Child and Adolescent Development 0868868752, 9780868868752

Table of contents :
Cover
Preface
Acknowledgements
Table of Contents
1. Basic Concepts of Child and Adolescent Development
2. Prenatal Development and the Birth Process
3. Neonatal Phase and Infancy
4. Early Childhood
5. Middle Childhood
6. Adolescence
7. Adversities, Resilience, and Rights
References
Index

Citation preview

Copyright

EBSCO Publishing : eBook Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via AN: 3302078 ; Dap Louw, Anet Louw.; Child and Adolescent Development Account: s7393698

2022. UJ Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.

CHILD AND ADOLESCENT DEVELOPMENT Third Edition

Dap Louw and Anet Louw Department of Psychology, University of the Free State

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This book is dedicated to Antoinette, Dappie, Janine, Dian, Mia, and Reenen.

http://www.psychologypublications.co.za/

Graphic Design: Jolandi Griesel Printed by ABC Press, Cape Town

ISBN: 978-0-86886-875-2

All rights reserved No part of this book may be reproduced in any form or by any means without the permission in writing from the copyright owners. Please submit a written request to Prof Dap Louw at [email protected].

Copyright © Dap Louw and Anet Louw, 2022 The recommended citation for this book is: Louw, D. & Louw, A. (2022). Child and adolescent development (3rd ed.). Stellenbosch: Psychology Publications.

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Preface The development of children is one of the most fascinating wonders of life. From the moment conception takes place until the end of adolescence when the person enters the adult world, the developmental road is characterised by numerous miracles and mysteries. We would very much like to share with you our training and experience in the field of child psychology, not only as a clinical and counselling psychologist respectively but also as the proud parents of two children, and grandparents of a grandson, and a granddaughter. The following should be kept in mind as you read this book: The media, and even some books, unfortunately, tend to present the development of the child and adolescent as if all children and adolescents develop according to a specific formula. However, such a presentation or viewpoint contradicts one of the most critical principles in Psychology — every person, and therefore also every child and adolescent is unique. Therefore, students and others interested in human behaviour should continually realise that research and similar information on human beings refer primarily to 'averages' or 'guidelines'. Particular caution should be taken not to label children and adolescents who do not meet these predetermined formulas or expectations. On the contrary, the uniqueness of the individual should be respected, encouraged, and nurtured. Disregarding this characteristic could easily lead to the wasting of unique and valuable potential. The target audience of this book is primarily undergraduate students in psychology, education, social work, psychiatry, and related disciplines. However, the nature and extent of Child and Adolescent Development also make it suitable for use on the postgraduate level (especially where this field was not a focus area in the undergraduate course). Furthermore, the book contains valuable information which will be of interest to anyone who has an interest in child and adolescent development. Our main goals with this book are the following: 1) We are fully aware that information on child and adolescent development is available in abundance in the electronic as well as the printed media. However, this 'information overload' has created a problem of its own: it is very difficult to separate the wheat from the chaff. The inevitable result is that many students arrive at university believing in unproven 'facts', while there are parents who raise their children according to principles that are often not much more than folklore. We do not imply that psychology has all the answers. In fact, we are reminded constantly that much more research is needed before the last word can be spoken. Therefore, one of the objectives of the book is to provide the reader with the most recent scientific information. 2) One of our most important aims is to make the book as relevant as possible to the unique South African situation. It never ceases to amaze us to see how many students, including those who enrol for psychology, are trained for a profession in South Africa by using international and especially American handbooks that

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basically have no relevance and therefore no practical application value (except for the students to pass their exams). We thus went to great lengths to trace and include local research data and South African examples. This was no easy task, especially because some research data and other information were, for example, part of unpublished reports and theses or published in relatively unknown sources. However, the search exceeded our expectations, and it is a pleasure to share the results with you. A significant part of the book, however, still relies heavily on international and particularly Western research. There are mainly two reasons for this. Firstly, it cannot be denied that there are certain 'universal truths' (information or data which, to a greater or lesser degree, hold true for most or all cultures). These universal truths have been uncovered by international researchers and it would be an academic omission to disregard these important contributions. Secondly, many research areas in child development still lie fallow in South Africa, with the result that we had no other option but to use international data. We would thus like to strongly encourage present and future researchers to assist us in improving the relevancy level in future editions by bringing empirical data and other information on the South African situation to our attention. We owe it to our students, colleagues, and other interested parties to provide them with relevant material. 3) We are aware that most students will be reading this book in their second or even third language. We are equally aware that many students bring with them a scholastic backlog, for whatever reason. Thus, the book has been made as userand especially student-friendly as possible; the writing style and the language level have therefore been made as accessible as possible. For this purpose, we also incorporated the services of a professional language editor. Furthermore, new concepts and terms are defined, while keywords are printed in bold. To assist students in their studies, additional information is provided in inserts (boxes) to facilitate further understanding. These boxes include topics for critical thinking, focus on interesting South African and other research or concentrate on the practical application of the issues discussed. At the end of each major section, questions are provided to aid the student in the review of the material. To understand our method of working, a few aspects need clarification: a) In the previous edition of this book, we decided to reduce the number of references somewhat. However, from the feedback we received, it became clear that we should rather return to a detailed reference system. Firstly, lecturers hold the opinion that students should be introduced to the academic importance of good referencing from their first year. Secondly, many lecturers, postgraduate students, and researchers find it useful to have references for information that they would like to explore further. To this end, a total of more than 2000 mostly new references are included. b) The reference system of the American Psychological Association (APA) is used by

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most psychologists. However, especially since some of their recommendations differ regarding grammatical and other (e.g., statistical) norms in South Africa, it was only used as a guideline in this book. We did, however, strive to fulfil the core aim of any reference system — to make it easy to trace sources. Fortunately, modern technology enables us to find sources easily. c) Perspective on data. It cannot be emphasised enough that (especially statistical) data should be interpreted from a balanced perspective and thus at all times be seen in context. It is equally important to consider that much of the research data in psychology and most other sciences is based on averages. However, averages hide variation and give a misleading picture. For example, if the average test score of a class of 40 students is 62%, it is possible that none of the students got 62% (e.g., the majority had less than 55%, and most of the rest had 70% or more). A humorous example involves the statistician who drowned while crossing a river that was, according to his calculations, on average, only half a meter deep! d) As far as terminology is concerned: • Child and adolescent. The title of this book Child and Adolescent Development reflects the demarcation generally used in psychology. However, it should be emphasised that according to the Constitution of South Africa, a child is a person under the age of 18 years. The legal definition of child is therefore used for children of all ages, from infancy to adolescence. Although we naturally acknowledge the legal definition, we sometimes distinguish between a child and an adolescent, mainly for practical and academic reasons. In most cases, however, the term child will be used to indicate children younger than 18 years. • Gender. Sexist writing is offensive, and the editors have done their best to avoid it. Their solution has been to use the singular-to-plural style, for example, ‘If a child is abused, they may exhibit problem behaviour. (The singular “they” is a generic third-person singular pronoun used in the English language (APA, 2021). • Racial differences. It is of utmost importance that readers and students acknowledge the generally accepted fact that differences within one race are just as great as, and even greater than between races. Where references to race and ethnicity appear, the aim is mainly to acknowledge and indicate the rich and unique differences in our country — in the same way in which other interesting differences (e.g., regarding gender and socio-economic status) are pointed out. In addition, many governmental reports referenced in this book use a racial classification system (e.g., Black, White, Coloured, and Indian) for statistical purposes. • Parent/caregiver. Due to factors such as divorce, separation and death, a significant number of children are not being cared for by their parents. In such cases, the children are usually being cared for by a family member or friend, i.e., a caregiver. As it was impractical to always use both terms, it was decided to use mostly parent. This term, therefore, also implies caregiver.

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Finally --- no work is without mistakes and can therefore always be improved. The present text, of course, is no exception. We would therefore appreciate any recommendations from colleagues, students, and other readers. Most importantly, it is our wish that you will find this book as enriching as we did writing it. Dap Louw and Anet Louw

Acknowledgements No one can whistle a symphony. It takes a whole orchestra to play it. — H.E. Luccock The above quotation is true for most projects, also, if not especially in the academia. During the nearly 40 years that this book has been used by many tertiary institutions in Southern Africa, the present authors have incorporated other experts in several ways, in the beginning as co-authors (see previous editions), but later mainly as soundboards. The feedback we received in this regard has been invaluable for our goal to produce not only a book that is relevant for the unique South African situation but also to meet the high standards and endorsement of most of our tertiary institutions. Therefore, we cannot thank our colleagues enough for their support and cooperation. In fact, the comments, suggestions, and support of some of our colleagues were so significant that we felt it necessary to show our gratitude more tangibly: to acknowledge CO-EDITORS These valued colleagues are: them as CONSULTING CO-EDITORS. MONIQUE BEZUIDENHOUT - University of Pretoria BRONWYNÉ COETZEE - Stellenbosch University HELEEN COETZEE - North-West University PETRO ERASMUS - North-West University THABISA MABUSELA - Nelson Mandela University BONUANE PALAKETSELA - University of South Africa In addition, several other colleagues made valuable suggestions, especially: Erica Munnik, University of the Western Cape Anita Padmanabhanunni, University of the Western Cape Michelle Pascoe, University of Cape Town Nafisa Patel, Stellenbosch University Mariam Salie, Stellenbosch University Tholene Sodi, University of Limpopo The essential role of our wonderful support staff cannot be underestimated: Hesma van Tonder: Research librarian, also responsible for the Index and Reference list

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Jolandi Griesel: Graphic designer, responsible for the page layout Danie Steyl: Language editor Wikus van Tonder: Cartoonist We also extend our sincere appreciation to our colleagues and support staff who made direct and indirect contributions to the previous editions of the book. We would also like to express our sincere gratitude to the University of the Free State for the use of their facilities and general support systems. We also value the input and support from the many students who have used our book throughout the years. Most of all we would like to extend our heartfelt appreciation and thanks to our children, grandchildren, other family members and friends for putting up with our constant working on the book throughout its several editions, spanning many years. We acknowledge that almost all photos and illustrations were obtained from Shutterstock.

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Table of Contents CHAPTER 1 BASIC CONCEPTS OF CHILD AND ADOLESCENT DEVELOPMENT 1.1 ORIENTATION ...........................................................................................................1 1.2 THE GOALS OF CHILD PSYCHOLOGY......................................................................3 1.3 VIEWS ON CHILDREN: AN HISTORICAL OVERVIEW...............................................3 1.4 DEVELOPMENTAL STAGES AND DOMAINS OF DEVELOPMENT....................................................................................................7 1.5 DEVELOPMENTAL ISSUES.......................................................................................9 1.5.1 1.5.2 1.5.3 1.5.4

Nature or Nurture?........................................................................................... 9 Continuity or Discontinuity?.......................................................................... 10 Passive or Active Involvement? ................................................................... 11 Universality or Cultural Context? .................................................................12

1.6 THEORIES OF DEVELOPMENT .............................................................................14 1.6.1 1.6.2 1.6.3 1.6.4 1.6.5

The Biological Perspective............................................................................ 16 The Psychodynamic Perspective .................................................................20 The Learning Theory Perspective................................................................. 24 The Cognitive-Developmental Perspective..................................................28 The Contextual Perspective...........................................................................34

1.7 RESEARCH IN CHILD DEVELOPMENT ................................................................ 46 1.7.1 1.7.2 1.7.3 1.7.4 1.7.5 1.7.6 1.7.7

Kinds of Research ......................................................................................... 47 Methods of Gathering Information ..............................................................49 General Research Designs............................................................................53 Research Designs for Studying Child Development . ................................. 57 Cross-Cultural Research ...............................................................................60 Conducting Research on the Internet........................................................... 61 Research Ethics . ...........................................................................................63

CHAPTER 2 PRENATAL DEVELOPMENT AND THE BIRTH PROCESS 2.1 THE PRENATAL PERIOD......................................................................................... 70 2.1.1 The Beginnings of a New Life........................................................................70

2.2 THE PRENATAL STAGES..............................................................................................87 2.2.1 The Germinal Stage ...........................................................................................87 2.2.2 The Embryonic Stage ........................................................................................ 88 2.2.3 The Foetal Stage ............................................................................................... 89

2.3 PRENATAL ENVIRONMENTAL INFLUENCES.............................................................94 2.3.1 2.3.2 2.3.3 2.3.4 2.3.5 2.3.6

The Age of the Parents ..................................................................................... 95 Nutrition of the Mother ..................................................................................... 96 Radiation .............................................................................................................97 Infectious Diseases During Pregnancy ............................................................97 The Use of Medication and Drugs.................................................................... 99 The Emotional State of the Mother................................................................ 102

2.4 THE BIRTH PROCESS .............................................................................................. 104 X EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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2.4.1 2.4.2 2.4.3 2.4.4

The Natural Birth Process................................................................................ 104 Caesarean Birth................................................................................................ 105 Childbirth Complications ................................................................................ 107 Childbirth and Culture .................................................................................... 108

CHAPTER 3 NEONATAL PHASE AND INFANCY 3.1 THE NEONATAL PHASE........................................................................................ 113 3.1.1 3.1.2 3.1.3 3.1.4 3.1.5 3.1.6 3.1.7 3.1.8

The Physical Appearance of a New-Born Baby..........................................114 Assessment of a New-Born Baby................................................................115 Adjustment to Basic Life Processes ..........................................................116 Perception.....................................................................................................119 Sleep and Dreaming ...................................................................................121 Feeding ........................................................................................................122 Neonatal Learning ......................................................................................124 Individual Differences . ...............................................................................125

3.2 INFANCY .............................................................................................................. 126 3.2.1 3.2.2 3.2.3 3.2.4

Physical Development ................................................................................126 Cognitive Development...............................................................................142 Personality Development............................................................................163 Social Development.....................................................................................182

CHAPTER 4 EARLY CHILDHOOD 4.1 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT.................................................................................. 207 4.1.1 General Physical Development...................................................................207 4.1.2 Influences on Physical Development.........................................................210

4.2 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT ............................................................................... 213 4.2.1 4.2.2 4.2.3 4.2.3

Theories of Cognitive Development ..........................................................214 Language Development..............................................................................233 Cognitive Development and the Media ....................................................242 Education in Early Childhood......................................................................245

4.3 PERSONALITY DEVELOPMENT........................................................................... 248 4.3.1 4.3.2 4.3.3 4.3.4 4.3.5 4.3.6 4.3.7

Theories of Personality Development........................................................248 Emotions . ....................................................................................................249 The Self-Concept . .......................................................................................260 Self-Esteem .................................................................................................261 Culture and the Self.....................................................................................263 Gender..........................................................................................................264 Racial and Ethnic Identity ..........................................................................273

4.4. SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT.......................................................................................276 4.4.1 Family Relationships . .................................................................................277 4.4.2 Peer Relationships.......................................................................................288 4.4.3 Moral Development ....................................................................................305

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CHAPTER 5 MIDDLE CHILDHOOD 5.1. PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT.................................................................................. 313 5.1.1 General Physical Development...................................................................313 5.1.2 Motor Skills ..................................................................................................315 5.1.3 Sexuality in Middle Childhood . .................................................................. 317

5.2 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT................................................................................ 319 5.2.1 5.2.2 5.2.3 5.2.4

Piaget's Theory: Concrete Operational Stage............................................319 Development of Information-Processing Skills.........................................321 Language Development..............................................................................324 Cognition and Academic Achievement......................................................327

5.3 .PERSONALITY DEVELOPMENT........................................................................... 355 5.3.1 Theories of Personality Development........................................................356 5.3.2 Self-concept, Self-esteem, and Self-efficacy ............................................358 5.3.3 Emotional Development..............................................................................363

5.4 .SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT...................................................................................... 367 5.4.1 5.4.2 5.4.3 5.4.4 5.4.5 5.4.6

The Role of the Family.................................................................................367 Peer Relationships.......................................................................................381 Influence of Media and Online Behaviour.................................................398 Discrimination, Prejudice and Stereotyping..............................................405 Moral Development ....................................................................................411 Religion and Spirituality in Children ..........................................................424

CHAPTER 6 ADOLESCENCE 6.1. WHAT IS ADOLESCENCE?................................................................................... 435 6.1.1 Demarcating Adolescence...........................................................................435 6.1.2 A Stormy Phase?..........................................................................................436

6.2 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT . ............................................................................... 438 6.2.1 6.2.2 6.2.3 6.2.4 6.2.5 6.2.6

Adolescent Growth Spurt ...........................................................................438 Brain Development......................................................................................439 Sexual Maturation ......................................................................................443 The Psychological Effects of Physical Changes .......................................451 Body Image and Eating Disorders: Anorexia, Bulimia and Obesity.........452 Adolescent Sexuality....................................................................................456

6.3 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT................................................................................ 472 6.3.1 Theories of Cognitive Development............................................................473 6.3.2 Language Development..............................................................................486 6.3.3 Practical Cognition: The Effects of Adolescents' Cognitive Abilities on Certain Areas of their Development .........................................................488

6.4 PERSONALITY DEVELOPMENT........................................................................... 497 6.4.1 6.4.2 6.4.3 6.4.4 6.4.5

Temperament and Personality Traits.........................................................497 Identity Development..................................................................................498 Self-concept: Adolescents' Understanding of Self ...................................512 Emotions . ....................................................................................................516 Career Choice . ............................................................................................518

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6.5 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT...................................................................................... 520 6.5.1 6.5.2 6.5.3 6.5.4

The Parent-Adolescent Relationship .........................................................520 Peer Group Relationships...........................................................................531 Adolescents and Cyberspace......................................................................543 Moral Development.....................................................................................550

CHAPTER 7 ADVERSITIES, RESILIENCE, AND RIGHTS 7.1 ADVERSITY........................................................................................................... 570 7.1.1 7.1.2 7.1.3 7.1.4 7.1.5 7.1.6 7.1.7 7.1.8

Family Influences..........................................................................................572 Maltreatment ...............................................................................................590 Poverty ..........................................................................................................599 Substance Abuse..........................................................................................601 Epidemics and Pandemics..........................................................................606 Suicide ..........................................................................................................611 Community Violence.....................................................................................613 Death ............................................................................................................619

7.2 RESILIENCE.......................................................................................................... 624 7.3. THE RIGHTS OF THE CHILD................................................................................ 630 REFERENCES ............................................................................................................... 637 INDEX ..............................................................................................................................710

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1.1 ORIENTATION The Wild Boy of KwaZulu-Natal In the 1980s, an intriguing event took place in the KwaZulu-Natal Province of South Africa. Over a period of a year, a boy of about five years old was witnessed in the company of wild monkeys. It is believed that his unknown mother left him in the bush when he was an infant, and he was raised by monkeys. Along with this group of monkeys, he visited villages to steal food. The villagers tried to save him, but he put up such a fight that the help of the police had to be called in. When he was captured eventually, he was taken to a school for the disabled and named Saturday Mthiyane. (Saturday, because he was caught on a Saturday; Mthiyane was the head and founder of the school.) In the beginning, Saturday was very violent. He used to break things and get in and out through windows. He did not play with other children and acted violently towards them. He preferred uncooked red meat. He hated clothing and did not like blankets either. In 1997, after 10 years, Saturday was still unable to speak. He had been taught to walk properly. However, he still refused to eat cooked food and preferred raw vegetables instead. Bananas remained his favourite food. In 2005, when he was about 17 years old, Saturday's behaviour had still not changed significantly. He still did not talk, and walked and jumped around like a monkey, liked raw food, and hated clothing. If he wanted something, he stole it. Any attempt to prevent him from satisfying his needs was met with aggression. In October 2005, his sad life came to a tragic end when he and three others were killed when the orphanage where he lived, caught fire after burning candles had toppled over onto a pile of blankets. The orphanage did not have electricity. (See Hlongwa, 1997; Hlonga, 2005; Okonofua, 2005.)

The Boy who Became a Girl In the mid-1960s, eight months old David Reimer and his twin brother had a routine circumcision in a hospital in Canada. Unfortunately, David's circumcision was seriously botched — the entire penis was removed accidentally. Following advice from medical experts, the parents decided to raise David as a girl. (They called him Brenda, although in the scientific literature it was referred to as the 'John/Joan' case.) Soon afterwards, the parents started dressing David as a girl and let her hair grow long. At the age of 21 months, plastic surgery was performed to create female genitalia. During the preschool years, she was encouraged to take part in girlish play and housework. (Her brother was raised as a typical boy.) However, problems started when Brenda went to school. Children were cruel to her and, for example, would not allow her to use the boys' or girls' bathroom. At the same time, she experienced serious mental anguish, knowing that something was terribly wrong, but did not know what. By the age of 13, she was so unhappy that she considered committing suicide. During this time, the truth was revealed to Brenda. She later said 1 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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that everything then became clear, and she understood who and what she was. David immediately started to resume his male identity. The breasts that had developed because of hormone injections were removed. An artificial penis was also created from cartilage and muscle by means of reconstructive surgery. David then tried to live a normal life and eventually married and became a stepfather to three children. However, it seems that David had not come to terms with himself or the world — in 2004, at the age of 38, he committed suicide. (His brother had died two years earlier, apparently also committing suicide. He was suffering from schizophrenia, a serious mental illness.) At David's funeral, his mother said, "He was the most generous, loving soul who ever lived. He was a hero. He showed the doctors he was a worldwide hero."

You will probably say: "Well, it's very interesting — but what do these two stories have in common? And what do they have to do with child development, the theme of this book?" The answer is quite simple: All the questions that you would like to ask about these two case studies fall within the field of child psychology. For example, is behaviour in general the result of nature (inborn characteristics) or nurture (the environment), or both? Are some behaviours more influenced by nature, while others are more influenced by nurture? Are these influences more important during certain developmental stages than during others? Which factors could optimise or harm children's development? Through the course of this book, we shall be exploring some of the above-mentioned issues. The goal of this first chapter is to provide you with background information that will lay the foundation for the chapters to follow. First, the goals of child psychology will be discussed. Then you will be provided with a brief historical overview of how attitudes toward children have changed through the ages. This will be followed by a discussion on the stages and domains of development, certain developmental issues, and an overview of the main theories of child development. This chapter will be concluded with an exploration of research methods used in child developmental psychology. However, before we start, we recommend that you first read Box 1.1, The Child Population in South Africa, which will give you a broad overview of the child population in our country. Other specific demographic information will be provided in the chapters to follow.

BOX 1.1. THE CHILD POPULATION IN SOUTH AFRICA The total population of South Africa is estimated at about 60 million people, of whom about 20 million are children under 18 years. Therefore, children make up about a third of the entire population. A greater share of children is living in provinces with large rural populations such as KwaZulu-Natal, the Eastern Cape and Limpopo. Children are fairly equally distributed across the age groups, with an average of just over one million children in each year under 18. The gender split is equal for children. In terms of the politically used racial categories, 85% of children are black, 8% are Coloured, 5% are white, and 2% are Indian. Hall (2019); Stats SA (2020)

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1.2 THE GOALS OF CHILD PSYCHOLOGY Child psychology is one of the most interesting areas, especially among students and parents. One of the main reasons is that it tells you more about your own and your children's development. In the process, you also acquire a better understanding of other people. However, to be interesting only does not justify the existence of a science. Therefore, it is important to know what the scientific contribution of child psychology is; that is, why we study and research this interesting field. The goals of child psychology are in line with the goals of general psychology: • To describe the changes typically occurring from conception to about 18 years of age. For example: How does the unborn child develop in its mother's womb? How do 2-, 7-, 12-, and 16-year-olds differ? How does sexuality develop during puberty and adolescence? • To explain the causes of these developmental changes. For example, which factors could influence the prenatal development of the baby? Which factors could influence a delay in a child's language or cognitive development? How does peer pressure and bullying influence a child's self-image? • To predict, based on past and present characteristics, what behaviour children will manifest at a later stage in their lives. For example: What is the effect of alcohol and smoking on an unborn child? If babies start walking at an early age, does it mean that they are likely to become good athletes? Will an aggressive infant turn into an aggressive teenager? Will a curious child develop into a scientist? • To improve well-being; that is, to make positive changes in people's lives or to prevent problems from developing. By doing research and disseminating the results to parents, teachers, policy makers, and other important role payers in children's lives, the well-being of millions of children has been improved. Making pregnant women aware of environmental factors that could harm their unborn children, informing teachers about the negative effects of bullying, or educating parents about the possible effect of harsh punishment are examples.

1.3 VIEWS ON CHILDREN: AN HISTORICAL OVERVIEW Indications are that in most ancient cultures, the common belief was that children were the property of their parents, who could therefore treat them in any way they wanted. The result was that atrocities towards children were common without having any consequences for the parents. In fact, infanticide (the deliberate killing of infants) was often committed in many societies without condemnation. This seems to have happened especially when the baby was the 'wrong' gender (usually female). Twins also often became victims of infanticide because of various cultural beliefs. As far as Africa is concerned, the earliest reliable evidence of infanticide was reported in Egypt, although archaeological findings show that this phenomenon occurred all over the continent. In fact, there are indications 3 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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that infanticide occurred in South Africa as far back as 5 000 years ago (Pfeiffer et al., 2004). (Cases of infanticide were reported officially soon after the arrival of the colonists in the 1650s. For example, a slave who had killed her child was executed in Cape Town in 1669. Many cases of infanticide have been reported since.) During the Middle Ages (± 500 to 1500 A.D.) the plight of children continued. The concept of childhood was largely ignored, and from the age of three or four, children were regarded as miniature adults who also had to accept certain responsibilities. Initially, these responsibilities were restricted to chores in and around the house. However, as they grew older, the workload became heavier and more difficult, for example carrying water over long distances or, as in Europe, even working in mines. (The 'miniature adult' concept in Europe is portrayed in many paintings of that period where children had the same clothing and hairstyles and took part in the same activities as adults.) The seventeenth century in Europe brought a change in the attitude towards children. A person who played an important role in the movement to see children in a more sympathetic light, was the British philosopher John Locke (1632-1704). Locke held the opinion that children's environment determines what and who they become. He is especially known for his viewpoint that the mind of a child is a tabula rasa (Latin for a 'blank slate') on which experience writes (Encyclopedia of Philosophy, 2021). This experience then creates the child's personality. Although the opinions of Locke and others did bring about a change in attitude towards children in certain circles, it could hardly be described as significant. For example, the growth of the factory system in Europe created a big demand for cheap labour, and children literally became slaves who worked, ate, and slept at their machines. Factors such as disease and infection created a situation where less than 50% of children would reach the age of five. Abandonment was also an immense problem. Although similar written records do not exist for sub-Saharan Africa, indications are that children here have suffered similar fates (Diptee et al., 2010; South African History Online, 2020). One of the most common atrocities committed against children since the earliest times is slavery slavery. For centuries, capturing children during inter-tribal raids and wars and using them as slaves was quite common practice. Even trafficking, where children were sold into slavery, was known. Slavery became a lucrative business around the 15th, 16th, and 17th centuries when especially African men, women and children were captured in large numbers and shipped to many countries, mainly to the USA. Although slavery was officially abolished in most countries by the end of the 19th century, it is still practised in many countries, albeit on a lesser scale. Modern slavery is most prevalent in Africa, followed by Asia and the Pacific region. Today there are an estimated 10 million victims of 'modern slavery', of Statue of John Locke in London 4 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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which approximately 25% are children (International Labour Organization and Walk Free Foundation, 2017). In general, the state of the world's children left much to be desired with the advent of the 20th century. Children were still very much seen as the property of the parent. (Presently, in many countries, including South Africa, the State is regarded as the upper guardian of children; therefore, children may be removed from parental homes if conditions are detrimental to their well-being. Children were also at the mercy of other adults such as teachers who never questioned the general norm that children have no or very few rights. Principles such as 'Speak when spoken to' and 'Children are there to be seen and not to be heard' were the norm. It speaks for itself that such a climate was not at all conducive to children speaking out against injustices and abuse. In addition, critical thinking — which improves abilities such as comprehension abilities, problem-solving, self-reflection, selfcorrective thinking, and the capacity to move past the limitations of irrational thinking — was suppressed (Dwyer, 2020; Klemm, 2017). However, the seeds sown by people like John Locke started to germinate, and the number of adults who advocated children's rights grew. In 1931, the first conference of its kind on African children was held in Geneva, Switzerland. Two hundred people gathered for four days to discuss the welfare and well-being of African children, but regardless of noble attempts such as this, the state of children in Africa (and the greatest part of the world) remained largely unchanged. Although on a lesser scale, injustices and even atrocities against children continued. During the Apartheid era in South Africa (1948–1994), gross inequalities existed between the rights of black and white children (Gallo, 2020; Ndimande, 2016). There was hardly an area in which the then Nationalist Government did not discriminate significantly against black children. For example, schooling (up to Grade 10) was compulsory for white but not for black children. It speaks for itself that such discrimination eventually had very negative educational and related effects. Health services for blacks were inferior. The inevitable result was that diseases and the mortality rate of especially young black children were much higher than those of their white counterparts were. One of the first goals set by the new Government after the first democratic elections in 1994 was to not only obliterate such racial discrimination, but also promote children's rights. In 1996, the Government endorsed the United Nation's Convention on the Rights of the Child. It was the first legally binding mechanism to incorporate the full range of children's civil, political, economic, social, and cultural rights. It is officially supported by most countries in the world (United Nations Treaty Collection, 2019). In Chapter 7, we provide a more detailed overview of the rights of children in South Africa. 5 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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To what extent have movements such as the Convention on the Rights of the Child improved the state of children in the world and South Africa? It cannot be denied that they have had a significant impact. This Convention not only bound nations legally to accept responsibility for their children's rights, but also created awareness that these rights should be respected. Unfortunately, the situation of children in most countries, including South Africa, remains one of great concern. Next to the mentioned child slavery, millions of children are victims of slavery-like practices such as forced marriages, sexual exploitation (sexual abuse, prostitution, and pornography), coerced illicit activities such as drug trafficking and other crimes, illegal child labour practices such as forced labour on farms, factories, and mines, and even child soldiering (see United Nations Children's Fund/UNICEF, 2020). Although South Africa has identified the main areas of children's suffering and has set goals in this regard, we unfortunately still have a long way to go. South Africans' voices against the circumstances in which its children grow up (crime, violence, abuse, HIV/AIDS, lack of social assistance, and poor education) are heard daily. In fact, the state of African and South African children has become an issue of international concern. Therefore, it is understandable that UNICEF (2009b, p.1), the world's leading organisation focusing on children and children's rights, states, "To be a child in South Africa is to walk a fragile path to adulthood." In Chapter 7, we shall discuss some of the challenges to which South African children are subjected. This book mostly provides information on the normal development of the average child. However, as the overview indicates, many (if not most) of the world's — and therefore also South Africa's — children are hampered by factors that could have a significant negative effect on the unfolding of their potential. Therefore, the information and data (information collected by means of research) in this book should always be interpreted against this background. REVIEW THIS SECTION 1. Read the two cases at the beginning of the chapter. Discuss whether nature (inborn characteristics) or nurture (environmental characteristics), or perhaps both, played the most important role in the developmental outcome of these individuals. 2. Discuss the goals of child psychology. 3. Write a brief overview on the attitudes towards children throughout the ages, from the ancient times to the present. 4. Discuss the contribution of the British philosopher, John Locke, to the change on the viewpoints regarding children. 5. How may attitudes of society towards children affect their development? 6. In what way were children in South Africa affected by social attitudes and policies? 7.

How has the plight of children been addressed in South Africa? Have these interventions been successful?

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1.4 DEVELOPMENTAL STAGES AND DOMAINS OF DEVELOPMENT Although the development of a child is a continuous process, it is useful to divide it into stages, using the characteristics and skills which research has shown most individuals develop during each specific stage. There are several advantages to this stage approach. For instance, it offers an indication of when children are ready for school and when they should be allowed to make their own decisions on important matters. At the same time, it provides a signal of whether a child's development is below or above the norm (average). Some characteristics and skills are obvious, which means that certain boundaries between stages may be drawn clearly and are accepted generally. Thus, birth is a clear and accepted boundary between the prenatal stage (when the child is still in the womb) and the postnatal stage (the period after birth). On the other hand, some boundaries are not as clearly demarcated and are even quite arbitrary. Furthermore, individual and cultural differences should always be considered. Against this background, the following developmental stages are accepted widely and will be used in this book: • the prenatal stage, stage subdivided into the germinal, the embryonic, and the foetal periods • the neonatal stage (the first two to four weeks of life) and infancy (the subsequent two years), which usually are grouped together • early childhood (age two to six) • middle childhood (from age six to the beginning of puberty, about age 12) • adolescence (from puberty to age 18). It is also important to take note of the legal definition of a child, which, according to the Constitution of South Africa, is a person under the age of 18 years. Therefore, in terms of the legal definition, the generic (general) term child is used for children of all ages, from infancy to adolescence. However, in psychology a distinction is often made between a child and an adolescent. A main reason for this is that adolescence is viewed as more than just childhood: it is the phase of transition from childhood to adulthood; therefore, it has its own identity. Also, especially during late adolescence, adolescents portray characteristics that are more adultlike than childlike. The present authors acknowledge both the legal and psychological definitions, depending on the context. Therefore, in many instances, the term child will be used to indicate all children under the age of 18 (i.e., including adolescence). Humans are complex and many-faceted beings, and distinctive characteristics develop in diverse ways, at different paces and at various stages of their lives. Without losing sight of the whole, it has become necessary and more practical to distinguish between the various areas of development, and to study them separately. These areas of development are the following: • Physical development. Why should a psychologist study physical development? It has been known for centuries that not only biological factors can influence the 7 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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psychological development and well-being of a person, but psychological factors also can have a significant effect on the physical development and health of an individual. Therefore, it is important that psychologists should be well acquainted with the relevant physical aspects of child development. In the chapters to come, we shall describe the pertinent facets such as genetics, physical changes in a child's body, the brain, motor development (movement), hormones, and nutrition. • Cognitive development. Cognition refers to how we acquire information about the world by means of our senses, how we process and interpret such information, and how we store, retrieve, and use this knowledge to direct our behaviour. Therefore, cognitive development refers to how children come to know and understand their world and includes perception, learning, memory, thinking, decision-making, imagination, creativity, language, and intelligence. • Personality development. Personality is one of the most comprehensive terms in psychology. Many definitions of personality exist, the content of which is usually determined by the specific paradigm (viewpoint) of the author or theorist. However, most psychologists will agree with the viewpoint that personality is the totality of a person's enduring (lasting) pattern of both inherent and acquired psychological, social, moral, and physical characteristics (Holzman, 2021; Plug et al., 2009). Several important aspects of personality will receive attention in this book, such as temperament, personality traits, the self, the self-concept, self-esteem, identity, and emotional experience and expression. • Social development. Social development involves the development of the individual's abilities (e.g., interpersonal skills), attitudes, relationships, and behaviour that enable them to interact with others and to function as members of society (APA, 2020). It also refers to the influence of society and significant other persons on an individual. Social development includes aspects such as the development of attachment between a caregiver and a child, the expansion of a person's interpersonal relationships, the modelling of behaviour and the development of relationships between the sexes. It also involves moral development (distinguishing between right and wrong), religion, and spirituality. Although the mentioned areas of development will be discussed separately, it should always be considered that these different areas are interrelated and operate in interaction with one another. Therefore, every individual functions as a whole. REVIEW THIS SECTION 1. What are the advantages of using a stage approach to discuss child development? Name the stages of development in childhood. 2. How is the concept child legally defined in South Africa? How does this differ from the psychological definition? 3. Discuss the various areas of development. Why is it important to discuss these areas separately? Does this mean that an individual is not considered as a whole?

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1.5 DEVELOPMENTAL ISSUES In all sciences are different viewpoints on various aspects. Psychology is no exception. Of course, such issues or controversies are important for the development of a science, as passive acceptance of information can only lead to stagnation, the major obstacle of any progress. The ideal situation is that a specific issue should be debated and researched until consensus is reached — and the same process should be repeated with the next controversy, of which there will always be more than enough. At present, the following may be regarded as some of the key issues that are debated in child psychology:

1.5.1 Nature or Nurture? We started this chapter with two short case studies: The Wild Boy and The Boy who Became a Girl. Both cases elicit questions that are illustrative of the so-called naturenurture issue. issue Nature refers to biological determinants such as genetic, neurological, and hormonal factors. Nurture refers to environmental factors such as the social (e.g., parenting styles) and the physical environment (e.g., poverty). This debate centres on the question of whether the child's development is the result of biological, especially genetic, factors (nature) or environmental influences (nurture). Although this debate is one of the oldest in psychology and the related sciences, it has continued to rage on, especially in certain circles (Kaufman, 2019; McCartney et al., 2020; Plomin, 2018).

Nature (e.g., DNA molecule that caries genetic information)

Nurture (environmental factors that influence our development, e.g., a happy family)

Several factors have contributed to this continuing debate over the years. First, the debate is heavily interwoven with arguments that do not always meet the necessary scientific criteria. Political and religious belief systems tend to colour these arguments, with the inevitable result that emotion rather than scientific data often triumphs. A typical example is the issue of same-sex sexual orientation, where political and religious leaders tend to support the nurture approach where it is believed that this orientation is caused by environmental factors and that people therefore have a choice in their sexual orientation. Modern scientists, on the other hand, tend to acknowledge that biological factors play a more significant role than was accepted previously. Second, the nature-nurture issue encompasses such a wide variety of behaviours that it is relatively easy to find an example 9 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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that will support either viewpoint. For instance, biological factors such as genetics may be used as evidence to explain motor development, while socialisation may be used as evidence that it is largely a product of the environment. A third factor that makes it difficult to solve the nature-nurture debate is that the cause of a specific behaviour is often difficult to prove. For example, if a child who was traumatised develops depression, how could one prove that the depression was caused by the trauma or that it would not have developed anyway (i.e., due to genetic/biological reasons)? After all, many children are traumatised but never develop depression, while many others in a positive environment do. This causeeffect issue is particularly important in psychology and should always be kept in mind. The issue is illustrated by the well-known joke that diet drinks cause people to become overweight: just see how many people who drink diet drinks are overweight! A more serious example: Should one find that people who abuse drugs are not very intelligent, how reliable is it to say that drug abuse leads to low intelligence? It could be just the opposite: Because of an already existing low intelligence, the person started to abuse drugs. Thus, if two factors, A and B, co-exist or are linked, it is not always easy to determine whether A caused B or whether B caused A — or whether there is a causal relationship at all. This is a common thinking error and should be avoided. As mentioned, the nature-nurture debate has not been resolved fully. However, most psychologists agree that the debate no longer centres on which of nature or nurture is the more important — but rather on how each of these factors contributes to specific behaviours, situations, and individuals (Kuther, 2018; Witherington et al., 2017). It is generally accepted that the interaction between heredity and environment is much more important than the respective contributions of each. The unique effect of the interaction is also acknowledged. This means that the effect of this interaction on the individual will differ from person to person, from situation to situation, and from time to time. Therefore, there is no set formula to determine the respective effects of nature or nurture on a particular person. However, in most cases, a useful guideline is that heredity sets the limits, and the environment determines to what extent a specific characteristic will develop between these limits.

1.5.2 Continuity or Discontinuity? The core question concerning this issue is whether human development is a continuous (gradual and smooth) or a discontinuous process (abrupt and occurring in distinct steps or stages). In other words, is development gradual like the steady growth of a tree, or is it comparable with the distinct stages during which a caterpillar changes into a butterfly? There seems to be enough evidence to conclude that both these viewpoints are correct, depending on the type of behaviour. For example, the gradual way in which children learn to talk, express themselves as their vocabulary expands, and develop cognitively, is practical evidence that the continuity viewpoint holds water to a certain extent. On the other hand, the relatively sudden hormonal changes that lead to sexual maturation during adolescence show that the discontinuity viewpoint is also valid. Another interesting aspect of the continuity-discontinuity issue is whether the early 10 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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Discontinuity

Continuity Continuity and discontinuity development

characteristics of children continue into their later life as adults. In other words, is later behaviour predictable if the predictions are based on a child's early behaviour? For example, will the quiet and obedient child also be a quiet and obedient adolescent and adult? What about the child who is an outstanding sportsperson or scholar? Will they still be outstanding in later life? Regardless of what is reflected in the popular media and believed by many, it is not easy at all to predict future human behaviour. From experience, you will know how many of your friends whom you have not seen for many years have changed, even to the extent that you have nothing in common anymore. On the other hand, it is equally true that you often run into old friends that have not changed, who are 'just the same as always'. A good guideline is that past and present behaviour is the best predictor of future behaviour — but this does not imply that it is fully reliable. As mentioned before, human behaviour is just too complex and unique to be represented in a rigid formula.

1.5.3 Passive or Active Involvement? The issue here is whether children have no part in their development and therefore are at the mercy of their environment or whether they can play an active role in their own development (Warner et al., 2017; Wollny, 2016). This is often called personal initiative. initiative To use John Locke's blank slate theory as an illustration: Is it only the environment that writes on the slate, or do children also contribute, and can they even delete what the environment has written? The present situation is that most psychologists agree that although the influence of the environment cannot be denied, children also take an active part in their own development. For instance, consider how people's responses (an important environmental factor in the development of a child) may differ towards an obnoxious versus a pleasant child. Moreover, children who, regardless of continuous efforts by their parents and the school, do not do their schoolwork, to a considerable extent shape their own future, as do children who, often even without encouragement and role models, adhere to the expectations and norms of society and achieve success. Most psychologists acknowledge that the unique way in which children cognitively and emotionally interpret and process their experiences has a significant influence on their development. However, psychologists are still debating especially two questions 11 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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in this regard: First, to what degree are children able to shape their own development? Second, which factors are responsible for children's unique interpretation and processing of their world? Further research is needed to provide answers to these questions.

1.5.4 Universality or Cultural Context? Do all children in the world follow universal (the same) developmental pathways, or are there clear differences along cultural lines? (Universality Universality means existing worldwide, i.e. characteristics shared by everyone.) For decades, child development was believed to follow the same pattern of development in all countries and cultures. This view was especially popular among psychologists who believed that development is discontinuous and therefore develops in stages that have universal characteristics. A primary reason for the wide acceptance of this viewpoint was that psychology as we know it developed mainly in Western cultures, and developmental researchers in these countries, especially in the USA and Europe, focused almost exclusively on their own cultures. In fact, most child psychology textbooks used in non-Western countries are published by Western countries, especially the USA. The inevitable result is that, strictly speaking, the data on child development in most publications worldwide refers to the behaviour of children in so-called WEIRD (Western, Educated, Industrialized, Rich, and Democratic) populations. In fact, more than 90% of psychological data (about 70% of the USA alone) come from countries that represent only about 10 % of the world's population (Geeraert, 2018; Nielsen et al, 2017). In this regard, Nsamenang (2002, p. 63) states the following: The ethnocentrism has been so overwhelming that the majority of both scholars and lay persons are unaware that the field would have been different had [childhood] been 'discovered' within the cultural conditions and life circumstances different than those of Europe and North America, say in Africa. This means, regrettably, that research efforts have so far failed to capture what [childhood] truly is in its global context. Instead, scholars have tended to create, or more accurately, to recast the African or other non-Western images of childhood in the shadow of Euro-American children. This still is a very unfortunate situation, as the majority of children do not live in the USA or even in all the Western countries combined. However, as the horizons of psychology started to expand, many researchers began to realise that the cultural context in which a person develops cannot be discarded. (Culture refers to the beliefs, norms, customs, and general way of life of a specific group of people, which are passed on from generation to generation. Context, a term you will often encounter in psychology, refers to the setting or specific environment in which development and behaviour occur.) More recently, numerous psychological studies have been conducted in most countries in the world, confirming that cultural factors can play an important role in a child's development (Huang, 2018; Packer, 2021). Nsamenang (2003) points out that culture influences development by ensuring that children acquire appropriate cognitive, communicative, motivational, and social-emotional or affective and spiritual attributes, as well as practical skills that will make them competent adults who will contribute to their own survival and progress and that of their people and society. Therefore, to a great extent, human development is a cultural process. In every society, children are exposed to mostly cultural, not universal, influences. 12 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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Child development should always be viewed in the child' child's specific cultural context

Therefore, it should be considered that paths of development in one culture may be very different from paths in other cultures. For example, consider a collectivist culture that is quite common in Africa and where children grow up in an environment where the needs of the group are regarded as much more important than the needs of the individual. Compare this with an individualistic society (to which most Western cultures belong) where to a large extent a child is exposed to an environment where people view themselves as separate entities and mainly are concerned with their own needs. Another important influence in the socialisation of children is the role of parental practices in a culture. For example, in most African cultures, young children are usually much more involved in domestic duties than children in developed countries are. It is customary practice to send children on errands, which is a way of utilising the shared community responsibility for rearing children. Therefore, if this example is used, it could be interpreted that what is viewed as unfair child labour in one culture, may be viewed as a normal and even necessary socialisation practice in another — children are provided with the opportunity to interact in the community, which offers valuable vocational training (Adongteng-Kissi, 2018; Potter, 2016). An interesting research finding indicated that children assigned to take care of their younger siblings, which often happens in African cultures, tend to show more nurturing behaviour than children do who spend more time with their peers, such as in the USA. The latter group tend to show more competitive and attention-seeking behaviour (Smith et al., 2011). However, several research studies in South Africa have found that in cases where children must care for other siblings, for example where one or both parents died of AIDS, they are at risk for physical and mental health problems (see Chapter 7). Not only psychological development is affected by culture. It seems that even behaviour with a biological basis could be influenced by cultural factors (Pogosyan, 2017; Sasaki, 2017). For example, in communities where high value is placed on motor development 13 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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such as crawling, standing, and walking, these milestones are reached earlier. This is probably because the children receive more encouragement to develop in this area. When considering that culture may also influence important aspects of life, such as the opinions of a community about what moral and intelligent behaviour is, the influence of culture becomes clearer. Conversely, care should be taken not to overemphasise the role of culture. This is especially true in countries such as South Africa where cultural dimensions such as race are often used to promote political and personal ideologies. First, it should be considered that the differences in one culture are often larger than the differences between cultures (Kirkman et al., 2016). In this regard, Billikopf (2014, p. 391) states, "When the superficial exterior is peeled off, there are not so many differences after all." Think of your own culture, and you will find that you often have less in common with many of your own people than with some people from other cultures. This situation is emphasised by the existence of distinct sub-cultures in one culture. For example, the rural Zulu, Xhosa, or Afrikaner may have norms and child-rearing practices that differ significantly from those of their urban counterparts. Second, culture is not a static process. Even in 'traditional' Africa, cultural and developmental norms are not static; they are contested socially and changing rapidly in response to contact with other cultures, ecological shifts, and existential dynamics. Third, the already-mentioned golden rule in psychology should always be remembered: Every individual is unique, even in a cultural or sub-cultural context. Culture does not neutralise this uniqueness. Every person, especially South Africans with their unique history and multicultural society, should therefore guard against that appalling human characteristic of generalisation. In science, and therefore also in child psychology, this is a golden rule. REVIEW THIS SECTION 1. Discuss the key issues that are debated in child psychology. 2. Reflect on your own development. What do you think played the greatest role in your development: your environment (e.g., your parents' child-rearing styles, education, neighbourhood), or your biological/genetic endowment? Are you the same person as, say, five years ago? What contributed to this continuity/discontinuity? 3. To what degree can children contribute to their own development? Are people always the products of their environment? 4. Class discussion: Try to determine to which degree the various cultural groups in class correspond/differ in terms of their views on child rearing, intelligent behaviour, education, social interaction, etc. (Create your own list of important developmental areas/questions).

1.6 THEORIES OF DEVELOPMENT Most parents will probably be able to identify with the following statement by John Wilmot: Before I got married, I had six theories about bringing up children; now I have six children and no theory. 14 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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Theories are essential for understanding children's development because they provide the why of development. In child development, a theory is an organised set of ideas that is designed to explain and make predictions about development. More specifically, a theory has several functions and advantages, for example (see Mngadi, 2018; University of Southern California, 2021): • A theory summarises and explains the presently known facts. A theory makes sense out of facts and gives facts their meaning. It 'connects the dots' so that a picture can be formed of the ways in which children grow up. • A theory aims to predict future behaviour. Since a theory explains the present and past behaviour of a child, it can predict to a certain degree the behaviour of a child and similar children in the future. Some of these predictions are more exact than others are. For example, predicting the future of a child with a specific type of brain damage is usually more accurate than predicting how a child will respond to maltreatment. • A theory stimulates new research. To determine whether a theory is true or not, research must be done. When the results of the research confirm the assumptions of the theory, the theory is accepted or at least gains support. When the research results differ from the theory, the theory is rejected or revised. These revised theories then provide the basis for new research, and the cycle continues, continually creating new ideas and information. Various theories of child development exist. This is true for all sciences. For example, astronomers differ on whether there is life on other planets; theologians differ on the interpretation of the scriptures; political scientists differ on what the policies of a country should be; legal professionals differ on the interpretation of the law; and medical specialists differ on diagnoses and treatment. However, the value of such differences should never be underestimated. The debates and even conflicts between scientists who hold different viewpoints prevent stagnation and lead to ongoing research that may shed new light on a subject. Next, we shall briefly consider some of the most influential theories concerning child development. It is important to know that no single theory will explain everything about child development. Apart from differences in viewpoints between psychologists, most theories focus only on specific aspects of child development. For example, some theories target only cognitive development, while others concentrate only on emotional development. Additionally, each category of theory usually has 'sub-theories', where the focus is on a smaller, more specialised aspect; for example, a developmental psychologist who is interested in how children respond to violence on television. Since the beginning of child development as a science, many theories have guided research and thinking about children's development. The earliest developmental theories were useful in generating research, but findings from that research led child development scientists to newer, improved theories. Both the earlier theories and the modern ones will be described next, because newer theories are understood best in terms of their historical roots. As some theories share assumptions and ideas about children and 15 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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development, they will be grouped together to form five major theoretical perspectives of child development. This includes the main biological perspectives, while the main psychological perspectives include the psychodynamic, learning, cognitive-developmental and contextual perspectives. As you read about each perspective in the next few pages, think about how it differs from the others in its view of development.

1.6.1 The Biological Perspective According to the biological perspective, behaviour is determined primarily by biological factors. However, this does not mean that supporters of this perspective deny the influence of environmental factors, but they do regard the latter as the secondary role player in behaviour. More specifically, the biological perspective emphasises the role of heredity (especially genes), the nervous system (especially the brain) and the endocrine system (especially hormones) in behaviour. The following are examples of biological theories of human and therefore also child development:

1.6.1.1 The maturational theory This was one of the first biological theories and was proposed by the American psychologist Arnold Gesell (1880-1961). According to the maturational theory, child development reflects a specific and prearranged scheme or plan within the body. In Gesell's view, development is simply a natural unfolding of a biological plan; experience matters little. According to Gesell, behaviours such as speech, play, and reasoning emerge spontaneously according to a predetermined developmental timetable, without the input or influence from the environment, such as parents. Today, the maturational theory has little support because it has little to say about the influence of the environment on children's development (Hielkema, 2018).

1.6.1.2 The ethological theory This theory views development from an evolutionary perspective and states that many behaviours are adaptive — they have survival value. For example, clinging, grasping, and crying are adaptive for infants because they elicit caregiving from adults. Ethological theorists assume that people inherit many of these adaptive behaviours. In contrast to maturationists, ethologists believe that all animals are programmed biologically so that some kinds of learning (i.e., input or influence from the environment), occur only at certain stages, called critical periods. A critical period is the stage in development when a specific type of learning can take place; before or after the critical period, the same learning is difficult or even impossible (see Box 1.2 on critical and sensitive periods). One of the best-known examples of a critical period originated in the work of Konrad Lorenz (1903-1989), a Nobel Prize-winning Austrian zoologist. Lorenz noticed that newly hatched goslings followed whatever moving object they saw first. He then hatched goose eggs in an incubator and arranged that he was the first living object the goslings would see. The goslings followed Lorenz everywhere (even when their own mother was present) 16 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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and they even ran to Lorenz when they were afraid. This behavioural pattern remained relatively permanent and sometimes annoyingly persistent: Some of the goslings chose to spend the night in Lorenz's room rather than on the banks of the Danube River! The behaviour manifested by the goslings is called imprinting imprinting, a form of learning that takes place during a short, early period in the life of an organism when attachment to members of the same species and sometimes to members of some other species occurs (see Davis, 2021). Lorenz also discovered that goslings had to see the moving object within about a day of hatching, otherwise they would not imprint on the moving object. In other words, the critical period for imprinting lasts about a day; when goslings experience the moving object outside the critical period, imprinting does not take place. Even though Imprinting can occur to members of other species the underlying mechanism is biological, experience is essential for triggering programmed, adaptive behaviours. BOX 1.2. CRITICAL AND SENSITIVE PERIODS As far as human development is concerned, critical periods are especially pertinent in physiological development. For example, in the 1960s, many pregnant mothers used a tranquilliser called thalidomide, with disastrous effects on the physiological development of their children. When the mother took the drug between approximately the 34th and 38th day after conception, the children were born without ears. When taken between the 38th and 46th day after conception, the child's forearms did not develop properly. The terms critical period and sensitive period are often used as synonyms. However, most psychologists agree that although they are very similar, there is a difference between the two. A sensitive period is also a period during which the child is very susceptible to environmental influences, but in a less stringent way than in the case of a critical period. Therefore, the implication is that although certain external influences also have a maximum effect during the sensitive period, they may still have an effect before and after a sensitive period. For example, the sensitive period for learning to speak is from about 7 months to 3 years (Montessori Academy, 2019).

However, the ethological theory did not escape criticism. According to critics, the theory is too vague and needs more evidence (Kirsten, 2017). For example, the critical period makes sense, but does not explain all behaviour. Generalising from animal behaviour patterns to human behaviour is also questioned. 17 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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1.6.1.3 Evolutionary theory Evolutionary psychologists apply Charles Darwin's (1809-1882) theory of evolution, and thus his principle of natural selection, selection to human behaviour. According to evolutionary psychologists, much of human behaviour results from successful adaptation to the environment. Evolution refers to the change in the inherited characteristics over successive generations (National Academies, 2021). This could transform the individual and species significantly, even to the extent that they are quite different from their ancestors. These changes are caused by adapting successfully to situations and the eventual passing of those 'efficient traits' down to the offspring. For example, you probably take it for granted that most people enjoy being with other people. We occasionally enjoy being alone but dread the prospect of complete isolation. According to evolutionary psychologists, our 'social nature' is a product of evolution: For early humans, being in a group offered protection from predators and made it easier to locate food. Thus, early humans who were social were more likely than their asocial peers to live long enough to reproduce, passing on their social orientation to their offspring. Over a great many generations, 'being social' had such a survival advantage that most people are socially oriented (though in varying degrees). Applied to child development, evolutionary developmental psychology highlights the adaptive value of children's behaviour at different points in development (e.g., crying behaviour to draw attention to hunger, tiredness, and emotional or physical discomfort). The evolutionary viewpoint is also useful because it provides certain insights into the causes of behavioural problems such as aggression in children (see Bjorklund et al., 2018; Sutton, 2020). Therefore, the evolutionary approach forces us to remember that the behaviour of children (and their parents) often has "evolved over the past several million years to handle the problems faced by our...ancestors" (Bjorklund et al., 2018, p. 1696). For example, an extended childhood developed, because humans needed more time to develop larger brains to learn the complexities of human societies. Humans also take much longer than other mammals to reach reproductive maturity, mainly because they need this extended time to gain experience to become competent adults in a complex society (Santrock, 2019). Critics of the evolutionary approach in psychology hold the view that this theory is largely based on assumptions and that empirical (scientific, experimental) evidence is mostly lacking. Its explanations of human behaviour are primarily speculation based on

The evolutionary theory refers to adaptations in human behaviour over many generations

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assumptions about what human life was like in prehistoric times (Taylor, 2014). There is also considerable debate on whether certain forms of behaviour such as a musical aptitude is really associated with adaptive behaviour. Furthermore, many critics agree that the evolutionary perspective places too little emphasis on social influences of the more recent era.

1.6.1.4 Evaluation of the biological perspective The biological perspective has gained substantial support over the last few decades. The main reason is that research has proved that a direct relationship exists between biological factors and certain forms of behaviour that previously were believed to have exclusive psychological origins. Examples are certain types of mental disorders such as depression and schizophrenia (a serious mental disorder where the person loses touch with reality), as well as certain learning disabilities. In fact, it is widely acknowledged that most forms of normal and abnormal behaviour have at least a biological or genetic basis (Anholt, 2020; Plomin, 2019). This revival of the biological perspective has also led to a new interest in physiological psychology and its contribution to human development. The result is that research contributions towards explaining behaviour have been made especially in the following of its sub-disciplines: • Neuropsychology focuses on the relationship between brain and behaviour. For example, by studying the influence of certain damaged brain areas, much may be learnt from the role of that area. The same applies to researching possible structural differences in the brains of persons with mental disorders. For instance, the development of neuroimaging (brain scanning) where various techniques are used to obtain visual images of the functioning brain are obtained, has contributed significantly to our understanding of the role of the brain in behaviour. For example, it is possible to identify the specific parts of the brain involved in processing different types of information. Research findings in this field have led to the establishment of a relatively new field called child neuropsychology (paediatric paediatric neuropsychology), neuropsychology which focuses on brain health and its influence on especially children's problems associated with school, home, or friends. • Behavioural genetics studies the role of genetic factors in the full spectrum of behaviour, ranging from normal to abnormal behaviour. Psychologists agree that the influence of genetic factors in behaviour is important, and many believe it has been underestimated. A subfield, developmental behavioural genetics, genetics focuses specifically on the role of genetics in human, especially child, development. • Psycho-endocrinology focuses on the relationship between behaviour and the endocrine system, especially the hormones hormones. As hormones play a significant role in important aspects of behaviour such as sexuality and emotion, it is understandable that it has become an influential explanation of several forms of behaviour. As far as child development is concerned, it is accepted that hormonal disturbances could 19 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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play a role in physical problems such as growth abnormalities and menstruation complications, as well as emotional dysfunctions such as depression. It cannot be denied that biological factors play an important role in human development (in some genetic abnormalities almost 100%). However, biological explanations seem to be more important for some kinds of behaviour (e.g., motor development) than in others (e.g., thinking and emotions). Also, the precise role of genetic factors is still not clear and often offers only a vague explanation. It remains important to view the significance of biological factors as an interaction with equally important environmental factors such as the family, friends, and school. Otherwise, we shall reduce human emotions, thinking and other forms of behaviour to a mechanistic explanation, which is easy to clarify — and psychologists agree that is not the case. In fact, the overemphasis of biological factors is probably the most important criticism on the biological perspective.

1.6.2 The Psychodynamic Perspective The psychodynamic perspective, which especially explores the influence of unconscious psychological motives such as drives or urges on behaviour, represents the oldest psychiatric/psychological perspective on child development. Its roots are traced back to the work of Sigmund Freud (1856-1939) in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Sigmund Freud and Erik Erikson are the best known in this regard.

1.6.2.1 Freud' Freud's psychoanalytic theory Freud was a physician who specialised in diseases of the nervous system. Many of his patients were adults who suffered from ailments that seemed to have no obvious biological cause. As Freud listened to his patients describe their problems and their lives, he became convinced that early experiences establish patterns that endure throughout a person's life. Using his patients' case histories, Freud created the first psychodynamic theory, called the psychoanalytic theory, theory which holds that development is determined largely by how well people resolve the unconscious conflicts that they face at different ages. As part of his theory, Freud argued that personality includes three primary components — the id, ego, and super ego — that emerge at distinct ages and work together to create complex human behaviours: The id is a reservoir of primitive instincts and Sigmund Freud drives. The id is present at birth and demands immediate gratification of bodily needs and wants. A hungry baby crying illustrates the id 20 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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in action. The ego is the practical, rational component of personality. It appears during the first year of life, as infants learn that they cannot always have what they want. The ego tries to resolve conflicts that occur when the instinctive desires of the id meet the obstacles of the real world. The ego often tries to guide the id's impulsive demands into socially more acceptable behaviours. Take the example of a young child who does not have a toy and is envious of another child who has one. According to Freud, the id would urge the child to grab the toy, but the ego would encourage the child to play with the friend and in the process, also with the attractive toy. The superego is the 'moral agent' in the child's personality. It emerges during the preschool years as children begin to internalise adult standards of right and wrong. If the peer in the previous example left the attractive toy unattended, the id might tell the child to grab the toy and run; the superego would remind the child that taking another's toy would be wrong. Freud also proposed a series of psychosexual stages through which a child moves in a fixed sequence determined by maturation. In each stage, the focus is on a different part of the body called the erogenous zones, zones which are dominated by sexual instincts. Permitting either too much or too little gratification of these urges, problems may result, which Freud called fixation fixation. This means that development is arrested at a certain stage and the child cannot move ahead. These stages are reflected in Table 1.1. Evaluation of Freud' Freud's theory: Scientists criticised many aspects of Freud's work. Probably the most important criticism is that it is almost impossible to research many aspects of Freud's theory, such as the unconscious, with the result that it has not been proven empirically (Barlow et al., 2017; Mash et al., 2019). The resulting subjective interpretations and explanations are often not agreed upon and sometimes even border on the illogical. In addition, his views of development were based on adults recalling the past, not from observing children directly. Recollection (recalling from memory) is not a

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Table 1.1. Freud Freud''s psychosexual developmental stages PSYCHOSEXUAL STAGE

Oral

Anal

Phallic

Latency

Genital

APPROXIMATE AGE

DESCRIPTION

Birth - 1 year

Sexual energy is centred on the mouth. Babies derive oral gratification from sucking, etc. If oral needs are not met appropriately, the individual may develop such habits as thumb sucking and fingernail biting in childhood and overeating and smoking later in life.

1-3 years

Sexual energy centres on the anal area, especially regarding the control of elimination functions. Toilet training becomes a major issue between parent and child. If parents insist that children be trained before they are ready, or make too few demands, conflicts about anal control may appear in the form of extreme orderliness and cleanliness or messiness and disorder.

3-6 years

Sexual impulses transfer to the genitals and the child finds pleasure in genital stimulation. The Oedipus complex arises in young children. This refers to a child's sexual desire for the opposite-sex parent and a sense of rivalry for the parent of the same sex. Although these feelings and desires are unconscious and involuntary, they have a major influence on the child's development. Because of the anxiety this causes, they identify with the same-sex parent's characteristics and values. As a result, the superego is formed. The relations established between the id, ego and superego at this time determine the individual's basic personality.

6-11 years

Sexual instincts subside and the superego develops further. The child acquires new social values from interacting with other adults and with same-sex peers. Energy is channelled in school and social activities.

Adolescence

Puberty causes the sexual impulses to reappear. Adolescents must learn to express these urges in socially acceptable ways. If development has been successful during earlier stages, it leads to mature sexuality, marriage and the birth and rearing of children.

Adapted from Berk (2018)

reliable source of scientific data. Furthermore, Freud's relatively small group of patients can hardly be viewed as representative of all psychiatric patients, let alone 'normal' people. A serious criticism of Freud's theory is that he saw the first approximately six years of life as the main developmental period that determines the rest of a person's life. Today, most psychologists accept that all life stages are important, that psychological growth continues throughout life, and that trauma at any stage of one's life can have a significant effect. Most psychologists also agree that Freud overemphasised the role of sexual feelings in the development of a child, while ignoring other key areas such as cognitive development. Although the mentioned shortcomings have undermined much of Freud's theory, his insights have had a lasting effect on child development research and theory. Firstly, 22 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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he noted that early experiences could have enduring effects on children's development. Secondly, he suggested that children often experience conflict between what they want to do and what they know they should do. Thirdly, and this is probably his most important contribution, he stimulated debate and research as no other mental health professional has done in history. This not only led to adaptations of his theories by his followers but also paved the way for many of the widely accepted theories of today. Freud was the founding father of psychoanalysis psychoanalysis, a method of treating patients with psychiatric problems through dialogue between the patient and the psychoanalyst. The aim of this method or therapy was to release expressed emotions and experiences, that is, to make the unconscious conscious. However, today, the influence of psychoanalysis as a major therapeutic method has declined, largely because of the lack of empirical support (Paris, 2017; Siegler et al., 2020).

