Crafting Bone: Skeletal Technologies through Time and Space: Proceedings of the 2nd meeting of the (ICAZ) Worked Bone Research Group Budapest, 31 August – 5 September 1999 9781841712291, 9781407352848

Table of contents :
Front Cover
Title Page
Copyright
Sponsorship Acknowledgement
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Introduction
General Theory
Raw Material Exploitation
Manufacturing Technology
Function
Social Context
Special Assemblages
Index of Authors

Citation preview

BAR S937 2001  CHOYKE AND BARTOSIEWICZ  CRAFTING BONE

Crafting Bone: Skeletal Technologies through Time and Space Proceedings of the 2nd meeting of the (ICAZ) Worked Bone Research Group Budapest, 31 August – 5 September 1999 Edited by

Alice M. Choyke and László Bartosiewicz

BAR International Series 937 9 781841 712291

B A R

2001

Crafting Bone: Skeletal Technologies through Time and Space Proceedings of the 2nd meeting of the (ICAZ) Worked Bone Research Group Budapest, 31 August - 5 September 1999 Edited by

Alice M. Choyke and Laszlo Bartosiewicz Technical Editors

Krisztian Kolozsvari and Katalin Kovag6-Szentirmai Infrastructural Support

The staff of the Roman Department of the Aquincum Museum

AoYINCVMI MVZEVM

BAR International Series 93 7 2001

Published in 2016 by BAR Publishing, Oxford BAR International Series 937 Crafting Bone: Skeletal Technologies through Time and Space

© The editors and contributors severally and the Publisher 2001 The authors' moral rights under the 1988 UK Copyright, Designs and Patents Act are hereby expressly asserted. All rights reserved. No part of this work may be copied, reproduced, stored, sold, distributed, scanned, saved in any form of digital format or transmitted in any form digitally, without the written permission of the Publisher.

ISBN 9781841712291 paperback ISBN 9781407352848 e-format DOI https://doi.org/10.30861/9781841712291 A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library BAR Publishing is the trading name of British Archaeological Reports (Oxford) Ltd. British Archaeological Reports was first incorporated in 197 4 to publish the BAR Series, International and British. In 1992 Hadrian Books Ltd became part of the BAR group. This volume was originally published by Archaeopress in conjunction with British Archaeological Reports (Oxford) Ltd/ Hadrian Books Ltd, the Series principal publisher, in 2001. This present volume is published by BAR Publishing, 2016.

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This publication was realized through the sponsorship of

The Aquincum Museum of the Budapest History Museum Colleen Batey and Christopher Morris University of Glasgow Department of Archaeology

Ernestine Elster Institute of Archaeology University of California, Los Angeles

Jorg Schibler Archaeobiological Department Seminar fiir Ur- und Frtihgeschichte University of Basel

Worked Bone Research Group, Budapest, 1999

Table of Contents Introduction ...............................................................................

III-IV

General Theory Genevieve LeMoine - Skeletal Technology in Context: An Optimistic Overview ...............................

.1

Raw Material Exploitation Lyuba Smimova - Utilization of Rare Bone Materials in Medieval Novgorod ................................. Liina Maldre - Bone and Antler Artefacts from Otepaa Hill-fort .......................................... Sabine Deschler-Erb -Do-it-yourself Manufacturing of Bone and Antler in Two Villas in Roman Switzerland ....... Rosalia Christidou - Study of Bone Tools at Three Late/Final Neolithic Sites from Northern Greece ..............

9 19 31 .41

Manufacturing Technology forg Schibler - Experimental Production of Neolithic Bone and Antler Tools ................................ Daniella Ciugudean - Workshops and Manufacturing Techniques at Apulum (AD 2 nd -3'd Century) ................. Kitty F. Emery - The Economics of Bone Artifact Production in the Ancient Maya Lowlands ..................... Karlheinz Steppan - Worked Shoulder Blades: Technotypological Analysis of Neolithic Bone Tools From Southwest Germany ............................................................................ Noelle Provenzano - Worked Bone Assemblages from Northern Italian Terramares: A Technological Approach ...... Aline Averbouh - Methodological Specifics of the Techno-Economic Analysis of Worked Bone and Antler: Mental Refitting and Methods of Application ..............................................................

.49 61 73 85 93 111

Function Maria Bfr6 -A Round Bone Box Lid with a Mythological Representation ................................... Cornelia Becker -Bone Points - No Longer a Mystery? Evidence from the Slavic Urban Fort(fication of Berlin-Spandau .............................................................................. Mickle G. Zhilin - Technology of the Manufacture of Mesolithic Bone and Antler Daggers on Upper Volga ........ Tina Tuohy - Bone and Antler Working on the Iron Age Sites of Glastonbury and Meare in Britain ............... Gitte Jensen -Macro Wear Patterns on Danish Late Mesolithic Antler Axes ................................ Yekaterina Antipina - Bone Tools and Wares from the Site of Gorny (1690 - 1410 BC) in the Kargaly Mining Complex in the South Ural Part of the East European Steppe ........................................... Andreas Northe - Notched Implements made of Scapulae - Still a Problem ................................. Janet Griffitts -Bone Tools from Los Pozos ......................................................... Sandra L. Olsen - The Importance of Thong-Smoothers at Botai, Kazakhstan ............................... Janet Griffits and Clive Bonsall - Experimental Determination of the Function of Antler and Bone 'Bevel-Ended Tools' from Prehistoric Shell Middens in Western Scotland ..............................................

123

. 129 149 157 165 . 171 179 185 197 207

Social Context Isabelle Sidera -Domestic and Funerary Bone, Antler and Tooth Objects in the Neolithic of Western Europe: a Comparison ................................................................................ George Nash -Altered States of Consciousness and the Afterl(fe: A Reappraisal on a Decorated Bone Piece from Ryemarksgaard, Central Zealand, Denmark ......................................................... Nerissa Russell - The Social Life of Bone: A Preliminary Assessment of Bone Tool Manufacture and Discard at ll,npoeKT NQ 97-06-80139

Lyashko, S. N. 1994. Kostoresnoye proizvodstvo v epokhu bron-

sy. Remeslo epokhi neolita-bronzy na Ukraine (Bone and craft production in the Bronze Age. Crafts in the Neolithic and Bronze Age of Ukraine). Naukova Dumka, Kiev, pp. 152-166. Peters, B. G. 1986. Kostoreznoye delo v antichnykh gosudarstvakh Severnogo Prichernomor'ya (Bone working in the ancient states of the Northern Pontic region). Nauka, Moskva, p. 190. Pryakhin, A. D. & Kileinikov, V. V. 1989. Khozyaistvo zhitelei Mosolovskogo poselka epokhi pozdnei bronzy /danniye eksperimentalno - trasologicheskogo analiza orudii truda (The economy of the inhabitants of the Late Bronze Age settlement in Mosolovski - data from the experimental-traceological analysis of working tools). Arkheologiya Vostochnoevropeiskoi stepi. Saratovskii gosudarstvennyi universitet, Saratov, pp. 148-150. Sharafutdinova, I. N. 1989. Khozyaistvo plemen sabatinovskoi kultury (The economy of the people of the Sabatinovskaya culture). Pervobytnaya arkheologiya. Materialy i issledovaniya. Naukova Dumka, Kiev, pp. 168-179. Smirnov, K. F. & Petrenko, V. G. 1963. Savromaty Povolzh'ya i Uzhnogo Priural'ya. Svod arkheologicheskikh istochnikov (Sarmatians in the Volga and and the Southern Ural foothill regions. A compilation of archaeological sources). Akademiya Nauk SSSR, Vyp, Moskva pp. 1-9.

1

References Antipina, Ye. Ye. 1999. Kostnye ostatki zhivotnykh s poseleniya Gorny - biologicheskiy i arkheologicheskiye aspekty issledovaniya (Animal bone remains from the settlement of Gorny- Biological and archaeological aspects of research). Rossiiskaya Arkheologiya NI, Institut Arkheologii Rossiiskoi Akademii Nauk, Moskva, pp. I 03-116. Berezanskaya, S. S. 1990. Usovo Ozero. Poseleniye srubnoi kultury na Severskom Dontze (Usovo Ozero. A settlement of the Srubnaya culture in the Northern Donetz) Naukova Dumka, Kiev, p. 148. Chernykh, Ye. N., Kuzminykh, S. V., Lebedeva, Ye. Yu. et al. 1999. Arkheologicheskiye pamyatniki epokhi bronzy na Kargalakh - poseleniye Gorny i drugiye (Bronze Age archaeological monuments in Kargalakh - Gorny and other settlements). Rossiiskaya Arkheologiya N 1, Institut Arkheologii Rossiiskoi Akademii Nauk, Moskva, pp. 77-102. Kovaleva, I. F. 1990. Srubniye pogrebeniya s naborami al'chikov (Srubnaya burials with hoard finds). Issledovaniya po arkheologii Podneprov'ya. Dnepropetrovskii gosudarstvennyi universitet, Dnepropetrovsk, pp. 59-71.

Usachuk, A. N. 1994. Kostyaniye orudiya kozhevennogo proizvodstva srubnykh poselenii Severo-vostochnogo Priazov'ya. Srubnaya kulturno-istoricheskaya oblast (Bone tools of leather production from the Srubnaya settlements in the North-Eastern Pri-Azov Region. Srubnaya culture-historical district). Materialy Ill Rykovskikh chtenii. Saratovskii gosudarstvennyi universitet, Saratov, pp. 63-69. Usachuk, A. N. 1997. Kostyanoi inventar poselenii srubnoi kultury u ch. Krasnyi Yar na Donu (Bone inventory of the Srubnaya culture from the village of Krasnyl Yar on the Don). Archeologicheskii al'manakh N6. Donetzkii oblastnoi kraevedcheskii muzei, Donetzk, pp. 73-180. Usachuk, A. N. 1998. Rezultaty trasologicheskogo izucheniya kostyanykh pryazhek kultury mnogovalikovoi keramiki. Problemy izucheniya katakombnoi kulturno-istoricheskoi obchshnosti (Results of the traceological study of bone buckles of the Multi-rimmed ceramic culture. Problems in the study of Catacomb Cultural historical communities). Zaporozhskii gosudarstvennyi universitet, Zaporozh'e, pp. 125-135. Zhilin, M. G. 1993. Kostyanoe vooruzhenie drevnego naseleniya Verkhnego Povolzh 'ya (Bone weapons of the ancient population of Verkhniy Povolzhje ). Russkaya Ravnina, Moskva, pp. 32.

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178

Notched Implements Made of Scapulae - Still a Problem

NOTCHED IMPLEMENTS MADE OF SCAPULAE - STILL A PROBLEM Andreas Northe

Abstract: The assemblage of a few Neolithic and early Bronze age cultures of central Europe often contains bone implements with notched or sharpened working edges, almost exclusively made of cattle scapulae. A closer look at the literature reveals, that these artefacts are not limited to certain Neolithic and Bronze age cultures, but are broadly spread in time and space. In contrast to the frequent appearance in settlements, these objects seem to be undeITepresented in graves. Their interpretation as a tool for flax hackling is common. Exact analyses, in particular usewear analyses reveal, however, that a use for skin and tendon dressing is more probable. Keywords: Central Europe, Neolithic/Bronze age, notched scapulae, use wear Resume: Les assemblages du Neolithique et du debut de l'Age du Bronze d'Europe centrale livre souvent des instruments en OS presentant une extremite active dentelee OU aiguisee, presque toujours amenages sur omoplate de bovine. Une etude approfondie de la litterature archeologique revele que ces objets ne sont pas limites a quelques cultures du Neolithique et de l 'Age du Bronze, mais sont plus largement presents dans le temps et l' espace. Frequents dans les habitats, ces objets sont tres rarement decouve1ts en contexte funeraire. Ils sont communement interpretes comme des outils a carder le lin. Des analyses detaillees et notamment l'etude des traces d'utilisation montrent cependant qu'une utilisation pour le travail des peaux et de tendons est plus probable. Mots-cles: Europe centrale, Neolithique, Age du Bronze, omoplates dentelees, traces d'utilisation Zusammenfassung: Das Siedlungsinventar einiger neolithischer und friihbronzezeitlicher Kulturen Mitteleuropas enthalt oft Knochengerate mit gekerbter oder zugeschliffener Arbeitskante, die fast ausschlieBlich aus Rinderschulterblattem hergestellt wurden. Eine intensivere Literaturstudie machte deutlich, daB diese Artefakte nicht nur auf einige Kulturen des Neolithikums und der Friihbronzezeit beschrankt sind, sondem eine groBere zeitliche und raumliche Verbreitung besitzen. Im Gegensatz zum haufigen Auftreten in Siedlungen erscheinen sie als Grabbeigaben nur in geringer Anzahl. Im allgemeinen werden diese Gerate als Werkzeuge zum Flachshecheln gedeutet. Genauere Untersuchungen, insbesondere Analysen der Gebrauchsspuren, zeigen jedoch, daB eine Verwendung bei der Bearbeitung von Tierhauten und Sehnen wahrscheinlicher ist. Schliisselworte: Zentraleuropa, Neolithikum/Bronzezeit, gekerbte Schulterblatter, Gebrauchsspuren

Preface

Since September 1999 the author has been conducting his own research at the Institute of Prehistoric Archaeology, Martin-Luther-University, into the production technique and possible use of such notched implements as part of a broader work on Neolithic bone tools from central Germany.

Typical of the Neolithic Bemburg Culture (3300-2800 BC) in central Germany and the Central European early Bronze Age cultures Aunjetitz (2300-1600 BC), Veterov and Mad'arovce (1800-1500 BC), the assemblage of settlements often contains flat bone implements made of scapulae of cattle (fig. 1), mostly notched or sharpened along one edge, and frequently pierced in several places (Bak 1985, 72). A closer look at the literature, however, reveals a time insensitivity of this type of implement and its broader spatial distribution. Besides their frequent appearance in settlements, such artefacts also appear occasionally as grave goods.

However, since the experiment is just beginning, no concrete results can be reported as yet. This paper, however, should serve to present anew to a broader public this little considered type of implement and the current status of research.

History of research - distribution in time and space The first discoveries related to this group of implements appeared in the literature as early as the beginning of the twentieth century. These were exclusively Neolithic finds, which were interpreted, based on their shape, as meat knives (Grossler 1902, p. 217) or saws (Gotze/Hofer/Zschiesche 1909, 458). In his work on the "Waltemienburg-Bernburger-

Despite their interesting shape, this group has not until now received the attention it deserves in the literature. Although more specific individual investigations and comparisons have been conducted in the last few decades, the artefacts were mostly mentioned only in passing.

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Kultur", Niklasson (1925, 26, 107) mentions similarly pierced implements as "Falzbeine" (groovebones), without describing their features in more detail.

early Iron Age. They also occur, in smaller numbers, in the pre-Roman Iron Age of Central Europe (Pie 1907).

Description of the implements Lehmann (1931, 37) was the first to offer a more comprehensive work on these artefacts and how they might have been used. He investigated certain prehistoric, mainly Neolithic finds from Thuringia and interpreted them, on the basis of their shape and use traces, as tools used for carding flax. This interpretation was borrowed without critisisim by various authors. Indreko (1961, 418) interprets a late Bronze age find as a flax comb or weaver's tool. In his work on the Neolithic of the Elbe-Saale-Region, Behrens (1973, 104) mentions in passing "so-called toothed flax combs". A find also described by Miiller (1975, 158, 178) as a hatchel dates back to the early Iron Age.

