosio (duke of Braganza) with Ana de Velasco (daughter of the condestable of Castile) .'“! Later at Villaviciosa, in 1632, another aristocratic wedding was \57Sources describing the pandero are cited above, chap. 9, note 106. The sonajas also designates a type of tambourine. It was frequently used in the performance of various types of dance-songs; for example, see the sources cited above, chap. 9, note 74 and note 141;

chap. 10, note 186, note 243, and note 247; and chap. 12, note 37. Unlike the pandero, the sonajas may have lacked the piece of parchment stretched across its interior. Only the wooden frame and metal discs are mentioned in the definition given by Covarrubias (1611), f. *33r; modern edition (1943), 944. 158Sebasti4n de Horozco, Relacién y memoria de la entrada en esta cibdad de Toledo del rrey y rreyna n[uest]ros sefiores don Felipe [II] -y dofia Isabela [de Valois] y del rrecebimiento ¥ fiestas,

E Mn Mss 9175; modern edition in Francisco R. de Uhag6n, Relaciones histéricas de los siglos XVI y XVII (Madrid, 1896), 78.

'S9Covarrubias (1611), f. 410v; modern edition (1943), 603. This description is repeated in Roxo de Flores (1793) chap. 7, pp. 109-11. 160Juan L6pez de Hoyos, Real aparto y sumptuoso recebimiento con que Madrid . . . rescibié a la serentsima reyna dofia Ana de Austria, viniendo a ella nuevamente después de celebradas sus felictsimas bodas (Madrid, 1572); as quoted in N. D. Shergold, A History of the Spanish Stage from Medieval Times until the End of the Seventeenth Century (Oxford, 1967), 243, note 2. 16'Rellacdo de entrada da s[e]n[h]ora duquesa em Villavicosa e festas que se la fiserdo, Ms at

one time in the Archivo del Duque de Frfas, Papeles histéricos; as summarized in Jenaro Alenda y Mira, Relaciones de solemnidades y fiestas priblicas de Espafia (Madrid, 1903), 1:136.

THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES 639 celebrated with a lavish procession. Six triumphal carts, carrying various wind and string players, were followed by fifteen dangas y folfas.'

The term folfas can designate several types of verse. In 1625 Gonzalo Correas, a professor of Greek and Hebrew at the University of Salamanca, mentions four poetic meanings. First, he states that folfas was formerly the general name for seguidillas and any other light poetry consisting of four short lines or less.’ Second, he claims that the “true folfas” is an old type of seguidillas in which the opening octosyllabic line is repeated as the third

line." Third, he points out that folfas can refer to those seguidillas in which the second and fourth lines each consist of five syllables ending with an accented one (agudo). In Spanish metrical theory such lines are counted as hexasyllabic.'® Finally, he states that, according to some people, the “proper folfas” is an octosyllabic quatrain whose text is deliberately absurd.'® One of the examples which Correas includes in his treatise is the following: Que no me los ame nadie a los mis amores 6, que no me los ame nadie

que io me los amaré.!° |

Many of the folfa lyrics which survive in other sources conform to this fourth poetic meaning. : The term folfas is also closely associated with song. In the late 16th century Salinas refers briefly to those “popular things which the Portuguese call follias.” During his discussion of trochaic meter he provides a 'e?Francisco Tavares Pacheco, Relacién de las fiestas que se hizieron en Villaviciosa, corte de el

excelentissimo seflor duque de Berganca, a las capitulaciones de su casamiento con la excelentissima ‘y serenfssima seflora dofia Luisa Francisca de Guzman, hija del sefior duque de Medina Sydonia (Jerez, 1632); as quoted in Alenda y Mira (1903), 1:276. '63Gonzalo Correas, Arte de la lengua espafiola castellana compuesto por el maestro Gonzalo Correa, catedrdtico de griego hebreo en la Universidad de Salamanca. Aflo MDCXXV, E Mn Mss 18969 chap. 86, f. 160r; modern edition by Emilio Alarcos Garcfa in Revista de filologfa espafiola 56 (1954), 447. For further discussion see later in this part under seguidillas. 164Correas (Ms written in 1625) chap. 86, f. 160v; modern edition (1954), 450. l65Correas (Ms written in 1625) chap. 86, f. 161r; modern edition (1954), 453. 166Correas (Ms written in 1625) chap. 86, f. 161r; modern edition (1954), 454. \67Correas (Ms written in 1625) chap. 86, f. 161r; modern edition (1954), 455. A variant of this quatrain is preserved in E Mn M.4; transcribed by R. Foulché-Delbosc, “Séguedilles anciennes,” Revue hispanique 8 (1901), 330. It lacks the word “que” at the opening of the first and third lines, and spells the word “nadie” as naide.

\ ’;

640 THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES

aa

typical melody for singing one which begins with the words “No me digays

madre mal.” It is transcribed in musical example 29(a).

Example 29. Follias melodies in Salinas (1577)

SS SS SS SS SS No me di- -gays ma- dre. mal del pa- dre fray An- tén,

a ee ese = : . Que bes mi.e-na-— mo-- ra-- do y yo tén-go-le ende- vo- — ci6n.

b)

oz Ve rie ta te fac- ta. cunc- ta. cer- nis op- tie me, 7]

ei — ———

Ve- rie tas. ma- net mo- ven-~tur- haec, sed or- di- ne.

This melody does not fit the usual harmonic-metric scheme found in in-

strumental settings of the folfas. Instead it could be harmonized by a scheme very similar to the one used for Gudrdame las vacas, although this may be purely coincidental.'® Perhaps Salinas employs the name follias to refer only to the lyrics. Another possibility, suggested by Hudson, is that the melody which actually represents the folfas is not the one just cited, but rather one given by Salinas on the preceding page of his treatise.'” It is transcribed in musical example 29(b).'7! It is not clear whether the ac'68Salinas (1577) Bk. VI, chap. 6, pp. 308-9. 165Gudrdame las vacas is discussed separately in this part. 170Richard Hudson, “The Folia, Fedele, and Falsobordone,” Musical Quarterly 58 (1972),

403-4, note 7; and Richard Hudson, “The Folia Melodies,” Acta musicologica 45 (1973), 105-6. 71Salinas (1577) Bk. VI, chap. 6, p. 308.

THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES 641 companying Latin verse, which I have placed under the melody, represents its lyrics or is simply a poetic example of the same metrical pattern. Leaving aside the verse, Hudson points out that this melody does agree closely with the harmonic-metric scheme of instrumental folfas. (See Hudson’s scheme of the “earlier folfa” given above, chap. 13, musical example 24, p. 580). It differs only at the beginning, where it lacks a twobeat anacrusis, and in measures 2 and 10, where its implied harmony is

V -irather than simply i. .

At least ten songs entitled folfa survive in Iberian sources of vocal polyphony from the 17th century. Three settings exist in a manuscript at Munich, compiled sometime between 1625 and 1633 by Claudio de la Sablonara, which contains seventy-five secular songs by various composers.'”2 One setting exists in a manuscript at Gerona which contains seventy-four secular songs by various composers.’?3 One untexted setting

exists in a manuscript at Coimbra, compiled in approximately 1645, which contains seventy-three anonymous vocal works.' Five settings exist in a manuscript at Rome which contains twenty secular songs by various composers.!75 All ten settings are listed in Chart 36. I have had the opportunity of examining only those seven which are available in modern

edition. They differ from one another and do not employ the harmonicmetric scheme found in the instrumental sources. Perhaps here the title folfa refers to the lyrics and to the use of a few rhythmic and harmonic features associated with a “standard” popular version.

12 MUNICH, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek Cod. hisp. 2, Cim. 383. A detailed study of this source is given by Ramén Adolfo Pelinski, Die weltliche Vokalmusik Spaniens am Anfang des 17. Jahrhunderts. Der Cancionero Claudio de la Sablonara (Tutzing, 1971). '3GERONA, Biblioteca de Olot Ms I —VIII. This manuscript is described by José Romeu

Figueras, “Las poesfas catalanas del manuscrito musical de Olot,” Anuario musical 18 (1963), 45-48. An inventory is given by Miguel Querol, “El ‘Cancionero musical de Olot’,” Anuario musical 18 (1963), 60-63. '74COIMBRA, Biblioteca de la Universidad MM 226. An inventory is given by Querol in MME 32 (1970), pp. 29-32. 175ROME, Biblioteca Casanatense Ms 5437. An inventory is given by Querol in MME 32 (1970), 13-14. A modern edition by Querol is given in MME 40 (1981).

642 THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES Chart 36. Folia vocal settings I. Mateo Romero (Capit4n), “Folfa. A la dulce risa del Alva” (4 voices), in MUNICH, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek Cod. hisp. 2, Cim. 383, f. *4v; modern edition in Ramén A. Pelinski, Die weltliche Vokalmusik Spaniens am Anfang des 17. Jahrhunderts. Der Cancionero de la Sablonara (Tutzing, 1971), pp. 294-302; discussed by Pelinski (1971), 122-23.

2. Mateo Romero (Capit4n), “Folfa. Romerico florido” (2 voices), in MUNICH, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek Cod. hisp. 2, Cim. 383, f. 89v-90r; modern edition in Pelinski (1971), 303-8; discussed by Pelinski (1971), 119-22.

3. Alvaro de los Rfos, “Folfa. Paxarillos suaves” (3 voices), in MUNICH, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek Cod. hisp. 2 Cim. 383, f. 67v-68r; discussed by Pelinski (1971), 122.

4. “Follfa. Quien tuviere amores” (4 voices), in GERONA, Biblioteca Pablica de Olot Ms I-VIII, f. 25v-26r.

5. “Folia do Natal” (3 voices; no text), in COIMBRA, Biblioteca de la Universidad MM 226, f. 67v.

6. Juan Pujol, “Folfa. Amor, pues qu’en darme enojos” (3 voices), in ROME, Biblioteca Casanatense Ms 5437, pp. 4-7; modem edition of the lyrics in Charles V. Aubrun, “Chansonniers espagnols du XVII* siécle. I — Le recueil de la ‘Casanatense’,” Bulletin hispanique 51 (1949), 275; modern edition of the music by Querol in MME 40 (1981), 71-74.

7. Juan Pujol, “Folfa. En la cumbre, madre” (3 voices), in ROME, Biblioteca Casanatense Ms 5437, pp. 20-23; modern edition by Querol in MME 32 (1970), 11-12, and also in MME 40 (1981), 82-85.

8. Juan Arafiés, “Folfa. Cerbatilla que corres bolando” (3 voices plus letters for guitar chords), in ROME, Biblioteca Casanatense Ms 5437, pp. 30-33; modern edition, without the guitar chords, by Querol in MME 32 (1970), 13-14, and also in MME 40 (1981), 89-92.

9. [Manuel] Machado, “Folfa. De los ojos de mi morena (3 voices plus letters for guitar chords), in ROME, Biblioteca Casanatense Ms 5437, pp. 34-37; modern edition of the lyrics in Aubrun (1949), 279-80; modern edition of the music, without the guitar chords, by Querol in MME 40 (1981), 92-94.

10. Ignacio Mur, “Folfa. En lo acul de tus ojuelos (3 voices plus letters for guitar chords; the original bass voice is not extant), in ROME, Biblioteca Casanatense Ms 5437, pp. 38-41; modern edition, without the guitar chords, by Querol in MME 40 (1981), 95-96.

THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES 643 In dramatic sources the term folfa first appears during the early 16th century. Vicente employs it six times in his Portuguese plays. For three songs he instructs the performers to arrange themselves em folia." For a fourth song the performers are supposed to be dressed em folia.'™ For a fifth song he instructs the performers to sing de folia the Castilian lyrics which begin as follows: iQué safiosa est4 la nifia! | Ay Dios quien le hablarfa!!”

On a sixth occasion a character refers to the following song as a folia: Uma moga tao fermosa

que vivia alli a Sé.!

In no instance does Vicente enlarge upon the meaning of the term. Similarly, what SAnchez de Badajoz intends by the word folia is not certain. In one of his plays he uses it as the title of a dance-song which has the following refrain: Y esta noche festejemos pues naci6 por quien nacemos.'!©

For the performance of a dance-song in another play he provides stagedirections which can be interpreted as follows: “Here those who are hidden in the choir, so that nobody sees them, should folfan and sing, with their small tambourines and drum, the following folia to the tune [tono] of '%6(a) Gil Vicente, Tempo d’Apolo (tragicomedia), first performed in 1526; published posthumously in his Copilacam de todalas obras (Lisbon, 1562; facsimile edition, Lisbon, 1928), f. clxiv’; modern edition by Marques Braga (4th edition, Lisbon, 1968), 4:188-89.

(b) Gil Vicente, Auto da feira, first performed December 25, 1528; published posthumously in his Copilagam (1562), f. xxxviit; modern edition (1968), 1:245. (c) Gil Vicente, Triunfo do inverno (tragicomedia), first performed in 1529; published posthumously in his Copilagam (1562), f. clxxxiii?; modern edition (1968), 4:330.

Vicente, Triunfo do inverno (tragicomedia), published posthumously in his Copilacam (1562), f. clxxxiii'; modern edition (1968), 4:327. '8Gil Vicente, Auto da Sibila Cassandra, first performed December 25, ca. 1513; published posthumously in his Copilagam (1562), f. x*; modem edition (1968), 1:62. ‘Gil Vicente, O velho da horta (farsa), first performed in 1512; published posthumously in

his Copilagam (1562), f. ccvi’; modern edition (1968), 5:175; pointed out by Hudson (1973), 108, note 27a. Diego Sanchez de Badajoz, Farsa militar, published posthumously in his Recopilacién en metro (1554), f. xxviii’; modern edition (1968), 301-2.

644 THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES ‘{Quién os puso en tal estado? La de lo verdugado’."*! A different reading

is possible if one assumes that in the original a comma is intended after

the second word. In that event only the singers and instrumentalists would be hidden, while those who folfan (perhaps some sort of dancing) would perform in full view. Nevertheless, the translation given above is a reasonable one. If it is correct, then it eliminates two possible meanings of the term folfa in this context. First, folia does not designate a melody, since the instructions specify the tono of a particular song. Second, it does not refer to the choreography, since the performers are hidden from the audience. As a result, the term may refer to a musical style or to the lyrics (headed folfa in the original) which begin with the following lines: Queyn espera non despera si esperanca he vera.!®

In later dramatic works the folfa seems to be a particular type of dance-song. Its lyrics vary, but in at least some works they consist of an octosyllabic quatrain and thus conform to one of the poetic structures described by Correas (see above, p. 639). For example, a dance-song in a

comedia by Lope de Vega includes two statements of the following quatrain, each headed by the stage-direction “Folfa”: Y a los nuevos desposados eche Dios su bendicién; parabién les den los prados pues hoy para en uno son.!*4

In two other interludes the lyrics are closely related to a specific quatrain given by Correas (quoted above, p. 639). First, an entremés by Navarrete

contains a folfa which begins, “No me los ame nadie.” Second, an

\81Diego Sanchez de Badajoz, Farsa del juego de cafias, published posthumously in his Recopilacién en metro (1554), f. cxli?; modern edition (1968), 517. 182This possibility is raised by Siemens Hemn4ndez (1965), 22. '83S4nchez de Badajoz, Farsa del juego de cafias, published posthumously in his Recopilacién en metro (1554), f. cxli'; modern edition (1968), 517. 184] ope Félix de Vega Carpio, Peribdftez y el Comendador de Ocafia (comedia); published in his Doze comedias . . . Quarta parte (Madrid, 1614) Act I; modern edition by Juan Marfa

Marin (Madrid, 1979), 64-65; discussed by Barclay (1957), 109-11, and by Siemens Hern4ndez (1965), 23. '8Francisco de Navarrete y Ribera, La escuela de danzar (entremés), published in his Flor de sainetes (Madrid, 1640); as quoted in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, pp. ccxlv— cexlvi.

THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES 645 anonymous entremés from the late 17th century presents the folfa with the following lyrics: i Ay, que no me las ame nadie a las mfas folfas, leh?; ay, que no me las ame nadie, que yo me las amaré!!%

The precise nature of dancing used for the theatrical folfa is not known. Some writers imply that its general style is similar to that of many other popular bailes. Cervantes, in two of his works, mentions the folfas

together with other exuberant dance-songs such as the chaconas and zarabandas.'* Later in the century a character in an anonymous entremés lists the folfas as one of many popular dances whose arm movements are ridiculous (see above, chap. 10, p. 479). In two other dramatic interludes the folfas is one of several popular bailes which are humorously personified

on stage.'* Theatrical performances of the folfa would almost certainly have included a standard instrumental accompaniment. However explicit instructions to this effect are found in only a few works. One of the earliest examples occurs in an auto sacramental from the late 16th century. A character representing Vice is supposed to make his entrance playing (tafiendo) and singing a folfa.'® In the early 17th century a comedia by Lope de Vega contains a dance-song performed by four Biscayans playing tambourines (panderos). For the closing quatrain the language changes to

Basque, and the music (son) is supposed to change to that of folfas.® A 1861 os matachines (entremés), E Mn Mss 17008; as quoted in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. ccxlvi. 187(a) Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra, La gran sultana dofia Catalifia de Oviedo (comedia)

Act III; published in his Ocho comedias y ocho entremeses nuevos nunca representados (Madrid, 1615); modern edition in Valbuena Prat (1952), 393. (b) Cervantes Saavedra, La ilustre fregona (novela); published in his Novelas exemplares

(Madrid, 1613); modern edition in Valbuena Prat (1952), 933. .

"8 (a) Villaviciosa, Los sones (baile); published in Rasgos del ocio (1661); excerpt quoted in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. ccxlvi. (b) Cafiizares, Los sones (mojiganga), E Mn Mss 14517 (30); excerpt quoted in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. ccxlvi. 1891 a fuente de la gracia (farsa sacramental), E Mn Mss 14711 (86); modern edition in BAE 58 (1865), 37; pointed out in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, pp. clxxvii—clxxviii. 1 ope Félix de Vega Carpio, Los ramilletes de Madrid (comedia) Act III; published in his

Onzena parte de las comedias (Madrid, 1618); modern edition by the Real Academia Espariola (nueva edicién) vol. 13 (1930), 495; discussed in Barclay (1957), 131-32.

646 THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES later instance occurs in an entremés by Moreto in which a barber dances the folfas and plays it on the guitar.!9!

The Spanish nobility began to perform folfas during the second half of the 16th century. For example, in 1564 the folfas portuguesas were played and sung in a court spectacle which was lavishly staged in the form of a contest between queen Isabel de Valois and princess Juana: The first tableau [devised by the princess] appears in this way. Eight Portuguese men, commanders in the knightly Order of Christ, were very finely attired with cloaks, helmets, and points of gold. They were under [a canopy

with] some curtains and a roof made of silver and crimson cloth. There were also four ladies-in-waiting and four chambermaids dressed in the Portuguese style and with jugs filled with flowers on their heads. When the

queen and her ladies-in-waiting entered, the characters began to play [tafier] and sing Portuguese folias. The queen and her ladies all together went over to the women in the tableau, which formed a very fine sight. The queen failed to guess which one was the princess.'”

By the early 17th century the folfa was stylized as an aristocratic dance. In 1626 Antonio Rodrfguez agrees to provide private dancing lessons which will include ten passeos of the folfas (see above, chap. 11, p. 505). In 1642 Esquivel Navarro recommends that four mudangas of the folfas be taught in the dance studios (see above, chap. 10, p. 430). Moreover, the folfas is

one of the few dances for which Esquivel provides some choreographic details. One of its characteristic movements is a leaping revolution which he describes as follows: The buelta de folfas has to be higher than the buelta de pechos.'? To execute it one sets down the left foot by crossing it as far as it will reach while keeping one’s body erect, because with that [provision] one will know how

far one can separate one foot from the other. For in order to have them separated an inch [un dedo, which equals approximately .7 inch] further 191Mforeto y Cabana, Los érganos ¥y el relox (entremés), published in Rasgos del ocio, en diferentes bayles, entremeses ¥ loas de diversos autores. Segunda parte (1664); excerpt quoted in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. ccxlvi.

1926 Mrah Coleccién Salazar L.1; as transcribed in Cristébal Pérez Pastor, Noticias y documentos telativos a la historia y literatura espafiolas vol. 1 (Madrid, 1910), 415. This fiesta is discussed above, chap. 9, pp. 356-58.

'93The buelta de pechos is also a type of leaping revolution; according to the description given by Juan de Esquivel Navarro, Discursos sobre el arte de dangado, y sus excelencias primer origen, reprobando las acciones deshonestas (Seville, 1642; facsimile edition, Madrid, 1947), chap. 2, f. 15v.

THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE.-TYPES 647 than is natural, one will have to bend one’s body; and the more one foot is

separated from the other, the more one has to bend over and contort oneself. Thus the person who dances with an erect body will always set down his feet in the proportion which the movement requires, and this will serve him in dancing properly and elegantly. Then, having set down one’s foot as I have said, one has to raise the right foot and thrust it behind the other foot, thereby displacing it from its place. While keeping the left foot in the air, one has to leap for the revolution with the right foot. One has to execute the move by landing on one’s toes with a caper [cruzado] in such a secure fashion that one’s body does not waver and one’s knees do not bend, because with these bueltas many people have fallen flat on the floor in the dance studios.'%4 They are called bueltas de folfas because this kind of buelta is not usually performed in another bayle or danga. They are usual only in the folias because they were created specially for it. However, if once in a while some expert wants to adapt them in another context, he can. For any novelty, even though it might seem inappropriate, is splendid in a person who dances well.!”

Another source of choreographic information is the manuscript by Jaque from the late 17th century. It contains technical instructions for the performance of the entrada and four mudanzas of the folfas. It does not mention the buelta de folfas; but it does specify three other types of turns, namely, the buelta al descuydo, buelta de pechos, and buelta de remate.'™

Outside of Spain instrumental settings of the folfa abound in sources from the 17th and early 18th centuries.'” In Italy some of the earliest published settings were issued in 1606 in the strummed guitar book by Montesardo. In this collection Montesardo states that what the Spaniards call folia, the Italians call fedele.'* In the European settings Hudson distinguishes '4The cruzado entails crossing one’s legs while in the air; as described by Esquivel Navarro (1642) chap. 2, f. 17v. '95Esquivel Navarro (1642) chap. 2, f. 15v—16av.

Juan Antonio Jaque, Libro de danzar (Ms); copied in E Mn Mss18580/5, and in E Mn Barbieri Mss 14059/15; modern edition in José Subir4, “ ‘Libro de danzar’ de don Baltasar de Rojas Pantoja, compuesto por el maestro Juan Antonio Jaque (s.XVII),” Anuario musical 5 (1950), 195-96. ‘S7Many settings are discussed in Spohr (1956), 56-68; Richard Hudson, “The ‘Folia’

Dance and the ‘Folia’ Formula in 17th-Century Guitar Music,” Musica disciplina 25 (1971), 199-221; Hudson (1972), 398-411; and Hudson (1973), 98-119. A modern edition of 103 settings from throughout western Europe (including Spain), dating from 1577 to 1764, is given by Hudson (1982) vol. 1. '8Montesardo (1606), 27(24)— 30(27), contains seven settings in all. The first three are

entitled “Folia chiamata cost da spagnuoli, che da italiani si chiama fedele . . .”; the remaining four are entitled “Rotta della folia, overo fedele . . .”

648 THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES two harmonic-metric schemes: an earlier version which first appears ca. 1600, and a later version which emerges ca. 1670 (see above, chap. 13, musical example 24, p. 580, and musical example 22(a), p. 573, respectively).

In France the folie appears as early as 1614 in a publication issued by

Ballard. The setting (which includes a passacalle) is a Spanish song for solo voice by Bailly with lute accompaniment arranged by Bataille. Its lyrics begin as follows: Yo soy la locura la que sola infundo plazer y dulcura

y contento al mundo.” | Sometime in the late 17th century—probably coinciding with the emergence of Hudson’s “later” scheme—the folie was stylized in France as a slow solo dance for the stage. Feuillet provides choreographic notation for three different solo performances, each using the same melody:

(a) “Couplet de folie d’Espagne avec les bras et la batterie des castagnettes, ...,” Feuillet (1700) pt. I, p. 102 (b) “Folie d’Espagne pour femme,” Feuillet (1700) pt. II, pp. 33-38 (c) “Folies d’Espagne pour un homme,” Feuillet (1704), 221-24.

The first version, complete with castanet notation, is the only folfas which

Minguet y Yrol includes in his dance treatise. During the 18th century the French stylization may well have supplanted the traditional folfa dance among the Spanish aristocracy. GAYTA D-145 to D-154

In Castilian gaita refers to a bagpipe, a shawm, or a hurdy-gurdy. Most often it designates a bagpipe.”! By extension it is also the name of 'SHenri de Bailly, “Ballet. Passacalle, la folie,” published in Airs de différents autheurs, mis en tablature de luth par Gabriel Bataille. Cinquiesme livre (Paris, 1614; facsimile edition, Geneva, 1980), f. 57v—58r; facsimile of these two pages printed in Die Musik in Geschichte

und Gegenwart vol. 10 (Kassel, 1962), 875; transcribed in Walker (1968), 310-11; another modern edition in John H. Baron, ed., “Spanish Art Song in the Seventeenth Century,” Recent Researches in the Music of the Baroque Era 49 (Madison, 1985), 2-3. 20Minguet y Yrol (1758-1764) “Folfas primera diferencia,” pt. II, pl. 42; as noted above, chap 10, note 128. 201Covarrubias (1611), f. 421v; modern edition (1943), 619. Diccionario .. . por la Real Academia Espafiola vol. 4 (1734), 3.

THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES 649 an organ stop.” In the early 18th century Feijéo praises the organ for its versatile timbre, but he points out that all too often organists make a bagpipe and drum out of it.2 The term gaita gallega can refer to a bapipe from

the province of Galicia in north-west Spain. The meaning of gaita zamorana is not certain. Salazar claims that it designates a bagless double-

reed instrument.2°> This would correspond to one of the definitions of

gaita given by the Real Academia Espafiola in 1734.2% Two gaitas zamoranas were among the instruments which accompanied a dance performed in Segovia on September 21, 1613, during a lavish procession entitled “La m4scara de la genealogfa de la Virgen madre de Dios.” In 1662 the cathedral in the town of Zamora recorded payment for the playing of the gaita on Corpus Christi and its octave.” During the 17th and 18th centuries the bagpipe was frequently used to accompany dancing in many regions of Spain.” In Barcelona bagpipe

players belonged to the guild of instrumentalists and dancing masters known as the Confraria dels musichs (see above, chap. 11, p. 507). In southern Aragon, in 1745, the Bishop of Tervel prohibited nocturnal public dances and claimed that the devil often disguised himself as a bag-

pipe playerin order to arouse the participants (see above, chap. 12, p. 531). In Madrid the traditional procession held on Corpus Eve included a bagpipe player and a drummer, according to Castellanos (see above, chap. 9, p. 366). Minguet y Yrol acknowledges the prominence of 202Diccionario ... por la Real Academia Espaftola vol. 4 (1734), 3. 03Benito Jerénimo Feij6o0 y Montenegro, “Musica de los templos,” published in his Teatro critico universal, o discursos varios, en todo género de materias, para desengavto de errores comunes vol. 1 (Madrid, 1726) discurso 14; modern edition in BAE 56 (1883), 43. 204 Galician bagpipe is described by Anthony Baines, Bagpipes (Oxford, 1960), 108-10. 203A dolfo Salazar, “Masica, instrumentos y danzas en las obras de Cervantes,” Nueva revista de filologia hispdnica 2 (1948), 45 and 160’; revised in his La mtisica en Cervantes y otros

ensayos (Madrid, 1961), 162, 246’, and 274-75. 26Diccionario... por la Real Academia Espaftola vol. 4 (1734), 3. 20’Diego de Colmenares, Historia de la insigne ciudad de Segovia ‘y compendio de las historias de

Castilla (Segovia, 1637) chap. 49, p. 626.

ZAMORA. Libro de cuentas de la catedral (1649-1669), f. 233r; as transcribed in Dionisio Preciado, “Antonio de la Cruz Brocarte, 45 afios de organista en la catedral de Zamora (15, IX, 1675—29, IV, 1721),” Revista de musicologia 1 (1978), 82. 208For the examples which follow I have assumed that the term gayta means bagpipe. However it may refer to a bagless double-reed instrument, as suggested by the definition cited above in note 206.

650 THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES the gayta by suggesting that, in the absence of the guitar, one can use the

bagpipe to accompany such aristocratic dances as the passepied and minuet.”” In Galicia the bagpipe seems to have been the standard accompanying instrument for dances, according to imitative performances given in Madrid. For example, in 1656 one of the Corpus dances proposed for Madrid by Gaspar Flores was a humorous portrayal of a Galician wedding accompanied by castanets and bagpipe.?" Similarly, in a mojiganga written by Leén Marchante for the royal court during the second half of the 17th century, Galician characters perform a dance while singing the following refrain: Zumbe a gayta, que gustan que suene, porque no gustan jam4s que se temple.?!!

The term gaita gallega, aside from designating a Galician bagpipe, possesses two other meanings dating back at least to the late 18th century. First it is the name of a popular form of poetry used in Galicia and Portugal.2"2 According to Clarke, it consists of “a two-hemistich verse having marked ternary movement and a variable number of syllables, usually averaging about ten or eleven.”?% It was sometimes imitated in Castilian sources, as illustrated by the lyrics in a mojiganga by Le6n Marchante (quoted above in the preceding paragraph). Second, gaita gallega designates a comic type of dance, described by Roxo de Flores as follows: Gayta gallega. This baile, according to the way it was usually performed, has all the appearance of pantomime. A man, disguised foolishly like harlequin with a mask, performs the most ridiculous movements, sometimes im-

itating cripples and at other times hunchbacks, dwarfs, and drunkards. In this manner he distinguishes himself, while matching the castanets and gestures of his body [to the pantomime] without losing the beat of the music which is suitable for this dance.?"4 20Minguet y Yrol (1758-1764) pt. IV, p. 15. As pointed out above, chap. 10, p. 445, this page probably belongs to pt. I of Minguet’s treatise.

2108 Mav 2-197-13; as transcribed in Shergold and Varey (1961), 123. A similar dance was proposed in 1663 by Francisco Garcfa; according to E Mav 2-198-9; transcribed in Shergold and Varey (1961), 171. 211Manuel de Leén Marchante, Los alcaldes (mojiganga que compuso para celebrar los afios de la reyna), published posthumously in his Obras poéticas pésthumas vol. 1 (1722), 438. 212Roxo de Flores (1793) chap. 8, p. 113. 213) orothy Clotelle Clarke, “A Chronological Sketch of Castilian Versification Together with a List of its Metric Terms,” University of California Publications in Modem Philology 34

(1948-1952), 341. 214Roxo de Flores (1793) chap. 8, pp. 111-12.

THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES 651 GALERIA DE AMOR D-155 to D-156

The galerfa de amor is an aristocratic dance which was used in Spain

in the middle of the 17th century. For example, two ladies-in-waiting danced it during a royal mdscara held at Madrid on December 21, 1647 , (see above, chap. 10, p. 435). In addition Calder6n employed it as a dance-song in one of his comedias which was staged at the Buen Retiro. The performers present it en forma de sarao with lyrics which begin as follows: Que tapat4n, que esta varia alegrfa, que tapat4n, es de amor galerfa, que tapatdn, que este alegre rumor,

que tapatdn, galerfa es de amor.’ . In Italy the galleria d’amore appears as early as 1602 in the dance treatise by Negri. He provides choreographic instructions and lute accompaniment for its performance by four dancers.?'"* The harmonic-metric scheme of his musical setting is very similar to the ones later used by Ruiz de Ribayaz (D-155 and D-156). GALLARDA D-157 to D-184

The galliard is an aristocratic dance which was used throughout western Europe during the 16th and 17th centuries. A distinct Spanish version emerges in the late 16th century. In Spain the gallarda was highly regarded as a stylized dance. Covarrubias (1611) asserts that it belongs to the traditional repertory taught in the dance studios (see above, chap. 11, p. 503). Esquivel Navarro (1642) recommends that the standard curriculum of the studios should include six passeos of the gallarda (see above, chap. 10, p. 430). In the early 17th century the dancing master to the duke of Sessa receives instructions to teach the pages how to perform the gallarda as well as other danzas (see above, chap. 11, pp. 502-3). In 1626 Antonio Rodrfguez agrees to give private lessons which will include eight passeos and the concluding mudanza (su mudanza al cabo) of the gallarda (see above, chap. 11, p. 505). 715Pedro Calderén de la Barca, Mujer, lora, y vencerds (comedia; fiesta que se representé a sus magestades en el Coliseo del Buen Retiro) Act II, published posthumously in his Verdadera quinta parte de comedias (Madrid, 1682; facsimile edition, 1973, vol. 14), 143. 216Negri (1602) “Balletto a quattro de M. Stefano detto la Galleria d'amore, si balla in due cavalieri, & due dame” trattato III, pp. 189-91.

652 THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES Accounts of various royal festivities substantiate its importance. The gallarda was danced on many occasions, including the following: (a) Guadalajara, January 29, 1560—troyal sarao to celebrate the mar-

riage of Isabel de Valois and Felipe Il (see above, chap. 10,

, p. 427).

(b) Zaragoza, March 10, 1585—royal sarao to celebrate the marriage of the Infanta Catalina (daughter of Felipe II) and Carlo Emanuele I, duke of Savoy.?!”

(c) Valencia, April 18, 1599—royal sarao to celebrate the double marriage of Margaret of Austria with Felipe III, and the Infanta Isabel with the Archduke Albert (see above, chap. 10, p. 429).

(d) Valladolid, June 16, 1605—royal sarao to celebrate the birth of prince Felipe. (This sarao is described above, chap. 10, p. 434.) At

this party the Englishman Lord Robert Willoughby of Eresby received much acclaim for his execution of impressive leaps (sal-

tos) and capers (cabriolas).2* One contemporaneous account praises his performance, but adds the qualification that Englishmen dance the gallarda with less gravity than Iberians.?!9

(e) Madrid, January 13, 1608—royal sarao to celebrate the oath of allegiance sworn by the court to prince Felipe (see above, chap. 10, pp. 429-30). (f) Madrid, February 29, 1623—palace mojiganga to celebrate Carnival (see above, chap. 9, p. 374).

(2) Madrid, December 21, 1647—royal mdscara to celebrate the queen's birthday (see above, chap. 10, p. 435). The gallarda was normally performed as a couple dance, although at

times—as in (a) and (g) above—it was performed solo. According to 217Henrique Cock, Anales del aro ochenta y cinco, en el qual el rey cathdlico de Esparia don Philipe con el principe don Philipe su hijo se fue a Mongén a tener las comes del reino de Aragén, F

Pn fonds espagnol 272 (Ms written in 1585-1586); modern edition by Alfredo Morel-Fatio and Antonio Rodrfguez Villa (Madrid, 1876), 52-53. 218Relacién de lo sucedido en la ciudad de Valladolid, desde el punto del felicissimo nacimiento del

principe don Felipe Domfnico Victor nuestro sefior (Valladolid, 1605); reprinted in the translated modem editon of Tomé Pinheiro da Veiga (Valladolid, 1916) pt. 2, pp. 39-40. Later

in the century Esquivel Navarro (1642) chap. 2, f. 13v—14v, discusses three types of cabriolas, namely, cabriolas enteras, cabriolas atravessadas, and medias cabriolas.

219Tomé Pinheiro da Veiga, Fastiginia o fastos geniales, Ms in P Pm; moder edition translated into Spanish by Narciso Alonso Cortés (Valladolid, 1916), 94.

THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES 653 Esquivel the gallarda was unique in the Spanish repertory. In all other dances the gentleman usually puts his hat back on after the opening bow (reverencia); but in the gallarda he keeps it off and holds it in his left hand.22° Esquivel also provides the following brief description of the choreography: The gallarda begins with a reverencia which is executed with the left foot.224 One sets out for the eleven steps with the left foot. These steps proceed in a forward direction {accidentales}] and incorporate a rompido [i.e.,

a type of scissors-kick in the direction of the steps] starting with the right foot.222 The passeos of the gallarda are produced with the right foot and

retraced with the left.” .

The use of a sequence of eleven steps is not incompatible with the basic

pattern of five steps associated with the galliard in France, Italy, and England. In fact, this sequence can represent a normal modification of the

basic pattern, as shown in the French treatise by Tabourot.24 Another Spanish source for the choreography of this dance is the manuscript by Jaque from the late 17th century. It contains technical instructions for the entrada and several mudanzas of the gallarda. As an aristocratic dance the gallarda frequently occurs in dramatic works. Near the end of an entremés by Cervantes, Escarram4n gives a solo performance of one mudanza, presumably as evidence of his great dancing skill.225 At the beginning of a loa by Solfs, staged for the king in 1655, the character personifying “La Comedia” dances the gallarda while the character representing “La Musica” sings newly composed lyrics.”” In a loa by 220Esquivel Navarro (1642) chap. 2, f. 23r. 211m his treatise Esquivel describes two types of reverencias; as discussed above, chap. 10, . 424,

The term accidentales is taken from fencing; as explained above, chap. 12, p. 524. The movement called rompido is discussed by Esquivel Navarro (1642) chap. 2, f. 20r—20v. 223Esquivel Navarro (1642) chap. 2, f. 21r.

4Tabourot (1588), f. 59v-62r, explains how to dance the galliarde using “passages” of eleven steps. 225Jaque, Libro de danzar (Ms); modern edition by Subir4 (1950), 193-94. 226Cervantes Saavedra, El rufidn viudo llamado Trampangos (entremés), published in his Ocho comedias y ocho entremeses nuevos nunca representados (Madrid, 1615); modern edition (1952), 552. This entremés is discussed above, chap. 10, pp. 482-83. **7Antonio de Solfs y Rivadeneira, Loa para la comedia de Las amazonas, que se representé a su majestad domingo de Carnestolendas 7 de febrero del afto de 1655, published posthumously in his Varias poestas, sagradas yy profanas, que dexd escritas (aunque no juntas ni retocadas) don

pono de Solis y Ribadeneyra (Madrid, 1692); modern edition in Bergman (1970), 293—

654 THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES Calderén from 1669, the steps of the gallarda are combined with the music of the jdcara for the opening dance-song (see above, chap. 10, p. 479).

Two other plays actually incorporate dancing lessons on the gallarda

as part of their plots. In an entremés by Navarrete published in 1640, a maestro makes some general remarks, such as advising the student to keep her body erect and her arms loose.”® Much more detailed instruction appears in a comedia by Calderén published in 1664. The character pretend-

ing to be a dancing master employs many technical terms, such as reverencia, cinco passos, cldusula, sustenido, romper, and quebradillo. The student proceeds to act out these movements on stage.””? Presumably the

lesson represents an accurate choreographic description of the gallarda. At the same time the scene contains many puns relating to the plot of the comedia.2 Several dramatic interludes include burlesque performances of the aristocratic gallarda. In an entremés by Quifiones de Benavente published in 1643, a dancer performs it with many kicking leaps (saltillos de puntillas), which prompts a woman to exclaim that he appears to be dancing on a patch of mud.23! In an anonymous entremés from the 17th century, the rotund comedian Cosme Pérez (known as Juan Rana) performs the gallarda with the following lyrics: Francesca gallarda

vente conmigo.” 228Navarrete y Ribera, La escuela de danzar (entremés), published in his Flor de sainetes (1640); as quoted in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pr. I, vol. 1, p. ccxlviii. 229 As stated above, the basic pattern of the galliard in western Europe consists of five steps {i.e., cinco passos). The reverencia and rompiendo movements are specified in Esquivel’s description of the gallarda. The substenido entails rising up onto one’s toes; according to Esquivel Navarro (1642) chap. 2, f. 17r. The precise choreographic meanings of the terms cléusula and quebradillo are not clear. The term quebradito occurs in the instructions for the baja and alta contained in the Reglas de danzar (Ms), f. 2r-3v. 230Calderén de la Barca, El maestro de danzar (comedia) Act II, published in his Tercera parte de comedias (1664; facsimile edition, 1973, vol. 8), f. 40r—40v. This scene is discussed in Barclay (1957), 176-78. 231] uis Quifiones de Benavente, El examen de maridos (entremés), published in Entremeses nuevos, de diversos autores, para honesta recreacién (Alcal4 de Henares, 1643); modern edition in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 2, p. 758. 232F] hidalgo (entremés), E Mn Mss 16616; as quoted in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. ccxlviii. An anonymous portrait of Juan Rana is reproduced in Bergman (1970), plate preceding p. 337.

THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES 655 In a comic baile by Villaviciosa published in 1661, the dance is personified by a woman who employs a pun to praise herself: “I am the Gallarda, sir.

In my sequences of steps I am so haughty that, even if an ugly woman dances me, I am always called elegant [gallarda].”"™*

In rare instances the gallarda was adapted a lo divino. An early example is a religious poem composed by Juan Timoneda (died 1583) which opens: La mucha tristeza y el gran menoscaba.

The words gallarda contrahecha in the title suggest that this is a contrafac-

tum which is to be sung to a gallarda melody.* Another sacred adaptation occurs in an auto by Lope de Vega in which two characters dance the gallarda with lyrics of religious triumph.”

No standard lyrics for the gallarda emerge from the dramatic and poetic sources of the period. Covarrubias, in his dictionary, claims that the gallarda is a Spanish dance (bayle) whose name is derived from the following song (cantarcico): Dama gallarda, mata col6n, mucho te quiere el emperador.””6

However, I have not encountered these lyrics in any other source. Cotarelo y Mori assumes that the gallarda was normally performed with the song which begins: Reverencia os hace el alma gloria de mi pensamiento.

As Cotarelo points out, these lyrics do occur for dance-songs in several plays.4” However his assumption that they signal gallarda dancing is dubious. The song usually includes the line “Por vos, francesa gallarda,” 233Villaviciosa, Los sones (baile), published in Rasgos del ocio (1661); as quoted in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. cexlix. 23474an Timoneda, La gallarda contrahecha a lo spiritual por Juan Timoneda en alabanca de

nuestro redemptor Jesti Christo (n.p., n.d.); modern edition by Lucas de Torre, “Varias poesfas de Juan Timoneda,” Boletfn de la real academia espafiola 7 (1920), 91.

35Vega Carpio, De los cantares (auto sacramental), published posthumously in his Fiestas del Santfssimo Sacramento (1644); modern edition in BAE 157 (1963), 383. 236Covarrubias (1611) “GALLO,” f. 426r; modern edition (1943), 625. 437Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, pp. cexlvii—ccxlix.

656 THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES but it may simply mean “For you, elegant Frenchwoman.” In two instances Rugero addresses these words to his beloved Bradamante.”* Moreover none of the examples cited by Cotarelo contain explicit choreographic or musical references to the gallarda. In fact, in the comedia El pintor de su deshonra by Calderén the song is accompanied by the rugero music (see below in this part under Rugero). In addition to its use as an aristocratic dance, the gallarda seems to

have been adopted as a popular dance-song by the lower classes in Catalonia during the late 17th and 18th centuries. The five sets of variations composed by Cabanilles (D-175 to D-178, and D-182) attest to its popularity there. Furthermore, according to Querol, in the 18th century Joseph de Mezquia, the Bishop of Solsona, vehemently condemned the

practice of performing the gallarda and other dances around the churches.239

In the rest of western Europe during the 16th and 17th centuries the aristocracy made great use of the galliard as a stylized dance performed after the pavane. The basic choreographic pattern of the galliard consists of a sequence of five steps. This corresponds to six beats or one measure of the music, which is always notated in 3 or $ . By contrast, many instrumental settings of the Spanish gallarda are notated in duple

meter. Gaspar Sanz even cites the gallarda as a typical kind of music which employs the mensuration sign C called compasillo2” The use of 238(a) [Baile without title], published in El Fénix de Espafia Lope de Vega Carpio, familiar del Santo Oficio. Octava parte de sus comedias. Con loas, entremeses, y bayles (Madrid, 1617); modern edition in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 2, p. 492.

(b) Pedro Calderén de la Barca, El jardin de Falerina (comedia; fiesta que se representé a sus magestades) Act J; first performed in 1648; published in his Quinta parte de comedias (Madrid, 1677; facsimile edition, 1973, vol. 13), f. 167r—168r. The stage-directions provide various choreopraphic instructions, but no reference to the gallarda. This scene is discussed by Barclay (1957), 187-91. 239}oseph de Mezquia, Documents, y avisos espirituals del il{ustrissiJm y rev[erentissi]m senyor d[o] fra Joseph de Mezquia, ex-General de tot lo Real y Militar Orde de N[ost]ra Senyora de la Mercé, . . . Bisbe de Solsona, chap. 1, section 7 “Del abfis de las balladas als encontorns de las iglesias”; published in Constitutiones synodales dioecesis coelsonensis (Cervera, 1751); according to Miguel Querol Gavald4, La miisica en las obras de Cervantes (Barcelona, 1948),

113-14, who does not quote the supporting passage. I have not had the opportunity of examining the original publication. It is listed and described in Mariano Aguilé y Fuster, Catdlogo de obras en lengua catalana impresas desde 1474 hasta 1860 (Madrid, 1923), 13233. 2#Sanz (1674) “Regla undécima, y altima para tafier a compas,” f. 13r.

THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES 657 duple meter, however, does not necessarily imply a different choreographic organization. Spanish settings such as those by Sanz consist of sections which are six measures or twenty-four beats long. Thus they could accommodate the five-step sequence (whose duration is six beats), although only the first beat of every other measure would coincide with ict.

The distinctive Spanish gallarda first appears in Italy during the late

16th century. Caroso provides choreographic instructions and lute accompaniment for it in his treatise of 1581.?*' The earliest published setting

for guitar occurs in the collection by Montesardo which was issued in Florence in 1606.2 An early setting intended for harpsichord or string ensemble was composed by Trabaci and published in Naples in 1615.” GASCONA D-185

I have found no reference to this as a dance-song. In Castilian gascona means a woman from Gascony (Gascogne), a province in south-west France which borders on Spain. GITANILLA D-186 In Castilian gitanilla means little gypsy girl. Dancing associated with

gypsies (gitanos) is discussed earlier in this study (see above, chap. 10, pp. 473-77). I have found no reference to the gitanilla as a type of dancesong. However the term does occur in a publication of 1722 as the title of a dramatic baile by Zamora.*“

GRAN DUQUE DE FLORENCIA D-187 to D-194

Gran duque is the name of a harmonic-metric scheme which in Spain is associated with aristocratic dancing using torches (hachas). Cotarelo y Mori and Capmany have uncovered only three references to it in sources of the period. No other Spanish references are known. In a loa 241Caroso (1581) “Gagliarda di Spagna .. .” trattato II, f. 22v—24r. 242 fontesardo (1606) “Gagliarda de Spagna,” 47 (44). 243Giovanni Maria Trabaci, “Gagliarda quarta a 5 alla spagnola,” in his Il secondo libro de ricercate, & altri varij capricci (Naples, 1615); facsimile edition Archivum musicum, vol. 56, pt. 2 (Florence, 1984); modern edition in Roland John Jackson, “The Keyboard Music of

Giovanni Maria Trabaci” (Ph.D. dissertation, University of California, Berkeley, 1964) vol. 2, Book of 1615, pp. 110-12. 244Antonio de Zamora, La gitanilla (baile), published in his Comedias nuevas, con los mismos Saynetes con que se executaron assi en el coliseo del sitio real del Buen- Retiro, como en el salén de palacio teatros de Madrid vol. 1 (Madrid, 1722).

658 THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES by Diamante the tajiido del gran duque accompanies a dance performed by four men and four women wearing masks and carrying torches. According to Cotarelo this loa served as the prologue to Diamante’s El laberinto de

Creta (fiesta de zarzuela) which was staged for the royal family in the years 1662—1664.?* The music (son) of the gran duque also accompanies

; one of the dances in a fiesta de momos held at Barcelona in 1701 to honor Felipe V and Queen Marie-Louise (see above, chap. 10, p. 453). Finally, in a comic mojiganga by Cafiizares from the early 18th century, the gran duque is personified on stage by a man walking on stilts. (The significance of this depiction is not clear.) His entourage, consisting of a Black couple and two pages carrying lamps, is supposed to represent the aristocractic danza de hacha.*

In the rest of western Europe musicians frequently used the harmonic-metric scheme known as the ballo del gran duca or aria di Fiorengza.

Kirkendale has compiled a list of musical settings from more than 100 prints and manuscripts.” In addition Kirkendale has traced back this scheme and related its names to a ballo, bearing a different title, which was composed by Cavalieri in the late 16th century. The ballo forms part of an intermedio which was staged in Florence (Fiorenza) in May, 1589, to celebrate the marriage of Cristina di Lorena with Ferdinando de’ Medici, the Grand Duke (gran duca) of Tuscany.?@ The musical scheme was also

adopted in Italy for ballroom dancing. Caroso uses it in his treatise of 1600 for a choreographic composition entitled “Laura suave” which he dedicates to the grand duchess of Tuscany. The music for this stylized couple dance consists of the following four sections: a statement of the harmonic-metric scheme (untitled), a triple-meter variant (gagliarda),

245Juan Bautista Diamante, Loa de Carnestolendas, published in Flor de entremeses, bayles, y loas. Escogidos de los mejores ingenios de Espaiia (Zaragoza, 1676); as quoted and described by Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. xxxvi.

2%Cafiizares, Los sones (mojiganga), E Mn Mss 14517(30); as quoted in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. ccl. The danza de hacha is discussed separately in this part under Hacha. 247W/arren Kirkendale, L'aria di Fiorenza id est il ballo del gran duca (Florence, 1972), 67Emilio de’ Cavalieri, “O che nuovo miracolo” (five-voice ballo), published in Intermedii et concerti, fatti per la commedia rappresentata in Firenze nelle nozze del serenissimo don Ferdinando Medici, e madama Christiana di Loreno [sic], gran duchi di Tuscana (Venice, 1591);

discussed in Kirkendale (1972), 42-49.

THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES 659 another triple-meter variant (saltarello), and a musically unrelated conclusion (canario) 2” GUARDAME LAS VACAS D-195 to D-217

Gudrdame las vacas (or simply vacas) designates a particular poem, melody, dance, and harmonic-metric scheme. Gudrdame las vacas is the opening line of a villancico which was very popular in the 16th century.

Many poetic glosas survive from that period, and at least nine of them were issued in pliegos sueltos (i.e., short publications of less than thirtythree pages).2* One of the early settings, written by Castillejo (died 1550), consists of twelve stanzas headed by the following version of the popular villancico:

Gu4rdame las vacas, carillejo, y besarte he, sino, bésame tii a mf, que yo te las guardaré.”*!

During the 16th century a particular tune (tono) was used for singing Gudrdame las vacas. Salinas, in his treatise of 1577, gives the opening of the melody as an example of one which consists entirely of trochees. It is transcribed in musical example 30(a). He also presents the opening of a similar melody which he says the Romans use for singing those stanzas commonly called romanescas. It is transcribed in musical example 30(b). According to Salinas, musicians employ different mensuration signs for

the vacas and romancesca: proporcién menor (one measure = | 4 j | ) for the vacas as opposed to proporcién mayor (one measure = |, 9 , | ) 2#Fabritio Caroso, “Laura suave, balletto in lode della ser[enissi}ma madama Christena Lorena de Medici gran duchessa di Toscana,” in his Nobilta di dame (Venice, 1600; fac-

simile edition, Bologna, 1970) Bk. II, pp. 111-20. _ 20The extant glosas are listed and discussed by José Romeu Figueras, “ ‘El toro’, ensalada poéticomusical inédita. Estudio sobre temas taurinos y vaqueros en la Ifrica tradicional,” Anuario musical 20 (1965), 52-56. The nine pliegos sueltos are described in RodrfguezMofiino (1970), 322, 342, 471, 473, 503, 508, 524, 568, and 594. 251Crist6bal de Castillejo, “Glosa de las vacas,” in his Libro de diversas trovas, E Mn Mss 3691; modern edition in his Obras, edited by J. Domfnguez Bordona vol. 2 (Madrid, 1927), 141—46. The final six stanzas (headed “Respuesta de Gil”) were suppressed by the Inquisition in the posthumous publication of his works entitled, Las obras de Christéval de Castillejo. Corregidas y emendades por mandado del consejo de la santa, y general Inquisicién (Madrid, 1573) Bk. I; modern edition in BAE 32 (1854), 129.

660 THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES for the romanesca.2” However the extant instrumental settings do not support his claim. Moreover, in the primary sources the metrical notation

of the vacas and romanesca is often unusual. Even though both dancesongs are organized in triple meter, they frequently appear under a duple mensuration sign (see above, chap. 7, pp. 286-87). Example 30. Vacas and romanesca melodies in Salinas (1577)

a) o:d Gu4r- da- me las vae cas Ca- rfi- Ile jo y be- sar-- ‘te.

b) ond Bell la ci- tel. la de la ma- gio- ra- na During the late 16th and early 17th centuries the vacas melody was sometimes adopted for singing sacred lyrics. The texts of at least four religious canciones survive with explicit instructions to use the tono of Gudrdame las vacas.48 At the same time it is extremely doubtful that a

direct causal link exists between the vacas and liturgical music, not252Salinas (1577) Bk. VI, chap. 15, p. 348. An English translation of most of this passage is given by Ward (1953), 330. 253(a) Bartholomé Aparicio, “Guaérdame mi alma” (Otra cancién al tono de Guardame las vacas), published in Los gozos de la virgen Maria nuestra sefiora del rosario. Agora nuevamente compuestos por un su devoto con otras tres canciones de nuestra sefiora (n.p., n.d.); according to the description in Rodrfguez-Mofiino (1970), 529-30.

(b) Sebastién de Horozco, “Amuéstrame tu, carillo” (Otra cancién para la noche de Navidad, contrahecha al cantar de Gu4rdame las vacas), preserved in his Cancionero del licenciado Horozco, SEVILLE, Biblioteca Columbina Ms (dated Toledo, 1580); modern edition (Seville, 1874), 134-35. (c) “Que hazéys vos Dio mfo” (villancico al tono de Gudrdame las vacas: dize el hombre y responde el nifio), published in Cancionero de nuestra sefiora: en el qual ay muy buenos romances, canciones y villancicos. Aora nuevamente afiadido (Barcelona, 1591), f. 45r; modern edition by Antonio Pérez Gémez (Valencia, 1952), 76-78. (d) Ocafia (1603) “Dadme vuestra humanidad” (Otra canci6n al tono de, Gudrdame las vacas. Dize Christo, y responde su madre); moder edition (1957), 76-80.

| THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES 661 withstanding a statement made by Correa de Arauxo in 1626. In the title

of his set of keyboard variations (D-212) Correa equates the melody (canto llano) of Gudrdame las vacas with a termination of the first psalm tone (el seculorum del primer tono). However, the fact that the termination

can be harmonized by the vacas scheme is probably a coincidence. As Querol points out, no known keyboard setting of the first psalm tone employs the harmonic-metric scheme of the vacas.24 Correa de Arauxo may have described the vacas in terms of liturgical music in order to justify the inclusion of a secular dance-song in a publication dedicated to “the honor and glory of God” (see above, chap. 3, p. 48).

Explicit references to Gudrdame las vacas as a dance are rare. Apparently it was never stylized by the aristocracy, for the choreographic

sources do not mention the vacas at all. A comedia by Lope de Vega describes it as a dance but provides no further information (see above under Conde Claros, p. 627). An anonymous entremés published near the end of the 17th century suggests that the lower classes danced the vacas in a manner resembling other popular bailes (see above, chap. 10, p. 479). Gudrdame las vacas was well known as an instrumental piece. In an

entremés by Moreto published in 1664, one of the characters plays the “very famous” vacas.25> As a harmonic-metric scheme it was sufficiently prominent to be mentioned by Covarrubias. He defines the vacas as a particular music (sonada) over which musicians have composed large variation sets using counterpoint and imitative passages.2*

Outside the Iberian peninsula the name vacas seldom occurs in instrumental music. One of the few examples is a piece for solo lute, entitled “Passa mezo de vaccas,” which was published in the Netherlands by Phalése in 1546.27 In the same year Mudarra equates the vacas with the

romanesca in the title of his set of vihuela variations (D-196). The 24Miguel Querol, “La cancién popular en los organistas espafioles del siglo XVI. Tradicién coral hisp4nica de la ‘Folie d’'Espagne’,” Anuario musical 21 (1966), 84-85. 255Moreto y Cabana, Los érganos y el relox (entremés), published in Rasgos del ocio, . . . Segunda parte (1664); excerpt quoted in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. cclxiii.

26Covarrubias (1611) “VACA,” f. *61v; modern edition (1943), 989. | 45/Pierre Phalése (publisher), Carminum pro testudine liber IIIL. In quo continentur excellentissima carmina, dicta paduana & galiarda, composita per Franciscum Mediolanensem: & Petrum Paulum Mediolanensem, ac alios artifices in hac arte praestantissimos (Louvain, 1546); accord-

ing to the inventory in Howard Mayer Brown, Instrumental Music Printed before 1600. A Bibliography (Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1965), 93-94.

662 THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES romanesca is an aria which was extremely popular in Italy during the 16th and 17th centuries.** Numerous musical settings are preserved in western

European sources (outside of Spain).2” Although the romanesca and vacas often employ the same harmonic-metric scheme, there need not be

any causal relationship between them. It is more likely that they developed independently. GUINEO D-218 to D-219

The guineo is a popular dance which was associated with Blacks from the Portuguese colony of Guinea in west Africa. In the early 17th century Covarrubias defines the term as follows: GUINEO. Negro from Guinea. It is also a certain dance [danca] with quick and hurried movements. It could be that it was brought from Guinea, and that the Blacks were the first to dance it; . . .2@

In the early 18th century the Real Academia Espafiola gives a similar description and adds that the gestures of the dance are ridiculous and not very decent.%' In performance the guineo probably displayed some similarity with other popular dance-songs. In an anonymous entremés published near the end of the 17th century, the guineo is one of many dances whose arm movements are satirized as frenzied scratchings (see above, chap. 10, p. 479). In the early 19th century Cairé6n claims that the guineo and several other popular bailes are all minor variants of the mischievous zarabanda (see above, chap. 13, p. 546). The term guineo can also designate a type of music. In the first half of the 16th century the text of a poem by Reinosa was published with ex-

plicit instructions to sing it to the tune (tono) of the guineo. Another source suggests that the music of the early guineo possesses distinctive 238References by Salinas (1577), Galilei (ca. 1588-1591), and Giustiniani (ca. 1628) are given above, pp. 659-60; and chap. 13, p. 584. 2391 isted and discussed by Moe (1956), 159-63 and 244-47; and by Spohr (1956), 31-47. 260Covarrubias (1611), f. 457v; modern edition (1943), 670. 26\Diccionario ... por la Real Academia Espafila vol. 4 (1734), 96. 262Rodrigo de Reinosa, “Mangana mangana” (Hanse de cantar al tono de guineo), published in his Comiencan unas coplas a los negros y negras (n.p., n.d.); facsimile edition in Vicente Castafieda and Amalio Huarte, Nueva coleccién de pliegos sueltos (Madrid, 1933), 134; modern edition in Rodrigo de Reinosa. Seleccién y estudio, edited by José Marfa de Cossfo (Santander, 1950), 116-17. According to Castafieda and Huarte (1933), xv, this pliego suelto was likely published in Burgos before 1540.

THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES 663 thythmic patterns. In a letter dated November 10, 1568, Salazar de Alarcén, the governor of the Canary Islands, describes the military forces on Tenerife. He mentions that the Black drummers in the infantry play all

the signals “in. the style of the music [sonada] of the gurumbé, chanchamele, and other guineos.”“8 Perhaps the music of the guineo was adopted for sacred lyrics as well. A possible example is a religious villancico

whose text was published in 1694 with the subtitle guineo. As a popular dance the guineo was sometimes performed during various fiestas. For example, at Monforte on August 4, 1619, to celebrate the consecration of a church, the count of Lemos arranged elaborate festivities which included staged spectacles. In between the acts of a comedia, six dancers presented a choreographic interlude (called a sarao) in which they skillfully shifted from one kind of mudanza to another in accordance with the music. For one of the dances they performed in. the guineo style, wearing masks to represent Blacks.** Later in the century guineo dancing was used in Madrid during Corpus Christi. On at least three occasions it

was incorporated in the annual set of Corpus dances which Domingo Garcfa and Sancho de Ribera agreed to produce for the city. In 1670 eight boys dressed a lo guineo were to perform many mudanzas a lo guineo with

tambourines and castanets, and a drum accompaniment.” Similarly in 1673 eight men were to present a danca de negros by dancing a lo guineo

63Eupgenio Salazar de Alarcén, [Carta escrita al capitdén Mondragén, en que se describe la milicia de una isla], Ms (dated November 10, 1568) in E Mrah; modern edition in BAE 62 (1870), 289; pointed out by Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. ccl. The terms gurumbé and chanchamele are not defined by Covarrubias (1611). Perhaps they refer to particular lyrics. In the late 17th century a guineo in La gitanada (mojiganga) begins with the exclamation “ iGurrumé, gurrumé, gurrumé!”; as cited later in this section. 264«Villancico VIII" (guineo), published in Letras de los villancicos que se han de cantar en la iglesia parroquial de sefior S{an] Mateo de esta ciudad de Lucena. En la calenda, noche, y dias del nacimiento de n[uestro] s[efior] Jesti Cristo este afio de 1694. Puestos en miisica por d[on] Antonio Montoro, Femdndez de Mora, presbitero, maestro de capilla de dicha iglesia (C6rdoba, 1694); modern edition in Carmen Bravo-Villasante, Villancicos del siglo XVII y XVIII (Madrid, 1978), 63-65. 265Brebe relacién de la fiestas que el colegio de la compafifa de Jestis de Monforte yco en la consagracién de la yglesia nueba de n[uest]ra sefiora de la antigua en 4 de agosto de 1619, Ms (unspecified depository); as quoted in Alenda y Mira (1903), 1:203. 266F Mav 2-198-4 (contract dated April 16, 1670); as transcribed in Shergold and Varey (1961), 214. This contract is also transcribed by Barbieri in E Mn Barbieri Mss 14027(15).

664 THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES with tambourines and a drum accompaniment. Finally in 1674 four men and four women attired as Blacks were to perform a danga de negros y negras by dancing some mudancas a lo guineo using handkerchiefs, and other mudancas using castanets.?

During the 17th and early 18th centuries the guineo was performed ~ as a dance-song in a few dramatic works. One of the earliest instances occurs in a comedia by Lope de Vega published in 1618. The lyrics for the dance begin as follows: Taquit4n mitanacunf espafiol de aquf para allf, de aquf para allt.

The theme of this text is exotic, but it concerns the Indians of the New World, not the Blacks of Africa.” In this regard the performances of the guineo in two later interludes are more in character. In an anonymous mojiganga from approximately 1670, two negrillas dance it while singing the following lines: iGurrumé, gurrumé, gurrumé! que fase nubrado y quiele yové.?”

Similarly, in a mojiganga by Cafiizares from the early 18th century, the guineo is personified by a Black couple.?”' No standard lyrics for the guineo emerge from the dramatic sources.

HACHA D-220 to D-230 The danza de hacha is the name of an aristocratic dance and a har-

monic-metric scheme. In 1642 Esquivel Navarro states that it is one of 267E Mav 2-197-20 (contract dated April 15, 1673); as transcribed in Shergold and Varey (1961), 254. This contract is also transcribed by Barbieri in E Mn Barbieri Mss 14027(18). 268 Mav 2-197-19 (contract dated May 10, 1674); as wanscribed in Shergold and Varey (1961), 274. This contract is also transcribed by Barbieri in E Mn Barbieri Mss 14027(19). 269. ope Félix de Vega Carpio, Servir a sefior discreto (comedia) Act III, published in his Oxena parte de las comedias (Madrid, 1618); modern edition by Frida Weber de Kurlat (Madrid, 1975), 314-16. This scene is discussed in Barclay (1957), 115-17; and in Gustavo Umpierte, Songs in the Plays of Lope de Vega. A Study of their Dramatic Function (London, 1975), 47-48. 2701 g gitanada (mojiganga), copy by Barbieri in E Mn Barbieri Mss 14090 (9); as quoted in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, pp. ccl-ccli. 27\Cafiizares, Los sones (mojiganga), E Mn Mss 14517 (30); according to Cotarelo y Mori

} (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. ccli.

THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES 665 the old dances (dancas) and instrumental pieces (tayiidos) which, although no longer performed regularly, are still used in royal saraos and mdscaras (see above, chap. 11, p. 503).

Actual performances took place during the following royal celebrations:

(a) Guadalajara, January 29, 1560—royal sarao to celebrate the marriage of Isabel de Valois and Felipe II (see above, chap. 10, p. 427)

(b) Valencia, April 18, 1599—royal sarao to celebrate the double marriage of Margaret of Austria with Felipe III, and the Infanta Isabel with the Archduke Albert (see above, chap. 10, p. 429)

(c) Valladolid, June 16, 1605—royal sarao to celebrate the birth of prince Felipe (This affair is discussed above, chap. 10, p. 434.)

For this third sarao, held at Valladolid in 1605, three contemporaneous accounts survive. The published Relacién describes the performance of the hacha as follows: Finally, when it seemed to the king our lord that it was time at last, he ordered the wind players who were high above in that resplendent gallery to play the danza de la hacha, which is the conctusion of saraos. The young women and ladies in the service of the queen asked various noblemen and lords to dance with them. Among those asked was the Duke of Sessa, who as Chief steward was standing next to the queen our lady. Although he lacks nothing for great courtly behaviour, he nevertheless exchanged the favour [of being asked to dance] with another courtier. The women danced with the Duke of Lerma and the Earl of Perth [i-e., James Drummond]. Lastly dovia Catalina de la Cerda, whose elegance is out of the ordinary, danced with the king our lord and with the Lord Admiral of England [i.e., Charles Howard, Earl of Nottingham], the latter in order to reward him for having had made great demonstrations of his gallantry. In this dance he showed himself to be such a gallant person, by reacting appropriately with what was demanded by respect to the king, by his age, and by the duty of a courtier, making it clear that he possessed as many qualities of an elegant and pleasing nobleman as of a great soldier. While the lady was fulfilling her obligations of the dance [i.e., performing a solo mudanza?], the king spoke with him and kept him amused, for it is evident that there is nothing in which this sovereign lacks grandeur and courtesy. The lady gave the torch to his majesty, and took the Admiral by the hand and led him back to his place. The king terminated the sarao at two o'clock in the morning; . . .2” 2?2Relacién de lo sucedido en la ciudad de Valladolid, desde el punto del felictssimo nacimiento del

principe don Felipe Domfnico Victor (1605); modern edition (1916) pt. 2, p. 40.

666 THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES In a somewhat different account of this affair, Pinheiro de Veiga offers a clearer picture of the general pattern of the hacha dance: The mdscara having ended, the danza de la hacha was begun. To start it, one of the young ladies-in-waiting was left with the torch. After many circuits and attacks [as if to select a partner] she went to invite the Duke of Sesa, steward to the queen behind whom he was standing. He is very old and stout, and suffers from gout. She made him come out and go running after her. The poor clumsy old man was not able to move about, which was the source of much amusement. Next they gave the torch to the prince [of Savoy], and he asked several ladies to dance. From hand to hand the torch came to sefiora dovia Catalina de la Cerda. She asked the king to dance and afterwards she left him. In his place she took out the Admiral [i.e., Charles Howard, Earl of Nottingham], who is her wooer. On passing, the Admiral made three bows down to the ground before the king and queen who, when raising him up, had him cover his head. While they were passing, the Admiral took Catalina’s hand which he must have pressed, because she blushed deeply and lost her step when he

made a demonstration that he wanted to kiss her. After some circuits Catalina gave the torch to the king. She gave her hand to the Admiral and proceeded to accompany him back to his place, for the king had ordered that this be done with the Admiral, his sons, and his son-in-law when they

danced? A third account by Cabrera de Cérdoba does not provide any additional choreographic information, but merely confirms that the hacha dance was used to close the sarao.2”4

From the descriptions cited and translated above, one can reconstruct the overall design of the danza de hacha as follows. One person takes hold of a torch (hacha), selects one or more partners, and dances with each in turn. The torch is then handed over to the last partner

who repeats the same procedure. The torch continues to be passed around so that many (if not all) of those present have the opportunity of dancing with the partner of their choice before the rest of the assembled company. At a royal sarao the last person to hold the torch is the king.

273Pinheiro da Veiga, Ms in P Pm; translated modern edition (1916), 94. 2741 uis Cabrera de Cérdoba, Relaciones de las cosas sucedidas en la corte de Espafia desde el afio 1599 hasta 1614, Ms; modern edition (Madrid, 1857), 252.

THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES 667 When he is finished dancing he retires, thus terminating the party. Unfor-

tunately the choreographic sources of the period fail to furnish details concerning the steps and mudanzas of this dance. Esquivel Navarro simp-

ly mentions that the dignified movement of rising up on one's toes (known as the substenido) is incorporated in the hacha, as well as in the alemana, pie de givado, and torneo."

During the 17th century the hacha was adopted on a few other occasions. In a comedia published in 1617, Lope de Vega suggests that the performers of a Moorish dance may use the steps of the hacha (source cited above, chap. 10, note 205). Another instance occurs during the fies‘ta held outdoors in Madrid on February 21, 1637, to celebrate the im-

perial election of Ferdinand III (brother-in-law of Felipe IV). The festivities conclude with a danza de hacha performed on stage in the square of Buen Retiro by a group of actors wearing ridiculous costumes.?” One example from the second half of the century concerns a mdscara per-

formed at Cadiz on December 22, 1672, to celebrate the birthday of the queen regent. For one of the dance-songs, six pages (arranged in three pairs, representing Mars and Hercules, Adonis and Love, and Mercury and Knowledge) take up small torches and dance to the music (son) of the hacha. The accompaniment consists of alternating instrumental and vocal sections.2” IMPOSSIBLES D-231 to D-232

I have found only one passing reference to the impossibles in the Spanish sources. In the middle of the 18th century Minguet y Yrol men-

tions it, along with other popular tonadas, during his discussion of strummed guitar chords.?”8

27>Esquivel Navarro (1642) chap. 2, f. 17r. The pie jibado y alemana and the torneo are discussed separately in this part. 776Letter written by Sebasti4n Gonzélez to Rafael Pereyra, Ms (dated Madrid, February 24,

1637) preserved in E Mrah vol. 99, f. 180-181; modern edition in Cartas de algunos pladres] de la Compafifa de Jestis sobre los sucesos de la monarquia entre los afios de 1634 y

1648, Memorial historico espafiol vol. 14 (Madrid, 1862), 45; pointed out by Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. ccli. 271 Academia con que el ex[celentisi]mo sefior marqués de Xamaica celebré los felices afios de su

males] la reina (1673); as copied by Barbieri in E Mn Barbieri Mss 14070/7 (6), pp. 2— 278Pablo Minguet y Yrol, Reglas y advertencias generales que ensefian el modo de tafier todos los instrumentos mejores ‘y mds usuales (Madrid, ca. 1754) B “Regla octava,” 8.

668 THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES TONO INDEFINIBLE D-233

I have found no reference to this as a dance-song. In Castilian tono indefinible means indefinable tune or mode.

JACARA D-234 to D-252 The jdcara was used extensively during the 17th and early 18th centuries as a type of poetry, a vocal melody, a dramatic genre, a dance of the

lower classes, a stylized dance of the aristocracy, and an instrumental scheme. In the field of poetry the jdcara emerges at the beginning of the 17th century as a romance which celebrates the exploits of criminals. The posthumous collection of Quevedo’s lyrical works issued in 1648 contains fifteen poems which are classified as jdcaras.2° In a prefatory section the editor Gonzdlez de Salas discusses this type of verse and credits Quevedo with its stylization: Our Spanish language possesses widely different species, called dialects by the Greeks, some of which are quite ridiculous and barbaric. Among those which are so, I do not know if one may consider the principal one to be the one commonly known as jerigonza; for this designation is itself also generic, as it includes the speech of gypsies and other dialects which boys make up or invent. It also denotes that dialect which pimps have devised to communicate among themselves without others understanding them. The French call it xargon [i.e, “jargon”]. Being more inquisitive and attentive about us than we are ourselves, they have given us copious dictionaries of that language. Its scholars also call it germania, . . . In this jerigonza, then, the procuring pimps themselves are named jaques, . . Those very jaques undoubtedly gave the designation jdcaras or jacarandinas [to certain verses]; and with good reason, for the narratives repeated therein are annals of the

events which befell them and of their continual punishments. Our poet [ie., Quevedo]—their historian (either of fact or fiction)—was singularly equipped with a fitting genius. Many crude and coarse jdcaras had preceded

him from the lasciviousness of the common people. However he was 9Francisco Gémez de Quevedo y Villegas, El Pamaso espafiol, monte en dos cumbres dividido, con las nueve musas castellanas (Madrid, 1648) “Terpsfchore, musa V (contiene poesfas que se cantan y bailan; . . .),” 341-73; modern edition in Blecua vol. 3 (1971), 261-342. 280The equivalent definition of jaque as “rufidn” is given in one of the earliest Spanish dictionaries of underworld slang; namely, in Juan Hidalgo, Romances de germania de varios autores con el vocabulario por la orden del a.b.c. para declaracién de sus términos y lengua (Barcelona, 1609; later edition, Madrid, 1779), 178.

THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES 669 without doubt the first inventor of the ingenious ones, and of witty naturalness and artistic irregularity [capricho]. In my opinion his Escarramdn was the one which started the new taste and elegance of style. . . .”5' It is also necessary to note that in some [of his jécaras] the gallant courting by great lords is disguised, and likewise the beauty of ladies and distinguished women

is praised. This observation demonstrates that respectability and proper decency are possessed by some words and polished expressions, which otherwise would suffer from impropriety in the persons who are depicted.”

Jdcara verse was closely associated with a particular vocal melody (tono). The singing of picaresque ballads became so prevalent throughout Spanish society that it furnished the theme for an entremés, attributed to Calder6én, which was issued in 1643.78 As Bergman points out, this inter-

lude “satirizes the incongruity of a proper girl’s constant singing about prostitutes and murderers.” Later poetic theorists emphasize the musical element, although unfortunately they do not provide any musical illustrations. For instance, Caramuel de Lobkowitz states that the jdcara is a romance which is sung to a simple melody. As an example he quotes the text of Quevedo’s Carta de Escarramdn a La Méndez in its entirety. Furthermore an edition of Rengifo’s treatise published in 1759 defines the jdcara without any reference to its subject matter. Instead it claims that the term is derived from the tono of the same name which is used for singing romances.*® During the 18th century a related term also reflects the

close association of the jdcara with popular music. Blind ballad singers who accompanied themselves on the guitar and performed in the streets were called ciegos jacareros.?™

28'The reference is to Quevedo’s Cana de Escarramdn a La Méndez (j4cara); cited above, chap. 10, note 272. 282Joseph Antonio Gonzélez de Salas, in his edition of Quevedo y Villegas, El Parnaso espafiol (1648) “Terpsfchore, musa V,” preface; modern edition in Blecua vol. 1 (1969), 126-27. 785Pedro Calderén de la Barca, Las jdcaras (entremés), published in Entremeses nuevos, de diversos autores, para honesta recreacién (Alcala de Henares, 1643); modern edition in BAE 14 (1850), 626-29. Hannah E. Bergman, Luis Quiflones de Benavente (New York, 1972), 75. 8Juan Caramuel de Lobkowitz, Primus calamus tomus II ab oculos exhibens rhythmicam, quae Hispanicos, Italicos, Gallicos, Germanicos, &c. versus metitur (2nd edition, Campania, 1668) Bk. II, chap. 3, article | “De versibus, quos ‘x4cara’ appellat Hispanus,” 135-36. 286Juan Dfaz Rengifo, Arte poética espariola (revised edition, Madrid, 1759) chap. 44, p. 61. 28’Discussed in Charles E. Kany, Life and Manners in Madrid 1750-1800 (Berkeley, 1932),

62-66.

670 THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES Dramatic productions frequently incorporated performances of jdcaras. One of the earliest examples occurs in a comedia by Cervantes in

which two musicians accompany a song by playing their guitars a la jacara.** By 1644 the jdcara was sufficiently prominent to attract the criticism of the Council of Castile. In a proposed set of theatrical reforms

the Council wanted to ban from the stage any jdcaras, or other lyrics, which contained “any indecency, brazenness, or gesture lacking in modesty” (see above, chap. 12, p. 535). Nevertheless, the jdécara was so popular that it developed into a distinct theatrical genre (also called jdcara). Built around the singing of a picaresque ballad, it functioned as a dramatic interlude in a manner similar to the entremés and baile.“ Moreover audien-

ces often interrupted comedia performances by clamouring for jdcaras. One playwright who cleverly exploited this phenomenon was Quifiones de Benavente. In two of his dramatic jédcaras—written for the company of

Bartolomé Romero—the actors and actresses station themselves all around the theatre and yell out for jdcaras as if they were boisterous mem-

bers of the audience.® At the same time actual audiences became so rowdy that the authorities in Seville attempted to eradicate unruly behavior by means of the following severe law: , In the city of Seville, on the 19th day of the month of November in the year 1648, sefior don Antonio de Mendoza, marqués of San Miguel de Ijar, knight of the Order of Santiago, and deputy governor of these royal palaces of Seville, declared that inasmuch as there has been and is a great deal of noise, disturbance, and riots in the theatre of La Monterfa on account of the demands made to the actors for bailes, jécaras, and other things over and above the performance, he ordered that it be proclaimed in the said theatre 288\iguel de Cervantes Saavedra, El rufidn dichoso (comedia) Act. I, published in his Ocho comedias y ocho entremeses nuevos nunca tepresentados (Madrid, 1615); modern edition 1952), 333. 8A ‘reall survey of the dramatic jdcara, with numerous excerpts from primary sources,

is given by Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, pp. ccxxiii, cclii, cclxiv-cclxxvi, and cclxxix—cclxxxvii.

207 uis Quifiones de Benavente, Jdcara que se canté en la compafifa de Bartolomé Romero [primera parte ‘y segunda parte], published in his Jocoseria, burlas veras, o reprehensién moral, y festiva de los desérdenes piiblicos. En doze entremeses representados, y veinte y quatro cantados. Van insertas seis loas, y seis jécaras, que los autores de comedias han representado, y cantado en

los teatros desta corte (Madrid, 1645), f. 109r-111r and 145v—147r; modern edition by Cayetano Rosell (Madrid, 1872), 220-23 and 284-87. Both jdcaras are described in Hugo Albert Rennert, The Spanish Stage in the Time of Lope de Vega (New York, 1909), 291; and in Bergman (1972), 75.

THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES 671 of La Monterfa that no person of whatever station or rank should disturb or disrupt the comedias which are performed in the said Monterfa by asking for jdcaras, bailes, or other lyrics, but rather they should allow the director and his company to perform what they want. The penalties for those who violate this are as follows. If the person is of ordinary rank he will be given a public punishment and two years hard labour in North Africa [?—servicio de mdmora]; and other persons will be fined 100,000 maravedis and sentenced to two years in a fortress. And it was so ordered.”?!

As a poetic-musical genre the jdcara was often adapted a lo divino for religious celebrations. For example, in the collection of poetry by Cancer issued in 1651, four of the eleven jdcaras describe the lives of particular

saints. Moreover, CAncer explicitly states that one of them was sung during a fiesta produced by the printers of Madrid.? During the second half of the 17th century the published texts of some Christmas villancicos contain the subtitle jadcara, which probably refers to the intended music.?” The frequent use of such jdcaras provoked two harsh condemnations. In 1678 Filguera castigated church musicians for adopting secular melodies (tonos profanos) such as that of the jdcara (see above under Chamberga, p. 624). In 1679 the Archbishop of Zaragoza prohibited those afternoon sessions of music, known as siestas, which were held in churches during various fiestas. The edict reveals that he objected violently to the singing of jdcaras and the use of “common” instruments (presumably guitars and the like) in sacred surroundings: *\Unspecified source; as quoted in José S4nchez Arjona, Noticias referentes a los anales del teatro en Sevilla desde Lope de Rueda hasta fines del siglo XVII (Seville, 1898), 381.

22ter6nimo C4ncer y Velasco, Obras varias (Madrid, 1651) “A Santa Catalina de Sena. Jacara,” f. 11v—12v; “A San Juan Bautista. J4cara,” f. 69r-69v; “A San Francisco. Jacara,” f. 70(66)r—70v; “A San Juan Evangelista en el martirio de latina. Cantése en una fiesta que hazfan los impressores de Madrid. Jacara,” f. 73r—74r. °3The following two examples are available in modern edition: (a) “Villancico III” (x4cara), published in Villancicos que se han de cantar en el Real Conven-

to de la Encarnacién la noche de Navidad deste aflo de MDCLXXIX (n.p., 1679); modern. edition in Bravo-Vallasante (1978), 97-99. (b) “Villancico VI” (jacara), published in Letras de los villancicos que se han de cantar en la iglesia parroquial de sefior S[an] Mateo de esta ciudad de Lucena. En la calenda, noche, y dias del nacimiento de n[{uestro] s[eftor] Jesti Cristo este avio de 1694. Puestos en misica por d[on] Antonio Montoro, Ferndndez de Mora, presbitero, maestro de capilla de dicha iglesia (Cérdoba, 1694); modern edition in Bravo-Villasante (1978), 58-60. 24Niccionario. . . por la Real Academia Espavtola vol. 6 (1739), 110.

672 THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES On July 18, 1679, for very serious reasons and considerations worthy of his pastoral concern, the most illustrious and reverend sefior don Diego de Castrillo, Archbishop of this city of Zaragoza, had an edict published in which, under penalty of major excommunication (latae sententiae ipso facto incurrenda) and other punishments exclusively at the discretion of his il-

lustriousness, he commands, orders, and prohibits rectors, vicars, benificiaries, sacristans, clerics, members of confraternities, and other persons who are involved in the celebration of any fiestas whatever, or their preparation, to permit or allow in their churches, chapels, cloisters, hermitages, and public oratories the singing or holding of that which they call siestas. And with the same ecclesiastical punishments and penalties he forbids church maestros and musicians of this city and any other musicians to assist at the said siestas, and to sing poems, romances, and jdcaras, and to use

common instruments to celebrate them.”

The extant repertory of Spanish vocal music contains at least one secular song called jdcara y coplas. It is an anonymous four-voice composi-

tion which is preserved in a manuscript from the middle of the 17th century. The first phrase of the song closely agrees with the harmonic-metric

scheme found in instrumental jdcaras. However, this scheme is not retained throughout the remainder of the composition.2*™ The music of sacred jdcaras remains to be investigated. Several polyphonic settings for Corpus Christi and Christmas survive at E Bc.2” The jdcara was sometimes adopted for popular dancing in staged fiestas. One instance occurs during a mdscara held at Cadiz on December 22, 1672, to celebrate the birthday of the queen regent. After executing a serious danza to the accompaniment of the hacha, six pages perform a festive bayle using a xdcara with lyrics specially composed for the occasion. Similarly, the jdécara was one of the dance-songs presented in a fiesta de 295Gaceta de Madrid, August 15, 1679, p. 192; as quoted in Baltasar Saldoni y Remendo, Diccionario biogrdfico-bibliogrdfico de efemérides de miisicos espayioles vol. 4 (Madrid, 1881),

390.

236NJo ay que decirle el primor" (j4cara y coplas), in E Mn M.1262, Libro de tonos humanos, f. 253v; modern edition (without the source specified) in Felipe Pedrell, Cancionero musical popular espajiol vol. 4 (Valls, 1922), 54-57. The contents of E Mn M.1262 are discussed above, chap. 13, p. 559. 251 According to Felip Pedrell, Catdlech de la Biblioteca Musical de la Diputacié de Barcelona

vol. 2 (Barcelona, 1909), 51, 55, and 56. | 28 Academia con que el ex[celentisi]mo seflor marqués de Xamaica celebré los felices aftos de su mag[estad] la reina (1673); as copied by Barbieri in E Mn Barbieri Mss 14070/7 (6), p. 3.

THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES 673 momos which was held in Barcelona in 1701 to welcome Felipe V and Queen Marie-Louise (see above, chap. 10, p. 453). The jdcara was also stylized as an aristocratic dance. Esquivel Navarro does not include it in the curriculum for the escuela because he claims that the jdcara is a pieca which is equivalent to the rastro, tdrraga, and zaravanda.2® Of these four, the rastro (with its distinctive mudanzas) is the only one

which he explicitly recommends for the dance studio.” By contrast two later choreographic sources contain detailed technical instructions for dancing the stylized jécara. A manuscript by Jaque from the end of the 17th century describes a performance which includes a mudanza del amolador {knife grinder] and a mudanza de los grillos [shackles].*°! An anonymous manuscript probably from the early 18th century describes a long performance which includes a mudanza del borracho [i.e., drunkard]. JACARA DE LA COSTA D-253 to D-260 I have found only one brief reference to the jdcara de la costa: at the end of the 18th century Roxo de Flores simply lists it as one of several old and forgotten Spanish bailes.*°3 In the instrumental settings the harmonicmetric scheme of the jdcara de la costa resembles that of the jdcara, except

that it uses the major rather than the minor mode. : JACARA FRANCESA D-261

I have found no reference specifically to the jdcara francesa as a dance-song. The harmonic-metric scheme of the one extant instrumental setting is different from both the jdcara and the jdcara de la costa.

JOTA D-262 to D-267 The jota emerges as a popular dance-song in Spain during the 18th century. Roxo de Flores claims that it is indigenous to Aragon. Performances of the jota begin to appear in dramatic works during the second 29Esquivel Navarro (1642) chap. 4, f. 30v. 30See above, chap. 10, p. 430. The rastro is discussed in this part, under Rastreado. The tdrraga is a popular dance-song which was performed in at least two plays of the 17th century; as pointed out by Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. cclxii. 3°'Jaque, Libro de danzar (Ms); modern edition by Subir4 (1950), 194.

30°F Mn Barbieri Mss 14059/12 “X4cara.” This is a copy by Barbieri of an undated manuscript which at one time belonged to José Sancho Rayén. It is discussed above, chap. 10, pp. 425-26. 5°3Roxo de Flores (1793) chap. 8, p. 118. *4Roxo de Flores (1793) chap. 8, p. 120.

674 THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES half of the century. One of the earliest examples occurs in a zarzuela burlesca composed by Rodrfguez de Hita which was first staged in Madrid on September 16, 1769.%°

MARIONA D-268 to D-279

The mariona is a popular dance of the 17th century. It is grouped together with many other wild and disreputable dances in a comic novel by Vélez de Guevara which was published in 1641. Here a limping demon

boasts that he was the one who brought into the world the mariona, as well as the avilipinti, bullicuzcuz, capona, carcajial, carreterfa, chacona, colorin colorado, déligo, guineo, guiriguirigay, hermano Bartolo, jdcaras, pollo,

zambapalo, and zarabanda.*® In a mote serious vein the Real Academia Espafiola later mentions the mariona as a son o baile which is similar to the

capona (see above, chap. 10, note 260). During the second half of the 17th century the mariona was actually danced and played in at least four dramatic interludes. No standard lyrics emerge.*”

Apparently the aristocracy adopted this type of dance, but performed it in a comic manner. Esquivel Navarro claims that the mariona is another name for the rastro or, as it is called in Seville, the montoya. He explains that, because of its swaggering style, one is allowed to lean to the 5Antonio Rodrfguez de Hita, “A la jota jotita murciano,” in his Las labradoras de Murcia (zarzuela burlesca) Act I; libretto by Ramén de la Cruz Cano y Olmedilla; music preserved in MADRID, Biblioteca Municipal M/46—2; as discussed, with a transcription of the opening of the jota, by William M. Bussey, French and Italian Influence on the Zarzuela 17001770 (Ann Arbor, 1982), 98-107. 306] nis Vélez de Guevara, El diablo cojuelo. Novela de la otra vida (Madrid, 1641) tranco J; modern edition by Enrique R. Cepeda and Enrique Rull (Madrid, 1968), 117. The only

dance-types for which instrumental settings survive are the chacona, guineo, jdcaras, mariona, and zarabanda. 307(a) Antonio de Solfs y Rivadeneira, Las fiestas bacanales (sainete), published posthumously in his Varias poesfas, sagradas yy profanas, que dex6é escritas (aunque no junta ni retocadas) don Antonio de Solis y Ribadeneyra (Madrid, 1692); as quoted in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. clxvii, who suggests a date of 1656 for this work. (b) Sebasti4n Rodriguez de Villaviciosa, La chillona (baile entremesado), published in Tardes apacibles de gustoso entretenimiento, repartidas en varios entremeses y bayles entremesados,

escogidos de los mejores ingenios de Espafia (Madrid, 1663); as quoted in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. ccliii. (c) La gitanada (mojiganga), copy by Barbieri in E Mn Barbieri Mss 14090(9); according to Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, pp. ccliii and ccci, who suggests a date of ca. 1670 for this work.

(d) Los matachines (entremés), in E Mn Mss 17008 (late 17th century); as quoted in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, pp. ccxxiv and ccliii.

THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES 675 side, bend over, and stoop when dancing it. According to Esquivel this is

exceptional, because in all other dancing one should keep one’s body erect and execute the movements from the waist down.*® MARIZAPALOS D-280 to D-295

Marizdpalos designates a particular song which was very popular during the second half of the 17th and early 18th centuries. The lyrics recount an erotic escapade by a girl named Marizdpalos. In one source the poem begins with the following quatrain: Mariz4palos era muchacha enamoradita de Pedro Martin, por sobrina del cura estimada la gala del pueblo, la flor del abril.”

Three other manuscript versions, dating from about 1700, are now housed in the library of the Hispanic Society of America.3 One of the earliest published texts was written by Lépez de Honrubia and issued in Madrid in 1657.3"!

Presumably a standard tono was used for singing the Marizdpalos.

Vocal renditions of some versions of the lyrics occur in at least four

*8Esquivel Navarro (1642) chap. 2, f. 18r. %5Copy by Barbieri of a 17th-century manuscript at one time in the possession of Pascual Gayangos; as quoted in Julio Cejador y Frauca, La verdadera poesia castellana. Floresta de la antigua Ifrica popular vol. 2 (Madrid, 1921), 79-80. 310(a) “Marigdpalos vente conmigo” (bayle de Marig4palos), in NEW YORK, Hispanic Society of America B 2543, Poesfas varias, f. 66r; according to the inventory in Antonio Rodrfguez-Mofiino and Marfa Brey Marifio, Catdlogo de los manuscritos poéticos castellanos existentes en la biblioteca de The Hispanic Society of America (siglos XV, XVI, y XVII) vol. 1 (New York, 1965), p. 246. (b) “Maric4palos salié una tarde” (A Marig4palos otra), in NEW YORK, Hispanic Society of America B 2543, Poesfas varias, f. 67v; according to the inventory in Rodrfguez-Mofiino and Brey Marifio vol. 1 (1965), 246. (c) “Marig4palos bax6 una tarde” (Mari-Z4palos), in NEW YORK, Hispanic Society of America B 2347, [Miscelanéa], f. 2271; according to the inventory in Rodrfguez-Moftino and Brey Marifio vol. 1 (1965), 418. 3"Miguel Lépez de Honrubia, Aquf se contiene una xdcara nueva de un valiente de la ciudad de Antequera, llamado Antén Loxa. Juntamente con un romance de Marizdpalos, a lo humano (Madrid, 1657); as listed by Durén in BAE 10 (1849), Ixxxi.

676 THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES dramatic interludes of the period.” In addition, the story of the song is tealized on stage in the form of an anonymous dramatic baile which begins: Mariz4palos, vente conmigo al verde sotillo de Vaciamadrid,

, que no sélo pisarle tu planta no ha de haber més Flandes que el ver su pafs.>"

MARSELLA D-296 to D-301

At the beginning of the 18th century Marsella emerges as the name of a song and an instrumental piece. The term is associated with France,

for in Castilian it literally refers to the port of Marseille. As a song (cancién) the Marsella occurs in an anonymous dramatic interlude of the

same name which dates from approximately 1700. It forms part of a dance-song which is presented in the style of a sarao francés. Its lyrics begin as follows: Amor alfgero oye mi cantico, que de tus iras se queja mi voz, porque en sus miusicas acordes cléusulas te admire vario quien te adore Dios.3!4 312(a) La noche de toros en Madrid (entremés), E Mn Mss 17162; according to Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. cxxxiv, who suggests a date of ca. 1660 for this work. (b) Gil Lépez de Armesto y Castro, Competencia del portugués y del francés (entremés), published in his Sainetes y entremeses representados yy cantados, compuestos por don Gil Lépez de

Armesto y Castro, ayuda de furrier de la real cavalleriza (Madrid, 1674); as quoted in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. cxiii. (c) Antonio de Zamora, Las gurruminas (entremés), published in his Comedias nuevas con los mismos saynetes con que se ejecutaron assf en el coliseo del sitio real del Buen-Retiro, como en

el salén de palacio y teatros de Madrid vol. 1 (Madrid, 1722); as quoted in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. ccliii. (d) Diego de Torres Villarroel, La ronda del uso (baile), published in his Juguetes de Thalia, entretenimientos de el numen, varias poestas lyricas y cémicas, que a diferentes assumptos escribid el doctor don Diego de Torres Villarroel, cathedrdtico de mathemdticas en la Universidad de Salamanca vol. 2 (Seville, 1744); as quoted in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. ccliii.

313Marizdpalos (baile), E Mn Mss 16291 (46); as quoted and summarized in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pe. I, vol. 1, p. ccxiii, who suggests that this work dates from the middle of the 17th century. 31414 Marsella (baile y sarao), E Mn Mss 15788 (2); as quoted in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, pp. ccxix—ccxx.

THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES 677 As an instrumental piece (tartido) the Marsella is played in a mojiganga by Zamora from 1701. It accompanies a comic pantomime dance performed

by four buffoons (matachines) who mimic in turn the actions of a shoemaker, a barber, a tailor, and a wigmaker.*"5 Similarly the music of the

Marsella is used for a comic dance-song which is performed by six matachines in an entremés by Castro published in 1702.3"

MATACHIN D-302 to D-307 | Matachfin designates a certain type of theatrical buffoon. Matachines often participated in public spectacles from the late 16th to the early 18th centuries. In the plural the term matachines also refers to the comic dancing performed by these fools. In 1642 Esquivel Navarro refers briefly to the matachines as a ridiculous dance in which the performers bend their

legs (see above, chap. 9, p. 387). In the early 18th century the Real Academia Espafiola gives the following definition: MATACHIN. ...A man disguised in a ridiculous manner with a mask made of pasteboard and a costume which closely fits his body from head to toe. The costume is made up of various colors and alternating pieces of cloth, such as one quarter yellow and another scarlet. With these characters a dance for four, six, or eight performers is formed which is called los matachines. To the sound of a joyful instrumental piece they make various wry faces and strike each other blows with wooden swords and cow bladders filled with air... 3!”

The dance of the matachines usually features some combination of burlesque sword play, acrobatics, and slapstick pantomime. Covarrubias associates it with the sword dance of ancient Thrace.3!8 Moreover, in danzas de espadas of the 17th century the character who is nearly beheaded can

be called the matachin (for example, see above, chap. 10, p. 472). On other occasions the dance of buffoons is primarily acrobatic in nature. In a description of the Carnival festivities held in Barcelona during the early 17th century, Ribes compares the performance of the matatxins to that of *15Antonio de Zamora, Los oficios y matachines (mojiganga), copy in E Mn Barbieri Mss 14090 (5); quoted in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, pp. cccxiii-cecxiv. *'°Francisco de Castro, La casa puntual (entremés), published in his Tercera parte de Alegria cémica, explicada en diferentes assumptos jocosos (Zaragoza, 1702); quoted in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. cccxii. "Diccionario... por la Real Academia Espartola vol. 4 (1734), 510. 318Covarrubias (1611), f. 542r; modern edition (1943), 793.

678 THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES tightrope walkers.3"° Much later, in the middle of the 18th century, Minguet y Yrol also stresses the gymnastic element. In one of the plates of his dance treatise he depicts six different acrobatic formations which can be used by a group of matachines.3”

By far the most prominent and consistent feature of the matachines

dance is its slapstick humour. Covarrubias claims that the dance corresponds to the mime of classical antiquity.*2! During the late 17th cen-

tury the popularity of the matachines greatly increased in Spain. The revitalization of the buffoons seems to have been sparked by an interest in the masks of the Italian commedia dell’arte which were used in Paris. These masks became known in Madrid following the marriage of Marfa Teresa (daughter of Felipe IV) with Louis XIV in 1660. Bances y Candamo, writing in approximately 1690, provides the following vivid account of the new matachines and their comic pantomime: We also possess a living species of the ancient mimes in the bailes de matachines which are used today in Spain. They are so very recent in Spain, for they were brought here by the companies of Spanish actors which the most Christian queen Marfa Teresa of Austria, the glorious infanta of Spain,

took to France for her entertainment and as a pleasant reminder of her beloved native country.*2 [In turn] the French took these dances from the Italians, those great masters of gesticulations and movements, among whom the most remarkable of all was an actor who used to perform the comic roles in the troupes (as they call them there) of king Louis XIV. He was Italian by birth and was called Escaramuche.*” These matachines of today do not perform indecent movements either, but rather the most ridiculous ones that they can. Now two of them act as if they had bumped into each

319Miguel Ribes, Relacié breu, vertadera y molt gustosa de les famoses festes balls, saraus, mdscares, capuchades, farces, entremesos ¥ altres coses de folga y entreteniment que se acostumen fer en la noble ciutat de Barcelona en lo temps de Carnestoltes (Barcelona, 1616); as quoted in Joan Amades and Francesco Pujol, Diccionari de la dansa, dels entremesos i dels instruments de musica i sonadores vol. 1 (Barcelona, 1936), 322. 320Minguet y Yrol (1758-1764) “Demostracién de seis figuras faciles, que Ilaman de los

matachines, y por éstas saber inventar otras” pt. II, pl. 60. This plate survives in the exemplar preserved as E Mn R.14067, but not in E Mn R.14649. 321Covarrubias (1611) “DANCA,” f. 298r; modern edition (1943), 442. 322Qne Spanish company accompanied her to Paris in 1660, and another one followed in 1661; as pointed out above, chap. 2, p. 38. 323Scaramouche was the stage name of Tiberio Fiorilli, as pointed out above, chap. 2, p. 24.

THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES 679 other at night. One pretends to be afraid of the other and they both draw back. Then, as they begin to realize their error, they caress each other, scrutinize each other, and dance together. They become angry again and fight with wooden swords, striking blows in time to the music. In an amusing fashion they take fright at an inflated bladder which perchance appears between the two of them. They approach it and retreat. Finally, by jumping on top of it they burst it, and at the loud noise of its explosion they pretend to be dead. In this way other performances are devised—for two, four, or more matachines, as one desires—which describe in dance and in gestures some ridiculous, but not obscene, action.*4

During the late 16th and early 17th centuries matachines appeared in various types of secular festivities. An early example occurred in Burgos

on October 24, 1570, during a procession to welcome queen Anna of Austria (the fourth wife of Felipe II). According to Shergold, one of the triumphal carts contained “twelve matachines performing acrobatics and feats of strength.” Another instance concerns a lavish dancing spectacle

(sarao) which was performed for Charles Stuart, Prince of Wales, on March 21, 1623, during his visit to Madrid. The dancers concluded the entertainment with some matachines which greatly amused the English prince. A third example took place in Madrid on January 14, 1637, during an equestrian mdscara which was presented before Felipe IV to celebrate the imperial election of his brother-in-law, Ferdinand III. Some of the participants wore ridiculous costumes and danced the matachines.327

Buffoons also appeared in sacred fiestas, such as those of Corpus Christi. A danza de los matachines was performed during this holiday as **4Francisco Antonio de Bances y Candamo, Theatro de los theatros de los pasados ¥y presentes

siglos, Ms (written ca. 1690) preserved in E Mn; as quoted in Cotarelo y Mori (1904), 81. *25Shergold (1967), 242; summarizing the account in Relacién verdadera, del recebimiento, que la muy noble ‘y muy mds leal ciudad de Burgos, cabeca de Castilla, y cdmara de s{u] m[{ages-

tad] hizo a la magestad real de la reyna nuestra sefiora, dofia Anna de Austria, primera de este nombre: passando a Segovia, para celebrar su felictssimo casamiento con el rey don Philippe, nuestro seflor, segundo de este nombre (Burgos, 1571). *Relacién de la partida del Principe de Gales, de Londres corte de Ynglaterra, ¥y de la venida a esta corte de Espafia, y de los sucesos del camino, con algunas circunstancias, y demonstraciones de voluntad, que aquf se han hecho con su persona: y tiltimamente de la entrada que hizo desde San Gerénimo el Real, yendo debaxo de palio, con su magestad cathéblica, E Mn Mss X 57; as quoted in Alenda y Mira (1903), 1:216. *7Letter written by Sebastian Gonz4lez to Rafael Pereyra, Ms (dated Madrid, January 20, 1637) in E Mrah vol. 99, f. 132-134; modern edition in Memorial histérico espafiol vol. 14 (1862), 18; pointed out in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. ccex.

680 THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES early as 1570 in Seville.“ Similarly, one of the Corpus dances which Christébal de Barteta agreed to provide for the city of Segovia in 1608 was a danca de matachines performed by eight dancers accompanied by a drummer. Later, in 1636, Salvador Palomo, a director of an acting company, agreed to produce various entertainments for the Corpus festivities in Torrej6n de Ardoz, a town just east of Madrid. The activities were to include acrobatics and tightrope walking featuring matachines, harlequins, and a newly constructed monster.?”

During the second half of the 17th and early 18th centuries matachines were frequently incorporated in dramatic interludes.**! In some

works, such as a loa by Solfs, the buffoons sing newly composed lyrics while they dance.*2? Much more often, however, they perform a comic pantomime in the slapstick style described by Bances y Candamo. In a mojiganga by Zamora, four matachines mimic the actions of various artisans (see above under Marsella, p. 677). In an anonymous fin de fiesta from the 17th century, the burlesque subject is dancing itself. A group of serious performers stage three dances: a stylized dance in fancy dress, a sword dance, and a popular dance using castanets. Immediately following each presentation four matachines spring into action and mimic the per-

formance. For instance, for the popular dance the buffoons use ridiculously oversized castanets.?

328Record of payment in SEVILLE, Archivo Municipal; summarized in José Gestoso y Pérez, Curiosidades antiguas sevillanas (serie segunda) (Madrid, 1910), 103.

329F Sap Protocolo de Juan de Benavente nGmero 1000, afio de 1608, f. 184-185 (contract dated April 16, 1608); modern edition in Jean Louis Flecniakoska, Las fiestas del Corpus en Segovia (1594-1636) (Segovia, 1956), 27-28. 330E Mah Protocolos de Diego de Cepeda (1629-1636), f. 200; as transcribed in Cristébal Pérez Pastor, Nuevos datos acerca del histrionismo espaftol en los siglos XVI y XVII vol. 2 (Bor-

deaux, 1914), 93. 33!1Numerous references are cited by Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, pp. ccliii and cccviii—cccxiv.

332 Antonio de Solfs y Rivadeneira, Loa para la comedia de Un bobo hace ciento (que se repre-

sent6 a sus majestades martes de Carnestolendas); first published in Parte treinta y siete de comedias nuevas, escritas por los mejores ingenios de Espafia (Madrid, 1671); modern edition in Bergman (1970), 275-77, who suggests that this work was first performed in 1652 or 1653. The lyrics sung by the matachines consist of six quatrains. Each line is nine syllables long and begins with the word matachin. 333.95 mudos bailarines (fin de fiesta), E Mn Mss 14514 (40); as quoted in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. cccxi.

THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES 681 The term matachines also refers to instrumental pieces which were used to accompany the buffoons. One particular piece from the early 18th century possesses the title matachines reales. It was sufficiently well-known to be specified verbally in an anonymous entremés published in Lisbon in

1718. The stage-directions instruct the guitarist to play the matachines reales for the comic mudanzas danced by four matachines.*4

Buffoon dances which correspond in name to the Spanish matachines appear elsewhere in western Europe during the late 16th century. In Milan, Negri supervised a dance di mattaccino to entertain Mar-

garet of Austria and the Archduke Albert on December 8, 1598 (see above, chap. 10, pp. 431-32). In France, Tabourot included a discussion of the mattachins in his dance treatise of 1588. He presents a melody and

detailed choreographic instructions for the performance by four mattachins of a type of sword dance entitled Les bouffons. Tabourot also provides the following general description: From these two types of dance [i.e., the dance of the Salii and the Pyrthic dance] there has been evolved one which we call the bouffons or mattachins. The dancers are dressed in small corslets, with fringe epaulets and fringe hanging from beneath their belts over a silken ground. Their helmets are made of gilded cardboard, their arms are bare and they wear bells upon their legs and carry a sword in the right hand and a shield in the left. They dance to a special tune played in duple time and accompanied by the clash of their swords and shields.*

MONSIEUR DE LA BOLETA D-308

I have found no reference to this as a dance-song. In Castilian boleta

means billet. Thus the title suggests that it is a dance-song about a French soldier billeted in Spain during the War of Succession. MORISQUA D-309

Morisca refers to Moorish dancing and the music which accompanies it. During the late 16th and 17th centuries in Spain there were two prominent types of stylized dances associated with the Moors or Moriscos. One consisted of a mock battle between Moors and Christians. The other *4Embajada y mojiganga de matachines (entremés), published in Flor de entremeses, escolhidos

dos mayores engenhos de Portugal & Castilla (Lisbon, 1718); quoted in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pe. I, vol. 1, pp. cccxii—cccxiii.

335Tabourot (1588), f. 97v; English translation (1967), 183.

682 THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES consisted of an exotic dance in which all the performers represented Moorish characters. (Both types are discussed above, chap. 10, pp. 464— 67.) In Portugal such music or dancing may have been adapted a lo divino. A villancico by Gabriel Dfas, at one time in the library of Joao IV, posses_ ses the subtitle mourisco (see above, chap. 13, p. 555). In Italy instrumen-

tal settings of the moresca survive from the late 16th and early 17th centuries. Using the guitar sources, Hudson has derived an abstract chord-row for the Italian moresca (see above, chap. 13, p. 571). In England instrumental settings also survive from the 16th and 17th centuries of both the morisco and the morris. According to Ward, the settings of the morisco differ from one another and are unrelated to the settings of the morris.>*

OYES BELISA D-310

I have found no reference to this as a dance-song. In Castilian Oyes Belisa means “Listen, Belisa.”

PARACUMBE D-311 to D-312

The paracumbé emerges as a popular dance-song and an instrumen-

tal piece at the beginning of the 18th century. The Real Academia Espafiola does not mention the term in its first dictionary, but it does define a similar one: CUMBE... . A Negro dance [baile] which is performed to the sound of a joyful instrumental piece which is called by the same name. It consists of many movements of the body to one side and the other. . . .97

In the late 18th century Roxo de Flores lumps the cumbé together with the guineo and zarambeque. He claims that all three are bailes with rapid and ridiculous steps which are commonly performed by Blacks.3*

The paracumbé occurs in an anonymous dramatic baile which was published in Zaragoza in 1708. The comic character who represents it an-

nounces that he comes from Guinea (the Portuguese colony in west

33John M. Ward, “The Morris Tune,” Journal of the American Musicological Society 39 (1986), 314-16. Also see above, chap. 10, note 210. 331Diccionario ... por la Real Academia Espaiiola vol. 2 (1729), 700.

338Roxo de Flores (1793) chap. 8, p. 104. The guineo and the zarambeque are each discussed separately in this part.

THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES 683 Africa) .° In this theatrical work a group of men and women perform the paracumbé as a dance-song, accompanied by instrumental music of the same name played “in the Portuguese style.” The lyrics of the dance-song read as follows: Os ollos de mifia dama: Ile, le, le! saon negrillos de Guiné: Ile, le, le! flecheros, sin ser tiranos: ile, le, le! negros, sin cativos ser: Ile, le, le! >”

PARADETAS D-313 to D-323

Paradetas emerges as the name of a stylized dance and instrumental piece in the middle of the 17th century. The Real Academia Espafiola offers the following definition in its first dictionary: PARADETAS. A type of Spanish dance [baile] of the Spanish school in which one makes brief halts [paradas] in one’s movement, in accordance

with the instrumental accompaniment. For this reason it was given the name paradetas. .. 4!

Technical choreographic instructions for the performance of the paradetas as a stylized couple dance survive in the manuscript by Jaque. The dance

consists of an entrada followed by several mudanzas (including some mudanzas del amolador [i.e., knife grinder]) 3#

Actual performances reveal that the paradetas was associated with eastern Spain. In a comedia by Calderén first published in Zaragoza in 1650, the paradetas is played as the instrumental accompaniment for a dance performed by masked Catalan characters.3“ In a comic baile by Villaviciosa the El paracumbé, a lo portugués (baile), published in Flores de el Parnaso, cogidas para recreo del entendimiento, por los mejores ingenios de Espafia, en loas, entremeses y mojigangas (Zaragoza, 1708); as quoted in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. ccxx. 5#FI paracumbé, a lo portugués (baile), in Flores de el Parnaso (1708); as quoted in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. ccxx. *{'Diccionario . . . por la Real Academia Espariola vol. 5 (1737), 119. This definition is repeated in Roxo de Flores (1793) chap. 8, p. 116. 3Jaque, Libro de danzar (Ms); modern edition by Subira (1950), 197-98. A mudanza del amolador is also included in Jaque’s description of the jdcara; as noted above in this part, . 673. M3Pedro Calderén de la Barca, El pintor de su deshonra (comedia) Act II; first published in Parte quarenta ‘y dos de comedias de diferentes autores (Zaragoza, 1650); published posthumously in his Séptima parte de comedias (Madrid, 1683; facsimile edition, Westmead and London, 1973, vol. 16), 462.

684 THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES paradetas is personified on stage by two women. They state that the paradetas is famous in Valencia, and they then proceed to dance it.“ A final example concerns the fiesta de momos which was held at Barcelona in 1701

to welcome Felipe V and Queen Marie-Louise. One of the dances performed there was the paradeta (see above, chap. 10, p. 453). PASACALLE P-1 to P-228

The pasacalle is not itself a dance-song, but rather a particular instrumental introduction which can precede any dance-song. It consists of a four-measure cadential scheme whose meter and key are adjusted to match the dance-song which it introduces. The pasacalle dates back at least to the early 17th century. In 1626 Bricefio explicitly demonstrates its introductory function by presenting, for strummed guitar, twelve pasacalles para comengar a cantar (P-2 to P-13). Moreover at the beginning of

eleven of the songs in his guitar book Bricefio indicates verbally the pasacalle which should be played.>°

In this capacity the pasacalle continued to be used in Spain through the 17th and 18th centuries. The general music treatise by Nassarre and by Valls both reflect its prominence. In 1724 Nassarre presents three examples of passacalles during his discussion of the various ways of notating harp music. Each passacalle illustrates a particular type of staff notation: (a) Each voice is given on a separate staff (i.e., score notation). See musical example 31 (a) 2”

(b) Two voices are each given on a separate staff. Other notes are represented by figures placed above the lower voice, and above or below the upper voice. See musical example 31 (b) .3# (c) All the voices are given on two staves. The notes on the upper staff

are to be played by the right hand, and those on the lower staff are to be played by the left hand. See musical example 31 (c).3#

34Villaviciosa, Los sones (baile), published in Rasgos del ocio (1661); quoted in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. cclv. 345. uis de Bricefio, Método mui facilissimo para aprender a tater la guitarra a lo espariol (Paris, 1626; facsimile edition, Geneva, 1972), f. 15r-24r. 3Pablo Nassarre, Escuela miisica, segiin la prdctica modema vol. 1 (Zaragoza, 1724; facsimile edition, Zaragoza, 1980), Bk. III, chap. 19, p. 348. 347Nassarre vol. 1 (1724) Bk. III, chap. 19, p. 348. 3#®Nassarre vol. 1 (1724) Bk. II, chap. 19, p. 349.

THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES 685 Example 31. Passacalles in Nasarre vol. 1 (1724)

ord. — a a a ee ae e nana

a) “Passacalle”

1 Sg Fo yd

ee Pap A aaa ae ae ea

c

-|

fr b) “[Passacalle]”

— a Carter? inn | -Sne Oe D mE, Ae eee eee |

5 baa ‘fia a4 |a |

S$ et |} | a a ee ee

c) “Passacalle"

3:3

i a samen a a a - es

686 THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES In approximately 1742 Valls explains the function and structure of passacalles as follows: The passacalles serve in all music with vernacular lyrics. They are like an introduction to that which is to be sung. These consist of four measures of music with two cadences [cldéusulas]. The first is at the fourth pitch-degree of the mode, and the second is at the octave. In villancicos of the third and

fourth mode [i.e., with e as the final] (which are very few), the second cadence is remissa [i.e., Phrygian] on the note F faut, as seen in the example. [See musical example 32.] The same thing should be practiced in

the fourth mode.3” |

Example 32. Passacalles in Valls (ca. 1742) “Passacalles de 3° tono”

Two of the earliest literary references to the pasacalle occur in publi-

cations from the beginning of the 17th century. In a novel by Lépez de Ubeda issued in 1605, one of the characters refers in passing to pasacalles

en falsete (i.e., in falsetto).2® In the spurious second volume of Don Quixote by Fern4ndez de Avellaneda issued in 1614, Sancho Panza, lamenting the loss of his ass, exclaims that his donkey makes finer music

by wheezing and flatulence than a barber with a guitar singing a *®Francisco Valls, Mapa arménico prdctico, EMnM.1071 (written ca. 1742) chap. 27, f. 210r. Elsewhere in his treatise Valls defines a cléusula remissa as a two-voice progression in

which one voice descends and returns a tone while the other voice ascends and returms a semitone: Valls, E Mn M.1071, chap. 2, f. 17r. Earlier Nassarre defines a cléusula remissa as one in which the bass descends a semitone while an upper voice ascends a tone, forming the progression of a major sixth moving to an octave: Nassarre vol. 2 (1723) Bk. III, chap. 19, pp. 366-67. 30 rancisco Lépez de Ubeda, Libro de entretenimiento, de la picara Justina, en el qual debaxo de graciosos discursos, se encierran provechosos avisos (Medina del Campo, 1605) Bk. II, chap. 1,

ndmero 2; modern edition by Antonio Rey Hazas (Madrid, 1977), 1:265; pointed out by Hudson (1967), 20.

THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES 687 pasacalle.35! Both these references imply that the pasacalles were actually

sung. In this regard they are probably inaccurate, for all the musical evidence suggests that the pasacalles were exclusively instrumental.

As an integral part of the popular repertory, pasacalles were commonly performed on the guitar. In turn, guitar playing was frequently regarded as a favorite activity of barbers. For instance, in a fictitious set of ridiculous laws, Quevedo orders that barbers should identify their shops by hanging up guitars or paintings of them outside.?# As a result of these relationships Spanish writers of the period often associate the pasacalles with barbers. Two amusing examples are contained in Quevedo’s satires about Hell. In one story the narrator describes the torment inflicted on barbers as follows:

... | saw (What an admirable thing and what a just punishment!) the barbers who were tied up, with their hands free. Above each of their heads

was a guitar, . .. Whenever one of them went to play, with that natural yearning for pasacalles, the guitar would fly away from him, . . °°

In another story the narrator dreams about the various agents of death. They march by in a long procession which includes the following group: . .. | saw a great clamor of guitars coming. It cheered me up a little. They were all playing pasacalles and [Gudrdame las] vacas. Strike me dead if those who were coming in weren’t barbers! It didn’t take much skill to guess

correctly; for these type of people are infused with pasacalles and have guitars given to them gratis. It was quite a sight to see some of them pluck-

ing and others strumming. I said to myself, “What a pain in the beard, having been trained in saltarenes, that one has to see it being scraped; and

$51Alonso Fern4ndez de Avellaneda, Segundo tomo del Ingenioso hidalgo Don Quixote de la Mancha (Tarragona, 1614) chap. 6; modern edition in BAE 18 (1863), 19-20. *’Francisco Gémez de Quevedo y Villegas, Premdtica del tiempo, published in his Desvelos softolientos y discursos de verdades sofiadas: descubridoras de abusos, vicios y engafios en todos los

Oficios, y estados del mundo (Barcelona, 1629); modern edition in his Obra completas vol. 1, edited by Felicidad Buendfa (Madrid, 1961), 101. *°Francisco Gémez de Quevedo y Villegas, El suefio del infierno, published in his Suefios y discursos de verdades descubridoras de abusos, vicios y engafios, en todos los oficios, y estados del

mundo (Barcelona, 1627); modern edition in Buendfa (1961), 152. This story was subsequently revised under the title Las zahurdas de Plutén, and published in his Juguetes de la niftez, ‘y travesuras de el ingenio (Madrid, 1631).

688 THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES what a pain in the arm, that it has to receive an old-fashioned blood-letting by means of chaconas and folias!"354

Among the musical settings of pasacalles (listed in vol. 2, Chart 41) I have included two other types of pieces. The first type possesses the Cas-

tilian title paseo (P-1, P-202, P-203, and P-228). It is not clear how the paseo differs from the pasacalle. The keyboard works of Cabanilles suggest

that some distinction can exist, in light of the fact that five of his pieces are Called pasacalles (P-197 to P-201) while two others are called paseos (P-202 and P- 203). Perhaps in some contexts the difference concerns musical function only. According to two general dictionaries of the 17th and 18th centuries, the term paseo can designate the music which accompanies a ceremonial procession.*5 In other contexts the two terms seem to be synonymous. Amat includes the passeo (P-1), but not the pasacalle, in his guitar treatise which was first published in approximately 1596.3% He presents a chart of twenty-four chords and emphasizes that it facilitates the transposition of various pieces: With these chords [puntos] one can perform the [Gudrdame las] vacas, passeos, gallardas, villanos, italianas, pabanillas and other similar things at twelve pitch-levels. What is amazing (and what to many people will seem

impossible) is that with these chords anyone can adjust or adapt [i.e., transpose] to the said twelve pitch-levels everything which is played, and anyone can play with any other musical instrument.* 34Francisco Gémez de Quevedo y Villegas, El suefio de la muerte, published in his Suefios y discursos (Barcelona, 1627); modern edition in Buendfa (1961), 177. This story was sub-

sequently revised under the title Visita de los chistes, and published in his Juguetes de la niflez, ‘y travesuras de el ingenio (Madrid, 1631). The chacona, folfa, Gudrdame las vacas, and saltarén are each discussed separately in this part. 355Covarrubias (1611), f. 580r; modern edition (1943), 855. Diccionario . . . por la Real Academia Espafiola vol. 5 (1737), 153.

Moreover, archival documents reveal that portable organs were sometimes used in processions. For example, in 1661 Zamora Cathedral hired a group of men to carry the organs for

the processions of Corpus Christi and its octave: ZAMORA, Libro de cuentas de la catedral (1649-1669), f. 213r [afio 1661]; as transcribed in Dionisio Preciado, “Antonio de la Cruz Brocarte, 45 afios de organista en la catedral de Zamora (15, IX, 1675-29, IV, 1721),” Revista de musicologta 1 (1978), 82. 356Juan Carlos Amat, Guitarra espafiola, y vandola en dos maneras de guitarra, castellana, y

cathalana de cinco érdenes (\st edition, not extant, probably Barcelona, ca. 1596; earliest extant edition, Lérida, 1626; revised edition, Gerona, ca. 1761-1766: facsimile edition, Monaco, 1980) chap. 7, pp. 24-26; discussed in Hudson (1967), 145-49; and in Hudson, “Further Remarks on the Passacaglia and Ciaccona” (1970), 302-4. 357A mat (ca. 1596) chap. 7, p. 24. Perhaps the term italianas refers to the pavanas. Each of the other dance-songs mentioned here is discussed separately in this part.

THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES 689 After illustrating how to transpose the passeo to all twelve pitch-levels, Amat states: I wanted to treat these twelve ways of performing a passeo because they

are common to an almost infinite number of tunes [tonos]; and also because, by knowing how to change from one to another, one will know how to play at 12 pitch-levels many little tunes [tonadillas] which are current around here, such as the [Gudrdame las] vacas, gallardas, pabanillas, sezarillos, etc?”

Amat does not discuss the function of the passeo. However, two later guitar theorists assume that his passeos are equivalent to pasacalles. In the second half of the 17th century Sanz refers to the twelve “passacalles” in

Amat’s treatise. In the middle of the 18th century Minguet y Yrol repeats Amat’s remarks almost literally (without acknowledgement), but he substitutes the term pasacalle for passeo.*©

The second type of piece which I have included among the pasacalles possesses the Portuguese title entradas (P-218 to P-226). These works are all for organ and are preserved in a single Portuguese manuscript (P

Pm Ms 1577 Loc. B,5). Although the precise meaning of the term entradas in this context is not certain, it is probably similar to that of the paseo. The title entradas may well designate the music which accompanies an ecclesiastical procession when it re-enters the cathedral. It is known that on such occasions the organists at some churches were supposed to play something. For example, according to statutes issued in 1615, the duties of the organist at Plasencia Cathedral included the following: That he [i.e., the organist] has to play on solemn holidays when the

processions terminate and emerge from the cloister, until all the beneficiaries enter the choir and one wants to begin the Mass service. [This is obligatory], unless the wind instrumentalists are playing, under a penalty of two reales 3°!

358Amat (ca. 1596) chap. 7, p. 26. I have found no reference to the sezarillos as a dancesong. 8S anz (1674) “Prélogo al deseoso de tafier,” f. 6r—6v.

%OMinguet y Yrol (ca. 1754) B “Regla octava,” 8-10. 561 F’statutos de la santa iglesia catedral de Plasencia (Madrid, 1615) “El oficio y obligaciones del organista,” f. 1Ov—11r; modern edition in Gerhard Doderer, Orgelmusik und Orgelbau im Portugal des 17. Jahrhunderts. Untersuchungen am Hand des Ms 964 der Biblioteca Piiblica in Braga (Tutzing, 1978), 221.

690 THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES Similarly, the organist at Elvas Cathedral was obliged to play on Corpus Christi during the departure and return of the procession.* The pasacalle was prominent throughout western Europe.*® In Italy music for the passacaglia was first published in 1606 in the collection by

Montesardo. He presents forty-six passacaglie for strummed guitar.3 -Montesardo claims that the Spanish term passacaglie is synonymous with the Italian term ritornelli.5 His statement suggests that the passacaglia can function not only as an introduction but also as an instrumental refrain between the sections or variation statements of a dance-song. The harmonic organization of such cadential refrains has been investigated by

Hudson.3% |

Numerous solo settings of the passacaglia for guitar and keyboard survive in Italian sources of the 17th century.*” Hudson points out that the Italian passacaglia exhibits considerable harmonic variety. Therefore he treats the passacaglia as he does the ciaccona. Instead of working with one harmonic-metric scheme, Hudson prefers to define the passacaglia as “an ostinato of selected bass formulas” which consist of both harmonic and melodic progressions in the bass.** He devises a system of symbols to

represent the various formulas, but he does not distinguish among different harmonic realizations of the same abstract bass line.>®

In France music for the passacalle appears as early as 1614 in the form of an instrumental introduction for a vocal folie published by Ballard

(see above under Folias, p. 648). Sometime in the middle of the 17th century the passacaille was stylized in France as a slow dance for use in

362F statutos de illfustr]e e r[everen]do cabido de igr[ej]a catedral de cid[adJe de Elvas, “Regimento do mestre de org&o”; preserved in ELVAS, Biblioteca Municipal Ms 12765 F.G., f. 95v—96v; as transcribed in Doderer (1978), 218. 363A modern edition of eighty-one musical settings from throughout western Europe (including Spain), dating from 1606 to ca. 1738 is given by Hudson (1982) vol. 3. 3¢4Montesardo (1606) “Delle passacaglie, o ritornelli,” 7-19; discussed by Hudson (1967), 34—37; and by Walker (1968), 306-7.

Montesardo (1606) “Regola seconda,” 2. 365}Hudson, “The Ripresa, Ritornello, and Passacaglia” (1971), 364-94.

67D iscussed by Spohr (1956), 118-31; Hudson (1967); Walker (1968), 305-20; and Hudson, “Further Remarks on the Passacaglia and Ciaccona” (1970), 309-14. 368Hudson (1967), 387. 36Hudson (1967); Hudson, “Further Remarks on the Passacaglia and Ciaccona” (1970), 309-14; and Hudson, “The Ripresa, Ritornello, and Passacaglia” (1971), 391-93.

THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES | 691 ballets and operas. The result was similar to the transformed French chaconne. Feuillet provides choreographic notation and melodies for two passacailles based on actual theatrical performances: (1) “Passacaille pour une femme dancée par m[ademoise]lle Subligny 4 l’opéra de Scilla,” Feuillet (1704), 20-35 (2) “Passacaille pour un homme et une femme dancée par m[onsieu]r Balon et m[ademoise]lle Subligny 4 l’opéra de Persée,” Feuillet (1704), 79-90.

The first probably comes from a tragédie en musique by Gatti.” The second comes from a tragédie en musique by Lully.3”!

PASEO P-1, P-202, P-203, and P-228 See above, under Pasacalle.

PAVANA D-324 to D-356

The pavane is an aristocratic dance which was used throughout western Europe during the 16th and 17th centuries. A distinct Spanish version emerges in the late 16th century. In Spain the pavana was highly regarded as a stylized dance. Esquivel

Navarro (1642) recommends that the standard curriculum of the dance studios should include four mudancas of the pavana (see above, chap. 10, p. 430). In the early 17th century the pavana is one of the danzas which

the dancing master to the duke of Sessa is supposed to teach the pages (see above, chap. 11, pp. 502-3). In 1626 Antonio Rodrfguez agrees to give private lessons which will include twelve mudanzas of the pavana (see above, chap. 11, p. 505).

The pavana was danced by the aristocracy in a pompous manner. Covarrubias emphasizes the strutting style of its steps. He even bases his etymological explanation on this characteristic; for he claims that pavana is derived from pava real, which means peacock in Castilian (see above,

chap. 9, pp. 349-51). This explanation gained a wide and long acceptance. For instance, the Real Academia Espafiola presents the following definition in its first dictionary:

3”Theobaldo di Gatti, Scylla (tragédie en musique; first performed in Paris, 1701). 37Jean-Baptiste Lully, Persée (tragédie en musique; first performed in Paris, 1682) Act V,

LWV 60/82; modern edition reduced for voice and piano by Théodore de Lajarte in Chefs-d'oeuvre de l'opéra francais vol. 22 (Paris, n.d.), 312-15.

692 THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES PAVANA. A type of Spanish dance [danza] which is performed with much gravity, seriousness, and dignity, and in which the movements are very deliberate. For this reason it was given this name, with an allusion to the movements and ostentation of the peacock [pava real]. The instrumental piece which accompanies this dance is also called by the same name.*”

Nevertheless, a more likely etymology of pavana is padovano (i.e., pertaining to Padua) 3”

As a dignified ostentatious dance, the pavana was most appropriate for royal saraos. Indeed, it was actually performed on the following occasions:

(a) Guadalajara, January 29, 1560—royal sarao to celebrate the mar-

riage of Isabel de Valois and Felipe II (see above, chap. 10, p. 427).

(b) Valladolid, June 16, 1605—royal sarao to celebrate the birth of prince Felipe (later Felipe IV). According to one account, groups of six participants danced pavanas and gallardas. Then the king and queen took the floor and performed the same types as couple dances. The sarao continued with other dances, including the torneo and turdién.>4

(c) Madrid, January 13, 1608—royal sarao to celebrate the oath of allegiance sworn by the court to prince Felipe (see above, chap. 10, pp. 429-30). Three Spanish choreographic sources contain technical information for performing the pavana. First, in the late 16th century the anonymous Reglas de danzar details the movements of the pavana italiana, danced by either one person (solo) or by a couple (en comparifa) 2% Second, in 1642 Esquivel gives the following concise description:

Diccionario .. . por la Real Academia Espariola vol. 5 (1737), 169. 373 According to Juan Corominas, Diccionario critico etimolégico de la lengua castellana vol. 3 (Bern, 1954), 696-98. 3“4Pinheiro da Veiga, Ms in P Pm; translated modem edition (1916), 94. The performance of pavanas ¥ gallardas at this sarao is also mentioned in another contemporaneous account; see above, chap. 10, p. 434. The gallarda, torneo, and turdién are each discussed separately in this part. 35Reglas de danzar (Ms); as copied in E Mn Barbieri Mss 14059/2, f. 3v—5v.

THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES 693 The pabana begins with the left foot. [One executes] four steps in a forward direction [accidentales]; two vazios [i.e., raising and lowering one leg with the knee kept straight]; a rompido [i.e., a type of scissors-kick in the direction of the steps] with the left foot; a carrerilla [i.e., a type of small step]; another rompido with the right foot; seven steps—four dignified ones [graves] and three small ones [breves]—in a backwards direction [estrazios]; and the reverencia.*”© The mudancas begin with the left foot and are retraced with the right foot.2”

Third, in the late 17th century Jaque provides technical instructions for the entrada and eight mudanzas of the pabana.3”

The pavana was performed in only a few dramatic works. Three examples survive from the second half of the 17th and early 18th centuries. A comedia by Moreto, first published in 1661, incorporates a dancing lesson on the entrada de pavana. A dancing master explains that it consists of a reverencia, five steps forward, and five steps back.?”? Two other works contain burlesque performances. In a comic baile by Villaviciosa issued in

1661, a woman personifies the pavana and dances it on stage” In an entremés by Zamora from approximately 1720, four characters perform the entrada and four solo mudanzas in a ridiculous fashion."

The vazio, rompido, and carrerillas are discussed in Esquivel Navarro (1642) chap. 2, f, 13r—-13v, 20r—-20v, and 18r—18v, respectively. The two types of reverencias described by Esquivel are discussed above, chap. 10, p. 424. The terms accidentales and estraftos are taken from fencing; as explained above, chap. 12, p. 523-24. 37Esquivel Navarro (1642) chap. 2, f. Z0v—2Ir. 378Jaque, Libro de danzar (Ms); modern edition by Subir4 (1950), 191-93.

9A gustin Moreto y Cabana, La fuerza del natural (comedia) Act II, published in Parte quince. Comedias nuevas escogidas de los mejores ingenios de Espavia (Madrid, 1661); also pub-

lished posthumously in his Segunda parte de las comedias (Valencia, 1676); modern edition in BAE 39 (1873), 218-19; pointed out by Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. cclvi. 3®Villaviciosa, Los sones (baile), published in Rasgos del ocio (1661); quoted in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. cclvi. 381Antonio de Zamora, Las conclusiones (entremés), E Mn Mss 14770 (12); as quoted in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. cclvi, who suggests a possible date of 1720 for this work.

694 THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES The pavana was hardly ever adapted a lo divino. The only instance I have found is an anonymous religious romance entitled Pavana en loor de nuestra sefiora, which begins: A vos virgen pura estrella que gufa los hombres al puerto, do nadie se pierde.*

Some scholars assume that this poem was written by Juan Timoneda and was issued in Valencia in approximately 1550. However, on the basis of diplomatic evidence, Castafieda and Huarte argue that it was probably published in Seville in approximately 1535.3 The meaning of the term pavana in the title is not explained. Perhaps it refers to the intended musical setting.

In the rest of western Europe during the 16th century the aristocracy made great use of the pavane. In performance it was generally followed by the galliard. In Italy, music for the pavana was published as early

as 1508 in the lute book by Dalza. This collection contains several pavanas (alla venetiana and alla ferrarese), each followed by a saltarello and

piva.#* Numerous instrumental settings survive in other Italian sources from the 16th century. They do not share a common harmonic-metric scheme.

Three Spanish sources suggest that the pavana was introduced into Spain from Italy. First, in 1536 Mil4n states explicitly that he used Italian models for his own vihuela settings of the pavana: These six fantasias which follow [i.e., D-324 to D-329], as I told you above, resemble in their rhythm [ayre] and construction the very pavanas which are played in Italy. Since these fantasias imitate them in every way, we are naming them pavanas. The first four [i.e., D-324 to D-327] are original compositions by me. For the two which follow next [i.e., D-328 and

D-329], the tune [sonada] was made in Italy and the arrangement of the 382Siguense tres romances. El primero es una pavana en loor de n[uest]ra seflora (n.p., n.d.); facsimile edition in Vicente Castafieda and Amalio Huarte, Coleccién de pliegos sueltos, agora de nuevo sacados (Madrid, n.d.), 41-43. 383Catafieda and Huarte (n.d.), xv. 3®4Joan Ambrosio Dalza, Intabulatura de lauto. Libro quarto. Padoane diverse. Calate a la spagnola. Calate a la taliana. Tastar de corde con li soi recercar drietro. Frottole (Venice, 1508);

modern edition of the pavana - saltarello — piva sets by Helmut Mdnkemeyer in Die Tabulatur vol. 7-8; discussed by Imogene Horsley, “The 16th-Century Variation: A New Historical Survey,” Journal of the American Musicological Sociery 12 (1959), 118-20.

THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES 695 tune is mine. They should be played with a rather quick beat and they have to be played two or three times.>®

Second, the two keyboard settings by Cabezén issued posthumously in 1578 are each called pavana italiana (D-350 and D-351). Third, at the end of the 16th century the only choreographic type described in the Reglas de danzar is entitled pavana italiana (as noted above in this section).

A distinct Spanish version emerges in the late 16th century. Musical

settings of the Spanish pavana, unlike its Italian counterpart, exhibit a common. harmonic-metric scheme. Perhaps this crystallization is related to the absence of the pass’e mezzo in Spain. Some Spanish musicians were

acquainted with the Italian pass’e mezzo. Salinas, for example, in his treatise of 1577, equates it with the pavana milanesa.*% However the pass’e

mezzo is not found in any Spanish instrumental source. By contrast, in Italy the pass’e mezzo began to supercede the pavana in the middle of the 16th century. Moreover, the instrumental settings employ one of two harmonic-metric schemes, known as the pass’e mezzo antico and pass’e mezzo moderno.3*’ Thus at about the same time that the pavana in Spain became

associated with a particular harmonic-metric scheme, the pavana in Italy was displaced by the pass’e mezzo with its two schemes.

During the late 16th and early 17th centuries the distinctive Spanish pavana was exported to the rest of western Europe. In Italy it was

not very prominent, perhaps because of the interest there in the pass’e mezzo. The Spanish pavana is noticeably absent from the choreographic treatises by Caroso (1581) and Negri (1602), and from the guitar book by

Montesardo (1606). At the same time, many settings of the Spanish pavana are preserved in sources from other parts of western Europe.?® For

instance, in a collection of instrumental dance-music issued in 1612, Praetorius presents one five-voice piece and three four-voice pieces each ow Mil4n, Libro de miisica de vihuela de mano. Intitulado El Maestro (Valencia, 1536), . G3v.

386Salinas (1577) Bk. VI, chap. 17, p. 356. *8’Discussed in Moe (1956), 41-43 and 154-58; and in Spohr (1956), 9-21. In addition, Hudson derives abstract chord-rows for each type; as noted above, chap. 13, pp. 571-72. *88Musical settings are listed by Diana Poulton, “Notes on the Spanish Pavan,” Lute Society Journal 3 (1961), 9-16; and by Claude M. Simpson, The British Broadside Ballad and its

Music (New Brunswick, New Jersey, 1966), 678-81; and by John M. Ward, “The Relationship of Folk and Art Music in 17th-Century Spain,” Studi musicali 12 (1983), 284-85. Note that both Poulton and Ward include pieces entitled pavaniglia in their lists. I discuss the pavaniglia separately here in pt. IV.

696 THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES entitled “Pavane de Spaigne.”*® In the preface he states that the “Pavane de Spaigne comes from Spain and is a very grand, magnificent, and dig-

nified dance.” In France the Spanish pavana was also cultivated as a dignified aristocratic dance. As early as 1588 choreographic instructions and a melody for the performance of the pavane d’Espagne appear in the dance treatise by Tabourot.*?' In addition to his technical account, Tabourot also gives the following general description: The pavane d'Espagne is danced in moderate duple time to the tune and movements in the tabulation which follows. And after it has been danced moving forwards in the first passage one must then move backwards and retrace one’s steps. Afterwards a second passage with new movements is performed to the same melody and the remaining passages, which you can learn at your leisure, follow in turn”

During the early 17th century the Spanish pavana seems to have risen in importance in France. Mersenne, in his treatise of 1636, discusses only the Spanish type under the general designation pavanne. He states that the pavanne comes from Spain and he likens the movements of the dancers to peacocks fanning their tails. Moreover, his melodic example conforms to the harmonic-metric scheme of the Spanish pavana.* In England the Spanish pavana appears to have been stylized as a difficult energetic dance with numerous leaps. The choreographic source entitled Practise for dauncinge (compiled sometime between 1596 and 1633) does not attempt to list its movements, but merely remarks: The Spanish pabin. Honour. It must be learned by practise & demonstration, beinge performed with boundes & capers & in youre ende honour."

PAVANILLA D-357 | Pavanilla (literally a diminutive of pavana) is the name of a stylized dance and instrumental piece used in Spain during the second half of the

389Praetorius (1612); modern edition (1929), 39-40. 39Praetorius (1612) preface; facsimile printed in the modem edition (1929), x. 39!Tabourot (1588), f. 96v—97r. 32Tabourot (1588), f. 96v; English translation (1967), 181. 393\fersenne (1636) “Traitez de la voix et des chants” Bk. II, proposition 23, p. 164. 394Practice for dauncinge, GB Ob Ms Douce 280, f. 66br. This source is discussed above under “Espafioleta,” pp. 632-33.

THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES 697 16th and early 17th centuries. Very few references to it survive in Spanish sources of the period. Mention of the Italian pavanilla occurs in a letter which Salazar de

Alarcé6n wrote while working as a government official in the northern province of the Asturias. The letter dates from before 1567, for in that year Salazar was appointed governor of the Canary Islands. Salazar alludes to several types of dances in his description of the inhabitants of Tormaleo (a village in the south-west Asturias): I very much wanted to see these women, with these small boots, dance a pavanilla italiana, a gallarda or saltarelo, an alemana, or a pie de jibao. However, since in this region the only type of instrumentalist is a cornett player [cometa], they were not able to fulfill this wish for me.**

As an instrumental piece, two passing references to the pabanillas are con-

tained in the guitar treatise by Amat from the late 16th century (see above under Pasacalles, pp. 688 and 689). As an aristocratic dance, a version of the pavanilla was actually performed at a royal sarao which was held in Madrid on January 13, 1608, to celebrate the oath of allegiance

sworm by the court to prince Felipe (later Felipe IV). One contemporaneous account includes the following description: The king and queen danced several times. The finest sight occurred in the pavanilla for groups of three performers [de a tres]. It was danced three by three: the king, the duke of Cea and the count of Saldafia on one side, and the queen, dofia Catalina de la Cerda, and dofia Juana de Portocarrero on the other. In each person there were marvelous things to behold in their beauty, harmonious arrangement, pleasing proportion, and elegance, as well as in their skill. It epitomized all that one can imagine in dancing, grace,

and nobility; for it was the design and invention of the most excellent maestro known today.*””

395 biographical sketch of his career is given by Antonio Paz y Melia in BAE 176 (2nd edition, 1964), 193. Eugenio Salazar de Alarc6n, [Carta al licenciado Augustin Guedeja, entonces relator del consejo y de la camara de su majestad, y ahora su fiscal en la real audiencia de Galicia; en que se describe la villa de Tormaleo, que es en el consejo de Ibias de las cuatro sacadas de Asturias; y se

trata algo de la gente de ella], undated Ms in E Mrah; modern edition in BAE 62 (1870), 304. Both the saltarelo and the pie jibado y alemana are discussed separately in this part. *Relacién del juramento del serentssimo principe de Castilla don Felipe Quarto deste nombre (n.p., n.d.); as quoted by Aurelio Capmany, “El baile y la danza,” in Folklore y costumbres de Espafia, edited by F. Carreras y Candi vol. 2 (Barcelona, 1931), 233.

698 THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES Unfortunately, this passage does not specify the name of the maestro. Per-

haps it is alluding to the royal dancing master of the time, who was probably Alonso Ferndndez de Escalante (see above, chap. 11, Chart 34, p. 489). In Italy the pavaniglia was a prominent aristocratic dance and instrumental piece during the late 16th and early 17th centuries. In 1581 Caroso provides choreographic instructions and lute accompaniment for its performance by a couple.** In 1602 Negri presents choreography and lute music for two different versions of the pavaniglia. One represents the Roman style and is designed for one couple.*” The other represents the

usage in Milan and is designed for one or two couples. The three lute settings in these two choreographic treatises are somewhat different from

one another. Yet they are all in the minor mode and duple meter; and they consist of four phrases of four measures each, ending on i or | (phrase 1), > VII (phrase 2), V (phrase 3), and i (phrase 4). Settings for the guitar were first published in 1606 in the collection by Montesardo.*! In all, approximately 40 instrumental pieces entitled pavaniglia survive in

the Italian sources.“? Many of them share a common harmonic-metric scheme. Hudson has derived an abstract chord-row for the pavaniglia from the Italian settings for guitar (see above, chap. 13, p. 571).

PIE JIBADO Y ALEMANA D-358 ; The pie jibado (or pie de gibao) and the alemana are two distinct types of aristocratic dances, each dating back to the middle of the 16th century. The meaning of pie jibado y alemana as the title of D-358 is not clear. Per-

haps it indicates that the music is suitable for either dance. Alternatively it may designate a single dance-type which combines elements from both the pie jibado and the alemana.

38Caroso (1581) “Pavaniglia balletto d’incerto; . . .” trattato II, f. 37r-39v. 39Negri (1602) “Pavaniglia alla romana messa in uso dall’autore, si balla in due” trattato IIT, pp. 132-35. “Negri (1602) “La pavaniglia dell’autore all’uso di Milano, si balla in due, & in quatro” trattato IIT, pp. 157-59.

#1Montesardo (1606), 24(21)-25(22) contains three settings; “Pavaniglia sopra la O,” “[Pavaniglia] in un’altro tono sopra la E,” and “[Pavaniglia] in un’altro tono sopra la L.” #2Some are listed and discussed by Moe (1956), 249-51; Spohr (1956), 69-73; Poulton

(1961), 14-15; and Gustave Reese, “An Early Seventeenth-Century Italian Lute Manuscript at San Francisco,” in Essays in Musicology in Honor of Dragan Plamenac on his 70th Birthday, edited by Gustave Reese and Robert J. Snow (Pittsburgh, 1969), 272-75.

THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES 699 A few sources of the period refer only to the pie de gibao. In the early

17th century Covarrubias claims that it is a French dance. Elsewhere in his dictionary Covarrubias equates it with an equestrian presentation, known as the danca de corbetas, in which trained Neapolitan horses execute bows (reverencias) by bending their legs.“* This meaning raises the

possibility that the aristocratic dance contains certain steps which resemble the pacing, jumping, or bowing of horses. Unfortunately the choreographic sources do not explain how to dance the pie de gibao. It was actually performed by the nobility during a royal sarao which was held in Madrid on January 13, 1608, to celebrate the oath of allegiance sworn by the court to prince Felipe (see above, chap. 10, pp. 429-30). Other sources of the period refer only to the alemana. As a stylized dance the almayia was performed during a royal sarao which was held at

Zaragoza on March 10, 1585, to celebrate the marriage of the Infanta Catalina (daughter of Felipe II) and Carlo Emanuele I, duke of Savoy (source cited above, note 217). In the early 17th century the alemana was one of the danzas which the dancing master to the duke of Sessa was supposed to teach the pages (see above chap. 11, pp. 502-3). The alemana

was cultivated as an aristocratic dance throughout western Europe. Spanish sources do not explain how to perform it. Nevertheless, such information survives from both France and Italy. In 1588 Tabourot provides choreographic instructions and a melody for the allemande.™ In 1602

Negri presents choreography and lute accompaniment for the performance of the alemana d'amore by two couples.** During the second half of the 17th century the allemande became a standard component of the in-

strumental suite in France and Italy. Suites containing alemandas were then adopted in Spain. Settings for plucked guitar are preserved in Sanz (1674), E Mn M.811, Murcia (1714), and GB Lbm Ms Add. 31640. In addition, several independent settings of the binary alemanda are found in #3Covarrubias (1611) “PIE,” f. 587v; modern edition (1943), 869. 4Covarrubias (1611), “CORCOBA,” f. 237v; modern edition (1943), 356. According to Corominas (1954), 2:726, the etymology of pie de gibao is the Gascon phrase pe de chibau (i.e., pied de cheval).

>Tabourot (1558), f. 67r-68v. Negri (1602) “Balletto dell’autore detto L’Alemana d'amore si balla in quattro, due cavalieri, & due dame” trattato III, pp. 185-87.

700 THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES Spanish keyboard and melodic sources of the 18th century.*” Some of

these pieces may have been used for contradanzas. Both Ferriol y Boxeraus and Minguet y Yrol describe the alemana (or alemanda) as a choreographic figure which can be employed in contradanzas quadradas.“ Furthermore, Minguet y Yrol provides a verbal explanation and a melody - for the performance of a contradanza entitled “La alemana.”” A number of Spanish sources refer to both the pie de jibao and the alemana. In the middle of the 16th century Salazar de Alarc6n mentions both types in one of his letters (see above under Pavanilla, p. 697). In the first half of the 17th century, a character in a novel by Lope de Vega la-

ments the fact that lewd dances, such as the chacona, have recently eclipsed aristocratic ones, such as the alemana y pie de gibao which had graced saraos for so many years.‘ In 1626 Antonio Rodrfguez agrees to give private lessons which will include four mudanzas of the pie de xibao alemana de amor (see above, chap. 11, p. 505). Perhaps some of these

choreographic sequences come from Negri’s alemana d'amore (cited above, p. 699). In 1642 Esquivel mentions that both the pie de givado and alemana incorporate the movement of rising up on one’s toes, known as

the substenido (see above under Hacha, p. 667). Esquivel also recommends that the standard curriculum of dance studios should include two mudancas of the pie de gibado and two of the alemana (see above, chap. 10,

p. 430). Both dance-types were actually performed during a royal sarao which was held at Guadalajara on January 29, 1560, to celebrate the marriage of Isabel de Valois and Felipe II (see above, chap. 10, p. 427). Later,

in Madrid on December 21, 1647, the infanta and her ladies-in-waiting concluded a royal mdscara in honor of the queen’s birthday by dancing la alemana y el pie de gibao (see above, chap. 10, p. 435).

“7Examples include E Mn M.1360, f. 200r, 201v—202r, and 205r-205v; P B Ms 964, f. 227v; E Mn M.815, f. 475; E Bc M.1452, f. 11 1r and 1441; and E Bc M.741/22, f. 38r and 50r. “®Ferriol y Boxeraus (1745) pt. III, chap. 4, p. 256(48); and Minguet y Yrol (1758-1764)

t. III, p.6 Minguet y Yrol (1758-1764) pt. II, pl. 26. 4101 ope Félix de Vega Carpio, La Dorotea. Accién en prosa (Madrid, 1632) Act I, scene 7; modern edition by Edwin S. Morby (Madrid, 1980), 132-34.

THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES 701 PRADO DE SAN GERONIMO D-359 to D-360

Prado de San Gerénimo is the name of a promenade in Madrid which

ran into the Prado de Atocha just outside the Buen Retiro. It is clearly shown on engraved plans of the city which were issued in 1656 and 1706.4"! I have found no reference to it as a dance-song. Perhaps it is related to the romance, published in 1688, which begins:

Al prado de San Jerénimo

con mis zelos y mi cAntaro.*!”

RASTREADO D-361

The rastreado emerges as a popular dance and instrumental piece in the first half of the 17th century. It is not clear how the bailes known as

rastreado, rastro, and rastrojo differ from one another.‘ Quifiones de

Benavente seems to equate the rastreado and rastro in one of his entremeses. At the end of the dramatic interlude a woman performs a solo dance. The preceding dialogue refers to the instrumental accompaniment as the rastreado, while the stage-directions call for music al rastro.*"4

Two humorous stories from the first half of the 17th century indicate that the rastreado was danced in a wild erotic manner with unusual movements low to the ground. (Rastreado is the past participle of rastrear: to follow the scent.) First, in a novel issued in 1620, Salas Barbadillo includes the following episode:

4!!(a) Pedro de Texeira, Topographia de la villa de Madrid (Antwerp, 1656); reproduced in Federico Carlos Sainz de Robles, Madrid. Crénica y gufa de una ciudad impar (Madrid, 1962), 681. (b) N. de Fer, Madrid (Paris, 1706); reproduced in Kany (1932), 29. "Romances varios. De differentes authores. Nuevamente impressos por un curioso (Amsterdam, 1688); Ms copy in NEW YORK, Hispanic Society of America B 2479, p. 33; according to the inventory by Rodrfguez-Mofiino and Brey Marifio vol. 2 (1965), 20.

‘!3References to the rastro are cited above, chap. 10, pp. 430 and 484; chap. 12, p. 536; and pt. IV, pp. 673 and 674-75. References to the rastrojo are listed above, chap. 13, note 57. ‘Luis Quifiones de Benavente, El doctor y el enfermo (entremés), published posthumously in Navidad y Corpus Christi, festejados por los mejores ingenios de Espavia, en diez y seis autos a lo divino, diez y seis loas, y diez y seis entremeses. Representados en esta corte y nunca hasta aora

impressos (Madrid, 1664); modern edition in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 2, p. 604.

702 THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES . .. a boisterous little devil got to his feet. To the clamour of tambourines [sonajas and pandero| and guitar, he began to dance what is called here on earth the bayle rastreado. He was dislocating all his limbs so easily that it

seemed that he had them attached with hinges. His facial grimaces were

strange. His feet and hands—inventors of new lascivious things—were | changing places with unexpected speed; for on occasion his feet were fencing in the air and his hands were dragging [arrastravan] along the ground. He was making these changes so quickly that we, the onlookers, were scarcely able to discern with our eyes when he was moving on his feet and when

he was moving on his head. . . . I saw that a very large and dishevelled demoness was keeping the little agitated devil company. The two of them were making such an uproar that it seemed that among their feet they were stirring up all the winds of the sea, while they were rattling castanets . . . [The prince of devils] spoke in this manner: “You should know that mastery of this lewd diversion originates in the infernal studio, . . . The first to sow it on earth were two slaughterhouse workers [rastreros], a female and a male; ... Though such vile people, they were so arrogant that, denying the honor owing to the first inventors [i.e., the devils], they wanted to be venerated by the world as the celebrated discoverers of this diabolical mischief. As a result, the bayle acquired the title of rastreado; . . .”*°

Second, in a satirical story published posthumously in 1650, Quevedo depicts a banquet of the gods. Following some serious music, two of the gods decide to liven up the affair. Mars sings a jdcara of complaints (de quejidos) while banging out an accompaniment with two pieces of tile. Venus, her fingers howling with castanets, goes through contortions in dancing a titillating boisterous rastreado.*"®

REINA DE POLONIA D-362

I have found no reference to this as a dance-song. It is not clear which “Queen of Poland” is meant by the title. Perhaps it refers to Marie Casimire de la Grange d'Arquien, the French wife of John III Sobieski of Poland (ruled 1674-1696).

415A lonso Jer6nimo de Salas Barbadillo, La casa del placer honesto (Madrid, 1620) “El coche

mendigén, envergonzante, y endemoniado. Novela II”; modern edition by Edwin B. Place in The Universicy of Colorado Studies 15 (1927), 354-56; pointed out in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. cclviii. 416Francisco Gémez de Quevedo y Villegas, La fortuna con seso, ¥y la hora de todos, fantasia

moral (Zaragoza, 1650); modern edition (1961), 280; pointed out in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. cclviii.

THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES 703 RUEDE LA BOLA D-363 to D-364

In Castilian ruede la bola is an idiomatic expression meaning “take things easy.” As the name of a dance-song it may well be related to the set

of lyrics, preserved in a manuscript from approximately 1700, which begins with the following quatrain: Ruede la vola, vaia un bailete, que a la espafiola, Franzia, promete.*!

RUGERO D-365 to D-371

Rugero designates a dance-song and a harmonic-metric scheme which were used in many parts of western Europe during the late 16th and 17th centuries. The title refers to a character in the Italian epic poem Orlando Furioso by Ariosto. As a song it is associated with the oath of fidelity pledged by Bradamante to Ruggiero in that work: Ruggiero, what I have ever been such I resolve to be unto death, and

longer if longer is possible. Whether Love is kind to me or treats me haughtily, or Fortune turns me high or low, an immovable rock I am of true

fidelity that on all sides wind and ocean are pounding; and never have | changed my place for storm or for fair weather, and through eternity I will not change.*!®

Ariosto’s entire poem was translated into Spanish by Jerénimo de Urrea and first published in Antwerp in 1549. Apparently Orlando Furioso

was extremely popular in Spain, for Urrea’s. translation was reissued at least eleven times during the 16th century.’ Particular passages from the

work captured the attention of various Spanish poets. For example, "’Tonos a lo divino y a lo humano. Recogidos por el lizenziado, d{on] Gerénimo Nieto Madaleno. Presvitero de esta villa de Orgaz. Y escriptos por el maestro Manuel Lépez Palazios,

TOLEDO, Casa de la Cultura Ms 391 (compiled ca. 1700), f. 99r; modern edition by Rita Goldberg (London, 1981), 159. 418] udovico Ariosto, Orlando Furioso (Ferrara, 1516; 3rd edition, Ferrara, 1532) Canto 44, stanza 61; modern edition by Santorre Debenedetti and Cesare Segre (Bologna, 1960), 1544; English translation by Allan Gilbert (New York, 1954), 2:785. Orlando Furioso dirigido al principe don Phelipe nuestro senor, traducido en romance caste-llano por don Jerénymo de Urrea (Antwerp, 1549); discussed by Maxime Chevalier, L’Arioste en Espagne (1530-1650). Recherches sur l'influence du “Roland furieux” (Bordeaux,

1966), 74-84.

704 THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES Bradamante’s oath of fidelity forms the basis of a Spanish glosa written by Niifiez de Reinosa which was published in Venice in 1552.”

A musical setting for solo voice and vihuela of the first two lines of Bradamante’s oath, in the original Italian, appears in the collection by Valderrébano which was issued in Valladolid in 1547. Valderrébano may have been unaware of the origin of the lyrics, for he mistakenly refers to the text as a soneto. In his song he does not employ the harmonic-metric scheme which later become associated with the Italian ruggiero.#! A related instrumental piece is the keyboard work by Cabezén entitled Rugier glosado (D-370) which was published in 1557. It does not use the harmonic-metric scheme of the Italian ruggiero either. It is instead a musical

gloss which appears to be based on the vihuela accompaniment from Valderrabano’s song.

The rugero is rarely mentioned as a dance-song or instrumental piece in Spanish sources of the period. Only two references are known in Spanish plays from the middle of the 17th century. First, a comedia by Calderén issued in 1650 contains explicit instructions to accompany one of its dance-songs with the instrumental rugero. The dance-song begins as follows: Reverencia os haze el alma reyna de mi pensamiento.”

These lines recall the lyrics sung by Rugero to Bradamante in two other Spanish plays (see above under Gallarda, pp. 655-56). Second, a comedia by Solfs published in 1663 includes a textual allusion to dancing (bailando) the rugero.” 420A lonso Nifiez de Reinoso, “Stancias de Rugier, nuevamente glosadas,” published in his Historia de los amores de Clareo y Florisea, y de los trabajos de Ysea. Con otras obras en verso, parte al estilo espayiol y parte al italiano (Venice, 1552) Bk. II, pp. 129-34; moder edition in Maxime Chevalier, Los temas ariostecos en el romancero ¥ la poesia espafiola del siglo de oro (Madrid, 1968), 194—98. 421Enr{quez de Valderraébano, “Rugier qual sempre fui” (soneto), in his Libro de miisica de vihuela, intitulando Silva de sirenas (Valladolid, 1547) Bk. II, f. 24r; modern edition by Emilio Pujol in MME 22 (1965), 28. 422Calder6n de la Barca, El pintor de su deshonra (comedia) Act II; first published in Parte quarenta ‘y dos de comedias de diferentes autores (Zaragoza, 1650); published posthumously in his Séptima parte de comedias (Madrid, 1683; facsimile edition, 1973, vol. 16), 463; pointed out in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. cclix. #23Antonio Solfs y Rivadeneira, El alcdzar del secreto (comedia); published in Parte diez y nueve de comedias nuevas ‘y escogidas de los mejores ingenios de Espafia (Madrid, 1663); later published in his Comedias (Madrid, 1681); excerpt quoted in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, pp. cclix—cclx.

THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES 705 In Italy many instrumental settings of the ruggiero survive from the late 16th and 17th centuries.“4 They share a common harmonic-metric scheme. Hudson has derived an abstract chord-row for the ruggiero from the Italian settings for guitar (see above, chap. 13, p. 571). Einstein was the first to suggest that the ruggiero scheme was derived from an aria da

cantar which was used for reciting passages of epic poetry, especially Bradamante’s oath of fidelity in Ariosto’s Orlando Furioso.*

In England the same harmonic-metric scheme is found in some instrumental pieces entitled Rogero. It was also adopted for the rendition of certain ballads.*° SALTARELO D-372 to D-373

The saltarelo is an aristocratic dance which was used in most of western Europe during the 15th and 16th centuries. In Spain it seems to have been employed only rarely.

Three Spanish sources merely allude to the saltarelo as a stylized dance. In a letter from the middle of the 16th century Salazar de Alarcé6n refers to una gallarda o saltarelo, thus implying that the two dance-types are similar, if not identical (see above under Pavanilla, p. 697). In a comedia by Lope de Vega issued in 1609, the dialogue mentions in passing the paseo and two mudanzas of the saltarelo.”’ In a dictionary published in 1611 Covarrubias describes the canario as a graceful type of saltarelo (see

above under Canario, p. 600). Aside from these references, another source suggests that the aristocratic saltarelo was adopted and modified by the lower classes. In an anonymous entremés issued in 1691 the saltarelo is

®4Discussed by Spohr (1956), 110-16. Two variation sets for harpsichord by Frescobaldi are described above, chap. 13, p. 585. ®5Alfred Einstein, “Die Aria di Ruggiero,” Sammelbande der Internationalen Musikgesellschaft 13 (1911-1912), 444-54. “6Discussed in Simpson (1966), 612-14; and in John M. Ward, “Apropos ‘The British Broadside Ballad and its Music’,” Journal of the American Musicological Society 20 (1967), 10-71. ®7Lope Félix de Vega Carpio, Las ferias de Madrid (comedia) Act III, published in his Segunda parte de las comedias (Madrid, 1609); modern edition by the Real Academia Espafiola (nueva edicién) vol. 5 (Madrid, 1918), 617; pointed out by Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. cclx. According to Morley and Bruerton (1968), 244-45, Lope de Vega probably wrote this comedia sometime between 1585 and 1588.

706 THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES one of the dances whose arm movements are ridiculed as frenzied scratching (see above, chap. 10, p. 479). In Italy the saltarello was prominent as an aristocratic dance. During the 15th century it formed part of the bassa danza family, in the grouping bassadancga—quatemaria—saltarello—piva. According to Cornazano, the sal-

tarello was known as the alta in Spain (see above, chap. 10, p. 428). During the 16th century the saltarello was used as the second member of a dance-pair, following either the pavana or pass’e mezzo.“ In many ways it

resembles the gagliarda, and the musical distinction between these two dance-types is not clear.“9 Most instrumental settings of the saltarello date

from the 16th century. One example from the early 17th century occurs in the guitar book by Montesardo which was issued in 1606.“ In the early 18th century a version of the Italian saltarello seems to have been transmitted to Spain by way of France. The guitar setting by Santiago de Murcia (D-373) exhibits French characteristics in the spelling of its title (“La Saltarele”) and in its musical structure (binary with four-measure phrases). Moreover, this piece accords with the following definition given by Brossard at the beginning of the 18th century: SALTARELLA or SALTARELLO. A kind of motion which always proceeds by leaping; nearly always cast in triple meter with the first beat of each measure being dotted... .*!

SALTAREN D-374

Saltarén is the name of a popular dance and instrumental piece of the 17th century. The Real Academia Espafiola provides the following definition:

“28In the early lute publication of Dalza (1508) it appears in the grouping pavana — saltarello ~ piva; as pointed out above under Pavana, p. 694. 229The saltarello and gagliarda are discussed together in Moe (1956), 46-56. 430\fontesardo (1606) “Saltarello,” 42 (39). 31Sébastien Brossard, Dictionaire de musique (Paris, 1703; 2nd edition, Paris, 1705; facsimile edition, Hilversum, 1965), 100; English translation by Albion Gruber (Henryville, 1982), 102.

THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES 7107 SALTAREN. ... A particular music [son] or instrumental piece which used to be played on the guitar and which also served to accompany dancing. It must have come from Portugal along with its name... .””

The saltarén is rarely mentioned in the Spanish sources. It is actually danced by a couple in a comedia probably written by Lope de Vega sometime between 1590 and 1604. No lyrics are given for this dance.*3 In 1627 Quevedo merely alludes to saltarenes in one of his satirical stories while describing a group of guitar-playing barbers (see above under Pasacalle, pp. 687-88). In 1661 Diamante mentions the saltarén at the end of one of his entremeses as an instrumental piece.“ SAMBOMBA D.-375

I have found no reference to this as a dance-song. In the 18th century the Real Academia Espafiola defines zambomba as a type of friction drum:

ZAMBOMBA. .. . A rustic instrument commonly used among shepherds. It is formed with a skin in the manner of a drum. It contains a stick inside [i.e., passing through a hole in the skin] which, when moved by hand, produces a sound which is resonant, but unpleasant and harsh. . . .”°

SAN JUAN DE LIMA D-376

A poem of ten coplas beginning “Este mi San Juan de Lima” is preserved in a manuscript from the early 18th century.“ I have found no other reference to “St. John of Lima” as a dance-song.

2Diccionario ... por la Real Academia Espaftola vol. 6 (1739), 30. A Portuguese origin for

the saltarén is rejected by Corominas (1954), 4:131 and 132. He argues instead that saltarén is simply an orthographic variant of saltarel (i.e., saltarelo). 331 ope Félix de Vega Carpio (?), La bienaventurada madre Santa Teresa de Jesvis (comedia) Act I; published in Doce comedias de varios autores (Tortosa, 1638) where it is attributed to

Luis Vélez de Guevara; modern edition in BAE 187 (1965), 266. A date of composition from between 1590 and 1604 is suggested by Morley and Bruerton (1968), 499. *4Juan Bautista Diamante, El figonero (entremés), published in Rasgos del ocio, en diferentes bailes, entremeses y loas. De diversos autores (Madrid, 1661); modern edition in Bergman (1970), 359. “5Diccionario . . . por la Real Academia Espafiola vol. 6 (1739), 553.

®°E Mn M.2478 [Libro de tonos puestos en zifra de arpa], f. 135r. This manuscript is described above in chap. 6, note 16.

708 THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES SARAO D-377 to D-378

Sarao is a general designation for an aristocratic party devoted to dancing (see above, chap. 9, pp. 354-55). It can also refer to a staged choreographic spectacle (for example, see above, pp. 663, 676, and 679). During the early 18th century the title sarao probably also designates a particular song whose lyrics begin as follows: Al sarao que el amor, a la lis real ofreze.©?

Two anonymous musical settings of this song survive in manuscripts of the period. One is for solo voice. The other is for harp accompaniment.** SARDANA D-379 to D-385

The sardana is a popular dance which was prominent in Catalonia during the 16th, 17th, and 18th centuries. The terms serdana and cerdana are probably no more than orthographic variants. The cerdana is the only one of the three which is defined by Covarrubias.”9

In the middle of the 16th century the sardana was apparently danced in an unrestrained immodest fashion. On August 5, 1552, the city of Olot passed a resolution forbidding all performances of the “sardana and other indecent dances.”*” Similarly, ecclesiastic prohibitions against

the sardana were issued in Gerona in 1573, and in Vich in 1596.4! Despite such censure, the sardana continued to be a regular feature of various fiestas in Catalonia. In 1616 a Castilian soldier serving in the region recorded the following observations:

437The text is preserved under the title “Otro tono. A la reyna francesa,” in Tonos a lo divino y a lo humano, TOLEDO, Casa de la Cultura Ms 391 (compiled ca. 1700), f. 94v— 95v; modern edition by Goldberg (1981), 155-56. 8The vocal setting is preserved as “Al sarao que el amor” (tonada sola a lo umano), in NEW YORK, Hispanic Society of America MC 380/824a, carpetilla 47 (undated); according to the inventory in Rodrfguez-Mofiino and Brey Marifio vol. 1 (1965), 290. The harp accompaniment (without a notated vocal line) is preserved as “Al sarao que el amor,” in E Mn M.2478 [Libro de tonos en zifra de arpa], f. 40v—41r.

8°Covarrubias (1611), f. 274v; modern edition (1943), 409. 4®OLOT, Archivo Municipal, Liber consultatus (1520-1563), entry dated August 5, 1552; as transcribed in Nolasc Rebull, Als orfgens de la sardana (Barcelona, 1976), 15—16. 41A ccording to the documents quoted in Rebull (1976), 21.

THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES 709 We arrived in the city of Vich on Thursday of the octave of Corpus Christi. .. . The procession set out at three o'clock in the afternoon with many dances and inventions, and with all the music very harmoniously ar-

ranged. . . . At seven o'clock in the evening the same procession set out with many different inventions, and with many torches and illuminations, so that it truly seemed as bright as day. After the holy Sacrament was put away, a thousand cardanas were begun throughout the city; for it is a dance [baile] which is much used in this principality [i-e., Catalonia] on the major festivals.*”

The sardana was also stylized as an aristocratic dance. In a comedia by Lope de Vega from 1594, the character disguised as a dancing master (Aldemaro) is discovered embracing his supposed student (Florela). In an attempt to explain his actions, he pretends that he has been teaching her how to perform the cerdana. He goes on to describe this dance as a choice one for mdscaras.*® In 1611 Covarrubias states that the cerdana is an aristocratic dance which has recently been introduced in the dancing studios (see above, chap. 11, p. 503). In 1625 the cerdana was actually performed by nobility during a sarao which was held in Barcelona to celebrate the birth of princess Marfa Eugenia. SEGUIDILLAS D-386 to D-393

Seguidillas were prominent as a form of poetry, a popular song, a dance of the lower classes, and later a stylized dance of the aristocracy. As

a designation for a type of verse, the term dates back to the end of the 16th century. As early as 1597 siguidillas appears as the collective title of a

set of poems issued in Valencia.“® During the first half of the 17th cenChronicle written in 1616 by a Castilian solider in Catalonia, Ms (found near Salsona), 7-8; modern edition by Joan Serra i Vilar6, “Persecucié dels bandolers de Catalunya I’any 1616 (Relacié manuscrita d'un dels perseguidors),” Anuari de l'oficina romanica de linguistica i literatura 4 (1931), 195.

3Lope Félix de Vega Carpio, El maestro de danzar (comedia) Act II, E Mn Mss 16048 (dated 1594); published posthumously in Parte tercera de comedias de los meiores ingenios en

Espafia (Madrid, 1653); modern edition by the Real Academia Espafiola (nueva edicién) vol. 12 (Madrid, 1930), 500. 44Andrés de Almansa y Mendoza, Relacién de Andrés de Mendoza de las fiestas, torneos, saraos de Barcelona al nacimiento de la infanta nuestra sefiora (Barcelona, 1625); as quoted in

Alenda y Mira (1903), 1:248. 445“Siguidillas,” published in Quarto quademo de varios romances los mds modernos que hasta

hoy se han cantado (Valencia, 1597); moder edition in Rodrfguez-Mofiino (1963), 262— 64. This set of poems, as well as other early published seguidillas, are discussed by Margit Frenk Alatorre, “De la seguidilla antigua a la moderna,” in Collected Studies in Honour of

Américo Castro's Eightieth Year, edited by Marcel P. Hornik (Oxford, 1965), 103-6; reprinted in Margit Frenk Alatorre, Estudios sobre Ifrica antigua (Madrid, 1978), 252-56.

710 THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES tury, seguidillas poetry became extremely popular. Numerous examples are

preserved in manuscripts of the period. In 1625 Gonzdlez Correas provides a detailed account of seguidillas poetry in which he distinguishes two types. The first type consists of older light verse which was formerly called folfas. Correas associates it with pimps and prostitutes, and notes that it is particularly suitable for popular dance-songs: Inasmuch as the seghidillas give us such good examples of lines of five syllables (known as adénicos), and inasmuch as the poetic arts have forgot-

ten about them, as they have forgotten about the various other independent or individual light stanzas [coplillas] of cantares and folias, it will be useful to give a complete account of them here. They also merit it because of their elegance and wit; for they are suitable and fit for any motto [mote]

whatever, be it judicious and witty in a funny or a serious manner. However, in these times they have been used more in what is comic and racy; in-

asmuch as they are so suitable for the music [tonada] and merry songs of bailes and danzas, those of the tambourine [pandero], and those of the amorous people de la seghida, namely, pimps and their women. On account of these people in particular, the name seghidillas has recently been attached

to these verses. These people are called de la seghida, de la viga, de la vida seghida, and de la vida airada [of the depraved life]; because they follow [sighen] their desire, pleasure, and licentious life lawlessly and violently, and because they follow [sighen] and overrun brothels, and also because they are hounded [seghidos] and pursued [perseguidos] by the ministers of justice. It seems that formerly the seghidillas were included under the name folfas with

the other independent light stanzas which did not exceed four lines, and those which possessed fewer lines, such as the introductions [cabezas] to songs. Seghidillas are a very old type of poetry which is so easy to handle, that people of the lower classes compose and sing them. Therefore I am surprised that they were neglected by the poetic arts. Perhaps because they are so trivial and because they do not exceed one stanza, the poetic arts did not examine them or pay any attention to them. In my opinion they thus committed a very great error. As a result, it seemed that they would remain

neglected.’

6A transcription of 288 seguidillas is given in Foulché-Delbosc (1901), 311-28. Secondary literature about seguidillas poetry is surveyed by Dorothy Clotelle Clarke, “The Early ‘Seguidilla’,” Hispanic Review 12 (1944), 211-22. 47Correas (Ms written in 1625) chap. 86, f. 160r; modern edition (1954), 447. For the poetic meanings of the term folfas see above, p. 639.

THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES 711 Correas proceeds to describe a second type of seguidillas which he says represents a new stylization begun in 1600. Each poem consists of a single quatrain. The odd-numbered lines contain six or seven syllables and do not rhyme, while the even-numbered lines contain five syllables and must assonate: However, since the year 1600 they [ie., the seghidillas} have been revived. They have been used so much and have been fashioned with such elegance and beauty that they surpass epigrams and couplets in abbreviating in two short lines (many people write them down in two lines) a very graceful and witty maxim. They have been given such perfection, always

following the same proportions, that they have the appearance of new poetry. For the seghidillas are composed of four short lines. The first and third are longer, each consisting of six or seven syllables, and blank with no correspondence of consonance or assonance. Yet it is not troublesome if they happen to have such a correspondence, provided that it is different from the two which the second and fourth shorter lines must possess. For the latter always have to be consonant or assonant, and equal in length, each consisting of five syllables. It is common for the first longer line to consist of six syllables, and the third line to consist of seven. Occasionally the lengths of these lines are reversed, or both lines consist of six syllables each.

Moreover, the two longer lines can consist of seven syllables each, and | consider this to be the best proportion.

This second type of seguidillas persisted throughout the remainder of the 17th century. In 1668 Caramuel de Lobkowitz discusses it in his treatise

on poetry. He recommends that the first and third lines be of equal length. He also emphasizes that the siguidillas are especially suitable for singing, either separately or as a conclusion to other verses.” As a song, the extant settings of seguidillas are not confined to a single melody or harmonic-metric scheme. Two different vocal settings

are preserved in the cancionero compiled by Claudio de la Sablonara sometime between 1625 and 1633. One is an anonymous piece for four voices.” The other is a composition by Romero for two voices.*! In the “8Correas (Ms written in 1625) chap. 86, f. 160r; modern edition (1954), 447-48. “°Caramuel de Lobkowitz (1668) Bk. II, chap. 2, articulus 13 “De strophis, quas Hispanus

‘siguidillas’, Latinus ‘secundinas’, aut etiam ‘consectarius’ appellat,” 113. | 40"De tu vista celoso” (seguidillas en eco), in MUNICH, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek Cod. hisp. 2, Cim. 383, f. 7v-8r; modern edition in Pelinski (1971), 309-11

IMateo Romero (Capitén), “Bullicioso y claro arroyuelo” (seguidillas), in MUNICH, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek Cod. hisp. 2, Cim. 383, f. 79v-80r; acccording to the inventory in Pelinski (1971), 32.

712 THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES manuscript both works have the subtitle seguidillas. Many other vocal pieces from the 17th century possess refrains which employ the poetic structure of the seguidillas, but they are not so designated in the original sources.*? According to Pelinski most of these works, as well as the two Sablonara settings, exhibit the same distinctive rhythmic patterns.“ In dramatic works of the 17th century the lyrics of numerous dancesongs conform to the poetic structure of the seguidillas.*4 Most of them do not employ the designation seguidillas. Two examples which do, are found in the interludes by Quifiones de Benavente. In one entremés the closing

dance-song ends with two successive siguidillas texts.©5 In another entremés the closing dance-song ends with three successive seguidillas texts

which, according to the preceding lyrics, are to be sung to a new melody (en nuevo tono) 4 The precise nature of dancing used for the theatrical seguidillas of the 17th century is not known. Presumably its general style was similar to that of other popular bailes. As poetry, song, and dance, the seguidillas were closely associated with the lower classes. In a novel by Cervantes issued in 1613, the main character is a little gypsy girl who is a proficient performer of various types of lyrics, including seguidillas (see above, chap. 10, p. 476). In 1625 Correas attempts to relate the term etymologically to pimps and prostitutes (as shown above in this section). In an entremés by Zamora from ap-

proximately 1716, a woman representing a prostitute sings and dances the seguidillas with tambourine and castanets (see above, chap. 10, p. 438).

During the first half of the 17th century various moralists harshly condemned the seguidillas. In 1614 Ortiz criticized the seguidillas as an indecent type of song (see above, chap. 12, p. 529). In approximately 1626 Caro disapproved of comedias with their lewd songs and indecent dances,

#2 list is given in Pelinski (1971), 114-15. 3Pelinski (1971), 109-17 and 175-77. 44MMany examples are cited in Pedro Henrfquez Urefia, La versificacién irregular en la poesta

castellana (2nd edition, Madrid, 1933), 221-28; reprinted as “La poesfa castellana de versos fluctuantes,” in his Estudios de versificacién espaftola (Buenos Aires, 1961), 168-72. 4551 uis Quifiones de Benavente, El murmurador (entremés), published in his Jocoseria (1645); modern edition (1872), 150; another modern edition in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 2, p. 528. 46] uis Quifiones de Benavente, Los pareceres (entremés), Ms (no longer extant); modern edition in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 2, pp. 699-700.

THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES 713 such as the seguidillas (as well as the carvreterfa, chacona, japona, and rastrojo).4” In 1644 the Council of Castile proposed a set of theatrical

reforms. One of its recommendations was to ban from the stage any seguidillas, or other songs, which contained “any indecency, brazenness, or gesture lacking in modesty” (see above, chap. 12, p. 535).

Despite such condemnations the seguidillas continued to be performed both inside and outside the theatre. On occasion they were even used for prestigious subjects. An adaptation a lo divino occurs in the collection of poetry by CAncer issued in 1651. This publication contains a seguidillas in praise of St. Francis which consists of thirteen stanzas.* An example for royalty occurs in a mojiganga staged in 1690 during Corpus

Christi. This work includes the singing of eight seguidillas in honor of queen Mariana of Neuburg.*® One terminological problem which arises is that, as a form of poetry, the seguidillas can overlap with other types of dance-songs. For instance, an entremés from 1685 contains a dance-song which combines the text of

a seguidillas with musical and choreographic elements from the capona, chacona, and serdana (see above, chap. 10, p. 479). On a larger scale, the caballero dance-song of the 17th century possesses lyrics which conform to the structure of seguidillas (seghidillas viexas according to Correas; see above, chap. 13, p. 550). Perhaps other particular seguidillas texts represent individual types of dance-songs. Consider, for example, the following poem: Madre, la mi madre, guardas me ponéis, que si io no me guardo, mal me guardaréis.

Rodrigo Caro, Dias geniales o lidicros (original Ms, not extant, written in Seville, ca. 1626) Didlogo II, chap. 5; modern edition (Madrid, 1978), 1:147. In another similar passage Caro criticizes many types of indecent bailes, but there he does not name the seguidillas; see above, chap. 9, p. 346. *8Cancer y Velasco (1651) “A San Francisco, seguidillas,” f. 27r~28r. This poem is quoted in its entirety by Caramuel de Lobkowitz (1668) Bk. II, chap. 2, articulus 13, pp. 114—15. 49Diego de N4jera, Retrato de la reyna n[uest]ra s[eftor]Ja d[ofiJa Mariana de Neoburg, esplicado por todos los reynos de las Esparias, que se canté en la mojiganga que se representé a su magfesta]d el dia de Corpus del avio de 1690, E Mn M.146, f. 18v; according to the summary in Alenda y Mira (1903), 1:445—46.

714 THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES It is one of the seghidillas cited by Correas in his poetic treatise. This quatrain opens the lyrics of dance-songs in at least four literary works of the 17th century. First, in a novel by Cervantes published in 1613, the lyrics are described as “verses which were very popular in Seville at the time” (coplillas que entonces andaban muy validas en Sevilla).*' Second, in a

comedia by Cervantes issued in 1615, the dance-song employs an instrumental accompaniment which is explicitly called seguidillas in the preceding dialogue. During the performance two of the characters complain about the impropriety of the dance movements. Third, in a comedia by Lope de Vega written in 1615, musicians sing the Madre, la mi

madre quatrain, and one of the characters discusses its meaning.“ Fourth, in a comedia by Calderén published posthumously in 1691, musicians sing the quatrain off-stage.“4 As a popular song, Madre, la mi madre may have been associated with a particular melody or harmonicmetric scheme. However substantiating evidence to this effect is lacking in the extant musical settings. The quatrain serves as the refrain in two

vocal works from the early 17th century. They differ from each other melodically and harmonically. One setting is an anonymous secular song for three voices. The other is a villancico for five voices composed by

Rimonte. 4©Correas (Ms written in 1625) chap. 86, f. 161r; modern edition (1954), 453. 461Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra, El celoso extremefio, published in his Novelas exemplares (Madrid, 1613); modern edition (1952), 914; English translation by C. A. Jones, Exemplary Stories (Harmondsworth, England, 1972), 170. ©2Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra, La entretenida (comedia) Act III, published in his Ocho comedias y ocho entremeses nuevos nunca representados (Madrid, 1615); modern edition (1952), 485; discussed in Barclay (1957), 64-66.

463] ope Félix de Vega Carpio, El mayor imposible (comedia) Act II, published posthumously in his Parte veinte cinco, perfeta, y verdadera, de las comedias (Zaragoza, 1647); modern edition by the Real Academia Espafiola (nueva edici6n) vol. 12 (Madrid, 1930), 604. The date of 1615 is given by Morley and Bruerton (1968), 93. 4Pedro Calder6n de la Barca, Céfalo y Pocris (comedia burlesqua; fiesta que se represent6 a sus magestades dfa de Camestolendas, en el salén real de palacio) Act II, published posthumously in his Novena parte de comedias (Madrid, 1691; facsimile edition, 1973, vol. 18), 404. 465"\{adre, la mi madre,” in TURIN, Biblioteca Nazionale Universitaria Ms R.1.14, f. 24r24v; modern edition in Bal y Gay (1935), 78. The Turin Ms contains fifty anonymous secular songs for two and three voices; according to the inventory given by Querol in MME 32 (1970), 11-12. 465Pedro Rimonte, “Madre, la mi madre” (villancico), published in his Parnaso espaviol de madrigales, villancicos a quattro, cinco, et seys (Antwerp, 1614); modern edition by Pedro Calahorra Martfnez (Zaragoza, 1980); another modern edition in Bal y Gay (1935), 8186.

THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES 715 During the 18th century the seguidillas were also used for aristocratic dancing. The stylized choreography was greatly influenced by the imported

French dances. For instance, Minguet y Yrol presents one contradanza which is entitled “El suple seguidillas” (see above, chap. 10, p. 455). Elsewhere in his dance treatise Minguet describes the seguidillas as a type of contradanza which foreigners perform under the name contradanza espajiola: ... the best of all [the contradanzas] are the seguidillas, because while the person playing them stops singing, those who are dancing them have time to

explain to one another the choreographic figure [diferencia] which they want to perform. Foreigners dance them and sing them in their own language. They call them the contradanza espajiola, just as they also name the fandango the danza continua. The said seguidillas can also be danced without singing, as is the practice in some places. The men are put on one side and

the women on the other, and they change positions as is done in the contradanzas largas and redondas.*'

At the same time the seguidillas was a native dance which did possess its own steps. Minguet’s subsequent remarks reveal that his treatment of the seguidillas simply represents one method of performance which was then in vogue: ... all these steps [of Spanish dancing] can be performed in the foreign dances (by following their meter and their choreographic figures), and especially steps in the style of the seguidillas, which is the Spanish dance which is fashionable today. Likewise in the seguidillas one can perform the steps of the said foreign dances; and if the seguidillas are danced by four gentlemen

and four ladies (that is, by four couples), they can perform almost all the mudanzas which are performed in the contradanzas (as long as they are decent). To dance them, someone sings and usually accompanies on the

guitar. Two other dances in Minguet’s treatise further illustrate the overlap of seguidillas and contradanza. Each consists of the grouping contradanza— fandango-seguidillas (see above under Fandango, p. 635). The influence of the contradanza in Spain was so strong that, according to Zam4cola, even the lower classes employed French choreographic figures in their seguidillas (see above, chap. 10, pp. 459-60).

46’Minguet y Yrol (1758~1764) pt. III, p. 14. The contradanzas largas and redondas are discussed above, chap. 10, p. 456.

8finguet y Yrol (1758-1764) pt. IV, p. 14.

716 THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES At the end of the 18th century, Zam4cola champions the cultivation of the seguidillas as a Spanish type of dance-song. In an attempt to reestablish “national” music in Spain, he compiled a collection of seguidillas lyrics which was first issued in 1797. In the preface he laments the over-

whelming influence exerted by Italian operatic practices and French choreography in Spain during the 18th century. Zamd4cola argues that, despite its good qualities, Italian music has.had a debilitating effect on the

development of Spanish culture. He is even more antagonistic towards French aristocratic dancing. He refers contemptuously to “the listlessness and tediousness of the minué and paspié, produced by those stupid and

wearisome Frenchmen of the past century.” The type of seguidillas promoted by ZamAcola differs in at least two ways from that of the 17th century. First, it employs a stylized choreography which ZamAcola attributes to a dancing master named Pedro de la Rosa who worked in Madrid begin-

ning in approximately 1740 (see above under Fandango, p. 635). Second, the lyrics usually possess an estrivillo of three lines (5-7-5 syllables) in addition to a copla of four lines (7-5-7-5 syllables): The seguidilla is a class of poetry composed of seven assonating lines of seven and five syllables. It is composed of a copla of four lines and an estrivillo of three. However sometimes, because the thought has been concluded in the first copla, an estrivillo is lacking. In such a case, some other one is added or the copla is repeated again, in order to make up the three parts of which every seguidilla must consist.*”!

The music used for these seguidillas was probably not confined to a single

melody or harmonic-metric scheme. Zamf4cola states that the music should be in clear triple meter (de tres tiempos), but he also recommends that it should reflect the character of the text.* Consequently in his anthology he distinguishes between seguidillas texts which are plaintive or amorous (patéticas y amorosas) and those which are festive (jocdsas). Unfortunately, Zamdcola does not provide any music. Nevertheless, he does furnish the following description of how the seguidillas are performed:

97 am4cola y Ozerfin (1797; Sth edition, 1816), xli. 47 am4cola y Ozerin (1816), xiii. 4"'Zam4cola y Ozerin (1816), iii. 427 amécola y Ozerin (1816), iv, xxxiii-xxxiv, and 1.

THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES 717 As soon as two youths, one of each sex, present themselves in the middle of a hall, side by side separated by a distance of about two varas [i.e., approximately 66 inches], the ritornelo or prelude of the music begins. Next the seguidilla is introduced gently with the voice. If the seguidilla is of the manchega type, the voice sings the first line of the copla; and if it is of the bolera type, the voice sings the first two lines. In this, one should occupy only four measures. The guitar follows playing a pasacalle, and at the fourth measure one begins to sing the seguidilla. Then they begin the dancing with castanets [castafiuelas o crotalos], continuing for a space of nine measures [ie., eight measures with one overlapping with the preceding pasacalle?], which is where the first section ends. The guitar continues by playing the same pasacalle during which the dancers exchange places by means of a very slow and simple sequence [paseo]. When the singing comes in again at the beginning of the fourth measure, each dancer starts to perform the variations and diferencias of their studio for another nine measures, which is the second section. Once again they change places. When each dancer is back

in the place where they started to dance, the third section follows in the same manner as the second. On the signal of the ninth measure, the voice, the instrument, and the castanets stop at the same time as if unplanned, leaving the hall in silence. The dancers remain planted without movement in various beautiful poses, which is what we call bien parado.*?

One particular type of dance-song which uses seguidillas lyrics is the bolero.* It emerges in the region of La Mancha during the late 18th cen-

tury. According to Cairén its choreographic figures are more complex

than those of the fandango (see above under Fandango, pp. 633-34). A : characteristic feature of the bolero is its use of the bien parado.

SINFONIA (CHINFONIA) D-394 In the Spanish sources I have found no reference to this as a dance-

song. The terms sinfonia, cinfonfa, and chinfonfa are probably no more than orthographic variants. In the early 17th century Covarrubias explains that cinfonfa can designate a hurdy-gurdy: CINFONIA. A musical instrument, from the Latin symphonia, a harmonious sound. . . . Although any harmonious music can be called cinfonia, it

is a particular instrument whose strings are adjusted to form consonances among themselves, . . . Some poor Frenchmen usually use an instrument which is similar to a small violdn. In its belly it has a certain arrangement of

43ZamAcola y Ozerin (1816), vii—-ix.

474Discussed in Zam4cola y Ozerfn (1816), xix—xxi; and Cairén (1820), 103-9.

718 THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES strings which are brought next to a wheel by means of some keys which emerge on the outside. By turning the wheel around with the right hand and playing the keys with the left hand, one causes it to sound sweetly. . . 4

Two sinfonias (i.e., probably hurdy-gurdies) were among the instruments

which accompanied a dance performed in Segovia on September 21, 1613, during a lavish procession entitled “La m4scara de la genealogfa de la Virgen madre de Dios” (source cited above, note 207).

In Italy the term sinfonia was used in a variety of ways during the 17th century. It often designated an introductory piece for instrumental ensemble. At the same time sinfonia was also interchangeable with such terms as sonata, canzona, and concerto. Furthermore, sinfonia occurs in the field of dance-music during the early 17th century, although its meaning in this context is not clear. Spohr points out that ten instrumental sources of the period contain dance-like pieces entitled sinfonia. These works exhibit various harmonic-metric schemes.” SOMBRAS D-395 to D-398

The only reference which I have found to the sombra as a dancesong is a ban against it issued by the Bishop of Tervel in 1733 and again in 1745 (see above, chap. 12, p. 530). In Castilian sombra means shadow or ghost. TAMBORILERO D-399

I have found no reference to this as a dance-song. In Castilian tamborilero means drummer. Dances performed during fiestas were often accompanied by a drum (tambor or tamboril) .78

TARANTELA D-400 to D-405

Tarantela designates an instrumental piece and a popular dance which were used in Spain during the 17th and 18th centuries. The tarantela is closely associated with the tarantula and the practices of southern Italy. 5Covarrubias (1611), f. 283v; modern edition (1943), 421. 4¥6See Emst Apfel, Zur Vor- und Frithgeschichte der Symphonie. Begriff, Wesen und Entwicklung von Ensemble- zum Orchestersatz (Baden-Baden, 1972), 11-29. 47Discussed in Spohr (1956), 90-93. 8For various examples, see the sources cited above, chap. 9, notes 79 and 141; chap. 10.,

notes 186, 204, 223, 228, 235, 239, and 247; and pt. IV, notes 181, 263, 266, 267, and 329.

THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES 719 As a popular dance-song, the tarantela is performed in at least five dramatic entremeses from the second half of the 17th and early 18th centuries. In one interlude it may be that lyrics were not provided.” In two of the interludes the lyrics are Italianate.™ In two interludes by Castro the lyrics employ the following refrain:

, iTurumbé con la turumbela; vamos bailando la tantarantela! *!

Apparently the tarantela was not stylized as an aristocratic dance. The Real Academia Espafiola gives the following definition in its first dictionary: TARANTELA. . . . A wild instrumental piece which is danced without any systematic principles [my emphasis]. It is said to be the music which is played for those who are bitten by the tarantula. .. .*

In actual practice rapid instrumental music was often played to accompany the involuntary feverish trembling [ie., “dancing”] of persons bitten by the tarantula. In the early 17th century Covarrubias writes as follows:

497A gustin Moreto y Cabana, El ayo (entremés), published posthumously in Autos sacramentales, y al nacimiento de Christo, con sus loas y entremeses. Recogidos de los maiores ingenios de

Espafia (Madrid, 1675); excerpt quoted in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, pp. ccl and cclxi, who suggests a possible date of 1648 for this work. I have not had the opportunity of examining the complete entremés. 48°(a) Agustin Moreto y Cabana, Las fiestas de palacio (entremés), published in Tardes apacibles de gustoso entretenimiento, repartidas en varios entremeses ‘y bayles entremesados, escogidos de los mejores ingenios de Espafia (Madrid, 1663); excerpt quoted in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. cclxi. (b) Pedro Calderén de la Barca, La franchota (entremés), published in Ramillete de saynetes

escogidos de los mejores ingenios de Espafia (Zaragoza, 1672); modern edition in Felicidad Buendfa, Antologfa del entremés (desde Lope de Rueda hasta Antonio de Zamora). Siglos XVI XVII (Madrid, 1965), 694. 48!(a) Francisco de Castro, Los cuatro toreadores (entremés), published in his Primera parte de Alegria cémica, explicada en diferentes assumptos jocosos (Zaragoza, 1702); excerpt quoted in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, pp. cclxi—cclxii. (b) Francisco de Castro, El inglés hablador (entremés), published in his Primera parte de Alegria cémica, explicada en diferentes assumptos jocosos (Zaragoza, 1702); according to Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. cclxii. 482D iccionario . . . por la Real Academia Espafiola vol. 6 (1739), 227.

720 THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES TARANTULA. It is a type of poisonous and virulent spider which breeds in Apulia and throughout the kingdom of Naples, especially in Taranto, from which it got its name. It causes many fits in those it bites. It is treated with the music of instruments, because the patient tolerates his sickness by moving to the beat of the music.

Various writers held that the music was therapeutic because it helped the victim to sweat the venom out through his pores. For example, Nassarre offers the following explanation based on earlier authors dating back to the 16th century: . .. as soon as the man is bitten, musicians are sought with all possible speed in order that they play vihuelas, flautas, and other instruments, varying the music and playing different songs [my emphasis]. The effect produced by the music is that the wounded person begins to dance, performing various mudanzas as if he had spent his whole life in learning them. He continues

dancing in this manner until that accursed poison is consumed and expended by the exertion from the music. . . . It is natural that all the parts of the body feel the effects of the music, by which means the pores are opened, with the said exertion assisting. Since the venom is cast off through the pores, it is not given an opportunity of reaching the heart.™

Nassarre does not specify tarantela music by name. Indeed his remarks imply that various types of music were effective. Other writers did not share this view.

In the late 18th century a medical doctor named F. X. Cid compiled a collection of thirty-five case histories in an attempt to prove the efficacy

of tarantela music in treating a tarantula bite. He asserts that only one particular type of dance music helps the victim. For instance, in one case history he relates the following episode: The instrumentalist entered and played the fandango, but the patient remained still. He played the folias, but the patient did not move. He played the tarantela for him, and immediately the patient shook off with inconceivable ease the constraining lethargy which was burdening him. He got to his

483Covarrubias (1611), f. *39r; modern edition (1943), 953. ®4Nassarre vol. 1 (1724) Bk. I, chap. 17 “De los maravillosos efectos que haze la misica en la curaci6n de varias enfermedades,” 73. One of the authorities cited by Nassarre for this passage is Pedro Mexia, Silva de varia leccién (1st edition, Seville, 1540; numerous later editions) pt. III, chap. 2.

THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES 721 feet, the music [tocata] continued, and he began to jump around without getting out of step with the music which was raging.*

Citing another case history, Cid claims that the more wildly the music is

played, the more relief the patient receives. Cid closes his book with four different melodic examples of the tarantela. One is Spanish, and the

other three are Italian. All four melodies share the following characteristics: compound meter (notated in § or 12), four-measure phrases, and the use of the minor mode ending on the pitch a.“ The Spanish melody is shown in musical example 33. Example 33. A Spanish tarantela melody in Cid (1787)

The tarantela may well have been imported into Spain from Italy. In-

strumental settings in the Italian sources remain to be investigated. During the 17th century in Italy at least two writers on music praise the tarantella for its ability to cure the bite of the tarantula. First, Giustiniani does not use the term tarantella but he does stress that only one type of

Francisco Xavier Cid, Tarantismo observado en Espafia, con que se prueba el de la pulla, dudado de algunos, + tratado de otros de fabuloso: y memorias para escribir la historia del insecto Uamado tardntula, efectos de su veneno, en el cuerpo humano, y curacién por la miisica con el

modo de obrar de ésta, y su aplicacién como remedio a varias enfermedades (Madrid, 1787) Historia XVIII, p. 153; as quoted in Marius Schneider, La danza de espadas y la tarantela. Ensayo musicolégico etnogrdfico y arqueolégico sobre los ritos medicinales (Barcelona, 1948), 19,

Cid (1787) Historia XXIV, p. 174; as quoted in Schneider (1948), 15. *7Cid (1787), final plate; modern edition in Schneider (1948), musical examples 1-4.

722 THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES music or musical scheme (musica, suono, aria) is effective.“® Second, Kircher discusses the tarantella in at least two of his treatises. TORNEO D-406 to D-410

The torneo is an aristocratic dance which was used in Spain during the 17th and early 18th centuries. It consists of stylized movements which imitate the jousting of military tourneys.™ Often the dancers wield sticks which represent lances.®!

No detailed description of its choreography has survived. Nevertheless, several sources indicate that the torneo was highly regarded among the aristocracy. Esquivel Navarro (1642) recommends that the standard curriculum of the studios should include two mudangas of the torneo (see above, chap. 10, p. 430). In the early 17th century the dancing master to

the duke of Sessa is instructed to teach the pages the torneo as well as

other danzas (see above, chap. 11, pp. 502-3). In 1626 Antonio Rodrfguez agrees to give private lessons which will include four mudanzas of the torneo (see above, chap. 11, p. 505).

The nobility actually danced the torneo during the following royal festivities:

(a) Valladolid, June 16, 1605—royal sarao to celebrate the birth of prince Felipe (see above under Pavana, p. 692) (b) Madrid, February 29, 1623—palace mojiganga to celebrate Carnival (see above, chap. 9, p. 374)

(c) Madrid, December 21, 1647—royal mdscara to celebrate the queen’s birthday (see above, chap. 10, p. 435).

In addition, staged performances of the torneo were given at three later fiestas. First, in 1672 the Imperial College in Madrid produced various #8Vincenzo Giustiniani, Discorso sopra la musica, LUCCA, Archivo del Stato Ms 049 (written ca. 1628); modern edition in Angelo Solerti, Le origini del melodramma (Turin, 1903; reprinted Hildesheim, 1969), 116-17. 9A thanasius Kircher, Musurgia universalis sive Ars magna consoni et dissoni in X. libros digesta (Rome, 1650; facsimile edition, Hildesheim and New York, 1970) vol. 1, Bk. IX, pt. 2, chap. 4-5, pp. 218-24; and Athanasius Kircher, Phonurgia nova sive Conjugium mechanico-physicum artis & naturae paranympha phonosophia concinnatum (Kempten, 1673; facsimile edition, New York, 1966) Bk. II, section 2, chap. 4—5, pp. 204-16.

\Military tourneys were a regular feature of secular fiestas in Spain during the 16th and 17th centuries. See above, chap. 9, pp. 358-59. 'Diccionario . . . por la Real Academia Espafiola vol. 6 (1739), 304. This description is repeated in Roxo de Flores (1793) chap. 8, pp. 116-17.

THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES 723 spectacles to mark the canonization of Francisco de Borja. In between the acts of a comedia four students in lavish attire danced a torneo de guerra. They played castanets and were accompanied by a drum (caxa), trumpet (clarfn), harp, and other unspecified instruments.* Second, on December 22, 1672, at Cadiz, six pages of the duke of Veraguas performed a mdscara to celebrate the birthday of the queen regent. The two pages representing Mars and Hercules entered together and danced the tommeo (see above under Esparioleta, p. 631). Third, in 1701 at Barcelona, a fiesta de momos

was staged in honour of Felipe V and Queen Marie-Louise. The performers made use of various dance-songs, including the torneo (see above, chap. 10, p. 453). As a stylized dance imitating jousting, the torneo was performed in at least four dramatic works of the 17th century. No standard lyrics emerge from these plays.*? In the early 18th century the torneo appears in a comic

mojiganga by Cafiizares. It is personified on stage by a character in ridiculous short breeches who executes various tilting flourishes with a stick.™

On occasion a dance in the form of a mock tourney was included among the Corpus festivities held in Madrid during the second half of the 17th century. In 1652 one of the danzas de quenta was supposed to consist “2Ambrosio de Fomperosa y Quintana, Dias sagrados, y geniales celebrados en la canonizacién de S[an] Francisco de Borja. Por el Colegio Imperial de la Compafiia de Jestis de Madrid. Y la academia de los mds célebres ingenios de Espafia (Madrid, 1672) chap. 14, f. 88r— 88v; as quoted in José Sim6n Dfaz, Historia del Colegio Imperial de Madrid vol. 1 (Madrid, 1952), 478.

#5(a) Lope Félix de Vega Carpio, La Santa Liga (comedia) Actl, published in his Décima quinta parte de las comedias (Madrid, 1621); modern edition in BAE 224 (1969), 233-34.

(b) Lope Félix de Vega Carpio, El vellocino de oro (comedia), published in his Parte decinueve y la mejor parte de las comedias (Madrid, 1623); modern edition in BAE 190 (1966), 130. The stage-directions specify that the four dancers should appear in full armor and carry silver lances. (c) Solfs y Rivadeneira, Las fiestas bacanales (sainete), published posthumously in his Varias poestas, sagradas ‘y profanes (Madrid, 1692); according to the excerpt quoted in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. clxvi, who gives a date of 1656 for this work. (d) Calderén de la Barca, Céfalo y Pocris (comedia burlesca; fiesta que se representé a sus magestades dfa de Carnestolendas, en el salén real de palacio) Act III, published posthu- — mously in his Novena parte de comedias (Madrid, 1691; facsimile edition, vol. 18), 416. The stage-directions specify that the torneo should be performed “en forma de matachines.” 4Cafiizares, Los sones (mojiganga), E Mn Mss 1451 7(30); as quoted in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. cclxii.

124 THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES of a torneo performed by six dancers in full armor and carrying lances. The accompaniment was to be played on guitars, violin (violfn), fife (pffano),

and military drum (caja de guerra).*5 In 1663 the dances proposed for Corpus Christi included a danga de cascabel in which the dancers, carrying

little lances and leather shields, were to present a torneo in the Turkish style (a lo turco) accompanied by a drummer (tanborilero).™ In 1668 a group of boys carrying little lances were to dance a tomeo real under the direction of their maestro. In 1672 another torneo real was to be danced by men dressed as Turks with bells on their legs, and carrying lances and leather shields.”*

In Italy an aristocratic dance called the torneo amoroso emerges during the late 16th century. Caroso provides choreographic instructions

and lute accompaniment for it in his treatise of 1581." Later, in 1602, Negri also presents choreography and lute music for a torneo amoroso.™ His lute setting differs harmonically from Caroso's. Yet both settings consist of a long section (subdivided into three repeated strains) in the major mode and duple meter, followed by two metrical variations in triple meter. TURDION D-411 to D-412

The turdién is an aristocratic dance which was used in Spain during the 17th century. Unfortunately no detailed description of its choreography survives in the Spanish sources. Nevertheless the turdién was highly regarded among the nobility. In the early 17th century the dancing master to the duke of Sessa receives instructions to teach the pages the turdién as well as other danzas (see above, chap. 11, pp. 502-3). In 1642 Esquivel Navarro describes the turdién as one of the old dances (dangas) and instrumental pieces (tafiidos) which, although no longer performed regularly, are still used in royal saraos and mdscaras (see above, chap. 11, p. 503). 3E Mav 2-197-9 (contract dated April 27, 1652); as transcribed in Shergold and Varey (1961), 104-5. SE Mav 2-198-9 (proposal dated March 2, 1663); as transcribed in Shergold and Varey (1961), 171. This document is also copied in E Mn Barbieri Mss 14027 (12). #7E Mav 2-198-5 (contract dated April 19, 1668); as transcribed in Shergold and Varey (1961), 205. *8E Mav 2-198-1 (contract dated May 6, 1672); as transcribed in Shergold and Varey (1961), 235. This contract is also copied in E Mn Barbieri Mss 14027 (17). *°Caroso (1581) “Torneo amoroso balletto di M. Battistino; . . .” erattato II, f. 159v—161r. Negri (1602) “Balletto corretto dell’autore detto il Torneo amoroso si balla in due” trattato III, pp. 140-43.

THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES 725 Spanish royalty danced the turdién during the following festivities:

(a) Valladolid, June 16, 1605—royal sarao to celebrate the birth of prince Felipe (see above under Pavana, p. 692).

(b) Madrid, January 13, 1608—royal sarao to celebrate the oath of allegiance sworn by the court to prince Felipe (later Felipe I'V).

One contemporaneous account refers to the turdién as being similar to the gallarda (“casi semejante a la gallarda”; source cited above, chap. 10, note 37).

(c) Aranjuez, May 15, 1622—royal fiesta to celebrate the king’s birthday. At the end of a lavish dramatic spectacle the queen and the infanta participated in a performance of the turdién.>! In addition, the turdién was presented on stage during two fiestas honoring the Spanish king. First, in October of 1617 at Lerma, a dramatic spectacle was produced for Felipe III during the celebrations marking the dedication of a collegiate church. The production included a baile in which a group of professional actors, dressed up as old men, danced the turdién and the zarabanda.** Second, in 1701 at Barcelona, a fiesta de momos was staged to welcome Felipe V and Queen Marie-Louise. The performers made use of the turdién as well as other dance-songs (see above, chap. 10, p. 453). Turdién appears to be the Spanish name for a stylized dance which

was cultivated by the aristocracy throughout most of western Europe during the late 16th and early 17th centuries. In France, Tabourot explains how to dance the tourdion in his treatise of 1588.%} He also emphasizes that it is very similar to the gaillarde: The tune [air] of a tourdion and that of a gaillarde are the same, and there is no difference between them save that the tourdion is danced close to Antonio Hurtado de Mendoza, Fiesta que se hizo en Araniuez a los aitos del rey nuestro seflor

dfon} Felipe Ill (Madrid, 1623); modern edition in his Obras poéticas, edited by Rafael ne- CC Claros ‘ vol. 1 (Madrid, 1947), 25; pointed out by Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, - Pedro de Herrera, Translacién del Santissimo Sacramento a la iglesia colegial de San Pedro de la villa de Lerma; con la solenidad, ¥ fiestas que tuvo para celebrarla el excellentissimo sefior don Francisco Gémez de Sandoval y Roxas, . . . duque de Lerma y Cea (Madrid, 1618); as summarized in Cayetano Alberto de la Barrera y Leirado, Catdlogo bibliogrdfico y biogrdfico del teatro antiguo espafiol desde sus origenes hasta mediados del siglo XVIII (Madrid, 1860; reprinted

London, 1968), 209-10; pointed out by Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, pp. cclxiicclxiii. Note that both Barrera and Cotarelo mistakenly give 1618 as the year of this fiesta. %3T abourot (1588), f. 49v—52r.

726 THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES the ground to a light, lively beat and the gaillarde is danced higher off the ground to a slower, stronger beat.™

In Italy Caroso supplies choreographic instructions and lute accompaniment for the tordiglione in his treatise of 1581.%5 In 1602 Negri provides _ similar material for a new tordiglione.™ His lute setting differs harmonical-

ly from Caroso’s. Yet it does reveal a structural similarity. Both settings

are notated under duple mensuration: Caroso’s comprises twelve measures, while Negri’s comprises six measures. By reorganizing the nota-

tion in terms of groups of six beats, one can produce transcriptions in which each piece consists of four measures in triple meter. Other settings of the tortiglione survive in Italian instrumental sources from the first half

of the 17th century. As Spohr points out, they are not confined to one harmonic-metric scheme.” VACAS

Vacas is a short form of the dance-song title Gudrdame las vacas, discussed above. VILLANO D-413 to D-430

The villano was used extensively as a type of poem, a vocal melody, a dance of the aristocracy, a dance of the lower classes, and an instrumental piece. As a particular set of lyrics, the villano first emerges during the early 17th century. In 1611 Covarrubias asserts that the villano is a baile which is named after its popular song text, beginning Al villano que le dan (see above, chap. 9, p. 350). Dramatic works reveal that the villano usually employs the following refrain: Al villano se lo dan la cebolla con el pan.

%4Tabourot (1588), f. 49v; English translation (1967), 93-94. %5Caroso (1581) “Tordiglione, con le mutanze nuove dell’auttore” trattato II, f. 167r—169v. X6Nepri (1602) “Tordiglione nuovo con le mutanze dell’auttore, si balla in due” trattato III, pp. 193-96.

7Spohr (1956), 79-84.

THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES 727 One of the earliest sources to include such lyrics is a comedia by Lope de

Vega (probably written sometime between 1604 and 1606) which was published in 1617. As a standard vocal melody, the villano dates back much further to the early 16th century. A pliego suelto from that period contains a poem (coplas), entitled Mal encaramillo millo, which was composed by Rodrigo de Reinosa explicitly al tono del bayle del villano.™ This pliego suelto lacks

an imprint. According to Rodrfguez-Mofiino it was probably printed in Seville by Jacobo Cronberger sometime between 1511 and 1515.5 Later in the century Salinas briefly discusses the rhythm of the Spanish rustic song known as the villanus (i.e., villano). Unfortunately, he does not provide any musical examples. Nevertheless Salinas does state that the villanus employs a meter based on the pyrric foot (ie., short-short, which he represents in musical notation as 4 4 ). He remarks that the villanus is most suitable for dancing because of its quick pyrric patterns. Furthermore, Salinas claims that the same type of meter occurs in the popular

Italian songs which are associated with the inhabitants of Bergamo. Within this category Salinas would presumably include those Italian instrumental pieces which are entitled bergamesca.>"!

The extant repertory of Spanish vocal music from the 17th century contains at least one complete setting of a villano. It is an anonymous song for three voices which survives in a manuscript set of part-books from the first half of the 17th century. The lyrics begin as follows: Al billano se la dan la ventura con el pan.?”” 8] ope Félix de Vega Carpio, San Isidro labrador de Madrid (comedia) Act I, published in his Séptima parte de sus comedias (Madrid, 1617); modern edition in BAE 178 (1965), 405— 6; discussed in Barclay (1957), 150-54, and in Umpierre (1975), 80-82. A date of ca. 1604-1606 is suggested by Morley and Bruerton (1968), 392. %05Mal encaramillo millo” (coplas fechas por Rodrigo de Reinosa a unas serranas al tono del bayle del villano), published in Deshecha sobre lo acaesido en la sierra bermeja y de los lugares perdidos. Tiene la sonada de los comendadores (n.p., n.d.); modern edition in Cossi6 (1950), 89-92. 0Rodrfguez-Mofiino (1970), 481. "Salinas (1577) Bk. VI, ¢ hap. 4, p. 296. Similar remarks are found in Salinas (1577) Bk. V, chap. 7, p. 247. 512A] billano se la dan” (3 voices), in E Mn M.1370-1372 [Romances ¥ letras a tres voces}, 97; modern edition in Miguel Querol, “El villano de la €poca de Cervantes y Lope de Vega y su supervivencia en el folklore contempordneo,” Anuario musical 11 (1956), 33-34. This

manuscript source contains 116 secular songs for three voices, plus an appendix of nineteen vocal works; according to the description in the partial modern edition (first seventy-three pieces) by Querol in MME 18 (1956), 9-13.

728 THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES In addition to this complete setting, perhaps a musical reference to the villano is intended in another vocal work of the period. The relevant passage occurs in an anonymous three-voice song whose opening quatrain reads: iOh, qué bien que baila Gil! con las mozas de Barajas, la chacona a las sonajas y el villano al tamboril.>

On the one hand, the setting of the fourth line may represent villano music; for it begins with a return to duple meter and it uses the major mode, emphasizing the chords I, IV, and V. On the other hand, it may be unrelated; for its texture is imitative rather than homophonic, and its harmonic-metric progressions differ from those in the three-voice song “Al billano se la dan” mentioned above.

The villano was performed as a stylized dance by the aristocracy during the 17th century. The Real Academia Espafiola provides the following definition in its first dictionary: VILLANO. An instrumental piece from the Spanish school of dancing [danza]. It is so named because its [choreographic] movements are similar to the bailes of villagers. . . >'4

The aristocratic villano was used in a humorous context during a mojigan-

ga which was held at the palace in Madrid on February 29, 1623, to celebrate Carnival (see above, chap. 9, p. 374). By contrast, accounts of more dignified festivities, such as royal saraos, do not mention any perfor-

mances of the villano by noblemen. Perhaps the rustic characteristics of the villano rendered it unsuitable for royalty. Nevertheless, other types of sources attest to its importance among the aristocracy. In 1626 Antonio Rodrfguez agrees to give private lessons which will include four mudanzas

of the villano (see above, chap. 11, p. 505). In 1642 Esquivel Navarro

513iOh, qué bien que baila Gil!,” in [Tonos castellanos B], Ms in MADRID, Biblioteca Barolomé March (formerly, Ms 13231 in the Biblioteca de los Duques de Medinaceli), f. 59v-61r; modern edition in Bal y Gay (1935), 75-77; another modern edition by Querol in MME 32 (1970), 33-34. This song is discussed above under “Chacona,” p. 620. SMDiccionario . . . por la Real Academia Espafiola vol. 6 (1739), 488.

THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES 729 recommends that two mudancas of the villano form part of the standard curriculum of dance studios (see above, chap. 10, p. 430). The villano is one of the few dances for which Esquivel Navarro provides detailed information. He discusses two distinctive features of its choreography. First, Esquivel notes that the villano incorporates a technically demanding type of kick known as the boleo: The boleo is executed in the villano. It is a kick which one performs in some of its mudancas by raising one’s foot as high as possible and fully extending one’s leg. One has to execute it by raising one’s foot to the utmost degree. It requires much diligence because, from trying to raise their feet as much as possible, I have seen some people fall flat on their backs. For further amplification [consider the following]. In the studio of Joseph Rodrfguez a student of his, by means of a boleo which he performed in the villano, knocked down with his foot a candlestick which was hanging in the manner of a lamp at a height of two palmos [i. e., about 16.5 inches] above his head.

There are also mudangas of the villano without the boleo which are very handsome, in which one performs giradas [i.e., a type of pirouette]° [Antonio de] Burgos inserts them very well. Boleos are so named because they consist of movements which are executed while flying (al buelo] in the air.*"

Second, Esquivel points out that the villano employs special forms of the reverencia and the doble: It is only in the villano that the reverencias [i.e., bows] and the dobles [i.e., composite moves, each incorporating three steps] are different.” [They differ from the standard forms] in every regard, except in their counting [i.e.,

their relationship to the meter of the music] which they possess as in the other dances. The reverencia of the villano is performed by placing one’s two

feet together as if one were going to jump. When the instrumental piece begins, one takes one’s hat in both hands while kicking with the left leg, so that the lowering of one’s hat and the raising of one’s foot are all one [movement]. One should divide the space which exists from one’s foot to one's head by joining one’s foot with one’s hat in the middle. Then, at one and the same time and musical beat, lower one’s foot to its original position

5!The girada is a difficult move consisting of two or more complete spins on one foot; as described by Esquivel Navarro (1642) chap. 2, f. 16*v-17r. Esquivel Navarro (1642) chap. 2, f. 19r-19v. °’The two normal forms of the reverencia are described by Esquivel under the names reverencia cierta and reverencia galana; as discussed above, chap. 10, p. 424. The normal form of the doble is described in Esquivel Navarro (1642) chap. 2, f. 19v—20r.

730 THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES and raise one’s hat to its original position. Then there are two contenencias [i.e., steps moving backwards and to the side]: one with the right foot on

raising the left, and the other with both feet on putting on one’s hat.>"8 Then one should add [the following movements]. Take a step to the side with the left foot and another with the right, joining the two as if for the reverencia. Perform a contenencia on the toes of both feet, and then next retrace [deshazer] this with the right foot. Proceed with the dobles starting with the left foot. Stamp [? dando] at every second step and leap for the third step in a rustic manner, so that it will be apparent that you are imitating village mudangas.>"

Detailed choreographic information is also provided by Jaque at the end of the 17th century. He gives technical instructions for performing the entrada and three mudanzas of the stylized billano.*°

The term villano also designates a dance of the lower classes. For example, it was one of the popular dance-songs which was personified in a

procession held by the University of Baeza in the early 17th century to honor the Immaculate Conception. According to the account by Antonio Calderén issued in 1618, the character representing the villano appeared as follows:

The Villano was wearing a very natural face with an open and smiling mouth; long hair with its pigtail; a simona filled with spoons;~! a small ruffled collar with many pleats; and an old overcoat with many sleeves, all sprinkled with onions [cebollas] and pieces of bread [pan]. Hanging down from his coat he was also wearing a dirty rag adorned with the text which has been slapped out on feet [zapateada] so much: “Al villano que le dan, etc.”922

Actual village dancing often featured two distinctive types of steps. The first, known as zapateado, consists of slapping the soles of one’s feet with one’s hands. This movement also occurs in some performances of Corpus stick dances and theatrical canarios.4 In the early 18th century the Real Academia Espanola associates it specifically with the villano: 518The contenencia is discussed above, chap. 9, note 21. 5'9Esquivel Navarro (1642) chap. 2, f. 23r-24r. 520Jaque, Libro de danzar (Ms); modern edition by Subir4 (1950), 196-97. 321] have not been able to determine the meaning of the word simona. 322, Antonio Calderén, Relacién de la fiesta que la Universidad de Baeza celebré a la Inmaculada Concepcién (Baeza, 1618); as quoted in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. cclxiv. 23See above, chap. 10, p. 473; and pt. IV, pp. 603 and 606.

THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES 731 ZAPATEAR. It also means to accompany the instrumental piece by clapping one’s hands together and alternately slapping them against one’s feet. To this end one raises up one’s feet with various positions while keeping in time to the same musical beat. These actions are used most frequently in the danza called the villano. . . .*4

In the early 19th century Cairén incorporates this definition in his description of the villano: EL VILLANO. A baile whose instrumental piece is accompanied by clapping one’s hands together and alternately slapping them against one’s feet and sometimes slapping them on the ground. Various positions are formed by running to one side and the other. Sometimes, while sitting down on the ground, one raises one’s feet, performing a type of pataletilla [i.e., raising one foot at a time to the beat of the music] .*” This baile is characteristic of village peasants. For this reason it was named villano.*5

The second distinctive step of village dancing is called the despernada. The Real Academia Espafiola defines it as follows in its first dictionary: DESPERNADA. A certain mudanza in the baile of the villano which one performs with a high leap, landing with one’s legs wide apart. . . .??

Later, Cair6n repeats this description and adds that the Italians employ the despernada in grotesque dances.™8

As a popular dance-song, the villano was used in dramatic works as early as the first half of the 16th century. In a play by S4nchez de Badajoz one of the characters employs the term villano in a choreographic context, although he does not explain its meaning.” In a farsa written by L6épez de Yanguas in approximately 1529, the villano of yesteryear (de antatio) is played as an instrumental piece to accompany a dance. The dialogue in

4D iccionario . .. por la Real Academia Espafiola vol. 6 (1739), 558. 25The pataletilla which is sometimes incorporated in the gaita gallega is described by Cairén

6Cair6n (1820), 123. : (1820), 120-21.

"Diccionario... por la Real Academia Espafiola vol. 3 (1732), 217.

8Cairén (1820), 159. 9S4nchez de Badajoz, Farsa de Santa Bédrbara, published posthumously in his Recopilacién en metro (Seville, 1554); modern edition (1968), 164; as cited above in this part, note 21.

732 THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES this scene indicates that one of the dancers slaps his feet (capateta) and executes pleasing turns (vueltas) 5°

At the beginning of the 17th century the theatrical villano became associated with the following refrain: Al villano se lo dan la cebolla con el pan.

As pointed out previously in this section (p. 727), this refrain is used in a comedia by Lope de Vega which was probably written sometime between

1604 and 1606. Another early example is an indirect reference in an entremés by Cervantes which was issued in 1615. Near the end of the in-

terlude Escarram4n and three other characters dance the villano. Although no lyrics are given, the preceding dialogue alludes to the onion (cebolla) and bread (pan) of the dance.*! Later dramatic works continue to employ the refrain quoted above. A sacristan sings it while dancing the villano in an entremés by Quifiones de Benavente published in 1643.5 Even as late as 1704 a group of Galicians sing it while dancing the villano at the end of a baile by Castro. Aside from this standard refrain, different lyrics sometimes occur in other plays. For example, in a comedia by Matos Fragoso issued in 1670, the dance-song begins with the following lines: El villano que no quiere con su dama ser galante.**4 3°Ferm4n Lépez de Yanguas, Farsa nuevamente compuesta por Herndn Lopes de Yanguas sobre la felice nueva de la concordia y paz y concierto de nuestro felicisimo emperador semper augusto y del cristianissimo rey de Francia (n.p., n.d.) Act V; modern edition in his Obras dramdticas, edited by Fernando Gonz4lez Ollé (Madrid, 1967), 119-20. As Gonzdlez Ollé points out in the preface to his modern edition (1967), li-liv, this play was probably written shortly after the Peace of Cambrai (1529) with France. 53'Cervantes Saavedra, El rufidn viudo Uamado Trampagos (entremés), published in his Ocho comedias y ocho entremeses nuevos nunca representados (Madrid, 1615); modern edition (1952), 553. This entremés is discussed above, chap. 10, pp. 482-83. 532 uifiones de Benavente, La socarrona Olalla y Lanzas (entremés), published in Ramillete gracioso. Compuesto de entremeses famosos yy bailes entremesados. Por diferentes ingenios (Valencia, 1643); modern edition in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 2, p. 732. 533Francisco de Castro, La gallegada (baile), copied in E Mn Mss 14088 (19); quoted in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. ccii, who gives a date of 1704 for this work. 534Juan de Matos Fragoso, El sabio en su retiro y villano en su rincén Juan Labrador (comedia) Act II, published in Pane treinta y tres de comedias nuevas, nunca impressas, escogidas de los mejores ingenios de Espafia (Madrid, 1670); modern edition in BAE 47 (1858), 207;

pointed out in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. cclxiv; and briefly discussed in Barclay (1957), 221-22.

THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES 733 Presumably all theatrical performances of the villano were accompanied by standard instrumental music. However only some of the plays furnish ex-

plicit instructions to this effect. One such work is a comedia written by Lope de Vega probably sometime between 1613 and 1615. In the second

act a character plays the villano on the recorder (flauta) for a dancer whose face is blackened with coal-dust. No lyrics are specified for this performance.*5 The villano was also adopted in various ways for use in religious contexts. Some villancicos were probably sung to its standard vocal melody. For instance, a villancico by Francisco de Santiago is listed as a villano in the catalogue of the music library which once belonged to Jo4o IV of Por-

tugal (see above, chap. 13, p. 555). Similarly, the text of a Christmas villancico issued in Huesca in 1661 carries the subtitle villano above its stanzas (coplas). In addition it resembles the theatrical villano in its refrain, which reads: Al villano se lo dan

entre paja el blanco pan. As a popular dance-song, the villano was sometimes performed on stage in

religious plays. One example, without lyrics, occurs in an auto by Valdivielso which was published in 1622." In other works the usual refrain is transformed a lo divino so that the bread and onion of the villager become the bread and wine of the Eucharist. The following three refrains accompany villano dancing in sacred stage works of the 17th century:

35Lope Félix de Vega Carpio, El nacimiento de Cristo (comedia) Act II, published posthumously in his Ventiquatro parte perfeta de las comedias (Zaragoza, 1641); modern edition in

BAE 159 (1963), 241. A date of ca. 1613-1615 is suggested by Morley and Bruerton (1968), 517. “Flauta” designates a recorder according to the definitions given in Covatrubias (1611), f. 407v, modern edition (1943), 599; and in Diccionario . . . por la Real Academia Espafiola vol. 3 (1732), 763. *36Villancico V, published in Villancicos que se cantaron la noche de Navidad en la santa iglesia catedral de Huesca. Este aflo de 1661 (Huesca, 1661); modern edition in Bravo-Villasante

(1978), 34-35. 37José de Valdivielso, El hijo prédigo (auto sacramental), published in his Doze autos sacramentales y dos comedias divinas (Toledo, 1622); modern edition in BAE 58 (1865), 221,

734 THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES (a) Hoy al hombre se le dan a Dios vivo en cuerpo y pan.* (b) Pues hoy al villano dan carne, vino, sangre y pan.*9 (c) Hoy al hombre se lo dan carne y sangre, vino y pan.”

Perhaps the villano was also used as a dance for the fiesta of Corpus Chris-

ti during the late 16th and early 17th centuries. In Seville, in the years 1570, 1571, and 1572, the city paid for performances of a Corpus danza de villano.™' In Madrid, in 1596, Pedro Cenzano agreed to furnish a Corpus danza de villanos y villanas.” Later in Madrid, in 1606, Luis de Monzén promised to produce a Corpus danza de 18 villanos.“ The phrase danza de villanos in these archival documents may simply refer to the costumes of the dancers. Nevertheless the actual performances may have incorporated elements of the villano dance-song.

In Spanish instrumental sources an early reference to the villano occurs in an undated printing of Amat’s guitar treatise. (The first edition, issued in approximately 1596, is no longer extant.) Amat merely states in passing that one can transpose the villano as well as other dance-songs, to any pitch-level by using his chord-chart (see above under Pasacalle, pp. 688-89). Instrumental settings of the villano first appear in publications which were issued outside of Spain for strummed guitar. Montesardo’s collection, published in Florence in 1606, contains three untexted settings.“ 938A pustin de Rojas Villandrando, [Loa para el Corpus de Valladolid], published in his El viaje entretenido (Madrid, 1603); modem edition by Jaques Joset (Madrid, 1977), 2:98; another edition in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 2, p. 378.

B9osé de Valdivielso, El peregrino (auto sacramental), published in his Doze autos sacramentales y dos comedias divinas (Toledo, 1622); modem edition in BAE 58 (1865), 215; pointed out by Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. cclxiv. 0] a gitanada (mojiganga), copy by Barbieri in E Mn Barbieri Mss14090 (9); as quoted in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. ccl, who suggests a date of ca. 1670 for this work. 4'Records in SEVILLE, Archivo Municipal; as summarized in Gestoso y Pérez (1910), 104, 106, and 108. 542E Mah Protocolos de Francisco Martinez 1596, f. 566 (contract dated April 26, 1596); as summarized in Pérez Pastor (1901), 43. 58— Mah Protocolos de Francisco Martinez (contract dated April 10, 1606); as summarized in Pérez Pastor (1901), 95. +4Montesardo (1606) “Villano di Spagna sopra I’A,” “[{Villano di Spagna] in un altro tono sopra la B,” and “[Villano di Spagna] in un altro tono sopra la C,” 19(16).

THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES 735 Bricefio's collection, published in Paris in 1626, contains two texted villanos (D-413 and D-414). VILLANO CAVALLERO D-431 to D-433

As the names of different dance-songs, the terms villano and caballero are discussed separately in earlier sections of this study (see above,

pp. 726-35, and chap. 13, pp. 547-53, respectively). However, I have found no reference to villano cavallero as a particular dance-song. . ZANGARILLEJA D-434

The zangarilleja (literally: trollop) is the name of a popular dancesong which emerges during the late 17th and early 18th centuries. A textual reference to its music (son) occurs at the end of the 17th century in an anonymous dramatic baile about a harp maestro*5 An actual perfor-

mance of the zangarilleia as a dance-song occurs in an anonymous mojiganga which was written for the zarzuela by Zamora (died 1728) entitled Amor es quinto elemento (or Quinto elemento es amor). In addition,

Cotarelo y Mori claims that Zangarilleja is the title of an anonymous entremés which was written at the beginning of the 18th century.” ZARABANDA D-435 to D-446

The zarabanda was prominent as a type of poetry (letra), a vocal melody (tono), a dance of the lower classes (baile), and an instrumental piece (tafiido). Modern scholars have devoted considerable attention to its uses and possible origins. In 1960 Daniel Devoto reprinted excerpts referring to the zarabanda, as quoted in the secondary literature, from fifty-two primary sources dating from 1583 to 1691.*

°F 1 maestro de arpa (baile), E Mn Mss 15788 (34); according to Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. ccxii. *45[Mojiganga para la zarzuela Amor es quinto elemento]; quoted in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. cclxv. This mojiganga is briefly discussed in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I,

vol. 1, p. ccci. I have been unable to ascertain the present location of this mojiganga. Several copies of the zarzuela text are preserved in E Mn, including: Antonio de Zamora, Quinto elemento es amor (zarzuela de mdsica para el dfa del nombre del rey), E Mn Mss 14771 (dated September 30, 1741). *47Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. cclxxxviii. I have been unable to ascertain the present location of this entremés. 48Daniel Devoto, “La folle sarabande,” Revue de musicologie 45 (1960), 8-25.

736 THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES The earliest known references to the zarabanda, as pointed out by Robert Stevenson, occur in the writings of two Spaniards living in Mexico

during the second half of the 16th century. The first source is a manuscript collection of poetry by Pedro de Trejo which was compiled in Mexico in 1569. It includes a glosa hecha a lo divino of a popular zarabanda. The given popular text consists of the following quatrain: Zarabanda ven ventura

| zarabanda ven y dura. EI criador es ya criatura

zarabanda ven y dura.”

The manuscript states that the glosa of this text was actually performed during the Corpus festivities which were held at Patzcuaro, Michoac4n, in 1569.5% The second source is a work describing the customs of the Aztec Indians which was written by the Spanish priest Diego Dur4n between ap-

proximately 1576 and 1579. Durdn claims that one of the Aztec dancesongs resembles the zarabanda: There was also another dance so roguish that it can almost be compared to our Spanish [nuestros naturales] dance the zarabanda, with all its wriggling [meneos] and grimacing and immodest mimicry. It is not difficult to see that it was the dance of immoral women and of fickle men. It was called the cuecuecheuicatl, which means “tickling dance” or “dance of the itch.” | have seen this performed in some villages, and it is permitted by our friars as a recreation, but I do not consider this wise because it is highly improper. Men dressed as women appear there.*>!

+Pedro de Trejo, “Ajeno, con glosa hecha a lo divino por el autor,” in his Poesfas sagradas y profanas de Pedro de Trejo 1569, MEXICO CITY, Archivo General de la Nacién, Ramo de Inquisici6n vol. 113; modern edition in Boletin del archivo general de la nacién 15 (1944),

230-31. S%According to Robert Stevenson, “The Mexican Origins of the Sarabande,” InterAmerican Music Bulletin 33 (1963), 7; revised as Robert Stevenson, “Communication,” Journal of the American Musicological Sociery 16 (1963), 100-12. 551Diego Dur’n, Historia de las Indias de Nueva Espafia islas de Tierra Firme pt. II, chap. 21, E Mn Mss J.97 (written ca. 1576-1579); modern edition by José F. Ramfrez (Mexico City,

1867-1880) vol. 2, chap. 99, pp. 230-31; English translation by Fernando Horcasitas and Doris Heyden, Book of the Gods and The Ancient Calendar by Fray Diego Durdén (Norman, Okalhoma, 1971), 295. This passage is pointed out by Robert Stevenson, “The First Dated Mention of the Sarabande,” Joumal of the American Musicological Sociery 5 (1952), 29-31, who interprets its meaning differently.

THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES 737 On the basis of these two early references from Mexico, Stevenson argues that the zarabanda originated in the New World.* However Devoto challenges this idea and argues instead for a Spanish origin.*3 Neither theory

has been established conclusively. Various sources do associate the zarabanda (as well as the chacona) with the New World. Nevertheless, given the available evidence, it seems probable that the zarabanda originated in Spain.

As a type of poetry, the earliest extant zarabanda is the a lo divino composition by Trejo discussed above. The text which it glosses probably remained popular into the 17th century. Quevedo ridicules the Zarabanday dura, along with other dance-song lyrics, in a satirical story published in 1628 (see above, chap. 12, p. 527). Poetic sources from the late 16th and early 17th centuries preserve at least four other zarabandas. First, a manuscript compiled in Madrid in 1589 by Alonso de Navarrete de Pisa contains a zarabanda which opens as follows:

} La Zarabanda est4 presa, que dello mucho me pesa; que merece ser condesa y también emperadora. “{A la perra mora! iA la matadora!"*4

Second, a pliego suelto issued in approximately 1593 presents a letra nueva de la carabanda para reyr by Lorenzo Hurtado.*5 Third, a manuscript compiled in approximately 1594 includes a zarabanda which begins: 2Stevenson (1952), 29-31; Robert Stevenson, “The Sarabande: A Dance of American Descent,” Inter-American Music Bulletin 30 (1962), 2~3; and Stevenson (1963), 110-12.

3Devoto (1960), 29-43. The controversy between Devoto and Stevenson is continued in “A propos de la sarabande,” Revue de musicologie 47 (1961), 113-17. In addition, see Daniel Devoto, “Encore sur ‘la’ sarabande,” Revue de musicologie 50 (1964), 175-207; part of which is translated as Daniel Devoto, “iQué es la zarabanda?,” Boletfn interamericano 51

(1966), 3-16. 94La Zarabanda,” in RAVENNA, Biblioteca Comunale Classense, Cancionero Ms 263 (compiled in Madrid in 1589 by Alonso de Navarrete de Pisa), f. 94v; as quoted in Devoto (1960), 9, where the last two lines are written as a single line. The “perra mora” is also the name of another dance-song of the period. Various references to it are cited by Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, pp. cclvi-cclvii; and by Querol (1948), 119-20. *Lorenzo Hurtado, Relacién muy verdadera que un cavallero captivo natural de la ciudad de Sevilla truxo . . . impresso con licencia con una letra nueva de la carabanda para reyr (n.p., n.d.); as listed in Rodrfguez-Moftino (1970), 235.

738 THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES Galiana est4 en Toledo sefialando con el dedo, que el que fuere buen guerrero morir4 desbaratado. “Antén Pintado Antén Colorado.”**

Fourth, a manuscript from the early 17th century contains a caravanda whose opening stanza reads as follows: La prenda que me dexastes quando vuestra fee empenastes, en mi alma la enzerrastes porque ninguno la benda; “tiniendo de vos tal prenda, no ay prenda que a mf me prenda.”*"

These texts reveal that the term zarabanda does not designate a particular

poem or refrain. Instead it seems to refer to poetic structure. The examples quoted above all begin with six-line strophes: a stanza consisting of an octosyllabic quatrain, followed by a refrain of two lines which can be hexasyllabic or octosyllabic. The overall rhyme scheme is aaab/bb. From

an analysis of such texts Devoto concludes that this six-line strophic scheme represents one of the most important poetic forms of the zaraban-

da

The zarabanda was frequently used as a popular song. In a novel by

Alem4n issued in 1599 the protagonist mentions in passing that the seguidillas have displaced the zarabanda.*® However, other sources indi-

cate that the zarabanda continued to be prominent as a dance-song during the 17th century. Perhaps Alemdn is referring to the poetic structure of popular lyrics. Alternatively, he may be alluding to the govern-

ment’s edict of 1583 which prohibited the singing of the zarabanda 536"7 arabanda,” in E Mn Ms formerly belonging to Pascual de Gayangos y Arce (compiled ca. 1594); as quoted in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. cclxvii. 357Caravanda,” in NAPLES, Biblioteca Nazionale, Brancacciana collection, Romancero (Ms compiled in the early 17th century); modem edition by R. Foulché-Delbosc, “Romancero de la Biblioteca Brancacciana,” Revue hispanique 65 (1925), 361-62.

8Devoto (1960), 148-55.

559Mateo Alem4n, Primera parte de Guzmdn de Alfarache (Madrid, 1599) pt. I, Bk. 3, chap. 7; modern edition by Benito Brancaforte (Madrid, 1979), 1:418—19.

THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES 739 (discussed below in this section). As a popular song the zarabanda was associated almost exclusively with the lower classes. For instance, in a novel

by Cervantes published in 1613 the main character is a little gypsy girl who is a proficient performer of various types of lyrics, including zaraban-

das (see above, chap. 10, p. 476). Unfortunately, no vocal setting of the zarabanda has been discovered among the extant musical sources. Nevertheless a pliego suelto issued in Seville in 1594 indicates that a standard vocal melody did exist. The publication contains the text of a letrilla

nueva by Carrasco which is explicitly intended for the tono de la caravanda.™

As a lively dance of the lower classes, the zarabanda was characterized by erotic movements. This feature accounts for the allusion to the

zarabanda made by Durén during his discussion of the Aztec tickling dance (quoted above in this section). In the early 17th century Covatrubias provides the following definition in his dictionary: CARABANDA. A bayle which would be well-known in these times, if its cousin the chacona had not deprived it of its popularity. It is merry and lewd because it is performed with movements [meneos] of the body which are indecent, ... Although they move with all the parts of their bodies, the arms make most of the gestures while playing the castanets; . . . The word ¢arabanda is Hebrew from the verb . . . card which means to scatter, to sift, to blow in the wind, or to walk around.*! All of this is possessed by the woman who dances the carabanda, for she sifts with her body [i.e., wiggles] at one part and another and she goes around the theatre or site where she is dancing, nearly putting those who watch her in a state to imitate her move-

ments and come out to dance; . .

Even in the 18th century the Real Academia Espafiola gives a similar, though less critical, description:

Benito Carrasco, Aqui se contiene un milagro que el glorioso San Diego hizo con una devota”s suya, a los veynte y cinco de febrero deste presente afio de mil y quinientos y noventa y quatro: juntamente de la gran justicia que en la ciudad de Lisboa se hizo de un inglés luterano, y de otras personas. Y lleva al cabo una letrilla nueva al tono de la caravanda, sobre la nueva premdtica (Seville, 1594); as listed in Rodrfguez-Mofiino (1970), 170. The refrain of this lerrilla nueva is quoted in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p cclxvii.

6'Covarrubias frequently concocts Hebrew etymologies in his dictionary; as pointed out above, chap. 9, note 35. 562Covarrubias (1611), f. 264v-265r; modern edition (1943), 394-95.

740 THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES ZARABANDA. . . . An instrumental piece and a lively merry dance [danza]. It is performed with repeated movements of the body which are not

very modest. . . The zarabanda does not seem to have been stylized as an aristocratic dance in Spain. Esquivel Navarro mentions the term only once in his choreographic treatise. He simply states that the zaravanda, jdcara, rastro, and tdrraga are equivalent piecas (see above under Jdcara, p. 673). Relatively few dramatic works explicitly incorporate the zarabanda, presumably because of the many condemnations leveled against it. One of its first known theatrical performances occurs in an entremés written by

Aguado in 1602. A group of Blacks make their entrance dancing the zarabanda and playing drums and tambourines (sonajas). They then proceed to make a circuit around the theatre.* Another early example is contained in a comic entremés by Cervantes issued in 1615. Instumentalists play the zarabanda to accompany an imaginary dance which some

foolish characters pretend to see. In 1617 the zarabanda was actually danced on stage by actors dressed up as old men. This performance was given before Felipe III during a fiesta which was held at Lerma (see above under Turdién, p. 725). Already by the first part of the 17th century the zarabanda was no longer brand new. Consequently some playwrights of the period considered it old-fashioned. For instance, in a comedia written by Lope de Vega probably sometime between 1610 and 1614, one of the characters refers to the zarabanda as being muy vieja (see: above under Conde Claros, p. 627). A more vivid example occurs in an entremés writ-

ten by Quevedo in approximately 1624. Here the zarabanda is one of several old bailes which are personified on stage as figures all covered with

dust and cobwebs (see above, chap. 13, note 58). Nevertheless, the zarabanda is used in a few later dramatic works. In an entremés by Navarrete published in 1640 it is danced and played instrumentally. Further-

more, in an undated anonymous entremés featuring the comedian Juan S8Diccionario . . . por la Real Academia Espartola vol. 6 (1739), 561.

%4Simé6n Aguado, Los negros (entremés), E Mn Mss 17434 (autograph dated Granada, August 10, 1602); modern edition in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. 234. 65Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra, El retablo de las maravillas (entremés), published in his Ocho comedias ‘y ocho entremeses nuevos nunca representados (Madrid, 1615); modern edition (1952), 584. S6Navarrete y Ribera, La escuela de danzar (entremés), published in his Flor de sainetes (Madrid, 1640); excerpt quoted in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. cclxxi.

THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES 741 Rana, the closing dance-song may incorporate musical or choreographic elements of the zarabanda; for its textual refrain reads “ iZarabf, zarabf, zarabanda!”"*

On rare occasions the zarabanda was performed during various fiestas. In 1599 the Swiss doctor Thomas Platter visited Barcelona and observed the festivities held during Carnival. He witnessed the performance of a dance which he believed was the sarabanda, although he may have been wrong in so designating it. In his travel diaries Platter provides the following description:

On Carnival Sunday, February 21 [1599], I saw an extremely magnificent wedding celebrated in Barcelona; . . . I also saw how magnificent things were at the banquet and the dance. Surely it must have been a nobleman of high rank, for never before in my day had I seen such a magnificent and costly meal. At the dance it was not as courtly as in France; for there is nothing further which can be added to the [excellence of] dancing, as well as riding, of the French. The Spaniards dance a particular dance called the sarabanda, with many people together but in couples. They do not lift each other up, but rather they make a clicking noise with both hands as if they were snap-

ping [their fingers alone]. On their thumbs they have an instrument of wood or bone which they snap with their middle fingers, and it makes a very loud sound. They call them castanets, and I have sent a pair back to Basel. Men and women dance with each other in this manner and always turn to

face one another. The man usually dances backwards and makes very strange ridiculous gestures and movements with his body, as well as with his hands and feet. I have also seen approximately fifty couples dancing this way in the streets, and at all times they were facing each other.

During the last third of the 16th century the zarabanda was also adapted a few times for use in religious contexts. As pointed out at the beginning of this section, a glosa hecha a lo divino by Trejo was performed during the Corpus festivities in Mexico in 1569. In southern Spain similar lyrics are found in a pliego suelto issued in Baeza in 1594. This publication contains *7El infierno de Juan Rana (entremés), E Mn Mss 17266; as quoted in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. cxxx. *8Thomas Platter the younger, Beschreibung der Reyss welche Thomas Platter, der Philosophey unndt Artzney Doctor zu Basell, in vier Jahren unndt fanf Monaten von Basell auss

in dass weitberimpt Konigreich Franckreich, von dannen in Spangien unndt widerumb in Franckreich, ... Anno 1605, BASEL, Universitatsbibliothek Ms A \ V7-8, f. 339v—340r,; modern edition by Rut Keiser (Basel and Stuttgart, 1968), 1:374-75.