1.6.2.2 Erikson' Erikson's psychosocial theory Erik Erikson (1902-1994), Freud's student, embraced Freud's idea of unconscious conflict, but he emphasised the psychological and social aspects of conflict, rather than the biological and sexual aspects. In Erikson's psychosocial theory, development consists of a sequence of eight developmental stages from birth to late adulthood. During each stage, the person experiences a psychosocial crisis that could have a positive or negative outcome for personality development. These crises arise because of a conflict between the psychological needs of the individual (i.e., psycho) and the conflicting needs of society (i.e., social). Successful completion of each stage results in a healthy personality and the acquisition of basic virtues. virtues These basic virtues are characteristic strengths that the ego can use to resolve subsequent crises. The complete theory includes the eight stages shown in Table 1.2. The name of each stage reflects Erik Erikson the challenge that individuals face at a particular age. For example, the challenge for infants is to trust their environment. They achieve this when their care is consistent and reliable. When care has been unreliable and unpredictable, they may develop a sense of mistrust. Success in this stage will lead to the virtue of hope. Therefore, the infant can hope that there is always a possibility that people will provide support when a crisis arises. Erikson also argued that the earlier stages of psychosocial development provide the foundation for the later stages. For example, adolescents who do not meet the challenge of developing an identity will not establish truly intimate relationships as adults; instead, they will become overly dependent on their partners as a source of identity. Evaluation of Erikson' Erikson's theory: Whether we call them conflicts, challenges, or crises, 23 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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Table 1.2. Erikson Erikson''s eight stages of psychosocial development PSYCHOSOCIAL STAGE

AGE

Basic trust vs. mistrust

Birth to 1 year

Autonomy vs. shame and doubt

1 to 3 years

To realise that one is an independent person who can make decisions.

Willpower

Initiative vs. guilt

3 to 6 years

To develop a willingness to try new things and to handle failure.

Purpose

Industry vs. inferiority

6 years to adolescence

To learn basic skills and to work with others.

Competency

Identity vs. identity confusion

Adolescence

To develop a lasting, integrated sense of self.

Reliability/ Fidelity

Intimacy vs. isolation

Young adulthood

To commit to another in a loving relationship.

Love

Generativity vs. stagnation

Middle adulthood

To contribute to younger people, through child rearing, voluntary community work or other productive work.

Care

Integrity vs. despair

Late adulthood

To view one's life as satisfactory and worth living.

Wisdom

CHALLENGE To develop a sense that the world is a safe and a good place.

VIRTUE

Hope

the psychodynamic perspective emphasises that the journey to adulthood is difficult because the path is strewn with obstacles. Outcomes of development reflect the manner and ease with which children surmount barriers in life. When children overcome early obstacles easily, they are better able to handle the later ones. Unfortunately, Erikson's theory has a similar lack of empirical evidence as Freud's theory has (Siegler et al., 2020). Cultural factors were also largely ignored; for example, the timing of each stage may vary across cultures. Some theorists hold the opinion that Erikson's theory is more applicable to boys than it is to girls, while others point out that the theory does not say much about the underlying causes of each developmental crisis. However, many psychologists agree that Erikson's explanation of psychosocial changes to a certain degree captures the essence of personality development during childhood and adolescence. Erikson's theory has also stimulated research that has had a significant effect on our understanding of stage development such as the development of identity during adolescence (Crain, 2016). The theory will receive more attention in the following chapters.

1.6.3 The Learning Theory Perspective The learning theories flowed largely from dissatisfaction with the lack of empirical evidence to support the claims of the psychodynamic perspective (Illerus, 2018). Learning 24 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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theorists believed that only behaviour that could be measured and quantified should be studied. Otherwise, it could easily lead to subjective and unproven conclusions. Therefore, their focus was primarily on the role of environmental factors. Proponents of this theory are John Watson, B.F. Skinner and Albert Bandura.

1.6.3.1 Early learning theories John B. Watson (1878-1958), who is acknowledged as the father of behaviourism behaviourism, was the first theorist to apply this approach to child development. (Behaviourism was the original theory that proposed that behaviour is learnt primarily from one's environment). Watson was influenced by the famous Russian psychologist and Nobel Prize winner, Ivan Pavlov. Knowing that dogs salivate when they see or taste food, Pavlov repeatedly paired the sound of a bell with the presentation of food. He found that the ringing of the bell by itself (without presenting food) caused the dogs to salivate. The phenomenon that the repeated pairing of stimuli may lead to new behaviour is called classical conditioning. Classical conditioning refers to the conditioning process of learning through which an initially neutral stimulus (e.g., sound of a bell), elicits a particular response (e.g., saliva) after repeatedly being paired John Watson with an unconditioned stimulus (e.g., food). Watson was intrigued with Pavlov's work and wondered whether classical conditioning could be applied to children's behaviour. He showed an 11-month-old infant, named Albert, a white rat and found that the child was not afraid of the rat. Watson then produced a sharp, loud sound (banging on a steel bar with a hammer) every time Albert played with the rat. The noise startled the little boy and made him cry. After several pairings of the loud noise with the white rat, Albert learnt to be afraid of the rat and cried even when the noise was absent. He also became afraid of objects which reminded him of the rat. As a result, Watson argued that learning (the environment) determines what children will be; experience was all that mattered in determining the course of development. It also led to Watson's well-known statement: Give me a dozen healthy infants, well-formed and my own specified world to bring them up in and

An example of classical conditioning

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I'll guarantee to take any one at random and train him to become any kind of specialist I might select — doctor, lawyer, artist, merchant-chief and, yes, even beggar-man and thief, regardless of his talents, penchants, tendencies, abilities, vocations, and race of his ancestors … (1924, p. 82). However, this statement is often used out of context and makes Watson appear more radical than he really was. His next sentence, which is relatively unknown, started with: I am going beyond my facts and I admit it ... In other publications, he also acknowledged the role of heredity (e.g., Watson, 1913). B. F. Skinner (1904-1990) supported behaviourism but took a different route. Where Watson focused on children's responses (reactions) to the environment, Skinner believed that children learn by the responses from the environment. Skinner called this process operant conditioning. conditioning The term operant conditioning is derived from the word operate (to manage or organise): Skinner believed that children operate in their environment to attract more rewarding reactions and to avoid punishment. The basic principle is that if a child's behaviour is rewarded it is more likely to be repeated, but if the behaviour is met with a negative reaction (punishment), it is less likely to recur. For example, if children are praised for having done their homework, it is more likely that they will do it again. Similarly, if a father grounds his teenage son for coming in late, the B.F. Skinner late coming is less likely to recur.

1.6.3.2 Social cognitive theory

Albert Bandura

Researchers discovered, however, that children sometimes learn without reinforcement or punishment. Children learn much by simply watching those around them, which is known as imitation imitation, modelling, and observational learning. modelling learning For example, modelling occurs when a toddler throws a toy after seeing a peer do so, or when children make racist remarks because their parents often do so. Albert Bandura (1925 – present), an American psychologist, is regarded as the father of this viewpoint. Bandura originally called this theory the social learning theory, but as he later realised that cognitive factors play a vital role, it was changed to social cognitive theory (Bandura, 1989, 2005). By doing this, Bandura refined his theory by acknowledging that learning is not always a result of external reinforcement or observational learning, but that internal and cognitive 26

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factors also play a role. For example, children might learn something because of their pride, a sense of satisfaction, or to fulfil a need for accomplishment. He also placed more emphasis on children's ability to decide which behaviour to model. This decision is influenced by children's own expectations of what the consequences of imitating the model's behaviour will be, the child's own personal standards and value systems, and how powerful and dynamic the model is. Bandura (2005, p. 9) summarises the basic tenet of social cognitive theory as follows: Social cognitive theory adopts an agentic perspective [authors' emphasis] to self-development, adaptation, and change. To be an agent is to influence intentionally one's functioning and life circumstances. In this view, people are self-organizing, proactive, self-regulating, and self-reflecting. They are contributors to their life circumstances, not just products of them. The core features of human agency (i.e., that people actively shape their own behaviour) are the following: • Intentionality. People form action plans and strategies to achieve them. • Forethought. People set goals for themselves and anticipate likely outcomes. These visualised futures serve as motivators of behaviour. • Self-regulation. People adopt personal standards and monitor and regulate their actions. They do things that give them satisfaction and a sense of self-worth and refrain from actions that cause detrimental outcomes. • Self-reflection. People reflect (think about) the accuracy of their thoughts and actions and make corrective adjustments if necessary. An important contribution to Bandura's theory is his notion of self-efficacy (Bandura, 1977, 2012; also see Lippke, 2020). This refers to people's beliefs about their own ability to influence events that affect their lives. This core belief is the foundation of human motivation, performance accomplishments, and emotional well-being. Unless people believe they can produce desired effects by their actions, they have little incentive to undertake or to persevere in the face of difficulties. Therefore, one's sense of self-efficacy can play a major role in how one approaches goals, tasks, and challenges. According to Bandura, self-efficacy develops from the following four main sources of influence: • Mastery experiences. This refers to a person's interpretation of performance outcomes: Success builds a belief in one's ability to succeed, while failure undermines it. Efficacy beliefs affect whether individuals think optimistically or pessimistically, in self-enhancing or self-debilitating ways. One way to improve one's performance in any given activity is by practising. • Vicarious experiences. This involves observing models in one's immediate environment rather than through active doing. Models can include the social or physical environment such as parents, siblings, family members, teachers, and coaches, and the symbolic environment such as communication technologies and the media (i.e. what one sees, hears, and reads). These models have the power to portray lifestyles, ideas, and values. When people have positive role models in their lives, especially those who display a healthy level of self-efficacy, one is more likely to absorb positive beliefs about the self. • Social persuasion. Receiving positive feedback while undertaking complex tasks 27 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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persuades persons to believe that they have the skills and capabilities to succeed. For example, verbal persuasion, such as telling people that they can achieve a task, works on any age, but the earlier it is administered the more it is likely to encourage and develop self-efficacy. • Choice of environments. By choosing their environments, people can play a key role in shaping the course that lives take. This is because social environments continue to promote certain competencies, values, and lifestyles. For example, choosing friends that reflect one's values and lifestyles (or not) can have a profound effect on one's self-efficacy. However, Bandura (2011) acknowledges that, in many spheres of functioning, people do not have direct control over conditions that affect their lives. People do not live their lives in individual autonomy. Therefore, many of the things they seek are achievable only by working together through interdependent effort — that is to pool their knowledge, skills, and resources to shape their future.

1.6.3.3 Evaluation of learning theories There can be no doubt that the learning theories have made valuable contributions to child psychology. The greatest contribution is that they have made us aware of the significance of environmental factors. Equally important is the emphasis on scientific research. This insistence on scientific criteria has had an important influence on the development of child psychology as a widely recognised science. However, the learning theories have also been subjected to criticism: • Firstly, there is a general view that the supporters of these theories have placed too much emphasis on environmental determinants such as immediate reinforcement, punishment, and modelling. For example, the role of biological factors, such as genetics, is often ignored. • Secondly, inadequate attention is paid to developmental changes; for example, whether the influence of environmental factors changes with age. A typical unanswered question in this regard is whether modelling has the same effect during different ages. • Thirdly, the role of cultural factors, especially on child-rearing practices, is not always considered. For example, attitudes towards punishment may vary significantly among cultures. Consequently, children from different cultures may interpret and process punishment differently. • Fourthly, behaviourism and social learning theory have been criticised for underestimating people's contribution to their own development. However, this issue was addressed by Bandura's social cognitive theory, which granted that children and adults play an active role in their own learning (Berk, 2019).

1.6.4 The Cognitive-Developmental Perspective The cognitive-developmental perspective focuses on how children think and how their thinking changes over time. Proponents of this perspective are Jean Piaget and the 28 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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information-processing theorists.

1.6.4.1 Piaget' Piaget's theory of cognitive development Jean Piaget (1896-1980), a Swiss psychologist, proposed the best known of these theories. He believed that children naturally try to make sense of their world. Throughout infancy, childhood and adolescence, youngsters want to understand the workings of both their physical and social world. For example, infants want to know: "What will happen when I push this toy off the table?" Adolescents want to know: "Why should I obey these stupid rules?" Piaget argued that in their efforts to understand their world, children act like scientists in creating theories about their physical and social worlds; they try to weave all that they know about objects and people into a complete theory. Children's theories are tested daily by experience because their theories lead them to expect certain things to happen. As with scientific theories, when the predicted events do occur, Jean Piaget children's belief in their theory grows stronger. When the predicted events do not occur, they must revise their theory. For example, consider a baby girl holding a rattle. Her theory of objects might include the idea that 'If I let go, the rattle will fall on the floor'. If the infant drops some other object (e.g., her bottle) she will find that it, too, falls on the floor. She can now make the theory more general: objects that are dropped fall on the floor. Piaget also believed that at a few critical points in development, children realise their theories have basic flaws. When this happens, they revise their theories radically. These changes are so fundamental that, in many respects, the revised theory is a brand-new theory. Piaget claimed that radical revisions occur three times in development: once at about age two, a second time at about age seven and a third time just before adolescence. These radical changes imply that children go through four distinct stages in cognitive development. Each stage represents a fundamental change in how children understand and organise their environment, and each stage is characterised by types of reasoning that are more sophisticated. For example, the sensorimotor stage begins at birth and lasts until about age two. As the name implies, sensorimotor thinking is linked to the infant's sensory and motor skills. This stage and the three later stages are shown in Table 1.3. However, it should be noted that, as with any other stage approach, the ages listed in the Table are only approximations. In explaining this theory, Piaget created several new concepts and used existing terms in a unique way. Piaget believed that children are naturally curious. They constantly want to make sense out of their experiences and, in the process, construct their understanding of the world. As mentioned earlier, for Piaget, children are like scientists in that they create 29 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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Table 1.3. Piaget Piaget''s stages of cognitive development APPROXIMATE AGE

CHARACTERISTICS

Birth to 2 years

Infants' understanding of the world is acquired through the senses and movement (e.g., looking and grasping). Object permanence develops; the child starts to realise that a physical object can exist even if it is not in view.

Preoperational

2 to 6 years

Children start to use language and symbols (e.g., pictures and words) to represent ideas and objects. Animism (all lifeless objects also have feelings and thoughts) and egocentric thinking (inability to see the world from other people's point of view) develop.

Concrete operational

7 to 11 years

Logical thinking develops, but only as it applies to concrete objects. Abstract thinking is still absent to a large extent.

Formal operational

12 and older

Adolescent or adult thinks abstractly, speculates on hypothetical situations and reasons deductively about what may be possible.

STAGE

Sensorimotor

theories about how the world works. Children come to understand the world by using schemas, which may be described as a psychological template (structure, framework, schemas or plan) to organise encounters that are based on prior experience and memory. That is, schemas are mental categories of related events, objects, and knowledge. For example, an infant picking up a small ball with one hand is using her picking-up schema. As the child acquires new experiences, these themes also expand. Should the child try to pick up a much larger ball with only one hand, she will find that the schema of picking up with one hand does not work, and she will expand this theme to a schema of picking up with two hands. In the same way, children, as they grow older, will expand their mental schemas in a more abstract and symbolic way. According to Piaget, the cognitive development of children is based on the following interrelated principles and processes: Firstly, organisation organisation, which is the tendency of cognitive processes to become not only more complex, but also more systematic and coherent. Therefore, to make sense of their world, children organise their experiences. Secondly, adaptation adaptation, which means that as children gain new experiences, they must deal with information that seems to be against what they already know (i.e., their existing schemas). Adaptation involves two processes: assimilation and accommodation accommodation. Assimilation is the tendency to interpret new experiences in terms of an existing schema. Note that the existing cognitive schema is not changed; the new experience is changed to fit into the existing schema. For example, a little girl who is familiar with a cow and a dog sees a horse for the first time and says, "Mommy, look, there is a cow." In the case of accommodation, the schema is adapted or changed because of new information acquired through assimilation. In the example, the little girl refers to the horse as a cow (assimilation). Accommodation takes place when her mother corrects her by telling her 30 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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that the animal is not a cow, but a horse. This added information forces the little girl to develop another cognitive schema, namely one for horses. Her schema or understanding of animals (which up to then has consisted of only a cow and a dog) will then also adapt or change to incorporate the cognitive schema of a horse as an additional example of an animal. Piaget calls the process of constant striving for a stable balance or equilibrium between assimilation and accommodation, equilibration equilibration. As is the case with all theories, Piaget did not escape criticism. For example, his research method leaves much to be desired (e.g., his observations were based mainly on his own children), while he also tended to underestimate the cognitive development of young children. These and other criticisms will be discussed in the chapters to follow. However, there is general agreement that Piaget inspired much research and opened an important previously neglected field which has increased our knowledge in the field of cognitive development significantly. Piaget's stages of cognitive development will be discussed in more detail in the later chapters.

1.6.4.2 The information-processing theory Not all cognitive-developmental theorists view development as a sequence of stages. The information-processing theory, for example, is based on the viewpoint that humans process the information they receive, rather than merely respond to stimuli. This theory originated in the 1950s when computers came into existence and proved to be a useful analogy to explain how the mind functions, as well as the different processes in which the brain engages. Just as computers consist of hardware (disk drives, random-access memory, and a central processing unit) and software (the programmes one uses), information-processing theory proposes that human cognition consists of mental hardware and mental software. Mental hardware refers to cognitive structures where information is stored. Mental software includes organised sets of cognitive processes that allow people to complete specific tasks or perform certain functions. Basically, the information-processing theorists theorise that the brain works in a set sequence, much like a computer: It receives information from the environment (input), processes the information, and delivers some sort of action (output).

Based on Gazzaniga et al. (2016)

The functioning of a computer is often used to illustrate the information-processing theory

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Currently, information-processing theorists are interested in how individuals store information, how they process information, what cognitive processes they employ to process information, and how they make sense of the world and people around them (see Bjorklund et al., 2018; Santrock, 2019): ► The information stores are the different places where information can be stored, such as sensory memory (where information is recognised), working memory (where information is processed) and long-term memory (where information is stored permanently). Each memory component manages information differently. Information in the sensory memory is forgotten quickly if it is not attended to. The working memory is regarded as the workplace of the mind. It includes the short-term memory, which stores information passively for a brief period, while the working memory holds and uses the information. For example, in reading this paragraph, the short-term memory will remember that it concerns information-processing, but to remember the difference between the multiple components of memory, the working memory acts — it manipulates the information, using a variety of cognitive skills involved in learning, reasoning, and comprehension. Both the working and the short-term memories are limited in capacity and last for a short period. Long-term memory is unlimited in capacity and is intended to store information over a long period. Long-term memory is important in everyday activities, such as remembering routines, events, and appointments, recounting information, and performing in exams. ► Cognitive processes refer to how humans transfer information from one information store to the other. For example, attention (focussing on an object, event, or person) is an important process in transferring information from the sensory register to the working memory. Different types of attention are identified, such as selective attention (focusing on one thing at a time), divided attention (focusing on more than one event at once), sustained attention (focusing for a period), and executive attention (focusing on completing steps to achieve a goal). In fact, attention is needed throughout information processing. No new information can be consolidated into longterm memory if one does not attend to it. Information is processed in the working memory through a process of encoding to transfer the information to the long-term memory. Encoding occurs through cognitive processes such as memory strategies, thoughts, and perceptions. Information stored in long-term memory can be retrieved through various recall techniques and again linked to the working memory to interpret the environment. ► Executive function is a set of cognitive processes and mental skills that help individuals plan, monitor, and execute their goals successfully. These include basic cognitive processes such as attentional control, working memory, cognitive inhibition (ability to ignore information irrelevant to the task), inhibitory control (ability to inhibit impulses and select more appropriate behaviour), and cognitive flexibility (to think about multiple concepts simultaneously). Higher-order executive functions require the simultaneous use of multiple basic executive functions and include planning, reasoning, and problem-solving). Executive function oversees and guides almost all areas of information processing and learning. Related concepts are metamemory 32 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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and metacognition metacognition. Metamemory refers to the knowledge of memory skills and the appropriate use of these strategies, while metacognition refers to knowledge about and control of thought processes. Many of these executive processes are linked to the prefrontal cortex of the brain (Knapp et al., 2017; Weill Institute for Neurosciences, 2021; see also Chapter 3). ► The child as theorist. Another way to process information about the world is to formulate theories (as also mentioned by Piaget). Humans typically seek reasons, causes, and underlying principles to make sense of their experiences; in other words, children, like adults formulate theories about other people and the world around them. These theories are called naive theories, theories or common sense, or folk theories because, unlike real scientific theories, they are not created by specialists and are not evaluated by formal research. However, they do resemble scientific research in the sense that, like adults, children observe the world and in doing so, they gather data about the outside world and make certain connections between multiple sources of information to understand new experiences and predict future events. Which theories and how many theories children construct at different ages are not clear, although most researchers credit children with naive theories of physics, biology, and psychology from an early age (Nancekivell et al., 2019). This means that children rapidly develop theories that organise their knowledge about the properties of living and non-living objects (Kail et al., 2019). Theory-theory refers to the idea that children naturally construct theories to explain whatever they see and hear (Berger, 2014), while theory of mind (ToM) refers to a set of opinions constructed by people to explain other people's ideas, beliefs, desires, and behaviour (APA, 2020; Wellman, 2018). (ToM will be discussed in more detail in Chapter 4.) How do information-processing psychologists explain developmental change in thinking? Owing to brain maturation (especially the prefrontal cortex), both the 'hardware' and 'software' components of the information-processing systems become more sophisticated as children grow older. This results in the emergence of better strategies for information storage and retrieval, the development of representational abilities (such as language), and problem-solving skills. Increases in knowledge base and the ability to remember more items in the working memory, as well as increases in the strength of cognitive associations, also occur (Miller, 2011). These components interact to develop strategies within the processing system that are more efficient. For example, older children can typically solve problems better than younger children can because they have a greater memory capacity to store the facts of the problem and because their methods for performing operations are more efficient. Information processing will be discussed in more detail in subsequent chapters. The information-processing theory is regarded as useful because it attempts to explain the vast complexity of children's cognitive development in relatively easy terms. A tonguein-the-cheek criticism often heard is that this theory 'relies far too much on technology and not enough on the human being'. This means that the Information-processing theory does not always give enough credit to many other factors such as emotion, motivation, and individual experiences. To a large extent, the theory is based on experiments in a 'superficial 33 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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world'; that is, under controlled scientific conditions. This could differ significantly from how people act in the real world where they are exposed to several stimuli at once and unique individual factors play a role in their reaction.

1.6.5 The Contextual Perspective As mentioned, most psychologists agree that the environment is an important force in development. Traditionally, however, most theories of child development have emphasised environmental forces that affect children directly. Examples of direct environmental influences would be parent-child relationships and interactions with the peer group. These direct influences are important in children's lives, but in the contextual perspective, they are simply one part of a much larger system where each element of the system influences all other elements. This larger system includes one's parents and siblings, as well as important individuals outside of the family, such as the extended family, friends, and teachers. The system also includes institutions that influence development, such as schools, television, the workplace, and the church, temple, or mosque. All these people and institutions fit together to form a person's culture — the distinctive customs, values, beliefs, knowledge, art, and language of a society or a community. These values and concepts are passed on from generation to generation, and they are the basis for everyday behaviours and practices (APA, 2020). A culture provides the context in which a child develops and thus is a source of many important influences on development throughout childhood and adolescence. For developmental psychologists who incorporate culture with their viewpoints, it is important to investigate the ways in which culture influences the developmental process. Contributors to these viewpoints are Lev Vygotsky, Urie Bronfenbrenner, and Bame Nsamenang.

1.6.5.1 Vygotsky' Vygotsky's socio-cultural theory One of the first psychologists to emphasise the cultural context in children's development was Lev Vygotsky (1896-1934), a Russian psychologist. Vygotsky focused on how adults convey to children the beliefs, customs, and skills of their culture. Vygotsky believed that because a fundamental aim of all societies is to enable children to acquire essential cultural values and skills, every aspect of a child's development should be considered against this backdrop. For example, most parents from developed cultures want their children to work hard in school and be admitted to a university or college, because earning a degree or diploma is one of the keys to getting a decent work. In the same way, many parents in developing nations want their children to learn skills to provide in specific needs that are keys to their survival

Lev Vygotsky

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in their specific environments. Vygotsky suggested that a child's learning of new skills is guided by an adult or older child, who models and structures the learning experience. Such learning is best achieved in what he called the zone of proximal development. development This refers to tasks that are too difficult for a child to do alone, but that they can manage with the help of an adult. Two main criticisms against Vygotsky's theory are that it is not relevant for all cultures and that it understates the uniqueness of individuals. Lev Vygotsky's theory will be discussed in more detail in Chapter 4.

1.6.5.2 Bronfenbrenner' Bronfenbrenner's ecological theory Vygotsky was the first proponent of the contextual view, but Urie Bronfenbrenner (1917-2005) is probably its best-known proponent. Bronfenbrenner views the developing child as embedded in a series of complex and interactive systems (see Figure 1.1). Bronfenbrenner (1979, 1995) divides the environment into four levels: the microsystem, the mesosystem, the exosystem, and the macrosystem. The microsystem consists of the child and the persons and institutions in the child's immediate environment, such as family members. Some children have more than one microsystem; for example, a young child might have microsystems of the family and that of the school or day-care setting. As you can imagine, microsystems strongly influence development; for example, children with a sociable nature will elicit more positive interactions from their environment, which in turn will have a positive influence on their overall development, than children with a more difficult nature will. The mesosystem represents reciprocal interactions between the various microsystems (such as the home, school, and neighbourhood). This means that what happens in one microsystem is likely to influence the other microsystems. For example, a child's academic Urie Bronfenbrenner progress is related not only to classroom activities, but also to parents' involvement in the school and the academic encouragement the child receives at home. The exosystem refers to social settings that a child may not experience directly but still influence the child's development. These environments may be formal institutions such as the parents' work environments, the media, religious and judicial institutions, the availability of health care and social welfare institutions, or informal social networks of friends and family who provide friendship, advice, help, and support to the parents. A breakdown in the exosystem can have negative consequences for the child; for example, think of the influence of poverty. The broadest environmental context is the macrosystem macrosystem; i.e., the cultures and subcultures, each with its own value systems and ideologies, in which the microsystem, 35 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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mesosystem and exosystem are embedded and that have an indirect but important influence on a child's development. For example, the members of the various cultural groups in South Africa share the common identity, heritage, and values of their specific culture. In addition, these cultural groups live in a larger context as South Africans and therefore share a common Government whose policies affect various facets of development. The macrosystem evolves over time. What was or is true about a particular culture yesterday or today may not be true in the future. Thus, each successive generation of children develops in a unique macrosystem, especially due to the influence of sociohistorical occurrences and changes. Therefore, Bronfenbrenner believed that a child's environment does not remain static. In fact, it constantly changes, not only regarding the child's social environment (e.g., death of a parent, divorce, relocation, school entry), but also regarding the physiological changes related to the child's developmental process. Bronfenbrenner calls this aspect the chronosystem (chrono refers to time), which incorporates the temporal (time) dimension of his model. Bronfenbrenner added this dimension to his model towards the end of his life (Bronfenbrenner, 2005), with the result that it did not receive as much attention as the other systems did. In essence, it refers to the point of time at which certain changes occur in a child's life (such as the loss of a parent at an early age) and the influence it holds for the child's development. Figure 1.1. Bronfenbrenner Bronfenbrenner''s model

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Bronfenbrenner believed that the study of human development extends much further than the direct observation of behaviour; it requires an investigation into the interaction of multi-person systems, as well as aspects of the environment that are outside the immediate situation of a child. However, Bronfenbrenner's theory also did not escape the traditional criticism (e.g., Elliot et al., 2018; Taylor, 2016). It has been criticised for viewing children only as objects in a system, without considering each child's uniqueness. The theory also tends to underplay biological and cognitive factors in children's development.

1.6.5.3 Nsamenang' Nsamenang's African perspective Contrary to the aforementioned perspectives, which are based on Western ethnocentric (ethno = ethnic group or culture) worldviews, African perspectives have been documented only fairly recently because the paradigms for African lifestyles were based largely on oral traditions and were therefore narrative (verbal) in nature (see Bakker et al., 1999; Mucherah et al., 2019; Oppong, 2015). Other factors such as a research orientation that developed later than in Western countries and a lack of research funding contributed to the situation (Allwood, 2018).

The African perspective provides an important perspective on human behaviour

Usually, theories of human behaviour are described in the context of a specific worldview. The traditional African worldview is based on a holistic perspective of humans and the universe; therefore, human behaviour can be understood only in terms of the greater whole of which the individual is a part. This perspective assumes a hierarchical view of the universe: Inanimate (lifeless) objects form the lowest level of the hierarchy, followed by plants and animals. Humans are placed in the middle, followed by the living dead (dead people who are still remembered, who are still regarded as members of the 37 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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society and who still exert an influence in people's daily lives). As soon as they are not remembered any longer, they become spirits and have less influence in daily life. In certain societies, lesser gods follow these spirits, while God, who is all-knowing, is at the top of the hierarchy. Human behaviour is viewed from an anthropocentric framework because humans are placed in the middle of the universe, from which position everything else is understood. Humans are influenced by their relationship with the environment, other people, and ancestors. The African perspective places great emphasis on spirituality spirituality. Accordingly, all behaviour is spiritual because humans are spiritual beings. The focus of behaviour is to create a balance between people and the spiritual forces. Specialists such as traditional healers (sangomas) and prophets are consulted to maintain this balance, since an imbalance could have disastrous consequences. Cultural expressions through art, rituals and symbols are used to restore possible opposing forces between the individual, the environment, and the spiritual world. In addition, the community plays a central role. Behaviour is guided by values such as cooperation, interdependence, and communal responsibility, and is represented by the term ubuntu ubuntu. Ubuntu is a Nguni word that describes an African worldview in which people can find fulfilment only through positive interaction with other people (New World Encyclopedia, 2020). The following example of a greeting illustrates this mindset: 'Good morning, did you sleep well?' 'I slept well, if you slept well.' According to Mbiti (1989), the personhood and identity of traditional Africans is anchored in their collective (communal) existence and relatedness. This relatedness is both horizontal and vertical: Horizontally, the person is related to all others in the community, and vertically to the deceased members of the community as well as to those not yet born. Individuals obtain their strengths and identity from the family and community to which they belong, while their growth and development are linked closely to their kinship relationships. These relationships bind and support the individual and are linked to the expression, 'I am because we are; and because we are, I am'. Because most theories on human development are based on individualistic Western paradigms, psychologists increasingly have started to incorporate knowledge from Africa in their viewpoints, specifically to address the cultural gaps in existing theories (e.g., Kasese-Hara, 2009; Nsamenang, 2008; Super et al., 2011). Marfo (2011, p. 145) states: An authentically global child developmental field must not be the handmaiden of any one knowledge tradition within a single culture. It should be the product of multiple traditions across societies … in which consideration of the culturally situated nature of human functioning is the rule rather than the exception. Developmental theories that include the African perspective specifically are rare. However, a person who did seminal (ground-breaking) work in this regard is Bame Nsamenang from the Cameroon in West Africa. Nsamenang (1992, 2006, 2008, 2011) regards human development as social ontogenesis (ontogenesis = development from conception to death) because it is situated in the ecological and social environments where it takes place. Nsamenang describes the human life span and life cycle as three phases of selfhood selfhood. A spiritual selfhood begins with conception, or perhaps earlier, as a reincarnation of an ancestral spirit. It ends when the new-born's umbilical stump falls off 38 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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and he or she is incorporated with the living community through a name-giving ceremony (see Box 1.3: The importance of a name). BOX 1.3. THE IMPORTANCE OF A NAME In most cultures, names are meaningful, but for some cultures more so than for others and for different reasons. Traditionally, in many Afrikaans communities, it has been customary for the eldest son to take the name of his father or paternal grandfather, and the eldest daughter to take the name of the mother or the maternal grandmother. In this way, generations within families carried a particular male or female name. For the Coloured people in the Western Cape, many of whom have Islamic connections, the choice of a good name is a fundamental childhood right. It is hoped that the name will inspire self-respect and will provide the child with something to aspire to in the years ahead. Therefore, Muslim parents tend to choose words or syllabi from Arabic that will emphasise virtues or good personality characteristics for the child. In many traditional African communities, naming carries a significant importance and is marked by the performance of a naming ceremony or ritual. This takes place after the umbilical stump has been discarded, or in some societies, when the child starts walking. When children are born, they belong to the spirit world until the naming ceremony when the child is included in the living community. The name given to the child is significant: The choice of name reveals a great deal about the feelings of the community, the general circumstances of life of the relevant family at the point of birth, the attitudes of the community members toward issues, and the relationship between the name recipient and the name giver. Ordinary circumstances give rise to names, e.g., Puleng (Sesotho: out in the rain) or Nontwasa (Xhosa and Zulu: born early in the morning or new season). Names are often indicative of how the parents felt when the child was born; e.g., Mpho/ Sipho (Sesotho and Xhosa respectively: gift) or Lerato (Sesotho: love). In some instances, names symbolise parents' aspirations for their children; e.g., Katleho (Sesotho: success) or Thembeka (Zulu/Xhosa: reliable). Names can have a therapeutic value for families; for example, a child may be named for a period of grief that the family is experiencing, such as Nomalizo (Xhosa: blessed; the one who comforted us). Derogatory names are also sometimes given; e.g., Nontwingento (Xhosa/Zulu: worthless) or Nompazamo (Zulu: a mistake; someone who is always at fault). Some children are given names of grandparents who have passed to the ancestral world, or for gratitude either towards the Christian God or to the ancestors; e.g., Nkosinathi (Zulu: The Lord is with us). The naming ceremony carries spiritual meaning and ensures that names and their inherent strengths and attributes unite persons with their souls. Because of the significance of the naming ceremony, it contributes to the formation of the child's self-identity. Names given at this time may be followed by other names as children grow or go through initiations. Most children also receive Western names or names from the Bible, often because Westerners find it difficult to pronounce the original names. Children who have a negative or derogatory first name may use their second names. Eskell-Blokland (2005); Mwamwenda, (2004); Neethling, (2012).

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A phase of social selfhood begins at birth, but more specifically after the naming ceremony, and ends with death. The ancestral selfhood follows the biological death of the person, and incorporation with the spiritual selfhood follows with ritual initiations. Ancestors continue to influence people in their daily lives. Social selfhood, the experiential phase of selfhood, develops through seven stages, each with specific developmental tasks. These stages include the stage of the new-born, social priming, social apprenticeship, social entrée, social internship, adulthood, and old age and death. These phases are not based on chronological age, but on physiological markers such as the birthcry, discarding of the umbilical stump, teething, and walking, and on social markers such as generosity, social commitment, and marriage. Together with the metaphysical stages (ancestral and spiritual selfhoods), the human life cycle ultimately consists of nine stages, as indicated in Table 1.4. According to Nsamenang, developmental tasks take place within the framework of cultural realities and developmental agendas. Development is conceptualised as the unfolding of physical, cognitive, social, and emotional competencies to function optimally in the Bame Nsamenang family and community. Therefore, transformation in the individual is shaped and channelled by participation in cultural activities. Children are seldom taught directly — the assumption is that they will learn through participation. Therefore, child development is a process of gradual and systematic social integration. Shared responsibilities and social competence in the family system and community are qualities that are acquired at an early stage and are regarded as more valuable than academic endeavours. Responsible intelligence — i.e., the child's ability to perform roles correctly, the ability to give and receive social support, and to carry out tasks and chores correctly — is a sign to parents of the child's cognitive and general development. (See also Box 1.4 for Ntshangase's summary of traditional African conceptions of childhood). Nsamenang incorporates the contextual theories of Vygotsky and Bronfenbrenner in his framework, precisely because a conceptual perspective acknowledges the importance of the interdependence between individuals and their communities. However, globalisation, urbanisation, and enculturation influence all societies. Social changes cause shifts, not only in the goals and processes of socialisation, but also in the ways in which children develop, learn, and react to the transforming world. The extent to which a widely accepted and unique African perspective of child development is attainable, is debated heavily. (The same applies to most other human sciences). In the one corner are those who hold the view that Eurocentrism should be dismantled and argue that education and curricula must be reconsidered, reframed, and reconstructed completely: South Africa, Southern Africa and Africa must be placed "at the centre of teaching, learning and research" (Heleta, 2016, p. 1). This view is based on the opinion that Eurocentrism 40 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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Table 1.4. Nsamenang Nsamenang''s life cycle development

PHASE

DEVELOPMENTAL TASKS

Spiritual selfhood

The spiritual selfhood begins at conception, or earlier, as a reincarnation of the ancestral selfhood.

Social selfhood:

This is the experiential phase of the selfhood and develops through the following seven stages:

New-born

The new-born is welcomed as a gift of life, and its safe journey is celebrated. Celebrations include verbalisations regarding the type of socialised adult the child is expected to be. The new-born belongs to the spiritual world until the naming ceremony when the child is integrated with the community.

Social priming

This stage is pre-social and is characterised by biological markers or reflexes such as crying, sucking, babbling, grasping, smiling, sitting, and standing. These are the markers of normality and because they are the precursors of social functioning, their absence is a source of concern.

Social apprenticeship

Family and cultural roles are learnt gradually and systematically. The main developmental task is to recognise the roles for which the child is being prepared, and to internalise and practise these according to his or her developmental status and ability. Siblings and peers play an important role in this process.

Social entrée

This stage is indicated by the biological changes related to puberty. In some communities, social incorporation occurs through initiation rites and rituals. The child is now regarded as a naive novice.

Social internship

At the end of the developmental rites, the naive novice enters the status of the socialised neophyte (recruit). This is a period of internship in which, through the process of social orientation and active socialisation, the individual is prepared gradually for the status and roles of adulthood.

Adulthood

This is the most sought-after stage in the developmental cycle. An adult is defined by marriage and parenthood. The ideals and standard of the family and community must be maintained, and responsibilities must be met.

Old age

Ancestral selfhood

The elderly is responsible to maintain the unity of the family. They have the most complete memory of the family tree and are regarded as much closer to the ancestors. This stage follows the biological death of the person and continues to play an important part in the daily lives of people.

and decolonisation have caused Africans so much harm and hurt that associations with it should be removed. African heritage can no longer be ignored. In the other corner are those who believe the proverbial baby should not be thrown out with the bathwater. For example, Wingfield (2017, p. 1) emphasises that (South) Africans should not isolate themselves: What's really important is that South African teachers, lecturers and professors must develop curricula that build on the best knowledge skills, values, beliefs and habits from around the world. These cannot be limited to one country 41 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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BOX 1.4. TRADITIONAL AFRICAN CONCEPTIONS OF CHILDHOOD Ntshangase (2017) gives the following summary of (traditional) African conceptions of childhood:

• African communities regard human solidarity and oneness as very important. Communal existence and interdependence are emphasised. Children should become people with others and not function as individual entities. The link with ancestral spirits is also emphasised. Therefore, they believe children should be raised to reflect this viewpoint. Although receptive for change and adaptation, it is important to remain resilient against internal and external cultural onslaughts. Tearing children away from this worldview to understand their development at the individual level is regarded as inappropriate and unacceptable.

• African tradition has always shown wisdom regarding children's best interests and how these should be provided for. As mentioned, these processes are both communal and spiritual by nature. It is important to remember that conceptions of childhood and child development practices stem from traditional values and lived experiences of communities - rather than from theories of child development.

• An aspect that should be emphasised is that many African children are raised and develop under conditions of adversity; therefore, development and enhancement of community sources of resilience becomes crucial. Some communities do have coping strategies that are embodied in traditional child-rearing practices and the operation of the kinship and extended family systems. However, internal, and external hardships have weakened these systems severely.

• The principle of reciprocity (mutual benefit) is a key component of the child-rearing process among Africans. When applied, the principle entails that children contribute to the sustenance of their families while they are being cared for. In this practice, it means that all community members function in a social network where children and their communities' knowledge, skills, and ways of understanding the social, physical, spiritual, and mystical worlds are interwoven. Through direct teaching, demonstration, observation, exposition, reflection and mentoring, families and communities stimulate and promote children's development. The goal remains, as mentioned, a sense of community and a spirit of interdependence.

nor one continent — be it Africa or Europe. If we isolate ourselves, knowledge wise, South Africa's own amazing advances would be lost to the rest of the world. Other countries are happy to benefit from our discoveries. We should continue to benefit from their discoveries, too. The risk of adopting student protesters' stance on decolonising education is that South Africa rejects all the advances of modern medicine, education and science that originated elsewhere in the world. An important factor that intensifies the complexity of the situation is that South Africa 42 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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is a 'melting pot' of different cultures, ranging from true Westernisation to traditional Africanisation. It is a continuum that includes black South Africans who are westernised, as well as white South Africans who also regard themselves as Africans.

1.6.6 The Bigger Picture To help you organise and compare the major theoretical perspectives, Table 1.5 provides an overview of their key assumptions of development, as well as the major theories that comprise each perspective A question that could arise is the following: Which of these theories does one make one's own? Unfortunately, there is no simple answer to this question. Depending on their own personalities, value systems, general life perspective and the academic environment in which they were trained, people often choose a theory, just as they choose a specific religion, political party, or life partner. Even scientists, and therefore also psychologists, do not always have all the answers and therefore often disagree among themselves. Nevertheless, via research, they keep on looking for answers and when they do not know, at least they know why they do not know! Because most psychologists realise that no single perspective provides a truly complete explanation of all aspects of children's development, many psychologists prefer to follow an eclectic or integrated theoretical orientation (Henley, 2019). This approach, called eclecticism (or or an integrative approach), approach means that a psychologist does not support any one perspective or theory, but rather selects from each theory whatever is regarded as its best features and that is most applicable at the time. For example, the biological perspective reminds us of the significant role of factors such as genes, hormones, and the brain in behaviour. The psychodynamic perspective may alert us to the link between unconscious factors and behaviour. The cognitive developmental perspective is especially useful for understanding how children's thinking changes as they grow older. By contrast, theories from the contextual and learning perspectives are particularly valuable in explaining how environmental forces such as parents, peers, school, and culture influence children's development. By drawing on all these perspectives, we shall be able to better understand the different forces that contribute to children's development. Just as one can

People at a buffet select food they prefer from a variety of dishes. In the same way eclectic psychologists select parts of different theories they believe have the best features and suit them best.

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Table 1.5. Summary of most important developmental perspectives

PERSPECTIVE

KEY ASSUMPTIONS

SPECIFIC THEORIES Maturational theory emphasises development as the natural unfolding of a biological plan.

Biological

Development is determined by biological factors.

Ethological theory emphasises the survival value of many behaviours. These behaviours are inherited, but some kinds of learning must occur at certain critical periods. Evolutionary theory emphasises that children and parents' behaviour adapt over generations to meet specific environmental challenges.

Psychodynamic

Development is determined primarily by how a child resolves (mainly unconscious) conflicts at different ages.

Freud''s theory emphasises the conflict Freud between primitive biological forces and societal standards for right and wrong. Erikson''s theory emphasises the challenges Erikson posed by the formation of trust, autonomy, initiative, industry, and identity. Skinner''s operant conditioning emphasises Skinner the role of reinforcement and punishment.

Learning theory

Cognitive developmental

Development is determined primarily by a child's environment.

Development reflects children's efforts to understand the world.

Bandura''s social cognitive theory Bandura emphasises children's efforts to learn about their world, through imitation, modelling, and observation. The theory includes agentic and self-efficacy perspectives. Piaget''s theory emphasises distinct stages Piaget of thinking that result from children's changing theories of the world through organisation and adaptation. Information-processing theory emphasises changes in thinking that reflect changes in perception, attention, memory, and problemsolving skills. Vygotsky''s theory emphasises the role of Vygotsky parents (and other adults) in developing skills and conveying culture to the next generation.

Contextual

Development is influenced by immediate and more distant environments, which typically influence one another.

Bronfenbrenner''s theory emphasises the Bronfenbrenner reciprocal influences of the microsystem, mesosystem, exosystem, and macrosystem. Nsamenang''s theory views development as Nsamenang holistic, and spiritually and socially driven, that unfolds within a culture. He identifies three phases of selfhood and indicates seven stages in the social selfhood, each consisting of specific developmental tasks.

appreciate a beautiful landscape better by examining it from different viewpoints, child development researchers often rely on multiple perspectives to understand why children develop as they do. Eclecticism (or an integrative approach) is used widely by scientists 44 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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and especially psychologists who recognise "that no major theory of human development can explain everything but that each has something to contribute to our understanding" (Sigelman et al., 2018, p. 55). REVIEW THIS SECTION 1. What is a theory, and what are the functions of a theory? 2. What is the theoretical assumption of the biological theories? Which factors do these theories emphasise? 3. Discuss the various biological theories mentioned in your textbook. Discuss the theoretical assumption of each theory and indicate how each theory can be applied to child development. Indicate the limitations of each of these theories. 4. What is imprinting? Could this theory be applied to humans? 5. What are the new developments in the biological perspectives and why is this new interest important for psychology? What are the main limitations of biological perspectives? 6. What is the theoretical assumption of the psychodynamic perspective? 7. Discuss Sigmund Freud's psychosexual developmental theory. What are the shortcomings of this theory? What are the contributions of this theory? 8. Discuss Erik Erikson's psychosocial theory of development. What are the shortcomings of this theory? What are the contributions of this theory? 9. Compare Freud's and Erikson's theories. 10. What is the main theoretical assumption of the learning theory perspective? Discuss the theories of John B. Watson, B.F. Skinner and Albert Bandura. How do these theorists differ in their interpretation of the learning theory? 11. Discuss the following aspects of Albert Bandura's social cognitive theory: (a) the agentic perspective (b) self-efficacy. 12. What are the most important contributions of the learning theories? What are the limitations of these theories? 13. What is the main theoretical assumption of the cognitive developmental perspective? 14. Describe Jean Piaget's stages of cognitive development. Explain how children come to understand their world by using schemas. Discuss the underlying processes involved in organising their experiences and thereby gaining knowledge (more schemas). What is the main criticism against Piaget's theory? 15. Discuss the information-processing theory. How do information-processing psychologists explain developmental change in thinking? What is the usefulness of this theory? What are the criticisms against this theory? 16. What is the main similarity and the main difference between Piaget's theory and the information-processing theory? 17. Discuss the theoretical assumptions of the contextual perspective. 18. Discuss Lev Vygotsky's socio-cultural theory. 19. Three-year-old Tumelo is trying to ride his tricycle. To which factors would Arnold Gesell and Lev Vygotsky respectively attribute his success in this regard? 20. Discuss Urie Bronfenbrenner's ecological theory. 21. Discuss the assumptions of the African worldview. 22. Discuss Bame Nsamenang's developmental theory. 23. Ten-year-old Mpho is doing very poorly at school. How would Urie Bronfenbrenner explain the possible contributions to her problem? How would Bame Nsamenang explain it? 24. Describe Ntshangase's conceptions of traditional African childhood. 25. In your opinion, what are the biggest differences between a Western and an African worldview? Do you think pure Western and pure African perspectives still exist? Nsamenang's developmental theory is based on the Nso society in Cameroon. How relevant is this theory for (all) the black cultural groups in South Africa? 26. Why do many psychologists choose to follow an eclectic/integrative theoretical approach?

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1.7 RESEARCH IN CHILD DEVELOPMENT Just as in all other areas of psychology, knowledge about child development is acquired through research. Some of you have already covered the basics of research in your Introduction to Psychology course, but others have not. Therefore, in some respects, the next section will overlap with your introductory course. However, several new areas will be included that are of importance and relevant to child developmental psychology. Research is the process of collecting information to find an answer to a question. (If one wants to buy a new cell phone and uses Google, or goes from shop to shop to find the best price, it is also research; basic research, but still research.) The meaning of the original French term from which the word research is derived says it all: 'to investigate thoroughly.' Therefore, research is an active and systematic process of inquiry following certain acknowledged methods and guidelines. Scientific research usually involves the following basic steps (see Kuther, 2018; Offord Centre for Child Studies, 2021; Sönmez, 2018): • Identify the theme. This will be the research theme (topic) and focus of one's research. It should not only be topical (current), but also fall in your field of interest. • Review the literature. The purpose of a literature study is not only to bring one up to date with the existing information (literature) on the research theme, but also to analyse it critically. It forms an essential foundation of the research process and is presented in written format as part of the study. In some cases, a literature review may constitute a research project in itself. • Decide on a research design. A research design refers to the specific method a researcher will use to collect, analyse, and interpret the information. The most important research designs will be discussed later. • Formulate the hypothesis/research question. This is a tentative prediction or educated guess of what one expects to find. The purpose of a hypothesis is to formulate clearly what one wants to research and therefore defines the limits of one's research. A hypothesis is written in the form of a statement, for example: Video games improve the intellectual development of children. The hypothesis could also be stated in question format, for example: Do video games improve the intellectual development of children? It is then called a research question. Thus, a research question is essentially a hypothesis asked in the form of a question. • Gather information. It stands to reason that without this step, one cannot test one's hypothesis or answer one's research question. An important procedure in this regard is sampling. This is the process by which a limited number of subjects are selected to take sampling part in the study. It is essential to ensure that this sample of subjects is representative of the population from which they were selected. This sample is referred to as participants participants. As will be discussed later, methods such as psychological tests and interviews are used to gather information. The term data is used to refer to the information gathered during research. • Analyse the data. Data analysis is the process of transforming 'raw' (unprocessed, unrefined) collected data into usable information; that is, to consider what the data is 46 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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trying to tell one. Thus, it brings order and structure to the mass of collected data and in the process helps to find patterns and relationships between factors. Many regard data analysis as the most crucial and most complex part of a research project. The analysis is most often done by using statistical techniques, although other non-statistical methods could be used (as in qualitative research, which will be discussed later). • Interpret the analysed data. This means the data are evaluated and explained to arrive at a scientific conclusion. The interpretation of data gives meaning to the analysed data and determines its significance and implications. It also provides one with data to answer one's research question (accept or reject one's hypothesis). An important part of the interpretation process is to compare one's findings with former research findings. This will provide perspectives in similarities and differences between one's own and other similar studies. • Write up and share the data. The research findings are usually presented in a written format, either in a report, research article, thesis, or dissertation. Research should never be done for self-centred reasons only, for example, to get one's degree. New research findings should be shared with colleagues through publications, and presentations at conferences. In this way colleagues will not only become aware of new data but can also respond to one's research and findings.

1.7.1 Kinds of Research Research in psychology is usually divided into two categories: quantitative and qualitative research. Quantitative research developed from the natural sciences and very simply put, is a process where mainly statistical data, such as frequencies (i.e., how many times something occurs under certain circumstances) is used to obtain information and make predictions concerning a specific topic. For example, researchers may send questionnaires to 1 000 Grade 12 learners to determine how many of them use alcohol, how much they drink, and under which circumstances. From existing statistical data on alcohol abuse, they will then use statistical techniques to predict what percentage of Grade 12 learners have or could develop a drinking problem. Qualitative research developed as a backlash against the quantitative method which, it is believed, reduces people to numbers without considering either their feelings and thoughts, or the person as a unique individual. Therefore, the qualitative method attempts to provide comprehensive understanding of what people experience by conducting in-depth interviews. By way of illustration: To know how many children regularly experience racism, by which groups, and under what circumstances (information obtained through quantitative research), is only one perspective of the problem. However, to discover the inner emotions and thoughts of such children, information obtained through qualitative research provides us with such unique information that the study would be the poorer without it. It is often said that quantitative researchers obtain information about people, while qualitative researchers obtain information from people. Table 1.6 shows some of the major differences between quantitative and qualitative research. 47 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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Table 1.6. Main differences between quantitative and qualitative research RESEARCH ASPECT

QUANTITATIVE RESEARCH

QUALITATIVE RESEARCH

Concerned with discovering facts about Concerned with understanding certain phenomena. human behaviour from the participant's perspective. Goals

Sampling

Usually studies well-known phenomena.

Often studies unknown or little-known phenomena.

Tests hypotheses and theories.

May lead to the development of hypotheses and theories.

Substantial number of randomly selected participants representative of the population being studied.

Small number of participants purposefully selected for the specific study.

Research conducted in controlled settings. Data collection

Data are collected through interviews, observations, documents, and Data are collected by standardised artefacts. or structured instruments such as psychological tests and questionnaires. Data are gathered first, then analysed.

Data gathering and analysis often occur simultaneously.

Data analysis involves rigorous statistical procedures.

Data analysis involves rigorous methods to describe and interpret thoughts, feelings, and behaviour.

Data analysis

Research process is mostly objective.

Researcher is involved; therefore, the research process is mostly subjective.

Generalisable from the sample to the population concerned.

Not generalisable; usually only applicable to the participants involved.

Research findings are often relatively conclusive (final and definitive).

Research findings are often examining and tentative.

Obtains information through quantification to explain, predict, or alter a phenomenon.

A comprehensive approach to gain understanding of underlying motivations, emotions, and thoughts.

Research findings

Value

Research conducted in naturalistic settings.

However, it should be considered that the differences between qualitative and quantitative research are not always as significant as they may seem. They overlap in several ways. For example, both kinds of research may make use of interviews and questionnaires, albeit that in the case of qualitative research, they may be less structured. Originally researchers in Psychology almost exclusively made use of the quantitative method. However, over the last few decades, the qualitative method has gained significant ground (Anguaera et al., 2018; Levitt et al., 2018). In fact, many if not most researchers often use both quantitative and qualitative research methods in one study. This research 48 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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procedure is called the mixed method. method This approach enables them to get the best of both worlds and therefore obtain a much broader picture of human behaviour.

1.7.2 Methods of Gathering Information As mentioned, a researcher first must decide on the research topic and what the research question or hypothesis will be. An important next step is to decide which research method will be used for gathering information. Many different methods are available, but the selection of the method or methods (various methods may be used in one research project) to suit the proposed research project best is crucial. Research methods range from relatively simple procedures to sophisticated techniques using highly refined tests or technical apparatus. The following are some of the research methods most often used to gather information in psychology:

1.7.2.1 Systematic observation of behaviour As the name implies, systematic observation involves watching children and recording or documenting what they do or say. Two forms of systematic observation are common. Firstly, naturalistic observation is used to observe children in some natural or real-life situation such as in the school grounds, classroom, or mall. Although naturalistic observation seems to be the 'ideal method', it has some limitations. For example, it is very often not representative (e.g., regarding race, ethnicity, age, gender, and socio-economic status) of the total population. As it is also difficult to control such situations, unexpected interferences or unknown factors can complicate any reliable conclusions. observation researchers create settings likely Secondly, in controlled or structured observation, to elicit the behaviour that they want to research. Compared with naturalistic observations, it is like the difference between studying wild animals in a zoo and studying them in their natural habitat. For example, children could be invited to visit a laboratory at a university where they are exposed to various situations to determine how they would react in certain situations. This is often done through a oneway mirror and/or by video. The most important criticism against this method is that children, like all people, may act differently Observation is a handy tool in research and therapy when they know they are being watched. The laboratory settings are also unnatural and even artificial, with the result that the children do not act as they usually do. 49 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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1.7.2.2 Self-reports The two most common forms of self-reports used by psychologists are interviews and questionnaires questionnaires. With all the sophisticated techniques available, people sometimes neglect to use one of the best ways to get information: ask for it, that is, interview the person about whom you would like to know more. In research with children, interviews may be conducted with the children themselves and/or with their parents, depending on their age. Two forms of interviews are usually used: structured and unstructured interviews. A structured interview always follows a set format; that is, all the same questions are pre-decided and asked in the same sequence to gather consistent, comparable, and thus reliable data. An unstructured interview involves questions that are not in a set format. Thus, the interviewer can expand on questions and explore the answers in more depth to gather the required data. The interview method has several advantages. The biggest advantage is that detailed and in-depth information can be collected. Interviews are also particularly useful when the behaviour in which the psychologist is interested cannot easily be observed directly and no other suitable technique is available. Interviews are more reliable when a relationship of trust exists between the interviewer and interviewee, and when the interviewer has been trained in interviewing skills. Therefore, an interview is as good as the interviewer. Just like other methods, the interview also has its limitations. An important one is researcher bias, bias which means that factors such as gender, race, ethnicity, age, and physical appearance can influence the interviewer's attitude towards the interviewee. For example, do you think interviewers who do not really like young children can be as objective as they should be? A similar potential limitation is researcher effect. effect This means that, potentially, interviewers can affect interviewees' answers, for example, through their body language, tone of voice, or level of verbal language used. Gender may also be an issue; for example, do you think a male interviewer who does research on sexuality would elicit truthful answers from a female teenager? A questionnaire is a research instrument consisting of a series of questions for the purpose of gathering information from participants. Questionnaires can be thought of as a written interview (McLeod, 2018). Questionnaires are used to assess almost all aspects of normal and abnormal behaviour. Self-report questionnaires (i.e., questionnaires completed by the children themselves) and questionnaires completed by teachers and parents are valuable tools to investigate children's attitudes, feelings, and behaviours. Questionnaires may be used with individuals or groups. They can be carried out face to face, by telephone, computer, or post. Questionnaires provide a quick and efficient way of obtaining large amounts of information from a large sample of people. Especially online questionnaires are not only one of the most affordable ways to gather data, but they also allow participants to maintain their anonymity. While questionnaires are one of the most popular research methods, it has not escaped the traditional criticism. For example, dishonesty is often an issue. Participants may lie due to social desirability. desirability This means that most people want to present a positive image of themselves and so may lie or bend the truth to appear good (APA, 2020; Gnambs et al., 2017). Differences in understanding 50 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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and interpretation of the questions by the participants could also have a negative effect on the reliability of the data. Because of factors such as a lack of interest, busy schedules, and forgetfulness, questionnaires unfortunately often have a low return rate.

1.7.2.3 Psychological tests

Psychological (or psychometric) tests are instruments that have been compiled through research for the purpose of measuring psychological qualities such as personality characteristics and intelligence. In many ways, psychological testing and assessment are like medical tests (APA, 2019). If a patient has physical symptoms, a medical doctor may order X-rays or blood tests to understand what is causing those symptoms. The results of the tests will help the doctor to understand the condition of the patient. Psychological tests serve the same purpose. However, psychological tests are not only used to assess psychological problems; an equally important objective is to discover individuals' strengths to help them to thrive and make full use of their potential. A psychological test consists of questions, statements, problems, or pictures to which the research participants must respond. It is important to distinguish between popular non-scientific tests that appear freely on the Internet and in magazines and psychological tests that are standardised. With standardisation is meant that a psychological test has been compiled empirically (scientifically) in such a way that it is reliable, valid, and has norms. Reliability Psychological tests can be used to assess children refers to the fact that the results of the test are consistent over time; that is, the same individuals obtain similar scores when they are tested on different occasions. Validity requires that a test should measure what it is supposed to measure. For example, if you want to measure general intelligence, the test should not focus on a specific area of intelligence only; neither should it focus on a related characteristic, such as interest. A norm is a statistical number (for example, an average) that makes it possible to compare any individual's test score with the achievement of a comparable group. In other words, norms provide a basis for comparing individuals with a group of people who are similar to them. Norms for psychological tests are very important but the availability can be a problem, especially in multi-cultural countries such as South Africa (Laher, 2019; Shuttleworth-Edwards, 2007; Sunderaraman et al., 2016). Many tests used in South Africa are standardised in Western cultures (mainly the USA); therefore, they are not appropriate for most cultural groups in this country. For example, members of one cultural group might be classified inaccurately as mentally disabled if they must respond to questions that have 51 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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been compiled according to another culture's norms. The problem is aggravated when the questions are in a language other than the testee's mother tongue or even have been translated poorly. It is important to know that it is regarded as unprofessional and unethical In South Africa to use such tests. However, when psychological tests meet the necessary scientific criteria, they may provide the researcher with valuable information.

1.7.2.4 Psychophysiological measurements As mentioned earlier, it is widely accepted that physiological factors play a significant role in human behaviour. Therefore, it is understandable that researchers are eager to psychophysiology, the science that studies the physiological gather data in the field of psychophysiology basis of psychological processes. In fact, the use of physiological measures in research with children is becoming more widespread (Bell et al., 2018; Lukowski, 2021). A variety of measures are used in psychophysiological research. For example, exciting breakthroughs are being made in understanding relationships between brain and behaviour using magnetic resonance imaging (MRI MRI), a diagnostic technique that creates detailed pictures of the inside of the body. The MRI is very useful for examining the brain (U.S. National Library of Medicine, 2021). By having children and adults perform cognitive tasks while lying very still in an MRI scanner, researchers can determine which parts of the brain are involved in which cognitive activity. Sometimes Boy to be moved into MRI scanner MRI studies reveal that children and adults, or young adults and older adults, rely on different areas of the brain to perform the same tasks, providing new insights into typical and atypical brain development and its implications (also see Mathews et al., 2015).

A head and brain scan obtained from MRI

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Various other psychophysiological measures provide valuable insight into human behaviour, such as the role of hormone levels in the development of sexuality, and the neurobiological components involved in childhood depression and anxiety (e.g., Tanner, 2019; Vasquez et al., 2016). Sophisticated equipment is also used to determine the connection between children's eye movements and perceptual and cognitive development (Özkan, 2018; Yeung et al., 2016). Psychophysiological measures have several advantages. The interpretation of the results usually is more objective and more reliable than most of the other techniques. In other words, the possibility that different researchers will come to the same conclusion is relatively high. The results transcend cultural, language, age, and other boundaries. For example, small children's cognitive, language, and emotional development could be such that most of the other assessment techniques are not suitable. On the other hand, psychophysiological measures have not always lived up to the original high expectations. The physiological differences between comparable individuals are often greater than expected, with the result that the findings cannot always be generalised. The fact that the same individual often shows different physiological reactions on the same situation at different times also makes interpretation difficult. Furthermore, it is often difficult and even impossible to interpret a physiological reaction (Siegel et al., 2018). For example, different emotions (e.g., love and fear) could have very similar physiological responses, while the same emotional response (e.g., sadness) could have different physiological responses, depending on the intensity of the sadness and the context that causes it (Shirai et al., 2017). (For interest's sake, the aforementioned information explains why the polygraph ('lie detector') is not regarded as a reliable tool to detect lies and therefore not allowed in most courts in the world.)

1.7.3 General Research Designs As you can imagine, research may be conducted in various ways. Researchers can also be very innovative and create adapted or new ways to do research. The following may be regarded as the main methods used by developmental psychologists to do research (also see Arnett et al., 2019; Berk, 2019; Kail et al., 2019; Siegler et al., 2020).

1.7.3.1 Experimental research In experimental research, it is possible for the researcher to control the conditions in such a way that it is possible to determine to what extent a given factor or variable influences the behaviour to be investigated. As the name indicates, a variable refers to anything that is changeable and can take on different numbers, quantities, or values. Consider age and IQ as examples of variables: a child's age could be 2, 5, 12, 15 or 17; a person's IQ could be low (below 85), average (85-115), or above average (higher than 115). Differences in age and differences in IQ may have different effects on behaviour. In experimental research, an experimental group and a control group are often used. The experimental group is exposed to a certain variable (e.g., treatment) while the control group is not exposed to the variable (e.g., receives another type of treatment or no treatment at all). Thus, should researchers want to conduct an experiment to find out 53 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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what the effect of a specific training programme would be on the cognitive development of children, they could divide a group of children into an experimental group and a control group. The experimental group will be subjected to the training programme, but not the control group. In this case, the training programme would be called the independent variable and cognitive development the dependent variable. Therefore, in an experiment, an independent variable is any factor the researcher expects to cause change in another variable. The dependent variable is the factor the researcher expects to be influenced by the independent variable in an experiment. Although the experimental method is a particularly good research method because it allows researchers to identify and isolate factors to investigate their effect on behaviour, it also has several disadvantages. A major disadvantage is that many questions cannot be investigated because of ethical objections (Lally et al., 2017). For instance, you want to investigate experimentally the effect of poor nutrition on cognitive development, or the effect of long-lasting isolation on language development. Of course, it will be unethical to subject the experimental group to poor nutrition or isolate them for a long time. Another problem stems from the difficulty of generalising from experimentally obtained results to real-life situations because the experimental situation is often regarded as artificial and differs from everyday life situations.

1.7.3.2 Correlational research In correlational research, the goal is to determine whether there is a correlation (relationship) between variables. If a correlation is indicated, the goal is to describe the strength of the relationship between the variables. For example, if you wish to determine whether there is a relationship between watching violent TV and aggressive behaviour in children, you will be doing correlational research. However, an important note of caution — a correlation does not necessarily imply a causal relationship; that the one factor causes the other (Hale, 2018; Howell, 2017). For instance, should you find a strong (high) correlation between children who watch violent TV and their exhibition of violent behaviour, there could be at least four explanations. The first possibility speaks for itself: watching violent TV may cause children to become violent. The second possibility is just the opposite: Children who are violent like watching violent TV. In other words, they are not violent because they watch violent TV; they watch violent TV because they are violent. A third possibility is that another variable or factor that has not been investigated is responsible for both the violent behaviour and the watching of violent TV. For instance, consider family conflict as such a third variable. If there is continuous conflict in the family, some children may try to escape from the unpleasant situation by watching TV. They prefer violent programmes because these programmes are full of action and tend to occupy their thinking (a way of escaping) more than nonviolent programmes. Furthermore, they show violent behaviour because they are acting out their anger, frustration, and irritability about the unpleasant family situation. A fourth possibility could simply be that some children's violent behaviour has a genetic basis and that watching violent TV, or family conflict do not contribute significantly to their violent behaviour. Supporters of this genetic viewpoint would add that there are many children 54 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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who watch violent TV and are exposed to family conflict, but do not show any violent behaviour. Although correlational research does not indicate causality, it remains a valuable research method. In many cases, it is impossible to use the experimental method, as interference by the researcher to change a variable would be unethical. For example, you cannot cause brain damage in children to determine its effect on their behaviour. In such cases, the researcher "We should not drink diet cooldrink; it causes obesity; have you seen could use the correlational how many people who drink diet cooldrink are overweight?" method to determine whether there is a relationship between brain damage and behaviour in children who are already brain damaged. Although such a relationship is not necessarily causal in nature, it may at least identify a potential causal relationship.