Despite the great number of finds, most of the implements have only been found preserved in fragmentary form. On the basis of the complete or almost complete specimens, two types may be distinguished, one of which appears in two variants (Feustel 1980, 10). Type A includes objects whose sharpened working edge has no notches (fig. 2). They can be described as cutting edge-like. Most of them are made from the region of the margo thoracicus and fossa infra spinam of the scapulae oflarge mammals. Some wide pieces are also made from the mandibulae.

Some authors also offered other other interpretations rather than this most common one. Rossius (1933, 50) already hypothesised that the lengthwise pierced, flat and non-notched implements of the Iron Age were scrapers, used for tanning. Tihelka (1958, 91) considers it possible that the early Bronze age notched bone tools were used as potter's tools. An implement from the late Hallstatt Period of northeastern Poland is interpreted similarly by Malinowski (1961, 65) as a skin deflesher. The use of similar implements to refine plant fibres is also considered by Nuglisch (1964, 800) as unlikely. He believes such tools were used in the preparation of twine.

The highly polished working edge is generally made from the cortical bone ofthe.fossa infra spinam. Some implements also display use wear in the area of the former margo vertebralis. The working edge may be concave, straight or convex. Apart from the working edge itself, the opposite side (margo thoracicus) may also be worked. As a rule, the partly proximal handle-like implements have no holes. The length of the implements varies between ca. l O and 20 cm with a width of approximately 3-6 cm. The sharpened working edge is generally between 1-4 cm wide.

In the middle of the l 960s, these instruments were compared for the first time with others belonging to a broader time and space range (Hasek 1966, 225). Hasek does not think the implements were limited to a single function. Based on corresponding use traces, he believes a soft, elastic working material was pulled under pressure through the working edge.

Type B instruments possess a notched working edge and holes (fig. 3). For most of these implements, the area around the spina scapulae constitutes the main body of the tool. The notched working edge, which as opposed to type A, is often rounded, is covered with a strong polish, and is also made from the area of the fossa infra spinam. The varying depth and breadth of the notches create either a straight working edge with teeth or a wavelike edge. The notching also often varies in strength. The notches sometimes seem so worn out that the working edge is very similar to type A, except that the line of the working edge appears very irregular. In many instruments, the margo thoracicus and margo vertebralis areas are also put to use.

Feustel (1980) closely investigated the production and possible function of these instruments using Neolithic implements from Thuringia. He too interpreted the notched implements as tanning tools. A work by Walter & Mobes (1988, 242) made the results of Feustel's investigations even more concrete. Based on specific stone tools found together with implements made of scapulae in pits from early Bronze age settlements in Thuringia and using ethnographic parallels, they proposed varying and multiple uses related to the butchering process. Besides its use as a tanning tool and in the fabrication of ropes, they considered that these devices might possibly have been used in gut cleaning.

Contrary to type A, this type possesses biconical perforations. The number and position of these holes define two variants. The first variant is generally perforated with only one hole, located mainly in a, more or less, clearly discernible grip. The length of the instrument is between 14-20 cm. The second variant has two to three holes, mainly located on the side opposite to the working edge (fig. 4). These implements are generally smaller than variant 1. The diameter of the holes varies between 0.5-0.7 cm.

As can easily be seen, this group of instruments is not limited in time and space to the central German Bernburg Culture. Some implements can already be attributed to the Baalberge (4100-3500 BC) or Salzmtinde phase (3600-3300 BC) (Gotze et al. 1909, 458, Taf. VII). In isolated cases, they have also been found in Corded Ware graves from Poland (2700-2500 BC; Uzarowiczowa 1970, 208). However, they appear more often in the early Bronze age of central Germany, Bohemia and Moravia and in the central German and northeast Polish

Type Bl appears more frequently in the Neolithic and the early Bronze age, while type B2 is apparently limited to the early Iron age.

180

Notched Implements Mode of Scapulae - Still a Problem

How were they fabricated?

holes, a free-hand type of work with bow drills may be hypothesised (Feustel 1988, 11).

Since the implements mostly show a strong degree of wear, it is very difficult to reconstruct the original form and preparation techniques. As experiments have shown to date, efficient fabrication becomes possible only after the bones have been made softer. Contrary to the methods described by Zurowski (1973, 201, 1974, 3), it has been demonstrated that soaking in water for a few (10-20) days or cooking for one or two hours are sufficient. After softening, the neck may be broken into pieces using a blunt hammerstone, provided some force is applied. It is just as easy to separate the spina scapulae. This separation is made easier and more precise, however, if one uses chisel or adze-like implements. The basic shape of the implements can already be achieved by simply breaking the unneeded parts of scapula into pieces. But the later working edge then usually unfolds along an irregular curve. Using a chisel, the scapula can then be separated with a vertical blow to the margo vertebra/is. A clean separation can be obtained by hitting the cortical bone along a straight splitting line with a sharp stone tool. Even without too much practice, this separating process can be achieved within 30 minutes. On some implements, it is possible to distinguish longer grooves located close to the working edge. These grooves are similar to the traces left by the detachment of the separating groove in our experiments. The half-finished objects were then, more or less, sharpened. The spina scapulae was sometimes completely flattened. The breaking edges of the proximal part were then generally rounded so that they could be used as handles. The distal part was then worked to form an arc. Oblique and closely formed parallel lines show that the working edges were also sharpened. Since the typically strong gloss on these implements also covers these lines, it is unlikely that they were produced during use. Since the sharpening surfaces are rarely totally flat, the use of smaller hand held grindstones should be supposed, although our experiments show that sharpening on a large sandstone slab on the ground appears easier. The notches were then probably cut or worked with correspondingly small grindstones. The experiments carried out to date used the sharp edge ofa large sandstone. Notching using the push and pull movement of sufficiently rough and solid strings is also possible, although this process would be more time consuming. A more precise and certain reconstruction is not possible, however, since the manufactuing traces on the notches have disappeared with use. The holes are located on both sides. As far as may be ascertained, irregularities that could be caused by the sand required for the piercing of organic drills, seem to occur at the perforation wall. Because of the often oblique direction of the

What were they used for? Despite sometimes very precise investigations, it is difficult to reconstruct the original purpose for which these instruments were used. On the one hand, most of the implements have been preserved only as fragments, on the other, there are hardly any ethnographic parallels for flat tools with a notched working edge. The type and location of the use traces, however, gives approximate indications of the working material and type of manipulation. Particularly typical for the implements under consideration is a general and unequal rounding of the edges and a generally high level of polish. It is often accompanied by very fine scratches running obliquely from the working edge which can mostly be seen only under a microscope. These traces reveal that the material used must have been relatively soft and elastic.

In toothed instruments, the gloss due to use wear can be observed on the teeth themselves as well as in the spaces between them. If used for hackling of flax, the use wear would be limited to the spaces between the teeth. The distribution of the use traces is always more dense on one side than on the other. It may therefore be surmised that the implements were applied from an acute angle to the worked material. The unequal degrees of wear and the irregular line of the working edge may lead us to suppose that the implement was not applied along its full length to the material. Particularly for the implements with a toothed working edge, it must be supposed that certain parts were given preference and that the material was worked employing only a small area of the instrument (Feustel 1988, 16). Based on the features mentioned above, it appears very likely that the instrument was used to work the skins and hides of animals. The varying degrees of wear on the different parts of the notched implements points more toward the cleaning, stretching and smoothing of tendons and guts. Since the holes on type B 1 are partly linked to a low degree of gloss, one can suppose that a rope went through the hole so as to ensure an eventual fastening of the instrument to the belt. The numerous holes on the flat sides of type 82 may point to attachment to a wooden handle. Ethnography provides only few examples of comparable implements. Notched tools are hardly known. A parallel can be drawn with the notched tools of the Pueblo-Indians used for removing hair from and softening hides and skins (Mason 1889, 583). The tools made from parts of reindeer scapulae, which are used by the Inuit for defleshing and softening

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WorkedBone ResearchGroup,Budapest, 1999

hides, are also relatively similar to the implements with a smooth working edge (McGhee 1972, 94).

McGeeh, R. 1972. Copper Eskimo Prehistory. Nat. Mus. Canada Puhl. Arch. 2, Ottawa.

Future experiments, in which the author compares all the proposed uses in accordance with their traces, should provide more precise indications as to the actual use of these tools.

Millier, D. W. 1975. Der ur- und frilhgeschichtliche Besiedlungsablauf innerhalb der Gemarkung Oberbosa, Kr. Sondershausen. Alt-Thuringen 13, Weimar, pp. 132-195.

Sources of figures

Niklasson, N. 1925. Studien zur Waltemienburg-Bemburger Kultur I. Jahresschrift fiir die Vorgeschichte der slichsischthilringischen Llinder 13, Halle (Saale), pp. 1-183.

Fig. 2, 3: Unpublished drawings (thanks for permission to publish to Dr. D. Walter, Arch. Landesamt Weimar) Fig. I, 5,6: Feustel 1988 (modified). Fig. 4: Nuglisch 1964. References Baj(, U. 1985. Knochenerzeugnisse aus der frilhbronzezeitlichen Siedlung J~drychowice, Woiw. Opole. In Fruhbronzezeitliche befestigte Siedlungen in Mitteleuropa, ed. M. Gedl. Materialien der intemationalen Arbeitstagung vom 20. bis zum 22. September 1983 in Krakow. Archaeologia interregionalis 6, Wydawn. Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego, Warszawa. pp. 69-85. Behrens, H. 1973. Die Jungsteinzeit im Mittelelbe-SaaleGebiet. Veroff. Landesmus. Vorg. Halle 27, Berlin. Feustel, R. 1980. Neolithische Gerberwerkzeuge Knochen. Alt-Thuringen 17, Weimar, pp. 7-18.

Nuglisch, K. 1964. Einige Typen von fiiiheisenzeitlichen Knochengerliten im Ostharzgebiet. Wissenschaftliche Zeitschrift der Universitiit Halle 13G, 11/12, Halle (Saale), pp. 799-812. Pie, J.L. 1907. Die Urnengriiber Bohmens. Leipzig Rossius, K. 0. 1933. Die sogenannten. Pfahlbauten OstpreuBens. Priihistorische Zeitschrift 24, pp. 22-95. Tihelka, K. 1958. Der Vetefov-Typus in Mlihren. Kommision far Aeneolithikum und iiltere Bronzezeit, Nitra, pp. 77-109. Uzarowiczowa, A. 1970. Groby kultury ceramiki sznuroweij z cmentarzyska wielokulturowego w Mierzanowicach, pow. Opat6w. Wiadomosci Arch. 35, pp. 201-205.

aus

Gotze, A., Hofer, P. & Zschiesche, P. 1909. Die vor- und fruhgeschichtlichen Altertumer Thuringens. Wilrzburg. Grossler, H. 1902. Geschlossene vorgeschichtliche Funde aus dem Kreise Mansfeld, Querfurt und Sangerhausen. Jahresschr. Vorg. siichs.-thur. Lander 1, Halle (Saale), pp. 125-244. Hasek, I. 1966. Praveke kostene a parchove nastroje s ozubenou pracovni hranou. Sbornik Nrirodniho Muz. Praze 20, Praha, pp. 225-267.

Walter, D. & Mobes, G. 1988. Gerlitschaften des Schlachters aus Siedlungsgruben der Aunjetitzer Kultur in Thilringen. Ausgrabungen und Funde 33, Berlin, pp. 242-246. .Zurowski, K. 1973. Methoden zum Weichmachen von Geweih und Knochen in frilhslawischen Werkstlitten. Berichte, II. lnternationaler Kongress Slaw. Archiiologie 3, Berlin, pp. 483-490. .Zurowski, K. 1974. Die altertiimlichen und mittelalterlichen Methoden der Geweihund Knochenaufweichung. Archaeologia 4, Torun, pp. 3-23.

lndreko, R. 1961. Die Asva-Kultur. In Berichte V. intern. Kongress fur Vor- und Fruhgeschichte, ed. G. Bersu. Hamburg-Berlin, pp. 416-42 I. Lehmann, E. 1931. Gezlihnte Knochenwerkzeuge aus Mitteldeutschland. Jahresschrift fiir die Vorgeschichte der sachsisch-thilringischen Lander 19, Halle (Saale), pp. 37-43. Malinowski, T. I 961. Badania Archeologiczne grodziska kultury Lucyckiej w Smuszewie. pow. W~rowiec. Sprawozdania archeologiczne 1959, pp. 65-78. Mason, 0. T. 1891. Aboriginal skin dressing. Rept. Nat. Mus. 1889, Washington, pp. 553-589. ·

182

Notched Implements Made of Scapulae - Still a Problem

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Fig. l Notched implements made of Scapulae of large marmnals

, Fig. 2 Implements without notched working edge (from the Bernburg-earthwork at Krautheim, Thuringia)

Fig. 3 Notched Implements - variant l (from the Bernburg-earthwork Krautheim, Thuringia)

Fig. 4 Notched Implements - variant 2 (from the Iron Age settlement Quedlinburg- Boxhornschanze)

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Lohberg, Thuringia)

Fig. 6 Implements without notched working edge (from the Bemburg-Settlement

Lohberg, Thuringia)

Bone Tools Ji-om Los Pozos

BONE TOOLS FROM LOS POZOS

Janet Griffitts

Abstract: Los Pozos is a large Late Archaic or Early Agricultural Period site located outside of Tucson, Arizona. Bone awls, spatulate, and side notched tools were examined using high power optical microscopy and a comparative collection of experimentally replicated bone tools. Bone awls were used for various tasks, but the highest concentration of uses involved contact with silica-rich plant materials. Spatulate or chisel shaped tools had several uses including woodworking. One quarter of the awls and chisels were used for multiple purposes, and several tools appear to be recycled after breakage. Notched tools were probably used to process plant fibers. This preliminary study indicates that microwear analysis can be a useful tool for the archaeologist in reconstructing past activities at a site. Keywords: Use wear, early agriculture, awls, chisels, notched tools Resume: Los Pozos est un vaste site de I' Archai"que final ou du Formatif ancien localise a proximite de Tucson en Arizona. Des alenes en os, des spatules et des outils au bord entaille ont fait l'objet d'un examen utilisant un microscope optique a fort grossissement et ont ete compares a une serie de repliques experimentales d'outils en OS. Les alenes en OS ont ete utilisees pour diverses taches, mais les utilisations le plus souvent identifiees supposent un contact avec un materiau constitue de plantes riches en silice. Les outils en forme de spatules ou de ciseaux connurent plusieurs usages parmi lesquels le travail du bois vegetal. Un quart des alenes et des ciseaux a ete utilise dans differents buts et plusieurs outils temoignent d'un recyclage apres cassure. Les outils entailles ont probablement ete utilises pour traiter des fibres vegetales. Cette etude preliminaire indique que l'etude des micro-traces peut constituer un outil tres utile pour l'archeologue dans sa tentative de restituer les activites du passe sur un site. Mots-des: Traces d'utilisation, origine de !'agriculture, alenes, ciseaux, outils entailles Zusammenfassung: Los Pozos ist ein groJ3er,auJ3erhalb von Tuscon/Arizona gelegener Fundplatz aus der Periode Spatarchaik bzw. Friihe Ackerbaukulturen. Knochenahlen, Spatulae und seitlich gekerbte Artefakte wurden mikroskopisch analysiert und mit experimentell hergestellten Stticken verglichen. Knochenahlen hat man fiir viele Zwecke verwendet, am haufigsten jedoch im Kontakt mit silikatreichem Pflanzenmaterial. Spatulae oder beilartig geformte Gerate wurden universell eingesetzt, Holzbearbeitung inbegriffen. Ein Viertel aller Ahlen und Beile wurde multifunktional benutzt, manche nach dem Zerbrechen sogar wiederverwendet. Gekerbte Artefakte setzte man moglicherweise bei der Verarbeitung von Pflanzenfasern ein. Diese vorlaufige Studie zeigt, daJ3eine mikroskopisch durchgefiihrte Spurenanalyse fiir den Archaologen insofern ntitzlich sein kann, als hiermit einstige Aktivitaten in einem Siedlungsplatz rekonstruiert werden konnen. Schliisselworte: Abnutzungsspuren, frtiher Ackerbau, Ahlen, Beile, gekerbte Artefakte

This paper provides a preliminary review of use wear on selected modified bone from Los Pozos, one of several large Late Archaic or Early Agricultural Period sites recently discovered along the Santa Cruz floodplain outside Tucson, Arizona (Mabry et al. 1997; Mabry ed. 1998; Gregory ed. 1999). A variety of bone tools were recovered during the excavations but this study focuses on three general tool types: awls, spatulate tools, and notched tools. The tool surfaces are generally well preserved, providing an opportunity to distinguish the uses of the individual tools and identify possible activities conducted at the site.