742 THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES a sacred poem by Becerro which imitates the carabanda transformed de lo

humano a lo divino.* With regard to Corpus dancing, only one documented example is known. In June of 1593 the city of Seville paid a shoemaker half of the 22,440 maravedis promised him for producing a Corpus danza yntitulada la carabanda.™

Various fictional works humorously reflect the wild nature of the zarabanda dance-song. In popular verse the zarabanda was sometimes per-

sonified as a prostitute married to one Antén Pintado. (The words “Antén Pintado” begin the refrain of a zarabanda text from approximately 1594; as quoted above, p. 738). In the preface to an epic poem of chivalry

published in 1588, Huerta castigates those people of “depraved taste” who reject artistic poems in favour of popular songs, such as La vida de la Zarbanda, ramera publica del Guayacdn and El casamiento de su Antén Pintado.™' A poetic work by Godoy issued in 1603 actually takes as its sub-

ject the life story of the personified Zarabanda and her eventual “banishment” (i.e., prohibition) from Spain.*” A different personification occurs in a dramatic baile by Quevedo published posthumously in 1648. Here the Zarabanda is depicted as the wife of Escarram4n and mother of numerous bailes (see above, chap. 10, p. 484). Briefer comic references also indicate the notorious character of the dance-song. In an entremés by Cervantes issued in 1615, a barber pretending to be a demon remarks that

the zarabanda is one of the bailes which originated in Hell (see above, chap. 12, p. 528). Similarly, in a novel by Vélez Guevara published in 1641, a limping devil brags that he was responsible for introducing the zarabanda and other popular dance-songs (see above under Mariona, p. 674). 59 Alonso Becerro, Relacién muy verdadera que trata de un orrendo ¥ terrible caso, . . . S{guese una glosa sobre aquel romance de Maria Magdalena con otras coplas en alabanga de nuestra sefiora de la cabeca contrahechas a la carabanda buelto de lo humano a lo divino, . . . (Baeza, 1594); as listed in Rodrf{guez-Mofiino (1970), 155. SMSEVILLE, Archivo Municipal, Libro de Propios (dated June 1, 1593); as transcribed by Francisco Rodrfguez Marin in his modern edition of Miguel Cervantes Saavedra, Rinconete 4 Cortadillo (Madrid, 1920), 95 note 2. 31'Jer6nimo de Huerta, Florando de Castilla, lauro de caballeros, compuesto en octava rima (Alcal4 de Henares, 1588), “Prélogo al lector"; modern edition in BAE 36 (1855), 226. 52Juan de Godoy, Relacién muy graciosa que trata de la vida y muerte que hizo la Zaravanda, muger que fue de Anton Pintado, y las mandas que hizo a todos aquellos de su jaez ‘y camarada, y

como salié desterrada de la corte y de aquella pesadumbre murié: es obra de mucho gusto entretenimiento (Cuenca, 1603); cited and discussed in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. cclxix.

THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES 743 The association of the zarabanda with other particular dance-songs further reflects its disreputable nature. Many authors view the zarabanda as being closely related to the scandalous chacona. One such writer, already quoted in this section, is Covarrubias. Elsewhere in his dictionary Covartubias describes the zarabanda as a successor to the lascivious encorvada (see above, chap. 10, note 260). In the early 19th century Cairén considers the zarabanda as the source of many mischievous bailes spanning a period of over 200 years (see above, chap. 13, p. 546).

In ‘serious writings the zarabanda was one of the most severely criticized dance-songs of the Spanish repertory. Numerous moralists con-

demn it for its racy lyrics and provocative movements. During the last decade of the 16th century S4nchez (1590), Rosas de Oquenda (1598), and Cerda (1599) censure the zarabanda as a lascivious dance (see above

under Chacona, pp. 618-19). In 1592 Camos directs a similar attack against it: . .. they do not dance with this prudence, but with the new, recently devised inventions of the devil which they call zarabandas. I do not know how it can fail to give offence to God. I am astonished that such a pernicious thing has been accepted among discrete and cultured people, without them realizing their error. For, although there might be no other purpose than to dance, the movements [meneos] and gestures of this diabolical invention are so lewd and foul that much virtue and purity are lost, inasmuch as it is true that the movements of the limbs are ruled by the intellect.*”

In the same decade Lépez Pinciano criticizes the zarabanda as a shameful dance-song with obscene lyrics. In his treatise on poetry issued in 1596, he describes a performance given by two women at the home of one of the interlocutors: . .. both of them got up from the table. The young girl with her vihuela danced and sang, and the old woman with her guitar sang and danced. They uttered a thousand obscenities from those foul mouths, reinforcing them with the instruments and unchaste movements of their bodies. The dissoluteness was such that the three men, who were alone, were abashed and

affronted....

*3Marco Antonio de Camos, Microcosmia, y govierno universal del hombre cristiano, para todos los estados y qualquiera de ellos (Barcelona, 1592; 2nd edition, Madrid, 1595) Bk. I, didlogo 12, p. 149; as quoted in Cotarelo y Mori (1904), 129.

144 THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES Pinciano: “Is this the zarabanda which they are uttering?” Fadrique: “Call it zarabanda or dithiramba.”™™

In 1598 Argensola submitted a document to the king which furnishes indirect evidence that the zarabanda was often incorporated in early theatrical works. Argensola viciously denounces the production of comedias on moral grounds. One of his arguments concerns the dances: . .. there were parents who, without being actors, taught this occupation to their sons and daughters. Thus they signed legal papers and handed their children over to the actors, so that we used to see girls of four years of age on stage dancing the zarabanda indecently.>”

During the early 17th century moralists continue to condemn the zarabanda as a corrupting influence among the populace. Rey de Artieda (1605), Cano y Urreta (1619), and Caro (ca. 1620) all consider it to be a lewd dance (see above, p. 619; and chap. 9, p. 346, respectively). Cano y Urreta’s censure of its hand gestures recalls the description given by Covarrubias in his dictionary (quoted above in this section). In 1614 Ortiz attacks the zarabanda as an indecent song (see above, chap. 12, p. 529). One of the

severest opponents of popular dance-songs was Juan de Mariana (see above, chap. 9, pp. 411-12 and chap. 12, pp. 532-33). In his written diatribe he singles out the zarabanda as being especially pernicious:

. . . among the other inventions, there has appeared in these times a dance-song [baile y cantar] which is so lewd in its words and so deformed in

its movements [meneos] that it is more than enough to set fire to [i.e., arouse sexually] even the most virtuous people. It is commonly called zarabanda. In light of the fact that different reasons and derivations are given for such a name, no single one is considered as verified and certain. What is known is that it was invented in Spain, which I consider as one of the serious affronts which can be made against our nation. Our nation is considered indecent and inclined towards indecency to such an. extent that

%4Alonso Lépez Pinciano, Philosophia antigua poética (Madrid, 1596) Eptstola X, pp. 418420; modern edition by Alfredo Carballo Picazo (Madrid, 1973), 3:91-93. The zarabanda is also criticized as an obscene dance-song in Lépez Pinciano (1596) Epfstola IV, p. 126 and Epfstola XIII, p. 515; modern edition (1973), 1:241 and 3:264. 33Lupercio Leonardo de Argensola, Memorial sobre la representacién de comedias, dirigido al rey d{on] Felipe II (1598); published in José de Jestis Marfa, Primera parte de las excelencias de la virtud de la castidad (Alcalé, 1601) chap. 18; as reprinted in Cotarelo y Mori (1904), 68.

THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES 745 when I was in Paris I heard it said by a dignified, learned, and prudent per-

son—who considered it as verified—that in that city the servants of a Spanish nobleman who was staying there produced more depravity in this regard than all the other native people who resided there. I believe that this was a great exaggeration, but the truth is that this statement was actually

made. For what will they say when, as evil things are multiplying and rumour is growing, they learn that in Spain—wherein lies the dominion and the home of religion and justice—[the zarabanda] is performed not only in

private but also in public with the utmost indecency, with movements [meneos] and words to suit actions which are more obscene and filthy than those which are found and performed in brothels, representing embraces and kisses and all the rest with the mouth, arms, loins, and the entire body, which merely to refer to it causes shame? . .. We know for a fact that this baile has been danced in one of the most illustrious cities of Spain in the very procession and festival of the Holy Sacrament of the body of Christ, our Lord [i.e., during Corpus Christ], giving offence to his majesty with what they think is honorable.*” But this is minor, after we know that in the same city in various convents during the same festivity they performed not

only the music [son] and dance [baile] but also the body movements [meneos} which are so obscene, that it was necessary for the virtuous people who were there to cover their eyes; . . 777

On two occasions the Crown attempted to abolish the zarabanda by means of legislation. In 1583 the government outlawed the singing of the zarabanda and threatened transgressors with extremely harsh penalties. The proclamation which it issued in Madrid reads as follows: The judicial officials of the Household and Court of his Majesty order that no person dare to sing or utter in the streets, in houses, or in any other place whatsoever the song which is named de la zarabanda or any other similar one; under penalty of 200 lashes, and [in addition] for the men a sentence of six years in the galleys and for the women banishment from the kingdom.7”

“6Perhaps Mariana is alluding to its use in Seville; mentioned above in this section, p. 742. Juan de Mariana, Tratado contra los juegos piblicos, Ms in E Mn, chap. 12 “Del baile y

cantar llamado zarabanda”; modern edition in BAE 31 (Madrid, 1854), 433. This manuscript is reported to be a translation of his Joannis Marianae septem tractatus (Cologne, 1609) “De spectaculis"; which in turn is apparently a revision of a section in his De rege et regis institutione. Libri III (Toledo, 1599).

“8Pregin sobre la zaravanda (dated Madrid, August 3, 1583), E Mah Actas de la Sala de

Alcaldes Bk. I, f. 146; as transcribed in Amezua y Mayo (1912), 587 note 1; also transcribed in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. celxvi.

7146 THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES Later the government became concerned about its use in dramatic works.

In 1615 the Crown explicitly prohibited the performance of various theatrical dances including the garavanda (see above, chap. 12, p. 534).

During the 17th and 18th centuries transformed versions of the _ zavabanda spread throughout western Europe.*® The Spanish troops stationed in the Low Countries played a prominent role in its early dissemi-

nation. Captain Alonso V4zquez, a veteran of the Flemish campaigns, includes the following remarks in his description of the events of the year 1587:

. . . in those States [of Flanders] Spaniards are seldom accustomed to engage among themselves in dancing [bailar ni danzar]|—a detested thing in war—unless it is with Flemish ladies and women. The regiment led by don

Antonio Manrique was called the Regiment of the Zarabanda, a dance [baile] which had not been seen in those States. They brought some guitars

and during the time when they were billeted in the region of Liége they entertained themselves as if they were in Spain. However they very soon forgot about music [son] and dancing [baile], because the hardships and miseries which they suffered in Flanders did not give them further opportunity for such recreation.

In Italy the sarabanda was known as an erotic dance-song during the early 17th century, although some writers fail to distinguish it from the

chacona. For example, in a poem issued in 1623, Marino describes a provocative performance of a saravanda e ciaccona, il nuovo Hispano (see above under Chacona, pp. 620-21). Instrumental music for the sarabanda

was first published in Italy in 1606 in the guitar book by Montesardo.*! Discussed by Devoto (1960), 157-77; Daniel Devoto, “Quelques additions a ‘La folle sarabande’,” Revue de musicologie 47 (1961), 118-19; and Devoto (1964), 188-207, translated as Devoto (1966), 3-16. A modern edition of 103 musical settings of the zarabanda from throughout western Europe (including Spain), dating from 1606 to 1745, is given in Hudson (1982) vol. 2. 58 Alonso Vazquez, Los sucesos de Flandes y Francia del tiempo de Alexandro Farnese (dedica-

tion dated Jaén, May 1, 1614), E Mn Mss 2767 (formerly 1.132) Bk. II “De las guerras civiles y rebelién de Flandes, en que se contienen los sucesos del afio 1587”; modern edition in Coleccién de documentos inéditos para la historia de Espafia vol. 73 (Madrid, 1879), 323. ®1Montesardo (1606) “Sarabanda sopra I'A,” “[Sarabanda] in un’‘altro tono sopra la B,” “[Sarabanda] in un’altro tono sopra la C,” and “[Sarabanda] in un’altro tono sopra la I pid usata da spagnuoli,” 22(19)—23(20).

THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES 147 Numerous guitar settings survive in the Italian sources. The harmonic structure of these works has been investigated by Hudson. The cultivation of the sarabande in France is discussed in the following section. ZARABANDA FRANCESA D-447 to D-484

During the 17th and 18th centuries the sarabande was cultivated in France as a stylized theatrical dance, an aristocratic ballroom dance, and an. instrumental piece. Devoto has documented its use by citing refer-

ences from numerous French sources dating from between 1607 and 1767.°3 In France the sarabande underwent two sets of transformations. The first, occurring in the early 17th century, represents its initial derivation from the Spanish zarabanda. The second, occurring in the middle of the 17th century, resulted in versions which subsequently attained great prominence throughout western Europe. The zarabanda first appears in France at the beginning of the 17th century. As suggested in the writings of Juan de Mariana, Spaniards residing in Paris played an important role in its transmission (see above under Zarabanda, pp. 744-45). Frenchmen themselves associated the zarabanda with Spain. For example, in a choreographic treatise published in 1623, Lauze states that among Spaniards the preferred dances are the sarabande and the pavane.* From the outset in France the sarabande was employed as a theatrical dance. Stage performances of it occur in the following early ballets:

(1) Ballet des Dieux marins, fait par m[onsieur] le Guise et autres (first performed in September of 1608) (2) Ballet de Madame la duchesse de Rohan (first performed in 1617)*

Richard Hudson, “The ‘Zarabanda’ and ‘Zarabanda Francese’ in Italian Guitar Music of the Early 17th Century,” Musica disciplina 24 (1970), 125-49. Daniel Devoto, “De la zarabanda a la sarabande,” Recherches sur la musique francaise classique 6 (1966), 27-72. 641 auze (1623) “Préface,” 9. *®According to the inventory by the Duke de la Vallitre (preserved in F Pn Ms fr.24357) of a lost collection of ballet music assembled by Michel Henry in approximately 1620; as

transcribed by Francois Lesure, “Le recueil de ballets de Michel Henry (vers 1620),” in Les fétes de la Renaissance, edited by Jean Jacquot, vol. 1 (Paris, 1956), 212. *85A ccording to the inventory by the Duke de la Vallitre; as transcribed by Lesure (1956), 217.

748 THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES (3) Le ballet du Monde renversé (n.p., ca. 1625)? (4) Grand bal de la douairiére de Billebahaut. Ballet dansé par le roy, au mois de février 1626 (Paris, 1626) .>

As an aristocratic dance the sarabande is one of the types discussed by

Mersenne in his treatise of 1636: |

The sarabande was invented by the Saracens or Moors, whence it took its

name; ... Frenchmen and Spaniards dance it only as a couple dance. Its rhythm is hégéméolien, i.e., short — short — short — long — short. It is danced to

the sound of the guitar or castanets, and this by means of some sections [couplets] without number. Its steps are composed of tirades or glissades. Its melodic example [given on the following page of his treatise] is in mode 11 transposed down a tone [i.e., has a final of g and a key signature of b>]: . . 8

Elsewhere in his treatise Mersenne provides a musical setting for strummed guitar in the tablature used by Martin.™ As an instrumental piece, the sarabande was musically distinct from the Spanish zarabanda.™!

In a collection of guitar pieces issued in Paris in 1626 Bricefio differentiates between the caravanda francesa (D-447) and the caravanda espajiola (D-437 and D-438). Both types are also found in Italian sources for guitar from the first half of the 17th century. Hudson argues that in these Italian

settings the Spanish zarabanda usually employs a particular harmonicmetric scheme, whereas “the zarabanda francesa assumes a great variety of

structures, with no uniformity in the number of phrases or the way they are positioned or repeated.”* Sometime in the middle of the 17th century the sarabande underwent a second set of transformations. As an instrumental piece it continued to exhibit considerable harmonic variety, but it now assumed a

587\fodern edition of this published scenario in Lacroix (1868-1870), 3:55. 88\fodern edition of this published scenario in Lacroix (1868—1870), 3:187 and 190. 58 Mersenne (1636) “Traitez de la voix et des chants” Bk. II, proposition 23, p. 165. 390'Sarabande,” in Mersenne (1636) “Traité des instrumens a chordes" Bk. II, proposition 14, p. 97. IMusical settings of both types, dating from 1607 to 1743, are given in modern edition by Hudson (1982) vol. 2. 2Hudson, Musica disciplina 24 (1970), 133.

THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES 149 binary structure. Moreover it became a standard component of the instrumental suite throughout western Europe. In the field of choreography

the sarabande was stylized anew as a slower dance than its earlier namesake. During this period in France the same sort of transformation was applied to other fast dances originally imported from Spain, such as the chacona, folfa, and pasacalle (see above in this part, pp. 622, 648, and 690-91, respectively). The importance of the new stylized sarabande, especially as a stage dance, is reflected by the large number of examples contained in the French choreographic sources. The choreography for a

sarabande by the dancing master Beauchamp survives in an undated manuscript (see above, chap. 10, pp. 436-37). In 1700 Feuillet presents choreographic notation and melodies for the performance of four sarabandes:

(1) “Sarabande pour femme,” Feuillet (1700) pt. II, pp. 21-24 (2) “Sarabande pour homme,” Feuillet (1700) pt. II, pp. 25-28 (3) “Sarabande espagnol pour homme,” Feuillet (1700) pt. II, pp. 29— 32 (4) “Sarabande” in “La Bougogne” (courante — bourée — sarabande — passe pied), Feuillet (1700) pt. III, pp. 47-48. The music for the first three comes from Lully's Le bourgeois gentilhomme,

where it is used by Spanish characters. The first two dances listed above employ the same “Spanish” melody.®? Their choreography has been in-

vestigated by Mercer. The third dance uses another air des espagnols from the same section of Lully’s ballet.*> In 1704 Feuillet provides choreographic notation and melodies for five additional sarabandes:

(1) “Sarabande pour une femme,” Feuillet (1704), 1-4

(2) “Sarabande & deux dancée par mfonsieuJr Blonde et m{ademoise]lle Victoire a l’opéra de Tancréde,” Feuillet (1704), 127-31 *3Jean-Baptiste Lully, “Premier air des espagnols,” in his Le bourgeois gentilhomme (comédie-ballet; first performed at Chambord, October 14, 1670) LWV 43/27; modern edition in his Oeuvres completes de J.-B, Lully. Les comédies-ballets, edited by Henry

Pruniéres, vol. 3 (Paris, 1938), 124-25. |

“David S. Mercer, “Musical and Choreographic Embellishment of the Sarabande,” Canadian Association of University Schools of Music. Journal 2 (1972), 10-14. *5Lully, “Second air des espagnols,” in his Le bourgeois gentilhomme (comédie-ballet) LWV

43/30; modern edition by Pruniéres (1938), 127.

750 THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES (3) “Sarabande pour deux hommes dancée par m[onsieu]r Piffetot et m{onseiu]r Chevrier a l’opéra de’Alside,” Feuillet (1704), 154 57

(4) “Sarabande pour un homme non dancée 4 |’Opéra,” Feuillet (1704), 210-15 (5) “Sarabande pour un homme non dancée a l’Opéra, Feuillet (1704), 225-28. The first employs the same melody by Lully (LWV 43/27) as found in the first two sarabandes of Feuillet's treatise of 1700. The choreography, however, is different. The second sarabande of 1704 comes from a tragédie lyrique by Campra.™ The third probably comes from an opera written jointly by Louis Lully and Marin Marais. ZARAMBEQUE D-485 to D-492

The zarambeque emerges as a popular dance-song in the middle of the 17th century. The Real Academia Espajfiola defines it in 1739 as “an instrumental piece, and a very merry and boisterous dance which is common among Blacks.”** In 1793 Roxo de Flores lumps the zarambeque together with the cumbé and guineo, as rapid ridiculous bailes which are usually danced by Blacks (see above under Paracumbé, p. 682).

During the second half of the 17th and early 18th centuries the zarambeque was frequently performed on stage as a comic dance-song. It occurs in at least twenty-two dramatic interludes between approximately

1655 and 1721 (listed in Chart 37 below). In five instances (Chart 37 numbers 1, 6, 14, 16, and 22) characters representing Blacks perform it. The association with Blacks is further demonstrated in an entremés by Castro (Chart 37 number 21) where the dance-song is described as the guineo performed por el zarambeque. In three other instances (Chart 37 numbers 5, 8, and 10) the humorous nature of the zarambeque is conAndré Campra, “Air des plaisirs,” in his Tancréde (tragédie lyrique; first performed in Paris, November 7, 1702) prologue; modern edition reduced for voice and piano by Alexandre Guilmant in Chefs-d'oeuvre classiques de l'opéra francais vol. 16 (Paris, n.d.; reprinted New York, 1971), 36-38. 1 ouis Lully and Marin Marais, Alcide ou Le triomphe d'Hercule (opéra; first performed in Paris, February 3, 1693); as listed in Félix Clément and Pierre Larousse, Dictionnaire des opéras, revised by Arthur Pougin (Paris, 1905; reprinted New York, 1969), 1:28.

Diccionario . . . por la Real Academia Espariola vol. 6 (1739), 562. This definition is repeated in Cairn (1820), 124.

THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES 751 veyed by the rotund comedian Cosme Pérez (whose stage-name was Juan Rana). - As a theatrical dance-song, the lyrics of the zarambeque vary. Never-

theless the following two hexasyllabic refrains occur in more than one work: (a) iZarambeque, teque, lindo zarambeque! (Chart 37 numbers 19, 20, and 21)

(b) Teque, teque, teque, vaya el zarambeque. (Chart 37 numbers 1 and 17)

In addition the word teque also appears in the refrains of six other zaram-

beques (Chart 37 numbers 3, 5, 8, 9, 10, and 16). In the Andalusian dialect the word teque means extreme courtesy or elegance.” Chart 37. Dramatic works incorporating performances of the zarambeque, ca. 1655-1721 1. | Jerénimo de C4ncer y Velasco, El portugués (entremés), published in Autos sacramentales con quatro comedias nuevas y sus loas ‘y entremeses. Primera parte

(Madrid, 1655); modern edition in Felicidad Buendfa, Antologia del entremés (desde Lope de Rueda hasta Antonio de Zamora). Siglos XVI y XVII (Madrid,

1965), 649-50. 2. Jerénimo de C4ncer y Velasco, El cortesano (entremés), published posthumously in Tardes apacibles de gustoso entretenimiento, repartidas en varios entremeses y bayles entremesados, escogidos de los mejores ingenios de Espafia (Madrid, 1663); modern edition in Hannah E. Bergman, Ramillete de entremeses y bailes nuevamente recogido de los antiguos poetas de Espatia. Siglo XVII (Madrid, 1970), 287.

3. Antonio de Solfs y Rivadeneira, Loa para la comedia de Las amazonas, que se representé a su majestad domingo de Carnestolendas 7 de febrero del afio de 1655, published posthumously in his Varias poesfas, sagradas y profanas (Madrid, 1692); modern edition in Bergman (1970), 297-99. 4. La noche de Carnestolendas (entremés), E Mn Mss 17328; quoted in Emilio Cotarelo y Mori, Coleccién de entremeses, loas, bailes, jécaras ‘y mojigangas desde fines del siglo XVI a mediados del XVIII (Madrid, 1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. cciv, who states that it was performed at the royal palace in 1660 during Carnival.

39 According to Antonio Alcal4 Venceslada, Vocabulario andaluz (Madrid, 1951; reprinted Madrid, 1980), 602.

752 THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES Chart 37 (continued) 5. Pedro Francisco Lanini Sagredo, El parto de Juan Rana (entremés), E Mn Mss 14089 (43); quoted in Cotare lo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, pp. cclxxiicclxxiii. A date of ca. 1660 is suggested by Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. cxvii.

6. Bernardo Lépez del Campo, Zarambeque (mojiganga para la zarzuela), E Mn Mss 4123 (51); quoted in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. cclxxiii. A date of ca. 1660 is suggested by Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. ccxlii.

7. Sebastidn Rodrfguez de Villaviciosa, Los sones (baile), published in Rasgos del ocio, en diferentes bayles, entremeses, y loas de diferentes autores (Madrid, 1661); quoted in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. cclxxii.

8. Sebastién Rodrfguez de Villaviciosa, El retrato de Juan Rana (entremés), published in Tardes apacibles de gustoso entretenimiento repartidas en varios entremeses ¥ bayles entremesados, escogidos de los mejores ingenios de Espafia (Madrid, 1663);

modern edition in Buendfa (1965), 774.

9. Vicente Sudrez de Deza y Avila, Los borrachos (baile entremesado), published in his Parte primera de los Donayres de Tersicore, compuesta por don Vicente Sudrez de Deza y Avila, ugier de saleta de la reyna nuestra seviora, sus altezas, fiscal de las

comedias, en esta corte (Madrid, 1663); quoted in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt.I, vol. 1, p. cclxxii.

10. Francisco de Avellaneda, La boda de Juan Rana (entremés), published in Rasgos del ocio, en diferentes bayles, entremeses y loas, de diversos autores. Segunda parte (Madrid, 1664); quoted in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. cclxxiii.

11. Francisco de Avellaneda, Las naciones (baile entremesado), published in Rasgos del ocio, . . . Segunda parte (Madrid, 1664); quoted in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. cclxxiii.

12. El zarambeque de Cupido (baile), E Mn Mss 4123 (60); quoted in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. cclxxiii, who suggests a date of ca. 1670 for this work.

13. Sebastidn Rodrfguez de Villaviciosa, El licenciado Truchén (entremés), published in Ramillete de saynetes escogidos de los mejores ingenios de Espafla (Zaragoza, 1672); quoted in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. cclxxii.

14. Pedro Francisco Lanini Sagredo, El colegio de los gorrones (entremés), published in Migaxas del ingenio, y apacible entretenimiento, en varios entremeses, bayles, y loas, escogidos de los mejores ingenios de Espafia (Zaragoza, n.d.); modern edition by Cotarelo y Mori (1908), 41-42.

15. Francisco Antonio de Bances y Candamo, Mojiganga para el auto El primer duelo del mundo, published posthumously in his Poesfas cémicas, . . . Tomo primero

(Madrid, 1722); summarized in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. ccxcviii, who suggests a date of ca. 1684 for this work.

16. Los volatines y mojigangas (entremés), E Mn Mss 14515 (52); quoted in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. cclxxii.

17. Don Gaiferos (mojiganga), E Mn Mss 14090 (14); quoted in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. cclxxiii.

THE INDIVIDUAL DANCE-TYPES 753 18. Mari Ximénez (baile entremesado), E Mn Mss 14088 (21) and also Mss 15788 (11); summarized in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. ccxiii.

19. Francisco de Castro, Dofia Parva Materia (fin de fiesta), published in his Tercera parte de Alegria cémica, explicada en diferentes assumptos jocosos (Zaragoza, 1702); summarized in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, pp. cclxxii and CCCVI.

20. Francisco de Castro, El destierro del hoyo (entremés), published posthumously in his Libro nuevo de entremeses, intitulado: Cémico festejo vol. 1 (Madrid, 1742); quoted in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, pp. cxix and cclxxii. 21. Francisco de Castro, Pagar que le descalabren (entremés), published posthumously in his Libro nuevo de entremeses, intitulado: Cémico festejo vol. 1 (Madrid, 1742); quoted in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. ccli.

22. Los gorrones (entremés), E Mn Mss 14516 (13); quoted in Cotarelo y Mori (1911) pt. I, vol. 1, p. cclxxii. According to the manuscript source, this work was performed in Madrid in 1721.

ISLANK PAGE

PART V Fc Bibliography

SILANK PAGE

A. SOURCES BEFORE 1800 (PLUS LATER FACSIMILE PUBLICATIONS AND MODERN EDITIONS OF SINGLE AUTHORS OR SOURCES)

Abreu Galindo, Juan de. Historia de la conquista de las siete islas de Canaria. TENERIFE, Biblioteca Municipal de Santa Cruz Ms 11.4.34. Modern edition by Alejandro Cioranescu. Santa Cruz, Tenerife, 1977. Alemén, Mateo. Primera parte de Guzmdn de Alfarache. Madrid, 1599. Modern edition by Benito Brancaforte. Madrid, 1979. Almansa y Mendoza, Andrés. Two Royall Entertainments, Lately Given to the Most Illustrious Prince Charles, Prince of Great Britaine, by the High and Mighty Philip the Fourth King of Spaine, &c. At the Feasts of Easter and Pentecost. Translated out of the Spanish Originals Printed at Madrid. London, 1623. Facsimile edition. Amsterdam, 1977.

. Modern edition of his letters under the title Cartas de Andrés de Almansa y Mendoza. Novedades de esta corte yy avisos recibidos de otras partes. Coleccién de libros esparioles raros o curiosos, vol. 17. Madrid, 1886.

Amat, Juan Carlos. Guitarra espafiola, yy vandola en dos maneras de guitarra, castellana, y cathalana de cinco 6rdenes. Revised edition. Gerona, n.d. (Earliest extant edition, Lérida, 1626). Facsimile edition. Monaco, 1980. Antonio, Nicol4s. Bibliotheca hispana nova sive Hispanorum scriptorum qui ab anno MD ad MDCLXXXIV florvere notitia. 2 vol. Madrid, 1783 and 1788. Facsimile edition. Turin, 1963. Arafiés, Juan. Libro segundo de tonos ¥ villancicos a una dos tres ‘y quatro voces. Con la zifra de la guitarra espannola a la usanza romana. Rome, 1624.

Arbeau, Thoinot. See Tabourot, Jehan.

Ariosto, Ludovico. Orlando furioso. 3rd edition. Ferrara, 1532. (1st edition, Ferrara, 1516).

Modern edition by Santorre Debenedetti and Cesare Segre. Bologna, 1960. English translation by Allan Gilbert. 2 vol. New York, 1954.

757

758 BIBLIOGRAPHY Arteaga, Esteban. Le rivoluzioni del teatro musicale italiano dalla sua origine fino al presente. 2nd edition. 3 vol. Venice, 1785. (1st edition, Bologna, 1783).

Arte de canto llano, érgano, ¥ cifra. Junto con el de cantar sin mutancas, altamente fundado en principios de arithmética, y misica. Madrid, 1649.

' Artusi, Giovanni Maria. L’Artusi overo delle imperfettioni della modema musica. 3 vol. Venice, 1600-1603. Facsimile edition. Bologna, 1968. Aulnoy, Madame d’. Relation du voyage d'Espagne. Paris, 1691. Modern edition by R. Foulché-Delbosc. Revue hispanique 67 (1926). English translation under the title The Ingenious and Diverting Letters of the Lady—Travels into Spain. 2nd edition. London, 1692. Modern edition of the English translation. London, 1930.

A Wn. Ms addition to Valderrabano (1547). Barbosa Machado, Diogo. Bibliotheca lusitana histérica, critica, e cronolégica. Na qual se comprehende a noticia dos authores portuguezes, e das obras, que compuserdo desde o tempo da promulgacdo de Ley de Graca até o tempo prezente. 4 vol. Lisbon, 1741-1759. Facsimile edition. Coimbra, 1965-1967. BARCELONA, Biblioteca de Catalunya (i.e., Biblioteca Central). See E Bc.

BARCELONA, Biblioteca Orfeé Catala. Ms 12-VII-21. Libro de tocatas para cimbalo repartidas por todos los puntos de un diapasén . . . compuesto por m[osén] Visente Rodriguez presbitero. Organista principal de la metropolitana yglesia de Valencia. Afio 1744. Modern edition by Almonte Howell. Recent Researches in the Music of the

Classical Era vol. 22-23. Madison, 1986. BARCELONA, Instituto Municipal de Historia. See E Bih.

Barrionuevo, Jer6nimo de. Modern edition of his letters by A. Paz y Melia, under the title Avisos de d[on] Jerénimo de Barrionuevo (1654-1658). 4 vol. Madrid, 1892-1893. Bataille, Gabriel. Airs de différents autheurs mis en tablature de luth par Gabriel Bataille. Cinquiesme livre. Paris, 1614.

Bauyn Ms. See F Pn Réserve Vm! 674-675.

SOURCES BEFORE 1800 759 B Bc. Ms 5615. Recueil des piéces de guitarre composées par m[onsieu]r Francois Le Cocq musicien jubilaire de la chapelle royal a Bruxelles. Et présentées par auteur en 1729 @ monsieur de Castillion prévit de S[ain]te Pharailde &c. a Gand. Facsimile edition. Thesaurus musicus nova Series, série A, vol. 1. Brussels, 1979.

Bermudo, Juan. Comienca el Arte tripharia. Osuna, 1550. . Facsimile edition. Kassel, 1970.

. Comienca el libro llamado Declaracién de instrumentos musicales. Osuna, 1555.

Facsimile edition. Kassel, 1957. |

Bertaut, Francois. Journal du voyage d'Espagne fait en l'anne’e mil six cens cinquante neuf, @ l'occasion du traité de la paix. Paris, 1669. Modern edition by F. Cassan. Revue hispanique 47 (1919), 1-317.

Blas, Desiderio. See TURIN, Biblioteca Nazionale Universitaria. Bocangel Ungueta, Gabriel. See E Mn Barbieri Mss 14070/7 (5). [Bonnet, Jacques]. Histoire de la musique et de ses effets, depuis son origine jusqu'a présent. Paris, 1715. Facsimile edition. Geneva, 1969. Bosc4n, Juan. See Castiglione, Baldesar. BRAGA, Biblioteca Pdblica. See P B.

Bricefio, Luis de. Método mui facilissimo para aprender a tafier la guitarra a lo espafiol. Paris, 1626. Facsimile edition. Geneva, 1972.

Brossard, Sébastien. Dictionaire de musique. 2nd edition. Paris, 1705. (1st edition, Paris, 1703). Facsimile edition. Hilversum, 1965. English translation of 1st edition by Albion Gruber. Henryville, 1982.

Bruna, Pablo. Obras completas para érgano. Edited by Julién Sagasta Galdés. Zaragoza, 1979. Brunel, Antoine de. Voyage d'Espagne, curieux, historique et politique. Fait en l'année 1655. Paris, 1665.

Modern edition by Charles Claverie, under the title “Voyage d’Antoine de Brunel en Espagne (1655).” Revue hispanique 30 (1914), 118-375. BRUSSELS, Biblioth@que du Conservatoire Royal de Musique. See B Bc.

760 BIBLIOGRAPHY El Caballero de Olmedo (comedia). E Mn Mss 15777. Modern edition by Eduardo Juli4 Martfnez. Madrid, 1944.

Cabanilles, Juan. Opera omnia. Edited by Higinio Anglés. BPSM 4 (1927), 8 (1933), 13 (1936), and 17 (1956). . Versos para organo. Vol 1. Edited by José Marfa Llorens Cisteré and Julid4n Sagasta Galdés. MME 44 (1986).

Cabezé6n, Antonio de. Obras de miisica para tecla arpa y vihuela, de Antonio de Cabegén, miisico de la cdémara y capilla del rey don Philippe nuestro sefior. Recopiladas yy puestas en cifra por Hernando de Cabecon su hijo. Madrid, 1578. Partial modern edition by Higinio Anglés. MME 27-29 (1966).

. Collected Works. Edited by Charles Jacobs. 3 vol. to date. New York, 1967, 1972, and 1976.

Cabrera de Cérdoba, Luis. Relaciones de las cosas sucedidas en la corte de Esparia desde el afio 1599 hasta 1614 (Ms). Modern edition. Madrid, 1857.

Calderén de la Barca, Pedro. Comedias. Edited by Juan Eugenio Hartzenbusch. Vol. 4. BAE 14 (1850).

. Obras completas. Vol. 3, Autos sacramentales. Edited by Angel Valbuena Prat. Madrid, 1952. . Comedias. A Facsimile Edition. Edited by D.W. Cruikshank and J. E. Varey. 19 vol. Westmead and London, 1973. CAMBRIDGE, Fitzwilliam Museum. 32.g.29. [Fitzwilliam Virginal Book}.

Modern edition by J. A. Fuller Maitland and W. Barclay Squire. 2 vol. Leipzig, 1899. Reprinted New York, 1963. Campion, Francois. Nouvelles découvertes sur la guitarre contenantes plusieurs suittes de piéces sur huit maniéres différentes d'accorder. Paris, 1705. Facsimile edition. Geneva, 1977.

Campra, André. Hésione. Tragédie mise en musique. 2nd edition. Paris, 1701. . Tancréde (tragédie lyrique; first performed 1702).

Modern edition reduced for voice and piano by Alexandre Guilmant. Chefs-d'oeuvre classiques de l'opéra francais, vol. 6. Paris, n.d. Reprinted New York, 1971. C4ncer y Velasco, Jeré6nimo de. Obras varias. Madrid, 1651.

SOURCES BEFORE 1800 761 Cancionero de nuestra sefiora; en el qual ay muy buenos romances, canciones y villancicos. Aora nuevamente ayiadido. Barcelona, 1591.

Modern edition by Antonio Pérez Gémez. Valencia, 1952. Cancionero de romances en que estén recopilados la mayor parte de los romances castellanos que fasta agora sean compuesto. 2nd edition. Antwerp, 1550. Modern edition by Antonio Rodrfguez-Mofiino. Madrid, 1967. Cancionero de Uppsala. See Scotto, Girolamo. Cancionero musical de palacio. See MADRID, Biblioteca del Palacio Real. Canciones francesas, de todos ayres, para todos los instrumentos: sacadas de diversos autores, ‘y puestas por el orden de los tonos nuevamente impressas. Madrid, n.d.

Caramuel de Lobkowitz, Juan. Primus calamus tomus II ob oculos exhibens rhythmicam, quae Hispanicos, Italicos, Gallicos, Germanicos, &c. versus metitur. 2nd edition. Campania, 1668.

Caro, Rodrigo. Dias geniales o lhidicros. SEVILLE, Biblioteca Columbina Ms 84-1-16. Modern edition by Jean-Pierre Etienvre. 2 vol. Madrid, 1978. Caroso, Fabritio. Il ballarino. Venice, 1581. Facsimile edition. New York, 1967. . Nobilta di dame. Venice, 1600. Facsimile edition. Bologna, 1970. Modern edition in English translation by Julia Sutton. Music transcribed by F. Marian Walker. Oxford, 1986.

Carré, Antoine, sieur de la Grange. Livre de guitarre contenant plusieurs piéces composées et mises au jour par le sieur de la Grange avec la maniére de toucher sur la partie ou basse continue. Paris, 1671. Facsimile edition. Geneva, 1977.

Castiglione, Baldesar. Il libro del Cortegiano. Venice, 1528. Modern edition by Giulio Preti. Turin, 1960. Spanish translation by Juan Bosc4n, under the title Los quatro libros: del Cortesano. Barcelona, 1534. Modern edition of Bosc4n’s translation by Marcelino Menéndez y Pelayo. Madrid, 1942.

Castillejo, Cristébal de. Obras. Edited by J. Domfnguez Bordona. 4 vol. Madrid, 1926-1928.

762 BIBLIOGRAPHY Castro, Francisco de. Siete entremeses. A modern edition. Barcelona, 1957. Cavalieri, Emilio de’. Rappresentatione di anima, et di corpo. Rome, 1600.

Facsimile edition. Bibliotheca musica bononiensis, sezione IV, vol. 1. Bologna, 1967. Cerone, Pedro. El melopeo y maestro. Tractado de musica theorica y prdtica: en que se pone por extenso, lo que uno para hazerse perfecto musico ha menester saber.

2 vol. Naples, 1613. Facsimile edition. Bologna, 1969. Cerreto, Scipione. Della prattica musica vocale, et strumentale, opera necessaria a coloro, che di musica si dilettano. Naples, 1601. Facsimile edition. Bologna, 1969.

Cervantes Saavedra, Miguel de. El ingenioso hidalgo Don Quixote de la Mancha. 2 pts. Madrid, 1605 and 1615. Modern edition by Luis Andrés Murillo. 2 vol. Madrid, 1978. English translation by Samuel Putnam. 2 vol. New York, 1949. . Novelas exemplares. Madrid, 1613.

English translation of six of the novelas by C. A. Jones, under the title Exemplary Stories. Harmondsworth, England, 1972. . Ocho comedias y ocho entremeses nuevos nunca representados. Madrid, 1615.

English translation of the entremeses by S. Griswold Morley, under the title The Interludes. Princeton, 1948.

. Obras completas. Edited by Angel Valbuena Prat. 9th edition. Madrid, 1952. Cock, Henrique. Anales del atio ochenta y cinco, en el qual el rey cathdlico de Espaiia don Philipe con el principe don Philipe su hijo se fue a Moncén a tener las cortes del reino de Aragdén. F Pn, fonds espagnol Ms 272.

Modern edition by Alfredo Morel-Fatio and Antonio Rodrfguez Villa, under the title Relacién del viaje hecho por Felipe II, en 1585, a Zaragoza, Barcelona y Valencia. Madrid, 1876. Coelho, Manuel Rodrfguez. Flores de miisica: pera o instrumento de tecla, & harpa. Lisbon, 1620. Modern edition by Macario Santiago Kastner. 2 vol. Portugaliae musica, vol. 1 and 3. Lisbon, 1959 (revised 1976) and 1961. Collasse, Pascal. Ballet des saisons . . . Second édition, augmentée de toute la musique de m[onsieur] de Lully qui manque dans la premiére. Paris, 1700.

Modern edition reduced for voice and piano by Louis Soumis. Chefs-d'oeuvre classiques de l'opéra frangais, vol. 8. Paris, n.d.

SOURCES BEFORE 1800 763 Colmenares, Diego de. Historia de la insigne ciudad de Segovia y compendio de las historias de Castilla. Segovia, 1637. Colonna, Giovanni Ambrosio. Intavolatura di chitarra spagnuola del primo, secondo, terzo, & quarto libro. Milan, 1637. Facsimile edition. Bibliotheca musica bononiensis, sezione IV, vol. 182. Bologna, 1971.

Comes, Juan Bautista. Danzas del Santisimo Corpus Christi. Edited by Vincente Garcfa Julbe and Manuel Palau. Valencia, 1952. Compan, Charles. Dictionnaire de danse. Paris, 1787. Facsimile edition. New York, 1974. Corbetta, Francesco. Varii capricci per la ghittara spagnuola. Milan, 1643. Facsimile edition. Archivum musicum, vol. 33. Florence, 1980.

. Varii scherzi di sonate per la chitara spagnola. . . Libro quarto (n.p., n.d.) Facsimile edition. Archivum musicum, vol. 51. Florence, 1983. . La guitarve royalle dédige au roy de la Grande Bretagne. Paris, 1671. Facsimile edition. Geneva, 1975.

. Complete modern edition by Pinnell (1976), listed below in section B.

Corelli, Arcangelo. Sonate a violino e violone o cimbalo . . . Opera quinta. Rome, 1700. Facsimile edition. Archivum musicum, vol. 21. Florence, 1979. . Oeuvres. Edited by Joseph Joachim and Friedrich Chrysander. 4 vol. London, n.d.

Cornazano, Antonio. Libro dell'arte del danzare. ROME, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Codex Capponiano Ms 203. Modern edition by Curzio Mazzi, under the title “II ‘libro dell’arte del danzare’ di Antonio Cornazano.” La bibliofilia 17 (1915-1916), 1~—30.

Correa de Arauxo, Francisco. Libro de tientos y discursos de miisica prdctica, y thedrica de 6rgano, intitulado Facultad orgdnica. Alcal4 de Henares, 1626. Facsimile edition. Geneva, 1981. Modern edition by Santiago Kastner. MME 6 (1948) and 12 (1952).

Correas, Gonzalo. Arte de la lengua castellana . . . Afio MDCXXV. E Mn Mss

18969. | Modern edition by Emilio Alarcos Garcfa. Revista de filologia espatiola 56 (1954).

164 BIBLIOGRAPHY Couperin, Louis. Piéces de clavecin. Edited by Alan Curtis. Le pupitre, vol. 18. Paris, 1970.

Covarrubias y Orozco, Sebastién de. Tesoro de la lengua castellana, o espafiola. Madrid, 1611. Modern edition by Martin de Riquer. Barcelona, 1943. Cruz Brocarte, Antonio de la. Medula de la miisica theérica. Salamanca, 1707. Cruz Cano y Olmedilla, Ramén de la. Sainetes inéditos. A modern edition. Madrid, 1900. Dalza, Joan Ambrosio. Intabulatura de lauto. Libro quarto. Venice, 1508 Partial modern edition by Helmut Ménkemeyer. Die Tabulatur, vol. 6-8. Hofheim am Taunus, 1967. Davies, John. Poems. Edited by Robert Krueger. Oxford, 1975.

Daza, Esteban. Libro de misica en cifras para vihuela, intitulado El Parnasso. Valladolid, 1576. Facsimile edition (in black and white) and modern edition by Rodrigo de Zayas. Madrid, 1983. Derosier, Nicolas. Les principes de la guitarre. Amsterdam, n.d. Facsimile edition. Bibliotheca musica bononiensis, sezione IV, vol. 213. Bologna, 1975.

Dezais. II [ie., Deuxiéme] Recueil de nouvelles contredances mises en chorégraphie. Paris, 1712. Facsimile edition. Westmead, 1972. Dfaz Rengifo, Juan. See Rengifo, Juan Dfaz.

Diccionario de la lengua castellana, ... Compuesto por la Real Academia Espajiola. 6 vol. Madrid, 1726, 1729, 1732, 1734, 1737, and 1739. Facsimile edition. Madrid, 1964. Doizi de Velasco, Nicol4s. Nuevo modo de cifra para tatier la guitarra con variedad, y perfeccién, ‘y se muestra ser instrumento perfecto, y abundantissimo. N_p., n.d.

Dur4n, Diego. Historia de las Indias de Nueva Espajia y islas de Tierra Firme. 3 pts. E Mn Mss J.97. Modern edition by José F. Ramfrez. 2 vol. Mexico City, 1867 and 1880.

English translation of pt. II and III by Fernando Horcasitas and Doris Heyden, under the title Book of the Gods and The Ancient Calendar. Norman, Oklahoma, 1971.

SOURCES BEFORE 1800 765 Durey de Noinville, J.-B. Histoire du théatre de Académie Royale de Musique en France, depuis son établissement jusqu'a présent. 2nd edition. 2 vol. Paris, 1757. (1st edition, Paris, 1753). Facsimile edition. Geneva, 1972. Durén, Sebastian. Fiesta que se hizo a sus magfesta]des se intitula Salir el amor del mundo (zarzuela; first performed in 1696). E Mn M.2283. Modern edition by Antonio Martin Moreno. Malaga, 1979. . Tonada humana. Pues me pierdo. Madrid, n.d.

E Bc. M.387. [Keyboard works].

.M.691/2 (4). [Guitar works]. . M.729. [Keyboard works].

. M.741/22. [Follias, ballets, sardanas, contradansas, minuets, balls, pasapies, y moltas altres cosas de aquell temps vell, que ara son poch usadas, pero ab tot son bonicas y molt alegres).

.M.751/21. [Keyboard works]. | .M.1011. [Keyboard works]. . M.1452. [Dance melodies]. E Bih. Archivo Gremial. Ms 77-1. [Confraria dels musichs. Privilegi de fundaciéd de la Confraria, ] 599}.

E E. Ms 29 (2.186). [Keyboard works]. . Ms 30 (2.187). [Keyboard works].

Elfas, José. Obras completas. Edited by José Marfa Llorens. BPSM 24 (1971), 25 (1975), and 26 (1981). Elizabeth Rogers Virginal Book. See GB Lbm Ms Add. 10337.

Emanuele e Gaetani, Francesco Maria. Della Sicilia nobile. 5 vol. Palermo, 1754-1759. Facsimile edition. Bologna, 1968.

E Mn. Barbieri Mss 14018/24 (9). [Summary by Francisco Asenjo Barbieri of archival information concerning maestros de danzar de la reina].

. Barbieri Mss 14020-14047 and 14069. [Archival documents — arranged alphabetically by musician. Some are originals, but most are copies or summaries by Barbieri].

766 BIBLIOGRAPHY . Barbieri Mss 14059/2. Reglas de danzar. Copied by Barbieri from E Mrah, Biblioteca Valleumbrosiana, Ms miscel4nea en folio, tomo 25.

. Barbieri Mss 14059/12. Xdcara. Copied by Barbieri from a Ms at one time belonging to José de Sancho Rayén.

. Barbieri Mss 14059/15. See Jaque, Juan Antonio. . Barbieri Mss 14059/16. Observacién I sobre el arte de la danza, de las muchas compuestas por don Joseph Ratier. Madrid, n.d. Copied by Barbieri.

. Barbieri Mss 14070/7 (2). Instruccién de lo que han de hacer los misicos de cdmara en el ejercicio de sus oficios. Copied by Barbieri from

CASA DE SESSA, Ms 85, subsequently owned by José de Sancho Ray6n. . Barbieri Mss 14070/7 (3). Instruccién de lo que ha de hacer el maestro de danzar en el ejercicio de su oficio. Copied by Barbieri from CASA DE SESSA, Ms 86, subsequently owned by José de Sancho Rayén.

. Barbieri Mss 14070/7 (4). [Edict renewed by the Bishop of Tervel, 1745]. N.p., n.d. Copied by Barbieri. . Barbieri Mss 14070/7 (5). Piedra candida con que en real y festiva mdscara numera los felicissimos arios de la serenissima ‘y augustissima sefiora

archiduquesa, Maria Ana de Austria, reina de Espafia. . . . Dedica su relacién en este poema lirico. A la reyna nuestra seftora el obsequio humilde,

y reverente de don Gabriel Bocangel Uncuete. Madrid, 1648. Extracts copied by Barbieri.

. Barbieri Mss 14070/7 (6). Academia con que el ex[celentisi]mo sefior

marqués de Xamaica celebré los felices avios de su magfestad] la reina n[uestra] sefiora d[ovia] Maria Ana de Austria, el dia 22 de diziembre de 1672. Cadiz, 1673. Extracts copied by Barbieri. . Barbieri Mss 14085. Arte para aprender a dancar compuesto por Cesar Negri milanés traducido en castellano por mandado del ex[celentisi]mo setior conde duque de S[an] Lucar dirigido al principe de Espatia don Balthasar Carlos n[uest]ro sefior. En Madrid aio de MDCXXX. Copied by Barbieri from F Pn, fonds espagnol Ms 352.

. M.811. Libro de diferentes cifras de guitara [sic] escogidas de los mejores autores ano de 1705. . M.815. Libro de miisica de clavicimbalo del s[efto}r d[o]n Francisco de Tejada. 1721.

SOURCES BEFORE 1800 167 . M.816. [Cifras para arpa, de fines del siglo XVII a principios del XVIII (procede de Avila) }.

.M.1233. [Guitar method copied by Joseph Trapero, 1763]. . M.1262. Libro de tonos humanos.

. M.1357. Flores de mtisica obras y versos de varios organistas escriptas por fray Antonio Martin Coll organista de San Diego de Alcald avio de 1706. . M.1358. Pensil deleitoso de suabes flores de miissica recogidas de varios organistas por f[ray] Antonio Martin organista de S[an] Diego de la ciudad de Alcald afio 1707 Estevan de Yusta Calvo. . M.1359. Huerto ameno de varias flores de missica recogidas de muchos organistas por fray Antonio Martin atio 1708.

. M.1360. Huerto ameno de varias flores de missica recogidas de varios organistas por fray Antonio Martin afio 1709 de Estevan Yusta Calvo. . M.1370-1372. [Romances y letras a tres voces]. Partial modern edition by Miguel Querol Gavald4. MME 18 (1956).

. M.2209. Livro donde se verdn pazacalles de los ocho tonos i de los trasportados, i asimesmo fantazias, de conpassillo, proporzionsilla, proporsién maior, i compds maior, i asimesmo diferentes obras para biguela hordinaria

que las scribia i asia d[o]n Antonio de Santa Cruz. Para d{on] Juan de

’ Miranda. . M.2262. [Vocal works].

. M.2267. Ramillete oloroso. Suabes flores de misica para 6drgano compuestas por fray Antonio Martyn. . M.2478. [Libro de tonos puestos en zifra de arpa]. . Mss 5917, f. 1r—4v. Arte de la guitarra. Autor Joseph Guerrero.

. Mss 6001. Ramillete de flores, o coleccién de varias cosas curiosas, f. 263v—267r and 270r—283r. [Vihuela works].

Facsimile edition and edited diplomatic transcription by Javier Hinojosa and Frederick Cook. Zurich, 1981. E Mp. Seccié6n Administrativa. Expedientes personales. Caja 142/30. (Brida, Juan de).

. Caja 150/22. (Caballero, Agustin). . Caja 151/2. (Cavallero, Alonso).

768 BIBLIOGRAPHY . Caja 347/42. (Fern4ndez de Escalante, Luis). . Caja 377/9. (Frias, Manuel). . Caja 608/10. (Maldonado, Juan). . Caja 609/5. (Maldonado, Roque). . Caja 1016/45. (Suarez, Vicente).

______. Caja 1335/13. (Almenda, Antonio de). . Caja 2618/18. (Dfaz de Solfs, Antonio). ESCORIAL, Real Monasterio de San Lorenzo de El Escorial. See E E.

Espinel, Vicente. Relaciones de la vida del escudero Marcos de Obregén. 2 vol. Madrid, 1618. Modern edition by M. Soledad Carrasco Urgoiti. 2 vol. Madrid, 1972. English translation by Algernon Langton, under the title The History of the Life of the Squire Marcos de Obregén. 2 vol. London, 1816. Esquivel Navarro, Juan de. Discursos sobre el arte del dancado, yy sus excelencias y primer origen, reprobando las acciones deshonestas. Seville, 1642. Facsimile edition. Madrid, 1947. Facoli, Marco. Il secondo libro d’intavolatura di balli d'arpicordo. Venice, 1588. Modern edition by Willi Apel. Corpus of Early Keyboard Music 2 (1963).

Feij60 y Montenegro, Benito Jerénimo. Teatro critico universal, o discursos varios,

en todo género de materias, para desengario de errores comunes. 9 vol. Madrid, 1726-1741.

Modern edition. BAE 56 (1883), 141 (1961), 142 (1961), and 143 (1961).

. English translation of three of his essays by Mr. Mitford, under the title Three Essays or Discourses on the Following Subjects: [1] A Defence or Vindication of the Women, [2] Church Music, [3] A Comparison between Antient and Modem Music. London, 1778.

Fernd4ndez de Huete, Diego. Compendio numeroso de zifras arménicas, con thedrica,

y prdctica, para harpa de una orden, de dos drdenes, y de érgano. 2 vol. Madrid, 1702 and 1704. [Fern4ndez de Rojas, Juan}. Libro de moda o ensayo de la historia de los “currutacos, pirracas y madamitas del nuevo curio.” Madrid, 1795.

SOURCES BEFORE 1800 769 Ferriol y Boxeraus, Bartolomé. Reglas titiles para los aficionados a dangzar. Provechoso divertimiento de los que gustan tocar instrumentos. Y polyticas advertencias a todo género de personas. Capua, 1745.

Feuillet, Raoul Auger. Chorégraphie ou l'art de décrire la dance, par caractéres, figures et signes démonstratifs, avec lequels on apprend facilement de soy-mémes toutes sortes de dances. Paris, 1700. Facsimile edition. New York, 1968.

. Recueil de dances contenant un trés grand nombres, des meillieures entrées de ballet de m[onsieu]r Pécour, tant pour homme que pour femmes, dont la plus grande partie ont été dancées a l'Opéra. Paris, 1704. Facsimile edition. Westmead, 1972. Fitzwilliam Virginal Book. See CAMBRIDGE, Fitzwilliam Museum.

Flecha, Mateo, El Viejo. Las ensaladas de Flecha . . . recopiladas por f[ray] Matheo Flecha su sobrino. Prague, 1581. Modern edition by Higinio Anglés. BPSM 16 (1954). Florio, John. Queen Anna's New World of Words, or Dictionarie of the “Italian” and “English” Tongues. London, 1611. Facsimile edition. Menston, England, 1968. F Pn. Ms Espagnol 390. Libro di villanelle spagnuol’ et italiane et sonate spagnuole del

molt’ ill[ustrJe sig[nore] mio oss[equentissi}mo il sf[ignore] Filippo Roncherolle. Servo di v[ostra] s[ignoria]} molt’ ill[ustre] Fran[ces]co Palumbi.

. Réserve Vm 674-675. [Bauyn Ms]. Facsimile edition. Geneva, 1977. Frescobaldi, Girolamo. Toccate e partite d’intavolatura di cimbalo . . . Libro primo. 4th edition. Rome, 1637. Facsimile edition. Archivum musicum, vol. 3. Florence, 1978.

Modern edition by Etienne Darbellay. Girolamo Frescobaldi. Opere

complete, vol. 2. Milan, 1977.

Seville, 1554.

Fuenllana, Miguel de. Libro de misica para vihuela, intitulado Orphénica lyra. Modern edition by Charles Jacobs. Oxford, 1978.

Baron. Henryville, 1982. :

Galan, Cristébal. Obras completas. Pt. 1. Misa de difuntos. Edited by John H.

Galilei, Vincenzo. Dialogo di Vincentino Galilei nobile fiorentino della musica antica, et.della moderna. Florence, 1581. Facsimile edition. New York, 1967.

770 BIBLIOGRAPHY Gasparini, Francesco. L’armonico prati¢o al cimbalo. Regole, osservazioni, ed avvertimenti per. ben suonare il basso, e accompagnare sopra il cimbalo, spinetta, ed organo. Venice, 1708. Facsimile edition. New York, 1967. GB Lbm. Ms Add. 10337. Elizabeth Rogers Hir Virginall Booke Ffebruarye ye 27 1656. Modern edition by George Sargent. Corpus of Early Keyboard Music 19

(1971).

. Ms Add. 30491. Libro di canzone franzese del signor Gio[v]anni de

Macque.

Partial modern edition by Roland Jackson, under the title Neapolitan Keyboard Composers circa 1600. Corpus of Early Keyboard Music 24 (1967).

. Ms Add. 31640. Passacalles y obras de guitarra por todos los tonos naturales y acidentales para el sefior d[o]n Joseph Albarez de Saa[ve]drra por Santiago de Murvzia atio de 1732.

Facsimile edition. Monaco, 1979. Modern edition by Pennington (1981), listed below in section B. GB Ob. Ms Douce 280, f. 66av-66bv. Practise for dauncinge. Giustiniani, Vincenzo. Discorso sopra la musica. LUCCA, Archivo del Stato, Ms 049. Modern edition in Solerti (1903), 103-28, listed below in section B.

English translation by Carol MacClintock. Musicological Studies and Documents 9 (1962), 67-80. Gonz4lez de Salas, Joseph Antonio. Nueva idea de la tragedia antigua, o ilustracién ultima al libro singular “De poetica” de Aristételes Stagirita. Later edition. 2 vol. Madrid, 1778. (1st edition, Madrid, 1633).

GRANADA, Universidad de Granada. Biblioteca General. Ms caja B-25. Esta mal concertada armonia poética yy dorados caracteres musicales. Suma primorosa de la guitara [sic]. Consagra el lisenciado don Manuel Valero.

Guerau, Francisco. Poema harménico, compuesto de varias cifras. Por el temple de la guitarra espaitola. Madrid, 1694. Facsimile edition. London, 1977.

Facsimile edition and modern edition by Janis M. Stevenson, under the title “A Transcription of ‘Poema harménico’ by Francisco Guerau for Baroque Guitar.” M. A. thesis, San José State University, 1974. Guerrero, Joseph. See E Mn Mss 5917.

SOURCES BEFORE 1800 771 Hidalgo, Juan. Music for Zelos aun del ayre matan (fiesta cantada que se hizo a sus

magestades en el Coliseo de Buen Retiro), by Pedro Calderén de la Barca. Partial modern edition by José Subir4. BPSM 11 (1933).