1.7.3.3 Case study research Case study research is an empirical method that investigates a phenomenon in its reallife context. Case studies are based on an in-depth inquiry of a single individual, small group, or event to explore the causes of underlying principles. Case study research is particularly useful to answer 'how' and 'why' questions. Multiple types of data (e.g., psychological, physiological, biographical, and environmental) are gathered to understand an individual's background, relationships, emotions, and behaviour. Techniques include interviews, observations, documents, psychological tests or questionnaires, and visual artefacts such as art. Case study research can be either quantitative or qualitative, or both. Because of the in-depth, multisided approach, case studies often shed light on aspects of human behaviour that would be unethical or impractical to study in other ways, or in rare or unique cases (McLeod, 2019). It is accepted widely that the case study method has contributed significantly to our knowledge of human behaviour (Harrison et al., 2017; Thomas, 2021). Its main advantage is that it provides a very detailed and in-depth study of a person. Therefore, it is understandable that prominent figures like Freud and Piaget relied heavily on this method. However, this method also has its disadvantages. Firstly, as the subject of a case study is usually unique, the findings cannot be generalised to other subjects. Secondly, researcher bias may play a role, meaning that the researcher's own subjective feeling may influence the case study, and therefore may not be reliable. In addition, researchers could study the subject deliberately or non-deliberately from their theoretical viewpoint and even ignore information that does not support the viewpoint. For example, a researcher who is a supporter of the 55 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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biological perspective may concentrate on the role of biological factors in development, while a supporter of Vygotsky's theory may focus more on socio-cultural factors. Thirdly, case studies often have a strong retrospective component, meaning that events of the past play an important role. As memory is not always reliable, it is obvious that past events could be forgotten and even distorted.

1.7.3.4 Meta-analysis It often happens that many studies have been done on a topic, but that the results are so contradictory that no conclusion can be reached. In such cases, a researcher may make use of meta-analysis meta-analysis. A meta-analysis is a study about studies (Salters-Pedneault, 2018). In other words, a researcher reviews previously published studies on a specific topic, then conducts statistical analyses to determine whether greater clarity could be reached, especially concerning the role of a specific variable. There are several topics in psychology where the results of different studies have been inconsistent or in conflict with one another; for example, what the role of corporal punishment or the working mother in the development of children is. As the body of knowledge on a specific topic is growing constantly, it often results in conflicting findings (think, for example, of all the inconsistent findings in the medical field on what and what not to eat). Only when meta-analytic studies are conducted on topics such as these, better understanding of the issue may be reached. Therefore, it is understandable that meta-analysis is becoming an increasingly popular research method in psychological research. As in any other research method, meta-analysis is not without shortcomings (Lee, 2019). One of the biggest problems is that because the researchers did not gather the research data themselves, there is no guarantee that the variables studied were defined in the same way in the different studies. The consequence may then be that the researchers are under the impression that they are researching the same variable, while this may not the case. In meta-analysis, the results of many studies are compared For instance, think of how the concept of intelligence may be defined (very) differently by different researchers. Additionally, the original researchers may have gathered and analysed data in different ways. This will make comparisons very difficult and even impossible.

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1.7.4 Research Designs for Studying Child Development Developmental psychologists are concerned with certain questions. Firstly, there are questions about the determinants of development (factors that cause or influence developmental changes). General research designs such as experimental and correlational research are well suited to study such questions. Secondly, there are questions about developmental changes (changes that accompany an increase in age). The study of developmental change is more complex, as it is often difficult to distinguish between the different kinds of change. Thus, various research designs have been developed specifically for this purpose. Child psychologists are typically interested in changes that are the natural or 'automatic' result of an increase in age. However, the changes that occur in children in the course of time are not always the result of only an increase in age. Changes in the individual may also be the result of cultural or other social changes. Therefore, psychologists have developed various research designs to overcome this problem, such as the longitudinal design, the cross-sectional design, and the sequential design.

1.7.4.1 The longitudinal design When the longitudinal design is used, a group of children of the same age is studied at various age stages over a period (months or years). Almost all aspects of behaviour can be studied, while any method of gathering information and method of research can be used in longitudinal research. The strength of this approach is that it permits the study of developmental changes within the same children, rather than only comparing children of different ages (McCormick et al., 2018). It is also the only way to answer questions on the continuity or discontinuity of behaviour. For example, will characteristics such as aggression and extraversion (being outgoing and sociable) observed in infancy or early childhood continue into adolescence? To answer this question, many children will be assessed, for instance every two years, to determine if the mentioned characteristics remain throughout childhood, or even throughout their lives. Therefore, such a longitudinal study can continue into adulthood and even into old age. Although valuable information may be obtained by using the longitudinal design, it has disadvantages that may overshadow its strengths (Gorvine et al., 2017; Cherry, 2020), for example the following: • Next to the staggering financial implications of such long-term research, practical implications are abundant. For instance, to get hold of all the participants every time is a massive task. • When children are given the same test or task many times, they may become 'test-wise'. In fact, improved achievement over time that is attributed to development may stem from practice with a particular test or task. Changing the test or task from one session to the next solves the practice problem but it evokes the following question: How do we know that the different tests or tasks are of the same standard or test the same concept? • Another problem is the constancy of the sample over the course of the research. Some 57 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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children may drop out because they move away, while others may simply lose interest and choose not to continue. This could reduce the number of the group significantly. Furthermore, these 'dropouts' are often significantly different from their more researchminded peers, and this fact alone may distort the outcome. For example, a study might find that intelligence improves between 8 and 11 years. What in fact may have happened, however, is that especially the younger children who found the testing too difficult gave up the study. This automatically eliminates the less intelligent children from the group. Therefore, when the remaining group finally reaches 11 years, they may not be representative of the 'average' 11-year-old. • A disadvantage, which is also applicable to other research designs, is that the mere fact that people know they are being studied may bring about changes in them that would not be the result of an increase in age. For instance, if children know that they are part of a study and being observed, this could lead them to behave less aggressively and more politely. This effect, called the measurement effect, effect is also known as the Hawthorne effect. effect Because of these and other problems with the longitudinal method, researchers often use cross-sectional studies instead.

1.7.4.2 The cross-sectional design In a cross-sectional design, children of different age groups are studied together on a single occasion, and the results of the different age groups are then compared. In this case, basically all aspects of behaviour may be studied, and any method of research may be used. For example, you may wish to examine children's computer literacy at different ages. You could then include three groups in your study: a group of 10-, 12-, and 18-year-olds respectively and measure their computer literacy on the same day. The basic assumption is that differences between the groups could be attributed to the age effect. effect The difference between the cross-sectional and longitudinal design is illustrated in Figure 1.2. Figure 1.2. Differences between cross-sectional and longitudinal designs

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The main advantage of the cross-sectional design is that in comparison with the longitudinal design, it saves time: The researcher does not have to wait for the research participants to grow older. This design also avoids other problems such as the effect of repeated practice and constancy of the sample. Despite these advantages, the cross-sectional design also has disadvantages (Field et al., 2015; Hemed, 2015). For example, it provides no information on how the individuals change over time and what the continuity/discontinuity of their characteristics is. However, the most serious problems of the cross-sectional design result from the fact that different groups of individuals are used and compared with one another. Therefore, the observed differences may be the result of coincidental differences between the groups that need not have anything to do with age differences. Indeed, the fact that the groups represent different cohorts (a group of people of the same age) means that their environmental influences differ from group to group. These environmental differences are potentially as important a cause of the observed differences between the groups, as the age difference is. These differences are called the cohort effect and are also applicable to several other research designs. Cohort effects refer to the effects of history-related influence on research: People born in one period are influenced by historical and cultural conditions that could differ from those in another historical period. Let us take our example of measuring computer literacy. You might find that 10-year-olds do best, followed by 12-year-olds, with 18-year-olds doing the worst. Since many developmental psychologists are interested in the changes that are the natural or 'automatic' result of an increase in age, they could conclude that computer literacy decreases with age. However, the real reasons for the differences may be that the 10-year-olds were exposed to computers from a very young age at home and at school and may have had the additional advantage of being exposed to the latest technology. In fact, any change in habits, attitudes and general culture may cause people to develop differently, but these differences cannot be attributed simply to the age effect. Even in a time span of 10 years, opinions about issues such as child-rearing practices, the content of school syllabuses, and sexual norms may change radically, and this could lead to far-reaching changes in lifestyle and living standards. In turn, this may cause members of separate cohorts to develop different characteristics, which the crosssectional method cannot capture. The inability of the cross-sectional design to determine a causal relationship between measured factors is regarded as one of its main disadvantages (Rodriques et al., 2018; Wang et al., 2020). Because of these problems, a third alternative design is sometimes used, namely the sequential design.

1.7.4.3 The sequential design In a sequential design, the longitudinal and cross-sectional designs are used both in one study. The sequential design could be very complex but in its simpler form, it means that different groups of children (cross-sectional) are studied on various occasions (longitudinal), but only for a few years. For example, should you want to determine whether there are developmental changes in the pattern of adolescent dating relationships, you could select three groups (a group of 13-year-olds, 15-year-olds, and 18-year-olds, 59 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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respectively) and study all these groups every six months for a period of two years. Although the sequential design tries to neutralise the weaknesses of the longitudinal and cross-sectional designs, it usually succeeds only in minimising them (cf. Gorvine et al., 2017). However, it does show how researchers become more innovative to get reliable and valid answers regarding the development of children.

1.7.5 Cross-Cultural Research Cross-cultural psychology is a relatively young discipline and involves the study the relationship between culture and behaviour (Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology, 2021). Cross-cultural psychologists study the diversity of human behaviour in different cultural settings and how cultural factors influence various behaviours such as perception, cognition, personality, attitudes, group behaviour, child-rearing practices, and psychopathology (Espinosa-Hernandez et al., 2019).

Nearly 4 000 different cultures exist in the world, each with its own unique characteristics

Cross-cultural research is often seen as unique research that stands loose and independent from mainstream psychology, but this perception is incorrect. Cross-cultural psychology and its methods are rooted firmly in basic psychological methodology (Gardiner et al., 2011). In other words, all the kinds of research, methods of gathering information, general research designs, and developmental research designs that we have discussed, are also used in cross-cultural research. Moreover, cross-cultural research does not target only a specific area or areas. It is the proverbial golden thread that runs through psychology. This is especially true in South Africa with its unique multicultural composition where crosscultural research could be employed in all areas of psychology and in all spheres of life. One of the most important goals of cross-cultural research in child psychology is to discover principles that are universal to all (or most) cultures, as well as principles that are unique or specific to certain cultures (Gardiner et al., 2011). Therefore, it is clear that it should not be an either/or situation: The focus should be on both similarities and differences. During the past three decades, South African psychologists have made significant contributions to not only national but also international research data. In fact, it is not far60 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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fetched to assert that South African researchers, who find themselves in a unique multiple cultural environment, could become world leaders in the cross-cultural research area. Although cross-cultural researchers use the same research methods as mainstream psychology, it is also true that they face unique challenges. For example, if researchers are outsiders to the cultural group being studied, they not only may be met with suspicion but also may elicit behaviour responses that are not 'typical' of the group. These responses may then be interpreted incorrectly as being representative of the group. Communication also creates significant and often insurmountable problems: in many cases, the researcher is not able to speak the language of the cultural group being studied and must use an interpreter. In turn, this easily may lead to misinterpretations, especially if the interpreter is not fluent in the languages used and does not have knowledge of the professional-technical terms and concepts used in the study. A related problem that often creates methodological problems in countries such as South Africa, is the use of foreign psychological tests that are often unsuitable and irrelevant for the unique South African situation. Many of the items (i.e., questions) in these tests are so foreign to the research participants that they often misinterpret them. Even the translation of the tests into the home language of the participants does not always solve the problem. For example, it is very difficult, if not impossible, to translate certain terms and concepts, especially when these are not part of the framework of a specific culture. Furthermore, some African languages in South Africa lean towards elaborate descriptions rather than brief, precise definitions of concepts that are common, for example, in English. Nonetheless, cross-cultural research remains very exciting and challenging, and is one of the research areas that may contribute the most to address the unique South African context. The results could not only lead to a better understanding of one another, but also to the improvement of the lives of many (e.g., see Demir, 2018; Levy et al., 2017).

1.7.6 Conducting Research on the Internet Few devices in history have changed our lives and daily functioning as dramatically as the Internet. For some people, it is almost a complete substitute for life. This is understandable, because in many life spheres, high-level daily functioning is hardly possible without the Internet (Louw et al., 2019). The Internet has also changed how research is conducted significantly (Reips The Internet has become a valuable research tool et al., 2015; Woods et al., 2015). In psychology, most researchers make use of the Internet to do fundamental research, for instance to gather literature, recruit participants, and collect empirical data. 61 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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Doing research on the Internet has several advantages, for example the following (e.g. Latkovikj et al., 2019; Maniacci et al., 2014): • It has almost replaced the traditional library, especially by broadening the scope and availability of scientific resources, dramatically. • It creates opportunities to contact and discuss ideas with colleagues worldwide, within minutes. This creates new insights and different perspectives, which can add to the quality of the research. • It creates opportunities for research collaboration that would have been almost impossible otherwise. International collaboration is an example. • It enables the researcher to gather much larger and representative samples of participants than would not have been possible otherwise. • The Internet offers a very inexpensive and much less time-consuming method of collecting research data. For example, travelling to interview participants individually is now unnecessary. • Internet data is at least as valid and reliable as data collected offline (Hewson, 2014). However, the advantages of conducting research on the Internet does not mean that there are no pitfalls. The following are examples usually mentioned in this regard: • It is asserted that Internet-based samples of research participants are not as representative as well as, for example, random sampling recruitment strategies are. There are several reasons for this. In many experiments, participants respond to advertisements placed by the researcher. However, people who respond to these advertisements could be different from those who do not respond, with the result that the sample is not representative of the population investigated. • The lack of researcher management can also have an effect. This means that the researcher has less direct management control over, and knowledge of, participant behaviour. In a traditional interview, the researcher is present and therefore can make observations of body language or tone of voice. In online research, the researcher is 'locked out' and loses much of this information. For example, how does the researcher know whether the participants have carried out the procedure as instructed, or whether they were distracted or helped by their parents or friends? • Not all children may have access to the Internet and are therefore excluded, which may lead to skewing of the results. In addition, this type of research may not apply to young children, since they may not have the necessary computer skills. Notwithstanding the fact that conducting research on the Internet is still in its infancy, it holds tremendous promise. As technology advances, researchers not only will be able to solve many of the present problems and limitations, but also will have ever-increasing opportunities to employ innovative methods and designs. Emerging hardware and software technology are beginning to enable the collection of original data using sensors available on advanced mobile devices. For instance, some of these devices can monitor movement and activity precisely throughout the day; others may be used to assess social proximity and patterns of interaction, while custom sensors can be used to collect physiological data 62 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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such as blood pressure and heart rate remotely (Louw et al., 2019). It is important to remember that although conducting research on the Internet poses new ethical challenges, the fundamental guidelines that are discussed next will still have to be adhered to.

1.7.7 Research Ethics When psychologists conduct research with humans (and animals), they must ensure that their research participants are protected against psychological and physical harm. This is especially true for vulnerable groups such as children. Research ethics are the guidelines researchers must follow to protect the rights of humans (and animals) participating in the research. These guidelines are usually compiled by professional organisations such as the Psychological Society of South Africa (PsySSA), although some governmental and private agencies have their own ethical guidelines. Therefore, a key step in any research is to get approval from the Ethics Committee of the organisation under whose auspices the research will be done. The following are examples of guidelines that will be found in most ethical codes that refer to research with children (Alderson et al., 2020; Powell et al., 2013; Spratt, 2017): • Non-harmful procedures. The researcher may not use any procedures that could impose physical or psychological harm on the child. In addition, the researcher should use the least stressful research method whenever possible. • Informed consent. The researcher should inform children of all the features of the research that might affect their willingness to participate and should answer all questions in a way they can understand. A child has the right to discontinue participation at any time. • Parental consent. Informed consent should be obtained in writing from the child's parents or from other adults who have responsibility for the child. The adult has the right to know all features of the research that might affect the child's willingness to participate and may refuse consent. • Deception. If the research necessitates concealment or deception about the nature of the study, the researcher should make sure the child understands the reasons for the deception after the study has been concluded. • Confidentiality. All information about participants in research must be kept confidential. However, if the researcher uncovers alarming information concerning the child's well-being (e.g., depression) during the research, the researcher should discuss the information with the parents/guardians and experts to arrange for help for the child. • Informing participants. The researcher should clarify any misconceptions or uncertainties that may arise during the study. The researcher should also report general findings to participants in terms they can understand. • Cultural factors. When considering cultural aspects in research on human and thus also child development, it is essential to ensure not only the ethics of research, but also the quality thereof. Ethically sensitive research ensures that research methods 63 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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employed to incorporate local cultural practices and viewpoints adhere to scientific reliability and validity measures. Data collected in this way and the findings obtained would contribute to and enrich our body of knowledge and theory building (Miller et al., 2015). In this section, we have outlined the basic elements of research. We would also like to prepare you for the following: Many students believe they will find answers to the many questions they have. There is no doubt that research will answer many of your questions, since many of your lecturers at university are also excellent researchers. However, new questions may arise. Many of these questions stem from contradictory research results and viewpoints, which you will also come across in this book, and in your studies. Firstly, we want to emphasise that contradictory findings and viewpoints are common in every science, even in so-called rigid sciences such as engineering, physics, and mathematics. The positive side of this is that it stimulates further research to seek (final) answers. Many facts that we accept today have resulted from contradictory results in the past. Maybe one or more of you who are reading this book will one day assist us in getting nearer to the truth! Secondly, as mentioned before, every person is unique. Therefore, it is virtually impossible to produce formulas to explain all aspects of human behaviour or to state that a single factor will have the same effect on all people.

"My research project on IQ is now completed. All your IQ scores will be available on my website". Which ethical rule is this researcher violating?

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REVIEW THIS SECTION 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.

8. 9. 10.

11.

12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17.

18. 19. 20.

What is research, and why is it important to do research? Discuss the basic steps involved in scientific research. Distinguish between quantitative, qualitative, and mixed-method research. Discuss the main differences between quantitative and qualitative research. Discuss the various methods of gathering information for research purposes in psychology. You decide to study aggression in children. Discuss the data-gathering methods that you will use for your research. Define the following concepts: - hypothesis - research question - naturalistic and structured observation - structured interview and unstructured interview - researcher bias and researcher effect - questionnaire - standardisation - reliability, validity, and norms - psychophysiology What qualities should a good psychological test have? Discuss experimental research. How does this differ from correlational research? In a study, a strong correlation is found between family violence and poor academic performance. Does this mean that poor academic performance is caused by family violence? What other interpretations could there be? Define the following concepts: - variable - experimental group and control group - independent and dependent variable - correlation - meta-analysis Discuss case study research. You want to study the effect of a new method of therapy on a small group of sexually abused children. Which research design would be most applicable? Give reasons for your answer. When is a meta-analysis useful in a research design? Which research designs are applicable in research on the determinants of development? Which research designs are applicable in research on developmental change? Compare longitudinal, cross-sectional, and sequential designs. Define the following concepts: - cohort - cohort effect - Hawthorne effect and measurement effect - age-effect What is cross-cultural research? What are the main goals of cross-cultural research? What are the problems often encountered in cross-cultural research? Discuss the advantages and disadvantages of conducting research on the Internet. Explain what is meant by research ethics. Discuss the ethical guidelines when doing research with children.

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2

Prenatal Development and the Birth Process EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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Gracie and Rosie, conjoined twins born in England in 2000, were physiologically connected to each other and, amongst other things, shared one heart and a pair of lungs. Owing to the location of the heart, it was clear that, biologically speaking, Rosie was dependent on Gracie. Medical doctors agreed that the shared organs could not keep both children alive for long. The death of both was inevitable if they were not separated. It was clear that Gracie had a stronger chance of surviving an operation to separate them. However, there was no chance that Rosie would survive the operation. The twins' parents were devout Catholics and believed that the fate of the children should be left "in God's hands". However, surgeons believed strongly that it was unnecessary for Gracie to die, and they took the matter to the High Court. Various juridical and ethical arguments were raised during the court case. On the one hand, the position of the twins was compared with the true account of a mountain climber who cut the rope by which his partner dangled over a precipice to avoid being dragged after him. On the other hand, the twins were referred to as "two persons in one body", both of whom had the right to live as long as possible. Therefore, it was said that man had no right to intervene. The Court decided against the wishes of the parents, however, and ordered the separation operation to continue. The operation was conducted, and Rosie died immediately after being separated from her sister. According to the latest reports, Gracie is a young woman who enjoys good health.

Although most are not as sensational as the case of Gracie and Rosie, conjoined twins (previously called Siamese twins, now regarded as an offensive term) are a worldwide but rare phenomenon. The reported prevalence rate varies between one out of 50 000 to 200 000 births with a stillbirth rate of about 60% (Afzal et al., 2020). South Africa also has had its share of similar cases. One of the most publicised cases was that of Mpho and Mphonyana who were connected by their heads and shared certain brain tissue. During a breakthrough operation at the present Chris Hani Hospital in Johannesburg in 1988, they were separated at the age of 17 months. Unfortunately, Mphonyana died two years after the operation. The surviving twin, Mpho, had mild brain damage and was hemiplegic (paralysed in one side of the body). She enjoyed relatively good physical and mental health until her death at the age of 34 in 2021. The cases of Gracie/Rosie and Mpho/Mphonyana clearly illustrate how prenatal development (development before birth) may have an important effect on postnatal development (development after birth). However, for many years, developmental psychologists were interested only in the postnatal period. The prenatal period and the birth process were viewed as having little or no psychological importance. Scientific information on the fertilisation process was not available until the 18th century, when it was discovered that life begins as cells, from which the various organs and structures develop. However, today psychologists realise that the prenatal period and birth process have such an important effect that they cannot be ignored. There are two main reasons for this new interest. Firstly, research clearly indicates that numerous prenatal and birth-related factors may affect the later psychological development of the individual significantly. 69 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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Secondly (and as the two case studies illustrate), it became evident that not only individuals but also society could be affected personally and emotionally on a legal, ethical, and religious level. To emphasise, it is essential to read the first chapter of a book if you want to understand the whole book. The same principle applies to human development. To understand development, it is essential to study the first 'chapter' of this development, namely, the prenatal period and birth process. This information also links with the new and important field of behaviour genetics, genetics also called psychogenetics psychogenetics, the study of the genetic basis of behaviour (Plomin, 2018). Against this background, we shall focus next on one of the most interesting areas in developmental psychology, and in the process, the cause of conjoined twins such as Gracie/Rosie and Mpho/Mphonyana may also become clear. This chapter will introduce the following: • The prenatal period. In this section, we shall cover aspects such as conception, chromosomes, the human genome project, cell division, dominance and recessivity, sex determination, sex-linked inheritance, multiple births, cloning, and genetic abnormalities. • The prenatal stages. The germinal, embryonic, and foetal periods will be discussed. • Prenatal environmental influences. Factors such as the age of the parents, nutrition, the emotional state, and diseases of, and substance abuse by the mother will be discussed. • The birth process. An overview of this important process and possible childbirth complications will conclude this chapter.

2.1 THE PRENATAL PERIOD Before discussing the various stages of the prenatal period, it is important to complete the overall picture by discussing briefly the most important biological mechanisms that play a role in the formation of a new life.

2.1.1 The Beginnings of a New Life In ancient times, there was a great deal of speculation about how a person comes into being. For example, it is opined that during prehistoric and the early historic times, the sexual act was not even linked to the later birth of a baby. A reason for this could be the relatively long passage of time between the act and the consequences (Lowder, 2013). Understandably, several myths arose to explain the emergence of a new 70 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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life. For instance, it was accepted widely that every human being begins life in the womb as a miniature person, complete in every respect and fully functioning. During the prenatal period, this miniature person simply grows bigger and bigger until he or she is big enough to be born. Although the biological mechanisms for reproduction are very complex and their study belongs in the specialised fields of embryology, genetics, and their related sciences, it is important for a psychologist to have a basic knowledge of these mechanisms and of the processes in which they play a role. Such knowledge will not only serve as useful background information but is also necessary for the understanding of both normal and abnormal psychological development.

2.1.1.1 Conception Human development begins within a fraction of a second in one of the two fallopian tubes (or oviducts) of the woman when a sperm (or sperm cell, the male sex cell) and an egg cell or ovum (the female sex cell) unite. More specifically, the sperm penetrates the fertilisation. It takes place approximately egg cell. This process is known as conception or fertilisation cells 280 days before birth. The egg cells and sperm cells are known as gametes or sex cells. zygote. The fertilised egg cell is called a zygote The egg cells (ova) are the biggest cells in the human body. Each is about a quarter of the size of a full stop at the end of a sentence. Ova are produced in the ovaries. At birth, a female already has about 400 000 egg cells, many of which will atrophy (die) before she reaches puberty (Augustyn, 2021). At the beginning of puberty, only about 300 000 egg cells are left. Of these, only about 300 to 400 will be ovulated during a woman's reproductive lifetime (Cleveland Clinic, 2019). During ovulation, which takes place approximately every 28 days in reproductive females, an egg cell is released when a mature follicle (a sac surrounding the egg cell) bursts. The egg cell travels along a fallopian tube in the direction of the uterus (also called the womb). The progress of the egg cell is facilitated by the contraction and expansion of the approximately 10 cm long fallopian tube, but the progress is slow: it takes the egg cell about 12 hours to reach the middle of the tube. It is usually at this point that the egg cell and the sperm cell meet. If there is no sperm to fertilise the egg cell, the egg cell breaks down in the uterus. It is then expelled from the body via the vagina along with blood and excess uterine tissue during menstruation. The sperm, which looks very much like a tadpole when viewed under a microscope, is one of the smallest cells in the human body. Whereas the egg cells are already present in the female body at birth, sperm cells are produced in the testes of reproductive males only, at a rate of approximately 300 million per day. When the male reaches orgasm during sexual intercourse, he ejaculates approximately 100 to 500 million sperms as semen, through the penis (Andrade-Rocha, 2017). It has been estimated that 20 million sperm cells need to pass through the vagina for fertilisation to take place, even though only one sperm is needed for the creation of a new life through conception. By lashing their tails from side to side, the sperm then try to 'swim' through the cervix (the opening of the 71 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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uterus), to reach the fallopian tubes. However, millions of sperm do not achieve their goal and die within a few hours because of the toxic acids in the vagina. A few thousand sperm do manage to reach the top of the uterus. A few hundred manage to enter each fallopian tube. Fertilisation is possible as long as the sperms remain alive, that is five days (Gargollo, 2021). An egg cell remains ready for fertilisation for approximately 24 hours. However, it is generally accepted that fertilisation takes place between 12 and 36 hours, and usually within 24 hours, after the ovum has entered the fallopian tube. Once the sperm that has 'won the race' to the ovum has penetrated the wall of the egg cell, leaving its tail behind in the process, the cell wall changes so that it is virtually impossible for another sperm to pass through. Fertilisation takes place the moment the nuclei of the sperm cell and the egg cell unite to form a new cell containing 46 chromosomes. (Chromosomes will be discussed in more detail in the next section.) As mentioned earlier, this fertilised egg cell is known as a zygote. It is about one-twentieth the size of a pinhead. A zygote is the beginning of a new human being. However, not all fertilised egg cells develop into babies. About 25% of all fertilised egg cells are aborted spontaneously during the first few weeks, usually without the mother ever knowing that she was pregnant. Of the zygotes that survive the first three to four weeks after fertilisation, a further approximately 30% are aborted spontaneously. This miscarriage. Fewer than half of all fertilised occurrence is known in layperson's terms as a miscarriage eggs result in living babies (Alexander et al., 2018). fertility rate) rate is declining worldwide, especially in It is interesting that the birth rate (fertility industrial countries (Bruni, 2019; Chamie, 2020). More than 80 countries, representing about half of the world's population, report below-replacement level rates, which are about two children per woman. (The replacement rate is the rate at which women give birth to enough babies to sustain population levels.) However, in several sub-Saharan African countries, the birth rate is more than five births per woman. In South Africa, the total birth registrations are about 2% annually, which is approximately the same as the world average (Stats SA, 2017). About one million babies are born in South Africa annually. As in other countries, the local birth registration rate differs according to socio-economic factors such as level of education and income (Makiwane et al., 2018; Samir et al., 2017). Usually, the lower the education level and income, the higher the birth rate.

Sperm cell trying to penetrate egg cell

Cell division of a fertilised egg

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2.1.1.2 Chromosomes, genes, DNA and RNA As mentioned earlier, a new life begins as a zygote. The normal human zygote contains 46 chromosomes (23 pairs). (This 'number' is specific to a species; for example, mice have 20 pairs, apes 27 pairs, and peas 7 pairs.) An individual obtains half of the 46 chromosomes from one parent and the other half from the other parent. Therefore, a normal human being will have 46 chromosomes or 23 chromosome pairs: one set from each parent. Each cell in the body has these 23 pairs of chromosomes. However, the two sex cells or gametes — ovum and sperm — contain 23 chromosomes each. The chromosomes are very small but can be seen under a microscope as rod-shaped structures (see Figure 2.1). Each chromosome is made up of many segments, called genes genes. Genes are regarded as the smallest units of heredity and are the carriers of human hereditary characteristics. Although there is uncertainty about the precise number of genes contained in a single human cell, the estimation is in the region of 20 000 to 25 000. (Earlier estimates were much higher, with an average of about 100 000. However, it could still be years before the number of genes is determined reliably. The main reasons for this are, for example, that different methods are used to find genes, that small genes are difficult to detect, and that genes can overlap.) Furthermore, each gene is different from every other gene. Each one is arranged in a particular position on a specific chromosome, but the number of genes on the different chromosomes varies. However, the functions of most genes remain unknown, neither do we fully understand how genes interact with one another and with the environment. Figure 2.1. A representation of the 23 pairs of human chromosomes (The 23rd pair is different in males and females and is called the sex chromosomes)

Chromosomes and genes consist primarily of a complex chemical substance known as deoxyribonucleic acid or DNA DNA. DNA is the chemical basis of heredity. It contains the hereditary information that serves as the 'recipe' or 'blueprint' for the particular chemical function that a cell has to fulfil. This 'life code' or 'genetic code' occurs in a large molecule that looks very much like a double spiral or a twisted rope ladder. All human beings are 99% identical in their genetic makeup (National Human Genome Research Institute, 2020). 73 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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Therefore, only about 0,1% of our DNA is responsible for all the physical and psychological differences between us. Another interesting fact is that the strands of DNA are so small that about five million could go through the eye of a needle. However, since the DNA molecules do not separate from the chromosomes, they are not directly responsible for the production of protein (the basic building block of all body substances). The DNA produces another nucleic acid for this purpose, known as ribonucleic acid or RNA RNA. Because of its role, RNA is often called 'messenger RNA'. RNA can circulate more freely, transfers the blueprint information from the cell nucleus to the cytoplasm (the substance that makes up a cell, not including the cell nucleus) and in so doing, directs the construction of proteins.

2.1.1.3 The human genome project As mentioned earlier, behaviour genetics or psychogenetics (where chromosome, gene, DNA, and RNA are key terms) is presently regarded as one of the most important study areas in Psychology. The important role of genetics is also realised in other fields, such as Medicine, Zoology and Botany. For this reason, the multi-disciplinary Human Genome Project (HGP) was founded in the USA in 1990 (National Human Genome Research Institute, 2020). (The term 'genome' refers to all the genetic material of an organism.) The HGP is regarded by many as one of the most important research projects of all time. The human genome is often compared to a large recipe book. The 23 pairs of chromosomes represent 46 chapters. There are 20 000 to 25 000 recipes; that is, genes. Therefore, each gene represents a recipe. A main goal of the HGP was to compile biological maps to enable researchers to find their way through the labyrinth of genetic material responsible for the physical and psychological characteristics of a person, including genetically based disorders. For example, the researchers had to identify the different genes, gather information on DNA, and determine individual differences. They also had to consider the ethical, judicial, and social matters that could stem from the HGP and make their data available for future research. The project was completed in 2003, two years before the projected deadline. The results exceeded many expectations. For example, a much clearer picture of the duplication of DNA, as well as the beginning and death of genes, was revealed. Some earlier research was also shown to be incorrect, and as mentioned, it was discovered that the number of genes was significantly fewer than originally thought. Almost 2 000 'illness genes' have been discovered. The result is that researchers could determine within days which gene is associated with a genetic illness, a process that took years in the past. In this regard, pharmacogenetics (the field that tries to determine how the genetics of a person could affect his or her reaction to certain medicines) is an important new discipline (Stöppler, 2021). By determining this effect or reaction, better treatment results could be produced. Of course, the fact that the HGP has been completed does not mean that we now have all the answers, and that genome research will be discontinued. On the contrary, many unanswered questions still require more research and innovative technology. For example, the genetics of complex conditions such as heart diseases is not yet understood 74 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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clearly. Therefore, the HGP should be regarded as an important stimulus that will lead to many other research projects. Hopefully, it will bring greater clarity to this important field, of which we know relatively little.

2.1.1.4 Cell division and crossover The human body consists of billions of cells, of which a large percentage is being replaced every day (Fischetti et al., 2021). These cells are of two distinct kinds: body cells and germ cells (eggs and sperm). The process of cell division is a crucial step in the formation of a new life. (See Figure 2.2.) The body cells (or somatic cells) in the zygote divide through the process known as mitosis. The goal of mitosis is to duplicate one cell into two genetically identical cells. mitosis Before entering mitosis, a cell must first go through an interphase where the cell grows, copies its DNA, and prepares for division. Mitosis occurs in four phases, during which each of the 46 chromosomes (23 paternal cells and 23 maternal cells) divides lengthwise into two, resulting in 92 chromosomes. The one half of each pair then moves to opposite poles of the cell. The cell then divides, resulting in two new cells that are identical to the original cell. Therefore, these cells contain 46 chromosomes and have the same genetic information as the original cell. The process continues to replicate to eventually form body parts and organs for the body that is you. Figure 2.2. Cell division: mitosis and meiosis

US Library of Medicine (2021)

The germ cells divide through a process known as meiosis meiosis. Before meiosis starts, an interphase occurs, as in mitosis. In meiosis, a special cell division reduces the cell from two sets of chromosomes to a single set of chromosomes. Meiosis occurs in two stages, meiosis I and meiosis II, each of which occurs in four phases. During this process, the two 75 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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members of each chromosome pair separate and move to opposite poles of the cell. Cell division occurs to eventually form cells with 23 chromosomes that do not necessarily have the same genetic information as the original germ cell. These cells are the gametes or sex cells and are formed in the testes in the case of a male, and in the ovaries in the case of a female. An interesting phenomenon that occurs during the first phase of meiosis I is a process known as crossover (Encyclopaedia Britannica, 2021). Crossover occurs when sections of homologous chromosomes (chromosomes that form a pair) exchange chromosome segments and therefore, also genes. The exchange takes place because of, and during, the direct contact between homologous chromosomes and is also referred to as homologous reorganisation. This crossover of genetic material not only enhances the uniqueness of the gamete's genetic composition, but also increases the variation within the available genetic material.

2.1.1.5 Dominance and recessivity Two genes on each pair of chromosomes are jointly responsible for determining allele. When the two alleles, hereditary characteristics. Such a gene pair is known as an allele which an individual receives from his or her mother and father respectively, are homozygous (i.e., identical) in terms of the characteristics they control, the receiving individual will show that particular characteristic. However, what happens when the two alleles contain different heterozygous)? The answer lies primarily in the principle of instructions (i.e., they are heterozygous genetic domination and genetic recessivity (Lewis et al., 2020). A dominant gene is a gene that dominates the other allele in determining the phenotype (a person's overt (observable) characteristics). When the alleles are heterozygous, the person will always show the characteristic of the dominant gene. The gene that is not dominant and which characteristics do not become manifest, is known as the recessive gene. Even though the characteristic of the recessive gene is not manifested (shown), it gene remains part of the person's genotype (his or her underlying genetic makeup) and can still be passed on to his or her descendants. (See Table 2.1 for examples of dominant and recessive characteristics.) The functional pattern of dominant and recessive genes can be illustrated well by considering at how hair colour is determined. Genes that are responsible for dark hair are dominant, while genes responsible for blonde hair are recessive. When both parents have genes that produce only dark hair, their child will have dark hair, since each parent has only a dominant gene to contribute. Similarly, if both parents have genes only for blonde hair, their child will have blonde hair since they have only recessive genes available. However, when the one parent has dominant genes only and the other has only recessive genes, the child will have dark hair but will 'carry' the genes for blonde hair. Thus, it is only possible for two dark-haired people to have a blonde-haired child if both parents have a recessive gene for blonde hair (see Figure 2.3). Furthermore, a blonde-haired person cannot have a gene for dark hair.

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Table 2.1. Examples of dominant and recessive characteristics

DOMINANT

RECESSIVE

Dark Hair

Blonde hair

Normal hair

Baldness

Curly hair

Straight hair

Non-red hair

Red hair

Facial dimples

No dimples

Normal hearing

Some forms of deafness

Normal vision

Near-sightedness

Farsightedness

Normal vision

Normal vision

Eye cataracts

Normally pigmented skin

Albinism

Normal joints

Double-jointedness

Type A blood

Type O blood

Type B blood

Type O blood

Rh-positive blood

Rh-negative blood

Note: Many normal characteristics that previously were believed to result from dominant-recessive inheritance, such as eye colour, are now regarded as due to multiple genes. For the characteristics listed in Table 2.1, most experts agree that the simple dominant-recessive relationship holds. (See Berk, 2019; Biology Dictionary, 2021.)

Figure 2.3. The transmission of hair colour through dominant (D) and recessive (d) genes

Many disabilities and diseases are products of recessive alleles. Only rarely are serious diseases due to dominant alleles (see Table 2.2). Children who inherit the dominant allele will always develop the disorder. They will seldom live long enough to reproduce, and the 77 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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harmful allele will be eliminated from the family's heredity in a single generation. However, some dominant disorders do persist. An example is Huntington's disease (or Huntington chorea), a condition in which the central nervous system, especially the brain, degenerates. This disease has endured because its symptoms, for example personality disorders, mood disorders, and involuntary motor movements, usually do not appear until the person is in their 30s or 40s (Mayo Clinic, 2021). At this stage, the person usually has already passed on the dominant gene to their children. Table 2.2. Examples of dominant and recessive disorders MODE OF INHERITANCE

OUTCOME

Phenylketonuria (PKU)

Inability to metabolise the amino acid phenylalanine, contained in many proteins, causes severe central nervous system damage in the first year of life.

Recessive

Medical intervention results in average intelligence and normal life span; subtle difficulties with planning and problemsolving often present.

Sickle cell anaemia

Distortion of red blood cells causes oxygen deprivation, pain, swelling and tissue damage. Anaemia and susceptibility to infections, especially pneumonia, occur.

Recessive

No known cure: 50% die by age 20.

Huntington's disease

Central nervous system degeneration leads to muscle coordination difficulties, mental deterioration, and personality changes. Symptoms usually appear after age 35.

Dominant

No known cure. Death occurs 10 to 20 years after symptom onset.

Haemophilia

Blood fails to clot normally. May lead to severe internal bleeding and tissue damage.

Recessive

Blood transfusions and safety precautions can ensure a relatively good life quality.

DISEASE

DESCRIPTION

2.1.1.6 Sex determination, sex-linked characteristics, and polygenic inheritance The transmission of characteristics, such as hair colour, to children by their parents' genes has been explained, but what determines whether the child is going to be a boy or a girl? In higher organisms, such as the human being, gender is not determined by a gene but by a gamete (sex chromosome). As the name indicates, the sex chromosomes (the 23rd pair of chromosomes in a person) determine the sex of an individual. Women have two similar X chromosomes (named thus because they look like the letter X), while men have one X chromosome and one smaller 78 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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Y chromosome (called thus because it looks like the letter Y). The chromosome pair of a genetically normal female is represented by the symbol XX and that of the genetically normal male as XY. Contrary to the belief held by many people that the woman determines the sex of the child (women are sometimes even blamed for the child being the "wrong" sex), the father's sperm in fact determines the child's sex (Mayo Clinic, 2021) If a sperm carrying the X chromosome is the first to penetrate and fertilise the egg cell, the fertilised egg will have an XX chromosome pair; therefore, the child will be a girl. (Remember that the woman can produce only an X chromosome.) If a sperm carrying the Y chromosome fertilises the egg, the egg cell will have an XY chromosome pair, and the child will be a boy. Because men generally produce an equal quantity of X and Y sperm, the chances of the child being a boy or a girl are theoretically equal. However, slightly more boys than girls are born. In South Africa, between 100 and 102 boys to every 100 girls are born (Stats SA, 2019). This is similar to the ratio in the rest of the world. In addition to determining the sex of an individual, the sex chromosomes also have genes that play a role in other hereditary characteristics. These characteristics are known characteristics Several of these characteristics are found more frequently as sex-linked characteristics. in men than in women. (See Box 2.1 on whether males and females have an equal chance of inheriting recessive diseases and disorders.) The inheritance of sex-linked characteristics can be illustrated by the example of haemophilia. This condition is the inability of blood to clot, resulting in continued bleeding, even from a small wound. Haemophilia can be caused by a recessive gene on one of the X chromosomes of the mother (National Hemophilia Foundation, 2021). However, she will not suffer from the disease herself because her other X chromosome will normally have a gene that will dominate the recessive gene and her blood will thus be able to clot normally. If she transmits the X chromosome with the recessive gene to her son, the Y chromosome that he has inherited from his father will not have the dominant gene and will thus not be able to dominate or counteract the haemophilia. The boy will then become a haemophiliac. (Haemophilia was once called the "royal disease" because it was so common among the royal families of England, Europe, and Russia.) A woman becomes a haemophiliac only in rare cases when she inherits the recessive characteristic from both parents. Otherwise, the gene for normal clotting is dominant. Besides haemophilia, about 150 other conditions may be regarded as sex-linked; for example, red-green colour blindness, baldness, and certain forms of muscular dystrophy. However, note that relatively few of an individual's characteristics are determined as simply as haemophilia is. Most characteristics are determined through the effect of, or interaction between, genes. Such determination of a characteristic by many multifactorial inheritance) inheritance (APA, 2021). For genes is known as polygenic inheritance (multifactorial example, characteristics such as temperament and intelligence, are known as polygenic characteristics.

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BOX 2.1. DO MALES AND FEMALES HAVE AN EQUAL CHANCE OF INHERITING RECESSIVE DISEASES AND DISORDERS? Yes, males and females have an equal chance of inheriting recessive diseases and disorders, but when a harmful allele is carried on the X chromosome, sex-linked inheritance applies. Males are more likely to be affected because their chromosomes do not match. In females, any recessive allele on one X chromosome has a good chance of being suppressed by a dominant allele on the other X chromosome. In males, the Y chromosome is about only one-third as big as the X chromosome and therefore lacks many corresponding alleles to override those on the X chromosome. Besides sex-linked diseases and disorders, the male also tends to be at a disadvantage in several other areas. Rates of miscarriage, infant and childhood deaths, birth defects, behaviour disorders, learning disabilities and intellectual disability are greater in boys (see Berk, 2019; La Maison et al., 2018). However, as stated earlier, worldwide, more boys than girls are born. It therefore seems that nature has adjusted for the male's disadvantage.

2.1.1.7 Multiple births Although most babies are conceived singly, multiple births of varying numbers do occur. Twinning rates have increased dramatically (almost doubled) over the last four decades in nearly all high-income countries. This increase is an important public health issue because twin babies are more fragile than singletons. They have lower birth weight, are more often premature, and have more complications at birth, which all may have long-term health implications. Still-birth and infant mortality rates are also much higher among twins than among singletons (Isaacson et al., 2020). Factors that may increase the prevalence of twins are a family history of twins, high maternal age, race, and a large maternal size. Naturally, twins occur in about one in 250 pregnancies, triplets in about one in 10 000 pregnancies, and quadruplets in about one in 700 000 pregnancies (American Society for Reproductive Medicine, 2012; Fierro et al., 2020). The main factor that increases the chances of having a multiple pregnancy is the use of infertility treatment, but there are other factors such as a family history of twins. What exactly leads to multiple births? The basic processes underlying The occurrence of triplets is about I in 10 000 births such births are relatively simple. In the case of monozygotic (identical identical) twins twins, triplets and other multiple births, the zygote 80 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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divides into two or more separate entities after the sperm has fertilised the ovum. Each of the developing organisms then has the same genetic material; therefore, the children would be identical in characteristics determined by genetic factors. Dizygotic (non-identical non-identical) twins twins, triplets, and other multiple births develop out of different ova. This occurs when a woman releases two or more ova, with the result that the ova are all fertilised by different sperms. Therefore, such children have nothing more in common genetically than ordinary brothers and sisters. Non-identical twins (about two thirds of all twins) may be either of the same or the opposite sex, as opposed to identical twins who are always of the same sex. At the beginning of this chapter, you read about the conjoined twins Gracie/Rosie and Mpho/Mphonyana. How does such a genetic mutation happen? Conjoined twins develop when one egg cell splits to become two identical egg cells. Therefore, conjoined twins are always identical. Simply put, a defect in the split process occurs and leads to incomplete cell division. The result is that the twins are joined, for example, at the chest, hips, or head. They often share vital organs (such as in the case of Gracie New-born twins lying in the same position as they had in the and Rosie) and even genitals. The womb incidence rate is approximated at 1 in 200 000 births (Mian, 2017), but about 60% are stillborn or die shortly after birth (Carlson et al., 2018). The female-to-male ratio is approximately 3:1. The survival rate of conjoined twins is between 5% and 25% (University of Maryland Medical Center, 2012).

2.1.1.8 Infertility Infertility is a term used to refer to couples who are unable to conceive a child after a year of regular sexual intercourse of normal frequency (three to four times a week) and without using contraceptives (WHO, 2021). In approximately a third of infertility cases, the problem may be traced to the man. In a further third, the problem may be traced to the woman. In the remaining cases, either both partners are infertile, or no explanation can be found (Mayo Clinic, 2021). According to most studies, some form of infertility occurs in about 8% to 12% of all couples worldwide. The fertility decline in females already begins at 25 to 30 years of age and the age at last birth is about 40 to 41 years (Vander Borght et al., 2018). Males continue to produce sperm throughout their whole life span, though the amount and quality tend to decrease after about 40 years of age. There are many causes of infertility (National Health Service, 2021; UCLA Obstetrics and Gynaecology, 2021). For example, the male may produce too few sperms, or the sperms may be blocked, the sperms cannot move strongly enough to reach the fallopian tubes, or 81 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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cancer treatment affected the sperms. In the case of a female, she possibly does not ovulate, produces abnormal egg cells, or her fallopian tubes are damaged or blocked, with the result that the egg cells are unable to reach the uterus. Infertility may have a very negative effect on a couple (Thapa et al., 2021). Feelings of aggression (towards each other, themselves, and their doctor), inferiority, and depression occur often in such couples. Their sexual relationship is often also affected adversely. Therefore, it is understandable why it is so important for such couples to have a baby. Fortunately, scientists have developed techniques that ensure that most infertile people can eventually become parents. These techniques vary from hormone treatment and surgery, to assisted reproductive technology (ART). The most common type of ART is in-vitro fertilisation in which the woman's egg cells are removed from her body and fertilised by the man's sperm cells in a laboratory. The fertilised egg cells (zygotes) are then implanted in the woman's uterus to develop further. The first in-vitro baby in South Africa was born in the Tygerberg Hospital in Parow, Cape Town, in 1984. (The first in-vitro baby in the world was born in England in 1978.) Since then, millions of babies worldwide have been born by infertility treatment. Unfortunately, several studies have indicated that for babies who are conceived in this way, the chances are greater to be born with health problems and birth defects (Luke et al., 2020; Rodriguez-Wallberg, 2020). However, the risk is not the same for all the treatment procedures, while there is a possibility that patient factors, such as the underlying cause of infertility, could also have contributed to these findings.

2.1.1.9 Cloning Although research on cloning had already started in the 1970s, Scottish scientists cloned the first mammal (a sheep named "Dolly") only in 1997. Since then, several other mammals such as mice, pigs, dogs, rabbits, and cows have been cloned. Cloning has become almost a household term, but what precisely does it entail? Cloning may be described as a method of non-sexual reproduction of an organism. More specifically, an identical genetic copy of another organism is duplicated. Clones do not always look identical. Although they share the same genetic material, the environment also plays a role in their appearance. There are different forms of cloning, but the one that has been referred to above is called reproductive cloning and is achieved by means of biotechnological procedures in a laboratory. The most common way to clone is to take the nucleus from a body cell and transfer it into a female egg cell from which the nucleus has been removed. The cloned embryo is then stimulated electrically or chemically and begins to divide and develop like an ordinary fertilised embryo. (In nature, cloning is the way in which certain non-sexual organisms, for example bacteria, reproduce). There have been several claims of successful human cloning, but at this stage, human cloning still appears to be fiction (Center for Genetics and Society, 2021; National Human Genome Research Institute, 2020). From a genetic-technical perspective, it is much more difficult to clone a human being than mammals. Human cloning, just like issues such as abortion, remains very controversial (Häyry, 2018; Segers et al., 2019). According to the advocates of cloning, the advantages include 82 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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the possibility that infertile couples could have their own offspring. It would also provide opportunities for researchers to understand cell growth better, and thus, it holds numerous advantages in especially the medical-therapeutic field. For example, treatments for diseases that involve damaged cells that are unable to replace themselves (e.g., Parkinson's disease, diabetes, and muscular dystrophy) could be discovered. However, people opposing human cloning argue that cloning is far from being perfected and that there is a high risk of miscarriages, stillborn babies, and malformed or disabled children. (The cloned sheep Dolly, was born only after nearly 300 unsuccessful attempts.) It is also pointed out that in humans, psychological characteristics such as intellect and emotions are much more important than in animals and that cloning could have disastrous effects in this key area of functioning. Human cloning also implies inbreeding, which means a smaller gene pool and thus a decrease in the gene diversity. This could lead to an increase in a variety of medical and mental disorders. Until more research progress has been made, human cloning is generally regarded as extremely risky and professional-ethically unacceptable (see Häyry, 2018; Murayama, 2020)

2.1.1.10 Genetic abnormalities It is often said that, considering the enormous complexity of the genetic process, it is surprising that not more 'errors' occur than those that do occur. In fact, genetic abnormalities are the exception, rather than the rule. Worldwide, only 2% to 3% of live births show a significant defect, a similar prevalence than in South Africa (Farlie, 2017; Lebese et al., 2016; also see Malherbe et al., 2021). However, anomalies (abnormalities) do occur from time to time. As far as genetic abnormalities are concerned, gene abnormalities and chromosomal abnormalities are indicated. As the name indicates, gene abnormalities are the result of faulty genes. Just as words that have been spelt incorrectly may convey a very wrong message, faulty genes may convey distorted messages, resulting in defects of various kinds, for example sex-linked gene abnormalities such as haemophilia, as discussed earlier. Furthermore, ethnically linked gene abnormalities have a higher frequency amongst certain ethnic groups because one of the progenitors (original/ancestral parents) of a particular ethnic group had a faulty gene. Thus, the faulty gene has been transmitted from generation to generation (see Boston Medical Center, 2021: Geldenhuys et al., 2014). Examples are the following: • Porphyria amongst Afrikaners. Afrikaners carry the gene for porphyria and have the highest prevalence for this disorder in the world. This is a metabolic disturbance characterised by blisters and scars, usually on those parts of the skin exposed to sunlight. • Tay-Sachs disease amongst Jewish people. This is a serious, recessively inherited disease that affects the brain and the spinal cord. Death always occurs before the age of five. • Albinism amongst black South Africans. Albinism is a recessive condition characterised mainly by the absence of pigmentation in the skin, hair, and eyes. The skin and eyes are highly sensitive to bright light. 83 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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• Thalassemia amongst South African Greeks and Italians. This is a recessive disorder characterised mainly by anaemia (deficiency of red blood cells). Of course, there are many other gene abnormalities that are not linked to either sex or ethnicity. In contrast to gene abnormalities, chromosomal abnormalities occur because of abnormal chromosomal compositions. The most common manifestation of this abnormality is called Down syndrome or Trisomy 21. 21 This condition is characterised by low intellectual ability, facial characteristics such as an epicanthal fold of the eye (a fold of skin over the top inner corner of the eye), flat face and nose, small ears, a narrowing of the palate, a short, stocky physique, low muscle tone, and loose joints. Internal malformations, such as heart defects and underdevelopment of the lower intestines, may also occur. Children with Down syndrome usually take longer to reach important developmental milestones and may exhibit learning difficulties at school. They also find it harder to control their impulses and manage their feelings. In more than 90% of such cases, the condition arises because of the presence of an extra chromosome at the twenty-first pair (hence the name Trisomy 21, for such cases). Such a person has 47 chromosomes in every cell of the body. A milder form of Down syndrome could also occur, whereby some cells contain the normal chromosome count (46), while others have 47, due to the extra chromosome in the 21st pair. This is called mosaic Down syndrome (National Center on Birth Defects and Developmental Disabilities, 2021).

A child with Down syndrome has typical physical features

There are various methods to detect some genetic abnormalities before birth. One of the most common of these methods is called amniocentesis. With the help of an ultrasound image to determine the baby's position, a fine needle is carefully inserted through the abdomen into the uterus, as shown in Figure 2.4. A sample of amniotic fluid is then 84 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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extracted and analysed. Amniocentesis is usually performed between 15 and 20 weeks after conception (Stanford University Children's Health, 2021). If any of the prenatal techniques of investigation show that the baby has a serious defect, the parents could decide to end the pregnancy legally through an abortion. Although techniques such as amniocentesis have contributed significantly to the detection of chromosomal and gene abnormalities, not all the abnormalities can be detected in this way. Hopefully, further research will bring more answers in this regard. Figure 2.4. Amniocentesis

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REVIEW THIS SECTION 1. Why is the study of prenatal development important in developmental psychology? Has it always been regarded as important? 2. Discuss conception as the beginning of human development. Refer to the roles that the ova and sperm play in this process. What is a zygote? Do all fertilised egg cells develop into a baby? 3. Discuss the role of chromosomes, genes, DNA, and RNA in human development. 4. Discuss the Human Genome Project, its goal, research results, and its contribution to science. 5. Discuss cell division, with specific reference to mitosis and meiosis. When does crossover occur? Why is this phenomenon important? 6. What is an allele? What are homozygous alleles? What happens if the alleles are heterozygous? 7. John's genetic makeup is homozygous for normal vision. Mary's is homozygous for nearsightedness (myopia). What percentage of their children is likely to be myopic? Motivate your answer. How would this genetic makeup differ if both John and Mary have a dominant gene for normal vision and a recessive gene for myopia? 8. Why cannot a blonde-haired person carry a gene for dark hair? Why could two dark-haired parents have a blonde-haired child? 9. Why are disabilities and disorders usually the product of recessive alleles rather than of dominant alleles? Describe one exception to the rule. 10. Mark has decided to file for divorce because his wife provided him only with three girls and he desperately wanted a boy. He is blaming her for the gender of the children. Explain the process of gender determination to him. 11. Using your knowledge of sex-linked inheritance, explain why recessive genetic diseases and disorders are more common in males than in females. 12. Discuss multiple births with reference to monozygotic and dizygotic twins. Refer to the prevalence rate of multiple births, the factors that may be involved in multiple births, and the possible increase of a public health issue. How are conjoined twins formed? 13. What is infertility? What causes infertility in females? What causes infertility in males? Discuss the effects of infertility on a couple. What techniques are used commonly in the treatment of infertility? 14. What is cloning? What is reproductive cloning? Do you think humans could or should be cloned? What are the advantages and disadvantages of cloning in humans? 15. Explain the difference between gene abnormalities and chromosomal abnormalities. Explain the difference between sex-linked and ethically linked gene abnormalities. 16. Discuss the following genetic disorders: haemophilia, porphyria, albinism, and Tay-Sachs disease. 17. Discuss Down syndrome. What causes this condition? What are the key characteristics of Down syndrome? What is mosaic Down syndrome? 18. How can genetic disorders be detected? Is this a fail-proof method in all cases?

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2.2 THE PRENATAL STAGES The prenatal period, period namely the period from conception to birth, lasts for approximately nine months. More specifically, physicians worldwide calculate the duration of a pregnancy either from the first day of the last menstruation or from two weeks after the last menstruation. The former gives an average pregnancy of 280 days and the latter, an average pregnancy of 266 days. In South Africa, the first of these two methods is usually used (Cronje, 2019).

That is nothing, look at my tummy! tummy!

The prenatal period is divided into three stages: the germinal stage, stage the embryonic stage and the foetal stage. stage, stage

2.2.1 The Germinal Stage The germinal stage, also called the period of the zygote, zygote begins with conception and lasts for one to two weeks. This stage is characterised mainly by the growth of the zygote and the beginning of a physiologically dependent relationship between the zygote and the support system of the mother. Mitosis begins within 24 to 36 hours after conception when the zygote enters a period of cell division (Nussbaum et al., 2015). Initially, cell division is a relatively slow process, but later accelerates rapidly. The zygote divides into 2, the 2 divide into 4, the 4 into 8, the 8 into 16, the 16 into 32, and so on, until the original zygote has developed into the billions of specialised cells of which the human body is made up. Within two to three days, there are a few dozen cells, which collectively are about the size of a pinhead. After four days, between 60 and 70 cells have already developed. While cell division is taking place, the cell mass travels along the fallopian tube. It usually reaches the uterus after five days. From about the sixth day, the zygote attaches itself 87 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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to the inner wall of the uterus (see Figure 2.5). This process is known as implantation and is usually completed by about the ninth day (Hill, 2021). Implantation marks the end of the germinal stage and the beginning of the next phase, the embryonic stage. Figure 2.5. A diagram of early conception

2.2.2 The Embryonic Stage This stage lasts from implantation until about eight weeks after conception, and the developing organism is now known as an embryo (Hill, 2021). During this stage, there is rapid growth, and cell and organ differentiation takes place. The first step in the formation of various body organs and systems occurs when the embryo develops into the following three layers: • The ectoderm (outer layer), from which hair, nails, teeth, sensory organs, the outside layer of the skin, and the nervous system develop. • The mesoderm (middle layer), from which the muscles, skeleton, the inside layer of the skin, the excretory system, and the blood circulation system develop. • The endoderm (inside layer), from which the digestive system, the liver, pancreas, sweat glands, and the respiratory system develop. Two important organs, the umbilical cord and the placenta, develop early during the embryonic stage. The umbilical cord, cord a cordlike structure, is the 'lifeline' that connects the embryo to the placenta (Saeed, 2018). It is about 50 to 60 cm long and about 2 cm in diameter. Oxygen and nutrients from the mother pass through the umbilical cord to the embryo. The placenta is a structure that grows on the inner wall of the uterus and supplies 88 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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the mentioned oxygen and nourishment to the embryo. It also removes embryonic waste. During the third week, the blood vessels and the stomach begin to develop, and a small tube that will later become the heart begins to beat towards the end of the fourth week. The embryo is then approximately 0,5 cm long. The heart and brain areas become more clearly differentiated. At this stage, the embryo is still a very primitive organism that does not have arms, legs, or other developed features. It still has only the most rudimentary of body systems. At this stage, the human embryo cannot be distinguished from the embryo of other animals that have a spinal column such as pig, rabbit, chicken, or elephant (Bogdanović, 2016; Hill, 2021). At about four to six weeks after conception, the woman becomes aware that she is pregnant. The expected menstruation does not take place, and pregnancy tests are positive. About 70% of all pregnant women begin to experience nausea (Fiaschi et al., 2019). It is usually most severe in the morning and may occur up to the 12th week of pregnancy. Frequent urination is also common. Since the brain and heart functions are needed more urgently than the digestive system is, the upper part of the body of the foetus develops before the lower part. During the fifth week, the brain expands much faster than the rest of the body. It is estimated that the brain generates more than 250 000 neurons (brain cells) a minute during its prenatal growth (Kolb et al., 2019). The fifth week is also characterised by the formation of the complete chest and abdomen. The eyes become recognisable behind the closed eyelids, lung buds begin to develop, plates for the hands and feet begin to appear, and the olfactory lobe (which controls the sense of smell) begins to develop. During the fifth and sixth weeks, the heart undergoes important structural and functional changes. Its tube-like shape changes into a heart with four chambers. By the end of the fifth week, the embryo is still only 11 to 14 mm long. By the 36th day, the arm and leg buds become visible. By the eighth week, the embryo is about 30 mm long. The face, mouth, eyes, and ears can be distinguished. Arms, legs, and even hands and feet with stumpy fingers and toes have appeared. At this stage, the sexual organs have also just begun to develop, but it is not yet possible to determine the sex of the embryo by its appearance. Muscles and cartilage have begun to develop, but clear neuromotor activity (activation of the muscles by nerve impulses) is absent. The internal organs (e.g., liver, pancreas, lungs, and kidneys) take on a definite shape and begin to fulfil part of their function. For instance, the liver begins producing red blood cells and the stomach starts producing digestive juices.