Domestic refuse deposits within the pit structures and extramural features produced a substantial assemblage of artifacts and other materials. Over 30,000 fragments of animal bone were recovered, including 288 pieces of modified bone. Although the faunal assemblage is dominated by small mammals, especially lagomorphs (Wocherl 1999; Rebecca Dean, personal communication 1999), the majority of identifiable tools were made from artiodactyl long bones (Gregory and Waters 1999). Forty-one AMS dates from Los Pozos place the occupation between approximately 350 B.C. and AD. 50, in the Late Cienega phase, the Early Agricultural Period (fig. 1). The Early Agricultural period lasted at least 1500 years in

Approximately 260 pit structures were exposed during investigations at the site, and more than half were excavated.

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Southern Arizona and spans the interval between the arrival of maize and the advent of a fully developed ceramic container technology in the American Southwest (Huckell 1995, 1996). In the last decade, new data concerning this interval have reshaped research foci and substantially altered previous interpretations of the transition from hunting and gathering to agriculture-based subsistence-settlement systems in this region. Among the important research issues are the duration, continuity, and intensity of settlement occupations, and the range of activities carried out during site occupation (Gregory and Mabry 1998). It is in this arena that use-wear studies of bone tools can contribute significantly to ongoing research.

discussion. Other soft materials, such as cotton, can also produce a rounded tool surface, but there are differences in the appearance of the polish, the extent of wear, and the presence or absence of pitting and cracking. Tools used to work silica-rich, non-woody plants also become polished; but, unlike wear formed by softer materials, polish and other traces are concentrated on the high points of the tool, and does not extend deeply into lower parts of the bone surface (fig. 3). The surface of heavily worn tools becomes sheared off, and cracking is often visible at 400X magnification. The striation patterns on experimental tools vary slightly between tools used to manufacture coiled, wicker, and sewn baskets, but all have flattened surfaces characteristic of contact with silica-rich plants. The degree of polish varies with different plants, and the duration of use. Additional descriptions and illustrations of these and other wear patterns are found elsewhere (Griffitts and Bonsall this volume, Griffitts 1997).

Methods and materials Use wear analysis was conducted on the modified bone assemblage using high power optical microscopy with an Olympus OHM-J metallurgical microscope with incident light at 50, 100, 200, and 400X magnification, and a comparative collection of modern tools with replicated wear. Tools were also examined using a lOX hand lens and the unaided eye. The experimental program is ongoing and at present includes 198 tools and 60 experiments in which tools were used in a variety of motions and materials. The following discussion describes wear seen at magnifications of SOX and upwards, and the discussions therefore will not be useful for identifying use wear patterns at lower magnifications.

Activities other than direct use can affect wear on tools, which must be distinguished from other patterns. Hafting can produce wear on tools, and not surprisingly, hand wear is generally similar to that produced by contact with leather or hides. Therefore, wear on handles was noted, but unless it was unusual, it was not included in discussions of use and contact material.

Use wear analysis takes place at multiple stages and levels. One can determine if a tool was likely to have been used at all, what area of the tool was used, the direction of use, and the possible contact material or materials. Lithic studies (Bamforth et al.1990) show that reliability decreases with each of these levels of analysis and this is most likely true for bone, as well. However, use wear analysis provides an additional tool for identifying possible activities at archaeological sites. It works best when used in conjunction with other tools, such as archaeological context, and should not replace all other analytical or interpretive methods.

The appearance of use wear can be affected by post-use burning. As tool surfaces become blackened they also become shinier and more rounded. Consequently burned tools may be more likely to be erroneously identified as used on softer materials and the polish may be brighter than it would normally appear if unheated. When bone becomes calcined the surface becomes less reflective, and traces become more difficult to see. If bone is extremely calcined then wear traces disappear (Griffitts 1996). Tools were grouped into general categories by use and contact materials. Such a coarse grained approach necessarily loses some information on the exact motions and degree of wear on individual tools but is helpful for identifying overall use patterns. More detailed information was recorded for each tool and will be used for additional studies.

Use wear generalizations Experimental studies show that different materials, motions, and ambient conditions leave distinctive microscopic wear patterns on bone and antler (LeMoine 1997, Olsen 1980, 1989, Griffitts 1997). These wear patterns are composed of several characteristics, including polish, striations, surface rounding or flattening, distribution, pitting, cracking, and microbreakage. The extent, brightness, and overall appearance of polish varies with different materials. Striations show the general direction of tool movement, and the size and depth vary with the texture of the material contacted.

Archaeological tools: awls The modified bone assemblage from Los Pozos includes l 06 pointed objects which could be classified as awls, pins, uneyed needles, an eyed needle or bodkin, and tip fragments (fig. 4). Several broken handles were also found, but these are not included in the present discussion. Descriptions of manufacturing techniques are found elsewhere (Gregory and Waters 1999).

Leather and hide working tools become polished and microscopically rounded as the wear follows the contours of the bone surface (fig. 2). There are subtle differences in wear between tools used to process fresh hide and to work tanned leather, but the two categories are combined in the following

Of the 106 tools, 11 (10.4%) have wear consistent with working leather or hide, and four others have wear suggesting contact with unknown soft materials. The soft material could be

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Bone Tools Ji-om Los Pozos

leather/hide, or it could be a different material, but the wear lacks certain characteristics diagnostic of leather or hide working such as pitting and the overall polish appearance. Tools with wear suggesting contact with leather/hide and general soft materials were combined to simplify (tab. 1).

same tools have other wear patterns on their tips suggesting that area was used for other activities, such as basket making. Ten tools have wear consistent with contact with both silicarich plants and a soft material and ten others have wear suggesting multiple use with plants. Seven tools have wear indicating multiple use but the contact materials are unclear. Since later use may obliterate traces of earlier activities, more multiple use tools may have gone unrecognized. Microwear develops at varying rates for different contact materials and activities. This analysis can only identify tools which were used for each activity long enough to create wear.

Most of the awls that have wear resembling that produced by contact with leather or hide have longitudinal striations, occasionally accompanied by a few transverse or diagonal striations that are similar to those produced experimentally by punching holes using little or no twisting. The striations formed in this manner are predominantly longitudinal, although a few diagonal or transverse striations may be present if the tool was twisted. Therefore, the primary function of these tools is interpreted as punching holes in leather or hide (fig. 5).

Although the contact material could not be identified for 17 awls, striations were often present that could be used to interpret the direction or directions of movement. No aspect of use could be determined on 15 (14%) of the tools. In some cases this was because the tools were deteriorated, or the wear was too light. Tools may have been used on a material that did not create diagnostic traces. They may not have been used long enough for wear to develop, or produced wear that was entirely different from the range of patterns produced experimentally.

Tools with wear suggesting contact with silica-rich plants were grouped into two categories: basketry and a general plant category. Twelve awls have wear which is very similar to that produced on experimental basket making tools (fig. 6). Some additional basketry tools may be among the 16 tools included in the silica rich plant category, but because their wear patterns do not completely match the experimental basket making tools, they were placed in the more general category. Many other activities could involve contact with silica rich plants including the production of mats, clothing, and other textiles, such as those found in dry cave sites of similar age in Northern New Mexico (Morris and Burgh 1954). Two tools have wear suggesting plant splitting or stripping as a primary use. The surface of these tools is flattened, with grouped transverse, parallel striations running inward from the edge of the tool shaft, a pattern that was produced experimentally by splitting yucca and beargrass leaves for wicker basketry, stripping yucca and agave for fiber, and com husking. The wear on a flat, blunt awl is restricted to the tip. The tool has a flattened surface and short transverse striations, suggesting possible rubbing motions with silica rich plants.

Chisels The collection includes 25 long bone tools with roughly spatulate ends and uses are shown in tab. 2. Thirteen have beveled or chisel-shaped ends and are approximately the same size and shape. There are also two wide spatulate tools, two long extremely narrow tools, and several flaked, end-used tools. They are grouped together in this discussion because of similarities in use and overall morphology (fig. 7). It has been suggested that spatulate tools from Santa Cruz Bend, another Early Agricultural Period site, were used to mix or spread materials (Thiel 1998:434). Unfortunately, tools may preserve few traces of such activities if the contact materials were very soft. Others suggest that spatulate tools were used as fleshers (Haury 1950; Morris and Burgh 1954), flakers or scrapers (Kidder and Guernsey 1919), or that the more robust specimens served as digging or prying tools (Morris and Burgh 1954).

A single large needle or bodkin was recovered. The surface is microscopically flattened and predominantly longitudinal striations suggest that the entire piece passed through silica rich plants. An earlier analysis (Gregory and Waters 1999) suggested that this tool could have been used to attach thatch to pit structures, and the wear pattern is consistent with such an activity, although other activities could cause a similar pattern. A few awls have wear that is not diagnostic of either leather/hide/soft materials or of silica rich plants. Two tools have wear consistent with pressure flaking. Another appears to have contacted wood, and one either wood or bark.

Of the 25 tools, five (20%) have wear closely resembling that produced experimentally by wood working (fig. 8). Five other tools have wear that shares similarities with both experimental wood working tools and tools used to work leather or hide. The striations on these tools have a predominantly longitudinal orientation with a few striations running diagonally; a pattern suggesting chiseling or scraping motions. Four tools seem to be used on soft materials, and three on unknown hard materials. Five other tools seem to have received multiple use with different contact materials.

One quarter of the awls seem to have had multiple purposes. Multiple uses were interpreted by differences in size, depth, and arrangement of striations, and by other aspects of use wear such as polish and surface texture. Some tools have markedly different wear patterns on different areas of the tool. For example, six tools have wear suggesting that fibers were drawn across an edge of the shaft or near the handle. The

The two broader spatulates were recovered from a feature which also contained three chisel-ended tools. Both are made from bighorn sheep tibiae. The shaft was cut and shaped near the proximal epiphysis, retaining the distal epiphysis as a handle. One is probably a multiple use tool. The surface of the working end is covered with cross hatching striations of vary-

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Worked Bone Research Group, Budapest, 1999

Percent 0 0

o I\)

0

o-I>

0

oOl

0

o00

!=)

!=) Ol

Leather/hide or soft, n= 15

Basketry, n=12

Plant, n=16

Wood/bark+ leather/wood, n=2

Flaking, n=2

Multiple use w/plant, n=10

Multiple use w/plant & soft material, n=10

Multiple use, n=7

Unknown, complex motions, n=4

Unknown, longitudinal motions, n=3 Unknown, twisting motions, n=7 Unknown, transverse or diagonal, n=3

Unknown, n=15

Tab. I Percentages of awls used for different activities or contact materials

188

Bone Tools from Los Pozos

Percent 0 0

0

u,

(;)

0

N

0

N u,

0

tu

(;)

w u,

s::: C

::, er.

11 "!2.

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Tab. 2 Percentages of chisels and spatulate tools used for different activities or contact materials

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Worked Bone Research Group, Budapest, 1999

ing widths and depths. Some striations occur in groups while others are isolated. With so many different uses it would be nearly impossible to identify any individual contact material or materials. The second tibia appears to have been resharpened shortly before discard, and there is not enough continuous wear to suggest its final use. Both tools have wear on the shafts which includes transverse and diagonal striations running from the edges inward. In an earlier report these tools were suggested to be beaming tools, or draw knives used to remove hair from hides (Gregory and Waters 1999). The transverse and diagonal striations on the shafts of both tools could have formed through this activity, but both have been burned and/or calcified so the surfaces are potentially distorted. The wear is also very heavy. The contact material on the shafts could not be identified, but both tools appear to have had more than one use.

object manufactured for an entirely different use that was recycled after breakage. Notched ribs and scapulae are generally suggested to be plant fiber processors, although a few alternative interpretations have been offered. Thiel (1998) suggests that they may have served to either process fibers or to shell maize. Huscher and Huscher (1943) report ethnographic examples in which similar tools were used for many different tasks, and suggest that tools from Colorado were used to remove hair from deer hides or as seed beaters. An early experimental study (Morris and Burgh 1954) showed these tools to be effective for processing yucca for fibers but not for processing animal hides. Morris and Burgh also recovered artifacts from dry caves which still had yucca residue adhering to the notched surfaces. A sample of Morris and Burgh's tools was examined using microwear analysis and the wear was found to be consistent with yucca processing (Mobely-Tanaka and Griffitts 1997). The present study includes only two artifacts, but this small sample lends support to earlier assertions that notched scapulae were used to process plants, and most likely to strip yucca or agave fibers. The drilled tool may have contacted finer textured fibers.

Although most of the chisels or end-used tools were formally shaped by cutting and grinding into chisel or spatulate form, three tools were shaped by flaking or chipping. Two artifacts appear to be recycled from other tools. One proximal ulna was probably originally used as an awl but was broken. Wear on the unmodified break indicates use in a longitudinal motion on wood or leather. The second reused tool was also probably an awl. Longitudinal striations and a flattened surface run across the sharp broken edge suggesting longitudinal motions on silica rich plant. A few centimeters from the tip, transverse and diagonal striations also seem to have originated from contact with plants in a twisting motion, but these may be left over from the tool's original pre-breakage use.

Ferg (1998) describes how notched scapula and rib tools are widely distributed across the western United States and are primarily found in the Archaic (Morris 1954, Kidder and Guernsey 1919, 1923). The lack or decrease in numbers of notched ribs or scapulae in later time periods may indicate a change in importance or technology of fiber processing. It seems unlikely that agave or yucca fibers would fall into complete disuse, but later technologies such as ceramic containers or weaving cotton may have lessened the need to produce very large quantities of fiber. Certainly the tightly woven water baskets described by Kidder and Guernsey (1923) would no longer have been as necessary with the adoption of pottery.

An additional tool, not included in table 2, could be classified as either a very wide awl or a narrow spatulate. The surface resembles that produced by working with wood or willow bark. At least two sizes of transverse striations are found around both sides of the tip. These striations extend only a short distance inward from the edge and have not been found on any experimental tools. They may have been produced by pressing bark or wood with the edges, very short scraping motions, or by very short twisting motions.

Discussion and conclusions One quarter of the awls and chisel shaped tools appear to have had multiple use, and other tools were recycled. Resharpening and reuse are indicated by several traces. In most cases, if a tool is thought to be resharpened, large "v" shaped striations, similar to those produced by grinding during manufacture, cut across older polished and worn areas. These more recent traces may obliterate enough older wear to make use wear analysis difficult. In other cases, tools are broken and reused with little or no additional modification. It is important to note that the traces of reuse, resharpening, and reworking are probably only visible for a relatively short duration in a tool's use life.