. See Vélez de Guevara, Juan.

Hidalgo, Juan (a pseudonym?). Romances de germania de varios autores con el vocabulario por la orden del a.b.c. para declaracién de sus términos.y lengua.

Later edition. Madrid, 1779. (1st edition, Barcelona, 1609).

Horace. See Horatius Flaccus, Quintus. Horatius Flaccus, Quintus. Opera omnia. Edited by E. C. Wickham. 2nd edition. 2 vol. Oxford, 1877 and 1891. Horozco, Sebasti4n de. Cancionero. SEVILLE, Biblioteca Colombina, Ms. Modern edition. Seville, 1874. Iriarte, Tomas de. La mtsica. Poema. Madrid, 1779.

English translation by John Belfour, under the title Music. A Didactic Poem in Five Cantos. London, 1807.

Jaque, Juan Antonio. Libro de danzar. Ms. Copied in EMn Mss 18580/5 and in E Mn Barbieri Mss 14059/15. Modern edition by José Subir4, under the title “ ‘Libro de danzar’, de don Baltasar de Rojas Pantoja, compuesto por el maestro Juan Antonio Jaque (s. XVII)” Anuario musical 5 (1950), 190-98.

Jiménez, J. Collected Organ Compositions. Edited by Willi Apel. Corpus of Early Keyboard Music 31 (1975). Jovenardi, Bartolomé. Tratado de la miissica. E Mn Mss 8931, f. 84r—-129v.

Kapsperger, Giovanni Girolamo. Libro quarto d’intavolatura di chitarone. Rome,

: 1640.

Facsimile edition. In Archivum musicum, vol. 46. Florence, 1982.

Kircher, Athanasius. Musurgia universalis sive Ars magna consoni et dissoni in X. libros digesta. 2 vol. Rome, 1650. Facsimile edition. Hildesheim, 1970.

. Phonurgia nova sive Conjugium mechanico-physicum artis & naturae paranympha phonosophia concinnatum. Kempten, 1673. Facsimile edition. New York, 1966.

772 BIBLIOGRAPHY Kirnberger, Johann Philipp. Die Kunst des reinen Satzes in der Musik . . . Zweyter Theil. Berlin 1776~—1779.

Facsimile edition. Hildesheim, 1968.

Lauze, F. de. Apologie de la danse et la parfaicte méthode de l’enseigner tant aux cavaliers qu'aux dames. N.p., 1623. Facsimile edition. Geneva, 1977.

Leén Marchante, Manuel de. Obras poéticas pésthumas. 2 vol. Madrid, 1722 and 1723. Libro de varias curiosidades. Ms at one time belonging to Ricardo Rojas.

Modern edition by Carlos Vega, under the title La miisica de un cédice colonial del siglo XVII. Buenos Aires, 1931.

London, British Library. See GB Lbm. Lope de Vega. See Vega Carpio, Lope Félix de.

Lépez de Yanguas, Fern4n. Obras dramdticas. Edited by Fernando Gonz4lez Ollé. Madrid, 1967. Lépez Pinciano, Alonso. Philosophia antigua poética. Madrid, 1596. Modern edition by Alfredo Carballo Picazo. 3 vol. Madrid, 1973.

Lorente, Andrés. El: porqué de la musica, en que se contiene los quatro artes de ella,

canto llano, canto de 6rgano, contrapunto, y composicién. Alcal4 de Henares, 1672. Lully, Jean-Baptiste. Alceste (tragédie en musique; first performed in 1674), LWV 50.

Modern edition reduced for piano and voice by Théodore de Lajarte. Chefs-d’oeuvre.classiques de l'opéra francais, vol. 16. Paris, n.d. Reprinted New York, 1971. . Thesée (tragédie en musique; first performed in 1675), LWV 51.

Modern edition reduced for piano and voice by Théodore de Lajarte. Chefs-d’oeuvre classiques de l'opéra francais, vol. 26. Paris, n.d.

. Isis (tragédie en musique; first performed in 1677), LWV 54.

Modern edition reduced for piano and voice by Théodore de Lajarte. Chefs-d’oeuvre classiques de l’opéra francais, vol. 21. Paris, n.d. Reprinted New York, 1971. . Bellérophon (tragédie en musique; first performed in 1679), LWV 57.

Modern edition reduced: for piano and voice by Théodore de Lajarte. Chefs-d’oeuvre classiques de l'opéra francais, vol. 19. Paris, n.d. Reprinted New York, 1971.

SOURCES BEFORE 1800 773 . Persée (tragédie en musique; first performed in 1682), LWV 60.

Modern edition reduced for piano and voice by Théodore de Lajarte. Chefs-d'oeuvre classiques de l'opéra francais, vol. 22. Paris, n.d.

. Phaéton (tragédie en musique; first performed in 1683), LWV 61.

Modern edition reduced for piano and voice by Théodore de Lajarte. Chefs-d’oeuvre classiques de l'opéra francais, vol. 23. Paris, n.d. Reprinted New York, 1971. . Armide (tragédie en musique; first performed in 1686), LWV 71.

Modern edition reduced for piano and voice by Théodore de Lajarte. Chefs-d’oeuvre classiques de l'opéra francais, vol. 17. Paris, n.d. Reprinted New York, 1971.

. Oeuvres completes. Les comédies-ballets. Vol. 3. Edited by Henry Pruniéres. Paris, 1938. MADRID, Archivo del Palacio Real. See E Mp.

MADRID, Biblioteca de la Casa del Duque de Medinaceli. Ms 13230. [Cancionero musical]

Modern edition by Miguel Querol. MME 8 (1949) and 9 (1950).

MADRID, Biblioteca del Palacio Real. Ms 1335. [Cancionero musical de palacio). | Modern edition of the music by Higinio Anglés. MME 5 (1947) and 10 (1951). Modern edition of the texts by Romeu Figueras. MME 14 (1965), listed below in section B.

MADRID, Biblioteca Nacional. See E Mn. Mariana, Juan de. Obras. A modern edition. BAE 30 (1854) and 31 (1854). Marino, Giambattista. L'Adone, poema. Paris and Venice, 1623. Modern edition by Marzio Pieri. 2 vol. Rome, 1975 and 1977.

Martin y Coll, Antonio. See E Mn M.1357, 1358, 1359, 1360, and 2267. Mattheson, Johann. Das beschiitzte Orchestre. Hamburg, 1717. . Der musicalische Patriot. Hamburg, 1728. Facsimile edition. Leipzig, 1975. . Der vollkommene Capellmeister. Hamburg, 1739. Facsimile edition. Kassel, 1954.

English translation by Ernest C. Harriss, under the title Johann Mattheson’'s "Der vollkommene Capellmeister." A Revised Translation with Critical Commentary. Ann Arbor, 1981.

174 BIBLIOGRAPHY Mayone, Ascanio. Secondo libro di diversi capricci per sonare. Naples, 1609.

Excerpts in modern edition by M. S. Kastner. Orgue et liturgie, vol. 63 and 65. Paris, 1964 and 1965. Mendoza, Antonio Hurtado de. Obras poéticas. Edited by Rafael Benftez Claros. 3 vol. Madrid, 1947-1948. Mersenne, Marin. Harmonie universelle, contenant la théorie et la pratique de la musique. Paris, 1636. Facsimile edition. Paris, 1963.

MEXICO CITY. Private collection of Elisa Osorio Bolio de Saldfvar. Cédice Saldfvar 4. Migaxas del ingenio, y apacible entretenimiento, en varios entremeses, bayles, ¥ loas, escogidos de los mejores ingenios de Espayia. Zaragoza, n.d. Modern edition by Emilio Cotarelo y Mori. Madrid, 1908.

Milan, Luis. Libro de motes de damas ¥y cavalleros: intitulado El Juego de mandar. Valencia, 1535.

Modern edition. Coleccién de libros esparioles raros o curiosos, vol. 7, pp. 473-502. Madrid, 1874. . Libro de misica de vihuela de mano. Intitulado El Maestro. Valencia, 1536. Modern edition by Charles Jacobs. University Park, Pennsylvania, 1971. . Libro intitulado El Cortesano. Valencia, 1561.

Modern edition. Coleccién de libros esparioles raros o curiosos, vol. 7. Madrid, 1874. Minguet e Irol, Pablo. See Minguet y Yrol, Pablo. Minguet y Yrol, Pablo. Reglas, -y advertencias generales que enseian el modo de tavier todos los instrumentos mejores, y mds usuales. Madrid, ca. 1754.

_, Arte de danzar a la francesa. Madrid, 1758-1764. Moliére, Jean Baptiste Poquelin de. Les oeuvres de monsieur de Moliére. Vol. 5. Paris, 1682. Facsimile edition. Dijon, 1972.

Moncada, Sancho de. "Espulsién de los gitanos." In his Restauracién politica de Esparia. Primera parte, deseos piiblicos al rey don Felipe Tercero. Discurso VII, pt. 2. Madrid, 1619.

Later edition in Hidalgo (1779), 201-22. Montanos, Francisco de. Arte de misica theérica y prdtica. Valladolid, 1592.

SOURCES BEFORE 1800 775 Montesardo, Girolamo. Nuove inventione d'intavolatura, per sonare li balletti sopra la chitarra spagnivola, senza numeri, e note. Florence, 1606. Monteverdi, Claudio. Il quinto libro de madrigali a cinque voci. Venice, 1605.

Modern edition by G. Francesco Malipiero. Tutti le opere di Claudio Monteverdi, vol. 5. Vienna, 1926. . Scherzi musicali a tre voci. Venice, 1607.

Modern edition by G. Francesco Malipiero. Tutti le opere di Claudio Monteverdi, vol. 10. Vienna, 1926.

. L’Orfeo favola in musica. 2nd edition. Venice, 1615. (1st edition, Venice, 1609). Facsimile edition. N.p., 1972. Morales, Cristébal de. Opera omnia. Edited by Higinio Anglés. Vol. 7. MME 24 (1964). Moreto y Cabana, Agustin. Comedias escogidas. Edited by Luis Fern4ndez-Guerra y Orbe. BAE 39 (1873).

. Modern edition of three of his interludes by Rafael de Balbfn Lucas,

under the title “Tres piezas menores de Moreto, inéditas.” Revista de bibliografia nacional 3 (1942), 80-116. Mudarra, Alonso. Tres libros de musica en cifras para vihuela. Seville, 1546. Modern edition by Emilio Pujol. MME 7 (1949). Murcia, Santiago de. Resumen de acompafiar la parte con la guitarra. N.p., 1714. Facsimile edition. Monaco, 1980. Partial handwritten copy in E Mn M.881.

. See Gb Lbm Ms Add. 31640. NAPLES, Biblioteca Nazionale. Brancacciana collection, Cancionero. Modern edition by R. Foulché-Delbosc, under the title “Romancero de la Biblioteca Brancacciana.” Revue hispanique 65 (1925), 345-96. Narvéez, Luis de. Los seys libros del Delphin de miisica de cifras para tater vihuela. Valladolid, 1538. Facsimile edition (in black and white) and modern edition by Rodrigo de Zayas. Madrid, 1981. Modern edition by Emilio Pujol. MME 3 (1945; reprinted 1971).

776 BIBLIOGRAPHY Nassarre, Pablo. Fragmentos miisicos, repartidos en quatro tratados en que se hallan

reglas generales, ‘y muy necessarias para canto llano, canto de érgano, contrapunto yy composicién. Revised edition. Madrid, 1700. (1st edition, Zaragoza, 1683).

. Escuela miisica, segin la prdctica modema. 2 vol. Zaragoza, 1723-1724. Facsimile edition. Zaragoza, 1980. Negri, Cesare. Le gratie d'amore. Milan, 1602. Facsimile edition. New York, 1969. Partial Spanish translation. See E Mn Barbieri Mss 14085.

Ocafia, Francisco de. Cancionero para cantar la noche de Navidad, y las fiestas de Pascua. Alcal4, 1603. Modern edition by Antonio Pérez Gémez. Valencia, 1957. OPORTO, Biblioteca Municipal. See P Pm. Ortiz, Diego. Trattado de glosas sobre cldusulas y otros géneros de puntos en la misica de violones. Rome, 1553. Modern edition by Max Schneider. 3rd edition. Kassel, 1961.

English translation, without the music, by Peter Farrell, under the title “Diego Ortiz’ ‘Tratado de glosas’.” Journal of the Viola da Gamba Society of America 4 (1967), 5—9.

OXFORD, Bodleian Library. See GB Ob. Palumbi, Francesco. See F Pn Ms Espagnol 390. Parets, Miguel. De molts succesos que han succehit dins Barcelona y de molts altres llochs de Catalunya, dignes de memoria. Ms.

Modern edition in Spanish translation from an 18th-century Ms, under the title De los muchos sucesos dignos de memoria que han occurido en Barcelona y otros lugares de Catalufia. Crénica escrita por Miguel Parets entre los avtos de 1626 a 1660. Memorial histérico espayiol, vol. 20-25. Madrid, 1888-1893. PARIS, Biblioth@que Nationale. See F Pn.

Pasquini, Bernardo. Collected works for keyboard. Edited by Maurice B. Haynes. Corpus of Early Keyboard Music 5 (1964-1968), 7 pts. P B. Ms 964. Livro de obras de orgdo.

Partial modern edition by Gerhard Doderer. Portugaliae musica, vol. 25. Lisbon, 1974.

SOURCES BEFORE 1800 ai Pellegrini, Domenico. Armoniosi concerti sopra la chitarra spagnuola. Bologna, 1650. Facsimile edition. Archivum musicum, vol. 8. Florence, 1978.

Pellicer de Ossau y Tobar, José. Avisos histéricos, que comprehenden las noticias y sucesos mds particulares, ocurridos en nuestra monarquia desde el atio de 1639. Ms. Partial modern edition by Enrique Tierno Galv4n. Madrid, 1965. Penna, Lorenzo. Li primi albori musicali per li principianti della musica figurata. 4th edition. Bologna, 1684. (1st edition, Bologna, 1672). Facsimile edition. Bologna, 1969.

Perrucci, Andrea. Dell'arte rappresentativa premeditata ed all'improviso. Naples, 1699. Modern edition by Anton Giulio Bragalia. Florence, 1961. Pinheiro da Veiga, Tomé. Fastiginia o fastos geniales. P Pm, Ms.

Modern edition in Spanish translation by Narciso Alonso Cortés. Valladolid, 1916. Pisador, Diego. Libro de miisica de vihuela. Salamanca, 1552. Facsimile edition. Geneva, 1973.

Pita da Roche, Jodo Leite. Ligam instrumental da viola portugueza, ou de ninfas, de cinco ordens. Lisbon, 1752.

Platter, Thomas, The younger. Beschreibung der Reyss ... Anno 1605. BASEL, Universitatsbibliotchek Ms A X V 7-8. Modern edition. by Rut Keiser. 2 vol. Basel and Stuttgart, 1968.

Playford, John. The English Dancing Master: or, Plaine and Easie Rules for the Dancing of Country Dances, with the Tune to Each Dance. London, 1651. Facsimile edition by Margaret Dean-Smith. London, 1957. Ponzio, Pietro. Ragionamento di musica. Parma, 1588. Facsimile edition. Kassel, 1959.

P Pm. Ms 1577 Loc. B,5. Libro de cyfra adonde se contem varios jogos de versos, e

obras, e outras coriosidades, de varios autores. : Modern edition by Barton Hudson (1961), listed below in section B.

Praetorius, Michael. Terpsichore, musarum aoniarum quinta. Darinnen allerley

frantzdsische Dantze und Lieder. Wolfenbiittel, 1612. | Modern edition by Giinther Oberst. Gesamtausgabe der musikalischen Werke von Michael Praetorius, vol. 15. Wolfenbiittel and Berlin, 1929. Preciso, Don. See Zamdcola y Ozerfn, Juan Antonio de.

778 BIBLIOGRAPHY Primeiva parte do index da livraria de misica do muyto alto e poderoso rey dom Jodo o IV. nosso senhor. Por ordem de sua mag[estade] por Paolo Craesbeck. N.p., 1649. Facsimile edition. Lisbon, 1967.

Quevedo y Villegas, Francisco G6mez de. Obras completas. Vol. 1, Obras en prosa. Edited by Felicidad Buendfa. Madrid, 1961.

. Obra poética. Edited by José Manuel Blecua. 3 vol. Madrid, 1969-1971. Quifiones de Benavente, Luis. Jocoseria, burlas veras, o reprehensién moral, y festiva de los desérdenes piblicos. En doze entremeses representados, y veinte ‘y quatro cantados. Madrid, 1645.

Modern edition by Cayetano Rosell. Coleccién de piezas dramdticas entremeses loas y jdcaras escritas por el licenciado Luis Quijiones de Benavente, vol. 1. Madrid, 1872.

Raimbaut de Vaqueiras. The Poems of the Troubadour Raimbaut de Vaqueiras. Edited by Joseph Linskill. The Hague, 1964. Rameau, Pierre. Abbrégé de la nouvelle méthode dans l'art d’écrire ou de tracer toutes sortes de danses de ville. Paris, n.d. Facsimile edition. Westmead, 1972. . Le maitre a danser. Qui enseigne la maniére de faive tous les différens

: pas de danse dans toute la regularité de l'art, & de conduire les bras a chaque pas. Paris, 1725. Facsimile edition. New York, 1967. Ratier, Joseph. See E Mn Barbieri Mss 14059/16. Reglas de danzar. See E Mn Barbieri Mss 14059/2. Reinosa, Rodrigo de. Modern edition of some of his works by José Marfa de Cossfo, under the title Rodrigo de Reinosa. Seleccién y estudio. Santander, 1950.

Relacién de lo sucedido en la ciudad de Valladolid, desde el punto del felicissimo nacimiento del Principe don Felipe Dominico Victor nuestro sefior: hasta que se acabaron las demostraciones de alegria que por él se hizieron. Valladolid, 1605. Modern edition. Appendix to the modern edition of Pinheiro da Veiga by Alonso Cortés (1916).

Rengifo, Juan Dfaz. Arte poética espayiola. Salamanca, 1592. Revised edition. Madrid, 1759.

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Rey de Artieda, Andrés. Discursos, epistolas y epigramas de Artemidoro. Zaragoza, 1605. Modern edition by Antonio Vilanova. Barcelona, 1955. Rimonte, Pedro. Parnaso espariol de madrigales, y villancicos a quatro, cinco, ¥ seys. Antwerp, 1614. Modern edition by Pedro Calahorra Martinez. Zaragoza, 1980. Rodio, Rocco. Libro di ricercate a quattro voci. Naples, 1575.

Excerpts in modern edition by Macario Santiago Kastner, under the title Rocco Rodio. Cinque ricercate una fantasia. Padua, 1958.

Rodrfguez, Vicente. See BARCELONA, Biblioteca Orfeé Catala. ROME, Biblioteca Casanatense. Ms 5437.

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Modern edition of the music by Miguel Querol Gavald4. In MME 40 (1981). Rojas Villandrando, Agustin de. El viaje entretenido. Madrid, 1603. Modern edition by Jacques Joset. 2 vol. Madrid, 1977.

Rojas Zorrilla, Francisco de. Comedias escogidas. Edited by Ramén de Mesonero Romanos. BAE 54 (1861). Romancero general, en que se contienen todos los romances que andan impressos en las

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Rosas de Oquendo, Mateo. Modern edition of his poems in E Mn Mss 19387 by

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y diferencias. Madrid, 1793.

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780 BIBLIOGRAPHY

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Ruiz de Ribayaz, Lucas. Luz, y norte musical, para caminar por las cifras de la guitarra espayiola, y arpa, tatier, y cantar a compds por canto de érgano. Facsimile edition. Geneva, 1976.

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Sarmiento de Acufia, Diego, conde de Gondomar. Correspondencia oficial. Edited by Antonio Ballesteros y Beretta. Documentos inéditos para la historia de Espatia 2 (1943), 3 (1944), and 4 (1945). Scarlatti, Domenico. Complete Keyboard Works in Facsimile from the Manuscript and Printed Sources. Edited by Ralph Kirkpatrick. 18 vol. New York and London, 1972.

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US Wc. Mk 290. [Harp works]. Valderr4bano, Enrfquez de. Libro de miisica de vihuela, intitulado Silva de sirenas. Valladolid, 1547. Partial modern edition by Emilio Pujol. MME 22 (1965) and 23 (1965).

Valente, Antonio. Intavolatura de cimbalo recercate fantasie et canzoni francese desminuite con alcuni tenori balli et varie sorte de contraponti. Libro primo. Naples, 1576. Modern edition by Charles Jacobs. Oxford, 1973.

Valero, Manuel. See GRANADA, Universidad de Granada. Valls, Franciso. Mapa arménico prdctico. Breve resumen de las principales reglas de musica sacado de los mds cldssicos autores especulativos y prdcticos, antiguos

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BLANK PAGE

Index

The names of Spanish dances, dance-songs, and variations are boldfaced below. D-numbers and P-numbers refer to my inventory and transcriptions in volume 2. Abbatini, Antonio Maria, 27, 28 Aguado, Simén, 192, 393, 603—4,

Abecedario. See Alfabeto 615, 740

Abelimento (ornament), 182 Agua Viva y Tamarit, Juan de, 117

Abila, Pedro de, 511 Aguilera de Heredia, Sebastian, 248, Abreu Galindo, Juan de, 600-1 249, 259, 260, 266

Acacio, Juan, 390 Aguirre, Sebastian de, 109

Academia Espafiola. See Real Aire. See Ayre

Academia Espafiola Ajofrin, 472

Académie Royale de Danse (Paris), Alarcén y Mendoza, Juan Ruiz de,

435, 436, 440, 447, 518 (n. 2) 411

Académie Royale de Musique Alba, duque de, 16 (n. 25), 20, 46 (Paris), 451, 452, 500-1 Alba de Tormes, duque de, 396

Académie Royale des Sciences Albarillo

(Paris), 42 transcriptions, D-1 Academies, musical use, 599

in Italy, 52 Albert, Archduke, 14 (n. 18),

in Spain, 52—54 16-17, 18, 35, 92 (n. 48), 429,

Accidental , 431, 652, 665, 681

choreographic, 524, 653, 693 Alcala, duque de, 359 (n. 50)

in fencing, 524 Alcal4 de Henares

Acevedo y Zufitiga, Gaspar de dance, 536 Guzman, 10 (n. 3) music, 46, 201, 254-55

Acrobatics, 488, 677-78, 679, 680 publications, 87, 88, 247

Acting troupes, 388-94, 406, University, 46, 201 509-10, 513, 678 Alcala de los Gazules, 359, 465

Aere. See Aria Alc4zar, sal6n de, 383, 384, 385 Afonse (Prince of Portugal), 636 Alcobaga, 271

825

826 INDEX Aldama, Juan de, 505 Alvarez de Saavedra, Joseph, 135 Aleado (ornament) Alvarez de Toledo, Fernandez, 16 (n.

guitar, 178, 183 25), 20

keyboard, 305, 306 Amable See also Aliado transcriptions, 341

Aleman, Mateo, 469 (n. 215), use, 110, 336, 338-40, 443, 449

738-39 (n. 130), 453 Alemana. See Alemana de amor; Amat, Joan Carles. See Amat, Juan Allemande; Pie de jibado y Carlos

alemana Amat, Juan Carlos

Alemana de amor, 505 career, 117-18

Alemanda. See Alemana de amor; guitar book, 86 (n. 27), 88,

Allemande; Pie de jibado 116—17, 139, 320, 688-89, alemana 697, 734 Alfabeto (guitar chords), 139, guitar tuning, 144—45, 147, 148

152-55, 156, 157, 159 influence, 137-38, 139-40, 689

Alfonso II (of Ferrara), 317 (n. 40) rasgueado notation, 149, 150, 154, Aliado (ornament), 591-92. See also 155, 157, 159, 161, 162, 166,

Aleado 734 Alicante, 187 transcriptions, D-202, P-1

Allemande Amelot, Michel-Jean, 41 music, 129-30, 135, 330, 538, Amor

539, 699-700 transcriptions, D-3 to 4

use, 427, 430, 435, 446, 502, 599, use, 108 (n. 6), 530, 599-600

667, 697, 698, 699-700 Amsterdam, 76 Almansa y Mendoza, Andrés, 359 (n. Ana Mauricia (Queen of France), 36

49), 363 (n. 61), 370 (n. 101), (n. 12), 38, 500

709 (n. 444) Ancona, 497, 584

Almenda, Antonio de, 423, 431, 487 Andalusia, 13, 323, 476, 751

(n.1), 489, 493-94, 495, Andino, Nicolas, 192

496-97, 521 Andrade, conde de, 125 Almenda, Jusepe de, 494 Andriani, Jacome Francisco, 49, 133 A lo largo (choreographic), 456 Andueza, Juan de, 201

Alonch Anglada, 88 transcriptions, D-2 Anna of Austria (Queen of Spain), use, 599 35 (n. 107), 462, 471, 489

Alta, 109, 422, 427-31, 502, 503, (note c), 638, 679

520, 563, 564-69, 654, (n. Anne d’Austriche. See Ana Mauricia

229), 706 Anne Stuart (Queen of England),

Altamira, conde de, 491 (notes p 336

and r) Ant6n de Utrilla, 536

Alvarez, Melchor, 88 Antonio Nicolas, 117, 139

INDEX 827 Anton Pintado, 738, 742 Aristocratic patronage. See

Antwerp Patronage, aristocratic Cathedral, 17 Aristotle, 346, 349 publications, 92~93, 94, 99, 132, Armada, defeat of, 10

133, 624, 703 Armendariz, Antonio de, 188

Aparicio, Bartholomé, 660 (n. 253) Armendé4riz, Martin de, 188

Aposento (theatrical), 385 Armesto y Castro, Gil L6pez de, 676 Apoyamento (guitar ornament), 178, (n. 312)

180, 181-82 Arnao, Antonio, 88

Approbations (publishing), 81, 103 Arpa doppia (double harp), 228

Apulia, 720 Arpeado (ornament), 178, 180, 229, Araciel y Rada, Manuel Pérez de, 48 231, 233, 591-92 (n. 11) Arpeggiation, 177, 178, 179, 180, Arag6én, 12, 91, 255, 673 229, 230, 231, 233, 591-92 Aranda, conde de, 457 Arteaga, Esteban, 40 Arafiés, Juan, 47, 619-20, 642 Arte de canto llano, érgano, y cifra

Aranjuez, 725 (1649), 236-37, 266, 280-81, Aratijo, Pedro de, 270-71 282, 288, 289 (n. 175), 305 Arbeau, Thoinot. See Tabourot, Artusi, Giovanni Maria, 63

Jehan Assumption (feast)

Arbiol, Antonio de, 535 (n. 61) characteristics, 415

Arbitristas, 11 Toledo, 367-68, 415, 416, 472, Arcadian Academy (Rome), 25 514, 515-16 Arce, Matilla de, 190 Aston, Walton, 360 (n. 53)

Archlute, 198, 207, 322, 479 (n. Astorga, marqués de, 491 (note r)

260) Asturias, 697 Arcos, duque de, 20, 317 Asuncion de Nuestra Setiora. See

Arenys, 507 Assumption Argensola, Lupercio Leonardo de, Aulnoy, madame d’, 363 (n. 62), 376 144 (n. 129), 383 (n. 157), 478

Aria Austria, interaction with Spain transcriptions, D-5 dance, 497-500

use, 600 music, 35, 611

Aria, 31-32, 33 (n. 97), 269, politics, 34—35 583-85, 662, 705, 722 Auto sacramental (theatrical)

Aria de Corelli, 330 characteristics, 66, 362, 380 (n. Aria di Firenze , 571, 658. See also 145), 403-10, 411, 412, 513,

Gran duque de Florencia 514, 529, 624

Ariosto, Ludovico, 703, 705 works, 369, 403 (n. 228), 404, Aristocratic dancing. See Dancing, 405, 406, 480, 483, 552-53,

aristocratic 606, 617, 618, 631, 645, 655, 733, 734 (n. 539)

828 INDEX Avellaneda, Francisco de, 399, 752 266), 481, 482, 485, 525,

Avendafio, Christébal de, 391 530—37, 542, 543, 546-47,

Avila 557, 558, 600, 601, 603, 612,

Cathedral, 267 616, 619, 629, 633, 638, 645, music, 67 (n. 69), 199, 208 650, 655, 661, 662, 672, 673, Avilipinti, 674 674, 682, 683, 693, 701, 702, A Wn, Ms addition to Valderrabano 709, 710, 712, 713 (n. 457),

(vihuela) 726, 727, 728, 731, 735, 739,

contents, 310, 316 740, 742, 743, 744, 745, 746, transcriptions, D-99, D-372, 750

D-435 Baile (theatrical)

vihuela tablature, 321 characteristics, 33 (n. 97), 39,

iAy, ay, ay! 348-49, 386, 397, 400-1, 404, transcriptions, 560-63 405, 535, 536, 670-71

use, 483 (n. 278), 484, 527, 536, works, 369, 370, 380, 388, 399,

556-59, 574 (n. 102) 402, 405 (n. 237), 437, Ay engatioso amor, 129 453-54 (n. 147), 455 (n. 154),

Ayre (musical) 477, 478, 480, 484, 536, (n.

rhythm, 59, 65, 74, 225, 290, 64, 65), 537 (n. 66), 551, 553,

291, 297-98, 694 557, 599-600, 606, 617, 624,

tempo, 326 627, 628, 631 (n. 133), 645 (n.

Ayuda de costa, 198, 494 188), 655, 656 (n. 238), 657, 674 (n. 307), 676, 682-83,

Babau 683-84, 725, 732, 735, 742, transcriptions, D-6 to 7 752-53

use, 600 Bailete. See Baylete

Bacas. See Gudrdame las vacas Bailete de El Retiro, 108 (n. 6) Bacas (guitar chord). See Vacas Bailete francés, 174 (n. 212)

Bacelar, Jacinto, 266 Bailly, Henri de, 648

Bacio (choreographic), 425 (n. 19), Baixa, 427, 429, 430. See also Baja

450 (n. 131), 693 Baja

Badajoz Cathedral, 14, 30 (n. 83), music, 109, 563-64

187 use, 351 (n. 21), 422, 427-30,

Baeza 502, 503, 505, 654 (n. 229) publications, 741—42 Bajon, 67, 111

University, 483, 536 (n. 65), 557, Bajoncillo, 68 (n. 72), 239

730 Balbases, marqués de los, 198, 493

Bagpipe, 366, 507, 531, 648, (note ee)

649-50, See also gayta Baldes, Francisco de. See Valdes,

Bailar la pela, 365 Francisco de

Baile (choreographic), 5, 345-48, Balet. See Ballet 349_53, 369, 478, 480 (n. Ballard, Robert, 648, 690

INDEX 829 749 170)

Ballet, 37, 608-9, 621, 622, 747-48, Barrionuevo, Jer6nimo de, 386 (n.

Balletto, 607 Barter, Juan, 61 (n. 53) Ballo, 607, 658 Barteta, Christébal de, 680 Ballo del fiore, 571 Bartoli, Daniello, 123 . Ballo del gran duca, 658. See also Bartolotti, Angiolo Michele, 181

Gran duque de Florencia Basel, 741 Balon, Claude, 337, 440, 446, 452 Basio alto (guitar chord), 158

Balona, 618 Bassa danza, 427, 429, 563, 564, Baltasar, Carlos (Prince of Spain), 568-69, 706. See also Baja 378, 403 (n. 229), 432 Basse danse, 427, 428-29, 563, 564.

Bances y Candamo, Francisco See also Baja Antonio de, 353—54, 464, Basso ostinato. See Ostinato

678-79, 680, 752 Bastonero, 355

Bandurvia 244) construction, 323, 324 Bataille, Gabriel, 648

Bandola, 138, 322 Basurto, Juan Alonso, 407, 408 (n.

ornaments, 326 Batalla (musical), 197 (n. 23), 609

playing technique, 324 (n. 49)

sources, 136, 310, 324 “Bauyn” manuscript, 264, D-480

staff notation, 325 Baxon. See Bajén

tablature, 325—26 Baxoncillo. See Bajoncillo

tuning, 323, 325 Baylad caracoles, 108 (n. 6) transcriptions, D-94 Bayle. See Baile

use, 322-23, 329, 522 (n. 16) Baylete

Barbers, 114, 646, 686-88, 707, 742 transcriptions, D-8

Barbosa Machado, Diogo, 119 use, 5, 600

Barcelona Bayonne, 32 Cathedral, 59, 61 (n. 53), 245 Bazio. See Bacio dance, 437, 457, 506-9, 649, 709 B Bc Ms 5615 (guitar) fiestas, 43, 335, 337, 373-74, 376, contents, 107, 116, 133-35

377, 378, 430, 453, 497, 658, ornaments, 179 672—73, 677-78, 684, 709, punteado tablature, 166, 172, 175

723, 725, 741 transcriptions, D-286

music, 236 (n. 3), 273-74, 484, tuning, 147, 148

506-9, 649 Beauchamp, Pierre, 436—37, 440, 749 politics, 120, 336 Becchi, Antonio de, 629 publications, 91, 117, 118, 458, Becerro, Alonso, 742

555 Beginner. See Musical literacy;

Barcelona, Bishop of, 117 Self-instruction

Barreda, Joseph Félix, 471 (n. 225) Belfour, John, 634 (n. 145) Bella Lisa, 254 (note d)

830 INDEX Belmonte y Bermdez, Luis de, 434 Bolero, 633-34, 717

(n. 61) Bonnet, Jacques, 39, 40

Bemol (guitar chord), 158 Borbone, Nicolo, 76 (n. 95) Bemol del patilla (guitar chord), 158 Bordazar, Antonio, 94

Bemolillo (guitar chord), 158 Borja _ Benavente, conde de, 47 (n. 7) transcriptions D-9 to 10

Benavides, Marfa de, 398 use, 600

Benevoli, Orazio, 122 Borja, Francisco de, 723 Bentivoglio, Guido, 18 Borja, Juan de, 53 Bergamo, 584, 727 Borneo trinado (choreographic), 450

Bergamesca, 573, 727 (n. 131)

Berganza, duque de, 639 (n. 162) Bosc4n, Juan, 19, 20 Bermiidez, Gregorio Santisso, 59 (n. Botanelli, Vincencio, 114

48), 65 (n. 64) Bourrée, 132, 457, 749

Bermudo, Juan, 55, 69 (n. 77), 87 (n. Bovadilla, Madalena de, 357

28), 237, 315, 317, 318-19, Braga, 271 320, 321 (n. 58), 323, 539, Braganza, duque de, 638

588, 625 Bran. See Branle

Bernabé, 71, 72, 259, 261 Branciforte, Francesco, 49 (n. 14)

Bernavé. See Bernabé Branle, 433~—34, 503

Bernier, Nicolas, 66 (n. 66) Bretaigne, Loise de, 433 (n. 55)

Bertaut, Francois, 622 Bretafia, 453 Bianco, Baccio del, 384 Bretanya, 338

Biblioteca Nacional (Madrid, 42. See Bricefio, Luis de

also E Mn career, 50, 118-19

Bisbe y Vidal, Fructuoso. See Ferrer, guitar book, 50, 107, 110, 116,

Juan 118-19, 559, 622, 684, 735, Bivero, Juan de, 552 148

Blacks (negros), 364, 367 (n. 84), guitar tuning, 145-46, 148 378, 409, 461, 462, 506, 512 rasgueado notation, 149-50, 151,

(n. 70), 552, 658, 662, 161, 162, 166, 167-68

663-64, 682, 740, 750 transcriptions, D-37, D-38, D-68, Blanco White, José Marfa, 417 D-95, D-102 to 109, D-185, Blancus, Christopher, 76 (n. 95) D-203, D-204, D-220, D-221,

Blas, Desiderio, 169, 170 D-337, D-361, D-377, D-386 Blas, Juan Gémez de, 88 to 388, D-413, D-414, D-436 Blas de Castro, Juan, 396-97 to 439, D-447, P-2 to 14.

Blonde, monsieur, 749 Brida, Juan de la, 487 (n. 1), 489, 494 Bocangel, Ungueta, Gabriel, 435 (n. Brocar, Joan de, 87

63) Brocarte, Antonio, 266, 267—68

Boccherini, Luigi, 31 Brocarte, Antonio de la Cruz. See Boleo (choreographic), 729 Cruz Brocarte, Antonio de la

INDEX 831 Brossard, Sébastien, 5 (n. 4), 34, D-130, D-175 to 178, D-182,

103, 706 D-248, P-197 to 203 261, 266, 273 career, 246

Bruna, Pablo, 251, 255, 259, 260, Cabezén, Antonio de

Brunel, Antoine de, 363 (n. 62), 364 keyboard works, 84, 87, 99 (n.

(n. 64), 365 (n. 73), 370 (n. 82), 193 (n. 12), 235, 240,

102), 406 244, 245, 246, 257, 266 (n. Brunete, 472 96), 281, 310, 548, 549, 565,

Brunetti, Gaetano, 31 566, 629, 695, 704

Brussels ornaments, 300~1, 305

music, 16—17, 42, 92 (n. 48), 133 tablature, 279-80, 282, 285-86,

politics, 35, 120 288-89, 290

Buckingham, Duke of, 434 (n. 59) transcriptions, D-63, D-174, Buelta (choreographic), 5 (n. 8), 425 D-209 to 211, D-349 to 351,

(n. 19), 450 (n. 131), 646-47, D-370

732 Cabez6n, Juan de, 246

Buelta (musical), 5, 548, 593 Cabezén, Hernando de, 84-85, 102, Buen Retiro (Madrid), 27, 28, (n. 191, 235, 240, 246, 300. See

74), 29, 30, 358, 383, 384, also Cabez6n, Antonio de 385-86, 393, 398, 399, 409, Cabriola (choreographic), 425 (n.

431, 651 19), 450 (n. 131), 652

Buffoons, 432. See also Matachines Cabrera de Cérdoba, Luis, 383 (n.

Bull, John, 17 159), 429 (n. 36), 666 Bullfighting, 553 Cachucha, 546 Bullicuzcuz, 674 Cadena, 530 Buree. See Bourrée Cadence. See Cl4usula

Bureo, 488, 494, 495, 498-500 Cadence (ornament), 234

Burgos Cadencia, 590, 599 Cathedral, 267 Cadiz

dance, 529, 536 dance, 451, 501, 519

fiestas, 462, 471, 679 fiestas, 356, 631, 667, 672, 723

music, 84 music, 125 Burgos, Antonio de, 729 Cairén, Antonio, 6 (n. 4), 365 (n.

69), 456 (n. 163), 538, 546,

Caballerizo mayor , 488 547, 551, 602-3, 608, 629,

Caballero, 108 (n. 6), 109, 350, 503, 633-34, 662, 731, 743, 750

547-53, 713, 735 (n. 598)

Caballero, Agustin, 489 Caja (musical), 723, 724. See also Cabanillas, Joan. See Cabanilles, Juan Drum Cabanilles, Juan, 70, 71, 72, 249, Calabria, duque de, 45 250, 252, 259, 260, 261, 273, Calahorra, 529

331 (notes b, e), 656, 688, Calanda, 123

832 INDEX Calderé6n, Antonio, 483 (n. 278), Zelos aun del ayre matan, 26-27,

536 (n. 65), 557, 730 397-98 Calderén, Marfa, 47 Calella, 507

Calder6én de la Barca, Pedro, 25, 395, Cales de Montbuy, 507

396, 406, 409 Camara del rey. See Real cémara

- Céfalo y Pocris, 714, 723 (n. 493) Cambert, Robert, 39 Los empejfios de un acaso, 27-28 Cambrai, Peace of (1529), 732 (n.

La estatua de Prometeo, 398 530)

Faetén, 402 Cambridge University, 207

El Faetonte, 402 Camorano, Rodrigo, 211 (n. 68)

La fiera, el rayo, y la piedra, 358, Camos, Marco Antonio de, 743

431 Campra, André, 66 (n. 66), 132,

La franchota, 719 (n. 480) 338-39, 750

El golfo de las sirenas, 384 (n. Campanela (choreographic), 425 (n.

162), 387 (n. 175) 19), 450 (n. 131)

El gran mercado del mundo, 606 Campanelas (musical), 146, 147

Hado ¥ divisa, 39, 399 Campion, Francois, 135, D-462,

Las jdcaras, 669 D-465, D-469

238) Canarios El laurel de Apolo, 28 Canarios

El jardin de Falerina, 28, 656 (n. Canaries, 263, 607—9, See also

Loa, 479, 653-54 transcriptions, D-11 to D-31 El maestro de danzar, 355 (n. 38), use, 108 (n. 6), 173, 174, 263,

387 (n. 178), 431, 654 374, 422, 426, 430, 453, 479,

El mayor encanto amor, 384 483, 503, 505, 520, 546, El mejor amigo el muerto, 434 (n. 600-9, 627, 659, 705, 730

61) Canary Islands, 600-2, 604, 608,

Mujer, llora, y vencerds, 651 663, 697

Ni amor se libra de amor, 398, C4ncer y Velasco, Jeré6nimo de, 604

401-2 (n. 27), 671, 713, 751

El pintor de su deshonra, 656, 683, Cancién. See Canzién

704 Cancionero de Uppsala, 548 (n. 7)

La ptipura de la rosa, 26, 400 Cancionero musical de palacio, 550,

La segunda esposa, 403 (n. 228) 565, 574, 625 La serpienta de metal, 404 Canciones francesas (ca. 1701) Siquis y Cupido, 398 (n. 209), contents, 310, 334-35

401-2 notation, 335 Los sitios de recreaci6n, 387 (n. ornaments, 335

176) publication, 86 (n. 27), 96 (n.

Los tres mayores prodigios, 373 (n. 68), 99 (n. 84)

116) transcriptions, D-484 Cangrejo (guitar chord), 158

INDEX 833 Cafiizares, José de, 30, 387 (n. 174), Caramuel de Lobkowitz, Juan, 669,

388, 455 (n. 154), 553, 605, 711, 713 (n. 458) 629, 631, 634, 645 (n. 188), Carcafial, 674

658, 664, 723 Cardoso, Manuel, 88 (n. 31)

Canénico (style), 542 Carducci, Bartolomeo, 416 (n. 289) Canonicus (style), 542 Caresana, Christoforo, 122 Cafios del Peral, Coliseo de los Cargada (choreographic), 450 (n.

(Madrid), 29, 457 131)

Canova da Milano, Francesco, 628 Cargado (choreographic), 425 (n. 19)

Cano y Urreta, Alonso, 619, 714 Carillo, Juan Bautista, 511

Cantada. See Cantata Carisani, Christéval, 122

Cantata, 31-32, 269, 600 Carlo Emanuele I (Duke of Savoy),

Canto de érgano. See Mensural 652, 699

notation Carlos I (of Spain), 13 (n. 12), 14,

Canto llano. See Cantus firmus; 15, 34, 49, 245, 313

Vocal music, sacred Carlos II (of Spain)

Cantus firmus, 57 (n. 41), 109, 548, art, 129 563-69, 570, 575, 578, 586, dance, 500

630 family, 32, 35 (n. 107), 36 (n.

Canzién 112), 256, 399, 442 transcriptions, D-32 to D-36 fiestas 40, 358 (n. 46)

use, 182 (n. 239), 197, 219, 252, legislation, 78, 529 253, 254 (note d), 257, 259, music, 39, 47, 126, 241-42, 279

307 (n. 223), 609-12, 660 reign, 10 (n. 3), 623

Canzon, 317 Carlos III (of Spain), 19 (n. 36), 47,

Canzona, 718 78, 80 (n. 9), 98-99, 337, 370, Capilla de Borgoria, 15 529, 530

Capilla espariola, 15 Carlos IV (of Spain), 370, 525 Capilla flamenca, 15 Carlos V (Emperor). See Carlos I (of Capilla real, 15—16, 21, 30-31, 32, Spain) 39, 57, 67-68, 85, 110-11, Camnestolendas. See Carnival

115, 121, 126, 129, 131, 132 Carnival (n. 92), 187, 188—90, 200, Barcelona, 373-74, 430, 677—78,

202, 203, 241, 246, 255, 259, 741

268 (n. 107), 269, 279, 327, characteristics, 373-75, 378, 379,

328, 363, 397, 407, 408 (n. 380, 457 (n. 169), 458 (n. 172, 244), 409, 410, 412 (n. 264), 173), 525~26, 531-32, 603,

418, 565 722, 751 Capiscol. See Garcés, Marcos Madrid, 359, 374-75, 399, 401, Capitan. See Romero, Mateo 402, 652, 722, 728 Capona, 479, 536, 554, 674, 713 Paris, 622 Capua, 438 Seville, 415

834 INDEX Caro, Rodrigo, 346, 353 (n. 30), 361, Castillion, Jean Baptiste Louis de,

369, 372 (n. 110), 405 (n. 107, 133-34, 147. See also B 237), 527 (n. 35), 551 (n. 19), Bc Ms 5615

712-13, 744 Castrato, 29-30, 559 Caroso, Fabritio, 6-7, 351 (n. 21), Castrillo, Diego, 672

423 (n. 8), 429, 431, 607, 608, Castro, Francisco de, 453 (n. 147),

632, 657, 658-59, 695, 698, 677, 719, 732, 753

724, 726 Castro, Rodrigo de, 48 (n. 11)

Carrasco, Benito, 739 Castro y Castilla, Joan de, 510 Carrefio de Miranda, Juan, 129 Catalan, Juan, 389 Carrerilla (choreographic), 425 (n. Catalan chord-symbols (guitar), 149,

19), 426 (n. 22), 450 (n. 131), 150, 152, 155, 156, 159

693 Catalana, 455

713 Catalonia Carillo, Joseph, 192 dance, 422-23, 427, 439, 455,

Carreterfa, 346, 405, 534, 546, 674, Catalina (Infanta of Spain), 652, 699

Carrién, Luis de, 190 459, 507-9, 656, 683, 708, 709

Cartagena, 501 fiestas, 368

Casa de aposento, 495 music, 13, 336, 337-38, 507-9

Casa de la reina, 493 politics, 12, 36, 337

Casamajio y Sotomayor, Alvaro Catania, 584

11) 18, 36 (n. 112) Casas del Tesoro, 383 Cavalieri, Emilio de’, 582 (n. 122),

Eugenio de Mendoza, 48 (n. Cateau-Cambrésis, Peace of (1559),

Casaverde, Felipe de, 322-23, 522 607, 658

(n. 16) Cavallero. See Caballero

Castatielas. See Castanets Caxa. See Caja

Castanets, 111, 326, 347, 371, 417, Cazuela (theatrical), 382-83, 385

438, 449, 475, 478, 546, Cea, duque de, 697 620-21, 648, 650, 663, 664, Cenete, marquesa de, 45 680, 702, 712, 717, 723, 739, Cenzano, Pedro, 734

741, 748 Cerda, Catalina de la, 665, 666, 697 Castel, Pablo, 190 Cerda, Juan de la, 618, 743 Castel-Rodrigo, marqués de, 337 Cerdan, Francisco, 514 Castiglione, Baldesar, 19, 312 (n. 11) Cerdana, 503, 708, 709. See also

Castilian chord-symbols (guitar), Sardana; Serdana 139, 149-52, 156, 157, 159 Cerdanya, 36

Castile, 12, 13 Cerone, Pedro, 22, 47, 50—53, Castile, Council of. See Consejo de 55-56, 60, 83, 237, 240, 274,

Castilla 292, 321 (n. 58), 327, 540-41,

Castillejo, Cristébal de, 659 578, 590

Cerreto, Scipione, 143

INDEX 835 Cervantes, Saavedra, Miguel de, 37, Choraicus (style), 542

186, 395, 463-64, 470, 472 Chorayco (style), 543

(n. 230), 474, 475, 476, 477, Chords , 482, 526-27, 528, 604, 615, harp, 220-24, 233, 577

7 645, 653, 670, 712, 714, 732, rasgueado guitar, 138, 149-61,

739, 740, 742 162-65, 570, 577

Cervera, Archivo Histérico Ms theory, 577-78 (dance), 427 (n. 26) Chorégraphie, 419-21, 435-37, 442,

Ceuta, 379 444 445, 448-49

Chacona Choreographic sources, 419-20,

transcriptions, D-37 to D-52 422-26, 438-53, 457-58, 491 use, 262, 346, 353 (n. 30), 430, (note n) 477, 479, 484, 505, 520, 527, Christmas, 622, 671, 672, 733 534, 583, 612—23, 627, 645, Christo, Jo4o de, 270, 271 674, 688, 700, 713, 728, 737, Chulillo, 530

739, 743, 749 Churunba, 618

Chaconne, 134, 582, 622—23, 691. Ciaccona, 571, 620-21, 690. See also

See also Chacona Chacona

Chales, madama de, 50 Cid, F.X., 720-21 Challes, Philibert, 50 (n. 21) Cimbalo, 241. See also Harpsichord

Chamberga Cinco passos (choreographic), 654 transcriptions, D-53 Cinfonfa. See Sinfonia use, 108 (n. 6), 623-24 Citara, 360

Chanchamele, 663 Cittern, 628

Chanzoneta, 539, 540 Cuidad-Rodrigo, 529

Chapirén, 418 Clarin

Charamaén, 446 instrument, 360, 610 (n. 51), Charles, Archduke, 40 (n. 129), 336, 723. See also Trumpet

437 organ stop, 239, 252, 257, 610 (n.

Charles Stuart (Prince of Wales), 51), 612 (note h)

376-77, 380 (n. 146), 388, 679 style, 197, 445 (n. 117), 609 (n.

Charpentier, Charles, 500 49), 610, 611

Cheute (ornament), 179, 182 Cldusula (choreographic), 654

Chevrier, monsieur, 750 Cldusula (musical), 33 (n. 99), 69,

Chinfonfa. See Sinfonia 197, 686

Chirimia, 111, 360. See also Shawm Claviarpa, 397 Chisi, Jacome. See Guisi, Jacome Clavichord (monacordio), 203,

Chitarrone, 479 (n. 260). See also 239-40, 274. See also Keyboard

Archlute Clavicimbalo, 241. See also

Chitones, danza de los, 462-63 Harpsichord

Choirboys, 126, 412-18, See also Clavicordio. See Harpsichord

Seises Clavier, 538. See also Keyboard

836 INDEX Clavijo, Bernadina, 53-54 551-52, 554, 557, 558, 604, Clavijo del Castillo, Bernardo, 21, 605, 615-616, 620 (n. 84),

53-54, 259, 261 627, 628, 644, 645, 651, 653

Clavidrgano, 241 (n. 227), 654, 656, 661, 663,

Clement IX (Pope), 27 664, 667, 670, 683, 693, 704, Clermont, madame de, 433 (n. 55) 705, 707, 709, 714, 723, 727,

Cobos, Francisco de los, 313 732, 733, 740, 751

Cock, Henrique, 368 (n. 90), 376 (n. Comes, Juan Bautista, 417-18 129, 132), 377 (n. 135, 136), Commedia dell'arte, 23-24, 29, 461,

378 (n. 137, 138), 465 (n. 480, 678 195), 652 (n. 217) Compan, Charles, 452

Coco, 530 Compds mayor (mensuration), 173, 135 (n. 102) 293-94, 297, 592, 595, 596

Cédice Saldfvar 4 (guitar Ms), 108, 174, 175, 176, 287, 288,

Coelho, Manuel Rodrfquez, 14, 47, Compasillo (mensuration), 166-67,

77 (n. 1), 86 (n. 27), 88, 99 (n. 168, 169, 172, 173, 174, 175,

82), 191, 271, 284-85 176, 224, 225, 226, 227, 287, Coello, Antonio, 28, 477 (n. 254) 288, 293, 294, 297, 592, 595, Colegiata de San Ildefonso (Madrid), 596, 656

31 Concepci6én, Francisca de la, 191

Colegio Imperial de la Compafifa de Conception, Immaculate (feast)

Jesus (Madrid), 501, 722—23 Baeza, 483, 536 (n. 65), 557, 730

Colista, Lelio, 122, 134 Seville, 361, 415

Colmenares, Diego de, 361 (n. 55), Toledo, 472-73 375 (n. 125), 462 (n. 185), Conceptismo (poetic), 24

649 (n. 207) Concerto, 718

Colonna, Federigo, 49 (n. 14) Conde Claros

Colonna, Giovanni Ambrosio, 153, transcriptions, 626, D-54 to 60

155, 161 use, 624-28 Colorfn colorado, 674 Condestable de Castilla, 398

Comedia (theatrical) Conflent, 36

characteristics, 25, 27, 348, | Confraria dels musichs (Barcelona),

353-54, 358, 376-77, 379-80, 506-9, 649 381-86, 397, 403 (n. 229), Consejo de Castilla, 78, 80, 381,

404, 411, 484, 534-35, 670, 404—5, 535, 670, 713

712, 744 Conservatorio della pieta dei turchini

works, 27-28, 39—40, 348 (n. 11), (Naples), 51 (n. 25) 355, 358 (n. 46), 371, 372, (n. Conservatorio de’ poveri di Gest

113), 373, 374, 382 (n. 156), Christo (Naples), 51 (n. 25) 384, 387, 398, 399, 401-2, Conservatorio di Santa Maria di

411, 431, 434, 454 (n. 147), Loreto (Naples), 51 (n. 25) 467, 468, 474, 477, 518, 528,

INDEX 837 Conservatorio di Santo Onofrio a organ stop, 239, 254 (note d) Capuana (Naples), 51 (n. 25) Cornett. See Corneta Contarini, Simon, 353 (n. 31, 32) Corominas, Juan Francisco de, 328,

Contenencia (choreographic), 351, 402

730 Corpus Christi (feast)

Continenza (choroeographic), 351 characteristics, 17, 66, 346,

(n. 21) " 362-67, 378, 403-10, 412,

Contradanza, 6, 96 (n. 70), 98 (n. 415, 417, 460-61, 466-67, 78), 110, 131, 329, 336, 338, 471-72, 476, 477, 510-14, 442, 443, 444, 445, 446, 449, 530, 553, 634, 672, 679, 713,

450, 453, 454-60, 517-18, 730, 745 530 (n. 47), 538, 581, 635, Elvas, 690

700, 715 Galicia, 365

Contrafactum, 655 Granada, 603 Contratiempo (choreographic), 450 Léon, 514

(n. 131), 623 Madrid, 114, 326, 350 (n. 17),

Contredanse, 334, 435, 441, 453, 352, 362, 363-64, 365, 366, 454. See also Contradanza 367, 393, 402, 403, 406, Contreras, Antonio de, 535 (n. 59) 407-10, 461, 465, 466, Convento de la Encarnaci6n (Avila), 471-72, 474, 475, 510-14,

67 (n. 69) 530, 623, 649, 650, 663-64, Convento de la Santfsima Trinidad 723-24, 734 (Madrid), 268 Mexico, 741 Copla (poetic), 476, 555, 556, 637, P4tzcuaro, 736

672, 716, 727, 733 Segovia, 362, 364, 365, 461, 462,

Coradini, Francesco, 31 463, 466-67, 473, 474-75,

Corante. See Courante 510, 680

Corbera, Francisco, 102 (n. 94), 122, Seville, 362, 403 (n. 229),

139 415-46, 417, 464, 466, 472,

Corbetta, Francesco, 18, 109, 122, 474, 529, 624, 679-80, 734,

129, 130-31, 134, 135, 139, 742

143 (n. 136), 153, 182, 183, Toledo, 207, 362, 416, 474, 475,

D-467, D-471 514, 515-16

Cérdoba, 536 Torrején de Ardoz, 680

Cérdova y Obiedo, Diego Fernandez Valencia, 364, 417-18

de, 88 (n. 30) Vich, 709

Corelli, Arcangelo, 109, 136, 261, Zamora, 649, 688 (n. 355) 262, 272, 329—31, 337, D-142 Corradini, Francesco. See Coradini,

Cornazano, Antonio, 428, 567, 568, Francesco

706 Corrales. See Theatres

Corneta Corral de la Cruz (Madrid), 381

cornett, 67, 202, 697 Corral del Principe (Madrid), 381

838 INDEX Correa de Arauxo, Francisco 662, 663 (n. 263), 677, 678,

career, 102, 247, 267 688 (n. 355), 691, 699, 705, clavichord tuning, 240 708, 709, 717-18, 719-20,

glosas, 238 744

dissonance treatment, 69-70 726, 733 (n. 535), 739, 743,

keyboard book, 14, 48, 73, 86 (n. Craesbeeck, Paulo, 88 (n. 31) 27), 88, 99 (n. 82), 242, 244, Craesbeeck, Pedro, 88, 91, 93 247, 250-51 (n. 60), 630, 661 Craesbeeck, Pieter van. See

organ construction, 238 Craesbeeck, Pedro

ornaments, 300, 301, 302-4 Criminal underworld, 347-48, 438, tablature, 74, 279-80, 281, 282, 480-83, 526, 668-69, 710,

284-85, 288, 289-90, 290-91, 712, 735, 742

294 Cronberger, Jacobo, 727

transcriptions, D-64, D-212 Cross-relation, 69-70, 247 Correas, Gonzalo, 550, 639, 644, Cruzadillo (guitar chord), 158

710-711, 712, 713, 714 Cruzado (choreographic), 425 (n.

Corrente. See Courante 19), 450 (n. 131), 647

Correya, Jodo, 266 Cruzado (guitar chord), 149, 157 (n. Corselli, Francisco. See Courelle, 174), 158, 159 |

Francisco Cruzado mayor (guitar chord), 157

Cortesia (choreographic), 452 Cruzado menor (guitar chord), 157

Castilla 450 (n. 131) Council of Toledo, 411 Cruz Brocarte, Antonio, de la, 48, 86 Council of Castile. See Consejo de Cruzar (choreographic), 425 (n. 19),

Council of Trent, 56—57, 91 (n. 27), 94, 100, 268 (n. 106), Country dance, 454, 538. See also 298

Contradanza Cruz Cano y Olmedilla, Ramén de Couperin, Louis, 262, 264 la, 383, 674 (n. 305) Courante, 130 (n. 84), 133, 262 (n. Cubicularis (style), 541

93), 330, 538, 607, 749 Cubillo de Aragén, Alvaro, 628 Courcelle, Francisco, 30-31 Cuecuecheuicatl, 736 Coutinho, Luis, 270, 271 Cuellar, marqués de, 619 (n. 80) Covarrubias y Orozco, Sebastian de, Cuenca Cathedral, 269 67 (n. 69), 311, 318-19, 323, Cuevas, Isabel de, 513

327-28, 349-51, 352 (n. 25), Cuevaz, Alonso, 266 354 (n. 35), 355 (n. 41), 365 Culteranismo (poetic), 24 (n. 73), 368 (n. 9), 369, 371 Cumbé, 108 (n. 6), 750. See also

(n. 106), 372 (n. 110), 404 (n. Paracumbé 232), 414, 418, 428, 470, 479 Curtal, 67 (n. 69) (n. 260), 481 (n. 270), 503, Curtio. See Botanelli, Vincencio 550-51, 574, 600, 602, 638, Cymbals, 472 648 (n. 201), 651, 655, 661,

INDEX 839 Dalza, Joan Ambrosio, 694, 706 (n. 662, 665, 672, 691, 692, 699,

428) 710, 722, 724, 728, 731, 740

Dama Danza castellana, 464

transcriptions, D-61 to 63 Danza de cascabel, 350 (n. 17),

use, 503, 629 351-52, 368, 510-11, 512, 724 Danga, Damian, 496 (n. 25) Danza de cuenta, 326, 351, 352 (n. Dance lyrics. See Lyrics, dance 27, 28), 368 (n. 86), 510-11, Dance melodies, 607, 608-9, 610, 512, 535, 723-24. 622, 625-27, 629-30, 635, Danza de espadas. See Espadas,

640-41, 648, 659-60, 661, danza de

681, 691, 696, 699, 700, 714, Danza de la hacha. See Hacha

716, 721, 748, 749-50. See Danza de los chitones, 426-63

also Tono Danza de miisica, 352 (n. 27), 368,

Dance-names, 545—54 510-11, 512

Dance of fools, 361, 467. See also Danza de quenta. See Danza de

Matachines cuenta Dance of the spheres, 522 Danza hablada, 463 Dance-song, 554—63 Davies, John, 522

Dance studio, 350 (n. 17), 351, 388, Daza, Esteban, 88, 99 (n. 82), 310

430, 503-6, 520-21, 523, 525, (n. 3) 602, 615, 646, 651, 673, 691, Dedillo (guitar chord), 158, 159

700, 709, 722, 729 De dos pares (choreographic), 456 Dancing, aristocratic, 338, 345, Dedos trocados, 219

353-61, 422-60, 517-26 Déligo, 674 Dancing, lower-class, 345, 348, 349, Demicupé (choreographic), 421

352, 361-79, 460-85, 526-37 De reduccién (fencing), 524

Dancing, theatrical, 379-410 De remisos (fencing), 524 Dancing duel, 430, 519-21 Derosier, Nicolas, 134, 177 Dancing masters, 39, 337, 421, 423, Descalzas Reales. See Monasterio de

424-25, 430, 431, 433, las Descalzas Reales

435-36, 439, 440-41, 446-47, Desmarest, Henry, 43, 609 (n. 47)

451, 452, 453, 460, 472 (n. Desmayo 226), 473 (n. 232), 487—-516, transcriptions, D-65

538, 543, 602, 606, 635, 646, use, 108, 630 651, 654, 691, 693, 697-98, Despernada (choreographic), 731 699, 700, 709, 716, 722, 724, Dexaldos mi madre

728, 729, 749 transcriptions, 630, D-64

Dandies, 458-60 use, 282, 629-30

Daroca, 259 Dezais, 441, 446

Danza, 329, 345-53, 478, 502, 503, Deza y Avila, Vicente Sudrez de, 496

612, 629, 631, 636, 638, 651, (n. 24), 752 Dézimas (harp chord), 220-22

840 INDEX Dia del Santisimo Sacramento. See Draghi, Cardinalino, Giuseppe, 242,

Corpus Christi 269, 270

Diamante, Juan Bautistia, 398, 402, Drago, Cornelio, 21 (n. 47)

558, 657-58, 707 Dragon. See Tarasca

Dfas, Gabriel, 554—55, 682 Dramaticus sive recitativus (style), 542 Dfaz de Guit4n, Francisco, 95 Drum, 111, 114, 360, 366, 378, 467,

Dfaz de Solfs, Antonio, 494, 495, 471, 472, 473, 474, 507, 620,

487 (n. 1), 489 643, 649, 663, 664, 680, 707,

Dfaz Rengifo, Juan. See Rengifo, 718, 723, 724, 728, 740

Juan Dfaz Drummond, James, 665

Dfaz Romano, Francisco, 87 Dupré, 452

Dfaz y Frias, Sim6n, 361 (n. 55) Dupré, Barthélemy, 50 (n. 21), 118 Dictionary of the Real Academia Durdn, Diego, 736, 739 Espafiola. See Real Academia Durén, Sebastian, 32, 73-74, 95 (n.