2.2.3 The Foetal Stage The foetal stage lasts from the end of the embryonic stage (i.e., from about eight weeks after conception) until birth (Kenner et al., 2019). During this stage, the developing organism is known as a foetus foetus. Further differentiation now takes place so that the organs and systems can function more effectively (see American Pregnancy Association, 2021; Cleveland Clinic, 2021). (See Figure 2.6. for the position of the foetus in the womb.) During the third month after conception, the penis and scrotum of the male foetus and the labia of the female foetus appear. The male sexual organs develop faster than those of the female. (Usually, the sex of the child can be determined with sonar-scanning at this 89 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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stage.) During this month, a connection is formed between the nervous system and the muscles, with the result that spontaneous movement of the arms and legs occurs. (However, the mother is not able to feel such movement until the fourth month or later.) By the end of the third month, the foetus is approximately 7,5 cm long and weighs approximately 28 grams. Figure 2.6. Position of the foetus in the mother' mother's womb

During the fourth month, the face of the foetus becomes more human. The body lengthens so that the head is no longer out of proportion to the body. The mother is now able to feel the movements of the foetus. The heart beats between 120 and 160 times a minute. Activities include thumb sucking, hiccupping, and all the reflexes found in normal new-born babies, except for vocal responses and functional breathing. At this stage, the foetus is about 25 cm long and weighs about 200 grams. During the fifth month, the movements of the foetus become stronger, and the mother feels them very clearly. A wide variety of movements is possible because the foetus floats freely in the amniotic sac. At this stage, the foetus has developed most of its favourite movements and positions and a sleep-awake pattern is present. By now, the foetus is about 30 cm long and weighs about 450 grams. By the sixth month, the eyes are fully formed, and they look about in all directions. The eyelids can open and close. The foetus even cries. Because the foetus's respiratory system is not yet developed fully, the baby's chances of surviving outside the uterus are still very small. Now the foetus is about 35 cm long and weighs about 650 grams. The seventh month is a particularly important milestone in the development of the foetus. This month is the boundary between viability and non-viability non-viability, in other words, between 90 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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survival outside the uterus or not. Because the foetus's nervous, circulatory, respiratory, and other body systems are reasonably well developed, there is a fairly strong possibility that the child will be able to survive, should he or she be born at this stage. Whether or not the child can survive depends on several factors such as birth weight, general physical well-being and the medical care received after birth. At this stage, the foetus reacts to temperature and can distinguish between basic smells and tastes. Visual and aural responses occur, but these responses are not yet as well developed as those of the new-born baby. The foetus is about 40 cm long and weighs from 1,2 kg to 2,2 kg. During the eighth month, fatty tissue is formed beneath the foetus's skin to protect it against the temperature change that will occur at birth. The physical activity of the foetus also increases. The foetus is now about 45 to 50 cm long and weighs from 2,25 kg to 3,15 kg. Although the survival rate of babies born at this stage is estimated at more than 90%, there are still risks. Development and maturation continue during the ninth month. More fatty tissue is formed, the heart beats faster, more waste matter is excreted, and the body systems function more effectively. Antibodies are transferred from the mother to the child to reduce the risk of the child contracting a disease. The foetus begins to change its position: the head is situated in a downward position in preparation for the birth process. The baby is ready to be born — a new person about 50 cm long and weighing approximately 2,8 to 4,2 kg (Cilliers, 2019). A question that often arises is whether some form of learning takes place during the foetal stage. Indeed, there is enough research evidence that learning already begins in the uterus (Gervain, 2018; Kadic et al., 2018). Learning takes place especially during the last three months in the womb. During this time, the foetus responds to sounds that are filtered through the amniotic fluid; therefore, the filtered sound the foetus hears through its fluidfilled ears is muffled and usually of a low frequency. Sound can affect the foetus's heart rate and motor movements as early as 20 weeks after conception. Several experiments have indicated that the foetus can distinguish between music, language, and other sounds. (In fact, deafness can be diagnosed in the foetal phase.) Smells and tastes can also be learnt prenatally. The actions and reactions of the foetus appear to be important for development, both before and after birth. For example, familiarity with the mother's voice and smell could provide a good basis for attachment between the new-born baby and the mother. Foetal activity can also stimulate physical and neural development. However, parents should guard against 'foetal foetal training programmes' programmes that make all kinds of claims, for example that it could improve the unborn child's intelligence significantly. Research on foetal learning is still in its baby shoes, and there are many unanswered questions. For example, how significant is foetal learning for the foetus and baby really? Is it limited to only 'lower' forms of learning like habituation and classical condition, or does a 'higher' form of learning take place? How long-lasting is the effect of foetal learning, and could it continue into adulthood? Another critical issue that may emerge during the prenatal phase, is the question of abortion. The Termination of Pregnancy Act (1996) legalised abortion on request in South abortion Africa. One of the main reasons why the mentioned Act was accepted in Parliament was that maternal deaths caused by unsafe 'backstreet' abortions were unacceptably high. (These deaths decreased significantly after the introduction of the Act.) Since the passing of the 91 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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Act, about 50 000 legal abortions have been performed in South Africa annually, and there is an annual increase. Any woman may request that her unborn child be aborted up to the 12th week of pregnancy. This also pertains to persons 12 years and older, who do not need their parents' permission for such a request. From 13-20 weeks, an abortion can be carried out if certain special circumstances exist; for example, in cases of rape, or if the pregnancy holds any potential danger for the mother or unborn foetus. Social and economic factors may also be considered. After 20 weeks, an abortion may be carried out if the mother faces life-threatening problems or if the foetus has any serious defects. This decision rests with the medical practitioner. Even though abortion is legal in South Africa, it is estimated that between approximately 50% and 60% of the estimated 260 000 abortions that take place in South Africa every year are illegal (South African Government News Agency, 2018). One reason is that less than 10% of the country's public health facilities perform legal termination of pregnancy. According to a study in KwaZulu-Natal, another major reason is that a sizeable proportion of women are unemployed and cannot afford the financial cost of raising a child (Ndlovu, 2014). Abortion remains a very controversial and emotionally charged issue. This is understandable when questions such as the following are examined: • When exactly does life begin: with conception, during the period of pregnancy, or with birth? • Does any person have the right to end a life for any reason? • Is it right to deny a (potential) life the right to develop into a complete person based on an opinion (e.g., the mother's) that the child would not enjoy a decent quality of life? • What is the psychological effect on a mother and child when the mother must raise a child that she does not want? Owing to the strong emphasis on human rights and the rise of feminism, many people have taken a pro-abortion stance. Examples of pro-abortion arguments are that women have the right to do with their bodies what they want to, just as men do. A woman should be regarded as a person in her own right and not as a carrier of a foetus. On the other hand, the viewpoints of the opponents of abortion usually have a strong religious base. Their point of view is that God prohibits the taking of a life and that abortion is thus a serious sin. In fact, all acknowledged religions condemn abortion. An unborn child is regarded as a living human being who has various characteristics found to exist in already born babies and children. Just as in the case of other moral and ethical issues such as euthanasia, the death penalty, and cloning, there are no simple solutions. As in the case of politics and religion, proponents and opponents steadfastly believe in their own viewpoints. However, psychologists and other scientists widely accept the viewpoint of The American Psychological Association (APA, 2013) concerning abortion. The most important findings can be summarised as follows: • The risk of mental health problems among women who have a single, non-therapeutic, and legal abortion of an unwanted pregnancy is not greater than the risk among women who deliver an unwanted pregnancy. • The risk of mental problems among women who legally terminate a wanted pregnancy because of foetal abnormality seems to be similar to that of women who miscarry a 92 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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wanted pregnancy or experience the death of a new-born baby or a stillbirth. • The claim that abortion causes widespread psychological problems, is not supported by existing scientific evidence. However, it is also acknowledged that some women who have had an abortion experience symptom such as guilt feelings, depression, anxiety, grief, and feelings of loss. In fact, research indicates that pre-existing mental health of a woman is the strongest predictor of mental health after abortion.

REVIEW THIS SECTION 1. Describe what is meant by the prenatal period in human development. Mention the stages of prenatal development. 2. Discuss the main developments during the germinal stage. 3. The embryonic period is regarded as the most dramatic prenatal phase. Discuss prenatal development during this stage. 4. The foetal stage is sometimes called the 'growth and finishing' phase. Discuss prenatal development during this stage. 5. Define the following concepts: - the period of the zygote ectoderm - implantation mesoderm - embryo endoderm - umbilical cord viability - placenta non-viability 6. Discuss the issue of foetal learning. 7. Discuss the issue of abortion during the prenatal phase. What is your opinion on abortion? Give reasons for your answer. 93 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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2.3 PRENATAL ENVIRONMENTAL INFLUENCES The previous discussion of prenatal development refers to normal prenatal development. However, from time to time, certain factors may disrupt this normal development, with the result that the child's physical and mental health and development could be affected in varying degrees. In about 50% of all congenital abnormalities (i.e., abnormalities present at birth) in humans are unknown (World Health Organization, 2021). The other 50% is caused largely by heredity, followed by prenatal environmental factors or the interaction between environmental or genetic factors. Any external factor or process that has a negative effect on the normal development of an unborn child is known as a teratogen teratogen. In the past, the term had a strong medical connotation and referred to factors such as the effect of medications, drugs, and maternal illnesses. However, authors and researchers in especially the humanities include variables such as the age and emotional state of the pregnant woman in their definitions of teratogens. The term behavioural teratology was coined to refer to the study of the effect of teratogens on the behaviour of pre- and post-natal children. ► Time of exposure. Teratogens cause more damage at certain phases of development than during others. Usually, the embryonic phase is more vulnerable than the foetal phase. ► Genetic vulnerability. The nature and severity of the abnormalities is dependent on the genetic makeup of both the mother and the child. It seems that some mothers and children are genetically more vulnerable than others are. This could explain why there are more abnormalities in one child than in another, although their mothers may have used alcohol and tobacco to the same degree. ► The degree or intensity of the factor plays a role. For example, the more the mother smokes or drinks, the greater the chances are that an unborn child could be harmed. ► Each teratogen has a different effect on the unborn child. In other words, the damage is selective. For example, if a pregnant woman contracts Rubella (German measles), her baby's limbs will be normal, but the baby will have problems with its vision, hearing, and heart. In the case of another teratogen, the limbs could be deformed, but the child has no other physical or mental abnormalities. ► The damage is not always evident at birth. Although physical deformities are noticeable after birth, psychological problems such as cognitive or behavioural deficits (e.g., learning problems or hyperactivity and attentional problems) may appear only later in the child's life. However, abnormal prenatal development is the exception rather than the rule. As mentioned before, about 97% to 98% of all children born internationally and in South Africa are physically and psychologically healthy. Nonetheless, the following prenatal environmental factors could affect the development of the child negatively:

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2.3.1 The Age of the Parents There is general agreement that mothers younger than about 20 or older than about 35 run a greater risk of giving birth to children with mental and physical defects, than mothers between these ages do. Teenage mothers are especially more susceptible to premature births, stillbirths, and pregnancy complications, including high blood pressure and anaemia (Lally et al., 2019). Such risks increase for mothers aged 15 and younger. Women older than 35 who become pregnant for the first time and women older than 40 who have been pregnant previously tend to have longer and more difficult birth processes. Stillbirths and problems during pregnancy are also more common. The risk of a woman giving birth to a child with Down syndrome also tends to increase as she gets older. (As mentioned earlier, Down syndrome is characterised by low intellectual ability and characteristic physical features.) The relatively high frequency of Down syndrome babies amongst older mothers is probably because older egg cells have a greater risk of defective chromosome division (Mayo Clinic, 2021). Related aspects such as degenerated egg cells could play a significant role. However, most women in their 40s do not have Down syndrome babies, while some women in their early 30s and even in their 20s may have, although their chances are lower, as indicated in Table 2.3. Table 2.3. Risk of Down syndrome based on the mother' mother's age MATERNAL AGE 20-29

INCIDENCE OF DOWN SYNDROME

MATERNAL AGE 30-39

INCIDENCE OF DOWN SYNDROME

MATERNAL AGE 40-49

INCIDENCE OF DOWN SYNDROME

20

2 in 2 000

30

1 in 900

40

1 in 100

21

1 in 1 700

31

1 in 800

41

1 in 80

22

1 in 1 500

32

1 in 720

42

1 in 70

23

1 in 1 400

33

1 in 600

43

1 in 50

24

1 in 1 300

34

1 in 450

44

1 in 40

25

1 in 1 200

35

1 in 350

45

1 in 30

26

1 in 1 100

36

1 in 300

46

1 in 25

27

1 in 1 050

37

1 in 250

47

1 in 20

28

1 in 1 000

38

1 in 200

48

1 in 15

29

1 in 950

39

1 in 150

49

1 in 10

National Down Syndrome Society (2021).

However, the mother's age does not necessarily have to be a negative factor. Quite commonly, women who are older than 35 and who are in a good physical, nutritional, and emotional condition, do not experience more complications than mothers aged 20 to 35 do. Therefore, it is understandable that Myrskylä and Fenelon (2012, p. 30), after having completed a comprehensive study in this regard, declare, "The public health concern regarding maternal ages should focus on young, not old mothers." Until recently, researchers have focused almost exclusively on the age of the mother, 95 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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while the age of the father has been neglected. However, the situation is changing, and factors such as the quality of the father's sperm are receiving research attention. There are already strong indications that a paternal age of higher than about 40 years may increase the possibility of foetal deaths, premature births, low birth weight and certain mental and genetic disorders (Anderson et al., 2017; Kandwala, 2018). However, despite the increase in these risks, the overall risks remain small and less certain than those associated with maternal age over 40 (Castle, 2018).

2.3.2 Nutrition of the Mother The unborn child is directly and completely dependent on the mother for all its nutritional needs. The baby obtains this nutrition from the mother's bloodstream via the placenta. A nutrient-rich maternal diet before and during pregnancy is associated with improved foetal health, normal birth weight, and increased rates of maternal and infant survival (Lowensohn et al., 2016). On the other hand, malnutrition refers to the lack of proper nutrition such as inadequate or unbalanced nutrition (see WHO, 2021). It includes both undernutrition and overnutrition. Undernutrition refers to too little food intake or an imbalance in nutrient intake (e.g., inadequate protein and vitamin intake). It is an accepted fact that there is a link between an expectant mother's inadequate diet and various abnormalities in the child. The most common abnormalities reported are a higher risk of stillbirths, low birth weight, premature births, deformities, delayed or stunted growth, and death during the first year of life. In addition, A healthy diet is vital for the development of the unborn child there is also evidence that maternal undernutrition can produce permanent effects on the size, number of cells, and composition of the child's brain (Sgarbieri et al., 2017). This can lead to impairment of the child's future cognitive development (Ampaabeng et al., 2012; UNICEF, 2021). There are also indications of a link between maternal undernutrition and mental disorders (O'Neil et al., 2014). When considering that approximately 30% of South Africa's population (which, of course, includes many pregnant women) is experiencing food insecurity, it is understandable why the S.A. Health Systems Trust (2005, p. 1) states, "If we managed to eliminate (malnutrition), it would lead to a population-wide increase in IQ by 10 – 15 points, reduce maternal deaths by one third, decrease infant and childhood mortality by more than a third, and increase strength and work capacity by half. And this is half of the story." The World Bank (2018) holds a similar viewpoint. Overnutrition, resulting from excessive or calorie-rich food intake, generally leads to Overnutrition 96 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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maternal overweight and obesity that can have adverse consequences for an unborn baby, such as an increased risk for obesity, diabetes, and infant mortality (Barouki et al., 2012; Ramsey et al., 2019). There is also substantial evidence that paternal obesity is associated not only with an increased incidence of infertility, but also with an increased risk of metabolic disturbances in their offspring (Raad et al., 2017).

2.3.3 Radiation The effect that radiation can have on unborn children was demonstrated tragically in Japanese babies who were affected by the atomic bomb explosions during the Second World War. These babies showed abnormalities such as physical deformities, heart diseases cancer, delayed growth, and intellectual disability. Miscarriages and stillbirths also occurred (see International Committee of the Red Cross, 2015; Tomonaga, 2019).

Exposure to X-rays and other types of radiation may also affect the unborn child adversely because cells in the process of division and differentiation are exceptionally vulnerable to radiation. Consequently, radiation that presents little or no risk to adults could be exceptionally harmful to unborn children. The period between about 10 days and 12 weeks after conception is especially high-risk for serious defects, while less serious deviations may occur up to about the twentieth week of pregnancy. Therefore, it is clear that a pregnant woman should avoid radiation, particularly in the abdominal region. Fortunately, doctors are well aware of the dangers of radiation, so they take all possible preventative measures. Consequently, the possibility of an X-ray during pregnancy causing harm to the unborn child is small (Tobah, 2018).

2.3.4 Infectious Diseases During Pregnancy In most cases of illness during pregnancy, the unborn child is not affected since the agents, such as viruses and bacteria, cannot enter the placenta. In some cases, however, the agents are so small that they do enter the placenta. The unborn child is then affected. Diseases that may be transmitted from the mother to the child include rubella, and sexually transmitted diseases such as HIV/AIDS, syphilis, and herpes simplex. Rubella (German German measles) measles is an infection caused by the rubella virus (Mayo Clinic, 97 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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2021; Mediclinic, 2021). It is an airborne viral infection and is usually transmitted through droplets from coughing, sneezing, and talking of people who are infected. Rubella presents with a light red rash and relatively mild symptoms with the result that many people do not realise they have the disease. When a women contracts rubella during pregnancy, the infection is likely to spread to the unborn baby and cause congenital rubella syndrome (CRS). The mother is not at risk, but the foetus is. Congenital rubella syndrome may cause heart defects, deafness, blindness, intellectual disability, cataracts, and liver and pancreas defects in the baby. Miscarriages and stillbirths may also occur. The disease is particularly dangerous if it occurs in the first three months of pregnancy, during which the chances are up to 50% that the foetus will be affected. If the illness is contracted from after about 16 weeks, there is usually no severe damage to the foetus. To prevent rubella, children can be immunised at 15 months to be protected and to protect others from the disease. The rubella vaccine is part of the MMR (measles, mumps, rubella) vaccine provided by the private health sector. Rubella is not part of the routine vaccination schedule provided by the state in South Africa because more serious diseases usually take priority due to budget constraints. Another option is for girls to be vaccinated with rubella vaccine at about 12 years old to prevent rubella during pregnancy later in their lives. Women of childbearing age may also be vaccinated. However, because the rubella vaccine is an attenuated (weakened) live virus vaccine, it cannot be administered during pregnancy because it can harm the foetus. Therefore, women should be vaccinated either before pregnancy or until after they have given birth. Women who come in contact rubella during pregnancy should consult their doctors; a blood test can detect whether they have been infected. Children and adults may also contract rubella naturally, such as through occasional outbreaks at school. Such individuals are usually advised to stay home for a few days to reduce the risk to spread it to pregnant women. Natural infection with rubella virus gives life-long immunity and re-infection is very rare. Unfortunately, the immunity after vaccination is not as strong and lessens over time, so that re-infections can occur. Although re-infections in the early weeks of pregnancy pose a risk to the foetus, the risk is about a tenth of the risk of a first or primary infection. The human immunodeficiency virus (HIV HIV) is one of the agents that can penetrate the placenta. It is found in the body fluids such as semen, vaginal and anal fluids, blood, and breast milk. The most common ways of contracting the virus are through vaginal or anal sexual intercourse, sharing needles, syringes or other injection equipment, and transmission from mother to baby. The virus attacks the immune system, the defence of the body against diseases. Once a person has the virus, it stays inside the body for life. Over time, especially if left untreated, HIV can destroy so many of the cells of the immune system that the body cannot ward off infections and disease. The result is the acquired immune deficiency syndrome (AIDS AIDS) which can be described as the most advanced stage of HIV infection. There is no cure for AIDS yet. However, treatment can control the disease and enable people to live a long and healthy life (AVERT, 2021). Because the virus and the resultant syndrome are linked so intricately, the acronym HIV HIV/AIDS AIDS is used often. A mother with HIV/AIDS usually infects her unborn child during the prenatal period when the virus penetrates the placenta, during birth because of contact with the mother's blood and fluids, and after birth due to breastfeeding (breast milk can contain the HIV virus) (Center for Disease Control and Prevention, 2020). In 98 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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the absence of any intervention, transmission rates range from 15% to 45%. This rate can be reduced to below 5% with effective interventions during the periods of pregnancy, labour, delivery, and breastfeeding (World Health Organization, 2021). Without an early diagnosis and treatment, about 50% of such babies will die within the first two years of life (Shapiro et al., 2019). There also appears to be a connection between AIDS and physical abnormalities such as malformations and severe neurological disorders (National Institute of Neurological Disorders and Stroke, 2018). The effect of the HIV/AIDS epidemic in South Africa is wellknown. In 2018, approximately 20% of women in South Africa in their reproductive ages (15 to 49) were HIV positive (Stats SA, 2018). Fortunately, due to preventative and educational programmes, fewer children with AIDS are born in South Africa. (The effect of AIDS will also be discussed in Chapter 7.) Congenital syphilis is a sexually transmitted disease (STD) caused by a specific bacterium. Syphilis is transmitted from person to person through direct contact with a syphilitic sore, called a chancre. It appears on the sexual organs or inside the mouth, and can be transmitted during vaginal, anal, or oral sexual intercourse. Unlike rubella, for which the danger is greatest for the foetus during the first three months after conception, syphilitic infection of the foetus most likely occurs during the second half of pregnancy, or during childbirth when the baby comes into contact with the mother's syphilitic sores. Once the foetus is infected, any organ system can be affected. However, the extent to which it affects the foetus depends on the developmental stage of the foetus, as well as on the treatment of the mother. Early detection and treatment of the mother can prevent foetal infection. If syphilitic mothers are not treated, foetuses may abort, be stillborn, or the baby may die shortly after birth. Children born with congenital syphilis, can present with various abnormalities such as severe anaemia, skin rashes and sores, bone damage, enlarged organs, intellectual disability, blindness, or deafness (Center for Disease Control and Prevention, 2020). Sadly, despite the National Strategic Plan for HIV, TB and STDs, the prevalence rate of syphilis has increased in South Africa over the years, which has adverse outcomes for the foetus and the baby (NICD, 2021). Congenital herpes (herpes herpes simplex) simplex is an infection that usually is transmitted during sexual contact. Amongst others, it infects the skin and nervous system and causes sores on the sexual organs. The incidence of genital herpes among women in South Africa is reported to be about 40% and 70% (Abbai et al., 2018). Although the herpes virus can penetrate the placenta and infect the foetus, most infections occur during the birth process when the baby is exposed to and comes into contact with the mother's birth canal. This can cause brain damage, breathing problems, seizures and even death in the baby (World Health Organization, 2017). There is a 30% to 50% risk of transmission to the infant.

2.3.5 The Use of Medication and Drugs The golden rule for every pregnant woman is that she should not be taking any prescription drugs unless it has been prescribed by a medical doctor who knows she is pregnant. For example, certain antidepressants, antibiotics, sedatives, and quinine (malaria medication) could have serious adverse effects on an unborn child, such as birth defects and general health and developmental problems. Over-the-counter drugs, drugs for example, 99 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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some pain killers, and flu medication are also a concern during the prenatal period (Lally et al., 2019). They may cause certain health complications, such as heart defects and blood flow problems, to the foetus. There is overwhelming research evidence that nicotine found in tobacco may have an adverse effect on an unborn child, including premature birth, miscarriage, still birth, low birth weight, poor lung function, visual difficulties, and even SIDS (cot deaths) (Anderson, et at., 2019; National Institute on Drug Abuse, 2020). Poor foetal growth is a particular problem. In fact, medical practitioners have identified a syndrome characterised by retarded growth in the babies of mothers who smoke: the foetal nicotine syndrome (also called foetal tobacco syndrome). syndrome There are also strong indications that maternal smoking may affect cognitive performance and thus educational outcomes of children negatively (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare 2020; Tzoumakis et al., 2018). The effect of nicotine can be ascribed to the fact that nicotine penetrates the placenta and blocks the supply of oxygen to the foetus, while the toxic nature of nicotine could have an adverse effect on the growing foetus. Furthermore, nicotine is found in the milk of mothers who smoke. There is evidence that this causes symptoms such as restlessness in babies, while the unpleasant taste of nicotine could also affect the baby's milk intake. Disturbingly, South African research indicates that almost 20% of infants whose mothers smoke are born with levels of cotinine (a metabolite or by-product of nicotine) indicative of active smoking. A further 30% have levels indicating exposure to passive smoke (Vanker et al., 2018). When the aforementioned health risks are considered, it is both alarming and shocking that almost 50% of women in South Africa who smoke at the beginning of their pregnancy keep on smoking for the rest of their pregnancy (Amos et al., 2012). It should also be considered that non-smoking pregnant women are frequently exposed to tobacco smoke. There are strong indications that even such passive smoking can harm the development of the foetus in various ways, including cognitive and motor development (Fayez et al., 2018; World Health Organization, 2021). In addition, paternal smoking can even shorten the reproductive life of their daughters (Fukuda et al., 2011). Although there has been a significant decline in smoking behaviour, in South Africa, about one third of men and 10% of women still smoke (Khumalo, 2018). Many pregnant women who smoke believe electronic or e-cigarettes are less harmful or not harmful at all. However, research indicates that Unborn baby in the womb absorbs nicotine by the smoking these cigarettes, which usually also mother contain nicotine, and possibly other harmful substances, can also be detrimental to the foetus (Kapaya et al., 2019; Whittington et al., 2018). Therefore, the message is clear: there is no safe level of nicotine consumption during pregnancy. 100 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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As far as alcohol is concerned, the abuse, and even the moderate use, by a pregnant mother may have serious adverse effects on her unborn child. This can result in foetal alcohol syndrome (FAS FAS), which is characterised by cognitive deficits, slow physical growth, facial abnormalities (e.g., split eyelids, thin upper lip), poor attention, cardiac defects, and below-average height, weight, and skull size. It has indeed been estimated that this irreversible condition is one of the major causes of intellectual disabilities in some geographical areas. South Africa has the highest prevalence rates of FAS worldwide (Lange et al, 2017; Western Cape Government, 2020). The prevalence is approximately 5% in very high-risk areas in the Western and Northern Cape (Urban, 2017). What the boundary for safe alcohol consumption is cannot be established with certainty. However, since there are indications that even a small amount of alcohol may harm the foetus, researchers and medical doctors agree that it is safer for pregnant women not to use alcohol at all.

Facial characteristics of foetal alcohol syndrome

Of course, nicotine and alcohol are not the only drugs that may harm the unborn child. For example, a baby whose mother uses illicit drugs (e.g., heroin and morphine) that cause physical dependency may experience withdrawal symptoms such as respiratory problems and convulsions shortly after birth, and the child may even die. Such withdrawal symptoms arise because the baby's regular supply of the drug from the mother is cut off when he or she is born. Illicit drugs that do not cause physical dependence (e.g., marijuana, cocaine, and Ecstasy) also pose threats such as cognitive and neurological deficits that can lead to emotional, behavioural, and academic problems (Richardson et al., 2015; World Health Organization, 2019). As mentioned before, one should always be critical of correlational studies. The correlation between drug abuse and the mentioned negative consequences is another example where other explanations, even though they may be secondary, should not be discarded. For example, many drug abusers live in adverse circumstances, characterised by 101 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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poverty, malnutrition, and other teratogens that could also have a harmful effect on a foetus. However, there is enough scientific evidence from numerous national and international studies that provides more than sufficient reason for prospective mothers to abstain.

2.3.6 The Emotional State of the Mother The influence of the pregnant mother's emotional state on her unborn child is illustrated in many South African folk tales. For example, there are many tales of a mother who was frightened by an object and who later gave birth to a child with a psychological and/or physical characteristic that closely resembled the frightening object. These tales are over-imaginative, of course. However, it is nevertheless true that the mother's emotions, specifically extreme and prolonged stress, may affect her unborn child. This may occur in the following ways (Kail et al., 2019): • In reaction to stress, the endocrine glands release hormones such as adrenaline and noradrenaline into the mother's bloodstream. These hormones permeate through the placenta and can reduce the flow of oxygen to the foetus, resulting in in an increased heart rate and activity level. Such increased foetal activity lasts much longer than the mother's emotion. • Stress can weaken a pregnant woman's immune system. This will make her more susceptible to illness, which in turn can harm foetal development. • Pregnant women who experience stress are more likely to smoke, drink alcohol, or use other drugs and medications that could harm their unborn children.

A pregnant mother' mother's emotional state can affect her unborn child

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The impairments caused could include spontaneous abortions, premature births, low birth weight, and difficult deliveries. Furthermore, a high maternal stress level may affect the prenatal development of the brain, which could affect the child's psychological and physical development in several areas, causing emotional and cognitive problems, language development deficits, and hyperactivity in later years (Glover, 2019; Rege et al., 2017). For example, recent research has indicated an increase of anxiety and depressive symptoms in female offspring as young as the age of two (Graham et al., 2019). REVIEW THIS SECTION 1. Describe the factors that could disrupt normal prenatal development. 2. What is a teratogen? What is behavioural teratology? 3. Discuss the factors and principles that could determine the effect of teratogens on the unborn child. 4. Name and discuss the prenatal environmental factors that could influence the development of the child negatively. 5. Nosipho, 42 years old, has two children and wonders if she should have a third child. Referring to research on the effects of maternal age on prenatal development, what would you tell her? Could the age of the father influence the prenatal development of the child? 6. What risk factors may teenage mothers hold for the prenatal development of her child? 7.

Discuss the effects of undernutrition and overnutrition of the mother on the prenatal development of the child.

8. Discuss the factors that could affect brain development during the prenatal periods. Why is the central nervous system often affected when the prenatal environment is compromised? 9. Discuss the influence of sexually transmitted diseases such as HIV/AIDS, syphilis, and herpes simplex on the development of the unborn baby. What do you think is the responsibility of the mother if she has contracted such a disease? 10. What is the consequence for the baby if the mother contracts rubella during her pregnancy? How can this disease be prevented? 11. Veronica, pregnant for the first time, has heard about the impact of nicotine and alcohol on the unborn baby. Nevertheless, she believes that a few cigarettes and a glass of wine a day will not be harmful to the unborn baby. Provide Veronica with research-based reasons for not smoking and drinking. Do you believe she will stop smoking and drinking after obtaining this information? Motivate your answer. 12. Discuss foetal alcohol syndrome. Why do you think the prevalence rate of FAS is so high in South Africa? 13. Cindy is expecting her first child. Her circumstances are very unfavourable, and she is experiencing high levels of stress. How may this affect her baby?

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2.4 THE BIRTH PROCESS During the birth process, the baby exchanges a protective uterine environment for the external world. Birth is the bridging process between two phases of life that differ radically from each other. Babies enter a new world where they will become full-fledged members of society by undergoing a comprehensive and often difficult learning process. The preparation and meaning of the birth process, and the techniques used, may differ from society to society and from individual to individual. In some societies, minimal medical intervention is preferred. This type of birth usually occurs at home, often with the presence of a midwife or nurse. Some prefer medical assistance, usually in a hospital, while others need or prefer invasive medical procedures.

2.4.1 The Natural Birth Process The natural birth process refers to the vaginal delivery of the baby through the birth canal. These births can occur at home or in a hospital. The birth (or labour) process, which may be regarded as the shortest, but nevertheless one of the most important life processes, is usually divided into three stages (Stanford Children's Health, 2021; Villines, 2018): • During the first stage, the cervix (the neck of the uterus) dilates to about 10 cm so that the baby can pass through. Although this stage may last from a few minutes to more than 30 hours, the average duration is from about 3 to 14 hours. • The second stage starts when the baby's head begins to emerge through the cervix and ends when the baby is completely outside the mother's body. This stage usually lasts from 15 minutes to 2 hours. • During the third stage, the placenta, and its attached membranes, as well as the umbilical cord (referred to as the afterbirth), are expelled. This is a painless process and usually occurs within 20 minutes after the delivery. The duration of the birth process varies from woman to woman. The average duration, from the first contraction to the expulsion of the afterbirth, is about 14 to 15 hours and covers a spectrum that varies from 24 hours and longer, to as little as three hours or less. The birth process usually lasts longer for the first childbirth than for later births. One of the most important controversies surrounding the birth process concerns the use of medication. Births are often accompanied by one of three different types of procedures to reduce pain: Narcotics and tranquilisers, which affect the whole body to dull pain and relieve anxiety; an epidural, usually consisting of an anaesthetic along with a narcotic, which reduces pain in the lower part of the body; a spinal block, consisting of an anaesthetic delivered directly into the spinal cord, which quickly provides pain relief for a brief period. (Also see Box 2.2 Traditional medications and childbirth.) Although administering medication during labour may be regarded as customary practice, the dangers of medication during childbirth still raise concern, since it readily passes through the placenta and enters the foetus's circulatory system. Searching questions such as "What effect does a drug that can sedate a 60 kg woman have on a baby of 3 kg, and what are the short- and long-term effects 104 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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of such medication?" are asked. Earlier research indicates that such medication could affect the baby adversely. However, these findings have been criticised on methodological grounds. Today, it is generally accepted that if medication is administered in a responsible way during the birth process, it does not have a significant effect on the child (Yarnell, 2021). It should also be considered that each woman's labour is unique, and each woman experiences labour discomfort differently. BOX 2.2. TRADITIONAL MEDICATIONS AND CHILDBIRTH In many areas of sub-Saharan Africa, approximately 80% of the population use traditional medicine or make use of the services of traditional healers (Nxumalo et al., 2011). In South Africa, this figure is approximately 60-80%. Various plants are used, usually in combinations. However, poisoning because of these traditional medicines is not uncommon, and thousands of deaths are reported every year. Several of these traditional herbal medicines are also used during pregnancy and childbirth (Hlatywayo, 2017). For example, kgaba (a mixture of almost 20 different plants) is very popular among Tswana women who use it to prevent labour problems. Crushed ostrich eggshell is also used to stimulate labour (Van der Kooi et al., 2006). It is self-evident that if any of the plants that are used are poisonous, they could have serious and even fatal effects on the mother and/or the baby. However, it is important that the proverbial baby should not be thrown out with the bathwater. Traditional medicine has a very long history, and during the last few years, the use of traditional medicine has expanded globally and has gained popularity, even in developed countries such as the USA. Instead of antagonism towards and rejection of traditional medicine, research is rather needed to separate the wheat from the chaff and to suggest guidelines, for example to indicate which medicines should be used, in what specific circumstances, and what the dosage should be.

2.4.2 Caesarean Birth A Caesarean birth, often called a C-section C-section, is the delivery of a baby through a surgical incision in the woman's abdomen and uterus (see Figure 2.7). Caesarean births are usually recommended when labour does not progress normally, or when complications occur. Examples are a breech birth (e.g., feet or rump first, instead of the head), if the baby is too big, or if the mother's or baby's health or life is in danger. However, other factors also play a role. Some patients view it as the "easier way out", for example because they are afraid of vaginal labour. Others are concerned about possible risks for brain damage that may occur as the baby moves through the birth canal, vaginal infections that may be transmitted to the baby, or injuries that the mother or baby may sustain during a vaginal birth. Most Caesarean sections are performed by appointment, at a time when the doctor believes that the baby is ready to be born, which some mothers view as a preferred option, rather than to wait until the baby is naturally ready. Financial factors also seem to play a role: C-sections, which 105 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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are much more expensive than natural births, are almost five times more frequent among the wealthiest people in low- and middle-income countries (Boerma et al., 2018). In South Africa, the prevalence of C-sections among patients with medical scheme membership is about 75% (Council for Medical Schemes, 2020). The figure for public hospitals is about 25% (Massyn et al., 2019). Figure 2.7. The difference between Caesarean birth and natural birth

Caesarean birth

Natural birth

In 1985, the World Health Organisation (WHO) recommended a maximum of between 10% to 15% Caesareans per country. However, in the course of time, it has been realised that the differences among countries are so significant that the recommendation should be revised. Consequently, the WHO issued the following statement in 2015: "Every effort should be made to provide Caesarean sections to women in need, rather than striving to achieve a specific rate." Although Caesarean sections are justified in certain situations, it is not without complications. Both the infant and maternal mortality (death) rates are significantly higher than the rate for vaginal deliveries (Grant et al., 2019). Chances of complications for the mother due to the operation are also higher, and the hospitalisation period (with the accompanying financial costs) is much longer (Du Toit, 2013).

A new-born baby is not always a pretty picture …

… but giving birth a heavenly moment

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Although some mothers evaluate their experience of a Caesarean birth less positive than a natural birth, it nevertheless does not hold long-term consequences for the baby. For example, the type of birth does not affect the quality of the mother-baby interactions or the psychosocial functioning of the infants (Bukatko et al., 2012).

2.4.3 Childbirth Complications Like pregnancies, most childbirths proceed without any significant problems. However, it is equally true that the larger international picture all but symbolises the wonder of childbirth. Almost three million babies worldwide die within the first 28 days after birth, a further nearly three million babies are stillborn, while about 300 000 women die during pregnancy and childbirth (World Health Organization, 2019). Especially tragic is that more than 90% of these deaths occur in developing countries, where available and adequate resources and health services could have played a significant role in saving these mothers and their babies. Some of the most common birth complications are anoxia, low birth weight, and premature birth. Anoxia (a lack of oxygen) can damage the baby's brain cells (Gale et al., 2018). The terms asphyxia and hypoxia are often used as synonyms. Anoxia occurs during childbirth when the umbilical cord does not supply sufficient oxygen to the baby until it can use its own lungs. For instance, the umbilical cord could be damaged, knotted, or cut off too soon. It could also be that the respiratory system is not functioning properly. What the effect of anoxia on the child will be depends largely on the level and duration of the anoxia. Lengthy exposure to anoxia can lead to brain damage, intellectual disability, and cerebral palsy. On the other hand, short periods of anoxia (which often occur during the birth process) have little long-term effects, especially with adequate postnatal care, which can counter potential negative effects. Furthermore, adequate prenatal and birth care, including modern foetal monitoring devices, can minimise the risk for anoxia and other birth traumas. Low birth weight refers to the fact that the new-born baby weighs less than the norm. In developed countries, it is less than 2,5 kg, but in developing countries, it is between 1,5 kg and 2 kg (Cronje et al., 2016). In South Africa, 2 kg is usually used as a guideline. Babies with low birth weight fall into two major groups: those born preterm (less than 37 weeks of SGA) (that is, pregnancy, i.e., a premature birth), and those born small for gestational age (SGA the baby shows growth retardation, a much lower weight than infants of the same gestational or pregnancy age, and often also birth defects). As a low-to-middle-income country, South Africa has a preterm birth and low birth weight rate as high as 14%, as opposed to 7% in high-income countries (Fouche et al., 2018). Although premature births and low birth weight occur in all social strata, they seem to be linked closely to poverty. One of the biggest dangers of premature birth and low birth weight is the high death rate in new-born babies. Premature birth and low birth weight are also associated with a variety of developmental problems related to health, psychological adjustment, and intellectual functioning (Schieve et al., 2016; World Health Organization, 2021). However, premature babies and those with a low birth weight growing up in a supportive and stimulating environment display few problems, and by school-going age, they have made up for any shortcomings. 107 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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2.4.4 Childbirth and Culture Although the biological processes of birth are the same all over the world, the perceptions and experiences surrounding it are shaped by the cultural context in which it occurs. However, as emphasised before, there are significant differences within any specific culture. For example, a Zulu woman in Durban can give birth in a modern Western hospital, while her niece in rural KwaZulu-Natal may go through the traditional birth process like her ancestors have done for centuries. There may also be differences among members of the same traditional subgroup. Many studies often tend to focus on the more traditional cultural norms and should therefore be interpreted as such. This also applies to the following discussion. Traditional beliefs and customs concerning births occur in many countries. For example, in various cultures, the placenta and umbilical cord are regarded as holders of great power (Knapp van Bogaert, 2008). The Maoris of New Zealand ritually plant the placenta with a tree to establish a symbolic personal, spiritual, and sacred link between land and child. The Native American Navajo culture has a similar custom: They bury a baby's placenta within the sacred four corners of their reservation, thus binding the infant to the land and its ancestors. In Thailand, the placenta is salted, placed in a jar, and then buried under a tree. Many other rituals also exist. For example, according to the Hindus, there are eight sacraments related to the period between pregnancy and the baby's first birthday (Wells et al., 2014). Each sacrament has its own set of rituals. Apart from the washing of the baby immediately after birth, the timing of the ritual bath varies from five to nine days or up to three months. To ward off evil spirits, a black dot is applied to the forehead or elsewhere on the face. An oil massage is a popular practice, believed to improve strength and maintain general health in mothers and their babies. Lang-Baldé et al. (2018) reviewed research on childbirth in 13 traditional SubSaharan cultures. In all these cultures, the birth process is viewed as the ultimate symbol of womanhood. However, a dichotomy (contrast) exists in the perception of some. On the one hand, pregnancy and birth are regarded as natural, an honour, an achievement, and as a sacred event and milestone. It is viewed as a symbol of femininity that brings joy to the entire family, while the woman is awarded respect, power, and status in the community. Vaginal birth is usually preferred, as it is viewed as an endurance test and the marker of a real woman. On the other hand, pregnancy and birth may be regarded as a threatening experience defined by fear, a phenomenon shrouded with uncertainty. The Himba is a mostly isolated tribe in northern Namibia. They still live a very traditional lifestyle. The birth date of a child is counted not from when it is born, but from the day that the child is a thought in its mother's mind (AfriPulse 2017; Maillu, 2018). When a Himba woman decides to have a child, she goes off and sits under a tree, all by herself. She listens until she can hear the song of the child who wants to come. After she has heard the song of this child, she comes back to the man who will be the child's father and teaches it to him. Then, when they make love to physically conceive the child, they sing the song of the child, to welcome it. When the mother falls pregnant, she teaches the child's song to the midwives and the old women of the village. The reason is that when the child is born, the old women and the people around her sing the child's song to welcome it. As children grow up, the other 108 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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villagers are also taught their songs. These songs are sung to comfort or honour children. For example, if children hurt themselves, someone will pick them up and sing their songs to them to comfort them. Or, when children do something special or go through certain rituals of the tribe, the people of the village sing their songs as a way of honouring them. In the traditional Xhosa culture, childbirth is viewed is an important rite of passage and is therefore treated with due respect, honour, and celebration (Littlejohn, 2011). Traditionally, the labouring mother is attended to by elderly women ('grandmothers') who have experience in birthing babies. This takes place in the mother's rondavel (a traditional circular hut made with mud and a conical thatched roof). After the birth, the mother and new baby are secluded until the umbilical cord falls off. The grandmother aids this process by mixing ash, sugar, and a poisonous plant called umtuma together and rubbing the paste onto the newly severed umbilical cord. This is believed to aid the drying-out process. Once the umbilical cord has fallen off, the new baby is introduced to close female family members, as well as to women of the wider community. After three days, the ritual of sifudu is performed. Leaves of the sifudu tree are burnt to produce a very pungent smoke. The baby is then floated over the smoke upside-down three times, which causes a severe reaction of coughing and sometimes screaming. This ritual is practised so that the child never encounters fear or shyness in its life. Next, the baby is given to the mother, who passes the baby under her left knee, then her right knee. This ceremony is believed to make the baby stronger in spirit and protect it from future evil. The baby is then washed and smeared with a white chalk called ingceke, which is mixed with ground mtomboti wood, a sweet-smelling substance that lasts for many weeks. The baby is then breastfed by the mother. An interesting ritual is inkaba, which refers to the burying of the umbilical cord and the placenta. This has great significance to the clan, as it seals the attachment of the baby to its ancestral lands. Imbeleko (the act of giving birth or to carry on your back) is the ceremony conducted on the 10th day after the baby is born, welcoming the child into the greater community, when a goat is slaughtered, and the clan is invited to attend the feast. The skin of the goat then becomes a sacred item for the new clan member, the baby, who will sleep on it in the future in times of trouble, signifying a desire for connection with the ancestors. Childbirth among the Zulu has always been the concern of women alone, and no men are allowed to be present at birth (South Africa Online, 2018). Midwives are older women of the village who are past childbearing age. After the birth of babies, they are washed in the umsamo (a sacred section at the back of the dwelling) with water medicated with intelezi (special herbal medicine), which is believed to have protective properties. Both mothers and children are then isolated, usually until the umbilical cord falls off. During this time, the mothers are considered 'unclean' and potentially harmful to the ancestors in their husbands' homesteads. They are not allowed to touch ordinary utensils and must eat food prepared by the midwives, out of a special dish, using a special spoon. The isolation normally lasts five to ten days, after which the mother is purified by being sprinkled with intelezi before she can resume her normal life. The dwelling must be cleaned thoroughly, fresh cow dung spread on the floor, and a fire lit in the hearth. After this, the husband may enter and see his child for the first time, although today, migrant fathers are seldom able to come home for these events. Beer is brewed to celebrate and to thank the midwives. This occasion is repeated when the father comes home from the city to meet his child (South Africa Online, 2018). 109 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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REVIEW THIS SECTION 1. Describe the natural birth process. Mention one of the most common controversies surrounding the birth process. Do you think medication should be administered during childbirth? Discuss traditional medications used during childbirth. 2. Discuss Caesarean birth. Refer to the reasons why it may be recommended, as well as why some expectant mothers may choose this option. What are the complications of a Caesarean section? 3. Your pregnant friend decided that she would rather want a Caesarean birth than a natural birth because she heard that a natural birth is very painful. Will you support her in this regard? Give reasons for your answer. 4. Discuss the complications that may occur during birth and how these may affect the child's development. 5. Discuss how culture influences the perceptions, beliefs, and experience of childbirth. 6. Conduct a class/online discussion to share your family/cultural beliefs and practises regarding childbirth.

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3

Neonatal Phase and Infancy EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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- - - - - -

We worry about what a child will become tomorrow, yet we forget that he is someone today. — Stacia Tauscher I'm recording all the noises my baby makes, so one day I can ask him what he meant. — Stephen Wright People who say they sleep like a baby don' don't have one. — Leo J. Burke Babies are such a nice way to start people. — Don Herrold Every baby born into the world is a finer one than the last. — Charles Dickens A baby is born with a need to be loved and never outgrows it. — Frank A. Clark

The above quotations reflect the way in which people stand in awe of babies. Regardless of the sometimes conflicting views, which are mostly tongue-in-cheek remarks, it cannot be denied that to a large extent, babies are the embodiment of the wonder that begins during the prenatal phase. So, let us find out why this phase is so intriguing. You, like most people, may have wondered about babies: How do we know whether a new-born baby is healthy and 'normal'? Can they see, and what do they see? How do they make sense of all the sights and sounds around them? Can they learn, and if so, how do they learn? Do babies dream? Why do they sleep so much? And there are many more related questions. The so-called baby years cover the first two years of life. These are usually divided into the neonatal phase and infancy. Although separated for academic purposes, these two phases should be regarded as an integrated whole. Also, consider that development during the first two years of life is linked closely to the development that took place during the prenatal period. In this chapter, we shall explore the following with you: ► The neonatal phase. In this section, we shall discuss the neonate's adjustment to basic life processes, the function of reflexes, perceptual skills, sleep and dreaming cycles, and feeding. We shall also explore neonatal learning and individual differences. We begin this section by examining the baby's physical appearance and ways in which babies are assessed. ► Infancy. In this section, we shall explore the infant's physical, cognitive, personality, and social development. Before we begin, an interesting but perturbing fact is that less than 3% of articles published in major journals include data from countries with a low- and middle-class income — where 90% of the world's infants live (Tomlinson et al., 2015).

3.1 THE NEONATAL PHASE The neonatal phase refers to the period between birth and when the baby is four weeks old (Hill, 2021). Until as recently as the 1960s, neonates were primarily seen as doing nothing but eating, sleeping, breathing, and crying. The famous American psychologist William James (1890, p. 488) laid the basis for this one-sided view more than 100 years ago when he 113 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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described the world of neonates as "one great blooming buzzing confusion". Even famous researchers such as Jean Piaget (1952) described the first month of the baby's life in terms of reflex movements. However, new research has shown that development during the neonatal phase is more advanced than was believed initially and far more significant from a psychological point of view. Let us consider what is meant by this statement.

3.1.1 The Physical Appearance of a New-Born Baby Physically speaking, a new-born child is not very attractive. In fact, the appearance of a new-born baby has been compared to that of a defeated boxer: a swollen, purple face, a broad, flat nose, swollen eyelids and eyebrow-ridges, and ears that appear skew! Therefore, it is understandable that it is sometimes necessary to reassure some firsttime parents that these characteristics are normal to new-borns and that they are not permanent! Apart from these characteristics, the bodily proportions of a new-born baby are also markedly different from those of an adult (also see UCLA Health 2020). The head takes up about one quarter of the total body size, while in adults it takes up about one eighth. The neck muscles are not yet strong enough to keep the head upright. The arms and legs also seem too short in proportion to the rest of the body and the head — a characteristic that is further emphasised by the exceptionally small hands and feet. Furthermore, many new-born babies develop jaundice, which is characterised by a yellowish colour of the skin. This Are you saying I' I'm not beautiful? condition, which usually disappears within 10 to 14 days, arises because the liver is still physiologically immature (Mayo Clinic, 2021). The average weight of a new-born baby varies between 2,5 and 4,5 kg, with about 3,5 kg as the most common weight. In communities where malnutrition is common, the average weight is lower. On average, new-born girls weigh 120 grams less than boys do, while firstborns usually weigh less than those born later do. During the first few days, a new-born baby can lose up to 10% of its birth weight, mainly because of fluid loss, poor intake of food, and poor digestion. By about the fifth day, the baby begins to regain weight, and by about the tenth to fourteenth day, the baby should weigh the same as it did at birth. The average length of a new-born baby is about 45 cm to 56 cm. Boys tend to be 114 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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slightly taller than girls. As with weight, the length of a new-born child may be linked to a number of factors, such as the size of the parents, its race and sex, and the nutrition of the mother during pregnancy. A new-born baby's heart beats rapidly, sometimes as fast as 170 beats per minute when the baby is crying, or as slow as 80 to 90 beats when resting. A healthy heartbeat ranges from 120 to 150 beats per minute.

3.1.2 Assessment of a New-Born Baby A new-born baby's physical well-being is generally determined by means of the Apgar Scale (US Library of Medicine, 2021). Dr Virginia Apgar designed this scale in 1953 for the quantitative evaluation of certain critical physical characteristics of new-born babies. The scale is applied twice (one minute after birth and again at five minutes after birth) to evaluate the following five aspects: body colour/oxygenation, heartbeat, reflex irritability, muscle tone, and breathing. To make them easy to remember, the five aspects to be evaluated begin with the letters of the mentioned doctor's surname (i.e., APGAR): Appearance (colour), Pulse (heart rate), Grimace (reflex irritability), Activity (muscle tone), and Respiration (breathing). A score of 0, 1 or 2 is given for each of the above-mentioned aspects, after which the respective scores are added together (the maximum score is 10). Approximately 90% of all babies achieve a score of seven or higher, which is regarded as normal, and means that the baby is healthy. A score of 4-6 is poor, and a score of 0-3 dangerous. Table 3.1 illustrates the Apgar Scale. Table 3.1. The Apgar Scale SCORES

SIGNS

0

1

2

Appearance (colour)

Bluish-grey or pale all over

Normal colour, but hands and feet are bluish

Normal colour all over; palms of hands, soles of feet, inside of mouth pinkish

Pulse (heart/pulse rate)

Absent

Below 100 beats per minute

Above 100 beats per minute

No response

Grimace (facial movement only with stimulation)

Cries, pulls away, sneezes, or coughs with stimulation

Limp

Moderate; arms and legs are flexed with little movement

Active, spontaneous movement

Absent (no breathing)

Slow, irregular breathing, weak cry

Normal rate and effort, strong cry

Grimace (reflex irritability)

Activity (muscle tone)

Respiration

Adapted from Cronjé et al. (2016); Steegers et al. (2019)

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the airways or supplemental oxygen, fluids, anticonvulsants, nutrition, and antibiotics as required. However, a low score (especially after the one-minute assessment) does not necessarily mean that a baby is unhealthy. Perfectly healthy babies may sometimes have a lower-than-normal score, especially in the first few minutes after birth. For example, a slightly low score is common in babies born prematurely, after a high-risk pregnancy, through a Caesarean section, and after a complicated labour and delivery (John Hopkins Children's Hospital, 2021). Conversely, prolonged low Apgar scores (i.e., at 5- and 10-minute assessments) may be associated with a greater risk of neonatal death and with neurological disabilities (Padayachee et al., 2013). Risk factors for low Apgar scores include abnormalities of gestational length (i.e., either preterm or post term births) or congenital malformations, as well as the availability and quality of health care, and the health, demographic, and socioeconomic characteristics of the parents (also see Chapter 2).

3.1.3 Adjustment to Basic Life Processes Although the neonatal stage is by far the shortest of the various life stages, a number of drastic adjustments regarding basic life processes have to be made to make the transition from an almost parasitic existence (prenatal) to that of an independent individual possible. Therefore, the neonate must make vital adjustments in various areas such as the following (Cook et al., 2020; Health Encyclopedia, 2021): ► Blood circulation. At the prenatal level, the mother and the foetus have a separate circulatory system and heartbeat. The mother is still largely responsible for the purification of the foetal blood (via the placenta) and for the return of the purified blood to the foetus (also via the placenta). The birth process means a critical change-over that forces new-born babies to carry out these functions on their own. The changeover from foetal to postnatal blood circulation begins with the neonate's first breath. With the umbilical cord cut, an adaptive heart functioning now forces blood to the lungs, which are now responsible for the process of aeration (provision of oxygen). ► Respiration. Whereas the umbilical cord transported oxygen to and carbon dioxide from the foetus, new-borns must obtain oxygen on their own. Breathing begins as soon as the baby comes into contact with the air and the oxygen it contains. Breathing is sometimes hindered by mucus and amniotic fluid in the air passages. In most cases, the problem is solved relatively easily by removing the mucus (slime) and fluid with a suction device. Nevertheless, respiratory problems could lead to anoxia (oxygen shortage), which, if it lasts for longer than a few minutes, could cause brain damage. The traditional smack on the bottom of the new-born to make it cry and therefore gulp for air has become obsolete since doctors regard it as unnecessary. Babies start crying on their own; if they do not, rubbing their backs and chests will stimulate them. ► Digestion. The severing of the umbilical cord cuts off the baby's food source. Babies then must take over the tasks of feeding, digestion, and elimination. These takeovers occur gradually and not as abruptly as in the case of the critical processes of respiration and blood circulation. As mentioned before, the baby loses weight initially 116 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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and then regains it systematically. At birth, babies are already equipped with sucking and swallowing reflexes. However, it takes some time and practice before developing into an effective and rhythmic sucking and swallowing pattern. At this stage, the need for nutrition is irregular (there is not yet an established hunger cycle) and babies are set on the immediate satisfaction of their needs. Babies show considerable individual differences in their feeding schedules. Intervals between feeding sessions may vary from two to four hours. Before birth, the foetus gets rid of waste matter via the placenta, which is then eliminated by the mother. A few minutes after birth, new-born babies begin to fulfil this function on their own. The first evidence of this is the excretion of a dark green substance that collects in the intestinal canal prenatally. After about three days, the faeces take on a particular form and texture, depending on the nature of the nutrition. Prenatally, the kidneys produce small quantities of urine. Postnatally, urination occurs very frequently, on average about 18 times in 24 hours. ► Body temperature. A foetus does not encounter the air outside, and the temperature of the prenatal environment is controlled by the mother's body. After delivery, the baby's skin must make major adjustments to act as an insulator against the marked changes in external temperature. Interestingly, uterine temperature is about 38°C, while a pleasant room temperature in South Africa is regarded as 22°C. A neonate's body temperature is not very stable during the first week after birth. Furthermore, a new-born baby does not have an insulating layer of fat, and body heat is lost rapidly. However, neonates develop a layer of fat during the first few weeks that enables them to support their body temperature more effectively. In addition, babies maintain their body temperature by increasing their activity level when the ambient temperature drops. The sweat glands begin to function when the baby is about a month old, which also results in the retention of body heat and body fluids. ► The nervous system. Although the nervous system of a neonate is similar to that of older children and adults, there are also significant differences. For instance, the brain weighs only approximately 25% of an adult brain (Kuther, 2019). Therefore, the cerebral cortex (the outer layer of the brain responsible for thinking and problem solving) is not fully developed. Nevertheless, as we shall see later, the abilities of neonates are often underestimated. At this stage, reflexes play a central role in the functioning and survival of neonates. Reflexes allow babies to respond adaptively to their environment before they have had the opportunity to learn (Santrock, 2019). Some of the most important of these reflexes are indicated in Table 3.2. Besides the reflexes shown in Table 3.2, there are many others, such as reflexes for winking, sneezing, vomiting, yawning, swallowing, and the erection reflex in male babies. Because different definitions and terminologies are used, it is difficult to determine the exact number of primitive reflexes (reflexes present at birth). A popular estimate is about 70 (Bilbilaj et al., 2017). An interesting question is whether the smile of a neonate is a reflex or an actual expression of joy and happiness (Nagy, 2018). Up to the second half of the 20th century, the behaviour of new-borns was viewed as primarily reflexive. It was assumed 117 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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Table 3.2. Important reflexes of neonates REFLEX

STIMULUS

RESPONSE

AGE OF DISAPPEARANCE

SIGNIFICANCE

Extends the arm and the Active or passive leg on the face Between 4 and 6 head rotation to side and flexes months the other arm the left or right and leg in a 'fencer' position

Prohibits the baby to roll from back to front, bring the hands to the midline, or reach for objects.

Stroke sole of foot

Toes spread out like a fan

At ± 6 to 12 months

Unknown; absence or occurrence at later stage may indicate neurological defects

Sudden intense stimulus, e.g., loud noise

Stretches out arms and legs, brings arms back to midline in 'selfembracing' movement

At ± 4 to 6 months

May help baby to cling to caretaker; absence may indicate neurological dysfunction; continuation after 9 months could indicate mental retardation

Rooting reflex

Stroke baby's cheek

Turns head in direction of stimulus and begins sucking

At ± 5 months

Helps to find nipple

Sucking reflex

Place finger in mouth or on lips

Starts sucking

At ± 6 months

Ensures feeding

Asymmetric tonic neck reflex

Babinski reflex

Moro reflex

Grasping reflex

Touch palm of hand

Grasps object firmly

At ± 4 months

May help baby to cling to caretaker; prepares baby for voluntary grasping; absence may indicate neurological defects

Walking/ Stepping reflex

Hold baby up vertically with feet touching horizontal surface

Makes 'walking' At ± 3 months movements

Prepares baby for voluntary walking; absence may indicate neurological defects

Place baby with stomach under water

Swimming movements

Attempt to survive; absence may indicate neurological defects

Swimming Reflex

At ± 6 months

D'Alessandro (2020); Stanford Children's Health (2021)

that new-borns had a limited ability to feel and express emotions and did not have adequate social experience to interact meaningfully with their caregivers. Since then, research has shown that the smiles of new-born babies do closely resemble social smiles (Meltzoff et al., 2017). Babies often begin with moving their cheeks and their brows before they smile, as if focusing their attention on the caregiver's face. This is another indication that new-born babies do smile. Neonates also learn the power of 118 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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smiling early. While caregivers often smile at their new-borns, the babies' response will depend on the caregivers' state. For example, they are less likely to smile if the baby is crying. Consequently, babies quickly gain an ability to regulate the behaviour of their parents. If babies keep eye contact, blink and smile, their parents will smile back, making the smile rewarding (Nagy, 2018). ► Immunity. Prenatally, along with other substances, the foetus receives antibodies from the mother's blood via the placenta. Although these antibodies still provide immunity against various infections for several months after birth, the baby gradually loses this congenital immunity. Since it may take several years for babies to build up their own immune systems, a programme of immunisation is necessary for babies. For example, in South Africa, babies must be immunised against polio and tuberculosis at birth, against hepatitis (liver disease) at 6 weeks and against measles at 9 months (Mediclinic, 2021). Parents should take care to ensure that their baby is not exposed to infections unnecessarily. However, developing countries (including South Africa) have unique problems in this regard. Many South Africans live very far from clinics and do not have transport: About 50% in certain rural areas live more than 5 km from any medical service (Axsel, 2015). Also, many parents are not knowledgeable about their parental duties regarding the health of their children. In addition, many children are exposed to malnutrition, which makes them even more vulnerable to diseases. One of the tragedies concerning immunisation in South Africa is that set targets are not reached. For example, during 2017/18, immunisation coverage for babies under one year was 77%. This was 10 percentage points lower than the national target of 87% (Dlamini, 2019). In some rural areas, the percentage of children who are fully immunised is only about 50% at 3 months and about 75% at 24 months. Any Government that is serious about the health of children should take urgent and significant steps.

3.1.4 Perception As new techniques for the assessment of the neonate's perceptual abilities are developed, it becomes increasingly clear that neonates possess perceptual abilities never before detected (Nagy, 2018), for example the following: ► Vision. The neonate is equipped with a functional and complete visual system. However, the womb is a dark environment void of visual stimulation. Consequently, vision is poorly developed at birth (Lally et al., 2019). However, new-born babies already blink their eyes in bright light, and most will follow a moving light or disk. In fact, even the foetus reacts to a strong external visual stimulus, for example a bright light pointed at the pregnant mother's stomach (Johnson et al., 2015). A neonate's visual acuity (ability to distinguish between closely related elements in the visual field) is about 20 to 40 times less than that of a normal adult. They can focus only at close range, about 20 to 25 cm, or the distance between a mother's face to the baby in her arms (Stanford Children's Health, 2021). The muscles that control the eye lenses are still underdeveloped; therefore, the eyes are not able to focus on objects 119 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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at differing distances. Thus, neonates see the world as a blur and have even been described as basically legally blind. Neonates pay more attention to certain objects than to others, while the human face is especially recognisable. More than 50 years ago, Fantz (1963) found that neonates between ten hours and five days old looked at a drawing of a face for longer than, for instance, at simple circles or even the various parts and features of a face drawn haphazardly. Since then, various researchers have come to similar conclusions (e.g., Johnson et al., 2015). How long does it take before neonates can distinguish between their mothers' faces and that of strangers? The indication is as early as two weeks and, in some cases, even within the first week after birth (Cronin et al., 2016). However, recent research has shown that babies' early recognition of faces relies not only on vision but is a multisensory process (Leleu et al., 2019). It was found that babies' brain activity response to their mothers' faces was significantly greater when they could smell their mothers' clothes at the same time. Concerning colour vision, colour cells (called cones cones) inside the back of the eyes are not yet fully developed at birth. Therefore, neonates see only in black and white, with shades of grey. Although neonates tend to prefer looking at coloured rather than grey pictures, they cannot distinguish between colours. As vision starts to develop, babies will see red first. This happens at the age of two to three months. They will see the full spectrum of colours by the time they are approximately four to five years old. ► Hearing. A neonate's entire hearing apparatus is somewhat immature (Brennan, 2017). During the first few days after birth, a section of the auditory canal is still filled with amniotic fluid. Until this fluid has evaporated or been absorbed gradually, sounds are relatively faint to the baby. A major hearing adjustment takes place: During the prenatal stage, sound is conducted through water, while after birth it is conducted through air. It is noteworthy that foetuses can hear something of what is going on in the world outside the womb as early as the 18th week of pregnancy (Mayo Clinic, 2021). This was determined by measuring the heartbeat of foetuses while they were exposed to changes in sound. Within a few hours after birth, neonates can already distinguish between specific sounds. For example, within a few hours after birth, neonates can distinguish between the sound of their mother's voice and that of a stranger. New-borns are also able to distinguish between sounds of different pitches. They show a preference for highpitched sounds, such as the mother's voice, to the low-pitched sounds, such as the voice of the father (Stanford Children's Health, 2021). The ability to locate sounds in space by turning towards them is already present in the neonate, suggesting a very early coordination of auditory and visual space (Kezuka et al., 2017). ► Smell. New-borns not only perceive smells but can distinguish between smells. For instance, pleasant smells often stimulate sucking motions in babies, while unpleasant smells cause babies to distort their faces and turn their heads away. Neonates can distinguish their mother's breast from another woman's breast by smell. They often refuse a breast when it has been rubbed with a strong-smelling preparation. ► Taste. Although neonates' sense of taste is not very sensitive, they can nevertheless 120 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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distinguish between sweet, bitter, and sour tastes, although they seem to show a preference for sweet tastes (Mennella et al., 2015). For example, changes in the sweetness of food may influence the neonate's sucking activities. Sucking movements increase significantly when the neonate tastes something sweet, while sour or bitter tastes cause an aversive reaction. However, individual differences in taste do occur, while the degree of hunger also affects the reaction to taste. In addition, neonates and infants can detect tastes from their mother's milk, which might familiarise them with the common foods in their families or cultures. ► Pain. Historically, it was believed that neonates have insufficient neurological development to experience pain. Today, it is acknowledged that neonates can experience pain similar to adults (Goksan, 2018). Various painful procedures are performed in new-borns, ranging from circumcision and other surgical interventions, to blood collection and various diagnostic procedures. However, several studies have shown that in many cases, if not most, neonates do not receive proper analgesic intervention. Researchers have also confirmed that the ineffective management of pain may have many poor short- and long-term effects on cognitive and neurodevelopmental outcomes (Walker, 2019). This includes extreme sensitivity to pain, the experience of pain due to stimuli that do not usually cause pain, and the disintegration of cells. Therefore, it is of the utmost importance that proper monitoring of pain in neonates should always be in place. Several pain scales for new-borns are available for this purpose. Physiological responses (e.g., increased or decreased heart rate, respiratory rate, and blood pressure) and behavioural responses (e.g., prolonged and high-pitched crying, and gross motor movements) are also an indication.

3.1.5 Sleep and Dreaming Neonates sleep between 16 and 18 hours a day, equally divided between night and day. They are awake and quiet for two to three hours every day, awake and active for one or two hours and cry and fidget for the rest of the time that they are awake — anything from one to four hours. (Do not forget the golden rule: Each baby is unique, and sleep schedules can vary significantly.) Most babies do not begin sleeping through the night (6 to 8 hours) without waking until at least 3 months of age (Stanford Children's Health, 2021). During the past few years, researchers have begun to show increasing interest in the sleepdream cycle of neonates. Special attention has been given to REM and NREM sleep particularly (REM stands for rapid eye movement and is associated with dreaming, and NREM for non-rapid eye movement (Dereymaeker et al., 2017; Nayak et al., 2019). Various techniques, such as electroencephalograph or EEG, Getting enough sleep is important

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are used to score neonates' and infants' sleep cycles. Findings indicate that neonates spend about half of their sleeping time in REM sleep (e.g., see Grigg-Damberger, 2016). In two-year-olds, REM sleep decreases to approximately 25% of the sleeping time. By about the age of five, the ratio drops to about 20%, which is also the average REM sleeping time of adults. Babies need more REM sleep because it fulfils a function in the normal maturation of the central nervous system and plays a crucial role in fostering optimal brain development, cognition, and behaviour. REM sleep is characterised by muscle twitches, called myoclonic twitching, twitching and occurs more in infants than in adults. This represents a form of motor exploration that helps infants to build motor interactions and lays a foundation for complex, automatic, and goal-directed movements when awake.