Notched tools The Los Pozos assemblage includes one fragmentary artiodactyl scapula (fig. 9). Worn notches along the broken edge of the blade are macroscopically rounded and heavily worn, as is the blade edge. Transverse and diagonal striations run across the edge, indicating that a fibrous material was drawn across it. The flattened surface suggests contact with silica rich plants and overall the patterns are most similar to those produced experimentally while processing yucca or agave for fiber (fig. 10).

It should not be surprising that tools were reused frequently. The same qualities that make bone a desirable tool material can also make it tiresome to work. It is logical that once a metapodial has been laboriously sawn, split, and ground to shape into an awl or other tool, efforts might be made to extend the life of the tool.

A second fragmentary bone has three biconically drilled holes along one margin and is broken longitudinally along the holes. Very fine transverse and diagonal striations run across the broken edges and the insides of the prepared holes. It is not clear why a tool would be prepared in this way, but it may be an

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Bone Tools Ji-om Los Pozos

Microwear analysis is useful for reconstructing artifact life histories, but it is also a good tool for identifying important prehistoric activities. These activities may involve perishable materials, for which there are few or no other traces. In some cases use wear analysis supports earlier interpretations of tool use that were based on context, ethnographic accounts, and overall form. In other cases use wear can provide supplementary data for objects whose uses have been unknown or were debated. A variety of uses are documented ethnographically for pointed tools, and the present research lends support to the interpretation that many, though not all, were general purpose tools.

References Bamforth, D. B., Burns G. R. & Woodman, C. 1990. Ambiguous Use Traces and Blind Test Results: New Data. Journal of Archaeological Science 17, pp. 413-430. Ferg, A. 1998. Rare Stone, Fired Clay, Bone, and Shell Artifacts. In Archaeological Investigations of Early Village Sites in the Middle Santa Cruz Valley, Analysis and Synthesis, Part II, ed. J. B. Mabry. Anthropological Papers 19, Center for Desert Archaeology, Tucson, pp. 545-654. Gregory, D. A. & Mabry, J. B. 1998. Revised Research Design for the Archaeological Treatment Plan, Interstate 10 Corridor Improvement Project, Tangerine Road to the Interstate 19 Interchange. Technical Report No. 97-19. Desert Archaeology, Inc., Tucson.

The bone tools from Los Pozos were used for many activities. Although maize had already arrived in the Southwest in the Early Agricultural Period, and clay figurines, miniature pots, and balls were present, ceramic container technology was not yet important, and the bone tool assemblage shows emphases on basket making, fiber processing, and wood working. Leather or hide processing was also important.

Gregory, D. A. & Waters, J. A. 1999. in press, Bone Artifacts. In Excavations in the Santa Cruz River Floodplain: The Early Agricultural Period Component at Los Pozos (AX M: 12: 91, ASM; draft), ed. D. A. Gregory. Anthropological Papers 21. Center for Desert Archaeology, Tucson.

This study provides a preliminary look at the bone industry of the Early Agricultural period in the Tucson Basin and presents a case study of the use of microwear analysis on bone. Bone tools represent a previously under-exploited resource for the archaeologist, and use wear analysis can provide an additional perspective on the range of activities conducted at a site. Rather than simply listing morphological types in a table or an appendix, more detailed and intensive studies can help add a new perspective and increase our knowledge of the range of activities conducted on site. The information in this report will be added to studies of other bone artifacts and other industries and features at Los Pozos. Future studies will examine other modified bone from Los Pozos and from this and other time periods and attempt to identify possible form/ function correlations and patterns of overall bone tool use as well as technological change and stability.

Gregory, D. A. ed. 1999. Excavations in the Santa Cruz River Floodplain: The Middle Archaic Component at Los Pozos. Anthropological Papers 20, Center for Desert Archaeology, Tucson. Griffitts, J. L. 1996. The Effects of Burning on Use Wear on Bone Tools. Poster Session B of the International Symposium on Archaeometry, May 20-24, Urbana, Illinois. Griffitts, J. L. 1997. Replication and analysis of bone tools. In Proceedings of the 1993 Bone Mod(fication Conference Hot Springs, South Dakota, eds. L. A. Hannus, L. Rossum & R. P. Winham. Occasional Publication No. 1, Archaeology Laboratory, Augustana College, Sioux Falls, South Dakota, pp. 236-246.

Acknowledgements Los Pozos was excavated by Desert Archaeology under contract with the Arizona Department of Transportation, and Desert Archaeology funded the present study. I would also like to thank David Gregory, Rebecca Dean, Natalie Munro, Kacy Hollenback, and Margaret Beck for their very substantial help in editing and shortening this paper. I would like to thank the University of Arizona Department of Anthropology for funding my travel to the conference in Budapest.

Guernsey, S. J. & Kidder, A. V. 1923. Basketmaker caves of Northeastern Arizona. Report on the Explorations 19161917. Papers of the Peabody Museum of American Archaeology and Ethnology VIIl/2, Cambridge, Massachusetts. Haury, E. W. 1950. The Stratigraphy and Archaeology of Ventana Cave (Second printing 1975). University of Arizona Press, Tucson, Arizona. Huckell, B. B. 1995. Of Marshes and Maize: Preceramic Agricultural Settlements in the Cienega Valley, Southeastern Arizona. Anthropological Papers 59, University of Arizona Press, Tucson. Huckell, B. B. 1996. The Archaic Prehistoric of the North American Southwest. Journal of World Prehistory 10/3, pp. 305-373.

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Huscher B. H. & Huscher H. A. 1943. The Hogan Builders of Colorado. Southwestern Lore 9/2, pp. 1-92. Kidder, A. V. & Guernsey S. J. 1919. Archeological Explorations in Northeastern Arizona. Smithsonian Institution, Bureau of American Ethnography Bulletin 65, Washington Government Printing Office, Washington DC. LeMoine, G. M. 1997. Use Wear Analysis on Bone and Antler Tools of the Mackenzie Inuit. British Archaeological Reports, International Series 679, Archaeopress, Oxford. Mabry, J. B. ed. 1998. Archaeological investigations of early village sites in the Middle Santa Cruz Valley: Analysis and Synthesis. Anthropological Papers 19, Center for Desert Archaeology, Tucson, Arizona. Mabry, J.B., Swarz, D., Wocherl H., Clark J. J., Archer G. H. & Lineman, M. W. 1997. Archaeological investigations of early village sites in the Middle Santa Cruz Valley: Descriptions of the Santa Cruz Bend, Square Hearth, Stone Pipe, and Canal Sites. Anthropological Papers No. 18. Center for Desert Archaeology, Tucson, Arizona. Mobley-Tanaka, J. L. & Griffitts, J. L. 1997. Spatulate and Notched Tools from the American Southwest: A Lesson in Function-Based Typologies. In Proceedings of the 1993 Bone Mod(fication Conference, Hot Springs, South Dakota, eds. L. A. Hannus, L. Rossum & R. P. Winham. Occasional Publication No. 1, Archaeology Laboratory, Augustana College, Sioux Falls, South Dakota, pp. 247-255. Morris, E. H. & Burgh, R. F. 1954. Basketmaker II Sites near Durango, Colorado. Carnegie Institution, Washington DC. Olsen, S. 1980. Bone artifacts from Kinishba Ruin: their manufacture and use. The Kiva 46/1-2, pp. 39-67. Olsen, S. 1989. On distinguishing natural from cultural damage on archaeological antler. Journal of Archaeological Science 16, pp. 125-135. Thiel, J. H. 1998. Worked Bone Artifacts. In Archaeological Investigations of Early Village Sites in the Middle Santa Cruz Valley, Analysis and Synthesis, Part I, ed. J. B. Mabry. Anthropological Papers 19, Center for Desert Archaeology, Tucson, pp. 423-435. Wocherl, H. 1999. in press, Faunal Remains. In Excavations in the Santa Cruz River Floodplain: The Early Agricultural Period Component at Los Pozos (AX M: 12: 91, ASM; draft), ed. D. A. Gregory. Anthropological Papers 21. Center for Desert Archaeology, Tucson.

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TucsonBasin EarlyAgriculturalPeriodChronology Historic

1500

Protohistoric

1000

Hohokam sequence

500 Early Ceramic Period

4 Introduction of pottery B.C./AD.

...,_____ 500

1000

1500

L_a_t_e_c_ie_n_. e_g_a _______ ]--

Los Pozos

Early Cienega San Pedro Unna•med Interval

--- -------- - --

◄ Arrival of maize?

2000

2500

Middle Archaic

3000

Fig. I General Chronology of Southern Arizona. Table provided by D. Gregory, Desert Archaeology

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Fig. 2 Wear formed experimentally by punching holes in leather (I00X magnification)

Fig. 3 Wear formed experimentally during basket making. (I00X magnification)

Fig. 4 Examples of awls from Los Pozos

Fig. 5 Wear consistent with leather or hide working (I00X magnification)

Fig. 6 Wear consistent with inserting and twisting in plant fibers, or basket making ( IO0X magnification)

Fig. 7 Examples of chisels and spatulates from Los Pozos

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Bone Tools Ji-om Los Pozos

Fig. 8 Wear on chisel consistent with wood working (I00X magnification)

Fig. 9 Notched tools from Los Pozos

Fig. 10 Wear on notched tool consistent with plant processing (I00X magnification)

195

The Importance of Thong-smoothers at Botai, Kazakhstan

THE IMPORTANCE OF THONG-SMOOTHERS AT BOTAI, KAZAKHSTAN Sandra L. Olsen

Abstract: Thong-smoothers made on horse mandibles from the Eneolithic site of Botai, Kazakhstan, are discussed in light of their contribution to the evidence for early horse domestication there. Ethnographic accounts of thong production and the roles of thong-smoothers facilitate understanding of these tools. Metric analysis and scanning electron microscopy of wear traces on the prehistoric tools help confirm their identity as thong-smoothers. Keywords: thong-smoother, Botai, Kazakhstan, Eneolithic, horse domestication Resume: Les lissoirs de courroie faits sur mandibules de cheval, provenant du site Eneolithique de Botai (Kazakhstan), sont examinees du point de vue de leur contribution a la question de la domestication ancienne du cheval dans cette region. Les donnees ethnographiques sur la production de courroies et le role des lissoirs de courroie facilitent la comprehension de ces outils. L'analyse metrique et l'etude au microscope electronique des traces d'utilisation aident a confirmer l'identification de ces outils en tant que lissoirs de courroie. Mots-cles: lissoirs de courroie, Botai, Kazakhstan, Eneolithique, domestication du cheval Zusammenfassung: Riemenglatter, die man aus Pferdeunterkiefem im eneolithischen Fundplatz Botai/Kasachstan hergestellt hat, werden hinsichtlich ihrer Bedeutung in Bezug auf die friihe Domestikation des Pferdes in dieser Region diskutie1t. Ethnographische Belege zur Riemenherstellung und zur Rolle der Riemenglatter sollen das Verstandnis zu diesen Artefakten erleichtem. Metrische Analysen und die elektronenmikroskopische Untersuchung von Abriebspuren an den vorgeschichtlichen Artefakten unterstiitzen ihre Deutung. Schliisselworte: Riemenglatter, Botai, Kasachstan, Eneolithikum, Pferdedomestikation

Introduction

overlooked in many cases. There m·ea few rep01ts of theiI· use among the Plains Indians and Arctic peoples, but most prehistoric and pre-industrial societies found some method for performing their functions.

The imp01tance of bone mtifacts in reconstructing prehistoric lifeways has rm·ely been emphasized in the literature, although many examples could be cited. This paper illustrates a case in which a pmticular bone tool type provides significant supportive evidence for the early control, taming, or domestication of horses in the Eurasian steppe. Although these tools alone do not indicate the manipulation of this species, they m·e crucial to building a logical case. For a detailed description of the entire evidence for horse taming or domestication at Botai, Kazakhstan, see Olsen ( 1996 and 2001 in press).

To understand the role of a thong-smoother, it is useful to consider how a thong is first prepm·ed. If the craftsperson simply cuts straight strips from a hide, then the length or girth of the animal determines the length of the thong. There are many instances, however, when the thong needs to be considerably longer. By cutting a spiral from the hide, the ultimate length of the thong is controlled by the overall area of the whole hide and the width of the thong, but it can be extremely long. The bigger the hide and the narrower the strip, the longer the thong can be. After it is cut, the thong initially has a spiI·al shape, so it needs to be worked to straighten it out.

Thongs performed a myriad of functions in prehistoric societies, including hafting tools to wooden handles, lashing furnishings and parts of dwellings together, sewing leather clothing and footwear, and making snowshoes. They also served as lines for harpoons. For horse-herders, however, thongs were, and m·e,particulm·ly important. In addition to other functions, thongs m·e used as single strands or braided in multiples to make ropes, bridles, whips, riding crops, hobbles, and lassoes. The Mongols, Kazakhs, and other equestrians on the Eurasian steppe also use thongs in pole-snares for capturing horses. Once saddles and stiirups were invented, thongs also became critical components of this tackle.

The thong-smoother can serve to straighten, stretch, de-haiI·, or soften (break) the thong, depending on when in the process of prepm·ation the implement is employed. Regm·dless of the roles this tool plays, the motion is basically the same. The thong is run back and forth across a crisp (but not sharp) edge of a rigid tool. Bone or antler is often the material of choice for this tool because of the ease with which a smooth edge that does not cut the hide can be produced. Sometimes the rim of a hole in bone or antler is used instead of a straight edge (Jenness 1937), with the same effect. Paleolithic batons-decommandement, in some cases, possess wear indicating possible use as thong-smoothers, although others were almost

Thong-smoothers m·egenerally uncommon in the archaeological and ethnographic literature, although they may have been 197

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certainly employed as shaft-straighteners. Jenness (1937) describes the distinctions in the wear and edge morphology between these two tools, but it is possible to use the same tool for both functions. Thong-smoothers can take such a wide variety of forms that it is difficult to find common ground from one culture to the next for recognizing their gross morphology. This paper attempts to define the minimal characteristics of such implements so that they might be recognized more frequently where they occur. In general, any crisp, smooth edge of a notch or perforation on bone or antler will suffice. If it is distinct enough, the width of the notch can provide a guide to the maximum width of the thongs that could be efficiently worked with the tool. Perforations are more delimiting and therefore more informative regarding thong width. In truth, the tool's edge need not be confined within a notch or perforation, but this does reduce slippage when the reciprocal motion of the thong is rapid. The rarity of thongsmoothers in other cultures sometimes may be because bone beamers with broad, gently curving blades served a dual purpose: to work thongs as well as larger pieces of hide.

lar to the thong-smoother, but on a courser level. He then coiled the strip and struck the tree with it repeatedly to "break" it. Following this, he drew it back and forth under a rough stone on which he stood. The strip was then softened by folding it and biting it between his incisors at intervals of about one inch (2.5 cm). The next day, he attached the strip to the lead horse by making a noose at one end and slipping it over the horse's head. The horse was allowed to drag it around all day so that the other horses could step on it and stretch it to its final length. Lastly, he trimmed it to make it narrower and more uniform in width. Because thong-smoothers are poorly known in the archaeological record, it is beneficial to describe both their manufacture and use at a site where they are extremely common: the eneolithic settlement of Botai, in north-central Kazakhstan. Botai is a village of at least 158 pithouses (Kislenko & Tatarintseva 1999), occupied between 3600-3100 B.C. (Levine 1999; Benecke and von den Driesch 2001 in press). The site is remarkable for its overwhelmingly specialized diet of horsemeat. Ninety-nine percent of the vast faunal assemblage was derived from horses. The preponderance of evidence is pointing to the control, taming, or domestication of some portion of the horse population, while wounds in a few bones indicate that some of the kills were wild individuals. The current theory is that some horses were ridden to hunt wild herds (Olsen 1996; 2001 in press).