Espajiola, dictionary of the 66), 96 (n. 68), 200, 266, 400,

Diez (guitar chord), 149 453-54, 554 (n. 37) . Diferencia (choreographic), 5, 6, 456,

715, 717 E Bc Fondo del Hospital de la Santa

Diferencia (musical), 4-6, 115-16, Creu (dance Ms), 422-23 194-95, 243-44, 309, 310, 587 E Bc M. 386 (keyboard)

Diminution. See Glosa contents, 244, 273-74

Dissonance, 20, 61-66, 68-71, notation, 292 72-73, 542, 592-96 transcriptions, D-176 to 178,

Dithyramb, 349 D-182, D-248, P-197, P-198 Divisions (musical), 572. See also E Bc M. 387 (keyboard)

Glosa contents, 244, 249-51, 261, 329 Doble (choreographic), 426 (n. 22), notation, 292, 295, 299 729-30 transcriptions, D-130, D-175 to Doizi de Velasco, Luis, 121 178, D-248, P-197 to 211 Doizi de Velasco, Nicolas E Bc M. 691/2(4) (guitar)

career, 119-21 contents, 116, 138

guitar book, 48-49, 107, 114, punteado notation, 166, 175, 179

— 116, 119-21 transcriptions, D-459 to 461

rasgueado notation, 159-61, 163, tuning, 148

166 E Bc M. 729 (keyboard), 71, 72, 260 | transcriptions, D-39, P-15 E Bc M. 741/22 (harp, unspecified tuning, 143, 145, 148 instruments) Don Golondrén, 527 contents, 195, 200-1, 310,

Dormer, Diego, 89 337-38, 340, 700 (n. 407)

Draghi, Antonio, 270 harp notation, 215, 216-18, 224,

Draghi, Giovanni Battista, 270 227, 230, 233-34, 338 staff notation, 338

INDEX 84] E Bc M. 741/22 (harp, unspecified Elizabeth de Valois, See Isabel de

instruments), continued Valois

transcriptions, D-7, D-29, D-30, Elizabeth Farnese of Parma (Queen

D-86, D-92, D-93, D-143, of Spain), 19 (n. 36), 29, 337 D-154, D-267, D-295, D-356, Elizabeth Rogers Virginal Book, 264,

D-380 to 385, D-429, D-430, D-477

D-494 Elvas Cathedral, 690 E Bc M. 751/21 (keyboard), 71, 72, E Mn Barbieri Mss 14059/2 (dance).

261, D-127 oa See Reglas de danzar

E Be M. 1011 (keyboard), 330 E Mn Barbieri Mss 14059/12

E Bc M. 1328 (keyboard), D-130 (dance), 425-26, 673 (n. 302) D-176.D-178.D-182 E Mn Barbieri Mss 14059/15

E Bc M. 1452 (unspecified (dance). See Jaque, Juan

instruments) : oan |

contents, 6, 310, 330, 336-37, Mn M. 811 (guitar) 340, 476 (n. 248), 700 (n. 407) contents, 116, 129-31, 610, 699

notation, 336, 337 guitar tuning, 148

transcriptions, D-6, D-28, D-49, punteado notation, 174, 178, 182

D-50, D-85. D-91. D-97 rasgueado notation, 130, 153-55, D-139 to 142, D-183, D.251 156, 166, 167, 168-69, 169-71 D-266 D-294 D-35 5 1-379 transcriptions, D-3, D-12, D-13,

D-405, D-428, D-483, P-228 on 0 p40. D-42,

E Bc Pedrell Ms 74 (unspecified -33, D-62, D-66, D-71,

instruments), 309 (n. 1) D-77, D-87, D-89, D-90, Eclesidstico (style), 541, 542 D-112, D-119, D-120, D-145,

Ecclesiasticus (style), 541-42 D-148, D-162, D-168, D-169, Economy, Spanish, 10—11, 495 D-218, D-224, D-228, D-237, Eco (organ stop), 239, 252, 254 D-242 to 244, D-254, D-257,

(note d) D-261, D-263, D-269, D-275,

Education, Spanish, 501 D-284, D-296, D-297, D-304, E E Ms 29 (2.186) (keyboard) D-311, D-314, D-317, D-346, contents, 244, 248-49, 611 D-358, D-362, D-378, D-395,

notation, 292, 295 D-396, D-401, D-409, D-418,

transcriptions, D-65, D-127 to D-423, D-431, D-432, D-434, 129, D-213 to 215, D-289 D-451, D-453, D-454, D-485, E E Ms 30 (2.187) (keyboard), 71, D-487, P-46, P-52, P-110 to

72, 260, 261 117

Ejecutor de la vara, 484, 527 E Mn M. 815 (keyboard) Elia, Vincenzo d’, 21 (n. 47) contents, 244, 254 (note d), 265

Elfas, José, 273-74 (note h), 272-73, 330, 340, Elizabeth de Bourbon, See Isabel de 612, 700 (n. 407) Bourbon notation, 292, 295, 299, 301, 305

842 INDEX E Mn M. 815 (keyboard), continued D-291, D-353, D-359, D-474,

transcriptions, 341, D-10, D-27, D-475

D-84, D-96, D-98, D-138, E Mn M. 1360 (keyboard) D-181, D-186, D-279, D-293, contents, 71, 73, 244, 254 (note

D-301, D-323, D-354, D-375 d), 259-65, 266, 329, 629 (n.

E Mn M. 816 (harp) 125), 700 (n. 407)

contents, 195, 199-200, 610 notation, 292, 295, 299, 301, 305

harp range, 206 transcriptions, D-23 to 26, D-47, notation, 199, 215, 216~—18, 219, D-133, D-134, D-217, D-230,

224, 226, 229, 233-34 D-307, D-360, D-364, D-394,

transcriptions, D-125, D-152, D-427, D-444 to 446, D-476 D-264, D-265, D-287, D-310, to 481, P-217 D-320, D-376, D-390 to 392, E Mn M. 2209 (guitar)

D-493, P-189 to 191 contents, 116, 127—29 E Mn M. 881 (guitar), 140 (n. 140) guitar chords, 128, 151, 152, 153,

E MnM. 1071 (theory). See Valls, 154

Francisco guitar tuning, 143 (n. 136), 148 E Mn M. 1357 (keyboard) 178

E Mn M. 1233 (guitar), 142 punteado notation, 128, 166, 173, contents, 242, 244, 251-56, 609 punteado technique, 127

(n. 49), 611 transcriptions, D-17, D-18, D-76,

notation, 292, 295, 297, 301, D-167, D-241, D-256, D-274,

305, 307 D-282, D-283, D-345, D-408,

transcriptions, D-34, D-44, D-45, D-422, P-98 to 109 D-153, D-179, D-249, D-473, E Mn M. 2262 (keyboard)

P-212, P-213 contents, 242, 244, 269-70

E Mn M. 1358 (keyboard) notation, 292, 299, 301, 305 contents, 201, 244, 256-57, 258, transcriptions, D-136

611 E Mn M. 2267 (keyboard), 254 (n.

ornaments, 301, 305, 307 272), 275, 276, 610 (n. 51),

staff notation, 292 611

tablature notation, 258, 279-80, E Mn M. 2478 (harp), 194 (n. 16),

282, 283-84, 287, 288, 289 707 (n. 436), 708 (n. 438) transcriptions, D-2, D-32, D-80, E Mn M. 2618’ (violin) D-131, D-216, D-290, D-300, contents, 310, 331—32

D-352, D-399, P-214 to 216 tablature, 333-34 E Mn M. 1359 (keyboard) transcriptions, D-31, D-51, D-52,

contents, 244, 257-59, 611 D-184, D-252, D-309, D-371, notation, 292, 295, 299, 301, 305 D-492, D-495 transcriptions, D-46, D-81, E Mn Mss 5917 (guitar), 157, 158 D-132, D-193, D-232, D-233, E Mn Mss 6001 (vihuela) contents, 310, 316-18

INDEX 843 E Mn Mss 6001 (vihuela), continued use, 263, 647, 653, 683, 689-90,

tablature, 321 693, 730

transcriptions, D-100, D-101, See also Pasacalle D-195, D-199, D-200, D-357 Entremés (theatrical)

E Mn Mss 8931 (harp). See characteristics, 39, 348, 380 (n.

Jovenardi, Bartolomé 146), 386, 388-89, 397, 404,

E Mn Mss 18580/5 (dance). See 405, 410, 411, 412, 535, 637

Jaque, Juan Antonio works, 369, 370, 372 (n. 113),

E MnR. 14069, Ms addition to 373, 380, 388, 394 (n. 194),

Correa de Arauxo (keyboard) 399, 400-1, 405 (n. 237), 476,

contents, 244, 248, 611 479, 482-83, 528, 556, 558,

notation, 279-80 603 (n. 22), 604, 606, 615,

transcriptions, D-247, P-194 to 616, 617 (n. 70), 635, 644-45,

196 646, 653, 654, 661, 662, 669,

Encage (choreographic), 425 (n. 19), 670, 674 (n. 307), 676 (n.

450 (n. 131) 312), 677, 681, 693, 701,

Encaramado 705-6, 707, 712, 713, 719,

use, 630 751-53

transcriptions, D-66 to 67 732, 735, 740, 742, 750,

Encarnacién. See Convento de la Entremés cantado (theatrical) Encarnacié6n; Real Monasterio characteristics, 348—49

de la Encarnacié6n works, 349 (n. 15), 373 (n. 115),

Encaxe. See Encage 388 (n. 182)

Encina, Juan del, 625 See also Baile (theatrical) Encorvada, 479, 743 Equal temperament. See Endecha (musical), 601—2 Temperament

Endiablada, 479, 528 Escarramén, 481-85, 526, 528, 532, England, interaction with Spain 534, 536, 557, 574 (n. 102), dance, 434, 454, 455, 467-68, 604, 619, 653, 669, 732, 742 503, 522, 632—33, 652, 653, Escamilla, Antonio de, 192, 393, 479

665-66, 696 (n. 262) music, 17, 468, 572, 610, 611, Escorial, Monasterio de San Lorenzo

612, 632, 682, 705 el Real, 57-58, 248-49, 416. politics, 360 (n. 53), 379 See also EE Engraving. See Music printing Escuela. See Dance studio En quadro (choreographic), 456 Esmorsata (guitar ornament), 178,

En redondo (choreographic), 456 180

Enrfquez, Andrés Gil, 394 Espadas, danza de, 465, 469-73,

Ensalada (musical), 35 537, 677

Entrada Espafioleta transcriptions, P-218 to 226 transcriptions, D-68 to 86

844 INDEX Espafioleta, continued Falconi, Felipe, 31 use, 108 (n. 6), 130, 167, 222 (n. Falconieri, Andrea, 22 91), 258, 435, 438, 503, Falsa de punto intenso contra remisso,

630-33 69-70, 247 Esparraguera, 507 Fandango

_ Espinel, Vicente, 21-22, 23, 53-54, transcriptions, D-87 to 94

114, 120 use, 551, 633-35, 715, 717, 720

Espineta, 241. See also Harpsichord Fanfarrona

Esquivel Barahona, Juan, 93 transcriptions, D-95 Esquivel Navarro, Juan de, 5 (n. 8), use, 635 48—49, 86 (n. 27), 88, 322-23, Fantasia (musical), 127, 143 (n.

347, 350 (n. 17), 351-52, 353 136), 311, 564, 575, 590,

(n. 30, 33), 387, 421-22, 694-95

423-24, 425, 426, 430, 431, Fantasmas 432, 440, 449, 490 (note g), transcriptions, D-96 to 97

494, 496, 503-4, 505-6, use, 635

519-24, 525, 537 (n. 68), 551, Fantdstico (style), 542

575 (n. 104), 615, 629, Fantinella, 571, 584 630-31, 646-47, 651, 652 (n. Farandango, 108 (n. 6)

218), 653, 654 (n. 229), Fardino, Lorengo, 122 664-65, 667, 674-75, 677, Faria, Luis de, 494 691, 692-93, 700, 722, 724, Farifias del Corral, Mauricio, 157

728~30, 740 Farinelli. See Broschi, Carlos Estrafio (choreographic), 524, 693 Farinelli, Michel, 39

Estrario (fencing), 524 Farnaby, Giles, 632

Estrivillo (poetic), 716 Farsalia, Archbishop of, 48 (n. 11) Etiquette, 19, 312, 354, 355, Favorita, 571, 636 363-64, 384, 426, 437, 439, Fedele, 647

504, 518-19 Federico V (of Naples), 45

Eugene IV (Pope), 414 Feij6o y Montenegro, Benito, 32, 42,

Evora, 636, 637 58~59, 137, 328, 649

Eximeno y Pujades, Antonio, 55 Felipe II (of Spain) Extrasino (guitar ornament), 146, 178 dance, 433 family, 13 (n. 12), 34, 35 (n.

Fabordones glosados, 4 107), 36 (n. 112), 185, 489

Faborita (note c), 679 transcriptions, D-98 fiestas, 354, 368, 376, 377, 378,

use, 636 415, 416, 427, 429, 464-65,

Fabricio, 316, 317 638, 652, 665, 692, 700 Facco, Jaime, 30, 270, 329 legislation, 78, 81, 366 (n. 75), Facoli, Marco, 585 411, 412 (n. 264), 533

Falco de Belaochaga, Félix, 279 music, 57, 245, 246, 312, 313, 315

INDEX 845 Felipe II (of Spain), continued fiestas, 335, 379, 453, 658, 673,

publishing, 78, 81, 89-90, 92 684, 723, 725

reign, 14 (n. 18), 376 history, 500

theatre, 744 language, 500

Felipe IIT (of Spain) legislation, 78, 525-26, 535

dance, 353, 356, 429, 431, 506, | music, 28-29, 42-43, 47, 242,

518, 692, 697 256, 269, 270, 328, 500-1

family, 35 (n. 107), 603—4 reign, 40-41, 196, 336, 337, 441 fiestas, 356, 375, 429, 461, 462, Felipe Prospero (Prince of Spain), 28,

615, 652, 665-66, 699, 725, 379, 398, 471

740 Fencing, 488, 502, 518, 519-20,

legislation, 78, 366 (n. 76), 466 523-24 (n. 201), 533 (n. 56) Fer, N. de, 701

music, 22, 47, 51-52, 115 (n. 9), Ferdinand | (Emperor), 34

246, 413, 506 Ferdinand II (Emperor), 35 (n. 107)

reign, 10, 353, 502 Ferdinand III (Emperor), 35 (n. 107),

science, 211 (n. 68) 374, 360, 497, 498, 667, 679

theatre, 533 (n. 56) Fernandez, Antonio, 88 (n. 31) Felipe IV (of Spain) Fern4ndez, Diego, 490 (note c), 494 dance, 353—54, 490 (note h), Fern4ndez, Mateo, 90

497-500 Fernandez, Tomés, 401 (n. 222)

family, 35 (n. 107), 36 (n. 112), Ferndndez de Avellaneda, Alonso,

47, 120, 255, 361, 373, 493, 686-87

678 Fern4ndez de Castro, Pedro, 125

fencing, 524 Fernandez de Cérdova, Diego, 88 fiestas, 355—56, 358, 359, 360, Fern4ndez de Cérdova, Francisco, 88 361, 364 (n. 63), 370, 372-73, Ferndndez de Cérdova, Luis, 502-3 375, 376, 377, 380, 388, 429, Fern4ndez de Escalante, Alonso,

434, 652, 665-66, 679, 692, 489, 494, 495, 698 697, 699, 722, 725 Ferndndez de Escalante, Diego, legislation, 78-80, 366 (n. 76), 489-90 (note c)

535 Fern4ndez de Escalante, Luis, 487

music, 115, 121, 139, 211, 241 (n. 1), 489, 493, 494 (n. 14),

reign, 10 (n. 3) 495, 498, 500 theatre, 25, 192 (note a), 372-73, Ferndndez de Escalante, Marcos, 490 383-84, 385, 553 (note g)

Felipe V (of Spain) Fern4ndez de Huete, Diego academies, 41—42, 500-1 career, 198

art, 500 harp books, 47, 48, 68, 78, 79, 80,

dance, 328, 335, 437, 453, 500-1 82, 86, (n. 27), 94, 96 (n. 68),

family, 19 (n. 36) 99 (n. 85), 101, 103, 189 (note

846 INDEX Fern4ndez de Huete, Diego, Festa, Constanzo, 568

continued Feuillet, Raoul Auger, 132, 339,

~ 9), 195, 196-98, 251, 254 419, 435-36, 440, 441, 442,

(note d), 605, 610 446, 448—49, 608-9, 622, 648, harp construction, 203, 204, 691, 749-50

205-6 Fiestas, royal. See Royal fiestas

harp ornaments, 228, 229, Fife, 724

230-33, 234, 305, 307 Figura (choreographic), 456-57, 460 harp tablature, 74, 75 (n. 93), Figured bass, 96, 159, 250, 252, 269,

214-15, 216-18, 218-19, 220, 272, 335, 340, 539, 684 221, 222-24, 224-25, 227 Filguera, Manuel Ambrosio de, 412,

harp tuning, 212-13, 214 624, 671

transcriptions, 605, D-22, D-33, Fillimarino, Fabrizio, 317

D-35, D-36, D-79, D-124, Fin de fiesta (theatrical) D-150, D-151, D-172, D-173, characteristics, 386 D-207, D-219, D-258, D-259, works, 40 (n. 125), 402, 453 (n. D-277, D-278, D-306, D-308, 147), 455 (n. 154), 680, 753 D-312, D-319, D-340, D-363, Fiore, ballo del, 571 D-398, D-404, D-425, D-426, Fiorilli, Tiberio, 24, 678 (n. 323) D-433, D-443, D-489 to 491, Firenze, aria di, 571, 658. See also

P-161 to 187 Gran duque de Florencia

Fern4ndez de Rojas, Juan, 457, 459 Fitzwilliam Virginal Book, 17, 632

Fern4ndez Portocarrero, Luis Flamenco, 476

Manuel, 48 (n. 11) Flamenco, Diego, 90 (n. 39) Fernando (brother of Felipe IV), 120 Flamenco, Juan, 85, 89 (n. 32), 90,

Fernando (King of Naples and 91

Sicily), 19 (n. 36) Flanders. See Netherlands,

Fernando II (of Aragén), 45, 565 interaction with Spain Fernando VI (of Spain), 13 (n. 12), Flandrus, Joannes. See Flamenco,

42, 78, 137, 535 Juan

Fernando de Aragén (duque de Flauta, 136, 378, 720, 733

Calabria), 45, 312 Flauta traversa, 136

Ferrandina, duque de, 502 Flecha, Mateo (the elder), 35 Ferrara, 317, 466 (n. 199) Flecha, Mateo (the younger), 35 Ferrer, Juan, 484, 526 (n. 32), 527 Florcadell, 250, 251

(n.-35) Florence, 89-90, 152, 185, 466 (n. Ferrer, Pedro, 190 199), 584, 657, 658, 734 Ferriol y Boxeraus, Bartolomé, 6, 47, Floreo (choreographic), 425 (n. 19),

339, 421, 438-43, 447-50, 450 (n. 131), 457

454, 455-57, 501, 509, 519, Flores, Gaspar de, 326, 512, 513-14,

523 (n. 20), 524 (n. 27), 530 650

(n. 47), 537, 609, 623, 700 Floreta (choreographic), 450 (n. 131)

INDEX 847 Florio, John, 584 (n. 127) 696, 699, 706, 715-16,

Flute, 136 725-26, 744-45, 747-50

Foggia, Francesco, 250, 251 language, 37, 41-42

Folia, 571, 572-73, 574, 575, music, 38, 39-40, 42-43, 66, 108, 579-80, 582. See also Folias; 118-19, 128, 131, 132, 133,

Folias italianas 134, 135, 175, 176, 183, 200,

Folfas 233-34, 241-42, 252—54, 261, transcriptions, 640, D-99 to 144 262-65, 272-73, 299, 307, use, 147 (n. 149), 269, 316, 330, 334-35, 336-37, 338-41, 476 377, 424, 430, 449, 479, 505, (n. 248), 588, 594, 611, 520, 554, 574, 579-80, 583, 621-22, 629, 648, 676-77, 601, 627, 636—48, 688, 710, 690, 699, 706, 717, 735,

720, 749 747-50 Folfas espafiolas politics, 36, 40-41, 502, 623, 678, transcriptions, D-113 to 115, 732 (n. 530)

D-122 theatre, 24, 38-39, 678

use, 108 (n. 6), 138 (note a) Franquelot, Robert de, 50 (n. 21)

Folfas gallegas, 108 (n. 6) Frascati, 270, 271, 272

Folfas italianas French tablature, 146 (n. 141), 149, transcriptions, D-116, D-120, 172 D-126, D-144 Frescobaldi, Girolamo, 18, 21, 76 (n. use, 108 (n. 6), 200, 332 95), 262, 585, 705 (n. 424)

Folie , 648, 690. See also Folias Frfas, Josefa de, 493

Foligno, 584 Frfas, Manuel de, 487 (n. 1), 489, Fomperosa y Quintana, Ambrosio 493, 494, 495, 496, 497—500

de, 723 (n. 492) Frias, Manuel Lorenco de, 491 (note

Fonantelli, Alfonso, 317 m), 495, 496

Fontenelle, sieur de, 42 Fuenllana, Miguel de, 77 (n. 1), 87,

Fool, 361, 366, 467, 472 99 (n. 82), 317, 318, 319-20,

Forcadell, 251 321, 602 Forcado (poetic), 556 Fuerteventura, 601

Foscarini, Giovanni Paulo, 18, 122 Funes y Villalpando, Balthasar de,

Fra Jacopino, 585 479 (n. 261) France, interaction with Spain

arts, 42 Gabota. See Gavotte dance, 37, 108, 128, 131, 132, Gaceta de Madrid, 445 (n. 121), 672

183, 328, 337, 427, 428-29, (n. 295)

432-35, 435-60, 461, 468-69, Gado, Joao del, 211 (n. 68)

480, 500, 517-18, 607-9, Gagliarda, 607, 628, 658, 706. See

621-23, 631, 635, 648, 653, also Gallarda

657, 676-77, 681, 690-91, Gaita. See Bagpipe; Gayta

848 INDEX D-154 Gayta

Gaita gallega, 650, 731 (n. 525), Gauna, F. de, 461 (n. 183) Gaillarde, 725-26. See also Gallarda transcriptions, D-145 to 154

Galan, Christébal, 407-8, 409-10 use, 108 (n. 6), 648-50, 731 (n. Galeria de amor 525) transcriptions, D-155 to 156 GB Lbm Ms Add. 31640 (guitar)

use, 435, 651 contents, 108, 116, 135-36, 183,

Galicia, 365, 461, 649, 650, 732 330-31, 699

Galilei, Vincenzo, 584-85, 662 (n. guitar tuning, 148

258) punteado tablature, 177, 179, 180 Gallarda transcriptions, D-462 to 472, transcriptions, D-157 to 184 P-118 to 145

use, 108 (n. 6), 167, 350, 374, Gelves, 350 422, 424, 427, 429, 430, 434, Genoa, 84, 584 435, 477, 479, 483, 502, 503, Gerhard, Johann Wolff, 333 505, 520, 546, 627, 651-57, Germana de Foix, 45, 312 688, 689, 692, 697, 705, 725 Germania (dialect), 347, 668

Gallego, Juan, 192 Gerona, 117, 236 (n. 3), 708 Gallo, Vincenzo, 21 (n. 47) Gerénimo, Francisco de, 141

Galliard, 651, 656, 694. See also Gesualdo, Carlo, 317

Gallarda Ghent, 107, 133

Gambetas, 546 Ghersem, Géry de, 16 Ganassa, Alberto. See Naseli, Alberto Giant figures, 363, 364-65, 366-67,

Gandi, 527 377, 378, 406, 412, 530

Garcés, Marcos, 192 Giga. See Gigue

Garcfa, Domingo, 192, 663 Gigantes. See Giant figures Garcfa, Eugenio Antonio, 94 Gigue, 59, 134 (n. 101), 143 (n. Garcfa, Francisco, 88 (n. 31), 512, 136), 263, 309 (n. 1), 330,

514, 650 (n. 210) 331, 338 (n. 127), 538

Garcfa, Jerénimo, 192 Girada (choreographic), 729

Garcfa de Prado, Sebastian, 38 Gitana, 554 Garzoni, Tomaso, 386 (n. 172) Gitanilla

Gascona transcriptions, D-186

transcriptions, D-185 use, 476 (n. 248), 657

use, 657 Gitanos. See Gypsies

Gascony, 699 (n. 404) Giustiniani, Vincenzo, 22, 113, Gasparini, Francesco, 34, 242 227-28, 317, 584, 662 (n.

Gastius, Mathias, 87 (n. 28) 258), 721-22

Gatatumba, 483 (n. 278), 527 Glosa (musical), 4, 64-65, 145, 218,

Gatti, Theobaldo di, 691 289, 290, 555, 586, 587-96,

Gavotte, 176, 264, 309 (n. 1), 538 704 Gaultier, Anne, 119

INDEX 849 Glosa (poetic), 555-56, 659, 704, use, 108 (n. 6), 138 (note a), 159,

736 286, 479, 574, 627, 640, |

Godon, Jean, 50 (n. 21) 659-62, 687, 688, 689

Godoy, Juan de, 742 Guedaja, Agustin, 697 (n. 396) Gombert, Nicol4s, 70, 547 (n. 7), 548 Guerau, Francisco

Go6émez, Jacinto, 415, 473 (n. 232), career, 103, 126

515 guitar book, 47, 77 (n. 1), 86 (n.

Gémez, Matfas, 472 (n. 226) 27), 88, 99 (n. 85), 101, 116,

Gémez, Tomas, 237, 266 125-26, 580 (n. 119) Gongora y Argote, Luis, 24 guitar fingering, 145

Gondomar, conde de, 46 guitar tuning, 145, 148

Gonzales, Juan, 389 influence, 180

Gonz4lez, Pedro, 397 punteado tablature, 166, 172, 178, Gonz4lez, Sebastidn, 667 (n. 276), 180, 181, 183

679 (n. 327) transcriptions, D-16, D-75,

Gonz4lez de Salas, Joseph Antonio, D-118, D-166, D-240, D-255,

346—47, 348, 668-69 D-273, D-281, D-344, D-421,

Gorr6én, 483 (n. 278) P-68 to 97

Gorrona, 346, 546 Guerrero, Francisco, 4, 87 (n. 28) Grammont, marshal, 622 Guerrero, Joseph, 157, 158

Gramont, duc de, 132 Guevara, Mariana de, 389 Granada, 245, 317, 402, 529, 603 Guild, music and dancing. See

Granada Cathedral, 207, 412, 414 Confraria dels musichs Granata, Giovanni Battista, 122, 134 Guinea (Africa), 662, 682

Gran Canaria, 601 Guineo

Grand Alliance, 336 transcriptions, D-218 to 219 Gran duca, aria di, 571. See also use, 479, 546, 662-64, 674, 682,

Gran duque de Florencia 750

Gran duque de Florencia Guiriguirigai, 346, 527, 674 transcriptions, D-187 to 194 Guise, monsieur le, 747 use, 108 (n. 6), 453, 582 (n. 122), Guisi, Jacome, 30, 329

657-59 Guitar, five-course

Granollers, 507 construction, 137, 138, 143-48, Grefier, 488, 494, 500 161, 324 Gregory I (Pope), 507 notation, punteado, 128, 138, .

Ground (musical), 572 172-83

Guadalajara, 46, 314, 354, 427, 429, notation, rasgueado, 128, 130,

652, 665, 692, 700 . 138, 148-72, 577

Guaracha (choreographic), 603 ornaments, punteado, 128, 146,

Gudrdame las vacas 177-83

transcriptions, 660, D-195 to 217 ornaments, rasgueado, 169-72

850 INDEX Guitar, five-course, continued D-413 to 418, D-431, D-436 playing technique, punteado, 127, to 440, D-447 to 449, D-485,

138, 145, 147, 160-61, 180 P-1 to 37

playing technique, rasgueado, 146, tuning, 135, 138, 142-48, 161,

155-56, 160, 166, 171-72, 211, 221, 279

570, 688 use, 22, 102-3, 107, 108-9,

sources, 5, 18, 107, 108~9, 113-15, 139-40, 311, 326,

115-42, 330-31, 340, 559, 329, 332, 388, 389 (n. 184), 571-72, 586-87, 610, 620, 393, 397, 478, 504, 506, 519,

621, 642, 647, 657, 682, 684, 528, 574, 599, 603, 614, 615, 688-89, 690, 695, 697, 698, 622, 625, 646, 650, 669, 670,

700, 705, 706, 734-35, 671, 681, 686—88, 702, 707,

146-47, 748 715, 717, 724, 743, 748

transcriptions, punteado, D-3, Guitar, four-course D-8, D-13 to 20, D-41 to 42, sources, 310, 313, 319-20, 628 D-53, D-61 to 62, D-72 to 77, tablature, 321 D-89 to 90, D-117 to 122, transcriptions, D-201, D-336 D-146 to 148, D-155, D-163 tuning, 319, 320 to 170, D-190 to 191, D-205, use, 317, 319 D-218, D-225 to 228, D-238 Guitar, plucked (punteado). See

to 244, D-255 to 257, D-261, Guitar, five-course D-263, D-270 to 275, D-280 Guitar, strummed (rasgueado). See

to 286, D-296 to 298, D-303 Guitar, five-course to 304, D-311, D-315 to 317, Gurumbé, 663 D-341 to 347, D-358, D-362, Guzman, Jorge, 95 (n. 67), 189-90

D-367 to 368, D-373, D-378, (note p) D-389, D-396 to 397, D-401 Guzmanillo (guitar chord), 158 to 402, D-406 to 409, D-411, Gypsies, 361, 461, 473-77, 512 (n.

D-419 to 423, D-432, D-434, 70), 606, 616, 657, 668, 712,

D-441, D-450 to 472, D-486 739 to 487, P-38 to 145

transcriptions, rasgueado, D-11 to Hablada, danza, 463

12, D-37 to 40, D-66, D-68 to Hacha 71, D-87 to 88, D-95, D-102 transcriptions, D-220 to 230 to 116, D-145, D-158 to 162, use, 427, 429, 503, 546, 658,

D-185, D-187 to 189, D-202 664-67, 672 to 204, D-220 to 224, D-234 Hardelle, 261, 262, 264 to 237, D-253 to 254, D-262, Harlequin, 365, 461-62, 480, 650,

D-268 to 269, D-302, D-313 680

to 314, D-337 to 340, D-361, Harmonic function, 33 (n. 99), 159,

D-365 to 366, D-374, D-377, 570, 578-82 D-386 to 389, D-395, D-400,

INDEX 851 Harmonic-metric scheme, 6, 8, 109, use, 53-54, 66, 185-94, 197, 202,

110, 483, 545, 548, 558, 206-7, 241, 357, 360, 393, 569-86, 587, 621, 625, 626, 397, 402, 418, 478, 507, 539,

628, 629, 630, 632, 636, 640, 723, 735 641, 648, 651, 657, 658, 659, Harpsichord

661, 662, 664, 668, 672, 673, ornaments, 305 690, 694, 695, 696, 698, 703, sources, 76 (n. 95), 242, 272, 704, 705, 711, 714, 716, 718, 340, 341, 567, 568, 575-77,

726, 748 585, 657, 705 (n. 424)

Harp tuning, 213-14 chords, 220-24, 233, 577 use, 39, 50, 132, 194, 240-42, construction, 186, 203—4, 206-11 256, 270, 357, 438

ornaments, 183, 199, 227, See also Keyboard

228-34, 305, 591 Hasse, Johann Adolph, 29

playing technique, 204-6, Hemiola, 294-95. See also Mensural

212-13, 215, 218-19, 220-21, notation

223, 227-28, 234, 586-87 Henri II (of France), 112 (n. 36) sources, 5, 107-8, 194-202, 271, Henri IV (of France), 36 (n. 112)

310 (note b), 330, 568-69, Henry, Michel, 37 (n. 114), 747 (n.

605, 610, 707 (n. 436), 708 585)

staff notation, 684 Herasco, Juan Francisco de, 502 tablature, 191-93, 199, 214-34, Hermann, Friedrich, 623

280, 338, 577 Hermano Bartolo, 674

transcriptions, 605, D-1, D-4, Hernandez, Diego, 433 D-21 to 22, D-33, D-35 to 36, Hernandez, Gaspar, 502

D-43, D-67, D-78 to 79, Herndndez Cérdova, Diego, 87 D-123 to 126, D-149 to 152, Herrera, Pedro de, 725 (n. 502) D-156, D-171 to 173, D-192, Hidalgo, Antonio, 203 D-206 to 207, D-219, D-229, Hidalgo, Francisco, 188 D-231, D-245 to 246, D-258 Hidalgo, Gaspar Lucas, 617 to 260, D-264 to 265, D-276 Hidalgo, Juan (lexicographer), 347

to 278, D-287 to 288, D-299, (n. 8), 668 (n. 280) D-305 to 306, D-308, D-310, Hidalgo, Juan (musician), 26, 27, 39,

D-312, D-318 to 321, D-348, 188, 396, 397-400, 402 (n. D-363, D-369, D-376, D-390 224), 407, 408-9 to 393, D-398, D-403 to 404, Hierro, 600—1 D-410, D-412, D-424 to 426, Himnos. See Hymnos D-433, D-442 to 443, D-488 History, periodization of, 10

to 491, D-493 to 494, P-146 Hole, 546

to 193 Horace, 540 (n. 75)

tuning, 211-14, 274-75, 277, Hornacho, 467 278-79

852 INDEX Horozco, Sebastian de, 354 (n. 36), Indians (indios ), 364, 461, 465, 512

377 (n. 134), 427 (n. 24), 471 (n. 70), 664, 736 (n. 223), 637—38, 660 (n. 253) Indies. See New World

Hostalrich, 507 Indios. See Indians

Hotz, Pedro de, 16 (n. 25) Inés la maldegollada, 536 Howard, Charles, 434, 665, 666 Infancgén, Juan Garcfa, 94 Hoyos, Juan Lépez de, 638 (n. 160) Infantado, duque del, 46, 314

Huerta, Jeré6nimo de, 742 Innocent XI (Pope), 123

Huesca, 317, 733 Inquisition, 13, 46, 80-83, 103, 521,

Huesca Cathedral, 30 (n. 83), 190, 522, 659 (n. 251)

249, 733 (n. 536) Instruments, unspecified

Hu-Hu, 483 (n. 278), 527 (n. 34) sources, 309 (n. 1), 310, 329,

Hungarians (ungaros), 461 334-38, 340

Hurbifia, Diego de, 510 transcriptions, 721, D-6 to 7, Hurdy-Gurdy, 648, 717-18 D-28 to 30, D-49 to 50, D-85

Hurtado, Lorenzo, 737 to 86, D-91 to 93, D-97,

Hurtado de la C4mara, Laurencio, D-139 to 143, D-154, D-183,

392 D-251, D-266 to 267, D-294

Hurtado de Mendoza, Antonio, 397, to 295, D-355 to 356, D-379

725 (n. 501) to 385, D-405, D-428 to 430,

Hurtado de Mendoza, Luis, 211 (n. D-483 to 484, P-228

68) Intermedio, 658

Hurrua, 527 Invention of the Cross (feast), 368, Hymnos (for organ), 4, 243 (n. 28), 370 257 (n. 84) Iriarte, Tomas de, 99 (n. 81), 634 Hyperchemdtico (style), 543 Irfzar, Miguel de, 409 (n. 249) Hyporchematicus (style), 542 Isabel (Infanta of Spain and Archduchess), 14 (n. 18),

Ibarra, Joaquin, 97, 98, 457 16-17, 18, 35, 429, 462, 652,

Ibarrola, Martfn Joseph de, 191 665

Immaculate Conception. See Isabel de Bourbon (Queen of Spain),

Conception, Immaculate 36 (n. 112), 361, 385, 403 (n.

Imperial, 546 229), 493, 535 (n. 60)

Impossibles Isabel de Valois (Queen of Spain), transcriptions, D-231 to 232 36 (n. 112), 186, 354, 357-58, use, 108 (n. 6), 667 377, 411, 427, 432-33, 471, Imprenta del Reino, 89 (n. 33) 474, 490 (note c), 637-38, Imprenta de Misica, 93-97, 334 646, 652, 665, 692, 700 Imprenta Real, 89-91, 98-99 Isabel of Castile (Princess of

Indefinible, tono. See Tono Portugal), 636, 637

indefinible Isabel of Portugal (Queen of Spain), 13 (n. 12), 245, 246

INDEX 853 Italian chord-symbols (guitar). See Jaca, Archivo de la Catedral, Ms

Alfabeto (keyboard), 252 (n. 69), 330

Italian tablature, 149, 172, 321 Jacara

Italiana, 309 (n. 1), 688 transcriptions, D-234 to 252 Italy, interaction with Portugal, use, 108 (n. 6), 128, 424, 425-26,

271-72 453, 479, 481-82, 535, 554,

Italy, interaction with Spain 599, 624, 654, 668-73, 674,

art, 416 (n. 289) 683 (n. 342), 702, 740

dance, 427, 428, 429, 431-32, Jdcara (theatrical), 670-71 438, 455, 465-66, 480, 607, Jacara de la costa 620-21, 632, 635, 651, 653, transcriptions, D-253 to 260

657, 658-59, 681, 694-95, use, 108 (n. 6), 673

697, 698, 699, 706, 718, 719, Jadcara francesca

720, 724, 726, 731, 746 transcriptions, D-261 etiquette, 19, 312 (n. 11) use, 108 (n. 6), 673 music, 19, 20-22, 26-34, 43, Jacquart, Noél, 39

58-59, 64-66, 109, 113, Jaén, 536

119-120, 122, 123, 129-31, Jaén Cathedral, 247 132, 135, 136, 143 (n. 133), Jaén, Bishop of, 245 146, 152-56, 161, 168, 169, Jaén, Hernando de, 317 172, 175, 179, 180-81, 200, Jaén, Martin de, 317 211, 227-28, 241, 242, 250, Japona, 346, 546, 713 252, 257, 261, 262, 269, 270, Jaque, Juan Antonio, 424-25, 450,

272, 274, 299, 305, 307, 314, 647, 653, 673, 683, 730 317, 328, 329-31, 339, 402, Jerigonza (dialect), 668

437-38, 540, 541-43, 548, Jews, 46-47 (n. 6), 636 568-69, 571-72, 573, 575, Jig. See Gigue 579-83, 588, 600, 611, Jiménez, José, 71, 72, 248, 249, 250,

620-21, 628, 636, 647-48, 251, 268, D-127

651, 657, 658—59, 659-60, Jiménez, Jusepe. See Jiménez, José

661-62, 682, 690, 694-95, Joao II (of Portugal), 636-37 697, 698, 699, 704, 705, 716, Joao III (of Portugal), 13, 312 718, 721-22, 726, 727, 734, Jodo IV (of Portugal), 88 (n. 31),

146-47, 748 554, 682, 733

poetry, 19-20, 24, 25-26, 703-4, John III (of Poland), 702

727 Joseph I (Emperor), 40 (n. 129)

353, 502 Jota :

politics, 18-19, 23, 28-29, 337, Josquin des Prez, 70

theatre, 23—24, 25, 114, 365, transcriptions, D-262 to 267

384, 461-62, 480, 678 use, 108 (n. 6), 673-74

Jotta. See Jota Jovenardi, Bartolomé, 188, 211, 241

854 INDEX Juan II (of Castile), 552 tablature, 201, 227, 236, 248, Juana (Infanta of Spain), 185-86, 257, 258, 266, 279-92

357-58, 646 transcriptions, 72—73, 341, D-2,

Juana de Austria (granddaughter of D-5, D-9 to 10, D-23 to 27,

Carlos I), 49 D-32, D-34, D-44 to 48, D-60,

Juan de Austria (son of Carlos I), 49 D-63 to 65, D-80 to 84, D-96, Juan de Austria (son of Felipe IV), D-98, D-127 to 138, D-153,

47-48, 123, 255 D-174 to 182, D-186, D-193

Juan Malliz, 536 to 194, D-208 to 217, D-230,

Juan Redondo, 346, 483 (n. 278), D-232 to 233, D-247 to 250,

484, 536 D-279, D-289 to 293, D-300

Juego de reynado, 531-32 to 301, D-307, D-322 to 323,

Junti, Bernardo, 90 D-349 to 354, D-359 to 360, Junti, Teresa, 90 D-364, D-370, D-375, D-394, Junti, Tomas, 90-91 D-399, D-427, D-444 to 446,

Junti de Modesti, Julio, 85, 89-90, 91 D-473 to 482, P-194 to 227

Juste Jubet, Antonio, 518 tuning, 240, 274—79, 282 use, 53, 235—43, 255-56, 270,

Kalenda Maya, 368 538, 588

Kapsberger, Johannes, 122 See also Clavichord; Clavier; Kapsperger, Giovanni Girolamo, 479 Harpsichord; Organ

(n. 260) King’s chamber. See Real cémera Kepler, Johannes, 54 Kircher, Athanasius, 539 (n. 72), Kerll, Johann Kaspar, 18 541-43, 722

Keyboard Kirnberger, Johann Philipp, 62 (n. construction, 237—39, 241, 276, 57). 282 Knightly tournaments, 358—59, 722 dissonance, 68-71, 72—73

ornaments, 183, 300-7 La Barre, 262, 264, D-477 playing technique, 238, 276-78, Laco (choreographic), 503

586-87, 590 Lanini Sagredo, Pedro Francisco, 617

sources, 4, 7, 14, 17-18, 21, 71, (n. 70), 752

72-73, 84-85, 87, 107-8, 242, Lantéry, Bernardo, 519 243-74, 317 (n. 42), 330, 331 Lantéry, Raimundo, 519

(notes b, e), 340, 548, 565, Lanzarote, 601 566, 568-69, 578, 586-87, Largas (choreographic), 456 609 (n. 49), 610, 611-12, 621, Larumbe, Diego de, 101 628, 629, 630, 632, 661, 688, Lauze, F. de, 434 (n. 59), 608 (n.

690, 695, 700, 704 41), 747 staff notation, 75, 96-97, 248, Laval, 452 257, 292-99 Lazo. See Laco

Le Bovier, Bernard, 42

INDEX 855 Le Cocq, Francois, 133-34, 135-36 Llamada (choreographic), 450 (n.

Legislation, 78-83, 103, 380 (n. 131)

149), 381, 389 (n. 186), 403 Loa (theatrical) (n. 229), 411, 412 (n. 264), characteristics, 386, 405, 408

416, 471, 485, 487-88, works, 26, 28, 398 (n. 209), 399, 525-26, 529-30, 532—36, 546, 402, 403, 479, 483, 653-54, 547, 619, 670-71, 713, 738, 657-58, 680, 734 (n. 538), 751

745, 746 Lobdeval, Jean, 38 (n. 116)

Lemos, conde de, 125, 663 Lobo de Borja, Alfonso, 85, 89 (n.

Lemos y Andrade, conde de, 125 32), 90

Lent, 373, 380 Logrofio Cathedral, 267

Leén, 514 Loigny, sieur de, 50 (n. 21) , Ledn, Joan de, 211 (n. 68) London, 76, 270, 454

Ledn, Juan de, 87 Londofia, Antonio de, 53 Leén Cathedral, 21, 190, 413, 514 Longo, Egidio, 119 Leén Marchante, Manuel de, 623, Lope de Vega. See Vega Carpio, Lope

624, 650 Félix de

Leopold I (Emperor), 35 (n. 107), 40 Lépez, 316, 317

(n. 129) Lépez, Juan, 400

Leopold William, Archduke, 18 __ Lépez de Gargas, Jean, 38, 500

Lérida, 88, 117 Lépez de Haro, Alonso, 552

Lérida Cathedral, 251, 413 Lépez de Honrubia, Miguel, 675

Lerma, 725, 740 Lépez del Campo, Bernardo, 617 (n. Lerma, duque de, 10 (n. 3), 353, 70), 752

665, 725 (n. 502) L6épez de Toledo, Juan, 208 (n. 64) Libro de arpa, Pamplona 1700 (harp Lépez de Ubeda, Francisco, 686

Ms), 107-8 Lépez de Velasco, Sebastidn, 89 (n.

Libro de varias curiosidades (voice and 32)

guitar Ms), 157-59 Lépez de Yanguas, Ferndn, 731-32 Licencia. See Royal license Lépez Pinciano, Alonso, 401, 743-44

(publishing) Lorena, Cristina di, 658

Liege, 746 Lorengo, Andrés, 88

Ligadura. See Suspension Lorente, Andrés, 6, 46, 48, 55,

Ligadura (ornament), 178 83-84, 86 (n. 27), 88, 99 (n.

Lima Sequeiros, Juan de. See 83), 102 (n. 94), 167 (n. 194), Sequeiros, Juan de Lima 195, 201, 242, 255, 257, 280, Limpieza de sangre, 46-47 (n. 6) 287, 292, 293, 294, 295-97, Lisbon, 30, 88, 91, 93, 140, 271, 298, 539, 578, 592-93, 595

312, 681 Lorin, André, 435~36

Literes, Antonio, 131 Lorin, Philippe, 435

Liturgical books, 91-92, 98 Lotti, Cosme, 25, 26, 360, 365 (n. 72), 373, 384

856 INDEX Louis XII (of France), 45 648, 651, 657, 661, 694, 698, Louis XIII (of France), 36 (n. 112), 699, 706 (n. 428), 724, 726

37, 50, 119, 500, 621 use, 22, 310, 317, 322, 326, 360, Louis XIV (of France), 36 (n. 112), 538, 628 40, 41, 132, 435, 436, 440, See also Archlute

501, 622, 678 Lyons, 118

Louis XV (of France), 337, 440 Lyrics, dance-song, 480-81, 484-85,

441-42 714

Louise-Elizabeth (Queen of Spain), 478, 526-27, 533, 545, 554, Lower-class dancing. See Dancing,

lower-class Machado, Lope, 188 Loyola, Ignacio, 49 Machado, Manuel, 642 Lucca, 49 Madaleno, Gerénimo Nieto, 703 (n. Luis I (of Spain), 270, 441 417) Luisa Isabel (Queen of Spain). See Madama de Orliens, 434-35 Louise-Elizabeth Madrid Lully, Jean-Baptiste, 39-40, 132, dance, 354, 356, 358, 359, 360, 252~54, 335, 440, 609 (n. 49), 423, 429-30, 457, 460,

610 487-97, 498-500, 501, 505,

Acis et Galatée, 264 511, 515-16, 518, 519, 635,

Alceste, 262 679, 692, 697, 699, 700, 716, Armide, 262, 263 fencing, 502, 518

Amadis, 252 725

Ballet de flore, 263 fiestas, 39-40, 114, 326, 335, 350 Ballet de l'impatience, 253, 263 (n. 17), 352, 354, 356-58,

Bellérophon, 253, 609 359, 360, 362, 363-64, 365, Bourgeois gentilhomme, Le, 749, 366, 367, 370-71, 371-72,

750 372-73, 374-75, 376-77, 379,

Isis, 253 380, 388, 393, 398-99, 402,

Persée, 252, 253, 263, 264, 691 403, 406, 407-10, 429-30, | Phaéton, 253, 263, 264, 622 435, 461, 465, 466, 471~72,

Roland, 253, 264 474, 475, 497, 510-14, 623,

Temple de la paix, Le, 263 631, 638, 649, 650, 651, 652,

Thesée, 335 663-64, 667, 671, 679, 692, transcribed arrangements, D-23 697, 699, 700, 722-23, to 25, D-47, D-347, D-484 723-24, 725, 728, 734, 751

Lully, Louis, 750 geography, 701

Lupe, Guillaume de, 238 music, 3, 26-27, 30-31, 39-40, Lupi da Carravagio, Livio, 7 42, 46, 53-54, 120, 121, 134,

Lute 200, 202, 207, 243, 255-56, sources, 429, 466 (n. 199), 568 259, 268, 270, 274, 519 (n. 78), 607, 628, 629, 632, poetry, 737

INDEX 857 Madrid, continued Margarita Marfa Catalina (Infanta of

politics, 12, 35 Spain), 358

publications, 87, 88, 89-91, Margarita Teresa (Empress), 35 (n.

93-97, 97-99, 123, 140, 254 107)

(n. 73), 266, 334, 443, Marfa Ana de Austria (Queen of

444-45, 451, 457, 675 Spain). See Mariana of Austria theatre, 25, 27, 29, 33, 38, Marfa Barbara de Braganza (Queen

381-83, 384, 385-86, 389, of Spain), 13 (n. 12), 30 391, 393, 402, 403 (n. 229), Marfa Eugenia (Infanta of Spain),

511, 533-34, 674, 678, 751, 709

753 Marfa Luisa de Borb6n (Queen of See also Capilla real; Real cémera Spain). See Marie-Louise

Madrigalescus (style), 542 ) d’Orléans

Maestro de danzar. See Dancing Marfa Luisa Gabriela de Saboya

masters (Queen of Spain). See

Malaga, 438 Marie-Louise of Savoy

Maélaga Cathedral, 20, 412, 414 Marfa Manuela of Portugal (Queen

Malaguefia, 455, 634 of Spain), 13 (n. 12)

Malaguilla, Juan de, 192 Mariana, Juan de, 411-12, 529,

Malaguilla, Valerio, 192 532-33, 744-45, 747

Maldonado, Juan, 474, 489, 495 Mariana of Austria (Queen of

Maldonado, Rogue, 489, 494 Spain), 35 (n. 107), 356, 386, Malé, monsieur, 445 (n. 117) 398-99, 435, 493, 631, 652,

Mancha, La, 536, 717 700, 722

Manuel, Juan, 192, 402 Mariana of Neuberg (Queen of Manuel de Castilla, Agustin, 192 Spain), 29, 32, 35 (n. 107), 40,

Manrique, Antonio, 746 256, 358 (n. 46), 442, 493 Manrique, Balthasar, 515-16 (note ff), 495, 713

Mantua, 466 (n. 199) Marianilla, 536

Marais, Marin, 750 Marfa of Austria (Empress; sister of

Marazzoli, Marco, 27-28 Felipe II), 35, 53

Marcel, 460, 517-18 Marfa of Austria (Empress; sister of

March (musical), 134 (n. 101), 265, Felipe I'V), 35 (n. 107),

336 (n. 120), 337, 338, 543 373-74, 497-98

Marchena, 20 Marfa Teresa (Queen of France), 36 Margaret of Austria (Queen of (n. 112), 38, 40, 622, 678

Spain), 35 (n. 107), 356, 429, Marie Casimire (Queen of Poland),

431-32, 471 (n. 222), 652, 702

665, 681 Marie-Louise d’Orléans (Queen of Margarita de Austria (Branchiforti y Spain), 36 (n. 112), 39, 242, Colona), 49, 120 256, 376, 380, 500

858 INDEX Marie-Louise of Savoy (Queen of 466, 468, 503, 525-26, 555, Spain), 41, 132, 137, 256, 335, 629, 631, 649, 651, 652, 665, 437, 453, 658, 673, 684, 723, 666, 667, 672, 679, 700, 709,

725 718, 722, 723, 724 Marin, Joseph, 268 Masked ball, 457—58. See also

Marinismo (poetic), 24 Madscara

Marino, Giambattista, 24, 25, Masked dance, 479 (n. 260). See also

620-21, 746 Mdscara

Mariona Masque, 433. See also Mdscara transcriptions, D-268 to 279 Matachin. See Fool; Matachines use, 108 (n. 6), 222 (n. 91), 479 Matachines

(n. 260), 674-75 transcriptions, D-302 to 307

Mariz4palos use, 263, 467, 546, 677-81, 723 transcriptions, D-280 to 295 (n. 493)

use, 108, 128, 134 (n. 101), 147 Matéo, Miguel, 472 (n. 226)

(n. 149), 176, 675-76 Mateucci, el. See Sassano, Mateo

Maronda, Estevan, 273 Matfas, Juan, 401 (n. 222)

Marseille, 676 Matos, Lucas de, 53-54

Marsella Matos Fragoso, Juan de, 732

transcriptions, D-296 to 301 Mattheson, Johann, 60, 538-39, 543

use, 108 (n. 6), 676-77 (n. 90)

Marset, Joseph, 98, 457 Maximilian I (Emperor), 34 Martellement (ornament), 179 Maximilian II (Emperor), 35

Martin, 748 Maya, la. See May Day Martin de la Puente, Esteban, 613 May Day, 368-70, 380

(n. 56) Mayone, Ascanio, 569

Martfn de Morales, Pablo, 192 Mayordomo, 316, 488, 493, 502 (n.

Martinez, 185, 188 (note a) 39)

Martfnez, Antonio, 511 Mazzella, Salvatore, 7 Martinez, Miguel, 511 Mean-tone temperament. See

Martinez, Tomas Gaspar, 89 Temperament

Martfnez de la Roca, Joaquin, 62, 96 Media anata (tax), 487-88, 495

(n. 68) Medici, Catherine dei, 433 (n. 54, 55)

Martfnez de Porras, Antonio, 188 Medici, Ferdinando dei, 658 Martin y Coll, Antonio, 94, 95 (n. Medina, Juan Bautista de, 67 67), 96 (n. 69), 250-51 (n. Medinaceli, duque de, 493 (note dd) 60), 254-55, 274-75, 629. See Medina de las Torres, duque de, 120 also E Mn M. 1357; E Mn M. Medina del Campo, 552 1358; E Mn M. 1359; E Mn M. Medina Sidonia, duque de, 639 (n.

1360; E Mn M. 2267 162)

Mdscara, 68 (n. 73), 355-61, 375, Melismdtico (style), 543 431, 435, 439, 457-58, 465, Melismaticus (style), 542

INDEX 859 | Medio cruzado (guitar chord), 158 Miguel de Silva, 536

Medios registros (organ), 238 Mihi, Horatio, 228 Mena, Francisco de, 511 Milan, 18, 19, 21, 120, 333, 431-32,

Méndez, La, 536 471 (n. 222), 502, 584, 681, Mendoza, 316, 317, D-101 698 Mendoza, Antonio de, 670 Mildn, Luis

Mendoza, Antonio Hurtado de, career, 19, 45 (n. 1), 312

400-1 tablature, 320 (n. 58), 321

Mendoza, Diego Hurtado de, 46, 314 transcriptions, D-324 to 329 Mendoza, Ifiigo Lé6pez de, 46, 314 vihuela book, 53, 77 (n. 1), 87, 99

Mendoza, Juan Andrés de, 317—18 (n. 82), 310, 311-12, 694-95

Mendoza, Mencfa de, 45 vihuela tuning, 318-19

Meneos, 346 Military, Spanish, 10, 14-15, 40 Menestriles. See Wind instruments Millioni, Pietro, 7

Mensural notation, 60, 166-70, Millis, Guillermo, 87

172-77, 224-27, 284-92, Mime, 678-79, 680 292-99, 321-22, 420, 626, 629 Minguet y Yrol, Pablo

choreography and, 656-57 career, 97-98, 136, 443-46 meter and, 167-68, 173, 174, dance treatises, 6, 86 (n. 27), 98, 227, 286-87, 289, 660, 726 339, 421 (n. 3), 443-51, 453,

supposition and, 595-96 454, 455-57, 524, 537, Menuete. See Minuet 569—70, 580, 581, 635, 648, Merced. See Nuestra Sefiora de la 649-50, 678, 700, 715

Merced instrumental treatises, 4, 86 (n.

Merchan, Andrés de, 95 27), 97-98, 99 (n. 86), 109,

Mergey, Claude, 500 116, 136-39, 140-41, 148, Mergey, Nicolas, 500 149-50, 151, 152, 154, 155, Mersenne, Marin, 433, 469, 608, 156, 165, 166, 167, 171-72,

696, 748 174, 177, 179, 180, 310, |

Mesada (tax), 488 324-26, 329, 332, 333-34,

Messina, 584 340, 667, 689

Metabélico (style), 543 transcriptions, 581, D-88, D-94,

Metastasio, Pietro, 29 D-113 to 116, D-122, D-144,

Meter. See Mensural notation D-262, D-389, P-1, P-36 to 37 Método de citara (guitar Ms), 108-9 Ministriles, 68. See also Wind

Mexfa, Pedro 720 (n. 484) instruments Mexico, 736-37, 741 Minué. See Minuet

Mexico City, 108-9 Minuet, 58—59, 110, 131, 132, 133, Mexico City, Biblioteca Nacional Ms 196, 200, 226, 233, 252, 253,

1560 (guitar; violin), 109 261, 262, 263, 264, 266, 271,

Mey, Aurelio, 613 272, 309 (n. 1), 307 (n. 222),

Mezquia, Joseph de, 656 329, 332, 334, 336, 337, 338,

860 INDEX Minuet, continued Moncada, Sancho de, 473 420-21, 437, 443, 452, Monc6én, Luis de. See Monzén, Luis

453-54, 455, 460, 517, 537, de

554, 570 (n. 85), 629, 631, Mondejar, marqués de, 211 (n. 68)

650, 716 Monfort, Bonifacio, 458

Minuete. See Minuet Monforte, 663 Miolemen (ornament), 179 Monica, 571

Miranda, Juan de, 127, 129 Monica forsata, 254 (note d), 263 Miranda del Castanar, conde de, Monistrol, 117, 118

314, 317 Monnard, 262, 264, D-480

Missa scala aretina, 61-63, 68, 267, Monsieur de la boleta

596 transcriptions, D-308

Mode (tono), 197, 204, 214, 259, use, 681

277, 292, 335, 582, 612 (notes Montan, Francisco, 191

d, e, f), 686 Montanos, Francisco de, 70, 88 (n.