3.1.6 Feeding A sizeable proportion of the time when the neonate is awake is spent on feeding. Feeding times vary from neonate to neonate. The frequency can vary from 8 to 14 times a day, and the intervals from 1½ to 5 hours. The debate on which is better for the baby — breastfeeding or bottle feeding — has been going on for decades. Under normal conditions, most authorities are inclined to favour breastfeeding (Du Plessis et al., 2016; Fewtrell et al., 2020). However, although most South African mothers begin breastfeeding after birth, most babies are not exclusively breastfed during the first six months, but also receive complementary foods (Du Plessis et al., 2016; Witten, 2020). While exclusive breastfeeding in the first six months of a baby's life has steadily increased in South Africa over the past decade, the country still has a long way to reach global targets (Mkhize, 2019).

Breastfeeding

Bottle feeding

The following are the main advantages of breastfeeding (e.g., see Cook et al., 2020; National Health Service, 2020): • The antibodies in breast milk provide the baby with vital protection against a variety of diseases, such as intestinal (e.g., diarrhoea) and respiratory diseases (e.g., bronchitis and pneumonia) and allergic reactions. • The nutrients in mother's milk stimulate brain growth and myelination of the axons of neurons, while cow's milk primarily stimulates muscle growth. 122 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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• The baby digests breast milk more easily; consequently, breastfed neonates and babies tend to suffer less from constipation and diarrhoea. • Breastfed infants gain less weight and are leaner at one year than bottle-fed infants are, a growth pattern that may help prevent later overweight and obesity. • Sucking the mother's nipple instead of an artificial nipple helps to avoid malocclusion, a condition in which the upper and lower jaws do not meet properly. It also protects against tooth decay due to sweet liquid staying in the mouths of infants who fall asleep while sucking on a bottle. • A mother who breastfeeds need not add other foods to her infant's diet until the baby is six months old. The milk of all other mammals is low in iron, but the iron contained in breast milk is absorbed much easier by the baby's system. Consequently, bottle-fed infants need iron-fortified formula. • Breastfed infants accept new solid foods more easily than bottle-fed infants do, perhaps because of their greater experience with a variety of flavours that pass from the maternal diet into the mother's milk. • Breastfeeding is practical. Breast milk is sterile and available at the correct temperature. In addition, when travelling, a breastfeeding mother does not have the inconvenience of all the accessories of bottle feeding (e.g., extra bottles and sterile water). It is also more economical than bottle feeding. • Mothers who breast feed have a lower incidence of breast and ovarian cancer. Moreover, it is claimed that breastfed babies have certain psychological advantages, such as feelings of security. However, supporters of bottle feeding point out that such claims have not been proven. They maintain that if bottle-fed babies are held while they are drinking and not left to drink alone in their cots, there is little difference between the two methods of feeding as far as psychological advantages are concerned. Nevertheless, it is conceded that for certain mothers, rather than for their babies, breastfeeding can be an emotionally enriching experience. Supporters of bottle feeding point out that bottle feeding allows mothers considerable physical freedom, a freedom that breastfeeding mothers do not enjoy. In addition, breastfed babies may also ingest substances such as nicotine, alcohol, dagga, and other drugs, as well as HIV, via their mother's milk. For example, mothers who use alcohol while breastfeeding are six times more likely to have a child with foetal alcohol syndrome (May et al., 2016). (See Box 3.1: Breastfeeding and HIV/AIDS.) Exclusive breastfeeding is recommended for up to 6 months of age, with continued breastfeeding along with appropriate complementary foods up to two years of age or beyond (WHO, 2021). However, some mothers (albeit a small percentage) are biologically not able to breastfeed, and others simply do not like it. In such cases, bottle feeding need not have any adverse nutritional or psychological effects (Kuthner, 2018). As valuable as breastfeeding is, there is much more to parenthood than breastfeeding (McCarthy, 2018). After all, the quality of the relationship between a mother and her child is much more important than the way in which the child is fed. Although breastfeeding may be a pleasant experience for both the mother and child, the mother who breastfeeds her baby merely because she feels obliged to do so, could harm the baby more because of her negative attitude, than if she is a relaxed, loving, bottle feeding mother. 123 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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BOX 3.1. BREASTFEEDING AND HIV/AIDS Without preventive interventions, approximately a third of infants born to HIV-positive mothers contract HIV during their mothers' pregnancy, childbirth, or breastfeeding. There is a 15 to 45% chance of the mother passing HIV on to her baby if neither of them takes HIV treatment (AVERT, 2021). Therefore, it seems logical to advise HIV-positive mothers not to breastfeed, but rather to use formula milk (i.e., bottle feeding). However, the situation is more complex and controversial than it is at face value. There is a strong breastfeeding tradition among mothers in black communities, especially in rural areas. Breastfeeding is regarded as not only important for the baby's well-being, but also for the mother's image. Many men even express negative attitudes towards women who do not breastfeed. There is also an assumption among some that if a woman does not breastfeed, she must be HIV-positive. Research has also emerged, particularly from South Africa, which shows that a combination of exclusive breastfeeding and the use of antiretroviral medication can significantly reduce the risk of transmitting HIV to babies through breastfeeding (West et al., 2019; Zunza, 2016). The World Health Organization (2019) recommends that HIV-positive mothers or their infants take antiretroviral drugs throughout the period of breastfeeding and until the infant is at least 12 months old. This means that the child can benefit from breastfeeding with relatively little risk of becoming infected with HIV. In addition, in resource-poor areas (e.g., parts of Africa and Asia), it is recommended that mothers with HIV breastfeed their babies because water may be contaminated, there might not be means to sterilise the baby bottles, and baby formula may not always be available or affordable. There is more risk that a formula-fed baby in these areas will die from infections from contaminated water or not having enough food, than a breastfed baby will die from HIV infection in the future (British HIV Association, 2021).

3.1.7 Neonatal Learning In Chapter 1, we introduced the learning theory perspective in the acquisition of behaviour. Three types of learning that are researched in neonates are classical conditioning, operant conditioning, and modelling (imitation). Although the claim that neonates can be taught through classical conditioning has been disputed, there is strong empirical (experimental, scientific) evidence that this indeed may be the case. For example, it was found that when neonates are stroked softly just before they are given something sweet to eat, they could be conditioned to suck only when stroked. However, it is also true that neonates cannot be conditioned with simply any type of stimulus. Operant conditioning can also change the behaviour of neonates (Pelaez et al., 2017). For example, researchers succeeded in regulating the head movements of neonates by giving them something sweet every time they turned their heads in a specific direction. The neonates turned their heads more often in the direction from where they received something sweet. It was also possible to change the sucking activity of neonates 124 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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by regulating the amount of milk they received. Experts originally believed that imitation falls outside the abilities of neonates because imitation requires certain perceptual and cognitive skills. However, various researchers (especially Meltzoff et al., 1994, 2017) have proved otherwise. For example, they found that neonates could imitate several facial expressions and gestures of adults, such as opening their mouths, sticking out their tongues, and opening or closing their hands. There are also indications that neonates can imitate facial expressions that are more complex, such as joy, sorrow, and surprise, as soon as 36 hours after birth.

3.1.8 Individual Differences As emphasised in Chapter 1, every person is unique. These individual differences can be observed already during the prenatal phase. For instance, one foetus kicks regularly and strongly, while another is far less active. However, after birth, individual differences become more pronounced. For example, neonates differ in muscle tone, the speed at which they move their limbs, the way in which they approach the nipple and suck, their sensitivity to light or sound or touch, their irritability, sleeping patterns, and manner of crying. The saying "Training a baby by the book is a good idea; only you need a different book for each baby" is closer to the truth than most people realise. To ensure the child's optimal development, it is vitally important to bear this uniqueness in mind continuously. REVIEW THIS SECTION 1. Describe the neonatal phase of development. How were neonates regarded initially? What is the current viewpoint regarding this phase? 2. Describe the physical appearance of a neonate. 3. What does the Apgar Scale measure? Is a low Apgar score necessarily an indication of problems? At what stage may a low Apgar score be an indication that a baby is at risk? What are the risk factors involved in a low Apgar score? 4. Discuss a neonate's adjustment to the basic life processes of blood circulation, respiration, digestion, body temperature, and the nervous system. 5. Discuss the most important reflexes of a new-born baby. 6. Discuss the smile of a new-born baby and the significance thereof. 7.

Discuss the following perceptual abilities of a new-born baby: vision, hearing, smell, taste, and pain.

8. Discuss sleep and dreaming in the neonatal phase. What is the function of sleep in the neonatal phase? 9. Discuss the advantages and disadvantages of bottle feeding and breastfeeding of babies. 10. What would you advise a mother infected with HIV/AIDS regarding bottle feeding or breastfeeding? 11. Discuss neonatal learning through classical conditioning, operant conditioning, and modelling. 12. Why is it important to always consider individual differences in neonatal development?

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3.2 INFANCY Infancy, which lasts from the neonatal phase until about the end of the second year of life, is characterised by rapid growth and development in all areas. Infancy is a critical, challenging, and dangerous stage. It is critical because the foundation for various behavioural patterns is laid during this period. It is a is challenging stage because of their increasing drive towards independence: They begin to crawl, walk, run, and explore their environments. It is dangerous because fatal accidents often occur because of the infant's inability to foresee the possible consequences of its behaviour, such as running into traffic or jumping into a swimming pool before being able to swim or poking their fingers in electric sockets. However, children's actions are not always the cause of their own dangerous behaviour. In some cases, caregivers are responsible, such as maltreating the infant. In other cases, fatalities occur unexpectedly and without obvious cause; for example, a particularly devastating fatality that could occur during this stage is the socalled 'cot death'. (see Box 3.2: Sudden Infant Death Syndrome). In this section, we shall specifically discuss the various areas of development as mentioned in Chapter 1, i.e., the physical, cognitive, personality and social development of the infant.

3.2.1 Physical Development Next, we explore the physical development of the infant. More specifically we shall look at their general physical, brain, and motor development, as well as the development of their perceptual skills.

3.2.1.1 General physical development Physical growth proceeds in a sequential and predictable pattern, called the cephalocaudal principle (Ruffin, 2019). Skills progress from cephalic (head) to caudal (bottom); from proximal (near) to distal (far); and from generalised, stimulus-based reflexes to specific goal-orientated reactions that become increasingly precise. Thus, consistent head support occurs before voluntary control of arms and legs does, and large muscle control of the upper arms occurs before small muscle control of the hands does (Gerber et al., 2010). Differences in the tempo of development of the various body parts affect the physical proportions of the body. For example, during the first year of life, the trunk grows the fastest, while in the second year the legs are the fastest growing part of the body (Sigelman et al., 2018). Changes in weight during the first year of life are even more dramatic than changes in body size. For example, the average baby doubles his or her weight every four to five months during the first year. At 12 months, the average height of the baby is about 72 cm. Skeletal and muscular growth is also very rapid, particularly within the first 12 months. The closure of the fontanel also takes place. The fontanel refers to soft tissue between the bones of the skull. The function of the fontanel is to enable the skull to adapt to the pressure of the birth process. Teeth begin to appear between six and eight months. The 126 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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BOX 3.2. SUDDEN INFANT DEATH SYNDROME Sudden infant death syndrome (SIDS), also called cot death, refers to deaths in infants younger than 12 months of age that occur suddenly, unexpectedly and without obvious cause (Burnett, 2018). Because of the increasing awareness of risk factors that could lead to SIDS, there has been a dramatic fall in the incidence. However, cot death remains one of the most common causes of post-neonatal infant mortality (Byard, 2016; Perrone et al., 2021). However, its frequency is difficult to establish. This is especially true in developing countries such as South Africa where detailed autopsies by paediatric pathologists to determine cause of death are available only at larger centres. Despite a vast amount of research, the cause of SIDS is still largely unknown (Duncan et al., 2018; McKenna, 2017). However, several potential risk factors have been identified (Mayo Clinic, 2021; National Organization for Rare Disorders, 2021). For example, the two- to four-month age group is at highest risk, while boys are more commonly affected than girls are. Death rates are higher in poorer households and more prevalent in young mothers. Maternal smoking and alcohol/drug-taking are risk factors, as is low birth weight and being born prematurely. Genetic factors may play a role as well (Johannsen et al., 2021; Keywan et al., 2021.) Against this background, researchers have devised the triple-risk model (Filiano et al., 1994; Spinelli et al., 2017). According to this model, SIDS especially occurs when the following three factors are present: - a vulnerable infant - a vulnerable period - some additional precipitating (triggering) factor The problem, however, is that researchers do not know precisely how these factors are related to SIDS. All the existing research has been done with correlational methods and as was shown in Chapter 1, a correlation (relationship) between two factors does not necessarily mean that the one causes the other. Hopefully, future research will provide more information on this tragic phenomenon. Preventive measures such as the following have been recommended (Halberg, 2017; Mayo Clinic, 2021): • Infants should be put to sleep on their backs, rather than on their stomachs or sides. (Even when put on their sides they can roll over onto their stomachs, increasing the risk for suffocation.) • The head should remain uncovered during sleep, while overheating and tight wrapping should be avoided. • Fungi present in or on old mattresses could generate poisonous gasses. Mattresses should be covered with polythene sheeting (many new mattresses are fitted with this covering). The best underblanket to use on a wrapped mattress is fleecy cotton. • Mothers should refrain from smoking and taking drugs, both prenatally and postnatally. The baby should be kept 'smoke-free'. • The infant should sleep in its own cot, next to the parental bed, for at least six months, and, if possible, up to a year.

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nervous system is also characterised by rapid growth during the first two years of life. In the next section, we provide an overview of brain development, the concepts of which will enhance your understanding in various sections of this book. We also discuss brain development during infancy.

3.2.1.2 Brain development Scientific advances in especially neuroimaging over the past few decades have contributed to much greater understanding of the growth of the human brain from before birth until adulthood. As mentioned in Chapter 1, neuroimaging or brain imaging is the use of various techniques to image the structure and function of the brain either directly or indirectly. Contributors to the neurosciences (or brain sciences) come from various fields, including psychology. Humans experience significant physical and mental changes from birth to adulthood, and a variety of physical, cognitive, and social functions mature in the course of time. To understand such developmental processes, merely studying behavioural changes is not sufficient; simultaneous investigation of the development of the brain is important for understanding that is more comprehensive (see Morita et al., 2016). In this section, we shall provide you with a brief overview of the structure, functioning and development of the brain. This will form the basis of the discussions on the brain's function in subsequent chapters.

(a) The structure of the brain Scientists analyse and categorise the brain in various ways. For our explanation, we shall describe the brain in terms of the position of its main structures in the skull: the forebrain, the midbrain, and the hindbrain, each with multiple parts (Beck et al., 2021; Lagercrantz, 2016; Queensland Brain Institute, 2017, 2018; also see Figure 3.1). Figure 3.1. The position of the main structures of the brain

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► The forebrain contains the entire cerebrum (also called the cerebral cortex) cortex and is the largest part of the human brain. It is associated with higher brain functions such as learning, thought, and action. It consists of two halves or hemispheres (right and left) and four lobes. lobes Although each has a primary function, the lobes usually work together. The lobes and their functions are the following (See Figure 3.2 for the position of the lobes in the brain): -  The frontal lobes are involved in functions such as voluntary movement, expressive language, and managing cognitive functions. -  The parietal lobes play important roles in registering and integrating sensory information such as temperature, taste, touch, and movement from various parts of the body. The two hemispheres of the human brain -  The occipital lobes are associated with vision and visual processing. - The temporal lobes play an active role in hearing, and memory. Figure 3.2. The four lobes of the brain

Source: Northeastern University

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-

The cerebellum, which is associated with the regulation and coordination of movement, posture, and balance. - The brainstem connects the cerebrum with the spinal cord and is responsible for vital life functions such as breathing, heartbeat, and blood pressure. It contains the pons pons, which serves as a bridge between the cerebrum and cerebellum. Many important nerves originate in the pons, such as the reflexes, as well as controlling the muscles for biting, chewing, and swallowing, and to look from side to side. The medulla oblongata is also part of the brainstem and helps to transfer neural messages to and from the brain and spinal cord. ► The midbrain is the smallest region of the brain and is located below the cerebrum and above the brainstem. It consists of three parts and serves as a vital connection point between the forebrain and the hindbrain and the connection between the brain and the spinal cord. Another structure especially important to psychologists, is the limbic system (e.g., see Mercurio et al., 2020). This system is buried deep within the brain, beneath the cerebral cortex and above the brainstem. It is involved in emotional and behavioural responses. The limbic system is a collection of structures, anatomically related but varying greatly in function. The main structures are the following (see Figure 3.3): Figure 3.3. The limbic system

• Thalamus. The primary role of the thalamus is to relay sensory information from other parts of the brain to the cerebral cortex. • Hypothalamus. The function of the hypothalamus is to regulate the functions of the pituitary gland and endocrine activity, as well as somatic functions such as body temperature, sleep, and appetite. The pituitary gland, gland which secretes hormones 130 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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that affect growth, metabolism, sexual development, and the reproductive system, is attached to the hypothalamus. • Basal ganglia. This structure is involved in movement and learning, processing rewards, and forming habits, • Amygdala. The amygdala plays a role in emotionally laden memories and contains receptor sites involved in rage, fear, and sexual feelings. • Hippocampus. The primary role of the hippocampus is to form memory and to organise and store information. It is important in forming new memories and connecting emotions and senses, such as smell and sound, to memories. The two hemispheres of brain are connected by a bundle of nerve cells or neurons, called the corpus callosum. To some extent, the type of information handled by the neurons in the brain depends on whether they are in the left or right hemisphere of the cerebral cortex. For example, speech and grammar depend mainly on activity in the left hemisphere in most people, while humour and the use of metaphors primarily depend on activity in the right hemisphere (McAvoy et al., 2016). Most people are right-handed, due to dominance in the left brain, while others are left-handed due to dominance in the right brain. Specialisation of the function in one hemisphere or the other is called lateralisation. However, most neuroscientists agree that labelling people as "left-brained" lateralisation because they are logical thinkers and "right-brained" because they are creative does not correspond with the way in which the hemispheres of the brain work. Complex thinking is the outcome of communication between both hemispheres in the brain, which functions as a unit. In other words, most behaviours and abilities require activity in both halves of the brain. Some areas of the brain are more active than others are during particular tasks, and one hemisphere may be more involved than the other is in specific parts of a larger mental operation (see Coch, 2021; Karolis et al., 2019). Thus, although we often use different sides of the brain for different things, this does not mean that people are right-brained or left-brained, as such. Research indicates that, overall, people do not have one half of the brain that is more active than the other half is (e.g., Knowland et al., 2020).

(b) The functioning of the brain The brain contains countless neurons (nerve cells), the fundamental units of the brain. Neurons use electrical impulses and chemical signals to transmit information between different areas of the brain, and between the brain and the rest of the nervous system. Each neuron consists of three parts — a cell body, body a longish projection called an axon axon, and thousands of tiny branches called dendrites dendrites, which themselves split into smaller sections, like the root system of a plant. In the adult brain, each neuron has many connections (see Figure 3.4). Collectively, neurons and their projections are called the grey matter of the brain. These neurons are arranged in patterns that coordinate thought, emotion, movement, and sensation. A complicated pathway system of neurons connects the brain to the rest of the body so that communication can occur in split seconds. When we think, feel, or perceive something, these electrical impulses or signals are carried along a neural circuit — they leave one neuron through its axon and enter the receiving neuron through its dendrites 131 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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Figure 3.4. A group of neurons, also illustrating synapses

(like passing the baton in a relay race). However, the axons do not touch each other; there is tiny gap between the axon of each neuron and the dendrites of the next neuron, called a synapse or synaptic cleft. cleft Communication between two neurons happens in this synaptic cleft when the signals that have travelled along the axon are converted briefly into chemical messengers through the release of neurotransmitters neurotransmitters, a chemical substance causing a specific response in the receiving neuron (see Sheffer et al., 2021; also see Figure 3.5). Figure 3.5. The synapse and transmission of neurotransmitters

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Neurotransmitters and their interactions are involved in countless functions of the nervous system as well as controlling bodily functions. Some examples of neurotransmitters and their functions are the following (see Fountoulakis et al., 2019): • Acetylcholine plays an important role in muscle movements and cognitive functioning such as attention, memory, and learning. • Noradrenaline mobilises the brain and body for action, for example by regulating blood pressure, heart rate, and glucose. • Dopamine is involved in many functions including emotion, motivation, and motor control. • Serotonin helps to regulate functions such as sleep, appetite, sexuality, and mood. A key process in early brain development is the development of synapses. The formation of some of these synapses is programmed genetically, but others are formed through experience. Initially, the brain produces many more connections among cells than it will use. For example, the infant brain contains many more synapses than the adult brain does. The rate of synapse formation peaks in infancy and slows down in early childhood. Unused and unnecessary synapses are eliminated by a process called synaptic pruning (Feinberg, 2017). This is important since the elimination of unnecessary synapses improves the efficiency of information processing (think of pruning a fruit tree — the removal of unnecessary and misshapen branches enhances the form, and fruit bearing potential of the tree). Synaptic pruning usually takes place at a particular point in development in the regions associated with the greatest changes in cognitive functioning. This happens because neural transmission becomes more efficient, and cognitive processes improve. The development of new synapses continues throughout life as we learn new skills, build memories, and adapt to changing life circumstances. Not only the grey matter plays an important role in brain development. Quite recently, neuroscientists have also begun to understand the importance of the white matter in the brain (Burley et al., 2021; Filley et al., 2016). White matter is a vast, intertwining system of neural connections that join all four lobes of the brain (the frontal, temporal, parietal, and occipital lobes), and the emotion centre of the brain in the limbic system. It derives its name from a white, fatty substance called myelin myelin, which provides support and protection for the axons of certain neurons (like the plastic sheath around electrical wires). Myelin insulates brain circuits, keeping the impulses flowing along their intended pathways. Myelinated axons transmit impulses much faster and more efficiently than non-myelinated axons do and thus ensures rapid neural conduction to the brain. This contributes to the efficiency of information processing. In fact, an abundance of white matter is a striking feature of the frontal regions of the brain where they help to serve the frontal lobes as integrators of mental operations.

(c) Brain development during infancy The brain is built over time, from the bottom up. Simpler neural connections and skills form first, followed by circuits and skills that are more complex (Center on the Developing Child, 2021). Some of the important brain developments during infancy are the following 133 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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(see Berger, 2014; Society for Neuroscience, 2018; Steinberg, 2020; The Urban Child Institute, 2021): • Changes in brain size. During the first year, the infant's brain doubles in size, and by the end of infancy, it has reached approximately 75% of its adult volume. • Changes in brain areas. In general, some areas of the brain develop earlier than others do. For example, areas that sustain life, such as breathing and heartbeat, are developed by seven months after conception, while the primary motor areas develop earlier than the primary sensory areas do. The areas that underlie emotions are apparent in the first year of life, although emotional regulation and impulse control continue to develop throughout childhood. The frontal lobes take longer to mature, with the result that deliberate thinking emerges later in the first year. The prefrontal region of the frontal lobes has the most prolonged development of any brain region and reaches maturity only in late adolescence and early adulthood. • Changes in neurons. Neurons change in significant ways during the first years of life. As we have noted, synapse formation peaks in the first year of life, while synaptic pruning starts soon after birth, especially in those areas associated with the greatest changes in development. For example, synaptic pruning in the visual system of the brain is most dramatic in early infancy, when the visual abilities of the individual are improving the most; or the more a baby engages in physical activity or uses language, the more those pathways will be strengthened. In addition, connectivity among neurons increases, creating new neural pathways, while new dendrites grow and synaptic connections between axons and dendrites increase. Besides synapse formation and pruning, the other most significant brain development during infancy is myelination. The process of myelination, which is necessary for clear, efficient transmission of electrical impulses begins prenatally and continues after birth. Many factors can affect brain development, for example environmental and contextual influences such as parenting styles, physical and psychological trauma, socio-economic status, deprived or stimulating environments, and biological variables such as genetics. These factors will be expanded upon in various contexts in our discussion throughout this book.

3.2.1.3 Motor development Motor development refers to the ability to move around. The development of motor skills allows children to explore, understand, and enjoy their environment. As infants' motor skills improve, it enables them to experience their world in new and more sophisticated ways (Kail, 2012). During infancy, remarkable changes develop in this domain: The infant develops from being immobile to being highly mobile. This happens because of advances in skeletal, neural, and muscular development. Motor development during infancy mostly concerns the development of gross and fine motor skills (e.g., see Arnett et al., 2019; Gerber et al., 2010).

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(a) Gross motor development Gross motor skills are responsible for the coordinated movement of large muscle groups. It is used for movements such as crawling, sitting, standing, walking, running, and balance (Gonzales et al., 2019). The ultimate goal of gross motor development is to gain independent and voluntary movement. Primitive reflexes persist for several months after birth to prepare the infant for attaining specific skills. As the central nervous system matures, the reflexes begin to disappear, allowing the infant to make more purposeful movements. For example, the disappearance of the asymmetric tonic neck reflex makes it possible to roll over, bring the hands to the midline, or reach for objects. The Moro reflex interferes with head control and balance; therefore, the disappearance of this reflex makes it possible for the infant to hold the head steady (4 months) and eventually sit in a seated position without support. Postural reactions, such as righting and protection responses, also begin to develop after birth. These developments help infants to catch themselves when falling forward, sideways, or backwards. These reactions develop between 6 and 9 months, the same time that an infant learns to move into a seated position and then to hands and knees. Soon afterwards, the development of increased equilibrium enables the infant to pull to stand (± 9 months) and begin walking (± 12 months). It is important to note that crawling is not a prerequisite for walking; pulling to stand is the skill infants must develop before they take the first steps. Added balance responses develop during the second year after birth to allow for more complex movements, such as moving backward, running, and jumping. The widebased, slightly bent, disjointed walk of a 12-month-old changes into a smooth, upright, and narrow-based style. The arms change from being held away from the midline of the body and slightly raised for balance to swinging backwards and forwards interchangeably. Running starts soon after walking, beginning as a stiff-legged movement, and changing into a well-coordinated movement. This affects the speed of movement and the ability to change direction. Simultaneous use of both arms or legs occurs after the successful use of each limb independently. At the age of 2 years, a child can kick a ball, jump with two feet off the floor, and throw a ball. (The development of infants' gross motor skills is illustrated in Figure 3.6.)

(b) Fine motor development Fine motor skills involve the use of the upper extremities; that is, the arms, hands, and fingers. They are used to engage and manipulate the environment and are necessary to perform self-help tasks, to play, write, and carry out work (APA, 2020). Fine motor skills are used when one needs to make smaller, more precise movements with one's muscles. Like all other developmental areas, fine motor development does not occur in isolation, but depends on other areas of development such as gross motor, cognitive, and perceptual skills. At first, arms and hands are used for support. Arms help with rolling over, then crawling, then pulling to stand. Infants begin to use their hands to explore, even when they can still only lie flat on their backs. When gross motor skills have developed to such an extent that the infant is stable in upright positions, the hands become free for more purposeful exploration. 135 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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At birth, infants do not have any apparent use of their hands. They open and close them in response to touch and other stimuli, but movement is dominated by a primitive grasp reflex. They explore objects with their eyes rather than with their hands. Gradually, they begin to reach and bring their hands together. As the primitive reflexes decrease, they begin to grasp objects more purposefully, first using the entire hand (at ± 5 months), and then the palm (at ± 7 months), called the palmar grasp. grasp At this stage, infants begin to transfer objects by bringing them to the mouth, and later from hand to hand. Between 6 and 12 months of age, the fingers become involved in the grasping of objects of different shapes and sizes. At 8 months, the thumb becomes more involved in grasping objects, using all four fingers against the thumb; this is called the scissor grasp. grasp At 9 months, two fingers and the thumb are used. and eventually a pincer grasp appears, using the index finger and the thumb. Voluntary release of an object is difficult at first, but by 10 months of age, infants can release an object into a container or drop things to the floor; and they often practice this skill over and over. By 12 months of age, most infants enjoy putting things into containers and throwing them out. They also can pick up small pieces with a mature pincer grasp and bring them to their mouths. By their second year, infants' ability in reaching, grasping, and releasing allows them to start using objects as tools. For example, by 15 months of age, they can stack three to four blocks and release small objects into containers. They can adjust objects after grasping them to use them properly, such as picking up a crayon and adjusting it to scribble spontaneously (at ± 18 months) and adjusting a spoon to use it for eating (at ± 20 months). By the age of 2 years, children can create a six-block tower, feed themselves with spoons, remove clothing, and grasp and turn a doorknob. They have enough control of a crayon to imitate both vertical and horizontal lines. They can rotate objects, such as unscrewing a small bottle cap or reorienting a puzzle piece before putting it in place. They can wash and dry their hands. A noteworthy aspect of fine motor development is hand preference (also called hand dominance) — the tendency to rely primarily on the right or left hand. There are strong dominance indications that hand preference already occurs prenatally, for example, many foetuses prefer the one hand to the other to suck their thumb (Parma et al., 2017). However, only at about one year, babies start showing a preference for one hand; in about 90% of all cases, the right hand. Up to the age of about three years, it is common for children to swap hands. Only after about three to four years, a clear hand preference is usually established (see Cook et al., 2020). Up to the mid-20th century, many people considered left-handedness as a developmental abnormality, a viewpoint that even some scientists agreed with. It was believed to be associated with a range of developmental dysfunctions ranging from language deficits to mental health disorders. In fact, many left-handed children of that era were forced to write with their right hands to change their preference. Today, it is widely accepted that left- and right handedness do not represent two opposite poles (left or right) of hand dominance. Rather, they exist on a continuum that ranges from strongly lefthanded to strongly right-handed (Forrester, 2016). Regardless of the public opinion and even some studies, most researchers agree that no significant and generalisable differences exist between left- and right-handers as 136 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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far as characteristics such as personality, intellect, academic and other achievements are concerned (Karlsson, 2019; Ocklenburg, 2019). To date there are no definite answers regarding the causes of hand preference. However, recent research strongly indicates a biological and especially genetic basis (De Kovel et al., 2019; Wiberg et al., 2019). Figure 3.6. The development of gross motor skills in infants

Although motor development follows a predictable course, and most children achieve these skills in the sequence described and illustrated above, some children sometimes skip steps in the sequence; for example, not all children crawl. However, there is great variability in the timing of the sequence. In every milestone, there is a variation of several months (as you may have noted in our discussion). Infants could reach those milestones anywhere within those ranges and still develop normally. On the other hand, the absence or delays in key motor milestones may necessitate a thorough developmental evaluation. These so-called 'red flags' may be the following: lack of steady head control while sitting by the age of 4 months; inability to sit by the age of 9 months; and the inability to walk independently by the age of 18 months (Gerber et al., 2010). An interesting question often asked is whether early walking is an indication of a 'future genius'. Not all researchers will give the same answer. On the one hand, it was found that infant motor milestones such as walking have a poor predictive value for future development (Jenni et al., 2013). On the other hand, several studies show a correlation between early walking and later adaptive skills and cognitive development (Ghassabian et al., 2016; Marrus et al., 2018;). Delayed walking also seems to be related to certain mental disorders such as intellectual disability (Bishop et al., 2016). However, we once again want to warn against generalisation. Most studies report averages, which leave the door wide open for individual differences: Many 137 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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early walkers might turn out not to be above average, while delayed walkers might turn out to be 'geniuses'. Another question often asked is whether motor development occurs according to biological maturation only, or does learning and environmental stimulation also play a role? Most developmental psychologists agree that both I am practising my motor skills. How am I doing? nature (e.g., genetic timetable and brain maturation), and nurture (e.g., support and assistance from adults), and the child's own efforts play a role. Across cultures, cultural traditions influence the ways in which children's motor skills are encouraged or discouraged (Adolph et al., 2019; Arnett et al., 2019; Bjorklund et al., 2012; Kuther, 2017). Some examples are the following: ► Some cultures restrict motor development for various reasons. Among the Ache, a nomadic group living in the rain forest of Paraguay, infants spend the first three years of their lives being carried for safety reasons (their feet rarely touch the ground). For this reason, these children have little opportunity to exercise their motor skills. This is similar to many traditional black South Africans who carry their infants on their backs to allow them more freedom to work and to keep their babies safe. In China, infants are often placed on beds and surrounded by thick pillows to prevent them from crawling on dirty floors. In some cultures, babies are swaddled (wrapped) for the first few months after birth to protect them from sickness and other threats to health. ► In contrast, other cultural groups actively encourage the motor development of their infants. For example, in rural Kenya, traditional Kipsigis mothers prop up their babies in holes in the ground to support their backs. Other groups in West Africa (e.g., in Mali) and the West Indies foster their infants' motor development by massaging and stretching their bodies and limbs. In some Western countries, paediatricians encourage "tummy time" for infants. Infants are placed on their tummies for a brief period during the day to encourage them to learn to push up, roll over, sit up, and stand. ► Some parents provide their children with toys to encourage gross and fine motor skills, such as rattles, toys to push and pull and open and close, building blocks, containers to fill and empty, and chunky puzzles. Although researchers found that the motor development of infants in cultures where motor development is stimulated actively may develop slightly earlier than in cultures where parents make no special efforts, this does not delay future and mature motor functioning. By age 6, there are no differences in motor development between children in cultures that promote early motor achievement and those that do not. These findings suggest that 138 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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the childrearing practices might not play such a definite role in motor development. In fact, cross-cultural research on motor development suggests that genetics have a greater influence (e.g., see Arnett et al., 2019). It is noteworthy that, although some studies indicate that socio-economic factors also seem to play a role in motor development (e.g., Ferreira et al., 2018), research in South Africa did not find significant differences in preschool-aged children across income settings in South Africa (Tomaz et al., 2019). Concerning the role of gender in infant motor development, differences are non-existent or small (Dinkel et al., 2020; Piallini et al., 2016). This means that boys and girls reach early milestones of motor development such as sitting, crawling, walking, reaching and grasping at about the same time. Only after the age of two, gender differences in motor abilities start appearing, as we shall see in the next chapter.

3.2.1.4 Perceptual development As mentioned earlier, infants can see from the time they are born. However, their vision is much weaker than normal adult vision is. Over the past few decades, imaginative research methods, similar to those applied in the neonatal developmental phase, have revealed that the perceptual development and perceptual abilities of infants are far more advanced and complex than was believed initially. Next, we shall consider the most important of these developments and abilities:

(a) Depth perception Naturally the development of accurate depth perception is of great importance for the baby, since it protects the child against dangerous situations; for example, falling down a flight of stairs. One of the most widely quoted experiments in child psychology is that of Gibson and Walk (1960), who used the so-called visual cliff to measure depth perception in babies (see Figure 3.7). The visual cliff is a relatively simple apparatus consisting of a glass-surfaced play pit that is about a metre above the ground. One half of the glass (the so-called shallow end) is covered with checked material, while similar material is laid below the glass section on the floor of the other half (the so-called deep end) to create the illusion of a cliff. The assumption is that if babies are unwilling to crawl across the deep end, this shows that they can perceive depth. All except three of the 36 babies aged between 6 and 14 months who were tested by Gibson and Walk refused to crawl across the deep end towards their mother. Several babies even crawled away from their mother when they were being encouraged to crawl towards her. Others cried, probably because they could not reach their mother without having to crawl across the cliff. Some babies even touched the glass over the deep end and discovered that it was solid, but still refused to crawl across it. Apparently, visual experiences played a more important role than tactile experiences did. Thus, the research carried out by Gibson and Walk showed that most babies aged between 6 and 14 months can perceive depth. (Interestingly, further research showed that the young of various animal species, e.g., cats, dogs, chickens, sheep, goats, and pigs, are also able to perceive depth as soon as they can move forward.) Gibson and Walk's research focused on babies who could already move forward (crawl); therefore, it was unclear whether younger babies were capable of perceiving 139 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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depth. Subsequently, similar research was conducted on babies aged between 44 and 115 days who could not yet crawl. To find out how the babies reacted, their pulse rate was measured: Their pulse rate decreased when they were placed on the deep end of the visual cliff — a typical reaction in people in a situation where they must first orientate themselves. Thus, it would seem that younger babies do realise that something is wrong or different, but whether or not this is depth perception in the strict sense of the word is by no means certain. Recent research has added to our knowledge of depth perception of infants (Adolph et al., 2014; Rai, 2020). For example, it seems that the tone of the mother's encouragement can be a significant factor in the infant's decision to crawl over the visual cliff or not. It was also found that depth perception does not emerge suddenly after about six months, but gradually progresses during the first year. In fact, the depth perception of human babies matures sooner than their motor development does. Figure 3.7. The visual cliff

(b) Visual constancy One of the most interesting aspects of the perceptual process is visual constancy; that is, that objects appear the same to us despite variations in sensory input. We perceive the colour, size, and shape of objects as unchanged despite the colour, size, and shape projected by their images onto the retina of the eye. Thus, for instance, we know that a car driving away from us is not shrinking, even though it is getting smaller, because we see it in the proper perspective. The question that arises is, do babies have visual constancy? In a classical study, Bower (1971) carried out a simple experiment in which he made a train move from left to right behind a screen. When he replaced the train with a ball, babies of 22 weeks were surprised and looked for the train where it had disappeared 140 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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previously on the left-hand side. Babies of 16 weeks apparently did not notice the change. Later research indicated that size constancy is present in infants as young as 18 weeks, although evidence of size constancy was even found in laboratory experiments with neonates (Cohen et al., 2003).

(c) Other perceptual abilities Although a neonate can be viewed as legally blind, the ability of the eyes to focus improves rapidly within the first few months. The focusing ability of infants of three months is virtually as good as that of adults. The baby's visual acuity (acuteness) also increases rapidly. At about 12 months, it is basically similar to that of adults. At four months, they can distinguish between most colours, and at six months, their colour perception is just as good as that of adults. As far as face perception is concerned, an important principle emerging from recent research is that face perception is initially very general but progressively becomes more specific to the faces to which the infant is exposed, a characteristic known as perceptual narrowing (Krasotkina et al., 2018). In other words, infants tend to pay more attention to faces they know, than to faces with which they are not familiar. Experience seems to play an important part. For example, a general preference for female faces emerges during the early months, most probably because infants' caretakers are predominantly female. The finding that infants whose primary caretakers are male show a preference for male faces supports this hypothesis. Infants' auditory perception or hearing also develops rapidly. It has been said that vision introduces the infant to the physical world, while hearing prepares them for the social world. Whereas the neonate reacts only to loud sounds (approximately 60 decibels), the infant of three months reacts to much softer sounds (43 decibels) and the infant of eight months to even softer sounds (34 decibels). It is now accepted that babies of six months already have reasonably welldeveloped auditory perception and can even recognise their own names. To make sense of our world, we make use of complex combinations of sound, sight, touch, and smell; that is, we integrate perceptual information. This process of integration and coordination of information from multiple sensory systems, is called intermodal perception. (An example of intermodal perception is to be able to know which mouth perception movements to make to go with which sounds, or to recognise a toy by touch that the child has seen before but has never touched before.) Some psychologists believe intermodal perception is an innate characteristic present at birth, which is difficult to determine. However, research has revealed that simple intermodal perception is possible as early as the first month. For example, one-month-olds can coordinate visual information with objects they have mouthed. Significant intermodal perception seems to develop only by approximately five to six months. Six-month-olds who manipulate an object with their hands can then recognise the object by visual inspection alone (Bukatko et al., 2012). By then, they are also able to match a pattern of movement with a pattern of sound (e.g., fainter sounds of a train moving away; louder sounds of a train coming closer) and to match facial and vocal expressions of other infants (Flom, 2013).

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REVIEW THIS SECTION 1. Describe the developmental stage of infancy. Why is it called simultaneously a critical, challenging, and dangerous stage? 2. Discuss the phenomenon of sudden infant death syndrome. 3. Describe the general physical development during infancy. 4. Why is it important for psychologists to understand the structure, functioning and development of the brain? Which techniques have been developed to investigate brain development? 5. Discuss (a) The structure of the brain (b) The functioning of the brain. 6. Discuss brain development during infancy. 7.

What does motor development mean? Why is the development of motor skills important? What major advances occur during infancy? Which areas of development contribute to this development?

8. Discuss gross motor development during infancy. 9. Discuss fine motor development during infancy. 10. Should one be concerned if an infant skips steps in the sequence of motor development? Should one be concerned if an infant does not reach the specific time limits or boundaries of motor development? What are typical 'red flags' of potential problems in motor development? May early motor development be a prediction of later advanced skills in other areas of development and vice versa? 11. Which genetic or environmental factors affect motor development in infancy the most? Cite cross-cultural research to justify your viewpoint in this regard. 12. Does gender or socio-economic status affect motor development in infancy? 13. Discuss perceptual development during infancy regarding depth perception and visual constancy. 14. Discuss the development of perceptual abilities such as focusing, visual acuity, colour perception, face perception, perceptual narrowing, auditory perception, and intermodal perception.

3.2.2 Cognitive Development In just two years, infants progress from reflexive responding, such as grasping objects simply because they are in their reach or are visually or auditory stimulating, to using objects actively in a constructive way, such as building a tower. They increasingly understand objects and start using symbols such as words and gestures. These achievements are quite remarkable and will be explored in this section.

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Infants start using objects constructively

3.2.2.1 Piaget Piaget''s view of the of the of the first two years: sensorimotor development Jean Piaget (1952) is the theorist who has made the greatest contribution to our knowledge of infant cognition. As mentioned in Chapter 1, Piaget divides the cognitive development of children into four stages, of which the sensorimotor stage is the first. During this stage, infants' cognitive functioning includes their senses and motor reaction. Other competencies, such as object permanence, symbolic or mental representation, and the ability to imitate also develop during this time.

(a) The sensorimotor stage Piaget's term sensorimotor refers to infants who obtain their information through sensory input and motor activities. This means that infants gradually develop the ability to coordinate information; for example, seeing something and reaching out to touch it. This development occurs across six substages. Each substage represents a definite advance over the previous one. Early cognitive development occurs through circular reaction, reaction through which the infant learns to repeat pleasurable or interesting situations that were discovered by chance previously. This repetition becomes a cycle in which cause and effect continuously influence each other. The original incidental action now becomes consolidated into a new schema. The mentioned six substages are the following: ► Substage 1: Reflexes (birth to 1 month). New-borns are entirely tied to the immediate present, responding to whatever stimuli are available. Their actions are 143 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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►

►

►

►

►

mostly reflexive in nature, such as grasping or sucking. For example, if you stroke a baby's mouth with your finger, it will suck reflexively. They do not seem to remember events or things from one encounter to the next and do not appear to plan or intend. Substage 2: Primary circular reactions (1 to 4 months). This substage is marked by the beginning of coordination between listening and looking, looking and reaching, and reaching and sucking — elements which are infants' way of exploring the world. This is achieved through primary circular reactions, which refer to the repetition of actions (and the subsequent reactions) involving infants' own bodies. For example, infants may accidentally suck their thumbs, find it pleasurable and repeat it, and later repeat the action intentionally. Substage 3: Secondary circular reactions (4 to 8 months). This phase co-occurs with a new interest in the manipulation of objects. Infants begin to repeat an action intentionally to trigger a response in the environment. For example, the baby does something, the mother responds favourably, and the baby repeats the behaviour; or the baby shakes a rattle repeatedly to hear the sound. These first connections between bodily actions and external consequences are automatic, almost like operant conditioning. Substage 4: Coordination of secondary reactions (8 to 12 months). This substage is characterised by purposeful behaviour where there is a means to an end; for example, pushing something out of the way to get to a toy, or to crawl towards something that they are seeing. They modify, coordinate, and try earlier schemas to find one that works. This is the beginning of understanding cause and effect relationships. Substage 5: Tertiary circular reactions (12 to 18 months). Infants now vary their circular reactions to discover new methods of meeting challenges; for example, trying out different sounds or actions to get the attention of their mothers. During this stage, infants begin to walk, which makes exploring their environment easier. Infants in this substage have been described as young scientists who conduct experiments. They show originality in problem solving and use trial and error to try to find the best way to reach a goal. Substage 6: Mental representation (18 to 24 months). This substage marks the beginning of insight and real creativity. The infant develops the ability to use mental symbols such as words, numbers, or images to represent objects, events, or actions. Mental representation also indicates that the infant is beginning to use mental planning instead of the trial-and-error approach of the previous stage. For example, a two-year-old who knows there are cookies in the cookie jar on the kitchen counter can figure out how to get one, even pulling a chair closer to climb on, to reach the desired object.

(b) Cognitive skills in the sensorimotor stage One of the most important characteristics that develop during the sensorimotor stage is object permanence. permanence This refers to the understanding that objects (including persons) continue to exist when they cannot be seen anymore. According to Piaget, this developmental task is acquired gradually during the sensorimotor stage. Before the age of about eight months, it is a matter of 'out of sight, out of mind'. For example, infants will 144 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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not search for a toy when it is covered with a blanket. Between the ages of 8 to 12 months (Substage 4), infants start grasping the concept of object permanence. For example, if you cover a toy with a blanket, the baby will pull the blanket away to uncover the toy. However, according to Piaget, the development of object permanence is still incomplete during Substage 4. For example, should you hide infants' toys under a container (A) where they will discover it several times, then before their eyes hide it under another, different container (B), infants usually continue to look for the toy under the first container (A). This A-not-B error is also called perseverating search. search Piaget's interpretation of this is that babies regard the object under container A as an inherent effect of the search response. Even during Substage 5 (12–18 months), infants still have problems with certain aspects of object permanence, especially concerning invisible displacements. For example, if you have a toy in your hand and put your hand under a pillow, then remove your hand leaving the toy under the pillow, the infant will look for the toy in your hand. According to Piaget, infants fully master the understanding of object permanence only at the age of 18-24 months. Only at this age, infants will search for objects, although they did not see it being hidden. According to Piaget, another major achievement during the sensorimotor Substage 4 (8 to 12 months) is the development of imitation imitation, the ability to copy somebody else's behaviour. Imitation enables infants to add significantly to their repertoire of behaviour. This means that infants are now able to form a mental image of something they perceive; for example, they will imitate the facial expressions of their mothers. Piaget viewed imitation as the crossover from sensorimotor behaviour to intelligence. A more developed form of imitation that develops during Substage 6 (18 to 24 months) is deferred imitation. imitation This refers to infants' ability to imitate behaviour some time after they had been exposed to it. For example, they can imitate their fathers' conversation over a cell phone the day after they had seen it. According to Piaget, deferred imitation develops from infants' increasing ability to form a mental picture of the behaviour performed by other persons. Mental representation also enhances pretend play, where children enact daily play activities, for example feeding a doll. Furthermore, mental representation also holds important implications for symbolic representations such as language, categorising (e.g., to order objects according to colour or form), and numbering skills. This is how my mommy does it

(c) Evaluating Piaget' Piaget's viewpoint

Although psychologists largely agree with Piaget's view of the sequence of cognitive development, probably the most widely accepted criticism against Piaget's theory is that he underestimated infants' cognitive abilities. Some of the important reasons for the differences between Piaget's findings and current research findings are the following:

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► Piaget' Piaget's sample was too small and thus not representative. He built his theory on the observations of his own three children. The other children in Piaget's small research sample were almost all from well-educated professionals of high socioeconomic status. Given the huge variability and immaturity of infants, hundreds and preferably thousands of babies must be studied before reliable conclusions can be reached. ► His methods were too simplistic. Although Piaget was an excellent observer, he did not have the innovative research methods (e.g., the use of control groups) and statistical techniques for more reliable measures that have become standard practice today. For example, in current research infants' ability to understand their physical world is often tested with hide-and-seek experiments. Laboratory techniques such as the measurement of looking, reaching, and seeking behaviour, as well as the use of partially versus totally covered objects, with or without sound, are usually employed for this purpose. In experiments involving looking behaviour, researchers could indicate that babies as young as two-and-a-half months show signs of object permanence; while as early as four months they have an understanding that objects continue to exist although they are hidden. Most researchers also contend that Piaget's interpretation of object permanence as a cognitive task that involves mental representational skills is probably too simplistic. For example, concerning the A-not-B error, it seems that infants' seeking behaviour is also related to their inhibitory memory and information-processing skills, as well as to social learning factors such as the following (Topa'l et al., 2008): - A deficit in inhibitory control develops because an object is hidden repeatedly under A and babies are being 'rewarded' when they search in this location — therefore, they continue to search there. - Constraints in working memory may play a role — they do not remember where the object has been hidden. - The repeated exposure to location A creates a potential long-term memory trace, which makes it difficult to process new information (Location B). - Excessive communicative cues (e.g., looking and smiling) by the experimenter when objects are hidden in A may create a social learning situation that results in interpretation bias — therefore, infants continue to search in A because they are being misled by social cues. ► Measurement of brain activity was not available. Piaget was correct in his assumption that an increase in brain networks and functions occur at ages two, four and six years, and at adolescence, and that children are eager learners. However, he underestimated how rapidly they learn. For example, babies' cognitions can be determined by measuring brain activity long before they are physically noticeable (Bolton et al., 2017). Information based on these advanced techniques indicate that infants exhibit memory skills, goals, and mental combinations long before Piaget believed these to appear. This implies that they reach imitation, deferred imitation, and symbolic skills such as language, categorisation, and number much earlier than indicated by Piaget (see Babakr et al., 2019) 146 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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► Piaget underrated the influence of socio-cultural factors. For example, he did not pay enough attention to the social environment where especially the parents and siblings could have a unique influence on the cognitive influence of their children. Also, Piaget's point of departure was the Western society and culture. He did not recognise that different cultural traditions and child-rearing practices could play a significant role in the cognitive development of children (Kuwabara et al., 2012; Muthivhi, 2010). Bjorklund et al., (2018, p. 134) state explicitly, "Cognitive development is inseparable from its cultural context." This underlines the important broader criticism that Piaget neglected individual differences. (However, see Box 3.3. for cross-cultural studies on sensorimotor development.) BOX 3.3. EARLY COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT IN CULTURAL CONTEXT Of all Piaget's periods, the sensorimotor period has been the least studied from a crosscultural perspective. A major reason is that observation methods and data-collecting techniques based on Piagetian concepts have been standardised only recently. (Standardisation means uniformity of procedures in administrating, scoring, and interpreting the results of the measuring instrument. See Chapter 1.) However, the few cross-cultural studies to date have shown an amazing commonality: the qualitative characteristics of sensorimotor development remain nearly identical in all infants, despite vast differences in cultural environments. While minor differences were noted (a slight advance of African over American infants at age six months), most findings tend to support Piaget's findings. Differences between cultures may reflect the contexts of development. For example, after a certain age, European and American infants develop increased experiences in handling objects, whereas African babies receive more social stimulation and early emotional support than European babies do. The question here is whether this divergent stimulation brings about a differential patterning of cognitive development in the long run, with Africans acquiring an intelligence that is more socially orientated, while Europeans acquire one that is more technologically orientated. This could be an indication that, in terms of Bronfenbrenner's ecological theory (see Chapter 1), the microsystem (family), and macrosystem (cultural values) have an important effect on these cognitive behaviours. Gardiner et al. (2011)

3.2.2.2 Information processing To an infant, life is one big learning experience. As mentioned in Chapter 1, theorists on information processing use the computer as a model to show how information is processed; i.e., through input, memory, programmes, calculation, and output. In the case of an infant, for example, output may be crawling to reach a desired object, using a word to indicate recognition (e.g., mommy) or looking longer at one picture than at another. Babies initially use reflexive reactions to elicit a reaction from their environment (e.g., to cry because of a hunger sensation), but as they grow older, they become more goal orientated and would reach for a bottle or their mother. In each step of the process, information must be processed; therefore, older babies are more effective than younger babies are due to their 147 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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more advanced processing of information. Theorists on information processing contend that these skills develop week by week and even day by day in the first year of life. This is in contrast with the six distinctive substages proposed by Piaget. Theorists on information processing are particularly interested in the analysis of complex tasks, for example in abilities that are necessary for a specific task and at which ages these abilities develop. Information processing researchers use sensitive technology, as well as infants' habituation and visual and auditory processing abilities, to explore their information-processing capacities. For example, habituation occurs when babies are exposed to the same stimulus (e.g., object or sound) repeatedly and gradually start showing less interest in it (they become habituated). Habituation in babies is determined by introducing a stimulus, followed by the measurement of the infant's heart rate, sucking behaviour, eye movements, and brain activity. For example, infants will stop sucking when an object is introduced, but will start sucking again when they become accustomed to the object. Dishabituation occurs when a new stimulus appears, and they start paying attention to this (sucking behaviour declines). Visual preference refers to infants' tendencies to spend more time looking at one object rather than at another, while visual recognition refers to the ability to discriminate between a familiar and unfamiliar object. Auditory discrimination refers to the ability to differentiate between sounds. Researchers calculate babies' abilities to process information by measuring how fast they habituate to new stimuli, how fast their attention recovers when they are introduced to new stimuli, and how much time they spend looking at the new and the old stimuli (Monroy et al., 2019; Turk-Browne et al., 2008). Through these techniques, researchers could prove that babies have impressive intellectual capacities (Croker, 2012). An understanding of concepts and categories develops BOX 3.4. SHOULD WE STIMULATE INFANTS' INFANTS' COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT? It is a well-known researched fact that impoverished environments, understimulation, and lack of rich and varied experiences can impair children's development in all areas. But what about overstimulation? It has been shown that environments that overwhelm children with stimulation beyond their current abilities interfere with the potential of the brain, much in the same way that understimulation does. Expensive early learning programmes that include training infants and older toddlers with number and letter flash cards, art, music, gym etc. have been introduced into society. However, there is no evidence that these programmes yield smarter, better 'super babies'. In fact, priming infants with stimulation for which they are not ready may cause them to withdraw, thereby threatening their interest in learning and creating conditions much like stimulus deprivation! In addition, parents may become disappointed when, despite the excessive stimulation, their children do not become 'little geniuses', thereby creating a danger that parents view their children as failures at an early age. This could result in infants being robbed of a psychologically healthy start, while depriving parents of relaxed, pleasurable participation in their children's early growth. What would the best conditions be? Age-appropriate moderate stimulation provided in a loving environment with lots of social interaction seems to be more beneficial than expensive toys and gadgets are. (Berk, 2003; also see Budds et al., 2017; National Academy of Sciences, 2015)

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at the age of six months, while an elementary grasping of numbers also begins at this time. Furthermore, it seems that rudimentary representational skills are already present at birth, becoming rapidly more effective thereafter. Infants' interest in new stimuli and their ability to habituate towards them rapidly are related to later cognitive development, such as a preference for complexity, exploration of the environment, sophisticated play, rapid problem solving, and the ability to match pictures. In fact, habituation speed and other informationprocessing abilities are important predictors of intelligent behaviour. However, does this mean that one should or could stimulate infants' cognitive development? See Box 3.4 in this regard.

3.2.2.3 Memory Memory refers to the acquisition, storing, and retrieval of information (see the information processing approach in Chapter 1). Memory is an important aspect of our daily functioning; in fact, daily functioning would be difficult, if not impossible, if one cannot remember. Memory is categorised in terms of the time frame (memory span) in which memories are retained (see McBride et al., 2019). For example, both the working memory (the workplace of the mind) and short-term memory (STM STM) (the passive storage system) refers to the temporary storage of immediate information. Therefore, the capacity and the duration of memory retention is limited. Long-term memory (LTM LTM) refers to the permanent or semi-permanent storage of episodic, semantic, and procedural memory. From the latter, it can be deduced that memory is also categorised in different types of memory: For example, episodic memory refers to memories of events. Semantic memory refers to memory for facts and general knowledge. Procedural memory refers to one's memory of how to do things, and includes procedures for perceptual (e.g., recognising faces), motor (e.g., fastening buttons) and cognitive (e.g., building a puzzle) activities. Implicit memory refers to memories of which one is not necessarily aware but that influence one's daily functioning (such as habits and routine procedures). Explicit memory signifies knowledge acquired through conscious effort, such as words and concepts. Generally, memory is tested by recognition (e.g., recognising a face or favourite toy) or recall (e.g., remembering an action). Memory is clearly a fundamental aspect of cognitive development, while it also plays an important part in social and emotional functioning (Pathman et al., 2020). However, the challenge is how to determine if and to what extent infants remember. As infants do not yet have the communication skills to provide answers to this question, researchers had to devise innovative methods to uncover infants' memory capabilities. The classical example in this regard is the research by Rovee-Collier and her colleagues (1999; 2009). They used innovative operant conditioning techniques by attaching a ribbon from a mobile (moveable toy) to infants' legs. The infants quickly learnt that there is a relation between kicking their legs and making the mobile move. This resulted in babies repeatedly kicking their legs to make the mobile move. To assess the infants' memory capabilities, the mobile was removed and then brought back later. The goal was to determine whether infants were able to recognise the mobile and to remember 149 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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to kick to make it move. For older babies, a train task was used in which the baby had to manipulate a lever to get the train to move. The results were interesting: Two-month-old babies still remembered how to make the mobile move after one or two days; three-montholds remembered for about a week; and six-month-olds for about two weeks. As could be predicted, older babies could remember better: 18-month-old infants could still remember the train task after almost thirteen weeks. Although young infants' memories are fragile, these researchers showed that repetition and certain recognition and recall strategies could help babies to remember. The researchers also found that infants' memories could be improved by distributing their 'learning sessions' in three 6-minute sessions instead of two 9-minute sessions. Although the total learning time remained the same, the distributed learning was more effective. Furthermore, the principle that distributed learning is more effective than crammed learning is also true across the life span. Other researchers used a visual paired-comparison task, task which is based on people's tendency to pay more attention to new than to familiar stimuli. The technique has been used extensively over the years to document that infants are indeed capable of remembering visual material over shorter or longer delays (Sonne et al., 2018; also see Bott et al., 2017). They found that three-day-old infants could remember stimuli presented two minutes earlier. By the age of three to six months, they could recognise stimuli after days or even weeks. The amount of information that babies can retain in their visual recognition memory also increases in the first year. Older babies prefer more complex stimuli, such as those with more lines, parts, or patterns than younger babies do. In later childhood, infants' visual recognition memory seems to be related to various cognitive measures, including IQ scores. The aforementioned research indicates that even young babies demonstrate recognition memory. However, the question is whether they also show recall memory because the recall of information is much more complex than recognition memory is. To test recall memory, Bauer (2007) found that babies as young as nine months exhibited recall memory (compare Piaget's notion that deferred imitation develops only at 18-24 months). During the second year of life (13-24 months), recall memory becomes more stable and longer in duration. According to Bauer, recall memory becomes possible when the brain structures in the middle temporal lobes, including the hippocampus, become functional, usually around nine months of age. As the brain develops and dendrites are formed, certain types of memory become more consolidated than others. For example, memory for movement and for people is quite strong in young infants (Chong et al., 2015; Sugden et al., 2019). Signs of implicit memory (therefore, episodic and procedural memory) are evident in babies' everyday behaviour; for example, they know which type of behaviour can be expected from mommy (e.g., feeding and care) and which from daddy (e.g., excitement and play); which signs indicate bathtime (e.g., bath water) and which indicate bedtime (e.g., specific blanket, bottle, and story book). Explicit memory (thus semantic memory) emerges between the ages of 6 and 12 months and is related to the learning of words and concepts: Seven-month-old Antoinette points to a light and says "Li" and also knows where to switch on the light, and six-monthold Dian makes sniffing sounds when he sees a flower (because Grandma always smells the flowers when she carries him around in the garden). Research (Rose et al., 2009; Vöringer et al., 2018) indicated that infants' memory is essential for later development — 150 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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more so than other components of early thought such as attention and processing speed are. Memory also enhances the early learning of words, while these words in turn enhance the encoding of later memories. It is possible that babies store much more emotions, sensations, and information than they can recall, and that they can remember much more than they express. (See also Box 3.5: Can adults remember events from their baby years?) BOX. 3.5. CAN ADULTS REMEMBER EVENTS FROM THEIR BABY YEARS? The answer is (fortunately or unfortunately) negative: Adults cannot remember anything from their infancy. This phenomenon is called infantile amnesia. amnesia When adults are asked about their first memories, they usually do not recall events before the age of 2-3 years, with only fragmented recollection of events that happened between the age of 3 and 7 (Wlassoff, 2018). Children aged 5, 6, and 7 remember 60% or more of the early-life events. In contrast, children aged 8 and 9 years remember fewer than 40% of the early-life events (Bauer et al., 2014). Although many people believe that they do have reliable memories of events or objects from before they were three years old, it is most likely something they have seen in a photograph or home video or have been told by family members or friends. This phenomenon seems paradoxical, especially when one considers that young children have memories of events from two or three years of age, but as adults, they have no memory of these events. Several theories have been put forward to explain infantile amnesia: The historical Freudian viewpoint argues that adults repress early memories because of their traumatic and especially sexual nature. Another viewpoint relates to language development. Because language is necessary to encode and recall memory, but is basically absent in infancy, it cannot be used to 'cement' memories. Young babies rely on non-verbal techniques to encode and recall memories; therefore, memory is more accessible after the age of three. According to Brown (2013), prior to age two, children do not have a welldeveloped self around which memories can be organised and attached to. Consequently, life events cannot be recalled. Once the self develops, it provides a memory structure (or schema) that facilitates the storage and retrieval of memory, as the events of one's life become commonly coded as 'occurring to me'. However, probably the most widely held theory is that the brain areas responsible for the formation of memories (e.g., the hippocampus and prefrontal cortex) have not yet developed and matured enough for this formation to take place before the age of about three (Fandakova, 2017).

3.2.2.4 Language development Developing the ability to use language is a critical step in infancy and toddlerhood (see Orr, 2021). It has important implications for all aspects of a child's development, especially cognitive, social, and emotional functioning. Gaining the ability to use words to signify objects and express experience, thoughts, and feelings enable children to think and to communicate with others in increasingly flexible and adaptive ways (Kuther, 2017). Therefore, the acquisition of language is one of the most fascinating and significant developmental tasks a child must master. This task — the use of sounds to create words and the arrangement of words into 151 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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grammatically correct sentences — is seemingly done effortlessly. Nevertheless, it is one of the child's most complex creative tasks.

(a) Phases of language development In language development, receptive language (understanding language) precedes productive language (the ability to speak it). This means that babies can understand language before they are able to speak it. Although infants usually begin talking approximately at the age of 12 months, their brains begin to process certain aspects of language much earlier; by the time they start talking, they already know hundreds of words. However, before babies speak their first intelligible words, they go through several phases of vocalisation, also called phases of prelinguistic speech (Lerner et al., 1983; also see American Speech-LanguageHearing Association, 2021; Mayo Clinic, 2021): ► Undifferentiated crying (birth to about 1 month). During this phase, babies use crying exclusively as a signal of their needs. Such crying is termed undifferentiated, because the listener is unable to distinguish whether babies are crying because they are hungry, thirsty, frightened, uncomfortable, or in pain. ► Differentiated crying (from about 2 months). During this phase, the parents are better able to distinguish between the various kinds of crying (hence the term, differentiated crying). Babies now use various sound patterns and pitches to indicate their different needs, which makes this kind of crying a much more effective means of communication. ► Cooing and babbling (from about 2 and 5 months, respectively). Cooing refers to the squealing-gurgling sounds babies make when they are happy, satisfied, or even excited. Babbling refers to the simple repetition of consonant or vowel sounds, for example, "da-da-da-da-da" or "ma-ma-ma-ma-ma". Babies babble especially when they are satisfied or alone. Interestingly, although deaf children cannot hear themselves, they also go through the normal cooing and babbling phases. Thus, it would appear that early cooing and babbling are caused by a genetic (biological) mechanism. However, it seems that after an initial babbling phase, deaf children 152 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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►

►

►

►

lose interest and stop such activity because they cannot hear themselves, but they continue to babble by gesturing with their hands. Lallation (from about 7 to 8 months). Lallation means that babies repeat sounds and words they have heard. This repetition is generally incorrect or accidental but is nevertheless an important foundation for communication. Echolalia (from about 9 to 10 months). Echolalia is the repetition of words or sounds. Whereas the repetition of sounds or words in the lallation phase was incorrect or accidental, it is now (more) correct and deliberate. Single-word sentences (from about 1 year). During this phase, babies begin to speak intelligible words using them deliberately to communicate with other people. However, initially, their speech is holophrastic; that is, single words are used to convey complex ideas. Thus, the single word "Mama" can convey various wishes to the mother; for example, "I am hungry" or "I want my mama" or "Pick me up". Full sentences (from about 21 months). The final stage in language development involves the progress from single words to full sentences. This develops in five phases, ranging from two-word utterances (e.g., "baby hungry") to sentences with increasingly sophisticated language structures.