Ethnographic Accounts of Thong-making Wilson (1924), Ewers (1958), and Jenness (1937) provide the best descriptions of the process of manufacturing rawhide thongs and how a thong-smoother functioned. Ewers (1958:111) recounts the steps by which a Blackfeet woman prepared thongs from bison rawhide:

Although a similar focus on horses has been noted at paleolithic sites like Solutre, France, (Olsen 1989; 1995), these are not large sedentary communities. Solutre has been interpreted as a kill site, where animals were driven into a cul-desac that formed a natural corral. The dominance of horses at that site is due to exploitation of bands as they passed through the valley during seasonal migrations year after year. At Botai, on the other hand, a substantial population resided in a permanent village on the open steppe (Olsen 1996, Kislenko & Tatarintseva 1999), probably through the winter. Without domestication of some of the horses, it is difficult to imagine a risky economy based almost completely on one hunted species. Being able to ride domestic horses and use them for pack animals to bring meat back home would have made it considerably easier to hunt wild horses some distance from the village.

In making rope a woman cut one long continuous strip from a green bull hide. Beginning at the outer edge, she cut a strip about four inches wide, working around the hide in a concentric circle. Then she cut a slit near one end of this strip and drove a lodge peg through the slit into the ground. She stretched the rope as tight as she could and drove another peg into the ground through a similar slit at the other end of the line. Later she pulled up one peg, stretching the strip farther, and pegged it down again. After the rawhide dried, she took it off her simple stretcher and began softening it by rubbing the inner (meat) side with a rock. Then she doubled the strip lengthwise, hair side out, and bit it to hold the crease. She passed one end of the strip through the eye sockets of a buffalo skull and, standing with one foot on the skull to steady it, used both hands to saw the strip back and forth through the eye holes to rub off the hair and further soften the hide [emphasis added].

The evidence for early horse domestication is admittedly circumstantial because no morphological change is known to occur until breeds begin to appear and the various functions of horses may cause their mortality patterns to differ from wild horses. However, the amassed data are relatively convincing evidence that some horses were under human control at Botai. A nearly complete fetal horse skeleton was found eroding out of a bank in the village. Age and sex profiles express a slight tendency for the culling of young males relative to young females. Adult males predominate, however, probably partly because of sacrificial rituals involving stallions. In the subsequent Bronze and Iron Ages of the Eurasian steppe, stallions were the preferred horse offerings. The pref-

Wilson (1924: 185-89) has a detailed description of a Hidatsa man making a thong lariat from a hide. Before the hide was dry, he cut it spirally into a long strip about four inches ( 10 cm) wide and of uniform width. A rawhide strip that was to be made into a lariat was typically 42-48 feet (13-14 m) long. After cutting the strip, he staked it out, fur side up, shaved the hair off with his knife, and greased the rawhide well. The next day, after it had dried out, he greased it again. Holding it over a fire allowed the grease to soak in. After that he passed the strip around a cottonwood tree and drew it back and forth against the rough bark. This would have acted in a way simi-

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erence for including stallions in human burials may derive from the advantage of riding a slightly larger, stronger, and more aggressive animal on hunts and into situations involving human conflict. This was certainly true in historic times. Remains of 14 horses were incorporated in an Eneolithic burial pit containing four humans at Botai (Rikushina & Zaibert 1984) and there are numerous examples of horse skulls in ritual deposits with or without dog remains (Olsen 2000 in press). Across the steppe, domestic animals, including horses, cattle, and sheep, were incorporated in kurgan burial chambers (Mallory 1981, Jones-Bley 1997) with the exception of aurochs horn cores and cervid antlers. One horse skull from Botai shows a circular depressed fracture typical of poleaxing, a means of dispatching commonly found on skulls in ritual deposits in the Bronze Age and more likely to have occurred with tame or domestic animals. Series of articulated vertebrae, as well as an abundance of cranial and foot elements argue for minimal Schlepp Effect. This suggests either that kills of domestic horses were made in or near the village or that packhorses were available to carry even low-utility body parts of wild horses back from distant hunting forays. Horse dung has been reported from house fills (French & Kousoulakou, 2001 in press). Although it could have been collected from wild herds, if it is found in abundance in future excavations, it may contribute to other circumstantial evidence for the proximity of herds. In addition, over 270 horse mandibles were made into thong-smoothers, tools that would have been very useful for producing equipment to capture, control, and ride horses.

used to remove cheek teeth from the mandibles. The cortical bone of horse metapodial diaphyses can be as much as 14 mm thick mid-shaft, so they make very sturdy implements. These expedient tools have simply had one articular end removed by breaking. The tool would first be used to jar the teeth loose by striking their occlusal surfaces with its dense shaft. This is reflected in distinctive patches of use wear caused by repeated hammering located about 4-8 cm down from one or both ends of the tool (fig. 4). The impact damage on the tools is not located in the right position for percussion flaking stone (Bruce Bradley, pers. comm.), because it is too far down the shaft. Following the hammering, the tip of the broken end of the tool could be employed to pry out any teeth that resisted removal. The tips show some compression polish (Arndt & Newcomer 1986), rounding, and longitudinal striations running up from the end (fig. 5). The combination of these wear patterns at the tip and on the shaft could be explained best by this activity. After the teeth were knocked out, the remaining thin bone of the horizontal ramus was percussion flaked, perhaps with a hammerstone. The shapes of the thong-smoothers are highly variable, but there are two basic forms. The first retains a broad surface near the gonial angle consisting of much of the ascending ramus and the posterior part of the horizontal ramus. The expanded surface area on this type would have been useful for clenching the tool between the knees or feet securely during use. An unfinished tool (fig. 6). shows how this type was made in at least one case, using the groove-andsnap technique. The two intersecting grooves prepared the tool blank so that excess bone could be snapped off along them in a controlled manner. Since there is only one example made in this way, it was probably more typical to simply lmap the final outline of the tool. The second type of thongsmoother was more likely to result from the imprecise manner in which the mandibles were normally struck with the hammer. This type is narrower and follows the contours of the posterior and inferior margins of the mandible, giving it a shape similar to a boomerang or sickle (fig. 7b ). The length of the tooth roots may have influenced how much of the horizontal ramus broke away in the process, thus affecting the overall morphology of the tool. After the general shape was achieved, one of the notches resulting from lmapping away part of the jaw was selected (fig. 7a, b). This notch was then either abraded or scraped with a stone tool to smooth its working edge (fig. 8).

The Botai Bone Artifact Assemblage The well-preserved collection of bone artifacts from Botai numbers around 900 objects, mostly made on horse bones. These have all been analyzed by this author and will be published separately. The types include a wide range of tools for pottery manufacture, hide-working, and weaving, as well as weapons, ornaments, and finely incised proximal phalanges of horse, kulan, and saiga antelope. Thong-smoothers make up 30% of the bone artifact assemblage and are some of the most common tools in the entire collection of objects from Botai.

Manufacture of Thong-smoothers The Botai thong-smoothers were made in the following manner. First, the left and right mandibles were broken at the diastema, near the mental foramen, to remove the anterior teeth and separate the two jaws. A mandible was then prepared by knocking out the cheek teeth (fig. la). In experiments, this often cracked the surrounding bone of the horizontal ramus and allowed it to be peeled away (fig. lb). The teeth could then be pried or pulled out of their alveoli. Crushing and flaking of the occlusal surfaces of many lower cheek teeth, especially third molars, show that they were struck by a hammer to loosen them (fig. 2).

Morphological smoothers

Characteristics

of the Botai Thong-

Seventy-nine thong-smoothers were complete enough to merit metric analysis. Of these, 20 retained the broad surface of the ascending ramus, whereas 43 were sickle-shaped, and 16 were too fragmentary to determine their overall morphology. The width of the notch and the length of the polished edge were measured on these tools whenever possible. The notch width was measured on 50 specimens with intact notches by spanning the opening of the notch with digital calipers.

Some 34 metapodial tools (fig. 3) from Botai may have been

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lar cutmarks on horse bones from the site (Olsen 2001 in press) are indicative of skinning. Without thong-smoothers, however, the use of thongs specifically would not be demonstrated, even though their presence might be expected.

The average width was 4.3 cm, and the range of widths was 1.1-6.5 cm. The polished edge was measured on 46 specimens with a flexible tape that could curve along the bottom of the notch. The average length of polish was 2.4 cm and the range of lengths was 1.0-4.2 cm. Because the rawhide strips could move around during the reciprocal motion involved in the activity, it is expected that thongs could be considerably narrower than the notches and still create wear over a larger area. These metric data do indicate that the average width of thongs at this stage of manufacture was no more than 4.3 cm and may have actually been closer to 2.4 cm. The thongs initially cut from bison hides by the Hidatsa and Blackfeet were approximately 10 cm, but they were trimmed at the end of the manufacturing process.

Secondly, as an important aside, the large number of thongsmoothers had an impact on certain aspects of the general fauna! analysis and subsequent interpretations. The entire collection of the estimated 300,000 bone fragments has not been completely analyzed, but virtually all of the dentition was studied. The minimum number of individuals for thongsmoothers is greater than that for any of the teeth. The MNI for the most common tooth was 71, whereas the MNI for mandible thong-smoothers was 135. The taphonomic results of using bone as a raw material for artifact manufacture have often gone unappreciated. The large MNI obtained for modified horse mandibles at Botai demonstrates what a dramatic impact such exploitation of certain elements can have on the faunal assemblage. It illustrates how important it is for the zooarchaeologist to examine the bone artifact assemblage closely and incorporate information on the elements used as manufacturing raw material in his or her general interpretation of the faunal material.

Use Wear on Thong-Smoothers A thong-smoother is most easily recognized by the combination of the morphology of its working edge and characteristics of its use wear. Two types of wear exist on these tools: polish and striations. The first consists of a medium to high gloss along the working edge of the notch that usually fans out onto the two contiguous flat surfaces on either side (fig. 8). This polish, where it occurs, obliterates most of the manufacturing traces caused by abrading or scraping the notch. The manufacturing marks are visible outside the range of the polish.

The destruction of tooth rows in the manufacture of thongsmoothers has an enormous influence on the ability to reconstruct mortality patterns and sex ratios at Botai. Most of the horse teeth are isolated because they were knocked out when mandibles were made into tools. It can be quite difficult to distinguish between third and fourth premolars or first and second molars of horses. Age determination is much more secure if a whole tooth row is present. Also, if the diastema has been smashed, then it is hard to determine the sex of the individual based on the presence of canine teeth in males. Loose horse canines are not easily recovered unless sieving is performed, which was not the case for all but the most recent excavations at Botai. Even if stallions' canines are found, without intact anterior mandibles it is difficult to reconstruct the proportions of females and immature males (with tiny deciduous canines embedded in the mandible). The sex ratio that was produced for Botai showed that adult males outnumbered all other groups, but this is almost certainly a product of ritual behavior. Stallions were normally selected for ritual deposits in the Eurasian steppe. Because their heads were buried in ceremonial pits, they survived intact far better than immature males and all females. The skulls of other individuals that were not selected for ritual deposits were likely to have been utilized for other purposes, including making mandible thong-smoothers.

The scanning electron microscope makes it possible to see details of a polished surface not visible through an optical microscope because the tool's surface is not obscured by light reflection (Olsen 1988). This makes the SEM quite useful for viewing the second type of wear. Very fine striations in the region of the polish can be seen sweeping over the edge and down the surfaces (fig. 9). These extremely delicate marks are important indicators of the direction of motion of the material over the working edge. They demonstrate that a reciprocal motion was involved and also that the material was flexible enough to bend around the edge and touch both surfaces. The marks are not strictly transverse to the working edge, but are usually slightly diagonal. This is apparently because of the angle at which the tool was held. Whether the striations were caused by fine grit, the animal's hair, or the rigid rawhide itself is uncertain at present. A horse rib beamer used to scrape a raccoon hide experimentally showed virtually identical wear-polish along the edge coupled with fine sweeping striae (fig.10). The widths of the notches on the mandible tools from Botai indicate that the pieces of hide being worked had to be narrow strips or thongs.

Conclusions

Finally, the role of thong-smoothers at Botai in the control of tame or domestic horses should be examined. It is recognized that thongs are multi-purpose materials, but the abundance of tools specifically designed for the manufacture of thongs indicates their importance at Botai. When this evidence is combined with the dominance of horses (99%) in the faunal assemblage, a connection between these two is not unreasonable. If all of the horses represented in the faunal assemblage

The thong-smoothers from Botai are important for a number of reasons. They provide information about a perishable material that would otherwise not be recognizable in the archaeological record. Hide working might be predicted because of the level of eneolithic technology and the paucity of raw materials available to the Botai people. Also, particu-

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Ewers, J.C. 1958. The Blackfeet: Raiders on the Northwestern Plains. University of Oldahoma Press, Norman.

at Botai were wild, then what would be the need for so many thongs? One purpose might be the use of harpoons for hunting horses. Thirteen harpoons have been recovered from Botai and four wounds probably made by harpoons have been found in horse and large bovid bones. Thongs may have been used for harpoon lines, but the number of thong-smoothers is 21 times that of the number of harpoons and one thongsmoother can produce many thongs. It is unlikely, therefore, that harpoons contributed in a major way to the demand for thongs at Botai. The regularity with which thongs are described in equestrian societies like the American Plains Indians lends support for the adaptation of an equestrian lifestyle at Botai. When this evidence is combined with a wide range of other data regarding horse exploitation, the frequency of thong-smoothers at Botai is quite logical. The tools described here provide just one example of how important bone artifacts are for reconstruction of prehistoric life-styles, especially when put together with other lines of evidence.

French, C. A. I. & M. Kousoulakou 2001. in press, Geomorphological and micromorphological investigations of palaeosols, valley sediments, and a sunken floored dwelling at Botai, Kazakhstan. In Late Prehistoric Exploitation of the Eurasian Steppe, Vol. 2, eds. C. Renfrew, M. Levine & K. Boyle. The McDonald Institute Monographs, Cambridge. Jenness, D. 1937. Arrow-straighteners, thong-smoothers, and batons-de-commandement. Man 37, 89-112. Jones-Bley, K. 1997. Defining Indo-European Burial. In Varia on the Inda-European Past: Papers in Memory of MarUa Gimbutas. Journal of Indo-European Studies Monograph 19, Washington DC. Kislenko, A. & N. Tatarintseva 1999. The eastern Ural steppe at the end of the Stone Age. In Late Prehistoric Exploitation of the Eurasian Steppe, eds. M. Levine, Y. Rassamakin, A. Kislenko & N. Tatarintseva. McDonald Institute Monographs, Cambridge, pp. 183-216.

Acknowledgments I would like to extend my gratitude to Drs. Victor Zaibert and Alexander Kislenko and the administration, laboratory assistants, and students of the University of North Kazakhstan for all of their cooperation and assistance through the years. Without their help, this research would not have been possible. I also want to thank the History Museum of North Kazakhstan, its former director, Tatiana Danilenko, current director, Oleg Martinuk, and former curator, Natasha Tatarintseva, for providing me with access to the bone artifact collections housed there. Their help and incredible hospitality are much appreciated. The Botai field research and laboratory analysis have been funded through the generosity of the National Science Foundation (grant # BCS-9816476), the National Geographic Society, and the Carnegie Museum of Natural History Graham Netting Research Fund. Natasha Brooks provided invaluable translation services. Laboratory assistants who have recorded large volumes of data both in Kazakhstan and Pittsburgh and who helped prepare the graphic art include: Leslie McQuade, Jacqueline Payette, Barbara Pitman, Lindsay Shuck, Anissa Tanweer, and Mark Klingler. For her constant advice and encouragement, I wish to express my enormous gratitude to Mary Littauer.