Modo (variation), 7 30), 89 (n. 32), 95 Mogiganga. See Mojiganga Montau, Francisco, 191

Mogigén. See Fool Montes, Juan de, 472 (n. 226) Mojiganga (theatrical) Montes, Tomas, 190 characteristics, 33 (n. 97), 39, Montesardo, Girolamo, 152, 168,

359, 374, 386-87, 406 169 (n. 203), 621, 647, 657,

works, 358 (n. 46), 359, 374-75, 690, 695, 698, 706, 734, 746 379, 387, 388, 389, 455 (n. Montesdoca, Martfn de, 87 154), 477, 496 (n. 24), 536 (n. Monteser, Francisco Antonio de, 553 65), 553, 616, 617, 624, 629, Monteverdi, Claudio, 63, 466

631, 634, 645 (n. 188), 650, Montezuma, 465 652, 658, 663 (n. 263), 664, Montferrat, 368 674 (n. 307), 677, 680, 713, Montserrat, 118 722, 723, 728, 734 (n. 540), Montserrat, Pablo, 413

735, 752 Montoya, 674

Moliére, Jean Baptiste Poquelin de, Monzé6n, Luis de, 114, 510-11, 734

40, 517 Moors, 13, 46—47 (n. 6), 366, 461,

Molina, Sebasti4n de, 489 464-69, 512 (n. 70), 636, 681, Molina, Tirso de. See Téllez, Gabriel 748

Molins del Rey, 507 Morales, Cristébal, 20, 548

Monacordio. See Clavichord Morales, Segundo de, 513, 514

413 152)

Monasterio de las Descalzas Reales Mordent, 177, 178, 179, 229, 303,

(Madrid), 20, 190, 274, 409, 304, 305, 306, 307, 591 (n.

Monasterio de San Lorenzo el Real. Mordent, inverted, 229, 300, 304,

See Escorial, Monasterio de 306

San Lorenzo el Real

INDEX 861 182 (note u)

Mordente (ornament), 178, 180, 181, Mufioz y Gamboa, Francisco, 492

Moreto y Cabana, Agustin, 536 (n. Mur, Ignacio, 642 65), 606, 628, 646, 661, 693, Murcia, Gabriel de, 132

719 (n. 479, 480) Murcia, Santiago de

Moresca, 465-66, 571, 682 career, 132—33

Morisca guitar book, 49, 86 (n. 27), 94,

transcriptions, D-309 99, 116, 131-33, 139, 147 (n.

use, 464, 467, 468, 546, 681-82 149), 183, 340, 610, 699, 706 Moriscos, 464—69, 473, 681-82 guitar chords, 154, 155, 156, 159,

Morisqua. See Morisca 165, 166 Morocco, 186 guitar tuning, 142—43, 148

Moros. See Moors influence, 109, 137, 138, 139-42

Morris dance, 467-68, 682 punteado tablature, 166, 172, Mosquetero (theatrical), 382, 385 175-77, 179, 180 Motecticus (style), 542 transcriptions, D-8, D-55, D-121, Motético (style), 541, 542 D-170, D-285, D-298, D-347, Moulére, sieur de, 50, 119 D-373, D-397, D-402, D-455

Mourisco, 555 to 458 Mudanza (choreographic), 6-7, See also Cédice Saldfvar 4; E Mn 421-22, 424, 430, 456, 457, M. 881; GB Lbm Ms Add.

463, 470, 473, 505, 520, 524, 31640

530, 531, 545, 602, 606, 615, Muruz4bal, 189 (note k) 634, 646, 647, 651, 653, 663, Musica celestial, 55, 56 664, 665, 667, 673, 681, 683, Musica ficta, 71 (n. 84) 691, 693, 700, 705, 715, 720, Miisica humana, 55

722, 728, 729, 730, 731 Musical environment, Spanish,

Mudanza (musical), 6-7 50-54

Mudarra, Alonso Musical literacy, 3—4, 8, 65 (n. 64),

career, 313-14, 317 71, 73-75, 148-49, 156,

guitar, four-course, 320, 321 160-61, 174, 196, 215, 219,

harp technique, 205 225, 541

influence, 245 Musical styles, 537—43 tempo notation, 321-22 Music printing

transcriptions, D-157, D-196, cost, 84-87 D-201, D-330 to 331, D-336 engraving, 49, 75-76, 97, 99, 136 vihuela book, 5, 87, 99 (n. 82), Spanish landmarks, 242, 244,

310, 313, 661 311, 332

vihuela tablature, 320 (n. 58) Spanish skill, 99-100

Muecas, 108 (n. 6) staff notation, 75-76, 85

Muniesa, 141 tablature, 75, 85, 95

typography, 75-76, 96-97, 99

862 INDEX Nabas, Juan de. See Navas, Juan de Negri, Cesare, 7, 351 (n. 21),

Nabas, Manuel de, 408, 410 431-32, 471 (n. 222), 607, Nagera, Melchora de, 495 (n. 16) 608, 632, 651, 681, 695, 698,

Najera, Diego de, 713 (n. 495) 699, 700, 724, 726

Naples, 7, 18, 19, 20-22, 31, 51, 62, Negros. See Blacks 107, 119, 120, 122, 185, 228, Neo-Platonism, 54, 55-56 438, 497, 568-69, 657, 699, Netherlands, interaction with Spain

720 art, 12

Napoli, tenor di, 571-72 dancing, 429, 632, 746

Naqueracuza, 527 music, 15-18, 120, 133-34, 661, Narv4ez, Luis de 746

career, 313, 317 politics, 14~15, 49, 133 influence, 245, 316 publishing, 91, 92

tempo notation, 321-22 New World, 107, 108-9, 317-18, transcriptions, D-54, D-195 323, 359, 633, 737-38, 741. vihuela book, 5, 87, 99 (n. 82), See also Indians

310, 312, 564 Nimeguen, Peace of (1678), 36 (n. vihuela tablature, 320 (n. 58) 112) Narv4ez, Pacheco de, 524 Norcia, 584 Naseli, Alberto, 24, 114 Notes inégales, 175, 339 Nassarre, Pablo, 48, 49, 50, 55—56, Nottingham, Earl of, 434, 665, 666

58, 64-65, 66 (n. 67), 69, Nuestra Sefiora de la Merced

74-75, 78 (n. 4), 86 (n. 27), (Madrid), 408, 410 89, 93, 94-95, 99 (n. 84, 86), Nuestra Sefiora del Pilar (Zaragoza),

101, 127, 142, 186-87, 193, 255

194, 203-4, 208-10, 211, Numerus sonorus, 55 213-14, 226, 236, 239, Nijfiez de Guzm4n, Ramiro Felipe,

240-41, 256, 267, 275-76, 120

277-78, 280, 286-87, 288, Nijfiez de Reinoso, Alonso, 704 294, 297-98, 299, 305-6, 307,

327, 542-43, 590-92, 593-94, Ocafia, Francisco de, 630, 660 (n.

595-96, 684-85, 720 253) Natural Octavas (harp chord), 220-22

choreographic, 524 Octave, short. See Short octave

in fencing, 524 Olaegui, Bartolomé, 266, 267. See

Naturel, Denise, 50 also Olague, Bertolomeu Navarra, 107 Olague, Bertolomeu, 266, D-250, Navarrete de Pisa, Alsonso de, 737 P-218 to 219, P-221, P-224 Navarrete y Ribera, Francisco de, Olague, Martfn Garcfa de, 266,

388, 478, 606, 644, 654, 740 268—69

Navarro, Pedro, 350 (n. 18) Olivan, Joseph, 267 (n. 105) Navas, Juan de, 188, 194, 197, 410 Olivares, conde-duque de, 10 (n. 3)

INDEX 863 Olmeda, Alonso de, 391 Ossone, duc d’, 437 Olmeda, marqués de, 49 Ostinato, 570, 621, 690

Olmedo, 551, 552 Osuna, 87 (n. 28) Olot, 708 Oudin, César, 347 Ommegang, 17 Ouvrard, René, 594

Opera, Spanish, 26-34 Oviedo Cathedral, 190

Opéra (Paris), 440, 452 Oyes Belisa

Oral repertory, 3—4, 8, 74-75, transcriptions, D-310

166-68, 401, 533, 589. See use, 682

also Musical literacy

Order of Santiago, 670 Padovano, 692

Organ Padua, 692

construction, 204, 237-39, 610 Paéz, Francisco, 286, 316, D-199 to

(n. 51), 612 (note h), 648—49 200 playing technique, 305, 591, 592 Paganina, 571 use, 59, 66, 187, 194, 200, 202, Pages, king’s, 488

235-37, 539, 622, 688 (n. Palace administration, 488, 493

355), 689-90 Palace instruments, 323

See also Keyboard Palafox y Cardona, Jaime de, 416, Organo, 530 529 Oristano Cathedral, 22 Palazios, Manuel Lépez, 703 (n. 417)

Ornaments 267 bandurria, 326 Palermo, 21, 259, 584

Orléans, duc d’, 441 Palencia Cathedral, 21, 245, 259, guitar, punteado, 146, 177-83 Palero, Francisco Fernandez, 245

guitar, rasgueado, 169-72 Palomo, Salvador, 680

harp, 228-34, 305 Paloteado, 108 (n. 6), 473. See also

keyboard, 300-7 Stick dance

use, 588 204)

unspecified instruments, 335, 337 Palumbi, Francesco, 169, 170 (n.

violin, 334 Pamplona, 107, 529

vocal, 590-91 Pamplona Cathedral, 191 Ortega, Juan Francisco de, 515 Pandero, 111, 371, 638 (n. 157),

Orteg6n, Pedro de, 392 702, 710. See also Tambourine Ortiz, Christébal, 390 _ Pange lingua, keyboard settings of, 4,

Ortiz, Diego, 20, 327, 567, 568, 331 (note e)

575-77, 589~90, 592 (n. 155) Pantomime. See Mime

Ortiz, Francisco, 529, 712, 744 Paracumbé

Ortiz, Juan, 192 transcriptions, D-311 to 312 Ortiz de Zara, Domingo, 409 (n. 249) use, 682-83 Osma, Catalina de, 121 Paradetas Osorio, Diego, 384 (n. 162) transcriptions, D-313 to 323

864 INDEX Paradetas, continued Passacaille, 262, 690-91. See also use, 199, 424, 425, 453, 683-84 Pasacalle

Parets, Miguel, 374 (n. 120), 376 (n. Passacalle. See Pasacalle

Paris 695, 706 Carnival, 622 Passapié. See Passepied

130), 378 (n. 139) Passamezzo, 571, 573, 574, 575, 582,

dance, 334—35, 339, 440, 452-53, Pass'e mezzo. See Passamezzo

457, 500, 518 (n. 2), 621, 745, Passepied, 110, 131, 132, 182 (n.

147 239), 200, 269, 443, 445 (n.

music, 119, 338, 457 117), 446, 447, 449, 453, 460,

politics, 502 537, 570 (n. 85), 650, 716, 749 publications, 107, 132, 183, 335, Passeo. See Paseo. 339, 435, 559, 622, 648, 735, Passo. See Paso

748 Pastrana, duque de, 47

theatre, 38, 678 Pastrana y del Infantado, duque de,

Parma, 22, 30, 337 49

Parville Ms (keyboard), 265 Pataletilla (choreographic), 731

Parte (variation), 7 Patilla (guitar chord), 149, 157 (n.

Partita (variation), 7, 585 174), 158 Pasacalle Patilla atravesada (guitar chord), 158

228 539

transcriptions, 685, 686, P-1 to Patronage, aristocratic, 45-54, 240, use, 75, 122, 134, 135, 137, 143 Patron saints, feasts for, 530-31

(n. 136), 197, 199 (n. 30), P4tzcuaro, 736 220, 221, 222, 225, 559, 648, Paul III (Pope), 628

684-91, 717, 749 Paula Silva, Francisco de, 46 Pascual, Félix, 192, 393 (n. 193), 410 Pavana

Paseo transcriptions, D-324 to 356

transcriptions, P-1, P-202 to 203, use, 350—51, 425, 427, 429, 430,

P-208 434, 479, 502, 505, 520, 546,

use, 688-89, 691 580 (n. 119), 691-96, 706

See also Pasacalle Pavana italiana, 422, D-350 to 351. Paseo (choreographic), 505, 520, See also Pavana 615, 646, 651, 653, 705, 717 Pavane, 656, 747. See also Pavana Paso (choreographic), 421, 425 (n. Pavaniglia, 571, 695 (n. 388), 698.

19), 426 (n. 22), 450 (n. 131), See also Pavanilla

456, 457, 609 Pavanilla

Paspié. See Passepied transcriptions, D-357 Pasquini, Bernardo, 270, 271, D-137 use, 688, 689, 696-98 Passacaglia, 143 (n. 136), 571, 582, Paz, Alonso de la, 191 621, 690. See also Pasacalle

INDEX 865 PB Ms 964 (keyboard) use, 435, 698—700 contents, 244, 270-72, 700 (n. Pifano, 724

407) Piffetot, monsieur, 750

ornaments, 300, 301, 305 Pimps. See Criminal underworld

staff notation, 292 Pifia, Emmanuel de, 88 (n. 31) transcriptions, D-5, D-48, D-83, Pinedo, Baltasar, 411

D-137, D-482, P-227 Pinheiro da Veiga, Tomé, 356 (n. Pécour, Louis, 339, 440-41, 446, 449 42), 372, 434 (n. 62), 652 (n.

Pellegrini, Domenico, 122, 129-30 219), 666, 692 (n. 374) Pellicer de Ossau y Tobar, José, 385 Pfo de Saboya, Francisco, 337

Pefiaranda de Duero, 315 Pipironda, 346, 527 (n. 34), 546

Penas, 108 (n. 6) Pironda, 484

Penna, Lorenzo, 33 Pisador, Diego

Peralta, Bernardo, 94, 96 career, 315-16

Peralta, Pedro, 188 influence, 245

Percivale, R., 347 transcriptions, D-58, D-198, Pereyra, Rafael, 667 (n. 276), 679 D-335

(n. 327) vihuela book, 87, 99 (n. 82), 310,

Pérez, Andrés, 250 315, 548, 549, 565 (n. 70), 602 Pérez, Cosme, 654, 751. See also vihuela tablature, 321 (n. 58)

Rana, Juan vihuela tuning, 318—19

Pérez, Marcos, 496 Pita de Roche, Joao Leite, 140

Pérez, Pasqual, 91 Piva, 428, 694, 706 Pérez de Zavala, Miguel, 107, 134, Pizarro, Diego, 559

154, 174, 175, D-286 Plainte (ornament), 179

Perra morra, 737 Planta (choreographic), 424, 425 (n.

Perrucci, Andrea, 23 19), 450 (n. 131)

Perth, Earl of, 665 Plantin, Christopher, 91, 92, 93 Peru, 125, 157, 618 Plasencia, Bishop of, 22

Pésame dello, 528 Plasencia Cathedral, 689

Pervaneo de Lesina, Gabriele, 333 Platter, Thomas (the younger), 741

Phalése, Pierre, 92 (n. 48), 661 Playford, John, 454 Phantasticus (style), 538-39, 542 Playing by ear. See Oral repertory Philidor, André Danican (l’afné), Poetry, 24, 25-26, 555—56, 612-15,

334-35 623, 624-25, 636, 639, 644,

Philippe of Burgundy, 14 650, 659, 668-69, 671, 675,

Philips, Peter, 17 694, 703-4, 705, 707, 709-11,

Pie de gibao. See Pie de jibado 713, 716, 726, 727, 735, 736, Pie de jibado, 427, 429, 430, 505, 7137-38, 742, 743-44. See also

546, 667, 697, 699 Lyrics, dance-song; Romance Pie de jibado y alemana Pollo, 546, 674 transcriptions, D-358 Polvillo, 477, 527, 546, 618

866 INDEX Ponce de Leén, Luis Cristébal, 20, Prague, 35

317 Preciso, don. See Zam4cola y Ozerfn, Pons, Leandro, 188 Juan Antonio de Ponzio, Pietro, 540-41 Preludio, 131 (n. 86), 133, 143 (n.

Popoli, duque de, 270 136), 174 (n. 212), 331

Population, Spanish, 11 Prima (guitar chord), 158

Portugal, interaction with Italy, Proporcién (mensuration), 141 (n.

271-72 124). See also Proporcién

Portugal, interaction with Spain menor

dance, 377, 467, 554-55, 636-37, Proporcioncilla (mensuration), 141

643-44, 682 (n. 124), 175, 176

music, 14, 120-21, 265-69, Proporcién mayor (mensuration), 141

270-72, 312, 554-55, 610, (n. 124), 173, 174, 175, 176,

643-44, 646, 682, 683, 224, 226, 285, 287, 288, 290,

689-90, 707, 733 291, 293, 294-95, 296-97,

poetry, 650 298, 595, 596, 659

politics, 12, 13, 121, 376, 379 Proporcién menor (mensuration),

theatre, 13-14 166-67, 168, 169, 172-73, Portalegre, 379 174, 175, 176, 224, 225,

Portero, Gregorio, 207 226—27, 287, 288, 289, 290,

Portocarrero, Juana de, 697 291, 293, 294, 595, 596, 659 Portocarrero y Guzman, Pedro, 48 Prostitutes. See Criminal underworld

(n. 11) Protocol. See Etiquette

P Pm Ms 1577 Loc. B, 5 (keyboard) Psalm tone, 661 contents, 202, 244, 265-69, 689 Psaltery, 136, 340, 322

ornaments, 304—5 Public office, sale of, 10 tablature, 279-80, 281, 282, Puente (guitar chord), 157, 158 283-84, 288, 289 (n. 175) Puerto de Santa Marfa, 502 transcriptions, D-9, D-82, D-135, Puertorrico, 618 D-180, D-194, D-250, D-292, Pujol, Juan, 642

D-322, P-218 to 226 Puntapié (choreographic), 450 (n. Practise for dauncinge (Ms), 633, 696 131) Pradillas, Francesch, 413 Punteado guitar. See Guitar,

Prado, Antonio de, 391 five-course

Prado de San Gerénimo Punto lleno (harp sonority), 226 transcriptions, D-359 to 360 Puxol, Lucas, 266

use, 701 Pyrenees, Peace of the (1659), 36,

Prado y Cuesta, Francisco Pérez de, 622 530-32. See also Tervel,

Bishop of Quadradas (choreographic), 456 Praetorius, Michael, 469 (n. 214), Quadropeado (choreographic), 425 632, 695-96 (n. 19). See also Quatropeado

INDEX 867 Quatermaria, 428, 706 Rastreado Quatropeado (choreographic), 450 transcriptions, D-361 (n. 131). See also Quadropeado use, 701-2 Quebradillo (choreographic), 654 Rastro, 430, 484, 520, 536, 673, Quebradito (choreographic), 654 (n. 674, 701, 740

229) Rastrojo, 346, 483 (n. 278), 536,

Quebro. See Quiebro 546, 558, 701, 713

Queen of May. See May Day Rastrén (choreographic), 450 (n. 131)

Queen’s household, 493 Ratier, Joseph 451-53, 518 (n. 2),

Quevedo y Villegas, Francisco 622-23, 634

Gémez de, 24, 348 (n. 13), Raval, Sebasti4n, 21 405 (n. 237), 481-82, 484, Raz, Francisco de la, 256 527, 536-37, 556-57, 558, Real, Gaspar, 192, 393-94, 410 613 (n. 56), 616, 617, 668-69, Real Academia de la Historia, 42 687-88, 702, 707, 737, 740, Real Academia de las Tres Nobles

742 Artes, 42

Quiebro (choreographic), 425 (n. Real Academia Espafiola, 41 19), 426 (n. 22), 450 (n. 131) Real Academia Espafiola, dictionary

Quiebro (keyboard ornament), of the, 5, 6 (n. 12), 67 (n. 69),

300-2, 303, 304 323, 348 (n. 12), 349, 351 (n. Quifiones, Luis, 389 21, 24), 355 (n. 38), 358 (n.

Quifiones de Benavente, Luis, 47), 371 (n. 106), 373 (n. 348-49, 369, 372 (n. 113), 117), 379 (n. 140), 380 (n. 373 (n. 115), 387 (n. 174), 146), 464 (n. 190), 471 (n.

388, 389 (n. 184), 397, 400-1, 221), 479 (n. 260), 481 (n. 478 (n. 258), 483, 616 (n. 68), 270), 488 (n. 3, 5, 6, 7), 493

654, 670, 701, 712, 732 (n. 9), 574 (n. 102), 575 (n.

Quintana the elder, 496 105), 599, 602, 623 (n. 99, Quintas (harp chord), 220-23, 231, 100), 633 (n. 143), 648 (n.

233 201), 649 (n. 202, 206), 662, 671 (n. 294), 674, 677, 682,

Rameau, Pierre, 339, 419, 421 (n. 683, 688 (n. 355), 691-92, 3), 436 (n. 69), 439 (n. 87), 706-7, 719, 722 (n. 491), 728, 440, 441-43, 447-48, 454, 623 730-31, 733 (n. 535), 739-40,

Ramfrez, Alonso, 423 (n. 10) 750

Ramos, Francisco, 431 Real cémera de musica, 42-43, 119

Ramsey, John, 633 (n. 29), 120, 121, 126, 246,

Rana, Juan, 654, 741, 751 256 (n. 82), 397, 488 (n. 8) Rasgueado guitar. See Guitar, Real capilla. See Capilla real

five-course Real Colegio de Corpus Christi

Rastadt, Treaty of (1714), 19, 40 (n. (Valencia), 418 129)

868 INDEX Real Colegio de los Cantorcicos, 126, Rengifo, Juan Dfaz, 555-56, 669

412 (n. 264) Repiqueteo (choreographic), 603

Real Compajfifa de Impresores y Repuesta (Harp sonority), 221, 226

Libreros del Reino, 98 Resende, Garcia de, 636~37 Real Convento de la Encarnacién Respuesta. See Repuesta

| (Madrid). See Real Monasterio Retruécano (poetic), 555~56

de la Encarnacié6n Reus, 254

Real Convento de San Francisco Reverencia (choreographic), 424, 425

(Madrid), 255 (n. 19), 426, 450 (n. 131),

Real Monasterio de la Encarnacié6n 653, 654, 693, 729-30

(Madrid), 190, 366 Rey de Artieda, Andrés, 619, 744

501 505, 520, 627 Rebajas (guitar chord), 158 Rey don Perico, 350

Real Seminario de Nobles (Madrid), Rey don Alonso, 350, 430, 503,

Rebec, 323, 507 Rhythm. See Ayre; Mensural

Recercada (instrumental), 568, notation

575-77 Rhythmic inequality, 290-92. See

Recitado. See Recitative also Notes inégales Recitative, 31, 34, 58, 200 Ribas, 536 Recorder, 136, 378, 733 Ribera, Sancho de, 663

Redoble (choreographic), 603 Ribes, Miquel, 373 (n. 119), 430,

Redoble (ornament), 171, 301, 302, 677-78

303-4, 326, 593 Ricercar, 540. See also Recercada

Redondas (choreographic), 456 Richard, Antoine Germain, 446—47

Redondilla (poetic), 556 Rigaudon, 200, 265, 457 Redondo, en (choreographic), 456 Rigodén. See Rigaudon

Reduccién, de (fencing), 524 Rimonte, Pedro, 16-17, 92 (n. 48), Registers, split. See Medios registros 714 Reglas de danzar (dance Ms), 6 (n. Rfo de la Plata (New World), 317 13), 351 (n. 21), 422, 426~27, Rfos, Alvaro de los, 397, 642 429, 537, 602 (n. 14), 654 (n. Ripresa (musical), 571, 585

229), 692, 695 Riquelme, Alonso, 389, 390 Reina de polonia Ritornello (musical), 571, 607, 690,

transcriptions, D-362 “17

use, 702 Rivas, Rafael, 458 (n. 172) Reinosa, Rodrigo de, 662, 727 Roca, Martfnez de la, 267 Religion in Spain, 13, 46, 54, 55, 79, Rocroi, 10 81, 235. See also Inquisition Rodio, Rocco, 568 Religiosas Franciscas Descalzas. See Rodriguez, Antonio, 505, 602, 615,

Monasterio de las Descalzas 646, 651, 691, 700, 722, 728

Reales Rodriguez, Félix Jorge, 187 Remisos, de (fencing), 524

INDEX 869 Ysidro 408, 410 Rodrfguez, Joseph, 729 Rosa, Pedro de la, 38, 384 (n. 162), Rodrfguez, Isidoro. See Rodrfguez, Rosa, Gregorio de la, 393, 401-2,

Rodrfguez, Vicente, 243, 331 (note e) 394, 635, 716 Rodrfguez, Ysidro, 472 (n. 226) Rosas de Oquendo, Mateo, 618, 743 Rodrfguez de Hita, Antonio, 674 Rosmarin, Matthieu. See Romero,

Rodrfguez de Villaviciosa, Sebastian, Mateo See Villaviciosa, Sebastidn Rospigliosi, Giulio, 27-28 -

Rodrfguez de Rossell6é, 36

Rodrigo, Joseph, 270 (n. 114) Rossi, Delio, 211 (n. 68) Rogero, 705. See also Rugero Round danse, 433. See also Branle

Rogier, Estienne, 76 Roxas Sorfa de Campos, Miguel, 379

Rogier, Philippe, 89 (n. 32), 90 (n. 141)

Rohan, duchesse de, 747 Roxo de Flores, Felipe, 99 (n. 81), Rojas Pantoja, Baltasar de, 425 (n. 350 (n. 18), 416, 470 (n. 218),

18) 523 (n. 20), 602 (n. 15), 638 Rojas Villandrando, Agustin, 734 (n. (n. 159), 650, 673, 682, 683 538) (n. 341), 722 (n. 491), 750

Rojas y Zorilla, Francisco de, 28, Royal chamber of music. See Real

434, 477 (n. 254), 558, 604 cdmera de musica Romén, Juan, 401 (n. 222) Royal chapel. See Capilla real

Romé4n, Manuel, 101 Royal Council of Castile. See Romance (poetic), 360, 464, 475, Consejo de Castilla 476-77, 483, 556, 559, 614, Royal fiestas 624-25, 625-27, 628, 668, birthdays, 355—56, 358, 359-60,

669, 672, 694, 701 378, 379, 398-99, 434, 435,

Romanesca, 286, 571, 573, 574, 575, 471, 631, 650 (n. 211), 652,

582, 584, 659-60, 661-62 665-66, 667, 672, 692, 700, Rome, 20, 27—28, 47, 60, 122, 123, 722, 725 146, 211, 251, 271, 466 (n. entrances, 335, 337, 354, 361,

199), 515, 619, 628, 698 368, 373-78, 380, 388, 411,

Romero, Bartolomé, 670 415, 429, 453, 462, 464-65, Romero, Juan, 408, 410 471, 474, 497, 637-38, 658, Romero, Mateo, 15—16, 122 (n. 47), 672-73, 679, 684, 723, 725

642, 711 marriages, 39-40, 43, 354, 358

Romper (choreographic), 654 (n. 46), 399, 427, 429, 461, Rompido (choreographic), 425 (n. 497, 603-4, 615, 636, 652,

19), 450 (n. 131), 653, 693 665, 692, 699, 700

Ronda, 157 other, 356—58, 360, 364 (n. 63),

Rondefias, 634 379, 384, 393, 399, 429,

Ronquillo alcalde, 536 431-32, 498, 652, 667, 692, 697, 699, 722, 725

870 INDEX Royal license (publishing), 77-78, D-229, D-235 to 236, D-238,

80-81, 83, 86 D-245, D-268, D-272, D-276,

Rudolf II (Emperor), 35 (n. 107) D-302 to 303, D-305, D-316,

Rueda, Antonio de, 392 D-318, D-339, D-343, D-348,

Rueda la bola D-366, D-368 to 369, D-403, transcriptions, D-363 to 364 D-407, D-410 to 412, D-417,

use, 703 D-424, D-440 to 442, D-486,

Rugero D-488, P-23 to 35, P-38, P-54 transcriptions, D-365 to 371 to 67, P-146 to 159 use, 656, 703—5 Ruiz de Robleda, Juan, 55 (n. 33)

Ruggiero, 571, 575, 582, 585, 703,

704, 705. See also Rugero Sablonara, Claudio de la, 641,

Ruipérez Caballero, Alonso, 487 (n. 711-12

1), 489, 496 Sacabuche, 67-68, 111 Ruiz, Luis, 21 Sackbut. See Sacabuche

Ruiz, Miguel, 552 Sacred songs. See Vocal music, sacred

382 19), 450 (n. 131) Ruiz de Murga, Manuel, 88 Sainete (choreographic), 537

Ruiz de Alarcé6n y Mendoza, Juan, Sacudido (choreographic), 425 (n.

Ruiz de Ribayaz, Lucas Sainete (theatrical)

career, 3, 124-25 characteristics, 380 (n. 146), 535, guitar and harp book, 3-4, 5, 48, 536

68, 86 (n. 27), 88, 99-100, works, 348, 380, 383, 624, 674, 116, 124-25, 195-96, 409, 651 723 (n. 493)

guitar tablature, 99-100, 150-52, Saint Cecilia, 507

164, 166, 167, 168, 169, St. Francis, 713 172-73, 178, 180, 182-83 St. James the Less, 370

guitar tuning, 145, 148 St. John the Baptist, 372 harp construction, 203, 204, 205, St. Mark, 371

206, 207-8 St. Philip, 370

harp tablature, 99-100, 214-15, Salacar, Gregorio de, 510

216-18, 220-22, 225-26, 228 Salamanca

harp tuning, 211-12 Cathedral, 21, 259, 268, 273

influence, 138 music, 315-16, 331-32

keyboard construction, 237 publications, 87, 89, 92, 94, 315 transcriptions, D-11, D-13, D-21, University, 21, 123, 259, 328,

D-43, D-61, D-70, D-74, 639, 676 (n. 312)

D-78, D-111, D-117, D-123, Salas Barbadillo, Alonso Jer6nimo

D-146 to 147, D-149, D-155 de, 528, 556, 701-2 to 156, D-161, D-163, D-165, Salazar, Mateo de, 463 D-171, D-189, D-191 to 192, Salazar de Alarcén, Eugenio, 663,

D-205 to 206, D-223, D-227, 697, 700, 705

INDEX 871 Saldafia, conde de, 697 San Isidro, 375, 512

135 (n. 102) 249

Saldfvar, Cédice 4 (guitar Ms), 108, San Jerénimo, Christéval de, 248, Salinas, Francisco, 20—21, 48, 55, 86 San Juan (feast), 372—73, 380

(n. 27), 87 (n. 28), 168, 274, San Juan (St. John the Baptist), 372 350 (n. 17), 550, 559-60, 583, San Juan de Lima

602 (n. 11), 625—27, 628, transcriptions, D-376 629-30, 639-41, 662 (n. 258), use, 707

695, 727 San Justo y Pastor (Alcal4 de

Saltarello, 428, 659, 694, 706. See Henares), 46, 255

also Saltarelo San Lorenzo, Pedro, 270, 271

Saltarelo Sanlticar, conde duque de, 490 (note transcriptions, D-372 to 373 h)

use, 316, 479, 600, 697, 705-6 San Marcos, 371

Saltarén San Martin, Leonardo de, 117, 118 transcriptions, D-374 San Miguel de Ijar, marqués de, 670 use, 687, 706-7 San Roque, 512

Saltatorio (style), 541 San Salvador (Seville), 247 Saltillo de puntillas (choreographic), Santa Ana, 512

654 Santa Coloma de Centelles, 507

Salto (choreographic), 425 (n. 19), Santa Cruz, Antonio de, 127-29,

450 (n. 131), 652 143 (n. 136), 153, 166, 173.

Sambomba See also E Mn M. 2209

transcriptions, D-375 Santa Cruz, marqués de, 491 (note n)

use, 707 Santa Cruz y Jaxardo, Gerénimo de,

San Andrés (Madrid), 22 129

Sanchez, Francisco, 84—85, 87 Santa Cruz (Zaragoza), 238

Sdnchez, Juan. See Rosas de Santa Domingo el Real, 54

Oquendo, Mateo Santa Marfa (Madrid), 366

SAnchez, Pedro, 619, 743 Santa Marfa, Tomas de. See Tomas SAnchez de Badajoz, Diego, 404, de Santa Marfa 418, 603, 643-44, 731 Santa Marfa del Carmelo S4nchez de Espejo, Andres, 360 (n. (Barcelona), 507

53) Santa Marfa del Mar (Barcelona),

SAnchez de Lima, Miguel, 115 191, 413

Sancho Rayén, José de, 425 Santa Marfa de Ribarredonda, 124 San Diego (Alcal4 de Henares), 254, Sant Cugat del Vallés, 507

255 Santiago (St. James the Less), 370

Sandoval, Francisco Gémez de, 10 Santiago, Francisco de, 555, 783

(n. 3), 725 (n. 502) Santiago, Order of, 670

San Felipe, 370 Santiago Cathedral, 267 San Francisco (St. Francis), 713 Santiago el Verde (feast), 370-71

872 INDEX Santo Oficio. See Inquisition staged spectacle, 663, 676, 679,

274 Sarao

Santos Justo y Pastor (Barcelona), 708

Sant Pere de las Puellas (Barcelona), music, 108 (n. 6), 708

273-74 transcriptions, D-377 to 378

Santurde , 484 Sarabanda, 133, 309 (n. 1), 74647. Sant Vicens de Llobregat, 507 See also Zarabanda Sanz, Gaspar Sarabande, 131 (n. 85), 264, 334, career, 102—3, 122-23 538, 539, 747-50. See also guitar book, 47—48, 86 (n. 27), Zarabanda francesa 89, 96 (n. 70), 99 (n. 85), 116, Sarado, 254 (note d)

121-23, 139, 146, 255, 329, Sardana

610, 656, 689, 699 transcriptions, D-379 to 385 guitar ornaments, 146, 178-79, use, 708-9

181-82 See also Cerdana; Serdana

guitar tuning, 146-47, 148 Sardinia, 18

influence, 109, 124, 131, 134, Sarmiento de Acufia, Diego, 46 (n. 5) 137-38, 139-42, 156 (n. 170), Sassano, Mateo, 29

180, 225, 324-25 Savoy, Prince of, 666

punteado tablature, 161, 163, 172 Saynete. See Sainete rasgueado tablature, 151, 152-53, Scacchi, Marco, 541

154, 156, 161, 166-67 Scaramouche. See Fiorilli, Tiberio transcriptions, D-13 to 15, D-41, Scarlatti, Alessandro, 62, 438

D-69, D-72 to 74, D-110, Scarlatti, Domenico, 30, 243 D-117, D-158 to 160, D-163 Scenicus seu theatralis (style), 541 to 164, D-187 to 188, D-190, Schomberg, Duke of, 623

D-222, D-225 to 226, D-234, Scotti, Anibal, 29 D-238 to 239, D-253, D-270 Scotti de Agoiz, Pedro, 399 to 271, D-280, D-303, D-313, Scotto, Girolamo, 548 (n. 7) D-315, D-338, D-341 to 342, Seconda pratica, 63 D-365, D-367, D-374, D-400, Secular songs. See Vocal music,

D-406, D-415 to 416, D-419 secular to 420, D-441, D-448 to 452, Segovia

P-16 to 21, P-38 to 53 Cathedral, 190, 247, 267, 409 Sanz, Joseph, 255 (n. 75), 267 (n. fiestas, 361, 362, 364, 365, 375,

105) 461-62, 463, 466-67, 473, Sarao 474-75, 510, 649, 680, 718

dance party, 354-55, 425, 427, publications, 90 (n. 39) 429, 434, 439, 442, 453, 503, Seguidillas 629, 631, 652, 665—66, 692, transcriptions, D-386 to 393 697, 699, 700, 708, 709, 722, use, 108 (n. 6), 199 (n. 30), 438,

724, 725, 728 451, 453, 455, 460, 476, 479,

INDEX 873 Seguidillas, continued Sexquidltera (mensuration), 174, 176, 529, 535, 536 (n. 65), 550, 177, 287, 290, 291, 293,

635, 639, 709-17, 738 294-95, 298-99

Seises (choirboys), 30, 189 (note k), Sexta alta (harp chord), 221, 222-23,

412, 413-17 231, 233 Seis millones (tax), 80 Sexta baja (harp chord), 221,

Self-Instruction 222-23, 231, 233

dance, 439-40, 442, 445, 446, Sextas (harp chord), 220-22

452-53 Sextuplets, 289-90

music, 71, 73-74, 136-37, Sezarillo, 689

160-61, 541. See also Musical Shawm, 67, 648. See also Chirimia

literacy Short octave, 203, 206, 237, 238,

Sencillo (choreographic), 426 (n. 22) 282

Sefior boticario, 527 Sicily, 18, 19, 584 Sepitilveda, Jerénimo de, 416 (n. 289) Siesta (sacred concert), 84, 671-72 Sequeiros, Juan de Lima, 199, 402, Sigler de Huerta, Antonio, 27

410 Sigiienza Cathedral, 21, 246, 251

Serdana, 479, 708, 713. See also Silva, Rufgomez de, 47

Cerdana; Sardana Silva Vasconcelos, Gaspar de, 121 Sessa, duque de, 502~3, 651, 665, Silva y Alvarez de Toledo, Fernando,

666, 691, 699, 722, 724 46

Sessé y Balaguer, Juan, 242 Silva y Mendoza, Manuel de, 49

Sentmenat, 507 Simpson, Christopher, 572-73

Seville Sinfonfa

Cathedral, 4, 30, 48 (n. 11), 314, transcriptions, D-394 317, 413-14, 415-16, 417, 565 use, 717-18 dance, 322, 423, 469, 521, 536, Siracusa, 584

674 Slur (musical), 128, 138, 146, 177,

fiesta, 361, 362, 403 (n. 229), 178, 182, 334

416, 464, 466, 472, 474, 529, Sola, Andrés de, 266, 268 624, 679-80, 734, 742, 745 Solana, Joseph, 250, 251

(n. 576) Soler, José, 192

life in, 46 (n. 4), 528, 613 Soler, Joseph, 192

music, 31 (n. 90), 272 Soler, Jusepe, 192

poetry, 714 Solier, Joseph. See Soler, Joseph publications, 87, 88, 211 (n. 68), Solfs y Rivadeneira, Antonio de, 348,

313, 423, 451, 694, 727, 739 398, 653, 674 (n. 307), 680,

theatre, 390, 391-92, 403 (n. 704, 723 (n. 493), 751

229), 670-71 Solsona, Bishop of, 656

Seville, Archbishop of, 416, 529 Sombra

transcriptions, D-395 to 398 use, 108 (n. 6), 530, 718

874 INDEX Sonajas, 111, 474-75, 620, 638 (n. Sword dance, 432, 467, 679, 680,

157), 702, 728, 740. See also 681. See also Espadas, danza de

Tambourine Symphoniacus (style), 538-39, 542,

Sonata, 243, 329, 330, 718 543 Soneto, 704

Songs, sacred. See Vocal music, Tabaco, 536

sacred Taberniel, Artus, 92-93 secular 433, 468-69, 607-8, 653, 681,

Songs, secular. See Vocal music, Tabourot, Jehan, 6 (n. 9), 428-29,

Sonora (musical), 324 696, 699, 725-26 Sopuerto, Miguel de, 266 Tactus, 288

Sotillo, el, 370 Tafalla, Pedro (Duarte) de, 248-49

Soto, Francisco de, 245 Talbot, James, 207, 209 Sotos, Andrés de, 140 Tambor, 718. See also Drum

Spagna, La, 568 Tamboril, 111, 620, 718. See also

Spagnoletta, 170, 571, 632-33. See Drum

also Esparioleta Tamborilero

Spanish guitar. See Guitar, transcriptions, D-399

five-course use, 718

Split registers. See Medios registros Tambourine, 111, 114, 371, 438,

Stahrenberg, Graf von, 336 472, 474-75, 528, 620, 621, Stick dance, 432, 465—66, 473, 722, 622, 638, 643, 645, 663, 664,

730 702, 710, 712, 728, 740

String ensemble, 7, 110-11, 657 Tampico, 615 Styles of music, 537—43 Tantido (instrumental), 503, 575,

Su4rez, Vicente, 115 612, 617, 629, 631, 658, 665, Su4rez de Figueroa, Christéval, 386 677, 724, 735 (n. 172), 397 (n. 203), 546 Taparque, 618 Substenido (choreographic), 450 (n. Tapia, Martfn de, 88 (n. 30)

131), 654 (n. 229), 667, 700. Tarantela

See also Sustenido transcriptions, 721, D-400 to 405

Suefio, 530 use, 108 (n. 6), 718-22

Suite (instrumental), 132, 135, 257, Tarasca (dragon figure), 363, 364,

538, 699, 749 365, 366, 461, 530

Suposicién. See Supposition Tarazona, 415

Supposition (musical), 62—63, Térraga, 673, 740

594-96 Tarifa, marqués de, 359 (n. 50)

Supuerto, Miguel de. See Sopuerta, Tarifa, marquesa de, 317

Miguel de Taripha, marquesa de. See Tarifa,

Suspension (musical), 197, 594 marquesa de

Sustenido (choreographic), 426 (n. Tarragé6, Jatot, 422-23 22), 654. See also Substenido Tarragona, 462

INDEX 875 T4rrega, Francisco de, 467 Theatres, 24, 114, 191, 192-93,

Tassa (publishing), 80, 81 381-86, 401, 403 (n. 229), Tavares Pacheco, Francisco, 639 (n. 485, 511, 532-36, 546, 547,

162) 619, 670-71, 678, 713, 746,

Tavera, Diego, 245 751, 753 Tavera, Juan, 245 Theatrical companies. See Acting Teatral (style), 541 troupes Tejada, Francisco, de, 272, 273 Theatrical dancing. See Dancing,

Tejera, Juan Francisco de, 453 (n. theatrical

147) Theatricus (style), 542

Tejerizo de Tejada, Francisco, 273 Theorbo, 22, 322 Téllez, Gabriel, 397, 400 (n. 218) Tiana, 507 Temblor (ornament), 178 Tiempo imperfecto (mensuration),

Temperament 284-86. See also Compasillo equal, 142-43, 211-2, 278-79 Tiempo perfecto (mensuration), 285 mean-tone, 212-214, 274-78, Tiento (instrumental), 69-71, 72—73,

279 238, 243, 248, 259, 302, 540

Tempo notation, 34, 175, 284-88, Timoneda, Juan, 655, 694 294, 296-98, 321-22, 326 Tiple (instrument), 137, 138, 140

Temudo, Miguel, 187 Tiraboschi, Girolamo, 25-26 Tendido (guitar chord), 158 Tirade (ornament), 179

Tenerife, 663 Tiro, Archbishop of, 48 (n. 11) Tengue, tengue, 527 Tisbe (guitar chord), 158

Tenor di Napoli, 170, 571-72 Tocata, 137, 250 (n. 57, 58), 252,

Tenore de zefiro, 577 254 (note d), 257, 261 (n. 91),

Tenore grande alla napolitana, 577 329-30 Tercero, Lucas, 413, 514 Toccata, 70. See also Tocata Ternario (mensuration), 293, 295 Toledo

(note a), 596 Cathedral, 189 (note k), 190,

Ternario mayor (mensuration), 287 198, 206-7, 251, 362, 367-68, Ternario menor (mensuration), 286, 411, 412, 414, 415, 416, 474,

287 514-16, 638 Terrassa, 507 dance, 433, 470, 514-16, 536

Tersol, Joan, 509 fiestas, 207, 362, 367-68, 377, Tertulia (theatrical), 385 411, 412, 415, 416, 433, 471, '

Tervel, 530-32 472-73, 474, 475, 514-16, Tervel, Bishop of, 530-32, 547, 600, 637-38

649, 718 Toledo, Archbishop of, 48 (n. 11),

Terza rima (aria), 584, 585 (n. 132) 207, 245

Testore, Joseph, 47, 438 Toledo, Council of, 411 Tetrachordo (tuning device), 279 Toledo, Fadrique de, 125

Texeira, Pedro de, 701 Toledo, Pedro de, 502

876 INDEX Toledo, Ricote de, 502 Torrijos, 472 Tomas de Santa Marfa, 88 (n. 29), Torrijos, Diego (Dfaz) de, 248, 610

237, 240, 274, 290, 301-2, (n. 50), 611

318-19, 578, 590 Tortosa, 378, 464-65

Tono (mode). See Mode Tosca, Thomas Vicente, 47, 94, 142, Tono (tune), 397, 400, 558-59, 574, 279 583, 612, 614, 625, 643-44, Totarque, 618 659, 660, 662, 669, 671, 675, Tourdion, 725—26. See also Turdién

689, 712, 727, 735, 739 Tournai, 16

Tono indefinible Tournaments, knightly, 358-59, 722

use, 668 657

transcriptions, D-233 Trabaci, Giovanni Maria, 568, 569,

Topetillo (choreographic), 450 (n. Transversal

131) choreographic, 524 Toqueados, danza de. See Stick in fencing, 524

dance Trapero, Joseph, 142, 180

Torcy, marquis de, 437 (n. 74) Trapillo (feast), 371-72 Tordiglione, 726. See also Turdién Tregian, Francis, 17

Tormaleo, 697 Trejo, Pedro de, 737, 741

Torneo Tremblement (ornament), 179, 183, transcriptions, D-406 to 410 234

use, 374, 430, 435, 453, 502, 505, Tremolo (ornament), 183

546, 555, 631, 667, 692, Trent, Council of, 56-57, 91

722-24 Trieste, 497 Torre, Francisco de la, 564—65, 566 Trill, 138, 146, 177, 178, 179, 181,

Torre, Gabriel de la, 114 182-83, 229, 234, 300, 304, Torre, Pedro de la, 207 305, 306, 307, 334, 335, 337,

Torrején de Ardoz, 680 591-92

Torrelhas, Joseph, 266 Trillo (ornament), 169 Torrents, Segismundo, 458 (n. 172) Trinado (ornament), 227, 228-33,

Torres, Gaspar de, 53 304, 305 Torres Naharro, Bartolomé de, 472 Trino (ornament), 138, 146, 178, (n. 230) 179, 180, 182-83, 304, 305-6, Torres Villarroel, Diego de, 676 (n. 591-92 312) Triste de Jorge, 108 (n. 6), 605 Torres y Martfnez Bravo, Joseph, 5 Tropecillo (choreographic), 450 (n.

(n. 4), 31, 33-34, 48, 73-74, 131)

86 (n. 27), 93-97, 99 (n. 84), Trufaldines (theatrical), 29 101, 103, 194, 202, 237, 242, Trumpet, 355, 360, 723. See also

255, 266, 269, 276-77, 334, Clarin 454, 541, 588, 594-95 Tufo, 536

INDEX 877 Tumbling. See Acrobatics Vacas (guitar chord), 158, 159

Turdié6n Vacas altas (guitar chord), 157

transcriptions, D-411 to 412 Vacas baxas (guitar chord), 157 use, 429, 434, 453, 502, 503, 692, Vacio (choreographic). See Bacio

724-26 Vado, Bernavé del, 202

Turcos. See Turks Vado, Felipe del, 202 Turkey, 439 Vado, Juan del. See Vado y G6mez, Turks (turcos), 352 (n. 26), 364, 367 Juan Batista del

(n. 84), 461, 465, 482, 724 Vado y Gémez, Juan Batistia del,

Twelve Years’ Truce (1609), 15 103, 195, 201-2, 266 Typographia Regia, 85, 89-91 Valate Barrab4s, 527 Valdenzinas, marqués de, 49

Ugarte, Joan de 192 Valderr4bano, Enrfquez de Ulloa, Pedro de, 49, 86 (n. 27), 95 career, 314—15, 317

(n. 67), 96 (n. 69), 142, 279, influence, 245

541, 543 tempo notation, 321-22 Ungueta, Gabriel Bocangel, 356 (n. transcriptions, D-56 to 57, D-59,

43) D-197, D-332 to 334 Unspecified Instruments. See Valdes, Francisco de, 68

Instruments, unspecified Valdivielso, José de, 404 (235), Uppsala, Cancionero de, 548 (n. 7) 552-53, 618, 733, 734 (n. 539)

Urbino, 19, 466 (n. 199), 584 Valencia

Urea, Jerénimo de, 703 Cathedral, 187, 250, 418 Urros, Joseph. See Urroz, Joseph de dance, 354—55, 461, 485, 532,

Urroz, Joseph de, 266, 267, D-9 652, 665, 684 Ursins, princess des, 41, 437 fiestas, 358 (n. 46), 364, 376,

US Wc Mk. 290 (harp) 417-18, 429, 461, 652, 665 contents, 107, 195, 200 music, 19, 31, 236 (n. 3), 279,

harp construction, 206 312, 485

harp ornaments, 229, 233-34 politics, 19, 45, 466 (n. 201) harp tablature, 215, 216-18, 224, publications, 87, 94, 117, 126,

226-27 312, 458, 612-13, 694, 709

transcriptions, D-1, D-4, D-67, University, 118

D-126, D-231, D-246, D-260, Valente, Antonio, 7, 577, 628 D-288, D-299, D-321, D-393, Valentin, Gaspar, 401 (n. 222)

P-192 to 193 Valero, Manuel, 141-42, 180 Utrecht, Treaty of (1713), 15, 19, 40 Valientas, 484

(n. 129) Valladares, Agustfn de, 187 :

Utrera, 536 Valladolid

dance, 355—56, 359-60, 652,

Vacas, 726. See also Gudrdame las 665-66, 692, 722, 725 vacas

878 INDEX Valladolid, continued Las ferias de Madrid, 705 fiestas, 355-56, 372, 434, 622, Las guanches de Tenerife, 604 652, 665-66, 692, 722, 725 El hijo prédrigo, 480

music, 15 (n. 19), 30, 202 Loa del Escarramdn, 483

politics, 273 El maestro de danzar, 387 (n.

publications, 87-88, 95, 314, 704 178), 468, 518 (n. 4), 709

Vallejo, Diego, 390 La majiana de San Juan, 372 (n.

Vallejo, Manuel de, 191, 192, 391, 112)

392, 393 (n. 187), 402, 410 La maya, 369, 617

Vallvidrera, 507 El mayor imposible, 714 Valls, Francisco, 59, 60, 61-63, 68, El nacimiento de Cristo, 733 142, 202, 267, 410, 543, 588, La noche de San Juan , 372 (n.

596, 684, 686 113) Vandola. See Bandola Pdsate acd, compadre, 477

Vaquedano, José de, 267 (n. 102) Peribdiiez ‘y el Comendador de

Vaqueiras, Raimbaut de, 368 Ocaria, 644

Vaquerfa, 483 (n. 278), 484 El premio del bien hablar, 558 Vargas, Hernan S4nchez de, 401 (n. El primer Fajardo, 467, 667

222) Los ramilletes de Madrid, 645

Vargas, Manuel Antonio de, 349 (n. San Diego de Alcalé, 604

15), 400 San Isidro labrador de Madrid, 727,

Variatione, 7 732

Variation technique, 570, 586-96. La Santa Liga, 723 (n. 493)

See also Glosa Santiago el Verde, 371 (n. 103)

Vasquez, Juan, 87 (n. 28), 550 ' El santo negro Rosambuco, 552

VAzquez, Alonso, 746 La selva sin amor, 26

Vega, Andres de la, 391, 401 (n. Servir a serior discreto, 664

222), 513, 624 (n. 102) El vellocino de oro, 723 (n. 493) Vega, Garcilasco de la, 20 La villana de Getafe, 557, 627, Vega Carpio, Lope Félix de, 24, 25, 661, 740 114, 203, 395, 396-97, 404 (n. El villano en su rincén, 554 231), 405, 461, 502, 552, 613, Velasco, Ana de, 638

700 Velasco, Antonio de, 191

Al pasar del arroyo, 620 (n. 84) Vel4zquez, Francisco Guillamas, 489

El amante agradecido, 615-16 (note c) La Araucana, 606 Velazquez, Isidro, 376 (n. 131) {Baile}, 656 (n. 238) Vélez, Juana, (note i) La bienaventurada madre Santa Vélez de Guevara, Luis, 28, 398-99,

Teresa de Jestis, 707 477 (n. 254), 674, 707 (n.

El caballero de Olmedo, 551, 552 433), 742 De los cantares, 553, 631, 655 Venegas de Henestrosa, Luis

Del pan y del palo, 553 career, 102, 245

INDEX 879 Venegas de Henestrosa, Luis, sources, 5, 73 (n. 85), 87-88,

continued 310-18, 245, 548, 563-64,

keyboard book, 87, 99 (n. 82), 602, 626, 661, 694, 704 191, 244-45, 246 (n. 39), 310, tablature, 316, 320—22

565 (n. 74) terminology, 127

keyboard construction, 237 transcriptions, D-54 to 59, D-99

keyboard ornaments, 300 to 101, D-157, D-195 to 200, keyboard tablature, 279-80, 285, D-324 to 335, D-357, D-372,

288, 289 (n. 175), 290 D-435

transcriptions, D-60, D-208, tuning, 318-19

D-349, D-370 use, 53—54, 309-10, 357, 464,

vihuela tuning, 318-19 628, 720, 743

Venice, 60, 89, 122, 270, 274, 353, Vila, Pere Alberch, 245 431, 466 (n. 199), 548, 629, Vilafranca, del Penadés, 507

704 Vila Vicosa, 14 Vera, Diego de, 555 Vilella, Pedro, 91

Veragas, duque de, 356, 723 Villafranca, marqués de, 125, 502

Vergara, Valero, 190 Villafranca del Bierzo, 124

Versailles, 41, 43 Villancico

Versos (for organ), 102, 219, 243, style, 297, 539 244 (note c), 250 (n. 60), 251 use, 60, 84, 377, 416, 417, 476,

(n. 66), 256 (n. 83), 257, 271 514, 637, 686

(n. 118) works, 547, 548, 550, 554-55, Vibrato (guitar ornament), 128, 177, 630, 659, 660 (n. 253), 663,

178, 179 671, 682, 714, 733

Vicente, Gil, 14 (n. 14), 467, 643 Villano Vicente Tosca, Thomas. See Tosca, transcriptions, D-413 to 430

Thomas Vicente use, 108 (n. 6), 350, 374, 425,

Vich, 708, 709 430, 477, 479, 483, 505, 520, Victoire, mademoiselle, 749 555, 620, 627, 688, 726-35 Victoria, Tomas Luis, 20, 85, 89 (n. Villano cavallero

32), 90 transcriptions, D-431 to 433

Vida airada, 484 use, 735

Vidal, Luis, 190 Villaviciosa, 638-39 Vienna, 35, 270, 374, 497, 498 Villaviciosa, Sebastian Rodrfguez de,

Vihuela. See Vihuela (de mano) 388, 553, 606, 617, 645 (n. Vihuela de arco, 53, 110, 127, 132 (n. 188), 655, 674 (n. 307),

92), 198, 309, 327-28, 357, 683-84, 693, 752

360, 507. See also Viol Villiers, George, 434 (n. 59)

Vihuela (de mano) Vincennes, Chateau de, 441 construction, 318 playing technique, 318

880 INDEX Viol, 132 (n. 92), 538, 568, 572-73, sources, 35, 96 (n. 68), 110, 126

575-77. See also Vihuela de (n. 76), 157, 251, 268, 269,

arco; Viol6n 332, 396 (n. 201), 397-400,

Violin 402 (n. 227), 476-77, 548 (n. construction, 324 7), 550, 554-55, 559, 565,

- ornaments, 334 574, 602, 619-20, 625-26,

sources, 109, 136, 250, 257, 261, 629-30, 640-41, 641-42, 672, 263, 264, 269, 310, 328-33, 684, 704, 708, 711, 714,

337, 338 727-28 staff notation, 334 style, 31-32, 539, 540, 573, tablature, 332, 333-34 583-85, 590-91

transcriptions, D-31, D-51 to 52, use, 114, 464, 475, 476, 484-85,

D-144, D-184, D-252, D-309, 536, 574, 609, 643, 686 D-371, D-492, D-495 See also Dance-song; romance;

tuning, 327, 332 Tono

uses, 326—29, 332, 347 (n. 7), Volta, 5-6

538, 622, 623, 724 Volte. See Volta

Violén, 111, 131, 202, 250, 327-28, Vuelta. See Buelta 538, 568, 575-77, 589-90

Violoncello, 538 Walsh, John, 76 Violento War of Succession (1701-1715), 32, choreographic, 524 40, 336, 379, 437 in fencing, 524 William of Orange, 15

Visée, Robert de, 134, 135 Willoughby of Eresby, Robert, 652

Vitoria, 471, 478 Wind instruments, 4, 68, 111, 377, Vivanco, Sebasti4n de, 92 507, 637, 665, 689 Vocal music, sacred

instrumental settings, 248, 271, Xamaica, marqués de, 356 (n. 44),

311, 313, 314, 315 672 (n. 298), 667 (n. 277)

sources, 35, 57—58, 60, 61-63, Xamares, Nicolds de, 88

| 68, 84, 85, 88 (n. 31), 89 (n. Xamarro, Juan Bautista, 89 (n. 32) 32), 90, 91, 92-93, 96 (n. 68), Xaraba y Bruna, Diego, 242, 252,

157, 202, 267, 328, 409, 410, 255-56 418, 539, 548, 596, 660, 672 Ximénez, José. See Jiménez, José style, 54-57, 58-60, 61-66, 297,

410, 539, 540, 590-91 Ympossible. See Imposibles use, 15, 57-58, 60, 84, 416-17 Yriarte, Tomés de. See Iriarte, Tomd4s

See also Villancico de

Vocal music, secular Yusta Calvo, Estevan de, 256~57, instrumental settings, 110, 129, 259 (n. 87) 195, 200, 248, 251-52, 311, 312, 313, 314, 315, 609

INDEX 881 Zabaleta, Juan de, 365 (n. 68), 370, use, 747-50

371-72, 382, 529 Zarabanda francese, 571. See also

(n. 2) Zaragoza

Zala y Galdiano, Bernardo de, 108 Zarabanda francesa Zamacola y Orzerfn, Juan Antonio Cathedral, 249, 251, 268

de, 458-60, 517-18, 635, dance, 529, 652, 699

715-17 fiestas, 376, 497, 652, 699

Zambapalo, 528-29, 618, 674 music, 15 (n.19), 117 .Zambomba (instrument), 707 politics, 47-48, 123

Zamarreta, 530 publications, 89, 91, 101, 122,

Zamora, 649 123, 624, 682, 683 Zamora Cathedral, 268 (n. 106), Zaragoza, Archbishop of, 48 ‘(n. 11), 649, 688 (n. 355) 671 Zamora, Antonio de, 370, 438, 454 Zaragoza, Joseph, 142, 278-79

(n. 147), 455 (n. 154), 631, Zarambeque 657, 676 (n. 312), 677, 693, transcriptions, D-485 to 492

712, 735 use, 108 (n. 6), 682, 750-53 Zamora, Bishop of, 48 (n. 11) Z4rate, Juan Ortfz de, 317 Zangarilleja Zarlino, Gioseffo, 60, 274

transcriptions, D-434 Zarzuela (theatre), 28, 383-84, 387

use, 108 (n. 6), 735 Zarzuela (theatrical) Zannetti, Gasparo, 333 characteristics, 28, 384, 394

Zapata, Luis (the elder), 313-14 works, 28, 32 (n. 95), 398—99, Zapata, Luis (the younger), 203, 313 400, 454 (n. 148), 455 (n. Zapateado (choreographic), 473, 603, 154), 674, 735

604, 606, 730-31, 732 Zefiro, tenore de, 577

Zarabanda Ziani, Pietro Andrea, 122 transcriptions, D-435 to 446 Zorilla de Velasco, Manuel, 493

use, 130, 131 (n. 85), 172 (n. (note ee)

208), 264, 316, 346, 476, 478, Zorongo, 546 479, 484, 527, 528, 529, 532, Zufiiga, Francisco de, 314-15 534, 546, 572, 618, 619, 620, Zufiiga Ponce de Leén y Sandoval,

627, 645, 662, 673, 674, 725, Alonso Ortiz de, 49

735-47 Zuola, Gregorio de, 157

Zarabanda francesa Zurruqué, 530 transcriptions, D-447 to 484

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