Although it is agreed that the linking of a particular age to a particular phase of development provides some useful guidelines for development, it should be applied very cautiously, especially because of individual differences, and differences in the different languages. Languages not only differ in terms of the complexity of their grammatical structures, but also in terms of the complexity of their speech sounds. For example, children acquiring English need to master the production of consonant clusters in words like 'the' and 'splash'. Afrikaans children need to master the guttural 'g' in word such as gaan (go), or the trilling 'r' in words like ry (ride). Children acquiring Nguni languages such as isiXhosa must master the click sounds of their languages. For example, children first master basic click sounds such as 'c', a dental click, called the a "tut-tutting" or "what a pity" sound e.g., caca, (be clear), 'q', a palatal click, called the "champagne cork popping

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sound" e.g., qubha (swim) and 'x', a lateral click, called "the cantering horse" sound e.g., xoxa (discuss), and later the more complex click sounds of the language (Gxilishe, 2004; Kirsch et al., 2017). As far as vocabulary is concerned, babies as young as nine months of age already have an elementary receptive vocabulary (Parise et al., 2012). Vocabulary refers to all the words known and used by a particular person, or all the words that exist in a particular language (Cambridge English Dictionary, 2019). The learning of words during the first six months of productive language (between the ages of 12 and 18 months) is relatively slow because children link words to specific contexts; for example, they can say "cat" when shown a picture of a cat. Therefore, as a young child learns the first few words, the task is to identify the specific connections between words, and the objects and actions they represent. Between the ages of 16 and 24 months, the learning of words increases rapidly (from approximately

BOX 3.6. THE EFFECT OF TELEVISION ON INFANTS' INFANTS' LANGUAGE DEVELOPMENT Although some people may think that infants are not affected negatively by television, this does not seem to be the case (Byeon et al., 2015). Language is an example. To illustrate: Children, aged 18 months to 3 years, who watch TV more than 4 hours per day have a four times higher risk of developing language delays (Perdana et al., 2017). This means that the more infants watch television, the greater the negative effect. A main reason for this is that, when a child is watching the screen, they are missing out on the opportunity to expand and enrich their world, for example by walking, talking, and interacting with others. In fact, there are research indications that parent engagement and parent language during infancy does not alleviate this negative relationship between excessive early television exposure and children's later cognitive skills (Hanson, 2017). What about the benefits of educational TV and DVDs for infants? The results are contradictory (Diamond et al., 2016; Vallotton et al., 2017). However, it seems that most psychologists at this stage tend to be sceptical about often exaggerated claims in this regard. Firstly, understanding television requires certain cognitive skills. In the first few years of life, many of these skills are only beginning to develop (The Urban Child Institute, 2016). To a baby, television is a stream of 2-dimensional pictures that change about every few seconds and have no clear connection to each other, or even to real people and objects. Before children can benefit from watching television, they must be able to connect these images into a meaningful whole. Secondly, parents and caregivers are children's first and most important 'teachers'. They instinctively adjust their speech, eye contact, and social actions to support the infant's language development. Therefore, if infants spend most of their short waking time in front of the TV, they do not receive the same linguistic experiences that are usually associated with warm social interactions. Furthermore, it deprives the child of valuable play time and interaction with toys and objects essential in their learning process. Thirdly, babies' visual, auditory, symbolic, and conceptual skills are of such a nature that they learn less with a video than without it, unless the caregiver uses it to engage in conversation. Therefore, the most important factor for an infant's language and cognitive development seems to be conversation with, and the encouragement and responsiveness of the parents and/or caregiver (Courage et al., 2010; Dewar, 2015).

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50 words at the age of 16 months to approximately 320 words at 24 months.) Thus, a vocabulary spurt occurs (APA, 2020). During this phase, children learn words without many repetitions and can generalise these words to more situations. The vocabulary that is learnt typically during this phase tends to relate to the naming of objects and people (i.e., nouns) and social references (e.g., "bye"), while the learning of verbs (i.e., words for actions) follows later. As we shall see in the next section, many factors affect the acquisition of language. (Also see Box 3.6: The effect of television on infants' language development.) As in the case with early walking, the onset of speech and its relationship with future development, especially intelligence, have been a popular topic for discussion. Studies have found that young children with speech and language delays are at increased risk of learning disabilities, reading difficulties, academic underachievement, and lower IQ scores in later childhood, as well as in adulthood (see Flensborg-Madsen et al., 2018). However, this finding is not cast in stone — there are many famous scientists and other people who were late talkers, for example Albert Einstein and Richard Feinman, two Nobel Prize winners in physics. It is equally important to remember that delayed talking should always be evaluated against the background of the child. It is well-known that variables such as the lack of stimulation, which is common in these environments, is a significant contributory factor to language delay (Raju et al., 2020; Tella et al., 2018).

(b) Theories of language development One of the interesting and most controversial areas of language development is the various theories that attempt to explain how and why children acquire language. The following may be regarded as the most important theories (e.g., see Bjorklund et al., 2018; Nor et al., 2018; Sigelman et al., 2018):

(i) Learning theory Learning theorists explain language development based on operant conditioning and imitation. ► Operant conditioning: The most significant contribution in the field of operant conditioning has been made by B.F. Skinner (see Chapter 1). Skinner and his followers maintain that parents are excellent instructors because they react to all gestures and sounds uttered by babies, thereby reinforcing speech. For instance, when babies say "bisc" they are rewarded with a biscuit; when they say "wa" they are rewarded with water and when they say "mo" they are rewarded with a smile and a kiss from their mother. Meaningless and incorrect words are not reinforced and in time, they are dropped from the child's vocabulary. In this way, children's language improves until they can speak fluently. This child-centred speech also occurs in non-literate societies where the parent responds with a higher pitch, short sentences, emphasised words, and simple grammar — precisely the techniques emphasised by behaviourists. In addition, if any word is associated with a strong emotional experience, it is reinforced and given a permanent place in the child's vocabulary. For instance, if a bee flies into the room and stings the baby, it is highly likely that the word "bee" will be given a prominent place in the child's vocabulary. The same applies to swearwords because 155 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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they are usually associated with a strong emotion. This reinforces the word and makes it easy for the child to remember. ► Imitation: Learning theorists believe that children learn a language by imitating the speech of adults. The rationale behind this contention is that, since it is a wellknown fact that children imitate the behaviour of adults, this principle should apply to language as well. The parents act as models because they not only speak the word the child may imitate, but also expand on what the child says. Learning theorists hold three major viewpoints: First, parents are regarded as expert instructors, although other caregivers also contribute. Second, multiple repetitions are important, especially when words are linked to everyday life. Third, babies who are stimulated linguistically become well-spoken in later childhood. Therefore, these assumptions imply that the input of the parents is of vital importance. Responsive parents, who often talk, sing, explain and read to their children, even before the age of one year, contribute to their children's language development.

A mother teaching her baby her first words

However, learning theory is not without criticism. According to the critics, although certain language patterns can be learnt, there are many other language patterns that children create and that have therefore not been learnt. Thus, learning theory does not account for creativity in language development. The same applies to (often logical) language errors that children make but were not learnt via the parents; for instance, the use of "goodest" instead of "best". Furthermore, several researchers who tried to improve children's language ability through imitation failed to do so. This would not have occurred had imitation played a primary role in language acquisition. Research has also shown that 156 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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parents are more concerned about the factual correctness of their children's speech than about its grammatical correctness. Therefore, reinforcement of correct language usage does not happen as often as learning theorists suggest. Critics point out that the quality of adult speech is such that a child cannot learn it easily. Recordings of adult speech show that it is riddled with stammering, hesitation, grammatical errors, inconsistencies, fragmentary phrases, incomplete sentences, etc., which children probably experience as 'noisy slop'. It was also pointed out that when the individual words were extracted from a recording, about half of the words were unrecognisable — even though they were completely recognisable in the context of the recorded conversation. Finally, critics of the learning theory believe that if language is learnt, such learning should be seen in relation to the intelligence of the child. Because intelligence varies so much from child to child, some children should be able to learn a language more easily than others should, and some children may even fail to master language, just as some children never succeed in solving certain mathematical problems. This is not the case, however, as children with a low IQ (as low as 50) can also learn a language. They certainly do differ in their willingness to talk, the range of their vocabulary, and what they say, but they show far less variation in their language acquisition than in learning mathematics.

(ii) Social pragmatism Pragmatism refers to the practical use of something, in this case language. According to this theory, social stimuli and not explicit learning is involved in the learning of language (see Gobet, 2015; Tomasello, 2000). Therefore, infants communicate because they are social and emotional beings and are dependent on others for their survival (Croker, 2012). According to this viewpoint, the emotional messages of language and not the words as such, are important in early language development. Babies and their parents engage in conversation before the child can produce words. These conversations include reciprocal smiling, eye contact, and various vocalisations. Parents often converse with their babies as though they are true conversational partners. These early dialogues are important 157 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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for various reasons: Firstly, it indicates that children not only acquire language to solve problems or to express themselves, but also to engage in social interaction. Although the ability to produce language is a basic drive, the motivation is not only to speak, but to converse. Secondly, a reciprocal socialisation process occurs between mother and infant. Mothers often use a higher pitch when they want to engage with and elicit a response from the baby, a lower pitch when they want to comfort the baby, and variable pitches when they want to maintain the baby's attention. In this way, babies' attention is not only directed at new words, but they also learn the basic 'melody' of speech — even before they learn the words. Thirdly, conversations between parent and baby include a variety of reciprocal activities, especially when the parents link their actions with vocalisations. In this way, interactive activities develop, such as conversational turn-taking. (See also Box 3.7: Interesting research findings on language development.)

(iii) The nativist approach According to the supporters of nativism nativism, for example Noam Chomsky (1969, 1993) and Eric Lenneberg (1967), every normal person is born with the ability to acquire language. They acknowledge the role played by the learning process, but it is considered subordinate to innate (inborn or inherent) ability. Chomsky's contribution to the field centres primarily on what he calls the language acquisition device (LAD LAD). The LAD should not be seen as a single structure, but rather as a constellation of interconnecting brain areas and is present only in the human species. This mechanism is present at birth but is dependent on the maturation of cells in the cerebral cortex. According to Chomsky, this mechanism is responsible for the fact that people can produce and understand an infinite number of sentences. Chomsky also believes that during language development, children learn only the elements of a particular language (their mother tongue) and not the basic structure of language — they are born with this. Chomsky (1993, p. 519) explains in this regard, "Language learning is not really something that the child does; it is something that happens to the child placed in an appropriate environment, much as the child's body grows and matures in a predetermined way when provided with appropriate nutrition and environmental stimulation". To justify his viewpoint, Chomsky points out that, although the various languages of the world differ greatly from one another in their perceivable characteristics (surface structure), they are nevertheless remarkably similar at a deeper level (deep structure), so much so that one may speak of the universal characteristics of human language. For instance, all languages have syntactical elements such as subject and object; interrogative sentences and statement sentences; imperatives (orders); negatives; and active and passive forms. Lenneberg believes, as Chomsky does, that language is an innate ability in people. He believes that the systematic development of language is linked to biological maturation, in the same way as the ability to walk. Lenneberg became known for his idea that there is a sensitive or optimal period during which a language is acquired more easily and more quickly. He sees the years before puberty as the sensitive period, since after puberty, physiological changes in the brain make language learning difficult. Support for Lenneberg's idea of a sensitive period in language acquisition may be found in studies of 158 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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children who have been isolated from social contact for certain periods. In one such study, a girl, Genie, had minimal human contact for the first 13 years of her life, because her parents isolated her from people (Brogaard, 2017). When she was discovered, she could not speak at all. After extensive therapy, she did make some progress in learning words, but she did not learn to speak normally and had difficulty in mastering the rules of syntax. Further evidence comes from studies of deaf persons who learnt American Sign Language (ASL) at different times in life. Its vocabulary is as comprehensive and its grammar as sophisticated as that of any spoken language. It was found that individuals who learnt ASL after the age of 12 made grammatical errors, whereas individuals who learnt ASL from birth, did not. Their acquisition of ASL showed the normal developmental pattern that is found in persons who acquire spoken languages. Although the theory that language ability is innate has had an important influence on psycholinguists, it has its critics. For instance, it has been pointed out that despite many determined attempts, linguists have not yet succeeded in identifying a universal grammar system. Furthermore, the principle of semantic and syntactic universals indicates that there must be a larger number of language structures, but only a few have been discovered. Moreover, some authors contend that nativists view language acquisition as a relatively effortless process (MacWhinney, 2010; Vaysi et al., 2016). However, language acquisition is not as effortless as the nativists propose. In fact, even with consistent and intensive input, language acquisition involves effort, and it takes approximately three years before children acquire the core aspects of articulation of their mother tongue. Therefore, children learn language gradually and inductively (reasoning from the specific to the general), rather than suddenly and deductively (from the general to the specific). Language development, such as the acquisition of new words and sentence construction, occurs throughout the life span. In addition, Lenneberg's idea of the sensitive period has been both supported and contradicted. Case studies have shown that children who had not been exposed to language for many years and who came into contact with language only after puberty, were only able to acquire a certain degree of language skill (on average the same as that of a four-year-old child). Several researchers also point out that after puberty, it becomes difficult to acquire the right accent, even though the language itself is spoken fluently. However, some researchers found that there is no sensitive period in learning a second language as has been accepted generally. An example of this is the South African, Afrikaans-speaking, Oscar-winning actress, Charlize Theron, who speaks American English without an accent after having arrived in the USA only when she was about 20 years old. (She most probably received excellent professional phonetic instruction.) Also, adolescents and adults of English-speaking families who went to live in Holland learnt Dutch more easily than the younger children of the same families did (Snow et al., 1978). However, this seems to be the exception rather than the rule. Granena (2018) did a review of the literature and concluded that before age 10, there are little individual differences in ability to learn a second language (in other words, most individuals can learn a second language). Conversely, among adults, individual variations in success are large and likely to be affected by cognitive abilities such as language aptitude.

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BOX 3.7. INTERESTING RESEARCH FINDINGS ON LANGUAGE DEVELOPMENT 1. The influence of fathers and mothers on children' children's language development. Earlier studies focused on the importance of the mother's role in early language development. Researchers (e.g., Pancsofer et al., 2006) later discovered that the role of the father had been underestimated. For example, in families with two working parents, fathers have a greater influence than mothers on their children's language development between the ages of 2 and 3. One of the reasons is that the fathers use more diverse vocabularies. However, recent research indicates that both mothers and fathers play important roles in their children's language development, albeit in different ways (Teufl et al., 2019; Zang et al., 2019). Mothers' modes of conversation are more associated with the mother-child attachment relationship, while the father-child conversations are associated with the father's educational background. However, it has been confirmed that the educational level of both parents has a significant influence on their children's language abilities. 2. All children follow the same steps to learn vocabulary, regardless of the language spoken (Bornstein et al., 2004; Rescorla et al., 2016). Regardless of the language they are learning to speak, young children fundamentally learn vocabulary in the same way. There is a universal order to how children learn language. No matter which language they speak, children acquire classes of words and parts of speech in a particular order. For example, Bornstein and his co-researchers (2004) found that for the seven languages studied, nouns comprise the greatest proportion of 20-month-old children's vocabulary, followed by verbs, and then adjectives. Specifically, mothers in every country reported that their children said significantly more nouns than any other word class (verbs, adjectives, closed-class words). The researchers added that the finding held true regardless of whether the language spoken tends to emphasise nouns, as in English, or verbs, as in Korean. It is theorised that children learn nouns first because nouns are concrete things that can be seen and touched. Verbs and adjectives are more abstract and so are more difficult concepts for children's minds to grasp. 3. Children Children''s earliest words stem from what interests them (Prudent et al., 2006). Infants listen and learn their first words from as young as 10 months, but they learn only the words for objects that are of interest to them, not for objects of interest to the speaker. Researchers found that infants paired new words with the objects they liked best, regardless of which object the speaker named. The findings suggest that when we speak to our infants, we should talk about things that they like, not about what we like. However, older babies attach more importance to the speaker's interest in the object. 4. Babies use their own names to help learn language (Bortfeld, 2005; Parise et al., 2010). Much in the same way that a person might have difficulty understanding a foreign language because it is hard to tell where one word ends and another begins, babies face a similar challenge in learning language. Babies prefer listening to the words that follow their own names. Therefore, a baby's understanding of language may begin with its own name, which it uses to break sentences into smaller parts so it can learn other words. A baby as young as six months can learn to recognise an individual word that follows its own name, even after hearing both words as part of whole sentences. 5. Adults Adults'' child-directed speech (''baby talk' talk') helps infants to learn to speak (Ramirez et al., 2020). Infants who are exposed to infant-directed speech, such as exaggerated overemphasised repetition and intonation, and higher pitch, learn to identify the words more quickly than infants who are exposed to the monotone characteristics of adult speech. Adults' child-directed speech also captures the infant's attention, enhances recognition and discrimination between objects, while it establishes and strengthens emotional bonds (Kritzinger, 2018). It also facilitates vocabulary development (Ota et al., 2018). A recent South African study involving four language groups indicated that socialisation practices and cultural conventions pertaining to child-directed speech to be more important than maternal education and socioeconomic status (Southwood et al., 2021).

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(iv) An integrated approach Which of the theories on language development is correct? Ironically, all three theories hold elements of the truth, and a synthesis or integration of the theories would be much more realistic. Supporters of such an integrated approach point out that learning theory seems to offer the best explanation of how sounds, words, and meanings are learnt. Social pragmatism explains the enhancement of social interaction, while nativism provides a better explanation of the creative aspect of language ability. Most modern psychologists are of the opinion that language acquisition cannot be understood fully by investigating either the environmental or the genetic factors in isolation. Thus, the prevailing view is that children are born with an innate ability to learn language and that learning and experience activate and reinforce this ability (see Santrock, 2019). More specifically, it has been realised that a complex and dynamic interaction between hereditary factors, maturation factors, learning strategies and the social environment exists. None of the factors on its own can result in language acquisition. Instead of asking which factor is the most important, research efforts should concentrate on investigating the nature of the interaction between the various factors. Methods that investigate multiple factors will be a better reflection of the complexities involved in language acquisition.

"Mommy, don' don't feel disappointed that my first words were swear words. It just shows you how important genetic factors are."

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REVIEW THIS SECTION 1.

Describe Piaget's theory of cognitive development during infancy. What does infants' cognitive functioning include? What competencies develop during this stage?

2.

Discuss Piaget's sensorimotor stage of cognitive development. Include the six substages of circular reaction in your discussion.

3.

Discuss the most important skills that develop during Piaget's sensorimotor stage of cognitive development.

4.

Discuss the reasons why most current research findings indicate that Piaget underestimated infants' cognitive development.

5.

Why has sensorimotor development been least studied from a cross-cultural perspective? How has this been rectified and what are the main findings in this regard?

6.

Discuss the information processing theorists' approach to cognitive development in infancy. Refer to the techniques used to assess infants' habituation and visual and auditory processing abilities to explore their information-processing abilities. What are the major findings in this regard?

7.

You visit a friend who just had a baby. She wants your advice on the type of stimulation programmes, toys and media she should get to stimulate her baby's cognitive development. What will you tell her?

8.

Discuss memory: why is memory of such importance in a person's cognitive and other aspects of development? Describe the categories of memory. Why is the investigation of the functioning of the memory capacity of infants such a challenge?

9.

Discuss infants' memory skills and the methods used to investigate it.

10. Your roommate tells you about an incident that he can remember that happened when he was two years old. Do you think this is a true memory? 11. Why is the acquisition of language such an important task during infancy? 12. Describe the difference between receptive language and productive language. Which develops first? 13. Describe the phases of prelinguistic speech. 14. Discuss infants' vocabulary development. 15. Julia's baby is 2 years old and still speaks only in single-word sentences. What could this language delay indicate? 16. Mary is of the opinion that watching television will benefit her baby's language development. What does research indicate in this regard? Why are most psychologists sceptical about educational TV and DVDs for infants? 17. Discuss the theories of language development. What are the most important assumptions of these theories? What criticisms can be brought against these theories? 18. Which theory of language development proposed in your textbook do you regard as the most important theory of language development? Give reasons for your answer. 19. In this section, we discuss some interesting research findings on language development. Which of these findings do you find most fascinating? Give reasons for your answer. 20. Class/online discussion: which aspects of your own language do you find most challenging? Which aspects of a second or third language that you acquired did you find the most challenging?

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3.2.3 Personality Development In this section, we shall consider the various theoretical approaches to personality. Personality development during infancy will be discussed in terms of infants' emotions, temperament, and self-concept.

3.2.3.1 Defining personality In its broadest sense, personality refers to the unique and relatively consistent way in which an individual feels, thinks, and behaves (Holzman, 2019). Most researchers and theorists think of personality in terms of basic traits or dimensions, such as shyness versus gregariousness (outgoingness) or activity versus passivity. However, much disagreement about the nature of these dimensions has persisted over the years. Relatively recently, some consensus has developed regarding the key dimensions or features of personality. Most researchers now agree that adult personality may be described along five major dimensions, often referred to as the Big Five (Costa et al., 1992; McCrae et al., 2008). These dimensions are extraversion, agreeableness, conscientiousness, neuroticism (emotional instability), and openness/intellect (see Table 3.3 for a description of these dimensions). The Big Five personality traits have been identified in adults in a variety of countries, including in some non-Western cultures, which lends some cross-cultural credibility to the identified traits (McCrae, 2002; Teracciano, 2015). However, the universality of the Big Five model tends to be stronger in Western than in non-Western cultures. Four factors are usually well replicated (neuroticism, extraversion, agreeableness, and conscientiousness), whereas the fifth factor, openness, is not always found (Fedvadjiev et al., 2015). Table 3.3. The Big Five personality traits TRAIT

Extraversion

Agreeableness

BASIC CHARACTERISTICS

QUALITIES OF PERSONS WHO EXHIBIT THIS TRAIT

The degree to which an individual actively engages in the world, versus avoidance of social experiences.

Active, assertive, enthusiastic, outgoing, talkative.

The degree to which a person's interpersonal interactions are characterised by warmth and compassion.

Affectionate, forgiving, generous, kind, sympathetic, trusting.

Openness/Intellect

The reflection of the depth, complexity, Artistic, inquisitive, imaginative, and quality of a person's intellectual insightful, original, wide interests. and experiential life, versus inflexibility.

Conscientiousness

The degree to which the person can control impulses, versus irresponsibility.

Neuroticism (emotional instability)

Efficient, organised, prudent, reliable, responsive, thorough, ability to postpone immediate need fulfilment with the prospect of future needs.

Anxious, self-pitying, stressed, The degree to which the person over-sensitive, emotionally unstable, views the world as distressful and threatening, versus emotional stability. worried.

Compiled from Costa et al. (1992)

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There also exists some debate about whether individuals from non-Western cultural contexts possess traits that are not captured by the five-factor model of personality (Benjamin et al., 2020). Since most of the research has been conducted on adults, the logical question that follows is whether the same traits are present in children. Research has yielded more or fewer than five factors and suggested that Big Five traits are less coherent among very young children (Wilson et al., 2013). Taken together, research suggest that aspects of the adult Big Five traits are evident among young children but may be represented by less finely differentiated 'blends' of Big Five traits that become increasingly distinct with development. Some of these dimensions typically appear in descriptions of infant and child temperament, which will be discussed later. An aspect that typically arises regarding personality development concerns the determinants (causal factors) of personality development. As indicated in Chapter 1, various theorists have proposed hypotheses regarding personality development: ► The biological perspective. According to this view, genetic and physiological patterns underlie many of the traits we regard as personality or temperament. ► The learning perspective. This view emphasises reinforcement and modelling as the basic shapers of personality. Bandura also added the concept of self-efficacy (i.e., individuals' belief in their ability to accomplish tasks), by which children internalise what they have learnt. ► The psychoanalytic perspective. Psychoanalysts Sigmund Freud and Erik Erikson emphasised the role of parents in the development of children's personalities. According to Freud, a mother's handling of feeding, weaning and toileting issues during the oral and anal stages of development could have long-term effects on the development of her child. Erikson conceded that nursing and weaning are important but indicated that responding to the infant's psychosocial needs, for instance providing comfort and warmth, is just as important. According to Erikson, infants develop basic trust within their first year of life, when their needs are met consistently by a predictable, responsive, and sensitive caregiver. From this basic trust, babies develop the necessary self-confidence to explore their environments. Mistrusting infants are usually subjected to erratic or harsh care and cannot depend on the goodness and compassion of others. Therefore, they tend to protect themselves by withdrawing from others around them. According to Erikson, children's interaction becomes more active as their motor and physical development proceeds. The virtue of hope will equip children in dealing courageously but carefully with new situations. The basic sense of trust or mistrust is carried into later relationships, while hope is of great importance throughout life. According to Erikson, the next important development in personality occurs between the ages of 2 and 3 years. As children develop physically, cognitively, and emotionally, a need for independence or autonomy develops. Careful guidance by parents, for example by setting reasonable limits for appropriate behaviour, is needed for the development of autonomy. Parents should deal sympathetically with their children's failures so that their self-confidence is willpower. If children's efforts at not shattered, and they are able to achieve the virtue of willpower independence are hindered or ridiculed, they may develop a sense of shame and doubt instead of a basic sense of self-control and self-worth. 164 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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► The ethological perspective. Ethologists such as John Bowlby believed that the first two years of life constitute a sensitive period for the development of attachment relationships, which is essential for the survival and emotional well-being of children. relationships Bowlby suggested that individuals are born with several instinctive behaviours that elicit caregiving from others, such as crying and smiling. Similarly, caregivers respond with various instinctive behaviours towards babies, for instance by picking them up when they cry. These instinctive behaviours create and sustain proximity (closeness) between parent and child, ensuring the nurturing of the child. Infants who fail to form close attachment bonds with caregivers are at risk for future social and personality developmental problems. (The issue of attachment will be discussed in more detail in the section on social development.) ► An integrated approach. Most modern child psychologists agree that no single theory provides a clear-cut answer for the development of personality. It would seem that an integrated approach that acknowledges the interaction between biology and environment is the most viable explanation for personality development.

3.2.3.2 Personality development during infancy Although many people tend to think that the development of personality is limited or even insignificant during infancy, various research findings indicate quite the opposite (Bornstein, 2014). Most psychologists regard infancy as an important and even critical period in the development of personality because important foundations for later development are laid during this period. For various reasons, the development of personality during infancy should never be underestimated: • Babies' worlds and experiences are so limited, and they are still so vulnerable that the nature and quality of the environment could easily affect the emerging personality positively or negatively. For example, emotional deprivation during infancy could have a significant negative influence on personality development, while nurturing and devoted parenting form a basis for healthy psychological growth. • Personality traits that are in an active phase of development may be affected more adversely than other traits. For example, when babies are in an active phase of independence, overprotection by the parents may have a negative effect on their engagement with their environment. • The development of the self-concept begins during infancy with the emerging sense of self. The quality of the interaction with caregivers during infancy could influence the child's self-concept in later years. • The permanency of personality traits has revealed that certain behaviour patterns established during the early years of life remain relatively unchanged as the child gets older. However, this does not mean that an individual's personality is set in stone, even in adulthood. Environmental and genetic factors can also later affect behaviour, which means that there is always room for personal growth.

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BOX 3.8. BIRTH ORDER AND PERSONALITY As the name indicates, birth order refers to the sequence (order) in which siblings are born. The importance of birth order has been the subject of debate for centuries and has captured the attention of the public and researchers alike (Campbell et al., 2019). The research focus has been mainly on firstborns, as they are assumed to be more assertive, dominant, ambitious, reliable, intelligent, and successful in adulthood. Since ancient times, firstborn children, and particularly first-born sons, have had a significant role, especially in patriarchal (male-controlled) societies. For example, biblical legislation gave firstborn males a special status concerning inheritance rights and some cultic regulations (Levine, 2019). This special status of firstborns in the community can have a significant effect on some of their personality characteristics such as self-confidence, responsibility, and assertiveness. Also, in all cultures, firstborns usually receive more attention and care than later-borns, which could also have a positive developmental effect. Similarly, specific personality characteristics are ascribed to later-borns (e.g., Sulloway, 2017). For example, middle children are believed to feel excluded because they have no specific role. They believe the oldest siblings reap all the privileges and younger ones get away with everything. Middle children may go out of their way to be different, although they usually have good interpersonal relationship skills and are empathetic. They try to avoid conflict. The youngest child is believed to be more carefree, spoilt, easy-going, self-centred, attention-seeking, and manipulative. However, although many people believe the above, research results paint a much more complex and contradictory picture. Briefly, it seems that the majority of studies have found no correlation between birth order and personality (e.g., Botzet et al., 2020; Hartmann et al., 2019; Lejarraga, 2019). On the other hand, several researchers did find differences that support the characteristics mentioned above (e.g., Black, 2017; Hartmann, 2019). How should we interpret these contradictory findings? Firstly, we want to repeat what we emphasised in Chapter 1, namely that contradictory findings and viewpoints are common in every science (even in so-called rigid sciences such as engineering, physics, and mathematics) and help to stimulate further research. Secondly, at this stage, we do know that personality development is influenced by many more variables than a single one such as birth order. Numerous genetic factors and environmental influences interact in very complex and exceptional ways to create the unique individual one is. Presently, we can conclude that It seems possible that in some cases, birth order may play a role, but indications are that in most cases it does not.

However, it must be emphasised that although infancy is an important phase in the development of personality, most modern child psychologists question the assertion that the first few years of children's lives completely determine the later course of their personality development. The modern view is that personality development takes place throughout life; therefore, no single developmental period is more important than any other. (Also see Box 3.8: Birth order and personality.) The following is a discussion of the most important facets of personality development that emerge during infancy. More specifically, we shall concentrate on emotions, emotional expression and control, temperament, and the self-concept. 166 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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(a) Emotions An emotion is a subjective state of mind. Emotions can be reactions to internal stimuli (such as thoughts or memories) or events that occur in one's environment. Emotions are central to our functioning, even from before birth. All individuals experience certain basic emotions; i.e., feelings such as joy, sadness, anger, and fear. Usually, emotions are caused by certain situations and experiences and are associated with physiological and behavioural reactions (e.g., fear is accompanied by a faster heartbeat and often by selfprotective action). Emotions have adaptational and protective functions (Tugade et al., 2016). One function is to communicate needs (e.g., crying in infants). A second function of emotions is to mobilise action in emergencies (for instance, when experiencing fear). A third function (served by emotions such as excitement and interest) is to promote exploration of the environment, which leads to learning. However, individuals differ in the frequency with which they experience a particular emotion and the way in which they express a specific emotion. Individuals also do not have the same emotional reactions in similar situations. Therefore, emotions form a basic element of a person's personality.

(i) The development of emotions Emotions are highly complex states, not only in adults, but also in children. Because of this complexity, it is difficult to classify and categorise emotions throughout the entire life span. However, studying emotions during infancy is particularly challenging. for the following reasons: - -

- -

Babies' emotional responsiveness is not differentiated clearly immediately after birth. Babies' emotional expressions are not necessarily an indication of only their internal emotional experiences but may also be an indication of physiological needs. Therefore, babies cry when in psychological distress, such as when feeling lonely or frustrated, or when they are hungry and thirsty. Babies do not have language to express their feelings. Researchers have had to devise creative ways to study babies' emotions. Most of these techniques use infants' looking behaviour, facial expressions, body movements and vocalisations as an indication of their emotional states. To protect the baby and caretakers, ethical rules may also prohibit the use of certain techniques to elicit emotional responses. For example, today, many research ethics committees would not allow the famous Little Albert experiment by John Watson, described in Chapter 1.

Are certain emotions present at birth, or do they develop through individuals' various experiences over time? Various researchers have hypothesised in this regard. Examples are the following (see Barrett, 2017; Niedenthal, 2017): ► Biologically based explanations. Proponents of this explanation are of the opinion that emotions have an inherited genetic basis. Emotions are regarded as innate, biologically driven reactions to certain internal and external stimuli, shaped by evolution to help humans survive (cf. Simon-Thomas, 2017). They believe that, because very young infants display certain emotional expressions, they are necessarily innate and have distinctive adaptive value. 167 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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► Cognitive-socialisation explanations. The cognitive explanation refers to the cognitive processes that act as mediators that bridge the gap between environmental or social stimuli and the emotion or response the child ultimately expresses. This means that children cognitively assess a situation and then respond accordingly. For example, whether children respond with fear or excitement to a dog will depend on past experiences (e.g., if they have ever been frightened by a dog) and/or teachings from parents (e.g., dogs are dangerous/dogs are friendly). This explanation accounts for individual differences in emotional expression. Socialisation, the process by which we learn the values and habits of our particular group or culture, plays an important role in the manner in which emotions are expressed, how they are managed, and how they are labelled and interpreted ► Contextual explanation. Contextual theorists emphasise the positive or negative tone of emotions and their intensity, rather than describing discrete emotions such as joy or fear. They view emotions as processes embedded in social interactions. In other words, they are concerned with how emotions work or function. For example, how do families help their children to regulate and control their emotions (e.g., angry outbursts)? To understand variations of emotional expression in families and between cultures, contextual theorists focus on the process of socialisation and the role of culture. Next, we shall consider the question: When do emotions appear? • Basic emotions. Basic emotions, for instance signs of contentment, interest, and distress, appear soon after birth. These are diffuse, reflexive, mostly physiological responses to sensory stimulation or internal processes. During the following six months, these emotional states differentiate into true emotions such as joy, surprise, sadness, disgust, anger, and fear, as reactions that have meaning to the infant. At the age of about nine months, infants are able to experience all basic emotions (Lewis, 2018). Basic emotions seem to be innate; they appear at about the same age in all infants and are reported in all cultures (Damon et al., 2012). • Emotions involving the self. Self-conscious emotions (also called secondary emotions), for instance embarrassment, empathy, and jealousy, arise only after emotions children have developed self-awareness (the cognitive understanding that their existence and functioning are separate from those of other people and things). These emotions emerge between 15 and 24 months of age. • Emotions involving others. Empathy Empathy, the ability to put oneself in another person's place and to feel what that person feels, emerges during the second year and increases with age. This develops as children become increasingly able to differentiate their own mental states from that of another person and can respond to another child's cognition the cognitive distress as if it were their own. Empathy depends on social cognition, ability to understand other people's emotions, motives, desires, and feelings. • Self-evaluative emotions. Emotions such as pride, shame, or guilt emerge towards the end of the second year when children begin to evaluate their behaviour against what is considered socially appropriate.

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(ii) Emotional expression in infancy As mentioned, infants only a few days old can produce facial expressions associated with several basic emotions, including interest, distress, disgust, joy, sadness, anger, and surprise. Fear is added to this repertoire (list) of emotional expressions by seven months. The fact that these discrete facial expressions appear so early in infancy, before learning could have taken place, provides support for the view that emotional expression is innate to some extent.

Sharing a joke with mommy

I don' don't like bath time!

The earliest displays of basic emotions are crying and smiling and are recognised by adults. However, their form and function change over the next few months. The smile is one of the most captivating and irresistible infant behaviours. Initially, smiling occurs primarily during the state of REM sleep (when dreaming occurs) in bursts of several smiles in succession. The most consistent research explanation for this is that neonates smile when they experience a shift in physiological arousal state, such as when they fall asleep or become drowsy (see Bukatko et al., 2012). The smile is usually involuntary and reflexive and does not occur because of an identifiable social stimulus. (However, as discussed earlier, there are indications that the smiles of new-borns resemble a social smile as detected by the movements of their cheeks and brows.) As babies grow older, they become increasingly aware of their environment and begin to react to stimuli. The form of the smile changes: Now the infant smiles during states of wakefulness, sometimes in response to wakefulness, sometimes in response to familiar faces, voices and sounds, sweet tastes, and pleasant odours. This is called the non-selective social smile and emerges at the age of about three months (White et al., 2013). Soon afterwards, smiles increase in frequency and become increasingly reserved for interactions with familiar people. This is called the selective social smile. smile Babies begin to laugh aloud at approximately four months of age in response to various stimuli, for instance when kissed on the stomach, when they hear certain sounds, or when someone pulls a funny face. The shift from smiling as a reflexive behaviour to a voluntarily, controlled response parallels the increasing maturation of the cerebral cortex, which is responsible for higherorder mental processes and deliberate goal-directed behaviour (see Rolls, 2018). Smiling behaviour has certain adaptive functions: It influences the parent-child interaction and 169 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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contributes to a warm, supportive relationship that promotes the child's developing competencies.

Babies show different emotions to the same stimulus from a young age

Crying is another common way in which infants express emotion. New-born babies cry for a variety of reasons, but primarily because of discomfort (e.g., hunger, wetness, cold, pain, and being disturbed while sleeping). Infants cry more during the first three months of life than during any other period (Stifter et al., 2017). The nature of babies' distress is often reflected in the type of cry they emit. Three patterns of cry are indicated: The basic cry (or hungry cry) is a rhythmical sequence consisting of a vocalisation, a pause, an intake of air and another pause. The second is the angry cry, cry in which extra air is forced through the vocal cords during the vocalisation segment of the basic cry. Finally, in the pain cry, cry infants produce a long vocalisation followed by an even longer silence as they hold their breath and then gasp. By approximately two months, the causes of crying are no longer purely physiological. Crying becomes more voluntary in response to certain situations, for example when a toy is taken away from the baby or when the mother leaves the room. Crying patterns become fussy or irregular, which vary in intensity, are less rhythmic, and seem to function as a demand cry for an object or action. Before babies can communicate emotions such as fear, anger, and discomfort, crying is the most powerful and often the only way of letting those in their environment know that they are experiencing psychological or physical distress. Consequently, crying is a vital form of communication for babies and a way of exercising (a degree of) control over their lives. Babies whose mothers react quickly and affectionately to their crying cry less. Contrary to this, the more mothers ignore, hit, or scold babies, the more aggressive and fretful they become. Maternal anxiety and depression, as well as too early weaning have been associated with 170 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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excessive crying. There is evidence linking excessive crying in babies with adaptive problems in the preschool period and behavioural problems such as attention deficit hyperactivity disorder in the later childhood years (Halpern et al., 2016). (Also see Box 3.9: To comfort or not to comfort a crying baby.)

BOX 3.9. TO COMFORT OR NOT TO COMFORT A CRYING BABY For centuries, new parents have been given advice by relatives, friends, and even experts on what to do when a baby cries. Some say parents should let the crying baby "cry it out". Rushing to babies' sides every time they cry merely encourage them to cry more as a means to gain attention. Others strongly recommend that parents should comfort/cuddle babies to help them stop crying. Unfortunately, there are contradicting research results. Supporters of the 'cry it out' viewpoints refer to studies that could not find any difference between the strategies as far as emotional and behavioural problems, as well as parent-child relationships were concerned (Gradisar et al.,2016; Price et al., 2012). However, most researchers believe that responding to and comforting crying babies is better than leaving them to cry (see Burbidge, 2016; Narvaez, 2014). Their view is that a crying baby is trying to tell the caretaker something. Therefore, 'crying it out' disputes the basic parental instincts of nurturing and caring for one's children. Comforting and thus responding to the baby's (often basic) needs is essential in creating a sense of security. The opposite is equally true: When babies' needs are disregarded, they develop a sense of mistrust of relationships and the world. This links to Erikson's theory: trust versus mistrust, as discussed at the beginning of this section. In addition to psychological harm, there is some indication that excessive 'crying it out' could also cause neurocognitive deficits (Finegood et al., 2017).

(iii) Emotional communication between parents and infants A baby's cry or smile is one of the first social actions and it usually stimulates a two-way communication process. process For instance, a baby's smile or cry will elicit the parent's reaction; in turn, a parent's emotional reaction influences the baby's emotional reaction. At about three months, babies begin to respond to the facial expressions of others (Soussignan et al., 2018). When the mother smiles and talks softly to her baby, the baby usually responds with happiness; when she seems unfriendly or depressed, the baby responds by looking away or looking sad; when the mother is angry, the baby responds with angry cries, facial expressions, and body movements. Therefore, it is clear that from an early age, babies are able to read other people's emotions, which is important in their social and emotional development, as it contributes towards the establishment of attachment bonds. As babies grow older, this ability develops further. Babies gradually start making use of social referencing between the ages of 9 and 18 months (Hertenstein, 2011). This means that they actively seek approval or disapproval for their actions from people they trust. This is also an indication of their growing realisation that others have mental states (feelings and thoughts). In situations where they feel unsure, babies will look at the mother or caregiver's face for emotional signals to see whether a particular 171 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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behaviour is allowed or not. Social referencing plays a significant role in the indirect learning of behaviour. For instance, a mother's anxious facial expression will be a sign for her baby not to touch a hot stove or an electrical outlet. A study among the !Kung San of Botswana indicates how mothers transmit their cultural values to their children by means of social referencing (Bakeman et al., 1990). These mothers do not respond when the children explore objects (in other cultures, such as the Western culture, mothers smile or frown, depending whether they approve or disapprove of the behaviour). However, when the babies show interest in sharing objects with someone else, mothers react very positively, since sharing is an especially important aspect of their culture. What happens when the father and mother send out conflicting signals, for example when the mother looks worried, but the father looks encouraging when the baby wants to play with a new toy? In a seminal study with one-year-old babies, parents were instructed to give consistent (the same) or conflicting (different) facial signals (Hirschberg et al., 1990). Babies adapted more quickly to a situation when both parents gave the same signals (e.g., both happy or both unhappy), than when they gave conflicting signals (e.g., one happy and the other unhappy). In fact, in the conflicting situations, babies showed anxious behaviours. Some started anxious sucking and rocking behaviour or withdrew from the situation. Others, who could already walk, wandered around aimlessly. Clearly, babies seem to be sensitive to the emotional signals from their parents or caregivers. Therefore, emotional interaction between caregivers and their children is crucial for their overall development. In fact, infants who are neglected emotionally, not hugged, or talked to, may show a non-organic failure to thrive; that is, failure to grow.

(iv) Emotion regulation Emotion regulation refers to children's ability to control or regulate their emotions, behaviour, and cognitions (thoughts) in ways that are beneficial to their functioning and adaptive to the circumstances in which they find themselves (Williams, 2015). Emotional distress such as fear, anxiety, and anger are emotions that often require regulation. Studies show that even very young infants have a basic ability to regulate their own emotions, indicated by self-soothing behaviour, such as sucking vigorously or turning their bodies away from distressing stimuli. Infants of 6 months are more likely to look away and fuss as primary strategies to regulate emotion, while 12-month-old infants tend to use self-soothing (e.g., thumb sucking, carrying a favourite blanket, rocking themselves) and distraction (chewing on objects, playing with toys). At the age of 18 months, babies use distraction and active attempts to change the situation, such as moving away from upsetting stimuli. By 18 to 24 months, infants try to adjust their emotional reactions to a comfortable level of intensity by distracting themselves when they are distressed, such as by playing with toys or talking (see Kuther, 2018). Development in emotion regulation is influenced by the development of the cerebral cortex, which contributes to the child's abilities to inhibit impulsivity and enable socially acceptable behaviour (see Grabell et al., 2019). However, caregivers also play a vital role in helping infants to learn how to regulate their emotions, for example by attending to their distress and providing them with comfort (Morris et al., 2017). Young children's emotions are managed because of the security or confidence that they derive from their relationships with caregivers, such as in babies' anticipatory soothing at the sound of their parents' arrival. In 172 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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this way, they learn that emotions are controllable and manageable. When caregivers fail to regulate stressful experiences for babies who cannot yet regulate them for themselves, brain structures that buffer stress may fail to develop properly, resulting in an anxious, reactive temperament. (See Box 3.10: Minimising negativism and promoting self-regulation.) Caregivers also provide lessons in socially acceptable ways of expressing emotions as expected in their specific culture. Typically, parents encourage the expression of positive emotions (e.g., by imitating expressions of happiness and interest) and discouraging negative emotions, such as anger or sadness. Some cultures discourage the expression of any strong

BOX 3.10. MINIMISING NEGATIVISM AND PROMOTING SELF-REGULATION Almost all children display some negativism from the age of 18 months. If parents and other caregivers regard the behaviour manifested in this period as a normal, healthy drive towards autonomy and not as stubbornness, they may contribute towards the child's sense of effectiveness and minimise unnecessary conflict between themselves and the child. The following may serve as guidelines to parents (Martorell, 2014; Rymanowicz, 2018): • Be flexible. Know the child's natural rhythms (e.g., sleeping patterns) and special likes and dislikes (e.g., for preferred food) and respect these. The most flexible parents tend to have the least resistant children. • Think of yourself as a safe harbour from which the child can explore the world and to whom the child can return for support. • Make your home child friendly. Provide unbreakable objects for the child to explore in safety. • Avoid physical punishment. This usually does not work and may even lead to more aggressive behaviour. • Provide choices. Even limited choices provide the child with a sense of self-control; for example, "Do you want to hear a story now or after your bath?" • Be consistent regarding what behaviour is expected. For example, when it is expected of children to put away their toys after playing with them, this should be enforced without exception. • Remind the child of the required behaviour. "If you have finished your game, you must please put away your toys." • Try not to interrupt an activity unless absolutely necessary. The right moment to interrupt children's activity will be when they shift their attention to something else; for example, when Puleng stops playing with his cars to play with the dog. • Give a warning if you must interrupt the child's activity; for example, "Tumelo, we will have to leave soon." This gives children the opportunity to finish their activity. • Wait a few moments before repeating a request when a child does not comply immediately. • Suggest alternative activities. When Johnny wants the toy with which his friend is playing, suggest an alternative toy. • Request rather than command. "Will you please pick up your toys?" rather than "Pick up your toys!"

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emotion. For example, by the end of the first year, Chinese and Japanese infants cry less, but also smile less than American infants do. The growth of emotion regulation is part of a constellation of developing capabilities that are related to social competence and behavioural self-control. Successful emotion regulation, within a cultural framework, is regarded as an important developmental task of early childhood. Better self-regulation skills in early childhood are associated with better social skills across the life span, better teacher-child relationships, better academic outcomes, better mental health, less risk-taking in adolescence, and long-term health and employment prospects (Harrington et al., 2020; Williams, 2015). Temperament, which will be discussed next, also plays a significant role in emotion regulation.

(b) Temperament Briefly, temperament refers to the unique and characteristic mood pattern of a person. More specifically, it is the inherent and characteristic way in which a person reacts to stimuli, and generally refers to the aspect of personality that has to do with feelings and the expression thereof. The term temperament is also used as a summary term for biologically based individual differences in reactivity and self-regulation and is often applied to traits that appear early in development (Strelau, 2020). Temperament traits have been regarded as the core of personality, although it is not a synonym for personality. Research by Thomas and Chess (1977) and Chess and Thomas (1999) is still regarded as the pioneering work in the field of the development of temperament in babies. In this longitudinal study, which began in 1956 and continued for 20 years, Thomas and Chess studied the development of temperament of children. They found that temperament plays a significant role in the psychosocial adjustment of children. This is especially true when a difficult temperament is combined with other negative factors, such as inadequate parental Table 3.4. Thomas and Chess' Chess' temperamental patterns EASY CHILD

DIFFICULT CHILD

SLOW-TO-WARM-UP CHILD

Has moods of mild to moderate intensity, usually positive.

Displays intense and frequently negative moods; cries often and loudly; also laughs loudly.

Has mildly intense reactions, both positive and negative.

Responds well to novelty and change.

Responds poorly to novelty and change.

Responds slowly to novelty and change.

Quickly develops regular sleep and feeding schedules. Takes to new foods easily.

Sleeps and eats irregularly. Accepts new foods slowly.

Sleeps and eats more regularly than the difficult child; less regularly than the easy child.

Smiles at strangers. Adapts easily to new situations.

Is suspicious of strangers. Adapts slowly to new situations.

Shows a mildly negative initial response to new stimuli (a first encounter with a new person, place, or situation).

Accepts most frustrations with little fuss.

Reacts to frustration with tantrums.

Gradually develops a liking for new stimuli after repeated, unpressurised exposures.

Adapts quickly to new routines and rules of new games.

Adjusts slowly to new routines.

Adjusts gradually to new routines.

Compiled from Thomas et al. (1977)

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care and serious family conflicts. Thomas and Chess also found that temperament is changeable and that environmental factors can modify children's reactions and behaviour. Thomas and Chess identified nine dimensions of temperament in children: activity level, rhythm, distractibility, approach or avoidance, adaptability, attention span and persistence, intensity of reaction, responsiveness threshold, and quality of mood. In applying these temperament dimensions, Thomas and Chess found that they occur in clusters. It became clear that most of the babies in their research project could be placed in one of the following three groups: the easy child (about 40%), the difficult child (about 10%), and the slow-to-warmup child (about 15%) (see Table 3.4). (Approximately 35% did not fit into any of the categories). This seminal (particularly important) work stimulated much research, and over time, different dimensions of temperament were identified, with the result that no clear indications were achieved. However, currently, it seems that researchers have reached some consensus concerning the core elements of temperament. Most researchers identify three core dimensions (called higher-order traits): effortful control, negative affectivity, and extraversion/ surgency. Each of these core dimensions also includes several lower-order dimensions, as indicated in Table 3.5 (Bates et al., 2010; Rothbart, 2007). Table 3.5. The dimensions of temperament DIMENSIONS OF TEMPERAMENT Effortful control - Attention control - Inhibitory control -

Perceptual sensitivity

-

Low-intensity pleasure

Negative affectivity - Frustration - -

Fear Discomfort

-

Sadness

-

Soothability

Extraversion/surgency - Activity - Low shyness - High-intensity pleasure - Smiling and laughter - -

Impulsivity Positive anticipation

-

Affiliation

DESCRIPTION OF DIMENSIONS The ability to focus attention and to shift attention when desired. The ability to plan future action and to suppress inappropriate responses. Detection or perceptual awareness of slight, low-intensity stimulation in the environment. Pleasure derived from activities or stimuli involving low intensity, rate, complexity, novelty, and incongruity. Negative affect related to interruption of on-going tasks or goal blocking. Negative affect related to anticipation of distress. Negative affect related to sensory qualities of stimulation, including intensity, rate, or complexity of light, movement, sound, or texture. Negative affect and lowered mood and energy related to exposure to suffering, disappointment, and object loss. Rate of recovery from peak distress, excitement, or general arousal. Level of gross motor activity, including rate and extent of movement. Behavioural inhibition to novelty and challenge, especially social. Pleasure derived from activities involving high intensity or novelty. Positive affect in response to changes in stimulus intensity, rate, complexity, and incongruity. Speed of response initiation. Positive excitement and anticipation for expected pleasurable activities. Desire for warmth and closeness with others, independent of shyness or extraversion.

From Rothbart (2007)

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These dimensions are associated with the Big Five personality traits (as mentioned earlier) of extraversion (surgency), neuroticism (negative affect), and conscientiousness (effortful control). Openness and agreeableness are related to sensitivity and affiliation. However, it should be remembered that temperament is more than a list of traits or broad dimensions. Of importance are the interactions between children's reactive impulses and their attempts to control them. The basic biological processes of temperament are present in all cultures, although the outcomes may differ according to cultural values and children's experiences. Temperament manifests in the foetus and is noticeable in the new-born (Dipietro et al., 2018). For example, new-borns may exhibit distress and avoidant movements. By two to three months, approach reactions are evident in smiling, laughter, and body movement. Physical approach is noted in conjunction with motor development (4 to 6 months). Anger or frustration is evident at two to three months, and fear in the form of behavioural inhibition is seen at 7 to 10 months. Effortful control (the ability to regulate one's responses to external stimuli) emerges towards the end of the first year and relates to children's executive abilities to focus attention. How stable is temperament? Does it change as children grow older? Certain constellations (groups) of traits show certain structural developmental changes (Bates et al., 2010). For example, younger children are more inclined to show high activity levels, emotionality, and sociability. Older children (owing to their increasing ability for cognitive, emotional, and behavioural control) maintain better control and balance. Their ability to focus also increases with age. Extraversion increases during the first year and decreases towards early to middle childhood. However, an emotional temperament (high levels of negative reactivity) in infancy is associated with higher levels of emotional and behavioural difficulties at the age of 5 years (Abulizi et al., 2017). However, stability regarding individual temperament traits also occurs (Janson et al., 2008). For example, behavioural inhibitions, i.e., negative emotional and behavioural reaction, as well as the opposite of the continuum, such as boisterousness and uninhibited behaviour, show continuity from early infancy through to toddlerhood and early childhood. There are indications that certain temperament characteristics such as agreeableness, shyness, activity level, and irritability show a certain degree of stability throughout infancy, early childhood, and even into adulthood (Van den Akker et al., 2010). Temperament is also related to behaviour and could serve as a risk factor for later behavioural problems (Kozlova et al. 2020; Waddell et al., 2021). For example, negative emotionality is related to both externalising (outward/external e.g., aggression) and internalising (inward/internal e.g., anxiousness) behavioural problems. Furthermore, shyness predicts anxiety and depression; high activity levels predict high externalising and low internalising behaviour; and effortful control is related to the development of a conscience, empathy, and low aggression. However, temperament profiles, such as low negative emotionality and high sociability, may act as protective factors. Sociability is especially important because it helps children to generate support in stressful situations. In general, however, it seems that temperament is not as fixed and inflexible as many have assumed. For example, in a recent longitudinal study, nearly 600 children were followed from age 3 to 12, and multiple sources of information were used to measure temperament (Kopala-Sibley et al., 2018). They did find some stability in temperament across childhood, but there is also room for change. This implies that temperament may be influenced by 176 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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environmental variables such as good quality caregiving and stable family relationships, or vice versa (Micalizzi et al., 2017). In this regard, the phenomenon of goodness-of-fit may play a role in whether children, owing to their specific temperament, will experience problems or not.

BOX 3.11. TEMPERAMENT AND GOODNESS-OF-FIT IN CULTURAL PERSPECTIVE Parents' child-rearing practices have a significant influence on children's temperament. These practices are usually firmly embedded in the cultural group. As children try to live up to their parents' expectations, the different cultural value systems can shape their personality and temperament. For example: In Puerto Rican families, an early difficult temperament did not predict poor adjustment and behavioural difficulties in later childhood. The reason for this is that these families did not classify the characteristics of the difficult child as problematic. Clearly the view a family or culture holds of a temperamental trait may influence their response to it. In a study of Masai childrearing practices, a boy Enkeri, was regarded as the classic difficult infant. He was very intense, persistent, overactive, and irregular in his daily behaviour patterns. In Western societies his temperament would be regarded as a risk for future behavioural and social problems. However, in Masai culture, this temperament is highly valued and could mean the child's survival. Under conditions of hardship and a high mortality rate, those infants who draw attention to themselves by crying and being fretful, get fed a lot more and are in better physical condition, which contributes to their survival American culture promotes an atmosphere of intolerance for negativity, which may lead parents to actively discourage their children from expressing negative emotions. These children tend to be social and easy to soothe. South American cultures are known to engage in a high degree of animated interaction with their babies, which could account for their children's energetic disposition and trouble focusing on specific tasks for lengthy periods. Southeast Asian cultures, such as South Korea, tend to value a high level of behavioural control in their offspring, which could account for their long attention spans and lack of physical activity. Polish culture is often characterised by a readiness to talk about emotions and feelings, which might lead their infants to be more comfortable in displaying sadness. However, if children's natural temperament does not match their culture's expectations, adjustment problems could occur. This concept of good-ness-of-fit is well-illustrated in following example: In a Kenyan case study, it was illustrated that even an easy temperament may lead to poor adjustment due to a mismatch between children's temperament and their environment. For example, as an infant, a boy called Hamadi, was energetic and active and exhibited healthy approach tendencies. He was described as the most advanced infant in the entire study. However, after starting school, Hamadi began to withdraw, became shy, and showed signs of distress through acting-out behaviour. It was revealed that Hamadi's temperament did not fit with the cultural expectations of how a boy of his age should behave. The efforts of teachers and parents to control his energetic temperament and discourage his curiosity, instead of rewarding his enthusiasm and channelling his intellect, led Hamadi to withdraw and become angry and fearful. (See Chen et al., 2015; Gardiner et al., 2011; Krassner et al., 201; Washington State University, 2016.)

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The concept goodness-of-fit goodness-of-fit, also developed by Thomas and Chess, is used to refer to the compatibility between babies' temperaments and their environment, especially the parents' temperament and child-rearing practices (see Box 3.11: Temperament and goodness-of-fit in cultural perspective). According to this model, the appropriateness of children's environment for their temperamental profile is more important than temperament itself. Therefore, optimal development will take place when a baby's temperament and environmental influences are in tune with each other. If the baby's temperament and the environmental influences are not compatible, problematic behaviour may result. Therefore, the difficult, negative baby will be at risk to develop into a difficult child and adolescent, with accompanied emotional and behavioural difficulties if the parents struggle to handle the child's behaviour, or if there is little regard for each other's feelings in the household. However, if a difficult baby receives responsive caregiving from supportive and attentive parents, the effect could be minimised.

(c) The self-concept The self-concept consists of the unique set of traits and characteristics individuals consider true about themselves. Therefore, self-concept refers to people's overarching view of themself. In essence, it is the beliefs one can draw on to answer the question, "Who am I?" ((Jordan, 2020). Some theorists have speculated that the self-concept influences cognitive, social, and emotional development. Many believe our sense of self makes humans unique as a species (Bjorklund et al., 2018). When does the development of an infant's self-concept begin? Originally, developmental psychologists' view of the developing awareness of the self was influenced by the theories of Freud and Piaget. Freud was of the opinion that a baby initially has no separateness and that a symbiotic (interdependent) relationship exists between baby and mother. Piaget believed that a sense of self develops around the ages of 12-18 months when object permanence starts to develop. According to Anderson (2011), the self-concept begins to develop in children after they have become aware of themselves as distinct physical entities. Once children recognise their distinctness as a representation of the Yebo, yes! I did it! self, evaluations of the self emerge and can be seen in children as early as 18 months. However, other psychologists, believe that babies have an elementary sense of separateness from the beginning and that they are not as fused with their environment as was believed initially (Harter, 2006). The self-concept consists of the subjective self, self which refers to the "I", that is, the inherent feeling that "I exist"; the objective self, self which refers to the individual's qualities 178 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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("me" and "mine") that are known objectively, such as physical characteristics, temperament and social skills; and the emotional self, self which refers to children's abilities to understand and regulate their own emotions. In the early months, infants' first task is to coordinate the different sources of information they have about their own actions and the effect of these. Several factors contribute towards this growing self-awareness or sense of self: ► Self-agency. This means that infants recognise that their own actions may result in the predictable reactions of other people and objects. Self-agency begins early in the baby's life and is the first step in the development of the subjective self. The first sign of this is when the baby smiles or cries and the mother reacts accordingly (i.e., smiles back at the baby or tries to alleviate its discomfort) or when the baby touches a toy and it moves. According to Bandura, the basis of self-efficacy (see Chapter 1) is laid in the first developmental year, when babies realise that they can control certain situations. ► The development of object permanence and the ability to differentiate between familiar and unfamiliar persons and objects (around the ages of 9-12 months) are also important steps towards the development of self-awareness. Infants' recognition of objects and persons as stable and permanent entities imply that the awareness of themselves as separate entities is also developing. ► Self-recognition. This refers to the ability to recognise oneself in a photo or in a mirror. Infants begin to recognise themselves in a mirror at about 15–18 months. Being able to recognise themselves implies that infants can distinguish themselves from others. ► Self-description. Between the ages 18–30 months, children begin to describe themselves. These descriptions may be neutral (e.g., "small" or "brown hair") or evaluative (e.g., "naughty" or "good"). Self-description is an important step in the development of self-awareness because children will not be able to refer to themselves if they do not have an awareness of themselves as separate individuals. This is also an important indication of the development of the objective self. ► Emotional self-awareness. The emotional self develops because of infants' increasing understanding of their own emotions and the control thereof (as discussed earlier). Initially, parents are instrumental in helping children to regulate emotions by comforting them or removing them from a situation. As children begin to internalise behaviour limitations and the accompanying regulatory rules, they begin to use their own impulse or inhibitory control, for example by shouting rather than hitting, walking rather than running, waiting rather than crying. Emotional self-awareness develops further between the ages of 15 and 24 months when infants start experiencing selfconscious emotions such as jealousy and empathy. Towards the end of the second year, true self-awareness develops when the infant experiences self-conscious emotions (self-evaluative emotions) such as pride or embarrassment. These emotions are also important steps in developing self-regulation and self-control. Various factors play a role in the development of self-concept in infancy. The first involves cognitive development, i.e., the maturation of certain brain areas (Lou et al., 179 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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2017). The second is social interaction with others. For example, they increasingly demand to do things themselves ("me", "self") and to take ownership of toys and objects ("mine!"). If babies experience consistent, loving interaction with their caregivers and are allowed to explore, and if their attempts at autonomy are met with sympathy and support, the chances of developing a positive self-concept in later developmental stages are good. Thirdly, cultural factors play a role. It seems that self-awareness might develop more rapidly in individualistic cultures than in collectivist cultures (see Chapter 1). Parents in individualistic cultures would be likely to help children to get to know themselves and their preferences and assert themselves, whereas parents in collectivist cultures would not call attention to the child as an individual and would instead socialise their children to be sensitive to others and respectful of their elders (Sigelman et al., 2018). For example, the development of self-recognition in a mirror was compared in two individualistic cultures (urban Germany and urban India) and two collectivist ones (rural India and the rural Nso culture in Cameroon, Africa). Almost all toddlers in the individualistic/urban cultures recognised themselves in a mirror by 18 or 19 months, whereas only a minority of those in the collectivist/rural cultures did. It was discovered that urban German mothers engaged in more face-to-face interaction with their 3-month-old babies and were more responsive to their actions than rural Nso mothers were. Moreover, this maternal responsiveness to the infant as an individual was correlated with self-recognition at a later stage.

"Who are you? Are you me?" Self-recognition contributes to a child' child's growing self-awareness.

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REVIEW THIS SECTION 1.

What is personality? Relatively recently researchers have come to some consensus regarding the dimensions of personality, called the Big Five personality traits. Discuss these dimensions. Are these dimensions universally applicable? Do they also occur in young children?

2.

Discuss the various theories to illustrate the determinants of personality development. Discuss the importance of personality development during infancy.

3.

Is birth order important in personality development?

4.

What is an emotion? What causes an emotion? What are the functions of emotions?

5.

What are the challenges in studying the emotions of infants? What techniques did researchers develop to study the emotions of infants?

6.

Discuss the various theoretical viewpoints regarding the development of emotions. Describe when the following types of emotions appear: (a) basic emotions, (b) emotions involving the self, (c) emotions involving others, (d) self-evaluative emotions.

7.

Discuss emotional expression in infancy. How does the form and function of babies' smiling and crying change through infancy?

8.

Discuss emotional communication between parents and infants. Why is it important for babies and their caregivers to read each other's emotions? Discuss social referencing and the importance of this development.

9.

What is emotion regulation and how does it contribute to infants' social and emotional development? What strategies do infants use to regulate their emotions? How could caregivers discourage babies' negativity and promote their self-regulation?

10. What is temperament? Discuss the contribution of Thomas and Chess to our understanding of infants' temperament. 11. Mention the nine dimensions of temperament identified in children by Thomas and Chess. Discuss the temperamental patterns of the easy child, the difficult child and the slow-to-warm-up child as conceptualised by Thomas and Chess. 12. Discuss the three core dimensions (also called higher-order traits) as conceptualised by more recent researchers such as Bates et al. (2010) and Rothbart (2007). 13. How may temperament be related to personality traits? Why should temperament not be regarded as simply a list of traits? What is important in this regard? How does temperament develop? 14. Is temperament a stable characteristic or does it change as children grow older? 15. Describe how certain temperament profiles in infancy may predict future behaviour. 16. Discuss the importance of the principle of goodness-of-fit. Use information from cross-cultural research to supplement your answer. Can you think of other examples, perhaps in your own life, or the lives of families/friends where this principle is/was evident? 17. What is a person's self-concept? 18. When and how does an infant's self-concept begin to develop? 19. Describe the following three aspects of the self-concept: the subjective self, the objective self, and the emotional self. 20. Discuss the factors that contribute to infants' developing self-awareness, i.e., their sense of self. 21. Discuss the factors that play a role in the development of infants' self-concept.

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3.2.4 Social Development As mentioned in Chapter 1, social development refers to an individual's relationship with others. During infancy, the first social relationship is usually with the parents. In the next section, we shall explore this relationship, as well as the relationships with brothers and sisters and with peers. Infancy is also a period of increasing socialisation, in which children learn the correct behaviour of their group. This aspect is also explored.