Levine, M. 1999. The origins of horse husbandry on the Eurasian steppe. In Late Prehistoric Exploitation of the Eurasian Steppe, eds. M. Levine, Y. Rassamakin, A. Kislenko & N. Tatarintseva. McDonald Institute Monographs, Cambridge, pp. 5-58. Mallory, J. P. 1981. The ritual treatment of the horse in the Early Kurgan Tradition. Journal of Inda-European Studies 9 (3&4): 205-226. Olsen, S. L. 1988. Applications of scanning electron microscopy in archaeology. Advances in Electronics and Electron Physics 71, Academic Press, New York, 357-380. Olsen, S. L. 1989. Solutre: A theoretical approach to the reconstruction of Upper Paleolithic hunting strategies.Journal of Human Evolution 18, 295-327. Olsen, S. L. 1995. Pleistocene horse-hunting at Solutre: Why bison jump analogies fail. In Ancient Peoples and Landscapes, ed. E. Johnson. Texas Tech University Press, Lubbock, Texas. pp. 65-75.

References Arndt, S. L. & M. H. Newcomer 1986. Breakage patterns on prehistoric bone points: an experimental study. In Studies in the Upper Paleolithic of Britain and Northwest Europe, ed. D. Roe. British Archaeological Reports, International Series 296, Oxford, pp. 165-173.

Olsen, S. L. 1996. Prehistoric adaptation to the Kazak steppes. In The Prehistory of Asia and Oceania, eds. G. Afans'ev, S. Cleuziou, J. Lukacs & M. Tosi. The Colloquia of the XIII International Congress of Prehistoric and Protohistoric Sciences, vol. 16, A. B. A. C. 0. Edizioni, Forlf, Italy, 49-60.

Benecke, N. & A. von den Driesch 2001. in press, Results of the study on horse bones from Botai (Northern Kazakhstan). In Late Prehistoric Exploitation of the Eurasian Steppe, Vol. 2, eds. C. Renfrew, M. Levine & K. Boyle. The McDonald Institute Monographs, Cambridge.

Olsen, S. L. 2000. Reflections of ritual behavior at Botai, Kazakhstan. Proceedings of the Eleventh Annual UCLA IndaEuropean Conference. eds. K. Jones-Bley, M. Huld & A. Della Volpe. Journal of Indo-European Studies Monograph Series 35, Los Angeles, 183-207.

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Olsen, S. L. 2001. in press, The exploitation of horses at Botai, Kazakhstan. In Late Prehistoric Exploitation of the Eurasian Steppe, Vol. 2, eds. C. Renfrew, M. Levine & K. Boyle. The McDonald Institute Monographs, Cambridge. Rikushina, G. & V. Zaibert 1984. Predvaritelnoe soobshchenie o skeletnikh ostatkakh lyudey s eneoliticheskovo poseleniya Botay (Preliminary report on the skeletal remains of people with the aeneolithic settlement of Botai). In Bronzoviy Vyek Uralo-Irtishskovo Mezhdurechya (Bronze Age in the Ural-Irtis interfluve). Bashkirskiy Gosudarstvenniy Universitet, Chelyabinsk, USSR, 121-135. Wilson, Gilbert L. 1924. The horse and the dog in Hidatsa culture. Anthropological Papers of the American Museum of Natural History XV, Pt. IL American Museum Press, New York.

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Fig. 2 Crushing and flaking on many lower cheek teeth show that they were struck by a hammer to loosen them Fig. 1/A Hammering cheek teeth with horse metapodial Fig. 1/B The surrounding bone of the horizontal ramus is cracked and then peeled away

Fig. 3 Metapodial tools from Botai used to remove cheek teeth from mandibles

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Fig. 4 Distinctive patches of use wear located about 4-8 cm from ends of metapodial tool caused by repeated hammering

Fig. 5 Tip of metapodial tool showing compression polish, rounding and longitudinal striations running up from end

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Fig. 6 Unfinished thong-smoother shows how this type was manufactured using the groove and snap technique

Fig. a-c Sickle-shaped thong-smoothers with notches produced by knapping and smoothing

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Fig. 9 Edge wear showing very fine striations in the region of the polish, sweeping over the edge and down the surface

Fig. 8 Abrasion or scraping with a stone tool results in the working edge of the notch being smoothed. Note medium to high wear gloss along working edge

Fig. 10 Experimental horse rib scraper displays virtually identical wear-polish along edge coupled with fine sweeping striae

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Experimental Determination of the Function of Antler and Bone 'Bevel-ended Tools' Ji-om Prehistoric Shell Middens in Western Scotland

EXPERIMENTAL DETERMINATION OF THE FUNCTION OF ANTLER AND BONE 'BEVEL-ENDED TOOLS' FROM PREHISTORIC SHELL MIDDENS IN WESTERN SCOTLAND Janet Griffitts and Clive Bonsall

Abstract: Bevel-ended antler and bone tools are among the most characteristic artefacts from prehistoric shell middens in western Scotland dated between 8350 and 3000 BP (7350--1250 cal BC). There has long been a debate about their function. They have been interpreted as hide-processing tools. However, experiments in their manufacture and use, coupled with a comparison of the wear patterns on archaeological and experimental pieces, indicate that bevel-ended tools were used primarily for processing and, possibly, collecting limpets, the dominant shellfish species represented in the middens. Keywords: Antler, bone, bevel-ended tool, function, use-wear, shell midden, limpets, Mesolithic, Scotland Resume: Les outils biseautes en os et bois de cervides sont parmi les objets les plus caracteristiques des amas coquilliers prehistoriques de l'Ouest de l'Ecosse dates entre 8300 et 3000 BP; 7350-1250 cal BC. Leur fonction a fait l'objet d'un long debat. Ils ont parfois ete interpretes comme des outils pour le travail des peaux. Cependant, les experimentations sur leur fabrication et leur utilisation associees a l'etude traceologique des objets archeologiques et experimentaux indiquent que ces outils biseautes ont ete essentiellement utilises pour traiter, et probablement collecter les patelles, principale espece de coquillages presente dans les amas coquilliers. Mots-cles: bois de cervides, os, outils biseautes, etude fonctionnelle, etude traceologique, amas coquilliers, patelles, Ecosse Zusammenfassung: Geweih- und Knochengerate mit abgeschragten Kanten gehoren im Fundgut aus prahistorischen Muschelhaufen im westlichen Schottland (datiert zwischen 8300 und 3000 BP; 7350--1250 cal BC) zu den charakteristischen Artefakten. Uber ihre Funktion ist lange geratselt warden. Manchmal hat man sie als Werkzeuge bei der Verarbeitung von Tierhauten interpretiert. Wie dem auch sei, gemeinsam mit einem Vergleich der Abnutzungsspuren an archaologischen und experimentell hergestellten Stiicken haben Experimente zu Herstellung und Gebrauch gezeigt, daB Gerate mit abgeschragten Kanten vornehmlich fiir die Aufbereitung und das Einsammeln von Napfschnecken, der in den Muschelhaufen hauptsachlich vertretenen Art, zur Anwendung kamen. Schliisselworte: Geweih, Knochen, Gerate mit abgeschragten Kanten, Funktion, Abnutzungsspuren, Napfschnecken, Schottland

Introduction

Muschelhaufen,

1994; Saville, in press). Nor are they exclusively of antler or bone. Elongated stone artefacts of similar form and size have been found in some of the west Scottish middens. Such stone forms may have a wider distribution along the Atlantic seaboard of Britain, since their occurrence would not be determined by the survival of shell midden deposits.

Bevel-ended antler and bone tools are among the most numerous and distinctive artefacts found in Mesolithic shell middens in western Scotland. The sites containing these artefacts were at one time believed to represent a discrete Mesolithic culture confined to coastal areas of central-west Scotland, to which the label 'Obanian' was attached after discoveries made in caves in the town of Obarr at the end of the nineteenth century (Anderson 1895, 1898; Movius 1942; Lacaille 1954).

The uses of antler, bone and stone bevel-ended tools have been debated since the nineteenth century. Various functions have been suggested. They have been interpreted as 'chisels' for working wood, as 'punches' used in flint working, as 'grinding tools' for crushing seeds or nuts, and as 'multipurpose tools'. The most popular interpretations, however - and the only ones given credence today - are that they were tools used in the processing of animal hides (Anderson 1895; Finlayson 1995) or tools used in the collection or processing of limpets that are the dominant component of the middens (Bishop 1914; Bonsall 1996).

It is now generally accepted, however, that the 'Obanian'

sites are simply one aspect of the Mesolithic maritime adaptation of western Scotland. It is also recognized that a key element of the 'Obanian' toolkit- the bevel-ended tools - are not confined to the Mesolithic. They also occur in shell middens belonging to later periods of prehistory, direct AMS dates for bevel-ended tools ranging from c. 8350--3000 BP (7350--1250 cal BC: Bonsall & Smith 1990; Bonsall et al. 207

Worked Bone Research Group, Budapest, 1999

The functional interpretation of these artefacts is crucial to understanding the role of the shell midden sites in the Mesolithic economy of western Scotland. If bevel-ended tools were used for gouging limpets out of their shells and/or detaching limpets from rocks, then it would support the hypothesis proposed by Bonsall ( 1996) that the shell middens were rubbish dumps attached to special purpose camps where Mesolithic people came to collect shellfish from the intertidal zone (often combined with line fishing from the shore) and where the 'catch' was processed, prior to transporting the meat back to a residential base camp for consumption or storage. On this hypothesis, individual occupation events could have been of very short duration - often, perhaps, lasting less than one day. If, on the other hand, the bevel-ended tools were used for hide processing, then the midden sites must have been more than just shellfish processing camps. A greater range of activities would be indicated and it would be reasonable to infer that episodes of use were of longer duration, with people remaining at the sites for days, weeks or months.

Farquhar & Bonsall (in preparation) examined the antler and bone bevel-ended tools from two sites - a Late Mesolithic site on the Isle of Risga dated to c. 6000-5850 BP (4900-4700 cal BC), and a site at Carding Mill Bay (Obarr) dated between c. 5200-4750 BP (4000-3500 cal BC) around the time of the Mesolithic-Neolithic transition (Bonsall et al., in press). Table l records the values for overall length (L), bevel width (B) and maximum thickness (T) of the tools from those sites. The results are not dissimilar to those reported by Finlayson (1993) for other shell middens in western Scotland. They confirm the apparent uniformity that he noted in the overall dimensions of the artefacts from the various sites. Typically, the width of the bevelled end is between 7 and 15mm; over 80% of the pieces from both Risga and Carding Mill Bay I fall into this range. Overall length is also variable, but the vast majority of antler and bone bevel-ended tools (over 90% at both Risga and Carding Mill Bay I) are between 30 and 75mm long. Tool thickness corresponds to the thickness of the blank, which presumably varies according to the size of the antler or bone from which the splinter was obtained. There is no evidence of deliberate 'thinning' of the splinters prior to use. 2 On average, the tools from Carding Mill Bay I are shorter than those from Risga and mean/median thickness is also less. This is accounted for by the fact that many of the shorter tools (length less than or equal to 50mm) from the Carding Mill Bay site were made from relatively thin bones. This, in turn, suggests that tool length has some relationship to the size of the bone that was selected as raw material, and was not simply a function of the degree of use inflicted on a tool.

This paper describes the preliminary results of an experimental study of antler and bone bevel-ended tools, which has been designed specifically to address the question of their function.

Characteristics of bevel-ended tools The bevel-ended tools of antler and bone from Scottish shell middens share a number of characteristics (fig. 1). Typically, they are made from narrow splinters of red deer antler or bone. In the case of the bone specimens, the skeletal elements from which the splinters were obtained are frequently unidentifiable; those that can be identified are almost invariably metapodia of red deer (Cervus elaphus). One or, less commonly, both ends of the tool are bevelled and/or rounded, the bevelling often occurring on both faces of the tool. The bevelled end is usually convex in plan view. In some cases, the bevelling or rounding overlies chipping damage. Occasionally, bevel-ended tools are made from recycled fragments of other tools (Bonsall 1996). 1

Experiments in the replication of bevel-ended tools Production of 'blanks' The first stage of the experimental programme was to produce 'raw' splinters of antler and bone that would serve as blanks. The experiments are described in detail by Farquhar & Bonsall (in preparation).

In this paper, the term 'bevelling' refers to macroscopically visible affects of removal of material from one or both ends creating an oblique facet. 'Rounding' refers to alteration and smoothing of the surface on a much smaller scale. If the ends of the tools are both bevelled and rounded, the rounding smoothes the sharp edges of striations formed through bevelling (see below). Rounding can be visible macroscopically, but is much clearer microscopically.

It was found that suitable blanks could be obtained from red deer metapodia simply by smashing the bones with a hammer-stone, but this gave very little control over the size and shape of the splinters produced. More regular splinters were obtained by splitting the bone longitudinally using a broad, flat wedge of cattle bone. The tip of the wedge was seated in the anterior groove of the metapodial, and the opposite end struck with an antler or stone hammer. Some of the fragments produced resemble the pieces illustrated on fig. 2, in retaining the epiphyseal end of the bone. These large fragments could be divided into smaller splinters by smashing or splitting. It is possible that thicker bones than those used in the experiments would need to be grooved with a stone tool prior to splitting.

Metrical analyses of tools from shell middens in western Scotland have been undertaken by Finlayson (1993) and Farquhar & Bonsall (in preparation). However, since Finlayson did not distinguish between antler and bone specimens or publish details of how the measurements were taken, it is difficult to make detailed comparisons between the two data-sets.

Red deer antler could not be reduced to splinters by simple percussion using a hammer-stone or by splitting with a bone

208

Experimental Determination of the Function of Antler and Bone 'Bevel-ended Tools' Ji-om Prehistoric Shell Middens in Western Scotland

Median values (mm):

Sample

n

L

B

T

Risga (bone)

53

51.0

11.2

8.4

Carding Mill Bay I (bone)

28

46.2

11.4

7.3

Risga (antler)

5

43.6

11.4

7.2

Carding Mill Bay I (antler)

9

45.0

13.6

8.2

Sample

n

L

B

T

Risga (bone)

53

52.4

11.2

8.7

Carding Mill Bay I (bone)

28

44.8

11.7

7.6

Risga (antler)

5

47.7

12.6

7.1

Carding Mill Bay I (antler)

9

48.l

13.3

8.4

Sample

n

L

B

T

Risga (bone)

53

12.7

2.8

2.1

Carding Mill Bay I (bone)

28

11.6

3.1

1.6

Risga (antler)

5

8.9

2.8

1.0

Carding Mill Bay I (antler)

9

9.1

2.7

2.0

Sample

n

L

B

T

Risga (bone)

53

24.2

25.2

23.7

Carding Mill Bay I (bone)

28

25.9

26.8

21.0

Risga (antler)

5

18.7

22.4

14.5

Carding Mill Bay I (antler)

9

18.8

20.4

23.4

Mean values (mm):

Standard deviation (mm):

Coefficient of variation:

Tab. l Statistical data relating to overall length (L), bevel width (B) and maximum thickness (T) of antler and bone bevel-ended tools from Risga and Carding Mill Bay I (after Farquhar & Bonsall, in preparation)

209

Worked Bone Research Group, Budapest, 1999

wedge. Blanks were obtained from pre-prepared sections of antler beams c. 10-15cm in length by the 'groove-and-splinter' technique. Two parallel grooves c. 15mm apart were cut in the antler beam with a flint tool. Once the grooves had reached the cancellous tissue forming the core of the antler, the intervening splinter was levered out by driving in wedges of bone and (willow) wood. Typically, the time taken to remove a single splinter c. 15cm long from a section of 'dry' antler was around 2½ hours. Presoaking an antler in water for up to 5 days had the effect of making the material much softer, and thereby reduced the time needed to cut the grooves by around 50%. Nevertheless, the process was quite laborious. Therefore, once the technique had been demonstrated, additional 'blanks' were manufactured by dividing up the antler beam sections longitudinally with a metal hacksaw or an electric handsaw.

a kelp stipe would be very flexible when fresh, allowing a splinter to be inserted easily into the end. As it dried the handle would become more rigid and the shrinkage that occurs during drying, in theory, would result in the splinter being 'gripped' firmly by the haft. This possibility has yet to be tested in the field, but a number of shell middens have produced indirect evidence for the collection/disposal of 'kelp' in the form of the tiny shells of molluscs that live on the fronds, stipes or in the holdfasts of Laminaria digitata (Bonsall et al. 1994; Russell et al. 1995; Pickard & Bonsall forthcoming).