3.2.4.1 Attachment Attachment is a term used by psychologists to refer to the strong emotional bonding that takes place between individuals, for example between relatives, friends, partners, and spouses. However, attachment mostly refers to the relationship between children, especially infants, and their primary caregiver(s). This attachment bond ensures that infants maintain close emotional proximity to the caregiver when they feel threatened. Psychologists acknowledge that early experiences with their caregivers create the way in which children interpret and make sense of their experiences. This attachment bond also provides a sense of internal security and confidence in the self and others. However, this sense of attachment may not be stable over the life span and can be challenged by environmental, neurophysiological, and cognitive changes that occur during development (Karakas et al., 2019; Meins, 2017).

The mother-child relationship plays a major role in the formation of an attachment relationship

Theories about infant attachment include the following: Psychoanalysts Sigmund Freud and René Spitz believed that infants become attached to persons who provide oral 182 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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satisfaction (i.e., food). However, Harry Harlow (1958) refuted this notion in a classic and widely quoted study with rhesus monkeys. In his experiments, Harlow used two 'surrogate mothers'. Both were made of wire, but one of them was covered with a soft cloth. Each mother was equipped with a feeding bottle and a light bulb to provide warmth for the young monkeys. Regardless of which surrogate mother supplied the food, all the young monkeys showed a definite preference for the cloth mother. When only the wire mother could supply food, the monkeys went to her for food, but came back to the cloth mother afterwards. When the monkeys were frightened, they clung to the cloth mother, but not to the wire mother. These and similar studies by Harlow (and associates) showed that the hunger drive does not play such an overwhelming role in the development of attachment as was believed initially. Rather, the provision of comfort, warmth and softness is of vital importance. Initially, Harlow believed that the warmth and softness of the cloth mother provided for the needs of the monkeys. In time, however, he noted that they did not develop normal social and sexual behaviour. From this, he concluded that, apart from warmth and softness, the monkeys also needed social interaction for normal social development. Similarly, Erik Erikson believed that the first year of life — the trust versus mistrust stage of development — is the key period in which attachment is formed. A sense of trust requires a feeling of physical comfort and a minimal amount of fear and apprehension. Erikson believed that responsive, sensitive parenting sets the stage for infants' development of trust and, therefore, for good attachment bonds.

(a) The development of attachment The work of John Bowlby (1958, 1973, 1988), a British psychiatrist, was very influential in highlighting the importance of attachment. Bowlby became aware of the devastating effects of separation on orphans who had lost their parents during the Second World War. The emotional scars of these children inspired Bowlby to formulate his attachment theory. This theory emphasises the importance of the formation of attachment with a primary caregiver, specifically the security that develops from such a relationship. Attachment is not automatically present at birth but develops gradually after the first contact. According to Bowlby, attachment develops in the following phases: ► The pre-attachment phase (indiscriminate responsiveness to humans). During this phase, which lasts for the first two to three months, the baby's behaviour is characterised by genetically determined reflex responses. Babies' reactions towards strangers and familiar persons tend to be the same: They smile at anybody and may be comforted by anybody. ► The attachment-in-the-making phase (focusing on familiar people). This phase lasts from about the third to the sixth month and is characterised by babies' different reactions to familiar and unfamiliar people. The greater degree of attachment that develops between babies and their primary caregivers (usually the mother), is particularly noticeable. This relationship causes babies to smile at and to 'talk' to their caregivers more often than to other persons. Babies may also become upset if they are separated from their mothers or from other familiar people. ► The phase of clear-cut attachment (active proximity seeking). During this phase, 183 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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which lasts from about six months to two years, attachment to the caregivers may be noticed clearly. Because babies can crawl or walk, they always try to be where their caregivers are. They also protest (e.g., by crying) when the caregiver leaves the room. Although the attachment to the primary caregiver is unique, most babies also develop an attachment to parents who are not primary caregivers, to grandparents and siblings, and even to other family members and friends. ► Formation of a reciprocal relationship (partnership behaviour). Because of the development of cognitive, social, and emotional behaviour, attachment between babies and their caregivers is much more complex during this phase, which begins at about the age of two. An important characteristic is attempts made by babies to influence the behaviour of their caregivers to make them more responsive to their own needs.

(b) Types of attachment Mary Ainsworth, a Canadian psychologist, joined Bowlby and conducted research on infants and their caregivers in Kampala, Uganda, during the 1950s. She was particularly interested in the quality of the attachment bond between mother and child. Based on this research, she identified three categories of attachment: secure attachment, insecure attachment, and non-attachment. Upon her return, she continued her research in the USA. She and her associates (Ainsworth et al., 1978) designed a technique, known as the Strange Situation Test, Test to measure the quality of a baby's attachment in the laboratory. The test consists of a series of eight episodes in which the baby is subjected to increasing stress. By evaluating the baby's reactions to these episodes (which include separation from the mother, exposure to strangers, and reunion with the mother), an indication of the quality of the baby's attachment is obtained. Based on their research in which this technique was used, Ainsworth and her team identified the following three categories of attachment: secure, avoidant, and ambivalent/resistant attachment. Other researchers (e.g., Main et al., 1986, 1990) identified a fourth category, namely disorganised (disorientated) attachment: ► Secure attachment. Babies use their mothers as a security base from which they explore their world. When they are separated from their mothers, babies are usually visibly distressed; when their mothers return, they are happy. They also welcome physical contact with the mother. Babies' reactions to strangers are positive when their mothers are present. Approximately 65% of all young children fall in this category. ► Avoidant attachment. Babies are usually not upset when the mother leaves them and when the mothers return, babies usually avoid them. They also do not attempt to explore their environment when they are with their mother. Babies are not unduly upset by the presence of strangers, but they sometimes ignore and avoid them just as they do their mothers. The prevalence of this category is about 20%. ► Ambivalent (or resistant) attachment. Babies become anxious even before the mother leaves them and become extremely upset when she leaves the room. When their mothers return, they behave ambivalently: They try to make contact with the mother, but they also try to avoid her by crying, kicking, and hitting. It is unlikely that 184 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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these babies will explore their environment. They are also wary of strangers, even in their mothers' presence. The frequency is approximately 15%. ► Disorganised (disorientated) attachment. As mentioned, this pattern was added only later as a fourth category. It is characterised by confusion, contradictory behaviour, and a fear to connect with the parents or caregivers. An example is that the infant initially seems happy to see the mother when she returns after having left the room but turns away and tends to show a variety of confused behaviours. The confusion develops because the child feels both comforted and frightened by the parent. A poor infant-caregiver relationship, and high levels of socio-economic deprivation can also lead to disorganised attachment. Disorganised attachment often is a predictor of social and emotional maladjustment from childhood into adulthood (Granqvist et al., 2017). Although a classification system such as this is useful, there are indications that the Strange Situation Test does not always apply cross-culturally (Otto, 2018; Simonelli et al., 2016). For example, German babies show a higher frequency of avoidant attachment, while Japanese children show ambivalent/resistant behaviour on this test. This could reflect the respective cultures: German mothers encourage their children to be independent, while Japanese mothers teach theirs to be dependent. Research in Africa among the Nso in the Cameroon and the Beng of the Ivory Coast indicate that children do not react negatively toward strangers, because they are exposed to many people from the beginning and also because strangers are usually treated with friendliness in their cultures. Another example is that not all cultures encourage their children to explore their environments. For example, in certain cultures such as the Dogon ethnic group in Mali in West Africa, infants are usually not allowed to explore freely because of the danger of snakes in their environment (True et al., 2001). Therefore, it is argued that the different categories defined by Ainsworth do not signify one 'healthy' category (secure attachment) and different deviations, but different adjustment categories applicable in a specific environment. In this view, secure attachment is not better than insecure attachment, but rather a different way to survive (Keller, 2013). Thus, researchers have begun to supplement the Strange Situation Test with methods that are orientated more contextually and can be used in natural settings. This does not mean that there are no universal or at least similar attachment behaviours among cultures. One example is secure-base behaviour, behaviour which seems to be present in all cultures. This refers to the fact that all young children have an attachment figure, usually the mother, to whom the child can turn to as a secure base (safe haven) when upset, afraid, or anxious (see Woodhouse et al., 2019). However, as we have pointed out before, it is important that behaviour should always be viewed in its cultural context. The fact that there are more than 3 000 different ethnic groups in Africa alone (Otto, 2018) makes this an important but challenging task (also see Mashegoane et al., 2016).

(c) Factors influencing attachment Social interaction forms an important component of attachment. However, not all social interactions result in healthy attachments. Think of abused children, for instance. A question that arises is: What qualities are needed in a relationship for healthy attachment 185 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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to take place? A number of factors could contribute to this (see Darvishvand et al., 2018; Karakas et al., 2019; Zaidman-Mograbi, 2020): ► Attachment seeking behaviours such as the infant's crying, sucking, smiling, clinging, or looking usually lead to a response from the caregiver. Babies direct these behaviours very early to their mothers. These overtures are successful when the mother responds warmly, expresses delight, and provides regular physical contact. A recent study found that infants whose mothers do not respond effectively to their infants' distress develop an insecure-resistant attachment with their mothers, which could lead to emotional problems in later life (Groh et al., 2019). ► The mother' mother's personality and her relationship with her baby play a major role in the formation of an attachment relationship. Mothers of babies who show positive attachment are friendlier, more supportive, more helpful, more affectionate, and more playful towards their children than are mothers whose babies do not show positive attachment. It is also apparent that the former group of mothers are psychologically better adjusted than the latter group are. Babies of mothers who are responsive and sensitive to their babies' needs and who interpret their behavioural cues correctly (e.g., which type of cry indicates discomfort and which hunger) are inclined to have stronger attachment bonds with their mothers than are babies of mothers who are insensitive or unresponsive. ► The temperament of the infant may also be an important factor in the formation of attachment between the mother and her child. Babies are not merely passive participants in a relationship but exert an influence on the person who cares for them. Therefore, the hypothesis about attachment is simple: If the baby is a difficult baby, this may have such a negative effect on the mother that the development of attachment will be affected adversely. This hypothesis is questioned, however, as the development of attachment bonds is not that simple. As was mentioned before, the goodness-of-fit between the baby's temperament and the parents' personalities, expectations, and wishes could play a role. For example, if assertiveness in a child is an important characteristic to the parents, they will enjoy the challenge of a difficult baby. When parents and baby are in harmony with one another, the chance of a positive attachment is increased. However, some research found that infants who show difficult temperaments at age six months often have parents who have poor disciplinary and control strategies; therefore, these infants are at higher risk for attachment problems (Wang et al., 2015). ► The working mother. Whether a working mother may hinder the development of attachment has been a hotly debated topic for many years. In many households, it is still believed that it is better for children's development when mothers stay at home "to look after the children". This debate has become increasingly important because more women worldwide and in South Africa are entering the work force. However, based on various studies, it is now widely accepted that a working mother as such does not have a significant negative effect on the attachment with and general development of her children (McGinn et al., 2019; Singh, 2018). When a healthy relationship exists between a child and the mother and between the child and the rest of the family; when the mother enjoys the general support of the rest of the 186 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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family; and when stressors such as unnecessary guilt feelings and financial problems are eliminated, the fact that the mother works should not have a negative influence on the child. However, if the mother's employment creates conflict in the family, she feels guilty, lacks emotional and practical support of the family, poor family relations and parenting exist, or the mother has a stressful working situation that affects the home situation, it could be harmful to the child. ► Psychosocial factors, such as an unhappy marriage, social adversity (e.g., poverty, poor education), trauma and loss, and a lack of social support may be responsible for an unsatisfactory attachment bond between mother and child. The main reason for this is that coping with these negative conditions takes up so much of the mother's time, energy, and attention that she is simply not able to develop a strong attachment to her baby. Such situations usually lead to unresponsiveness, insensitivity, intrusiveness, lower levels of stimulation and a diminished ability to help the baby with regulating emotion. This may result in irritated and avoidant infants who show insecure attachment. (See Box 3.12: The development of attachment of children in deprived communities.) ► Parents Parents'' mental health. Children's risk of being diagnosed with attachment problems increases if parents are diagnosed with any type of mental health disorder (Upadhyaya et al., 2019). Particularly, parents' alcohol and drug addiction and a mother's depression play a role. It is understood that parents who are struggling to cope with their mental problems often find it difficult to form close attachment ties with their children. ► The effects of COVID-19. Face to face interaction is important in early attachment formation between babies and their caregivers. As we have discussed earlier, infants most likely possess inborn dispositions for facial recognition, which already are present at birth and are essential for face processing to occur. On the human face, the eyes and mouth are the most informative regions for communicating because they are the most expressive, while the nose, cheeks and chin and spaces between inner facial features, such as between the eyebrows also provide featural information. However, due to the introduction of social distancing and wearing of face masks to limit the spread of the infection, this has presented many challenges for health professionals, parents, caregivers, and teachers. Masks can also muffle speech and make hearing difficult. The difficulty in determining what facial expression a person is exhibiting behind a mask may present challenges for infants (i.e., those in long-term neonatal units) and young children as they depend on the facial expressions and tone of voice of the important adults in their lives to regulate their reactions towards others (Green et al., 2021). Fortunately, health care workers, caregivers, parents, and teachers can minimise possible negative effects such as wearing clear masks and implementing alternative ways to communicate and connect during mask wearing, such as the following: - Play peek-a-boo by putting on the mask and removing it, revealing a smile so that they know the person is still smiling under the mask. - Help the child learn to look at the eyes and eyebrows to understand the expression of feeling. Gesturing with hands also helps, such as waving to say hallo or goodbye, and putting the hands together to say thank you. - Let children see the mask and then put it on. Explain to young children why wearing a mask is important, and when it must be worn. This helps them to adjust to certain situations. Young children often like to imitate their parents and insist on also wearing a mask. 187 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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BOX 3.12. THE DEVELOPMENT OF ATTACHMENT OF CHILDREN IN DEPRIVED COMMUNITIES As mentioned in our discussion on disorganised attachment, socio-economic deprivation can have a negative effect on attachment formation (see Fox et al., 2017; MacDonald et al., 2019). In fact, it can have a detrimental effect on children's social, emotional, and behavioural development, including brain development and mental health. In a study conducted in Khayelitsha, a peri-urban settlement in the Western Cape (Tomlinson et al., 2005), the effect of poverty was evident in all spheres of child development; for example, high mortality rates, stunted growth, high rate of school dropout, low level of academic achievement, as well as high levels of criminality and mental health disorders. An important question that arises about children growing up in adverse conditions concerns the quality of parenting. Given the extremely unsavoury environments in which the mothers of this sample lived, as well as the high rate of post-partum depression, the hypothesis was that high levels of insecure attachment would occur in the infants of these mothers. The results were surprising: -

More than half of the babies were classified as securely attached. It was argued that one of the reasons for this was the protective contribution of the social organisation of the Xhosa culture where, in the spirit of Ubuntu, the well-being of children is regarded as a collective responsibility.

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A quarter of the children in the research group showed disorganised attachment. The mothers in this group exhibited high levels of frightened and dissociated behaviours, usually associated with trauma. The researchers concluded that the mothers were exposed to high levels of psychosocial stress, such as family violence or abuse, and that the seriousness of this violence was related to the hostile and intrusive behaviour of the mothers.

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Low levels of avoidant behaviour occurred in the babies, probably due to the physical proximity of the mother caused by small dwellings, sleeping arrangements (e.g., with the mother) and feeding (e.g., breastfeeding) and carrying practices (e.g., on the back

of the mother). In another study (Cooper et al., 1999), high indications of post-partum depression were found among mothers in Khayelitsha, and that this depression was associated strongly with disturbances in the mother-child relationship. In addition, even in the absence of depression, the quality of the mother-infant engagement was compromised because of the high levels of social adversity endemic to these women. However, in a follow-up study, Cooper and his colleagues (2009) found that a positive and subsequent secure attachment could be established by intervention programmes where trained community members taught the mothers sensitive care.

However, it cannot be denied that the increased anxiety and stress experienced by caregivers, parents, and teachers during the COVID-19 pandemic may affect their coping capabilities generally; therefore it is important for these significant others in children's lives to be able to regulate their own emotions and to adjust to additional ways of communicating. 188 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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(d) Long-term effects of attachment Most psychologists hold the view that infants with a secure attachment later tend to function better on academic-cognitive, emotional, and social levels (Groh et al., 2019; Sigelman et al., 2018). For example: • Academic and cognitive functioning. Teachers describe children who experienced secure attachment as infants as more curious, self-directed, engaged in classroom activities, and eager to learn than poorly attached children are. They are willing to try out new things and to tackle problems in new ways. They also have larger and more varied vocabularies. Children more securely attached at 24 or 36-months had better school performance and higher IQs in middle childhood (West et al., 2013). There is even an indication that early secure attachment could act as a protective factor against cognitive decline at a later stage and dementia during adulthood (Walsh et al., 2019). • Emotional functioning. Secure attachment in infancy is associated with good regulation of emotion in later life. As this is an important adjustment mechanism, it serves as a shield against emotional and behavioural problems. An insecurely attached child may often become anxious, even in benign circumstances. Insecurely attached toddlers show more negative emotions (fear, distress, and anger), while securely attached children show more joyfulness, even in the same situations. Therefore, it is understandable that impaired emotional functioning in adult life is an increased possibility (Fuchshuber et al., 2019). In fact, the potential for developing an anxiety disorder or depression is an unfortunate reality. • Social functioning. Children who have been securely attached as infants are more sociable and have more positive interactions with peers at a later stage. The intimacy of secure attachments seems to prepare children for the intimacy of friendships. They are also abler to initiate play activities, are more sensitive to the needs and feelings of other children and are more popular and socially competent. They are likely to develop more social skills and have higher levels of communication proficiency. However, the fact that attachment has become one of the most important concepts in child psychology does not mean it is above criticism. (Of course, this is true for almost all sciences.) For example, a heated debate on the predictive power of attachment was elicited when Elizabeth Meins (2017, p. 20) of the University of York wrote an article in The Psychologist in which she stated, "The fact is that there's no strong evidence for parentchild attachment in infancy predicting anything much about children's later development. Indeed, …. early attachment doesn't even predict attachment later in development, let alone all of these other things." Although Meins received support, she was also criticised. The irony is that the core of the criticism against her was similar to the criticism she aimed at the pro-attachment psychologists: She is too critical and denies that attachment does have an important role to play — just like her critics deny that the importance of attachment could be exaggerated. The main criticisms against attachment theory mentioned by Meins and others (e.g., Aaron, 2016; Fitzgerald, 2020) are the following:

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• It is not always considered that attachment formation is only one of a variety of factors that can influence a child's well-being and especially social development. Secure attachment alone does not necessarily ensure positive personality characteristics and well-being. By the same token, poor attachment does not necessarily cause the development of pathological behaviour. For example, not all maltreated children show negative attachments, while not all children who grow up in seemingly optimal conditions show positive attachments (see also Box 3.13: The influence of children's homes on attachment). •  The concept resilience is neglected in many, if not most, attachment theories and studies. (Resilience refers to the ability to cope with or recover from difficult or challenging life experiences and will be discussed in more detail in Chapter 7.) The result is that the influence of attachment is portrayed/interpreted as if the child is a passive victim of poor attachment relationships. Infants with insecure attachments are not doomed (Kail et al., 2019). An important question in this regard could be: Under which circumstances does attachment influence children the most? • Most of the attachment studies are correlational in nature (see Chapter 1), with the result that a causal relationship cannot be indicated. Some psychologists are of the opinion that children's subsequent adjustment problems are not inevitably the result of earlier unsatisfactory attachment, but rather the outcome of the poor quality of child-rearing practices children received throughout their early years. The current parent-child interaction — and as mentioned, various other factors — are as much responsible for children's behaviour as the earlier unsatisfactory attachment. • It is not always considered that attachment can change according to external events (e.g., divorce) or personal circumstances (e.g., maternal depression). The attachment children have with their different parents (mother and father) can also BOX 3.13. THE INFLUENCE OF CHILDREN' CHILDREN'S HOMES ON ATTACHMENT Institutional care (such as children's homes) has been shown to lead to poor attachments (Bakermans-Kradenburg et al. 2011; Spangler et al., 2019). On the other hand, institutional care can improve the secure attachment and other aspects of development of children who were abused and maltreated (Smyke et al., 2010). Quiroga and Hamilton-Giachritsis (2016) did a meta-analysis of 18 articles in this regard and came to the following conclusion: Firstly, the age at placement in an institution plays a significant role in attachment security. The cut-off point is about 24 months, after which attachment security decreases with age at placement. Secondly, length of placement can have a positive effect if mediated by quality of care. Therefore, the aim should be to provide stability in high-quality placements, rather than using a series of short placements with multiple changes and the inherent negative effect on attachment formation. Thirdly, some characteristics of caregivers that go beyond the usual assessments have been shown to affect attachment security. These characteristics include motivation, psychological well-being, and sensitivity. It is important that these factors need to be considered in evaluating potential institutional caregivers. Continuous support and training for caregivers can enhance their professional functioning and may improve the likelihood of a more positive and secure child-caregiver relationship.

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differ. In addition, secure attachment to some other person, for example the father, a grandparent, or even an older brother or sister, may help to counteract the adverse effects of insecure attachment to the mother. It is also possible that the initially insecure attachment could change into secure attachment (with few adverse effects), if the mother's life circumstances become more positive and she begins to establish a more positive relationship with her child. • There are still too many unanswered questions. For example, attachment is defined in so many ways that it is not always clear how it differs from a conventional close relationship. It is also measured in different ways, with the result that it is uncertain to what extent the results of different studies can be compared.

(e) Father-attachment In the past, at most, the father was regarded as a substitute for the mother, and it was accepted that because babies spend most of their time with their mothers, they develop an attachment primarily to their mothers. However, in the last two or three decades, there has been a shift toward increased paternal involvement in caregiving. This has led to greater, though still limited, research interest in the participatory parenting actions of fathers and the effects their involvement has on child development (Clark et al., 2015; Molloy et al., 2021). By now, we know that psychological research across families from all ethnic backgrounds indicates that fathers' affection and increased family involvement help promote children's social, emotional, and cognitive development (APA, 2021; Rollè et al., 2019; also see Chapter 4). Although children are more likely to use the mother as a safe haven when they are distressed or threatened (Kerns et al., 2015), recent research has shown that babies develop a much stronger attachment to their fathers than was believed initially (Kara et al., 2020; Millings et al., 2016). Furthermore, it has been shown that fathers may care physically for their children just as well as mothers do and that fathers are just as responsive and sensitive to babies' difficulties as the mothers are (Lamb, 2016). Nevertheless, in traditional families, the nature of the father-baby interaction still differs from the mother-baby interaction: Most of the time with the mother is spent feeding and nurturing, while most of the time with the father is spent playing. Fathers are also more spontaneous and more inclined My daddy – my hero!

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towards physical contact. Play activities between father and babies occur in cycles that include peaks of great excitement and attention and periods of minimal activity. Whereas mothers tend to be more conventional when playing with their children, fathers often do unusual and unexpected things that babies find exciting. From these interactions, the child may develop further capacities and skills (Van Bakel et al., 2019). However, fathers are not only playmates; they are powerful attachment figures who can have a powerful influence on their children's social and emotional development. It has become apparent that sensitive and challenging playing of fathers with their children is associated with children's positive attachment bonds at a later stage: Young adults whose fathers were sensitive in their early play interactions exhibit secure models of attachment in their later relationships, while fathers' low-sensitivity play is related to children's behaviour problems at a later stage (Lamb, 2010). As mentioned earlier, an infant's secure attachment relationship with a father can compensate for the negative effects of an insecure attachment to a mother (Boldt et al., 2014). Fathers can advance the language skills of their children (Teufl et al., 2019), while a close attachment with the father can also help daughters to overcome loneliness (Yan et al., 2018). Thus, it would appear that attachment does not necessarily imply an exclusive relationship with the mother and that the father's role should not be underestimated. Obviously, the mere physical presence of the father does not imply adequate fathering; the quality of the father-child relationship is of far greater importance than the mere physical presence of the father, as discussed in the previous paragraph. Furthermore, fathers' involvement with infants unfolds within a complex system of family attitudes and relationships. When the father and mother both believe that men are capable of nurturing infants, the father seems to spend more time on caregiving. A warm, gratifying marital relationship seems to promote both partners' attachment behaviours towards their infants and seems to benefit fathers in particular. Cross-cultural support for this conclusion is found among the Aka pygmies of Central Africa, where fathers devote more time to their infants than in any known society. Aka fathers spend about 50% of their day holding their infants or are within arm's reach of them, almost as much as Aka mothers do. Aka conceptions of good and bad fathers reiterate these roles: A good father should show affection for his children, stay near them, and assist the mother when her workload is heavy (Hewlett, 1993; Meehan et al., 2017).

(f) The role of other caregivers For a long time, it was believed that an infant can form a close bond with only the mother or at the most, with the parents. However, research among various cultural groups (e.g., in Africa and India) shows that children have numerous caregivers and form close emotional bonds with a number of people, not only with the mother (Carr, 2019; Tsamaase et al., 2020). These other caretakers include not only the grandparents (see Chapter 4) and other family members, but also friends and acquaintances. Because of especially historical, political, and economic factors, this situation is also quite common in South Africa. Despite the variety of attachment bonds, these children display healthy emotional development. In fact, anthropologists believe that humans would not have been able to survive if the offspring had been solely dependent on the care of the mother. Therefore, the concept of alloparenting has been suggested. It refers to a social system in which other members of the society (e.g., grandparents, siblings, and other family members) 192 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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help to support children who are not their own (Emmott et al., 2019; Keller, 2013). This phenomenon is found not only in non-Western societies but also in others: In most societies, from their conception, babies are included in multiple and complex social networks. The current view is that the dyadic attachment model (i.e., mother-child attachment) seriously limits the inclusion of the (cultural) variation that occurs in forming attachment (Weisner, 2005). Multiple caregiving systems differ not only in structure and organisation, but also in terms of the mother's role; for example, in some societies, the mother plays a special role among the other caregivers, while in others, she is only one of many caregivers.

(g) Stranger anxiety This term (also stranger wariness) wariness refers to the normal fear or at least wariness that some babies show in the presence of strangers. For instance, babies may suddenly start crying, without anything traumatic having happened, when a stranger tries to pick them up or just tries to be friendly. It usually begins at about 8 months, peaks in intensity between 10 and 18 months, and generally resolves by 24 months (Consolini, 2020). Although stranger anxiety is a universal predisposition, not all babies develop stranger anxiety, and babies who do, show differences in the intensity of their fear. Several situations may influence infants' reactions to strangers (see Aktar, et al., 2020; Kail et al., 2019; Sigelman et al., 2018): Who are you? I don' don't know you! - - - - -

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Stranger anxiety occurs most frequently when the baby's mother is not present and least in familiar settings and especially when the mother holds the child. If babies are given time to get used to strangers, they are more likely to allow strangers to pick them up. Babies tend to react more positively to a stranger when the stranger is a child and not an adult. Children who experience secure attachments seem to experience less stranger anxiety than those who do not. Child-rearing practices also play a role. For example, children who are cared for by many caregivers experience less stranger anxiety than those primarily cared for by their mother. Culture also plays a role. in some cultures, children are socialised from a young age to act friendly towards strangers. These children will then either react neutrally or welcoming towards strangers. Attempts to explain stranger anxiety have shown that there are different viewpoints:

• The cognitive viewpoint. Here, the assumption is that babies realise that the 193 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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•

•

•

• •

stranger's face is different from other familiar faces. They are unable to assimilate (fit) the stranger into an existing schema, which leads to incongruity (inconsistency). Such incongruity is so disturbing and so inexplicable to them, that fear is an inevitable consequence. The behavioural viewpoint. Babies are obliged to do something when they are confronted with an unfamiliar stimulus (the face of a stranger). A familiar face elicits a familiar response (e.g., a smile), and the baby's distress decreases. However, when babies cannot associate the new image with something familiar, they will not be able to respond appropriately, and this will increase their tension to the point where they begin to cry or try to get away from the unfamiliar stimulus. The contingency viewpoint. When babies are exposed to a stranger, the interaction is no longer predictable. Thus, it is possible that the stranger will not behave in accordance with the babies' expectations. Fear and its accompanying behaviour now occur because babies feel that they have lost control of the social environment. The evolutionary viewpoint. As in the case of attachment, stranger anxiety is regarded as part of a universal behavioural system. The assumption is that it will keep the baby away from the unknown, and in this way, the baby will be protected. Culture. Various traditional African cultures explain stranger anxiety as a sign that this person (i.e., the stranger) is bad or bewitched. Genetics. Like in almost all forms of behaviour, genetics also seems to play a role. For example, identical twins display more stranger anxiety than non-identical twins do (Brooker et al., 2013).

(h) Separation anxiety This term refers to the fear and accompanying behaviour that babies demonstrate when mothers, fathers, or caregivers leave them for a short while. In this context, separation anxiety refers to a short absence, for example when the mother leaves the room, and not to a long-lasting or permanent separation such as divorce or hospitalisation. Separation anxiety usually occurs between 8 and 12 months, peaks at about 14 to 16 months, and decreases between 20 and 24 months. Although this separation anxiety during early childhood later disappears, similar symptoms may appear in older children, adolescents, and even adults when they are separated from their loved ones or home for a relatively long time (referred to as 'home sickness') (e.g., Nauta et al., 2019). (Note that separation anxiety, discussed here as a 'normal' phenomenon during infancy, does not refer to separation anxiety as a professionally diagnosed psychological disorder. Such a disorder may develop during later childhood and adulthood, where symptoms such as intense anxiety and depression last much longer.) Reactions to separation vary, depending on the situation in which the separation occurs. For instance, babies may react more intensely when left in an unfamiliar environment than if left in a familiar one. Therefore, they I want my mommy! react to the unfamiliar situation rather 194 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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than to the fact that their mothers or caregivers have left them. There are also indications that the greater the difference between an unfamiliar environment and a familiar environment, the more intense babies' reactions will be. Separation anxiety is also less likely to occur if the baby is left with a familiar person. Although environmental factors, such as those mentioned above, play a role in separation anxiety (especially in determining the intensity of it), infant' acquisition of certain cognitive abilities, such as object permanence, may provide a more satisfactory explanation for this phenomenon. This means that the baby understand that objects and people continue to exist, even if they are out of sight. If the caregiver leaves, babies realise that the caregiver continues to exist in another location away from them. Separation anxiety is shown because the infant would like to be with the caregiver, probably because an attachment bond has been formed. REVIEW THIS SECTION 1. What is attachment? How does it contribute to the infant's social and emotional development? 2. What was Sigmund Freud and René Spitz's view on the development of attachment? How did Harry Harlow refute this position? What was Erik Erikson's view on the formation of attachment? 3. Which significant experience inspired John Bowlby to formulate his attachment theory? What is the theoretical assumption of Bowlby's theory? 4. Discuss the phases in the development of attachment according to John Bowlby. 5. Describe the Strange Situation Test developed by Mary Ainsworth and her colleagues to measure the quality of a baby's attachment to his or her mother. 6. Discuss Mary Ainsworth's and Main et.al's categories of attachment. 7. Discuss the cultural applicability of the Strange Situation Test. What type of attachment may apply to all cultures? 8. Discuss the factors that contribute towards the development of attachment. 9. How may the attachment formation of children growing up in children's homes or in adverse conditions be affected? Refer to research in this regard. 10. Discuss the long-term consequences of attachment? 11. Discuss the criticisms against the attachment theory. 12. Discuss the following statement: "The mother is the only person with whom the infant can form an attachment relationship." 13. Discuss the father's role in a baby's attachment development. Discuss the role of other caregivers in the development of attachment. Discuss the concept of alloparenting. 14. What is stranger anxiety? At what age does it appear and when does it diminish? Discuss the situations that could influence the experience and intensity of stranger anxiety. Discuss the different viewpoints to explain stranger anxiety. 15. What is separation anxiety and when does it occur? How can different situations influence an infant's reaction to separation? How does the infant's cognitive development contribute to separation anxiety?

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3.2.4.2 Socialisation As infants grow older, they begin to play an increasingly more active role in their environment. Their developing abilities and skills enable them to move about more freely, and they undertake exploratory expeditions. They also become increasingly able to manipulate objects and solve problems in new ways. During this period of development, most parents begin to socialise their children. As mentioned in Chapter 1, socialisation refers to the process by which children learn to conform to the moral standards, role expectations and requirements for acceptable behaviour of their community and culture. Socialisation forms an integral part of a child's social development. Socialisation during infancy is aimed primarily at the elimination of undesirable behaviour and the learning of desirable behaviour. For instance, children are expected not to be noisy at table, not to play with their This is such fun — why is it wrong? food, not to jump up and down on a bed, and to exercise control over their excretory functions. In infancy, parents or primary caregivers are the most important socialisation agents. The roles of parents, particularly the mother's role, change quite drastically during the second year. Whereas the mother fulfils a primarily supportive and physically caring role during the first year, she becomes a teacher in the second year and expects greater independence and responsibility from her children in doing things for themselves. Parents influence their children's socialisation in three ways: • Parents socialise their children through direct teaching, for instance by showing them how to eat and how to dress themselves. • Parents act as important role models through their interaction with their children. Parents who are loving, warm, and responsive will have children who are warm and responsive towards others. • Parents control certain aspects of the child's social life that could influence their social development, such as the neighbourhood in which they live and the organising of visits to friends. However, it is important to remember that, just like many other forms of behaviour, a child is not just a passive participant in this developmental tract. Owing to their unique personalities and temperaments, children are likely to influence socialisation practices. Additionally, there are strong indications that genetic factors can also play a role (Kochanska et al., 2015). The learning of acceptable behaviour and the unlearning of unacceptable behaviour is usually associated with discipline. In the next chapters, we shall discuss these and as well as parenting styles. Here, we shall simply refer to some types of techniques parents 196 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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use to socialise their infants (see also Box 3.14 about what to do is children suck their thumbs). • Positive reinforcement, which includes rewarding children (e.g., through hugs, smiles) for correct behaviour. • Induction, which includes reasoning, explaining, and the setting of clear limits. • Scaffolding, which refers to parental support of their children's efforts, allowing the children to be more skilful than they would be if they were to rely on their own abilities. • Power assertion, which includes physical punishment, forceful commands, and the removal of objects and privileges. • Withdrawal of love, when the parent ignores the child or reacts coldly towards his

BOX 3.14. WHAT TO DO IF CHILDREN SUCK THEIR THUMBS Thumb sucking typically appears in infancy, but it may begin prenatally. During the early decades of the previous century (when sensory pleasure was believed to be a sin), thumb sucking was believed to be an unacceptable and dirty habit. The result was that a variety of ways were devised to eradicate this behaviour, such as putting bitter-tasting substances on the thumb or covering the thumb. Today, most developmental psychologists agree that thumb-sucking forms part of the child's natural need for sucking and self-soothing behaviour. Therefore, many parents offer their children pacifiers (dummies). There is also no conclusive evidence that thumb-sucking damages the teeth; however, some damage could be caused when children continue to suck their thumbs at the ages between five and seven, or when their permanent teeth appear. Thumb-sucking, pacifier-sucking or other comfort devices, such as cuddling a favourite blanket, will disappear gradually with age. However, parents' reactions to these are important. Parents should be sensitive because children learn from their parents' reactions whether their actions are good or bad, whether they should feel anxious or guilty, and whether they should feel comfortable and secure.

or her behaviour. Positive reinforcement, induction and scaffolding seem to lead to behaviour in children that is more acceptable, while the assertion of power often leads to negative behaviour, especially when this is used as the only means of discipline. Psychologists never recommend the withdrawal of love as disciplining technique because, while children might comply with the parents' wishes, they also tend to avoid contact with their parents. Nevertheless, parents tend to react more physically during the first year of life (e.g., to firmly remove a baby's hand when she wants to touch the hot stove) and to use more verbal commands, reprimands, and persuasions as the child grows older. One of the most important milestones that the child reaches during the socialisation process is the acquisition of toilet skills or toilet training. training It is generally accepted that toilet training should not begin before the central nervous system and neuromuscular coordination of children reaches a certain level of maturity (Sahin, 2019). This implies not 197 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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Toilet training is not always fun!

Do I really have to do this?

only that they should have reached a level of biological maturity where they are able to control the sphincter muscles, but also that they are able to understand commands, can sit upright, and can communicate. Usually, this level of development is not reached until the child is about 18 months old. Although the unique development of each child is the final determining factor, most psychologists agree that toilet training before this age and before the necessary level of maturation has been reached, will subject the child to too much biological and psychological pressure. The later the toilet training begins, the sooner the child will learn the desired behaviour. Therefore, many parents do not begin toilet training before the baby has reached the age of about 20 to 24 months. However, some infants may be ready at 18 months, while others may be mature enough only when they are somewhat older. However, the specific age at which toilet training should begin is not as critical as is believed generally. Rather than concentrating on a specific age to begin toilet training, parents should be attentive to the cues that indicate that their child is biologically and psychologically ready (see Mayo Clinic, 2021). The way in which parents deal with the whole process is far more important than the age at which toilet training should begin. Parents should try to ensure that their children experience the situation as a source of pride and as the achievement of greater self-control and a new skill and not as a power struggle between them and their parents. As with the learning of other routine tasks (e.g., having a bath and going to bed), in toilet training, children will often try to test their, and their parents' limits. The parent who reacts to such testing with dismay and confusion, or even anger and aggression, loses the battle. A relaxed, supportive, and accepting attitude with sufficient positive reinforcement each time the child achieves success is much more likely to produce positive results. With the assistance of such positive parental support, average children should be in control of their toilet functions between about two-and-ahalf and three-and-a-half years. Girls tend to complete the toilet-training process 2 to 3 198 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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months earlier than boys do (Kimball, 2016). This is probably due to earlier physiological maturation. Another milestone in babies' lives is weaning weaning. This involves gradually decreasing a typical food in favour of a different food. Depending on the baby's age, this can mean going from breast milk to formula (i.e., bottle feeding), or from the intake of liquids (breast or bottle feeding) to solid foods. Solid foods are usually introduced from the age of six months. However, the best time to start weaning depends more on the child's development than on age. Some signs that babies are ready to be weaned are when they have doubled their birth weight, when they can sit without support, when they can hold their heads upright and steady (this is a sign that the swallowing muscles are strong), and when they start showing interest in the solid foods the parents are eating. Weaning can be a trying time for both baby and mother and can take anywhere from a few weeks to a few months (MedicineNet 2021). Parents often have to devise special plans to help their children (and themselves!) during this time (see Box 3.15 regarding the weaning of traditional African children). BOX 3.15. WEANING OF TRADITIONAL AFRICAN CHILDREN According to Mwamwenda (2004), the infant in traditional African culture is weaned between the ages of two and three years. Children are usually weaned when they are considered old enough or when their mother is ready to have another child. In certain ethnic groups, sexual intercourse is not allowed while the child is still breastfeeding. Several ways are used to stop the infant from suckling. For example, an unpleasant substance, such as pepper, is rubbed on the nipples so that the child stops breastfeeding because of the bad taste. Sometimes herbs that supposedly will stop the child from breastfeeding are mixed with the child's food or tied around his or her neck. In other cases, the mother binds her breasts with a piece of cloth so that the child has no access to them. Other mothers simply refuse to succumb to the child's demand for breastfeeding. In exceptional cases, the child is sent to live with his or her grandparents for a while.

3.2.4.3 Sibling interactions Most children around the world have at least one sibling. The sibling relationship is likely to last longer than any other relationship in a person's lifetime and plays an integral part in the lives of families (Howe, 2019; Shephard et al., 2021). As mentioned earlier, siblings (brothers and sisters) may play an important role in an infant's attachment formation. For instance, in a classic study where babies of 10 to 20 months were subjected to a variation of the Strange Situation Test, many of the babies who became upset turned to their siblings for help, even though the siblings in the experiment were only four years old (Steward, 1983). Therefore, it appears that older preschool children may be an important source of emotional support and may help their younger brothers and sisters to cope with situations of uncertainty when parents are absent. There are also indications that siblings are more powerful socialisation agents in certain 199 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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situations than their parents are. These findings are understandable since one-year-old babies spend about as much time in the company of their older brothers and sisters as they do with their mothers and much more than they do with their fathers. In some cultures, older children act as caregivers for their younger siblings, and it is expected of the older siblings to teach the younger ones (Nsamenang, 2011). Older siblings are powerful socialisation agents The arrival of a new baby is often upsetting, especially for younger children (Chen et al., 2018). A new baby affects the parents' and especially the mother's relationship with the other children. Because of considerable time that must be spent on the new baby, the mother is obliged to pay less attention to her other children. Young children, particularly, sometimes react negatively to the arrival of a new baby. Some regress to an earlier developmental stage and begin sucking their thumbs or they wet their pants, talk like a baby, and ask for a dummy or a bottle. Others withdraw and refuse to talk or play. Some express their aggression directly by hitting or pinching the new arrival or suggesting that the baby should be taken back to the hospital. Fortunately, older brothers or sisters do not always regard the arrival of a new baby as a threat. Many older children are proud of their new brother or sister and even more proud of the fact that they are no longer "the baby" and that they can dress themselves and no longer wet their pants. It is also true that most children adapt to the new baby very quickly, with the result that problem behaviour disappears. Parenting also makes a difference. Secure parent-child attachment and parental warmth towards all the children are related to positive interaction between siblings (Van Berkel et al., 2015).

Sleep tight, little brother

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Fathers can play an important role in the adjustment process by increasing their interaction with the baby's older brothers or sisters to compensate for the mother's greater attention given to the new baby. Mothers can ease the adjustment by emphasising the fact that the older child is "big" and by encouraging the older child to help with the baby. It is also important to spend quality time with the older children to reassure them that everyone still loves them. The parents should also gently discourage the expression of the older child's jealousy and aggression, while showing understanding and sympathy.

3.2.4.4 Peer interactions The term peer refers to a companion who is approximately of the same age and status developmental level. The special feature of peer relations is their egalitarian status. Parent-child interactions are characterised by a distinct dominant-subordinate hierarchy that facilitates the child's socialisation process, as parents use their authority to transmit information about social rules and behaviours. Peers, on the other hand, function as equals. Children acquire such social skills as compromising, competing, and cooperating primarily among equals. Relationships with peers also contribute to the child's developing sense of self by providing feedback regarding academic, social, and emotional proficiency. Therefore, peers provide a natural comparison against which children can measure their own accomplishments.

Peers play an increasingly important role in children' children's social and emotional life

The way in which children relate to their peers undergoes significant developmental changes. At first, peers are simply interesting (or at times, annoying) companions in play, but eventually, they play a larger and more crucial part in a child's social and emotional life. Children's peer networks start out small, but as they enter day care and school, and 201 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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as their cognitive, language and social skills develop, their peer networks expand and their relationships with peers grow in intensity. Infants show distinct reactions to peers, even in the first few months of life. At about three months of age, they generally become excited and active by the sight of another baby, a reaction that is very different from the ritualised greeting usually reserved for the mother. At six months, diffuse responses to peers give way to signals that are more specific, such as smiles, squeals, touching, and leaning in the other child's direction. Older infants crawl toward one another and explore one another's facial features. Most peer interactions during infancy are brief, lasting only a few seconds, and usually do not involve mutual exchanges of behaviour. Peer relations in infancy seem to develop through three phases (also see Davis, 2015): • During the first phase, the contact is object-centred. This means that the interaction is elicited by a common toy, and attention is centred on it. Negative reactions are usually attributable to conflict over toys. • During the second phase, babies try to elicit responses from one another. For instance, a baby will offer another baby a toy. • During the third phase, babies are able to exchange roles. For instance, babies will take turns in offering one another a toy. It seems that early peer relations can have a significant effect on relationships and mental health in childhood (Hay, 2005; Shin et al., 2016). For example, infants and toddlers who are able to engage in complex play with peers are more competent in dealing with other children in the preschool and in middle childhood years. (Also see Box 3.16 for information on infant mental health.)

BOX 3.16. INFANT MENTAL HEALTH In the imagination of the public, infant mental health is not an easy concept to understand; for example, how can an infant become depressed (Tomlinson et al., 2015)? The importance of this highly neglected field is summarised by the Report of the Task Force of the World Association for Infant Mental Health (Lyons-Ruth et al., 2017): Children worldwide experience mental disorders. One of the most common disorders is reactive attachment disorder, which is characterised by a consistent pattern of inhibited, emotionally withdrawn behaviour toward adult caregivers (American Psychiatric Association, 2013). Other disorders centre around especially crying, sleeping, feeding, and aggression. Unfortunately, these disorders often go unrecognised. Prevalence rates are difficult to determine because of the lack of awareness and the difficulty of assessing and diagnosing young children. However, existing data suggest that rates of disorders in young children are comparable to those of older children and adolescents. The lack of widespread recognition of disorders of infancy is particularly concerning, as infancy forms the foundation in the developmental process. Both the brain and behaviour are in vulnerable states of development during the first years of life. This creates the potential for lasting disorders to occur in response to early trauma and deprivation.

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In conclusion of this chapter on the development of infants, just the following: Sometimes, for some reason or another, babies must be assessed psychologically. Given their specific developmental level, one would wonder if this could be possible. For a discussion in this regard, see Box 3.17: Can infants be tested?

BOX 3.17. CAN INFANTS BE TESTED? Because of their level of maturity (e.g., inability to follow instructions) and responsiveness (e.g., inability to verbalise), testing infants is a challenging task (Stein et al., 2019). However, this is sometimes necessary, for example, to identify an infant's possible potential when decisions have to be made regarding adoption or placement in foster homes; to identify developmental problems such as delayed motor or cognitive development; or to evaluate the developmental progress of infants. Therefore, assessment of infants is aimed mainly at their developmental progress. Because of the complexity of the assessment process, it has become standard practice that a multidisciplinary approach is followed. This implies that different professionals such as psychologists, medical doctors, social workers, and occupational therapists are involved. It also means an integrated approach is used to assess the main areas of functioning: physical/ motor, cognitive, social, and emotional. Furthermore, the context in which the baby functions is of utmost importance; for example, cultural differences and the accessibility to stimulating tools such as toys, books, and television should be considered. This is especially important in South Africa where a stimulating developmental environment is absent for millions of infants. It should always be remembered that a problem in one area could influence another area (Roodt et al., 2009). For example, the cognitive impairment of a child could be the result of the absence of social and intellectual stimulation. Fortunately, if the cognitive impairment is detected at an early stage and the child receives the necessary stimulation, the cognitive deficit could disappear after a period. In the assessment of infants, both qualitative changes (e.g., beginning to talk) and quantitative changes (e.g., the number of words) are considered. Additionally, the rates of development (e.g., some babies develop faster than others do), as well as behavioural styles (e.g., some babies are more active than others are), must be considered. Therefore, as much information as possible should be obtained about the baby. Sources that are used are interviews with the parents or primary caregivers, observation of the baby in play and in interaction with significant others, and by using specific psychometric tests. One of the most debated issues in infant assessment is whether these assessments have any predictive validity (the extent to which performance on a test is related to later performance). Most of the research results indicate that infant assessment results do not predict later childhood nor adult abilities (Krogh et al., 2019; Vlasblom et al., 2019). Until more advanced techniques are developed, it seems that the main advantage of infant assessment is to determine the infant's present functioning, especially whether the baby falls within the 'normal' range.

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REVIEW THIS SECTION 1. Define the concept socialisation. Why is socialisation an important process? What socialisation processes are aimed for in infancy? 2. Who are the most important socialisation agents during infancy? How do these roles change as the baby develops? How do parents socialise their children? 3. Describe the techniques that parents typically use to socialise/discipline their infants. Which of these techniques are the most favourable and which the least? 4. Your sister's baby has started to suck her thumb. Your sister says she has tried everything, but she cannot get her child to stop this habit. Based on the information that you have acquired in this section, how could you put your sister's mind at ease? 5. A mother of a nine-month-old baby girl wants to start toilet training her. Based on the information that you have acquired in this section, explain to her why this is not such a good idea. Discuss with her the most important factors that she should keep in mind when toilet training her child. 6. Your friend has a six-month-old baby. She is considering weaning her baby from breastfeeding but is concerned that it may be a difficult task. What advice could you give her? 7. Discuss the role of siblings in an infant's attachment and socialisation processes. Describe the nature of sibling interactions and the influence of the parents in these interactions. 8. What is the difference between parents as socialisation agents and peers as socialisation agents? Discuss the development of peer relations during infancy and the three phases of peer relations during infancy. 9. Your baby cries a lot and has problems with sleeping and feeding. Should you consider having the baby assessed? 10. Babies sometimes have to be tested psychologically, but because of their specific developmental level, this could be a challenging task. Discuss this issue.

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4

Early Childhood EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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If children live with - criticism — they learn to condemn - hostility — they learn to quarrel - ridicule — they learn to be timid - tolerance — they learn to be patient - encouragement — they learn confidence - praise — they learn to appreciate - fairness — they learn justice - security — they learn to trust - approval — they learn to develop their self-image Adapted from Dorothy Law Neite

This chapter introduces early childhood (also referred to as the preschool period), which lasts from about the age of two to the age of six. During this period, the development that began during infancy is continued. As one would expect, considerable development occurs in all areas, and many new skills are required. More specifically, we shall focus on the preschoolers' physical, cognitive, personality and social development.

4.1 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT You are alarmed at seeing him spend his early years doing nothing. What! Is it nothing to be happy? Is it nothing to skip, to play, to run about all day long? Never in his life will he be as busy as now. Jean Jacques Rousseau, philosopher, 1712-1778

As the above quote from Rousseau illustrates, children in this phase are quite active and busy. Their increasingly refined actions may be attributed largely to various physical and biological developments. In this section, we shall discuss general physical development such as height, weight, gross and fine motor development, as well as brain development. We shall also consider the factors that influence physical development and health.

4.1.1 General Physical Development The rapid physical development of infancy slows down in early childhood. The various body parts now also develop proportionally. The result is that at the end of early childhood, the proportions of the body are similar to those of young adults. The following are some of the more interesting aspects of physical development during early childhood (also see Berk, 2019; Santrock, 2019; Tyler, 2020). As mentioned before, keep in mind that there could be significant individual and group differences because of factors such as genetics and malnutrition: ► Height and weight. During the first 30 months, there is an 80% increase in height and a 300% increase in weight. By the age of four, children have doubled their birth 207 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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►

►

► ►

►

length. The average increase in mass during early childhood is approximately 2 kg per year, and the increase in height, approximately 5 cm to 8 cm per year. Physical proportions. Because of various changes such as the loss of "baby fat" and the increase in muscle and bone growth, preschoolers start losing their chubby appearance and begin to resemble a young child. Muscle and bone growth. Many of the changes in the preschool child's body proportions and appearance are caused by muscle and bone growth, which is promoted by daily activities such as running, jumping and the handling of objects. Further ossification (hardening of cartilage) strengthens the bones. Teeth. By the end of the preschool years, children begin to lose their primary or "baby teeth", which are then replaced by permanent teeth. Brain development. One of the most important aspects of physical development during early childhood is the development of the brain. At the age of three, the brain has already reached 75% of its total adult weight, and at the age of five, approximately 90%. More specifically, the frontal lobe areas of the cerebral cortex devoted to planning and organising behaviour develop rapidly. Heightened development in the left cerebral hemisphere supports children's expanding language skills. Different connections are also established among different brain structures to enhance balance and motor control, alertness, and consciousness. As the brain is still developing, brain plasticity is still high. Brain plasticity or neuroplasticity is the biological, chemical, and physical capacity of the brain to reorganise its structure and function in response to learning, experience, and memory formation. As we have seen in Chapter 3, learning and new experiences cause new neural pathways to strengthen and those that are used infrequently to weaken and eventually die. This process is called synaptic pruning. Plasticity also includes the ability of one area of the brain to take over the function of another brain area that has been damaged, for example, by malnutrition or head injuries. Perceptual development. Vision becomes increasingly important as a source of information. There is a rapid improvement in preschool children's ability to distinguish detail in their environment. The perception of figure-ground improves rapidly between four and six years. This is the ability to distinguish clearly between the object on which attention is focused and the rest of the perceptual field. Children younger than five years tend to confuse letters that have similar perceptual features; for example, b and d, or m and w. Most children can distinguish between the different letters at the age of six. Although babies show colour preferences at an early age, the age of four seems to be the youngest age at which children consistently label colours correctly. However, it is not unusual for children as old as six or seven still to make mistakes when naming the primary colours (red, blue, and green). Since the eyeball is not fully developed until puberty, young children tend to be farsighted. The visual and focusing abilities continue improving during the preschool years. By the age of two or three, most children can hear soft sounds as well as adults do. This phenomenon is known as auditory acuity. acuity Preschool children can also discriminate between speech sounds quite well. For instance, by the age of five, the ability of children to discriminate between sounds of different intensities is almost as well developed as that of adults. 208

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► Motor development. During early childhood, the motor skills of preschoolers improve considerably. The following kinds of motor skills are especially noticeable during this stage: - Gross motor skills. By the age of three, children can run and jump very well. They enjoy such activities and will often repeat them over and over. Therefore, it is understandable why three-year-olds are regarded as having a higher activity level than at any other stage in their lives. (It is said that Shaka, the well-known Zulu king, punished adults who committed minor offences by forcing them to imitate the activities of a three-year-old child for a full day and that few could follow through!) Four-year-old children can throw and catch objects such as a ball and can ride a tricycle. By the age of five, they can ride a bicycle and do gymnastics. These developments indicate stronger muscles, better physical coordination, and improved balance.

During early childhood, children' children's motor skills, such as balancing, and bilateral coordination, improve significantly.

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Fine motor skills. At the age of three, children still experience problems in fastening their buttons and shoelaces. At the age of four, most children can draw lines and circles and pictures. Most five-year-olds can cut out figures with a pair of scissors, fasten buttons and zips, and eat with a knife, fork, and spoon. The improved coordination of the small muscles and dexterity (handiness) enables children to play simple musical instruments, draw more accurately and begin writing. Bilateral coordination. This refers to the coordination of the left and right halves of the body, which improves considerably during early childhood. For instance, when children colour in a picture, they hold the pencil in one hand and the paper with the other. Children begin to show a preference for using one hand rather than the other, and by the age of five, hand preference is usually fixed.

Physical development influences cognitive, personality, and social development (see The Urban Child Institute, 2021). For example, when children use blocks to build a tower, they gain understanding of cognitive concepts such as balance, proportion, relationships, and shape. Motor development also enhances self-evaluation. For example, jumping, running, and skipping lead to an understanding of what the body can do. Being able to use their bodies in different types of play and physical activities enhances children's interaction 209 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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with peers and therefore aids in their social and personality development.

4.1.2 Influences on Physical Development Several factors such as the following can influence the physical development of children:

4.1.2.1 Heredity and hormones The effect of heredity on physical growth is evident throughout childhood. For example, children's physical size and rate of growth are related to those of their parents. Hormones also play an important role in growth (Tanner, 2019). Hormones are chemical substances that circulate in the bloodstream and control the actions of certain cells or organs. The pituitary gland, gland located at the base of the brain, plays a critical role by releasing two hormones that induce growth. The first is the growth hormone (GH), which is necessary for the development of all body tissues. Children who lack GH are characterised by slow growth and short stature, but it does not affect their brain and cognitive development. When treated with injections of GH at an early age, GH-deficient children grow at a faster rate than if not treated. The second is the thyroid-stimulating hormone (TSH), which stimulates the thyroid gland to release thyroxin thyroxin, which is necessary for the normal development of the nerve cells of the brain and for GH to have its full effect on body size. Infants born with a thyroxin deficiency must receive it at once, or they will be mentally impaired. Older children who develop a thyroxin deficiency also grow at a below-average rate. Since brain development is completed by then, the central nervous system is not affected. With early treatment, such children could catch up in body growth and eventually reach normal size.

4.1.2.2 Nutrition Adequate nutrition is cardinal to optimal physical and psychological growth, and a lack of nutrition could result in severe impairment. In fact, child malnutrition is a form of 'slow violence' that progressively damages a child's developing body and brain, mental health, education, and employment prospects (see Lake, 2021). Unfortunately, it is a factor that does not always receive the attention it deserves from mental health workers such as psychologists. Consider the following interesting information in this regard (UNICEF, 2019; WHO, 2018): An estimated 150 million children in the developing world are malnourished. Malnutrition refers to deficiencies, excesses, or imbalances in a person's intake of nutrients, with the result that the diet causes health problems and even death. A large percentage of South Africans live in poverty, which predisposes them to food insecurity, malnutrition, and disease (Tydeman-Edwards et al., 2018). Undernutrition is associated directly or indirectly with nearly 50% of all child deaths worldwide, especially in developing countries. The figure is about the same for South Africa. A reason for the high death toll is that especially undernourished children have lowered resistance to infection. Consequently, 210 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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they are more likely to succumb to common childhood ailments such as diarrhoea and respiratory diseases. Malnutrition also increases the risk of delayed motor development (e.g., delayed walking) and psychological development (e.g., impaired cognitive ability), as well as morbidity (disease) and mortality (death). Another type of malnutrition, obesity obesity, is rapidly emerging as a global epidemic that has profound physical and mental health consequences. (Obesity refers to an extreme amount of total body fat. Simply put, it is a body weight of at least 20% above normal.) The situation is aggravated by the fact that obese children usually become obese adults (Ward et al., 2017). Worldwide, childhood obesity has more than doubled in pre-adolescent children and tripled in adolescents in the past 30 years. The international prevalence for overweight and obese children is about 10%. The average figure for South Africa is approximately 15%. However, in a study with 5- and 6-year-old children in Cape Town, the combined prevalence of overweight and obesity was nearly 30%; the overweight prevalence was almost 15%, the same as for obesity (Haynes, 2018). In another South African study, it was found that overweight and obesity increased throughout childhood among girls, while it was not widely prevalent among boys (Lundeen et al., 2016). The health consequences for obese children are risks of orthopaedic, neurological, pulmonary (lung), gastrointestinal, and endocrine conditions. However, the psychological consequences of overweight and obesity often have a greater effect than the medical implications have (Bray, 2018). Low self-esteem, lack of confidence, and depression are often associated with overweight and obesity during childhood. On a psychosocial level, these children often perceive themselves as physically unattractive. Therefore, they often believe they are the victims of gossip and social rejection. In a South African study on school children in Potchefstroom, it was found that overweight and obesity can have a

To deal with poor appetite in young children, parents are often advised to let toddlers feed themselves.

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significant influence on social acceptance, scholastic achievement, physical self-concept, and experience of athletic competence (Monyeki et al., 2009). As with the physical effects of overweight and obesity, the psychological effect may extend into adulthood. What about the effect of selective eating (also referred to as 'fussy eating' or 'picky eating'): the tendency to avoid certain foods? There is neither a universally accepted definition of picky eating, nor is there agreement on the best tool to identify it (Taylor et al., 2019). However, most experts will agree that selective eating is characterised by strong preferences for particular foods and a reluctance to try unfamiliar foods. The prevalence of selective eating among preschool children in different studies varies from about 10 to 50% (Samuel et al., 2018). Selective eating usually leads to conflict during mealtimes, especially as parents are worried that the child is not getting the right nutrients to grow and develop normally. Do these parents have reason to be worried? Research has found that preschoolers who eat selectively usually eat well enough over time to ensure that they receive enough nutrients to grow normally (Taylor et al., 2019). Furthermore, while about 60% of children who eat selectively are also fussy eaters at age 23, they are no more likely to report signs of an eating disorder than their non-fussy peers are (Van Tine et al., 2017).

4.1.2.3 Emotional well-being The physical growth of a child is influenced not only by genetic-biological factors such as heredity, premature birth, and medical problems at an early stage, but also by a variety of environmental factors such as the divorce of parents, continuing marital conflict in the home, unemployment of the parents, and poverty. Psychologists generally accept that the stress resulting from such situations could affect children's brain development, physical growth, and health seriously (Fojanesi et al., 2018; Wattchow et al., 2015). The condition in which children show delayed physical growth because of stress and emotional deprivation is referred to as psychosocial or deprivation dwarfism. dwarfism Such children are of below-average height, but not because of malnutrition. Instead, they experience emotional problems because their family environment is unstable, and they are offered no emotional care or support. The mother or primary caregiver usually has several psychological problems and maltreats or neglects the child. Regular growth usually resumes when the child is removed from the negative environment. It is not yet clear how psychological factors such as stress affect the physical growth of children. However, the following hypotheses have been suggested (Lamba et al., 2011; Mogilski et al., 2019): • Because of the interaction between the psyche (the mind and soul) and the body, stress may affect the functioning of the pituitary gland. The production of growth hormones may be affected and therefore, body growth may be affected negatively. • Stress affects the digestion processes as it has an effect on the secretion of digestive juices. This not only may hamper physical growth, but also could lower the child's resistance to illness. • Stress affects the immune systems of preschoolers, with the result that they are more susceptible to viruses, which could affect physical development. 212 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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REVIEW THIS SECTION

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1. Discuss physical development in early childhood regarding height and weight, physical proportions, muscle and bone growth, and teeth. 2. Discuss physical development in early childhood regarding brain development and perceptual development. 3. Discuss physical development in early childhood regarding motor development. 4. Discuss how the following factors may affect the physical development of children in early childhood: - Heredity and hormones - Nutrition - Emotional well-being 5. What is deprivation dwarfism? How does it develop? Can children with deprivation dwarfism resume regular growth? 6. Using the ecological systems theory (discussed in Chapter 1), suggest ways in which malnutrition may be reduced by intervening in the micro-, meso-, and macrosystems.

4.2 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT Mrs Smith at the Smiling Kiddies Nursery school gives the children the following task: "describe a recipe for making cookies". These were the responses: - Three-year-old Amy: You bake them and you eat them. - Four-year-old Tebogo: Take three cups of butter, two humps of sugar and one cup of flour. Stir it; get it in a pan. Bake it. Take it out and it will be cookies. - Six-year-old Tommy: You will need three cups of flour, one cup of milk and some butter and lots of sugar. Don't make a mess because mom will shout. Stir it for an hour. Roll it and make shapes like stars. Set the oven to 200 and bake it for 2 hours. Decorate with Smarties. But stoves are really dangerous, and you shouldn't go near one till you get married.

As children progress through the childhood period, their thinking, as exemplified in the children's recipes above, becomes more sophisticated and organised: the three-yearold describes two major actions; the four-year-old adds several more dimensions, and the six-year-old shares a special recipe, with added precautions about messing and hot stoves. Especially noteworthy is that as they get older, children's thinking is more elaborated and less vague and general. During the preschool years, children are constantly expanding their knowledge about their physical and social world. Therefore, several significant changes occur during this stage. In this section, we explore these changes as described by three major theoretical approaches of cognitive development. We also examine the dramatic changes in young children's language development.

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4.2.1 Theories of Cognitive Development Young children's cognitive world is described as "creative, free and fanciful" and that their "imaginations work overtime" (Santrock, 2019, p. 246). As illustrated in the recipe example above, amazing changes happen in their thinking skills. Furthermore, their memories become stronger, and they can remember surprising detail, while their imaginations become a primary vehicle for play and learning. They begin to compare, contrast, organise, analyse, and devise complex ways to solve problems; briefly, their thinking becomes more sophisticated (Virtual Lab School, 2021). Various theorists have explored the fascinating cognitive development of young children. In this section, we focus on three major theories: Piaget's cognitive developmental theory, Lev Vygotsky's socialcultural theory, and the information processing theory.

4.2.1.1 Piaget' Piaget's theory: the preoperational stage Jean Piaget (e.g., 1952, 1954, 1955), used the term operation to indicate an action or mental representation carried out through logical thinking. The term preoperational thinking refers to illogical thinking, which implies that children are not yet ready to engage in logical mental operations. The preoperational stage lasts from the age of two until the age of seven and generally is subdivided into the symbolic or preconceptual period (between 2 and 4 years) and the intuitive period (between 4 and 7 years). The symbolic period is characterised by the increasingly complex use of symbols or mental representations: words, numbers, or images to which the child attaches meaning. During the intuitive period, children begin to use primitive reasoning and want to know the answers to all kinds of questions (parents are usually exhausted by all the "why" questions!). Although they start developing their own ideas about the world in which they live, their ideas are still simple and not well considered. Piaget calls this substage intuitive because young children seem so sure about their knowledge and understanding yet are unaware of how they know and what they know. This means they know something but know it without the use of rational thinking. Although children show some advances in their thinking, certain immaturities are also evident. This will be discussed next.

(a) Advances of preoperational thought As indicated in the previous paragraph, a major development during this stage involves symbolic or mental representation. representation This is evident in skills such as deferred imitation, symbolic play, and spoken language. As indicated in the previous chapter, according to Piaget, these abilities start developing during the last stage of the sensorimotor stage. However, during the preoperational stage, these abilities become more advanced, while this stage is marked by the pervasive, enduring, and flexible use of symbolism to represent objects and experiences mentally (Molitor et al., 2019). This means that children can think in the conventional sense — they can reflect on absent objects and people, recall the past, and imagine future events. While their play becomes more creative and imaginative, the single most evident development during the preoperational period is the development of spoken language. According to Piaget, during the sensorimotor period, the child must 214 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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carry out actions to think. With the development of language, thinking occurs through representations of actions, rather than through actions alone. The ability to use words and to understand their symbolic meanings gives a completely new meaning and significance to the child's world.