Detaching limpets.from rocks Field trials were undertaken with experimental tools consisting of an antler splinter inserted into an antler haft, in order to determine whether the tools could be used effectively for harvesting limpets. The experiments were conducted on a rocky shore to the east of Edinburgh (Farquhar & Bonsall, in preparation).

Hafting The small size of the vast majority of antler and bone bevelended tools would have made them difficult to grip in the hand or between the fingers. So, unless they are the worn down stumps of originally much longer pieces, it seems highly likely that they would have been fitted into some form of handle during use.

Limpets (Patella spp.) inhabit rocks in the inter-tidal zone, and their behaviour is strongly influenced by the tide. When above the water, they attach strongly to rocks to reduce water loss. When covered by the tide they tend to loosen their grip on the rocks so that they can graze on attached algae. Thus, whether a limpet is emersed or immersed affects the ease with which it can be removed from a rock.

Two pieces of circumstantial evidence support this interpretation. The first is the occurrence of a few archaeological examples of bevel-ended tools still 'attached' to the original metapodial (fig. 2) forming an implement that was long enough to be held securely in the hand, obviating the need for a separate handle. The second is the morphology of the tools themselves. In plan view, the splinters used almost invariably have a narrow wedge-shaped form (sometimes tapering to a point) that would have facilitated hafting (fig. 1). It is most often the broader end of the splinters that bears traces of bevelling/rounding. This would be a natural consequence of inserting the narrower end into a handle.

Several attempts were made to remove limpets that were above the water level (emersed). Considerable force was required. The tool tip was struck against the base of the shell, so that the tip contacted both shell and rock. Three out of six attempts were successful in removing limpets from rocks; the other three attempts succeeded only in breaking the shell without detaching the limpets. With practice, a higher rate of success might have been achieved.

For the experiments described below, a handle was made from a short section cut from the beam of a small red deer antler, and the splinter was inserted into a hole c. 20mm deep made by drilling out the cancellous tissue from one end (fig. 3). A large antler tine would have served equally well. Splinters of differing breadth and thiclmess could be made to fit into the haft by using leaves or grass as packing material. The main benefit of the handle was to 'lengthen' the tool, allowing it to be gripped in the hand. It was found to be less important for the splinter to fit tightly within the haft.

Harvesting limpets was found to be very much easier when they were below the water (immersed), e.g. from the rock pools that are left during ebb tide. Very little force was needed to remove the limpets. They could be detached simply by pushing against the base of the shell with the tip of the splinter. The tool was held at an angle of 30-45Q to the rock surface and moved a short distance across it in a unidirectional (longitudinal) 'grinding' motion until contact was made with the shell. In 12 attempts at removing limpets in this fashion, there were no failures (fig. 5).

No obvious examples of antler or bone handles have been recovered from Scottish shell middens. Therefore, if bevelended tools were hafted, then the handles must have been either heavily 'curated', or made from a material that does not survive in the midden deposits. Handles could have been made out of wood (cf. Anderson 1895: 222). They could also have been made from the thick, rounded stipes of the seaweed known as 'oarweed' or 'kelp' (Laminaria digitata) which abounds on rocky shores in western Scotland (fig. 4). A handle made from

To avoid killing large numbers of limpets, subsequent experiments attempted to simulate the action of removing 'live' limpets from rocks. These experiments were conducted both in the field and in the laboratory. They involved holding an empty limpet shell against a rock with one hand and attempting to 'dislodge' it by striking or pushing with the tip of a hafted antler splinter. Each experimental splinter was used for between 50 and 500 strokes on each face.

210

Experimental Determination of the Function of Antler and Bone 'Bevel-ended Tools' Ji-om Prehistoric Shell Middens in Western Scotland

The splinters used in the limpet gathering experiments all developed bevelled ends. It was noted that the bevelling developed much more rapidly on those tools that were used to remove limpets from rock pools (or in simulating that activity) where the tip of tool was always immersed in water as it contacted rock or shell. Typically, in those cases it took only around 50 strokes on each face to produce the degree of bevelling observed on many archaeological examples of bevelended tools.

been used to simulate the removal of limpets from rocks. In all cases, the working end had become bevelled from contact with rock. The bevels exhibited coarse longitudinal striations parallel to the direction of tool movement. These were visible under a hand lens, and sometimes with the naked eye (fig. 6). The breadth of the striations varied, presumably according to the grain size of the rock. In addition small, localized patches of polish were noted on the extreme ends of the tools. In contrast to the clear traces of bevelling and associated striations, there were no signs of 'rounding' of the ends of the splinters. In general, the wear traces observed on the experimental 'limpet hammers' are very similar to those produced in manufacturing antler/bone tools by grinding against stone.

Gouging limpets out of their shells One of the bevel-ended tools that had been created during the limpet gathering experiments was used in the field as a 'limpet scoop' in order to assess its effectiveness as an instrument for gouging limpets from their shells. Inserted into its antler haft, the experimental tool proved to be particularly well suited to that task. With a bevel width of c. 16mm it was easily narrow enough to fit right inside the shells of adult limpets. Using the tool with a 'scooping' motion on about a dozen limpets it proved possible to separate the flesh from the shell at either the first or the second attempt. An experienced prehistoric shellfish gatherer no doubt would have achieved a much higher strike rate.

On the tools used to simulate 'scooping' of limpets out of their shells, it was found that very little (additional) bevelling had occurred. However, the bevelled ends had become rounded, resulting in smoothing of the sharp edges of striations formed through contact with rock. Under high magnification areas of polish could be seen to have developed. In places this took the form of a light non-diagnostic polish. In other places (especially on the end of the tool, but occasionally on the face of the bevel) it appeared as areas of very bright, 'smeared' polish. Features common to both types of polish were: (i) the polish had an uneven ('patchy') distribution, being concentrated on the high points of the bevel surface, and (ii) the surface of the polish appeared 'flattened'. Within the areas of very bright polish there were fine, parallel striations (usually only visible at l OOX magnification and above) and some cracking (fig. 7a). Moreover, on some tools the osteons (circular microscopic structures in bone and antler) were exposed - these were most evident on tools used inside wet shells (cf. LeMoine 1994 ).

A further important objective of the limpet 'scooping' experiments was to investigate the wear traces that are likely to result from using a bevel-ended tool repeatedly to remove limpets from their shells. Since it was neither practical nor desirable to destroy hundreds or thousands of shellfish, several experiments were designed to try to create comparable wear by replicating the motions used and materials contacted during limpet harvesting, without sacrificing the living animals.

It was noted that rounding of the tips of the experimental tools occurred more rapidly when used on wet shells or shells filled with fish meat, compared to dry shells. But there was little difference in polish development between tools used on wet versus dry shell. Nor, after polish had begun to form, did there appear to be any direct correlation between polish development and duration of use. For example, polish development was no more extensive or intensive on tools used for 5000 strokes compared to those used for only 500 strokes.

The experiments were conducted under laboratory conditions with the help of undergraduate students of the Department of Archaeology at Edinburgh University. Three sets of experiments were undertaken. Experimental bevel-ended tools were used with a scooping motion inside, (i) dry limpet shells, (ii) 'wet' limpet shells (kept moist by being dipped in water at regular intervals), and (iii) shells filled with fish 'meat'. The tools were used for between 200 and 5000 strokes on each face. All the tools used for these experiments were on splinters of red deer antler.

A simple test was conducted to determine whether the polish seen on the experimental pieces was 'reductive' or 'additive'. 3 A flint flake was scraped against shell for 17,000 strokes. The resulting polish on the edge of the flake was very similar in appearance to that observed on the experimental antler tools. The flint was then placed in a weak (5%) solution of hydrochloric acid for one minute, and the polish disappeared. This process was repeated with 11,000 strokes of the flint flake against shell. The flint was again placed in dilute HCl, with the same result. The tool was used once more for 1500 strokes, again acquiring a bright polish that was pho-

Wear traces observed on the experimental tools The tools used in the 'limpet gathering' and 'limpet scooping' experiments were then examined for traces of use, both macroscopically (with a lOX hand lens) and microscopically under a metallurgical microscope with incident light at magnifications of 33-400X. Several kinds of wear were observed on the tools that had

211

Worked Bone Research Group, Budapest, 1999

tographed and allowed to remain (fig. 7b ). The results of this experiment suggest that the shell polish observed on the experimental antler tools is additive.

in Table 3. The use-wear patterns are surprisingly uniform, suggesting that the tools were used consistently for the same kinds of activities. The bevelled ends of many tools show parallel deep V-shaped striations characteristic of grinding against stone. However, for obvious reasons it cannot be determined whether the bevelling and associated grinding marks were formed during manufacture or use. The most diagnostic wear trace is polish. The majority (63 = 89%) of the archaeological tools show wear traces on the working ends that are consistent with contact with shell. The ends of the tools exhibit an equivalent degree of rounding and similar polish characteristics to those seen on the experimental shellfish processing tools (fig. 8). It cannot be claimed that in all cases the polish observed on the archaeological tools is identical to that on the experimental limpet scoops, but it resembles much more wear formed though contact with shell than that produced by any other experimental activity undertaken. The slight differences in polish appearance noted between archaeological and experimental bevel-ended tools are probably due mainly to the fact that the 'limpet scooping' experiments did not replicate exactly prehistoric tool use.

Functional analysis of bevel-ended tools from archaeological sites A set of 71 tools from seven shell midden sites in western Scotland were examined for wear and manufacturing traces.

Manufacturing traces In general, few manufacturing traces remain on the bone and antler artefacts. The majority of antler tools were probably shaped using the groove-and-splinter technique, but on many tools most traces directly related to manufacture were worn or eroded away. The actual cut marks are preserved on only a few specimens, but many others have shapes suggesting that they were cut from antler beams. All the bone tools examined appear to have been made from long bones of deer-sized mammals, most likely metapodia, although at least one fragment from a humerus was identified. Many of the bone tools have irregular broken edges, suggesting that they were made from splinters that had been obtained by smashing or splitting bones. Patterns of breakage indicate that the bones were probably broken in both fresh and 'dry' states. Some splinters show characteristic 'green' bone breakage (e.g. helical fracturing), while others have straight or angular fracture surfaces suggesting that they were broken from bones with reduced moisture content. Loss of moisture reduces elasticity making bone more brittle and this often results from cooking or weathering. However, some of the bone bevel-ended tools examined showed clear signs of longitudinal grooving on their edges. This observation contradicts Clark's (1956) deduction, based on the absence ofburins from the middens, that bones were not worked by the grooveand-splinter technique.

A small percentage of the archaeological specimens examined show wear traces suggesting contact with materials other than shell. In most of these cases the contact materials could not be identified, but two specimens examined appear to have contacted silica-rich plant material. The polish recorded on a small percentage of the tools suggests contact with some relatively soft substance(s) in addition to, or instead of, shell. The nature of that substance(s) could not be defined; it may have been animal hide/leather, meat, wood, other plant material, and/or seaweed. Nevertheless, what is clear from this study is that the usewear patterns on the vast majority of bevel-ended tools are very different from those on experimental hide- and leatherworking tools. Rounding of the working ends is not as extreme as that produced by contact with rawhide or leather. Moreover, on the bevel-ended tools polish is confined to the high points, and does not extend into lower areas as is characteristic of skin-working tools (compare figs. 7c & 8). These observations match expectations based on tool morphology. Bevel-ended tools would not have been suitable for most stages of hide processing. The bevelled/rounded ends are too dull to be effective as scrapers and the tools generally are too small to have functioned efficiently for any method of hide processing. It could be argued, of course, that the archaeological tools have rounded ends because they are 'worn out'. However, a tool would cease to be functional as a skin-processing implement (or, for that matter, as a wood working chisel) long before it became as blunt as most of the tools from the shell middens.

Wear patterns The wear patterns found on the archaeological tools were compared to those on tools used in the limpet collecting and processing experiments. The wear observed on both the archaeological and experimental bevel-ended tools was compared against a database of experimentally-produced wear patterns resulting from work on a variety of materials, including (1) processing silica-rich plants, (2) seed grinding, (3) wood-working, (4) pressure flaking, (5) hide- and leather processing, and (6) digging. The wear patterns resulting from these various activities are summarized in Table 2 and some are illustrated on fig. 7; the data relating to the non-shell materials are based on an earlier series of experiments conducted by the senior author as part of her PhD research at the University of Arizona.

Possible hafting traces It was noted above that many of the bevel-ended tools from Scottish shell middens are too small to manipulate easily in the hand without a haft. This and the fact that very often they

The results of the functional analysis of 71 bevel-ended tools from shell midden sites in western Scotland are summarized

212

Contact Material/ Activity LEATHER/ HIDE

Polish appearance Bright, strong

Extent

Pitting

Wear follows bone surface contours producing rounded wear

Common

Cracking Infrequent

Chipping/ battering Infrequent

Distribution

Striation appearance

~

"ti

Continuous. Wet hide tends to produce more widespread wear than dry hide or tanned leather

Smooth, rounded edges

-. "' §

;,, "'

SILICA-RICH PLANTS

Usually bright but varies with different plants

Wear is limited to high points only

Infrequent

Common

Infrequent

Variable

Sharp edged, V-shaped

DRY LIMPET SHELL

2 polish types: I) bright, 'smeared' looking; 2) weak, light, rough 'pebbly' looking

High points

Infrequent

Common with polish type # I

Infrequent

Patchy

Type I - fine, parallel striations. Type 2 occasional faint striations

Weak with occasional bright patches

High points

Small patches of bright shell-like polish on end, otherwise little or no polish

High points

WET LIMPET SHELL

Remarks

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266

Viking and Late Norse Combs in Scotland: an Update

VIKING AND LATE NORSE COMBS IN SCOTLAND: AN UPDATE

Colleen E. Batey

Abstract: This paper provides an update as to the available evidence on combs for the period in Scotland, encompassing new excavation material - from Freswick Links in Caithness, Birsay in Orkney, Whithorn in Southwest Scotland and Dunbar in Southeast Scotland - as well as long-published pieces. Suggestions for sources of manufacture and mechanisms of exchange will be presented, as well as a consideration of controversial claims for the identification of antler types in use in the period. Keywords: Scotland, Viking and Late Norse, combs, manufacture, exchange, antler types Resume: Cet article fournit une vue d'ensemble des donnees disponibles sur les peignes de la periode en Ecosse, incluant le mobilier de fouilles recentes - Freswick dans le Caithness, Birsay dans l'Orkney, Whithorn dans le Sud-Ouest de l'Ecosse et Dunbar dans le Sud-Est de l'Ecosse - ainsi que les series deja publiees. Nous presenterons des hypotheses sur la fabrication et les mecanismes d'echanges, et considererons les affirmations controversees concernant l'identification des types de bois de cervides au cours de la periode. Mots-des : Ecosse, Viking et Norse final, peignes, fabrication, echange, types de bois de cervides Zusammenfassung: Dieser Beitrag liefert einen Oberblick zu den bisher fiir Schottland erfaJ3ten Kammen aus den genannten Jahrhunderten, inklusive neuerer Funde aus Freswick Links in Caithness, aus Birsay auf den Orkney Inseln, aus Whithorn im Stidwesten und Dunbar im Stidosten Schottlands sowie altbekannter und bereits publizierter Stucke. Es wird der Versuch unternommen, die Quellen der Verarbeitung und die Mechanismen des Tausches aufzudecken sowie die widersprtichlichen Ansatze zur Festlegung von bestimmten Geweihtypen, die in dieser Periode Verwendung fanden, zu erhellen. Schliisselworte: Schottland, Wikingerzeit und Spatnorwegische Periode, Kamme, Herstellung, Tausch, Geweihtypen

In a forthcoming publication edited by Ian Riddler, Combs and Comb-Making, I provided a summary of the information available at the time of writing (1996) on the subject of the evidence for antler combs from Scotland. I outlined the evidence for those of the Viking period which have been mostly recovered from pagan graves; the Late Norse combs from various settlement sites, and the limited evidence for the manufacture of combs in Scandinavian Scotland. At that stage, a number of major excavation monographs had not reached full publication, such as Skaill in Orkney which has a wide range of comb material, and the detailed publication of Whithorn, in South West Scotland, although it was already clear in 1996 that comb making debris had been identified at that site. In the year 2000, the sources and use of raw materials for the combs remains somewhat contentious, but recent excavations in the Western Isles of Scotland, complement the evidence from Whithorn, of a local comb manufacturing industry. This brief paper serves to provide an update on the 1996 contribution to the subject.

Weber (1993). Of the types identified in the Skaill assemblage, both single-sided and double-sided composite types have been distinguished. Of the 11 single-sided Norse composite examples, the finest is that illustrated in the Riddler volume (Batey forthcoming; SF 1001; Porter 1997: fig 8.2), although the simple types distinguished by Ambrosiani (1981) as Types A and B, dating from the 9th-11th centuries have also been found there. The rest of the comb assemblage comprises pre-Norse long-handled types and a double-sided Medieval example (Porter 1997: 99). Thirty-four combs were examined by Lie, and of these 16 have been identified as reindeer antler. Since pre-Norse examples were included in this sample, and there is no record of reindeer being native to Scotland in this period, this identification remains somewhat contentious and discussion in the Skaill report (Buteux 1997: 263) underlines this authors reservations on the identifications pending the full publication of the scientific parameters.

Evidence from the Settlements

Returning here to the evidence from Whithorn, published in 1997 (Hill 1997), 2,050 fragments of antler were recovered and most of those had signs of working. In Nicholson's review of the evidence, he notes the organisation into different workshops, with a comb-maker's quarter spanning the phases dating to the "third quarter of the ninth century, and enduring until... perhaps c. 1200 AD" (Nicholson 1997:

The Evidence for Manufacturing

The multi-period site of Skaill, Deerness in Orkney has achieved full publication in the period since the previous survey, 48 combs and comb fragments were recorded spanning the pre-Norse and Norse levels and of these 34 were examined as part of the research project previously discussed by

267

Worked Bone Research Group, Budapest, 1999

474). A sizeable quantity of shavings related to antler working with a quantity distinguished as being related to the production of composite combs. The material has been identified as predominantly red deer. Perhaps the inexperience of the Whithorn comb makers may be indicated by the large amount of waste generated in the production of the comb elements, although this could equally suggest the ready availability of raw material.

In conclusion, the current situation would appear to be rather different than that outlined in 1996, with fuller publication of the Whithorn evidence indicating that large-scale comb manufacture was a feature of several phases of activity and zones on the site, and apparently complemented by new material yet to be studied from the site of Bornish in the Western Isles. Manufacturing in rural contexts is of considerable interest, perhaps an expedient in the Islands, but clearly not so at Whithorn. It is indeed possible that the comb manufacturing at Whithorn is barely part of the "Norse package" of activities at all, and this will certainly be worth bearing in mind in the study of the Bornish pieces as well. There are precedents in other material for local copying, for example in the ringed pins which were copied by the Vikings from Irish prototypes in some cases, or as in fact been suggested for elements of the material recovered from Buckquoy in Orkney (Ritchie 1977). The on-going discussions concerning the identification of the antler in use on the Scottish sites is as yet no nearer resolution.

Nicholson has noted that there are close morphological and decorative similarities with the Irish assemblages (1997: 484 ), although the use of bone in comb manufacture which appears to be a peculiarly Irish feature is lacking. Combined with the rest of both the building forms and other object types, this underlines the Irish connection, where comb making can be seen to be a function of the urban and quasi-urban (monastic town) contexts. Indeed it is not inconceivable that the comb-making tradition at Whithorn is more of an offshoot of the Irish situation, which is not necessarily Viking at all, than it is of the Viking situation in this part of Scotland.

References Ambrosiani, K. 1981. Viking age combs, comb making and comb makers in the light of finds from Birka and Ribe. Stockholm Studies in Archaeology 2, Stockholm.

Excavations at the Iron Age and Norse settlement at Bornish (Bornais) have been undertaken by Niall Sharples of Cardiff University, as part of a series of related joint field projects with Sheffield University in South Uist, Western Isles (eg Sharples and Parker-Pearson 1999). Following detailed survey work on the Machair plain along the west coast of South Uist, settlement evidence spanning the mid first millennium BC to 14'"century AD has been recorded. Excavation of large settlement mounds has revealed substantial Norse stone structures with, in one case a well-preserved structure some 1819 m long and 5.8 m wide with two phases of occupation and modification and with an "intact floor level which is extremely rich in artefactual material" (Sharples 2000: 17). In an adjacent mound, 2A a rather fragmentary building has been distinguished overlying at least one earlier building, and an incomplete floor deposit. The significance of this floor level in the context of this paper lies in the recovery of comb manufacturing debris - "shavings, antler from which plates have been removed, relatively unaltered antler off-cuts and antler carefully shaped for the creation of tooth plates and side plates" (Sharples 2000: 18). Before detailed consideration of this material is undertaken, in relation to the particular comb forms represented, it is not possible to make further comment, although double sided combs were clearly being made (Sharples pers comm). It is however, of considerable significance that this debris has been identified under controlled excavation circumstances, and within a building, which although fragmentary, differs little from the other dwellings and indicates localised domestic production with presumed local raw material usage. In stratigraphic terms it would appear that the debris is from activity dating within the Late Norse period, 12th-13th century (Sharples pers comm). It is however clear that combs of imported types are also in use, with for example, one of the distinctive double-sided convex terminal comb type with copper alloy rivets (cf Freswick Links, Batey 1987: 209) dating to the 13th century was recovered from elsewhere on the site.

Batey, C. E. 1987. Freswick Links, Caithness. A re-appraisal of the Late Norse site in its context, 2 vols. British Archaeological Reports, British Series 179, Oxford. Batey, C. E. forthcoming, Viking and Late Norse Combs of Scotland. In Combs and Comb-making, ed. I. Riddler. Council for British Archaeology Research report, London. Buteux, S. 1997. Settlements at Skaill, Deemess, Orkney. British Archaeological Reports, British Series 260, Oxford. Hill, P. 1997. Whitham and St Ninian. The Excavation of a Monastic Town 1984-90. Sutton Publishing.

Nicholson, A. 1997. The Antler. In Whitham and St Ninian. The Excavation of a Monastic Town 1984-90, ed. P. Hill. Sutton Publishing, pp. 474-495. Porter, D. 1997. Chapter 8. Small Finds. In Settlements at Skaill, Deemess, Orkney, ed. S. Buteux. British Archaeological Reports, British Series 260, Oxford., pp. 96132. Riddler, I. ed. forthcoming, Combs and Comb-making. Council for British Archaeology Research report, London. Ritchie, A. 1977. Excavation of Pictish and Viking-age farmsteads at Buckquoy, Orkney. Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland 108, 1976-7, pp. 174-227.

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Viking and Late Norse Combs in Scotland: an Update

Sharples, N. 2000. The Iron Age and Norse settlement at Bornish, South Uist: An interim report on the 1999 excavations. Cardiff Studies in Archaeology Specialist Report Number 16, Cardiff. Sharples, N. & Parker-Pearson, M. 1999. Norse Settlement in the Outer Hebrides. Norwegian Archaeological Review 32/1, pp. 41-62. Weber, B. 1993. Norwegian reindeer antler export to Orkney. An analysis of combs from Pictish/early Norse sites. Universitets Oldsaksamling Aarbok 1991/1992, Oslo, pp. 161-174.

269

Neolithic Relations of Production: Insights from the Bone Tool Industry

NEOLITHIC RELATIONS OF PRODUCTION: INSIGHTS FROM THE BONE TOOL INDUSTRY Nerissa Russell

Abstract: Technology consists not only of tools and techniques used to accomplish tasks, but also includes the social context of these tasks. I will explore the bone industries of Neolithic southeast Europe, Anatolia, and south Asia. I argue that the differences seen among these regions are attributable to the social organization of production, and that the bone industry can provide a window to this social organization. I will focus on raw material selection and conservation, standardization of tool fonns, and reuse. These represent decision points in the production process that reflect how manufacturers and users approached bone as a raw material. Keywords: Neolithic, technology, reuse, standardization Resume: La technologie ne concerne pas seulement les outils et les techniques utilisees pour accomplir des taches donnees, mais elle inclut egalement le contexte social dans lequel sont accomplies ces taches. Nous explorerons les industries osseuses neolithiques du Sud-Est de l'Europe, d'Anatolie et de l'Asie du Sud. Nous montrerons que les differences observables entre ces regions peuvent etre reliees a !'organisation sociale de la production, et que les industries osseuses permettent d'approcher cette organisation sociale. Nous nous centrerons sur la selection et la conservation des matieres premieres, la standardisation de la forme des outils et leur reutilisation. Ces elements cristallisent les choix operes au cours des procedes de fabrication et refletent la fa,:, '4

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392

Pre- and Early Roman Bone and Antler Manufacturing in Karn/en, Austria

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393

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394

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396

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397

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Index of Authors

Yekaterina Antipina Laboratory of The Nature Sciences in Archaeology, Inst. of Archaeology of the Russian Academy of Sciences, UL Dm. Ulianova,19, Moscow, 117036 Russia

Alice M. Choyke Aquincum Museum H-1031 Budapest Zahony u. 4 Hungary Prof. Anneke T. Clason Clusiusweg 2 97 51 PN Haren The Netherlands

Aline Averbouh Maison de l'Archeologie Rene Ginouves EP 1730 Prehistoire et Technologie Centre de Recherches Archeologique 21 Allee de l'Universite F-92023 Nanterre cedex France

Rosalia Christidou Romanou 18 65403 Kavala Greece

Laszlo Bartosiewicz Institute of Archaeological Sciences Lorand Ei:itvi:isUniversity H-1088 Budapest, Mtizeum ki:irut4/B Hungary

Daniela Ciugudean Muzeul National de Unimu Str. Mihai Viteazul, m. 12-14 2500 Alba Iulia Romania

Colleen Batey Department of History Art Gallery and Museum Glasgow G3 SAG United Kingdom

Sabine Deschler-Erb Seminar fiir Ur- und Friihgeschichte Universitat Basel - Archaobiologie Petersgraben 9-11 CH-47051 Basel Schweiz

Cornelia Becker Seminar fiir Ur- und Friihgeschichte Freie Universitat Berlin Berlin D 14195 Deutschland

Ernestine Elster Senior Research Associate Institute of Archaeology University of California, Los Angeles Fowler Museum 90024-1510, CA USA

Maria Biro Institute of Archaeological Sciences Lorand Ei:itvi:isUniversity H-1088 Budapest, Muzeum krt. 4/B Hungary

Kitty F. Emery Dept. of Antropology State University of New York College at Potsdam 44 Pierrepont Avenue Potsdam, New York 13676-2294 USA

Clive Bonsall Department of Archaeology University of Edinburgh Highschool Yards Edinburgh, EHI 1LZ

399

WorkedBone Research Group, Budapest, 1999

Kordula Gostencnik Rabenstein 12 · A-9473 Lavamilnd Osterreich

Arthur MacGregor Dept. of Antiquities The Ashmolean Museum Beaumont Street Oxford OX 1 2PH England

Janet Griffitts Dept. of Anthropology, Haury Bldg. University of Arizona Tucson, AZ 85721 USA

Ailsa Mainman York Archaeological Trust Cromwell House 11 Ogleforth York YOl 2JG England

Peter Gr6f King Matthias Museum of the Hungarian National Museum H-2025 Visegrad Fo utca 23 Hungary

Liina Maldre Institute of History Riiiltli 6 Tallinn 10130 Estonia

Daniel Groh King Matthias Museum of the Hungarian National Museum H-2025 Visegrad Fo utca 23 Hungary

George Nash Centre for the Historic Environment Department of Archaeology University of Bristol England

Steven James Cultural Heritage Section Department of Parks and Recreation P.O. Box 942896 Sacramento, CA 94296-0001

Andreas Northe Institut fiir Prahistorische Archaologie Martin-Luther-Universitat Halle Brandbergweg 23 060120 Halle/S. Germany

or Department of Archaeology Arizona State University Tempe AZ USA

Sandra Olsen Section of Anthropology Carnegie Museum of Natural History 5800 Baum Blvd. Pittsburgh, PA 15206 USA

Gitte Jensen Roskilde Museum Sankte Ols Gade 15 DK-4000 Roskilde Denmark

Noelle Provenzano MMSH-LAPHD-URBP-647 du C.N.R.S. 13094 5 rue du Chteau de l'Horloge BP-647 - 13094 Aix-en-Provence Cedex 2 France

Genevieve LeMoine Curator/Registrar The Peary-MacMillan Arctic Museum Bowdoin College 9500 College Station Brunswick, Maine 04011-8495

Nerissa Russell Dept. of Anthropology, McGraw Hall Cornell University Ithaca, NY 14853 USA

Heidi Luik Institute of History Rililtli 6 Tallinn 10130 Estonia

Jorg Schibler Seminar fiir Ur- und Frilhgeschichte Universitat Basel - Archaobiologie CH-4051 Basel Schweiz

400

Worked Bone Research Group, Budapest, 1999

Isabelle Sidera Maison de l' Archeologie Rene Ginouves EP 1730 Prehistoire et Technologie 21 Allee de l'Universite 92023 Nanterre cedex France Lyuba Smirnova School of Conservation Sciences Bournemouth University Fern Barrow, Poole BH12 5BB, United Kingdom or Goetheallee 5 01309, Dresden Germany

Karlheinz Steppan Seminar ftir Ur- und Friihgeschichte Universitat Basel - Archaobiologie Basel CH-4051 Schweiz Ulle Tamla Institute of History Rtititli 6 Tallinn 10130 Estonia Tina Tuohy 39 Woodville Close North Prospect, Plymouth PL2 2JX England Mikle Zhilin Stone Age Department Institute of Archaeology, R,A.S, Dm, Ulyanov st. 19 117036 Moscow Russia

401