In symbolic or 'pretend pretend'' play, children use their imagination to create situations in which they pretend that they are someone else (for example, a 'doctor doctor'' examining her 'patient patient'').

(b) Immature aspects of preoperational thought According to Piaget, the main impediments to logical thinking are perceptual centration, irreversibility, egocentrism, animism, and transductive reasoning (see Table 4.1 for a summary of children's preoperational thinking): ► Perceptual centration refers to the tendency to attend to only one attribute of what one observes and to ignore the rest. Preoperational thinkers seem unable to explore all aspects of a stimulus. They tend to centre their attention on what to them appears to be the more salient. Because they are not able to process multiple characteristics and dimensions, they tend to make perceptual errors. For example, they think that pouring water from a short, wide glass into a taller, thinner glass means that there is now more water, or spreading cookies out in a row means that they now have more cookies, or when a ball of clay is stretched out in an elongated form there is now more clay. This means that they do not grasp the concept of conservation — the understanding that matter can change in appearance without changing in quantity. Three well-known conservation problems of number, liquid quantity, and mass are illustrated in Figure 4.1.

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Figure 4.1. Experiment to investigate conservation CONSERVATION PROBLEM

BEGINNING STATE (ALL IDENTICAL)

TRANSFORMATION

ENDING STATE (SOMETHING CHANGED)

Number

Are there the same number of cookies in each row, or does one row have more?

Stretch out one row

Are there now the same number of cookies in each row, or does one row have more?

Is there the same amount of juice in each glass, or does one glass have more?

Pour one glass of juice into a taller glass

Is there now the same amount of juice in each glass, or does one glass have more?

Is there the same amount of clay in each ball, or does one ball have more?

Role one ball into a sausage

Is there now the same amount of clay in each shape, or does one have more?

Liquid quantity

Mass

► Irreversibility. This refers to an inability to reverse an operation. Referring to the example above, mentally, young children cannot pour the water from the tall glass back into the short wide glass. Similarly, they do not understand the logic behind simple mathematic subtraction (reversal) problems such as 2 + 3 = 5; therefore 5 – 3 = 2. ► Egocentrism. According to Piaget, this refers to the tendency of young children to view the world from their own perspective. They fail to recognise that others may have different points of view and think that the universe centres on themselves. Piaget's demonstration of egocentrism involves a problem known as the three-mountain task, as illustrated in Figure 4.2. The child is shown a three-dimensional scene with three mountains of different sizes and colours. From a set of drawings, they are instructed to pick out the one that shows the scene the way they see it. Most preschoolers can do this without difficulty. Then the examiner asks the child to pick out the drawing that shows how someone else sees the scene, such as a doll or the examiner. Typically, most preschoolers choose the drawing that shows their own view of the mountains. From this and similar experiments, Piaget came to several conclusions about egocentric thought in children. He saw the experiments as evidence that preoperational children cannot imagine a point of view different from their own. In addition, preschoolers think that natural events serve their own needs: "It's dark because I want to go to sleep." Moreover, they not only think the world is created for them, but also that they can control it. For example, the sun and the moon should follow them when they go 216 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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Figure 4.2. The three-mountains task

A child is instructed to walk around a display of three mountains. Each is distinguished by its colour and by its summit. One has a red cross, another a small house and the third, a snow-capped peak. Then the child stands on one side, while a doll is placed at various locations around the display. The child must choose a photograph that shows what the display looks like from the doll's perspective. Before the age of six or seven, most children select the photo that shows the mountains from their own point of view.

for a walk, or they can make rain by frantically dancing around in circles. They also tend to think that everyone knows what they know. They also do not think that they must justify their statements: The familiar answer "Because" to the question "Why?" has exasperated many parents. ► Animistic thinking. According to Piaget, this is the tendency of young children to assume that non-living objects such as the sun, moon, wind, rocks, and dolls have thoughts, feelings, and motives. For example, on a very hot day, a three-year-old said, "I wish the sun would go to the clouds." ► Transductive reasoning. This refers to preoperational thinkers' tendency to reason from one particular instance to another particular instance, linking two events that occur close together in a cause-and-effect fashion, whether it is logical or not. For example, a child may think that their parents divorced because they were naughty. Another example is that of a five-year-old boy who ran his tricycle into an electric pole at the same time of a massive power failure after a storm. The little boy saw the lights go out and believed that he had caused the blackout. He was fully expecting to be punished for having "broken" the power system. Further limitations in preoperational thought concern the ability to classify and to categorise, as well as their concept of number. According to Inhelder and Piaget (1964), by the end of the pre-operational period, children can classify and categorise objects based on one dimension, such as colour, but not on more than one, such as colour and 217 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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shape. Therefore, they are not capable of multiple classification. classification Piaget and Inhelder were also of the opinion that, although preoperational children may be able to count, they do not have a number concept. concept Therefore, they do not have the basic number skills such as ordinality (comparing quantities such as more or less, bigger or smaller); cardinality (the absolute numerical number or size, e.g., when asked to count six cookies, they will recite the name of the number but cannot say how many cookies there are); number transformations (simple addition and subtraction); and estimation (e.g., guess if something is more or less than something else). Table 4.1. Characteristics of preoperational thinking THINKING PATTERNS

DESCRIPTION

EXAMPLE

Perception-bound thinking

Preschoolers solve problems based on what stands out vividly and perceptually.

When a mother cuts her child's meat into small pieces, the child comments, "Now you have given me much more to eat."

Perceptual centration

Preoperational thinkers can only perceive and thus reason about one dimension of a situation at a time.

In the liquid conservation problem, children notice the volume level line of the liquid, but do not consider the size and the shape of the glasses.

Egocentrism

Preschoolers believe that others think, feel, and perceive in the same way as they do.

A preschooler is drawing a picture in the living room and asks her mother, who is in the kitchen, if she likes her drawing. The child is unable to realise that her mother cannot see the drawing.

Animism

Preschoolers believe inanimate objects have feelings.

A child announces that her doll is sleepy and needs to go to bed.

Transductive reasoning

Preschoolers reason from event to event rather than in a more logical fashion.

Teacher: Why does it rain? Child: So that we can use an umbrella.

(c) Evaluation of Piaget' Piaget's view on preoperational thought Current research findings do not support Piaget's portrayal of young children as being animistic, illogical, or egocentric (see Gelman et al., 1983; Kuther, 2017; Lally et al., 2017). For example, research has failed to find any significant degree of animism in young children, especially when asked about familiar objects, such as whether a wind-up toy can feel any pain. Only very young children seem to show general uncertainty about the properties of many objects. When older children make errors in this regard, their responses result from incomplete knowledge about objects, not from a general belief that inanimate objects are alive. Similarly, children also seem to be less egocentric than Piaget believed. For example, preschoolers can take the perspectives of others if the task is made meaningful and understandable (generally, the three-mountain task is considered to be too difficult). Studies of children's emotional development and theory of mind (the ability to understand others' thoughts and feelings, as we shall be discussing later) also reveal that many preschoolers are able to display empathy and awareness of how other people feel. 218 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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In addition, researchers have also indicated that children's number concept and ability to classify develop much earlier than Piaget indicated (see Babakr et al., 2019; McCleod, 2021). By the age of four, most children can compare quantities (ordinals) and solve numerical ordinality problems (e.g., "Julie picked six apples and Jenny picked four apples. Who picked more?"). Also, they can already classify by two criteria (e.g., shape and colour). By the age of five, they can apply the cardinality principle in counting. By the time children enter Young children can display empathy and awareness of how primary school, most of them have other people feel developed basic 'number sense', including number transformations, estimation, and recognition of number patterns (2 plus 2 equals 4, and so does 3 plus 1). However, pre-school experience (e.g., a stimulating home environment and attending pre-primary school) affects children's development in these skills.

Pre-primary schooling enhances the cognitive development of preschoolers

4.2.1.2 Vygotsky' Vygotsky's socio-cultural theory As discussed in Chapter 1, Lev Vygotsky (e.g., 1930/1978, 1934/1986), a contemporary of Piaget, criticised Piaget for the lack of cultural influences in his theory and made this a central aspect of his own theory. Vygotsky emphasised the important role 219 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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that culture plays in child development and believed that cultural differences can have a significant influence on development, while Piaget's theory suggests that development is largely universal. Furthermore, Piaget focused on the influence of intrinsic factors, whereas Vygotsky recognised the essential role of older peers and adults with their wider experience and knowledge. Vygotsky believed that intrinsic development, as studied by Piaget and others, is important: Children do grow and learn from their inner maturational promptings and inventive spirit. However, Vygotsky believed that these forces alone would not take children very far. To develop their minds fully, children also need the intellectual tools provided by their cultures, such as language, memory aids, numerical systems, writing, and scientific concepts. A major task of developmental theory is to understand how these tools are acquired. Some of Vygotsky's contributions are the following:

(a) Zone of proximal development This concept refers to the difference between the level of performance a child may achieve when working independently and the higher level of performance when working under the guidance of adults or peers who are more skilled. According to Vygotsky, working within children's zones — that is, by giving them adult or peer assistance — allows them to respond to their environment in more competent ways and to achieve more than they might by themselves. This means that persons who are more competent collaborate with children to help them move from where they are now to where they can be with help. This is accomplished by means of prompts, clues, modelling, explanation, leading questions, discussion, joint participation, encouragement, and control of the child's attention. Vygotsky's theory places considerable emphasis on children's potential for intellectual growth rather than their intellectual abilities at a particular point in time.

Culture plays a role in cognitive development

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relevance for the education of children. One form of instruction inspired by Vygotskian thinking is scaffolding scaffolding. This refers to temporary assistance provided by one person to a less skilled person when learning a new task. Adults provide assistance just slightly beyond a child's current competence, thus stimulating the child to reach a new level. To give the support (or scaffold) necessary for the child to accomplish the task, the adult or teacher may define the activity, demonstrate skills, or provide direct guidance. As the child begins to learn the task, the adult or teacher provides less instruction. The defining characteristic of scaffolding — giving help but not more than is needed — promotes learning. Children do not learn readily when they constantly are told what to do or when they are simply left to struggle through a problem unaided. Scaffolding is an important technique for transferring skills from others to a child, both in formal settings such as schools and in informal settings, such as the home or playground. Guided participation (a concept related to scaffolding) more often occurs in the context of play and other everyday activities. Guided participation refers to the participation of an adult in a child's activity in a manner that helps to structure the activity and to bring the child's understanding of it closer to that of the adult. This concept is useful in describing learning that takes place in informal schooling and by observation.

(b) Language and thought Piaget suggested that cognitive development comes first, which in turn, makes language development possible. Vygotsky disagreed with Piaget. He believed that language ability reflects almost every aspect of the child's thought. For him, language is a potent instrument in structuring thought and regulating cognitive behaviour. Therefore, thinking would not be possible without language. Vygotsky emphasised that during early infancy, speech (babbling) does not involve thought, and thought (reaching, grasping for objects) does not involve speech. However, at some point in the maturational process (generally around the age of two), speech and thought combine forces. When this occurs, they begin to influence each other mutually: Thought takes some verbal characteristics, and speech becomes rational as the expressive outlet for thought. Vygotsky also differed from Piaget regarding children's self-talk while playing. Piaget used the term egocentric speech for self-talk in children. To him, egocentric speech plays no functional role in cognitive development and is merely an example of children's general egocentrism during the preoperational stage, which disappears at the end of the preoperational stage. Vygotsky used the term private speech for children's selftalk, viewing it as an intermediate step toward the self-regulation of cognitive skills. At first, children's behaviour is regulated by another person's speech directed toward them. When children first try to control their own behaviour and thoughts without others present, they instruct themselves by speaking aloud. As children gain greater skill, private speech becomes inner speech at the ages of six or seven. This is an important tool for cognitive growth and is regarded as thought. Vygotsky suggested that logical thinking results from the internalisation of speech routines acquired from older children and adults in the social world. Research has demonstrated that two- to five-year-olds do better in performance tasks when they talk to themselves than when they are silent (Winsler et al., 2007). As children 221 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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begin talking to themselves, their communication skills with the outside world improve. In fact, Winsler and his co-authors advise adults to listen to the private speech of children; it is a wonderful window into their minds.

(c) Mechanisms of development Vygotsky focused on change and its mechanisms, more than on the outcome or level of performance of the child. For Vygotsky, development follows a dialectical process, process meaning viewing issues from multiple perspectives. This involves thesis (one idea or phenomenon), antithesis (an opposing idea or phenomenon), and synthesis (resolution). This produces a higher-level concept or more advanced functioning. These opposing forces, ideas, phenomena, or events (such as the child's level of cognitive functioning without and with an adult's help, or spontaneous or intuitive concepts) confront, intertwine, and become transformed into a new higher level. Thus, conflict and resolution play a major part in development. This dialectical process often occurs when children interact with adults or peers who are more advanced, for example, in the performance of tasks or in play, or when they use technological (e.g., computers) and psychological (e.g., reasoning) tools. As a child and an adult collaborate, the child gradually takes on more responsibility for problemsolving or other activities. Language (or other cultural tools) and observation of other people's activities contribute to the process of change. Once inner speech and various skilled activities are acquired, they in turn stimulate thinking that is more advanced (Miller, 2011).

(d) Evaluation of Vygotsky' Vygotsky's theory Vygotsky is probably the most important developmental theorist to address the broader socio-historical context of development. However, Vygotsky died young (at the age of 38), leaving us with many intriguing ideas, but without a complete theory of cognitive development (Sigelman et al., 2018). His main theoretical contribution is the account of the relationship between development and learning — one of the most important issues of cognitive development. (See Box 4.1 on developmental learning in the African context.) Vygotsky argued that learning drives development. As children learn (i.e., proceed through the zone of proximal development), they achieve a higher level of development. In turn, children's level of development affects their readiness to learn a new concept. However, Vygotsky's work suffers from one-sidedness: His accounts of intrinsic development (e.g., emotions and motivation) are vague, while his research largely focuses on cultural forces. Therefore, he fails to address the interactions between intrinsic and cultural forces adequately. For example, he studied the way in which memory aids, writing skills, and scientific concepts transform the child's mind, but he did not examine the ways in which the child's inner, spontaneous development might affect cultural forces (Crain, 2011; Miller, 2011). As with Piaget, there is no full explanation for developmental problems and individual differences. Some children, regardless of help given by others, still develop at a slower rate, suggesting that other factors must be involved. Furthermore, Vygotsky underplayed the role of biology in development, especially the role of genetics and the development of the brain (Afram, 2015).

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BOX 4.1. DEVELOPMENTAL LEARNING IN THE AFRICAN CONTEXT In some African cultures, children develop through their own initiative, taking an active role in managing their own learning. Other cultures instruct intelligence, whereas some permit children to develop their intelligences mainly by themselves as they engage with the world or as they stimulate one another within the freedom of the peer culture with little to no adult intervention. A principle in the African worldview is that intelligent capacities are not derived from instruction but from participatory pedagogy. pedagogy In this sense, children's developmental lessons are not the products of instruction or didactic processes, but are extracted from family routines, ethnic languages, institutional structures, cultural practices, economic activities, imagined or spatial cues, and social encounters, particularly those of the peer culture. The concept of developmental learning implies that children are not born with the knowledge; they learn or grow into them as they develop. Accordingly, Africans assign sequential tasks to the culturally perceived developmental stages. Core learning is achieved without the usual sense of classrooms and schools. Nsamenang et al. (2010)

4.2.1.3 Information processing theory As discussed in Chapter 1, information processing theorists take their inspiration from modern technology; for example, they use computers as a metaphor for the way the human mind works. Although Piaget and Vygotsky provided ideas about how young children think and how their thinking changes, information processing theorists believe that young children's cognitive development is more complex and more multifaceted. To explain young children's advances and limitations in reasoning and problem-solving abilities, information processing theorists look for changes that take place in children's ability to pay attention to the environment, their ability to remember, to develop strategies and solve problems, and to understand their own mental processes and those of others (Santrock, 2019).

(a) Attention As mentioned in Chapter 1, attention is the process of selectively focusing on certain aspects of the environment rather than on others (APA, 2020). Attention plays a primary role in learning and the acquisition of information, and serves several functions related to information processing. For example, it selects certain events or objects in the environment to focus on and keeps focus on the selected object while the information about the object is being processed (Reynolds et al., 2016). The child's ability to pay attention improves significantly during the preschool years, most notably in executive attention (the ability to focus on the planning and completing of steps to achieve a goal) and sustained attention (the ability to maintain focus for a period). This means that preschool children can plan actions, distribute attention to goals, detect and compensate for errors, check their progress on tasks, and deal with new or difficult circumstances. In addition, they 223 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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are also able to increasingly show consistent control of their attention; in other words, their ability to sustain attention and then regain attention after being distracted, increases (Rothbart et al., 2015). Some limitations are evident, especially for ages under 6 (see Santrock, 2019): Young preschool children are more likely to pay attention to stimuli that stand out or are interesting to them, even when those stimuli are not relevant to the task. For example, if a flashy clown presents steps to complete a task, younger children will pay more attention to the clown rather than to the steps to be followed. Younger children also use less planning and more haphazard strategies when completing tasks such as building a puzzle. However, certain activities, for instance those encountered in preschool environments or certain computer exercises, are designed to improve attention. Children's ability to sustain attention is related to school readiness.

(b) Memory Memory is defined as the retention of information over time and is regarded as a central process in a child's cognitive development (Santrock, 2019), A distinction is made between working memory and long-term memory. • Working memory. As mentioned in Chapter 1, working memory (WM) involves the ability to keep a limited amount of information active in the mind temporarily available for further processing (Cowan, 2017). It involves the manipulation and transformation of verbal and visual information, and is vital for many day-to-day tasks, such as following instructions, responding in conversations, acquisition of vocabulary, listening and reading comprehension, numerical literacy, and problem-solving. WM is assessed typically with span tasks that assess the capacity of verbal, visual, or spatial memory (i.e., how much items or chunks can be held in memory), and tasks that imply processing (i.e., span tasks that are more complex) (Cockcroft, 2015). Assessing WM in very young preschool children is challenging, because they have a more limited knowledge base, are verbally less proficient, less literate, more impulsive, and have more difficulty in attending to stimuli in conventional laboratory tasks (Roman et al., 2015). In addition, the limitation in storage capacity of the working memory limits complex comprehension processes, with the result that they could be inaccurate in recalling words or numbers they have just heard (Henry, 2012). However, as with other cognitive functions, age-related changes in working memory occur. In their study, using age-appropriate measures (e.g., small animal-shaped bean-filled bags instead of numbers), Roman et al. (2015) found significant differences in working memory capacity between 3- and 6-year-olds: Working memory capacity increased significantly with age and also correlated with language skills and verbal and nonverbal memory. • Long-term memory. As mentioned previously, long-term memory (LTM) is regarded as our (relatively) permanent storehouse of information. Since we usually remember very little before the age of five, the question arises whether LTM exists during early childhood. However, there are indications that in spite of everyday forgetfulness and childhood amnesia (see Chapter 3), certain kinds of LTM do occur even in early childhood. For example, two-year-olds can often remember locations of objects seen 224 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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many months earlier, and by the age of three, many children can verbally recall events that occurred up to 18 months in the past (see Haden et al., 2011). In the preschool years there are additional changes in recall of both routine and unique events, as well as in the reports that children provide about their memories (Lukowski et al., 2014). For example, their autobiographical memories become more evident in their memories of stories, movies, and interesting events (Bauer et al., 2016). However, when the experience is a repeated one, such as a bedtime routine, the particulars of specific occasions become clouded with a general memory of the routine. For example, children will find it difficult to describe a bedtime routine of a week ago and will be able to describe only what usually happens at bedtime. This generic knowledge (i.e., general knowledge about a subject or an event) is called script knowledge.

(c) Memory strategies An especially important aspect of information-processing theory is the use of memory strategies. Memory strategies (also called mnemonics mnemonics) consist of deliberate mental activities or techniques to improve the processing, storing, and recalling of information (Nolen, 2020). Rehearsal and retrieval are two of the most investigated memory strategies during early childhood. Rehearsal involves repeating information over and over in order to process and store the information as a memory. Retrieval includes recall and recognition and refers to the process of remembering information stored in the long-term memory. A large part of the changes that take place in children's cognitive processes during their development may be ascribed to the changes in their memory strategies. These skills progressively improve as children get older. For example, young children (ages 2 to 5) are less likely than older children are to use rehearsal, in which they repeat material silently or aloud, and as a result, they hold verbal material in WM less effectively than older children do. Young children are also less proficient than older children are in accessing or retrieving information from memory storage. The development of retrieval strategies consists of an increasing ability to search memory intelligently, efficiently, flexibly, systematically, and selectively to address the required problem. As mentioned in the previous chapter, there are two common forms of retrieval: recognition and recall. Recognition refers to a type of memory that notices whether a stimulus is identical or similar to one previously experienced (e.g., a child recognising pictures in a favourite book). This is the most basic form of retrieval, and children generally have excellent recognition memory. Recall is not that simple, however. It involves remembering a stimulus that is not present and because it involves representational skills, young children generally have poorer recall memory. This is perhaps I can' can't remember mommy, but maybe this memory stick because recall, unlike recognition, will help!

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requires rehearsal strategies that are more active and a more thorough search of memory to retrieve the right ones, which young children find difficult. However, some research (e.g., Schneider et al., 2009) indicates that children who use two or more strategies from the beginning substantially outperform their peers who use fewer than two strategies. It is also noteworthy that the development of memory strategies not only is a product of a more competent information-processing system but also depends on task demands, schooling, and cultural factors (Berk, 2019).

(d) Metamemory and metacognition Information processing theorists maintain that children's ability to make efficient use of their memory system is influenced by cognitive processes such as metamemory and metacognition. Metamemory refers to our knowledge and awareness of our own memory processes (APA, 2020). It signifies memory skills and the appropriate use of these strategies. For example, young children know that it takes longer to memorise a list of 10 words than a list of five words. However, between the ages of two and six, children often do not know 'what to do' when they have to remember something. Therefore, they cannot use effective strategies for tasks that are more difficult and require the efficient use of the memory system. Metacognition refers to knowledge about and control of cognitive processes (Hampton, 2017). For example, a girl listening to a story being read to her may realise she has forgotten the main character's name and asks the reader what it is. Both knowing that the character's name has been forgotten and knowing that the character's name will make the story easier to understand, are forms of metacognition. Moreover, metacognitive processes enable the child to generate a strategy, such as asking the reader, who will solve the problem.

(e) Executive functioning As mentioned in previous chapters, this refers to the conscious control of thoughts, emotions, and actions to accomplish goals or to solve problems. Executive functioning enables children to plan and carry out goal-directed mental activity. It emerges around the end of the first year of life and seems to develop in spurts with age. Changes in executive functioning between the ages of two and five years enable children to make up and use complex rules for problem solving. They become more flexible in their thinking, become better at delaying gratification, and show advances in cognitive inhibition (Cassidy, 2016). Researchers found that advances in executive functioning during the preschool years are linked with skills in mathematics, language development and literacy, vocabulary development, and school readiness (see Santrock, 2019). Factors that contribute to children's executive functioning include parenting practices (e.g., providing age-appropriate support during cognitive tasks), secure attachment, certain aspects of language development, socio-economic status, and culture (e.g., Bernier et al., 2017).

(f) Theory of mind To understand their world and how to behave in it, children and adults construct a theory of mind (ToM). Theory of mind refers to the ability to think about one's own mental processes (e.g., emotions, desires, intentions, beliefs, and knowledge) and those of others 226 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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and use them to predict behaviour (Martin et al., 2020). As mentioned in the previous chapter, this is often referred to as 'folk psychology', while the term 'mindreading' is sometimes used in this context (Goldman, 2012). For example, even very young children can interpret the meaning of a smile and a frown; or realise that desires (e.g., hunger) can affect behaviour (e.g., getting a parent's attention). As children mature, they develop an understanding of themselves and others as psychological beings who think, know, want, feel, and believe. They come to understand that what they think and believe may be different from what another person thinks and believes. They also learn that much of a person's behaviour is motivated or caused by one's knowledge and beliefs (Schlinger, 2009, 2017). According to Wellman et al. (2012) ToM ability develops progressively in five different stages in a sequential order: - -

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Diverse desires: the understanding that different people want different things, and that they behave in different ways to get what they want. Different beliefs: the understanding that people can have different beliefs about the same thing or situation, and people's actions are based on what they think is going to happen. Knowledge ignorance: the understanding that people may not have the same knowledge about something, and if they have not seen something, they will need extra information to understand, False beliefs: the understanding that people can have beliefs that differ from reality. Hidden emotions: the understanding that people can hide their true feelings by displaying a different emotion from what they feel.

However, theory of mind does not occur randomly (Hughes et al., 2007; O'Brien et al., 2011). For theory of mind to develop, other developmental skills have to be attained. Prior developments necessary for the acquisition of theory of mind are the following (Welman 2017): • Self-awareness. This refers to children's recognition of their own mental states (such as feelings, desires, thoughts, and behaviours). This is evident at quite an early age and may be seen in children's comments about their feelings and desires. Such ability represents a basic prerequisite for the understanding of mental operations generally. • The capacity for pretence. From the second year on, children are able to engage in make-believe play, such as pretend play with dolls to which the child allocates various mental states. Thus, a powerful imagination — a prerequisite for being able to work out how other people function — is already present. • The ability to distinguish reality from pretence. Children's ability to see that others are not just extensions of their desires is a later and more sophisticated development. Only when this appears will children no longer confuse the mental states given to other people with their own mental state. There is evidence that this does not become established reliably until the fourth year. Only then can children imagine another person's beliefs and feelings as something apart from their own. 227 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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• Understanding emotions. Children who demonstrate an awareness of emotional states in themselves and in others may show more theory of mind understanding. • Executive functions. Children's growing competence in executive functions (such as reasoning, inhibitory control, and the ability to think about thinking) provides an important platform for their acquisition of a theory of mind. Various other factors influence children's development of theory of mind and could account for individual differences in ToM (see Hughes et al., 2015; Devine, 2016). For example, meta-analytic evidence suggests that individual differences in early executive functioning predict ToM performance at a later stage. Several studies have also shown a positive link between language development and ToM development later on. Parent-child communication patterns, especially about what others think, feel or would do in a particular situation, is also a strong contributary factor, For example, by using mental state talk such as physiological (e.g., being hungry), perceptual (e.g., see), emotional (e.g., happy), cognitive (e.g., knowing), moral (e.g., right or wrong), and social-relational (e.g., helping) concepts in telling stories, reading, or talking about others, parents contribute to their children's ability later on to understand other people's mental states (Pinto et al., 2019). In addition, several studies have indicated a range of social factors that could influence individuals' development of ToM, such as social-economic factors and interactions with siblings and peers (Devine, 2016). Generally, a theory of mind provides the preschool child with a powerful tool to explain, predict and manipulate other people's behaviour. As we have noted, it is closely related to social-cognitive functioning, language development, fantasy, pretend play, prosocial behaviour, and understanding and regulation of emotion (Van Staden, 2010). Recent research indicates that children who have an advanced theory of mind are more popular with their peers and have better skills in peer relations (Peterson et al., 2016). In fact, the rate at which individual preschoolers develop a theory of mind is a good predictor of their social skills, both later on in early childhood and during the school years. Although researchers have used various methods to study ToM, the most used test is the so-called false-belief task. task A false belief task assesses the child's ability to predict the behaviour of someone else based on a supposed mental state that differs from reality (Bloom et al., 2000). In all false-belief tasks, a situation is set up so that the child being tested has accurate information, but someone else does not. Typically, first- and secondorder false-belief tasks are used (Ruhl, 2020): First-order false-belief tasks assess the realisation that it is possible to hold false beliefs about real events in the world. A classic, but commonly used first-order false-belief task is the unexpected content task (Gopnik et al., 1988). In this task, the child being tested is shown a box marked, for example, 'Smarties'. When asked what is inside, the child answers "Smarties", but when the box is opened it contains pencils. When asked what a child who had never seen what is inside the box will say what is inside, children who 'pass' this task will say "Smarties", although the child being tested knows that the box in reality contains pencils. Second-order false-belief tasks assess children's ability to understand that other persons' beliefs about a situation can be different from their own, and also differ from 228 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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reality. For example, in a classic second-order task, also called the unexpected transfer task (Wimmer et al., 1983), children are either told or shown a story in which one character puts a toy in a basket. The character then goes out to play, and a second character places the object in a box. Children are then asked where the first character will look for the object when he or she returns. Children are said to 'pass' the test when they understand that the character will look in the basket (although in reality it is in the box). Research evidence suggests that children younger than four years of age, and children with certain disabilities, such as deafness (see Box 4.2 on deaf children's theory of mind abilities), and children diagnosed with certain developmental disorders do not do well in false-belief tasks (see Ruhl, 2020). The standard interpretation for failure in false-belief tasks is that these children lack ToM or that they cannot 'read people's minds' (see Schlinger, 2009, 2017). However, there are reasons to question the assumption that understanding false beliefs is a pivotal moment in the development of theory of mind (Airenti, 2015; Santrock, 2019). For example, the false-belief tasks are quite complex, because they involve several factors such as the characters in a story and all their individual actions, while at the same time the child has to disregard their own knowledge in making predictions about what others would think. In addition, performance in false-belief tasks is also influenced by the way in which questions are asked, children's language ability, and their specific experiences. Another important issue is that understanding another's mind involves much more than a false-belief task would indicate. Some researchers (e.g., Bloom et al., 2000) argue that the false-belief task should be abandoned as a test of ToM because the task requires abilities other than ToM, and conversely, ToM does not necessarily include the ability to reason about false beliefs. Furthermore, there is more to understanding the minds of others than false-belief tasks would indicate (Santrock, 2019). In their study including a wide array of tasks, Warnell et al. (2019) found minimal correlations between tasks. This means that having a high level of theory of mind in one task does not predict performance in another task designed to measure the same underlying ability. These researchers conclude that understanding others' internal states may be a multidimensional process that interacts with other abilities, a process that may not occur in a single conceptual framework. Research on ToM started in the 1970s and initially focused on children between the ages of two and five, but has since been extended to include older children, adolescents, and adults. ToM continues to develop in later stages of life, due to schooling, exposure to more social settings, and the development of ToM-related skills, such as vocabulary, working memory, and referential communication (e.g., when two speakers share information) (Pinto et al., 2019). What about the cross-cultural application of theory of mind? Initially, research yielded contradictory results. A reason proposed for this was partly that a single false-belief task is not adequate to assess such complex development. It was evident that theory of mind should be examined through a wider lens to include diverse beliefs, false beliefs, diverse desires, access to knowledge, and hidden emotions. By incorporating these aspects in their research, Wellman and his colleagues could show that cross-cultural differences did not reflect differences in rates or extent of mastering theory of mind (Shahaeian et al., 2011; Wellman, 2012, 2018). However, variations in cultural context inevitably exist within 229 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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broad culturally consistent patterns (Mizokawa et al., 2017; Molitor et al., 2019). Therefore, children from collectivistic cultures and individualistic cultures respectively will necessarily take different developmental routes toward the eventual mastery of the tasks; that is, a cross-cultural difference exists in the sequencing of theory of mind steps, but not in the overall rates of mastering theory of mind. The researchers conclude that collectivist family values emphasise consensual learning, acquisition of knowledge, and low tolerance for childhood critical and independent belief. On the other hand, individualistic family values encourage children to assert themselves and to learn the skills of reasoned argument.

BOX 4.2. DEAF CHILDREN' CHILDREN'S THEORY OF MIND ABILITIES: COMPARING CHILDREN OF DEAF AND HEARING PARENTS Annalene van Staden (2010) from the Department of Psychology of Education at the University of the Free State reviewed several empirical studies on the development of ToM in deaf and hearing children. She concluded that these studies show a significant relationship between false-belief understanding and language ability, such as semantics, receptive vocabulary, and syntax. She also investigated findings on issues related to the language demands of verbal false-belief tasks and the effect these might have on deaf children's ToM understanding. Research findings demonstrate that reasoning about cognitive states and ToM development in deaf children from hearing families (late signing or orally trained) are delayed. In contrast, the language development of deaf children of deaf parents (native signing) who typically are exposed to sign language from birth is remarkably similar to the development of spoken language in hearing children. It appears that the choice of sign language as a communication medium is advantageous to many deaf children, since native-signing deaf children outperform late-signing and orally trained children on numerous false-belief tasks and exhibit a better ToM understanding. Van Staden emphasises the pivotal role of language skills, social interaction and the evolving understanding and sharing of emotions that lead to the development of ToM in deaf and hearing children.

(g) Evaluating information processing theory Information processing theory has been very influential in the field of knowledge acquisition (e.g., see Moos, 2020; Santrock 2019). It offers detailed descriptions of cognitive structures and processes. It emphasises that individuals manipulate information, monitor, and strategise about it, and closely examines processes of attention, perception, and distinct memory stores. Information processing theory regards cognitive development as a gradually increasing capacity to acquire complex knowledge and skills. Because the mental structures are the centrepiece of the theory, theorists on information processing do not make provision for the emotional, motivational, and social contexts of the individual, while most of the research procedures are conducted in controlled environments.

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4.2.1.4 How to enhance children' children's cognitive development We conclude this section on the theories of cognitive development to address some concerns that may arise for many parents and others involved with children regarding how they could contribute towards their children's cognitive development. Although children's cognitive development and abilities have a strong genetic basis, environmental factors may also play a significant role, for example as follows (e.g., Jeong et al., 2019; O'Carrol, 2006; Zeng et al., 2017): • Exposure to new and interesting situations. A new and interesting situation brings about a state of disequilibrium (imbalance) in children that, according to Piaget, will force them to change their cognitive structures. Consequently, cognitive development takes place. Another view is that new synapses are formed, which enhances brain development. • Interaction with other children. When children interact with others, they become aware that other people perceive and experience situations differently. This will also create disequilibrium — they will seek answers, which in turn will stimulate cognitive growth. • Play. In play situations, children explore and find out new things. Play also provides children with the opportunity to practise newly acquired skills (e.g., drawing and language skills). Through play, they are able to exercise their competence. It also provides opportunities for generating new ways of using objects. Play also enhances brain development by creating new synapses. Therefore, children should be allowed to play as much as possible to enhance their cognitive development. • Practising of cognitive skills. Parents and caregivers should provide opportunities where children can practise their cognitive skills. This could be in play situations or by asking other children to assist them when performing certain tasks. For example, engaging other children in puzzle play enhances their spatial and mental rotation skills, while building blocks (such as Lego) also contribute to these skills, as well as to planning, problem-solving skills, and creativity. • Transmission of knowledge. Knowledge is transmitted to children in different ways. Especially parents and caregivers teach children by telling them about things, reading to them, and exposing them to new information and situations (e.g., by taking them to the zoo, reading to them, taking them to the library, and by exposing them to educational television programmes and Internet information). Parents should foster a questioning attitude in their children by allowing them to ask questions and to query things they do not understand. • Pre-primary schooling. Pre-primary schooling seems to be particularly effective in enhancing the cognitive development of children. Furthermore, children's social and emotional development is also enhanced as they learn to interact with others and regulate their emotions. However, the quality of teaching in pre-primary schools is important. • Enrichment (intervention) programmes. Children, especially from environmentally deprived backgrounds, tend to benefit from programmes designed to prepare them for school. An example is a programme developed by Dr Ingrid Herbst (Herbst et al., 231 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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1993) for preschool Sotho children. The programme stimulates children through play, art, and construction activities involving everyday objects such as stones, caps of bottles, boxes, and magazines. Intervention programmes to stimulate children's literacy skills have also been developed in South Africa. • Physical activity. Several studies with children in the early childhood years have indicated that physical activity (e.g., exercise, active games, and sports programmes) can enhance their cognitive development (e.g., academic achievement, learning, language, concentration/attention, and memory). REVIEW THIS SECTION 1. Discuss the preoperational stage of cognitive development as theorised by Jean Piaget. Describe the main advances in children's thinking during this stage, as well as the immature aspects of preoperational thought. 2. Describe Piaget's conservation task. According to Piaget, what does failure in this task indicate? Describe Piaget's Three Mountains Task. What does failure in this task indicate, according to Piaget? 3. Discuss the characteristics of young children's preoperational thinking according to Piaget's theory. 4. Critically evaluate Piaget's views on the preoperational stage of cognitive development. 5. Discuss the difference between Jean Piaget's and Lev Vygotsky's theories of cognitive development. 6. Discuss Lev Vygotsky's theory of cognitive development in terms of the following: (a) Zone of proximal development; (b) Language and thought, and (c) Mechanisms of development. 7. Critically evaluate Vygotsky's socio-cultural theory of cognitive development. 8. Describe the features of social interaction that support children's cognitive development. 9. Explain the concepts scaffolding, guided participation, and participatory pedagogy. 10. Mention the features of young children's cognitive development on which information processing theorists focus to explain changes that take place in children's cognitive functioning. 11. Discuss the changes that take place in pre-school children's information-processing abilities in terms of the following: (a) Attention (b) Memory (c) Memory strategies (d) Metamemory and metacognition (e) Executive functioning (f) Theory of mind 12. How does the African view of developmental learning correspond/differ from the theories discussed in this chapter? Do you think that this view will be adequate to prepare children for functioning in today's world? 13. Discuss the ways in which parents can enhance or stimulate their children's cognitive development. 232 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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4.2.2 Language Development As mentioned in the previous chapter, language development is a critical part of child development, and most parents look forward to this aspect of their child's development. Language development supports the child's ability to communicate, express, and understand feelings. It also supports thinking and problem-solving and developing and maintaining relationships. Understanding, using, and enjoying language is the critical first step in literacy and the basis for learning to read and write. During early childhood, toddlers move very quickly from two-word utterances to creating multiple-word utterances. By the age of two years, they can produce sentences of up to four or five words, and by three years up to eight words. However, counting the number of words they use is not a good measure of language development. Therefore, researchers use a measure called the Mean Length of Utterance (MLU MLU) to calculate the complexity of children's language usage (APA, 2020). MLU refers to the average number of morphemes (the smallest unit of language that has its own meaning; e.g., in, dog, eat) in a set of utterances. Between two and three years of age, they begin the transition from using simple sentences to complex utterances. Language acquisition occurs according to certain processes that seem to be present in most languages. Children's accomplishments in language development include the following aspects:

4.2.2.1 Vocabulary As discussed in the previous chapter, a vocabulary spurt occurs between the ages of sixteen months and two years. Further rapid expansion occurs between the ages of three and six years, which implies that they learn several new words per day. This rapid expansion of vocabulary may occur through a process called fast mapping, mapping which allows the child to pick up the approximate meaning of a word after hearing it only once or twice (see Bjorklund et al., 2018). This brief introduction is sufficient for at least some children to restructure their lexical domains, probably by forming a quick hypothesis about the meaning of the word. This is followed by a slower process called extended mapping, mapping the clarifying process in which the child's understanding of the word continues to be refined with increased usage and exposure to the word (Koch, 2019). Thus, an entry for the new word is made, along with some of the syntactic (grammatical) and semantic (meaning) features, after which the child learns the 'full' meaning of the word (Galotti, 2011). Linguists do not fully understand how fast mapping works, but it seems that children draw on their knowledge about the rules for forming words, similar words, the immediate context, and the subject under discussion. Names of objects (nouns) seem to be easier to fast map than names of actions (verbs) that are less concrete. Despite these advances in vocabulary, children's early vocabulary still contains many immaturities (although these add to their cuteness at this stage!). For example, underextensions may occur. This refers to the tendency to restrict the usage of a word, such as using the word "juice" only for orange juice and not for other fruit juices. In contrast to this highly specific use of words, overextensions also occur in children's early speech. 233 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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This refers to the usage of a word for a wider variety of objects or referents that is incorrect, such as using the word "dog" for another four-legged animal such as a horse. However, this does not mean that the child thinks that a dog is a horse, but rather that they do not yet know the word "horse" and use "dog" which resembles the animal the closest.

4.2.2.2 Phonology and morphology Phonology refers to the speech sounds of language. It includes the study of sound patterns and their meanings that are used when speaking a language, as well as the study of the similarities and differences across languages. Children have to acquire a rule system for pairing sound with meaning. During the preschool years, children become perceptive to the sounds of the spoken word and are increasingly capable of producing all the sounds of their language. In fact, by the age of three, children are capable of producing all the vowel sounds and most of the consonants. Children typically like rhymes and songs and make up silly words by substituting the sounds. Morphology is the study of words. It refers to the smallest language unit that has meaning in order to structure a word. Many of the indigenous languages in South Africa such as isiZulu and isiXhosa are especially morphologically rich. Therefore, children learning these languages have the important task of acquiring the rules of combining morphemes in appropriate ways (e.g., see Pascoe et al., 2012). To illustrate these developments, we refer to the English language (see Croker, 2012); for example, adding an –s to indicate plural or –ed to indicate past tense and –ing to indicate continuing action. By the time children begin to use more words in a sentence, they start demonstrating knowledge of morphology rules. They begin to use plural and possessive forms (such as two dogs, the dog's food). They put appropriate endings to verbs, such as an –s for a third person singular verb and –ed for the past tense. They use prepositions such as in and on, articles such as a and the, and various forms of the verb to be. Consequently, they not only use more words in sentences, but also the sentences become more complex as they add grammatical morphemes to words. Some of the best evidence of the development of children's morphological rules is evident in their overgeneralisation of the rules, for instance when a preschooler says "foots" instead of "feet", or "goed" instead of "went". Another interesting example is that, as children acquire these morphemes, they use this new knowledge of verb morphology to create new verbs from nouns; for example, a threeyear-old, pretending to be a lion, says, "I'm lioning".

4.2.2.3 Grammar and syntax The development of grammar (the rules of a language) and syntax (combining words in meaningful phrases and sentences according to grammatical rules), becomes increasingly complex during early childhood. By the age of three, children typically begin to use plurals, possessives, and the past tense. They also know the differences between I, you, and us. They can ask and answer what and where questions (why and how are harder to grasp and develop later). However, generally, their sentences are short, simple, and declarative (e.g., "I want milk"). 234 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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Between the ages of four and five, with the increase of MLU, children's sentences also become more complex to include sentence types such as negatives, questions, imperatives (exclamations), and compound sentences (sentences linked by and, but, or because). They also tend to string sentences together in long stories by linking them with "And then … And then …" In some cases, comprehension may still be somewhat immature, especially if a command includes more than one element. Four-year-old Tobelo will be able to understand his mother's command, "Tobelo, pick up your toys and put them in the basket", because the sequence of what he needs to do is logical. However, if his mother says, "You may watch TV after you have picked up all your toys and put them in the basket", Tobelo may process the words in the order in which he hears them — to watch TV first and then pick up the toys. Between the ages of five and seven, children's language becomes quite 'adultlike'. They can use longer and more complex sentences characterised by conjunctions, prepositions, articles, and multiple clauses. This enables them to converse effectively and tell a story. However, although they may speak fluently, comprehensively, and grammatically correctly, they have not yet mastered all aspects of language development. For example, they rarely use the passive voice ("I was dressed by grandma") or conditional sentences ("If I were a fish, I could stay under water"), and tend to overgeneralise (such as adding -ed to all verbs used in the past tense), as mentioned earlier.

4.2.2.4 The pragmatic use of language Pragmatic language refers to the ability to use language in a social (i.e., practical) context (Socher et al., 2019); in other words, to adhere to the rules for using language effectively and appropriately in social contexts and according to social conventions. These are all aspects of social speech, speech which is speech intended to be understood by a listener. This means children have to develop the practical knowledge to use language socially to communicate. From an early age, children learn the rules of etiquette (e.g., to say 'please' and 'thank you'), how to address people correctly depending on the context (e.g., how to ask a favour or give a command) and how to change the content and intonation of speech depending on the status and identity of the listener (e.g., younger brothers and sisters are addressed differently than older ones, and siblings are addressed differently than parents and schoolteachers are). Developments in the pragmatic use of language are associated with theory of mind (see Frank, 2018). In fact, it has been found that children who perform best in falsebelief tasks are also the most active communicators in shared pretend-play situations (DeLeau, 2012). The assumption is that, in order to use language socially, one has to be aware of others' emotions and beliefs, and know how to tell a story or joke, how to begin a conversation, and how to adjust comments to the listener's perspective. With the improvement of pronunciation and grammar, it becomes easier for others to understand what children say. This facilitates reciprocal (two-way) conversation. Most three-year-olds are quite talkative and can pay attention to the effect of their speech on others. They even try to explain themselves more clearly if they are not being understood. Most four-year-olds use 'parentese' (language with a higher pitch usually used by parents 235 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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when addressing infants) when they talk to younger children. Most five-year-olds can adapt what they say to the listener's perspective (e.g., using language that is more polite and making fewer commands when talking to adults than to other children). They can use words to resolve disputes, and they are able to stick to a conversational topic, especially if they are comfortable with their conversational partner and if they are interested in the topic.

4.2.2.5 Emergent literacy Emergent literacy refers to the development of skills, knowledge and attitudes that are needed to learn to read and write. Various studies have emphasised the importance of literacy in the development of children (e.g., Goodrich et al., 2019; UNESCO, 2021). Emergent literacy is an essential capability that children must develop before entering primary school. Low achievement in literacy correlates with negative consequences such as low educational achievement, high rates of school dropout, poverty, and underemployment later in life. The specific skills required for emergent literacy are those needed for understanding the printed word. These skills are called prereading skills and can be divided into two types: oral language skills, skills such as vocabulary, syntax, and oral narrative skills; and phonological skills, skills such as linking letters with sounds that facilitate the decoding of the printed word. To achieve a functional level of literacy, children must master the following basic skills (Croker, 2012): • Firstly, they need to be able to recognise letters. This does not simply mean recognising that a is different from b, but also recognising that the same letter may take different forms, for example, a A A A a. • Secondly, they need to understand which sounds correspond with which letter symbols (this is called grapheme-phoneme correspondence rules). Some languages are more transparent and easier to decode on the letter-to-sound level (such as Afrikaans and Zulu). Other languages, such as English and Xhosa, are exceptionally opaque (unclear) with many letter-to-sound rules that are often not predictable and often depend on the letters surrounding the words (e.g., the letter i in "bit" sounds different in "bite"). • Thirdly, they must be able to recognise words. When children can recognise whole words, they no longer have to spell each word as a series of component sounds. • Fourthly, they need to recognise the meanings of words and their relation to realworld references. For example, the word 'chair' is an object to sit on. • Fifthly, they need comprehension and interpretation skills. This relies on automatic word recognition, a large vocabulary, working memory capacity, and knowledge of the world. Longitudinal research confirms the significance of early language skills in children's school readiness and academic achievement (Kokkalia et al., 2019; Pan et al., 2019). In this regard, the following is important:

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 honological awareness, letter name and sound knowledge, and naming speed in the P preschool years are linked to reading success in the first and second grade. Children's early home environment influences their early language skills, which in turn predict their readiness for school. The number of letters children know in pre-primary school correlates highly with their reading achievement in later years.

Sadly, although some improvements have been made in the last few years, South African children underperform relative to most middle-income countries (Gustafson, 2020).

(a) Factors that influence children' children's literacy competence When considering South African children's poor performance on literacy assessments, one asks oneself: What is wrong? According to various researchers, factors such as the following play a role (e.g., De Witt et al., 2018; Naidoo et al., 2014; Spaull, 2016): • Literacy environment. Unfortunately, South Africa lacks a culture of reading (Willenberg, 2018). For example, adults in South Africa spend an average of only four hours per week reading (South African Book Development Council, 2016). This is about half the time spend watching TV or other electronic media. Owing to sociopolitical inequalities, just over three million South Africans older than 15 years are illiterate, while the reading skills of many who indicate that they can read, leave much to be desired. This situation is not conducive for many children's home literacy environments. Home literacy environment refers to the literacy-related interactions, resources, and attitudes that children experience at home (Hamilton et al., 2015). Research consistently has emphasised the importance of the home environment in the language and literacy development of children (Makunga et al., 2017; Zwass, 2018). Examples of a positive home literacy environment include family members who set an example (e.g., are keen readers) and the availability of books or other media and devices (e.g., electronic devices) that will promote literacy. However, it is estimated that only about 15% of parents in developing countries such as South Africa provide cognitively stimulating materials to their children (Walker et al., 2007). • Socio-economic conditions. The far-reaching effect of poverty is often underestimated (Pillay, 2017). In many cases, poor socio-economic conditions lead to the lack of literacy-related stimulating material and devices. In addition, overcrowded and poor housing conditions generally associated with poor socio-economic conditions may further compromise children's literacy performance. This is especially true of children who grow up in overcrowded one-roomed shacks. Furthermore, children who have more household duties appear to perform poorly in literacy tests compared to those who have lesser responsibilities. However, one should also keep in mind that many children in these conditions do exceed. • The school system. Although the above-mentioned factors play an important role in the development of reading skills, the ultimate responsibility for educating South Africa's children lies with the school system (Willenberg, 2018): 237 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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Firstly, the South African school curriculum. Govender (2018) reflects the view of all experts with her stance that the educational curriculum is vital to the success of a country. However, although the instructions are specific about the sequence and pace of teaching letter knowledge in Grade 1, it seems that the school curriculum is directed to a large extent at those who already know. This means that success in learning depends on children's knowledge when they enter Grade 1. Therefore, children who have a good foundation by the end of Grade R (reception year) are able to move quickly through the Grade 1 curriculum. However, many children do not attend preschool or day-care centres, due to economic hardship or cultural practices, and many children are left in the care of extended family members who do not have the necessary literacy skills. Although the focus in the early education sector has been to get children into Grade R, it will have little value unless it provides high-quality curricula and instruction (Willenberg, 2004). Secondly, the quality of teaching. It has been proven beyond doubt that the general quality of teaching in South Africa is not up to standard. For example, about 10% of the country's teachers are absent from school each day, while many have insufficient content knowledge levels (Robinson, 2019). In addition, many preschool environments offer inadequate quality and quantity of access to literacy resources and activities. In addition, and for various reasons, many children are schooled in their second or third languages, while many teachers are not trained or do not have the skills or resources to cater for these specific needs (Kretzer, 2019). Children from such contexts commonly begin Grade 1 without well-established letter knowledge. Against this background, it is not surprising that children who attend Grade R do not necessarily display basic literacy competency afterwards. This raises concern about the extent to which teachers are equipped adequately to promote children's language and literacy development (Spaull, 2016). Quality literacy teaching involves creating opportunities for children to experiment with sounds in words to see the link to letters. Many teachers, mostly in middle-class areas, engage in a print-rich environment and use many resources to build on letter knowledge that the children have already encountered in their homes. Teachers in disadvantaged communities often struggle with under-resourced and overcrowded classroom conditions, and lack of parental involvement. However, intervention programmes utilising a variety of costeffective activities and media in these contexts have been successful in developing children's letter-sound knowledge and awareness of beginning sounds (e.g., Castillo, 2017; Ferreira-Meyers et al., 2017).

(b) Factors that could enhance children' children's literacy competence The effect of the pervasive cognitive under-stimulation in literacy skills, especially in the developing world, has rekindled interest in the importance of stimulating activities such as book sharing, sharing sometimes referred to as shared or paired reading (Topcu et al., 2018). Book sharing (usually picture books on preschool level) is related to language growth, emergent literacy, and reading achievement. Book sharing does not imply that the parents only read the story, but that, while reading, they also engage in labelling objects and commenting on and questioning the child about, for example, the pictures in the 238 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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book. These parental behaviours during book reading expose children to new words and concepts rarely used in everyday conversations or encountered in their everyday lives. It also gives parents opportunities to engage in decontextualized talk — discussion that extends beyond the pictures in the book to include additional new and unfamiliar concepts. This talk during book sharing is often more complex than other parent-child interactions are, such as during free play or at mealtimes, and serves to enhance comprehension, vocabulary, and emergent literacy. Parents' mean length of utterances, responsive replies to child utterances, as well as abstraction are much higher in book sharing contexts than in others. In addition, parents could also scaffold their children's mastery of language by using age-appropriate books. For example, in early book sharing with pre-literate children, parents could interact with their children's vocalisations as if it were words, thereby BOX 4.3. HOW CAN PARENTS AND CAREGIVERS FACILITATE THE LANGUAGE AND LITERACY ACQUISITION OF CHILDREN? Experts (e.g., Noble et al., 2019; Vardy, 2019) suggest that parents and caregivers should do the following: • Speak to children as often as possible, particularly about things in which they are currently interested. • Follow the argument of a child and let them feel that what they are saying is important. • Speak slowly so that children can follow what is being said. • Repeat difficult words often so that children can learn them. • Create opportunities for children to speak. • Listen attentively when children speak. • Encourage dialogue by asking questions and supply feedback to the answers. Ask clarification questions when necessary. Clarification questions indicate that the listener did not understand the comment and that the child should attempt the communication again. • Encourage children to respond to questions by using full sentences instead of merely "Yes" or "No". • Expose them to story books and dialogic book sharing (see Box 4.5) — the more literacyrelated experiences young children have, the better they will be prepared to tackle the complex tasks involved in reading and writing. • Ask children to say something about pictures in newspapers, magazines, and books. • Use sorting tasks to classify objects and pictures according to their beginning sounds and letters. • Encourage them to form letters using different media. • Use games to reinforce letter sounds such as picture cards, memory games, and board games. • Use reframing. This involves restating the child's remark using a different structure. For instance, when the child says, "Sweet", the parent could respond, "Would you like to have another sweet?" •

Correct what the child has said and expand on it. This could be done by rephrasing the child's incorrect statement in a correct and more complete form.

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encouraging the child to contribute to the exchange. Thus, the parent guides the child in the process of learning language by initiating exchanges and interactions and elaborating on a topic. In scaffolding books with children, adults also appear to operate in children's zone of proximal development. development The goal is to adjust their book-sharing interactions to children's changing cognitive and linguistic abilities as they develop. (See Box 4.3 on how parents and caregivers can facilitate the language and literacy development of children). Vally (2012; 2015) contends that training programmes for teachers and parents to encourage shared book reading are a cost-effective, deceivingly simple but powerful method to address South African children's literacy deficits. He proposes an intervention BOX 4.4. DIALOGIC READING AND GROWTH OF CHILDREN' CHILDREN'S LANGUAGE. Dialogic reading rests on the assumption that practice, feedback, and appropriately scaffolded interactions facilitate language development. The programme teaches adults specific techniques to use when reading books with preschoolers: The adult is an appropriate model of language usage, asks questions, provides feedback, and elicits increasingly advanced descriptions from children, thus gradually teaching the child to become the teller of the story. The training is typically a month long and is divided into two sessions. During the first session, adults are taught the following seven principles: 1. Ask "what" questions to evoke speech from the child. 2. Follow answers with questions, for example about the colour, shape, parts, action, or use of the object named by the child. 3. Repeat what the child has said to encourage the child and to indicate that the response is correct. 4. Help the child as needed. Parents should provide models/examples of good answers and let the child imitate these models. 5. Praise and encourage. Parents should provide positive feedback for children's responses. 6. Shadow the child's interest by talking about the things the child wants to talk about, e.g., a specific picture on the page, instead of insisting to complete the story (i.e., the adult's agenda). 7. Have fun. Parents can make reading fun by using a game-like, turn-taking approach. During the second session, parents are taught the following: 1. Ask open-ended questions that are less structured and require the child to pick something on the page and talk about it; e.g., "Tell me what you see on this page", or "Tell me what is going on here." 2. Expand on what the child says. Parents are requested to model language that is slightly more advanced by repeating what the child says, but with more information or in a more advanced form. For example, if the child says, "Duck swim", the parent responds with, "Yes, the duck is swimming." If the child says, "Car", the parent responds with, "Yes, a red car". The best expansions add only a little information so that the child can imitate them.

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programme, as explained in Box 4.4: Dialogic reading and growth of children's language. Indications are that, if parents encourage the language development of their children in the ways outlined, the children will learn the rules of syntax quicker; they will use longer sentences and will achieve higher scores in language proficiency tests, than children from similar backgrounds whose parents do not use these techniques.

4.2.2.6 Language acquisition among deaf children It is estimated that there are more than 30 million deaf children in the world (De Andrade, 2017). The national prevalence of hearing impairment in South Africa is estimated to be four to six in every 1 000 live births in the public health care sector (Maluleke et al., 2019). Hearing loss among children has a variety of causes. Approximately 50% to 60% of hearing loss in babies is due to genetic causes (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2021). However, approximately 90% to 95% of deaf and hard-of-hearing children are born to hearing parents (DesGeorges, 2016). This means that only a relatively small percentage of genetically caused hearing impairments are hereditary (transmitting traits from parent to offspring). The majority is due to mutations during conception. Non-genetic causal factors include diseases such as meningitis, encephalitis, middle ear infection, measles, mumps, chickenpox, foetal alcohol syndrome, and influenza. Head injuries, very loud noises, and some medications are also contributing variables. Research indicates that deaf children who learn sign language from a young age also go through the same stages and rate of language acquisition as hearing children do, as long as they are exposed to a fully accessible language from birth. Deaf children even make the same errors that hearing children do at about the same age that they occur in hearing children (see Storer, 2018). Deaf infants whose parents are deaf 'babble' in sign language (Sigelman et al., 2018). They experiment with gestures in much the same way that hearing infants experiment with sounds in preparation for their first meaningful communications. They sign their first meaningful single words at about 12 months, use their first syntax (combinations of two signs) between 18 and 24 months, and master many rules of language, such as past tense formation, between 2 and 3 years. Just as hearing children have difficulty with the pronunciation of certain words and overgeneralise certain rules, deaf children make predictable errors in their signing. It is noteworthy that language areas of the brain develop in the same way in deaf children exposed to sign language as in hearing children exposed to speech. The ability to communicate effectively with parents, family members, friends and educators is crucial for children's academic and social skills, as well as their general emotional well-being. However, through early hearing detection and resulting professional interventions such as sign language, lip-reading, hearing aids, and cochlear implants, children with hearing impairment can develop communication and school readiness abilities on par with children with normal hearing (Maluleke et al., 2019). Therefore, early hearing detection is of the utmost importance. Unfortunately, 90% of new-borns in South Africa do not have access to a hearing test, while families also do not receive information about paediatric hearing loss. The average age of diagnosis for a child with hearing loss in South Africa is 31 months. This is well beyond the critical time period for a child's speech 241 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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and language development, which depends immensely on responses of the brain to hearing in the first two years of life (Chan, 2019). Several international organisations (e.g., the American Academy of Pediatrics, 2021) recommend that the hearing of all infants should be screened no later than one month of age. Furthermore, in developing countries, and mainly because of financial reasons, only about one out of 40 people who may want hearing aids get access to them (De Andrade, 2017).

4.2.3 Cognitive Development and the Media Apart from written media, such as books, children are exposed to various other forms of media when they grow up: radio, television (TV), and information/communication devices, such as computers, and cell phones. This has led to the use of the term screen time, which includes how much time individuals spend watching television, playing video games, and using computers, tablets, or cell-phones (Canadian Paediatric Society, 2017). Although TV remains the dominant form of youth media, the use of other electronic and screen devices is increasing, also among preschool children. Children from a lower socioeconomic status (SES) tend to be more frequent TV viewers than their peers from a higher SES are, probably because fewer alternative forms of entertainment are affordable for their parents (Berk, 2019). However, the experience and effect of watching television is broadly similar to that of devices such as touch-screen devices (e.g., cell phones and tablets), computers, and electronic games (Anderson et al., 2017). Much of what is known about the effect of media on children's general development is drawn from decades of research on the effect of television. This is also true for its influence on cognitive development. Criticisms of the effects of television on children, particularly preschool-aged children, have emerged since its introduction (as in the case with almost all new media — computers, video games, cell phones, etc.). These criticisms, more specifically those that refer to cognitive development, generally fall into four overlapping categories (Galotti, 2016): • The displaced time view argues that television viewing harms cognitive development because it takes away time from other activities that are more beneficial, such as reading or pretend play. • The passivity view holds that, because it takes little effort to watch television, habitual inactivity may result. • The shallow information processing view posits that the rapid and short segments typical of many television programmes over time result in shorter attention spans and difficulty in sustaining focus. • The visual/iconic view argues that television viewing selectively enhances visual information processing at the possible expense of verbal processing, which can lead to a lowered ability to imagine or infer information that is not explicitly present. Studying the effects of television viewing on the cognitive development of young children is not that easy. As we know, a correlation (for instance, between television viewing and attention span) does not indicate causality. To determine causality, researchers should 242 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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test children (including a control group) before the introduction of television watching and then thereafter, which probably would be impossible (Hanson, 2017). Nonetheless, especially two major points emerge from the existing research (Blumberg et al., 2019). First, effects depend on the content of the programming. In other words, what preschoolers watch, rather than how much, is an important predictor of what the effect on behaviour will be. For instance, while viewing of educational television by preschool children has long-term positive associations with academic achievement, exposure to violent or even solely entertaining television has been shown to be associated negatively with cognitive development. Second, parenting skills seem to moderate the effects of television viewing. More specifically, parents affect their children's television viewing by guiding content choices, and through co-viewing behaviours. For example, highquality parent-child interactions during television viewing, including the use of dialogic questioning and praise, enhance the degree to which young children engage with and learn from educational television programmes and other electronic media. Educational television and other media/electronic programmes for young children have become increasingly frequent since the 1970s. These programmes typically promote skills such as recognition of letters, reading, numbers, shapes, and colours; names of body parts; categorisation and classification skills; and knowledge of position (such as in, out, under). Educational television programmes aimed at preschoolers do not focus exclusively on cognitive skills. Emotional awareness, empathy, social and constructive attitudes (such as sharing, turn taking, co-operation, and self-control), and multicultural exposure are also addressed. Research has indicated consistently that well-designed, age-appropriate educational programmes enhance preschoolers' social, vocabulary, school readiness, literacy, and numeracy skills (Morgan, 2019; Ou et al., 2020). However, these results should not be taken as an endorsement of constant television viewing by preschoolers of all ages. Heavy television usage, watching non-educational or violent material, and television viewing by children under the age of two years are not conducive to their optimal development. In fact, a new study scanned the brains of children 3 to 5 years old and found those who used screens more than the recommended one hour a day without parental involvement had lower levels of development in the white matter of the brain — an area key to the development of language, literacy, and cognitive skills (Hutton et al., 2019). Viewing of inappropriate media content could have long-lasting effects on children that may induce fear and anxiety. However, the general point is that well-constructed educational television programmes designed for preschoolers can have beneficial effects on their cognitive and social development. Well-constructed television programmes can also provide children with a way of developing their personal strengths and may help them negotiate future life challenges since these programmes typically include topics such as creative problem solving, self-acceptance, models of self-efficacy, humour, optimism, and positive attitudes toward social outgroups such as other races (Roberts, 2021; Watson et al., 2020). Another area of research on exposure to electronic media that has emerged in the last couple of years is the effect of gaming on children's development. Children access video games on devices through television or on computers. Most researchers (e.g., Halbrook et al., 2019; Calvert et al., 2017; Reer et al., 2020) have confirmed some significant 243 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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advantages of playing video games. Probably the most widely accepted conclusion is that video games can improve children's spatial skills (Milani et al., 2019; Polinski et al., 2021). Spatial skills refer to a set of skills that allow an individual to create, maintain, and manipulate a visual object in mind. Spatial skills are central to the success in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (Choi et al., 2017). Other findings are that video games may strengthen reasoning, memory, perception, and general problem-solving skills, while it may also improve players' attention span and processing and decisionmaking speed. It also seems to promote creativity and can make the learning of difficult subjects fun. Video games can also increase children's self-confidence and self-esteem as they master games (Gray, 2015; Kelly, 2020). Video games also seem to promote other areas of development such as eye-hand coordination and fine motor development. As with television, some studies have indicated negative outcomes, especially when children are allowed unlimited gaming. Amongst others, too much game playing has been linked to negative academic outcomes, confusion between reality and fantasy, social isolation, gaming addiction, and aggressive behaviour (see Sălceanu, 2014; Tumbokon, 2020). However, as we have mentioned elsewhere, the good news is that adults can influence how children use media. The key is to work toward helping children choose time for physical and play activities, to help them choose programmes and games with a prosocial and educational content, and to interact with these as a family; in this way, children will develop media literacy. Suggestions for adults regarding healthy media use by their children include the following (American Academy of Pediatrics, 2021; APA, 2021; Ponti, 2019): • For children between two and six years, screen time should be limited to about one hour per day of high-quality programming. • Compile and regularly review or revise a family media plan, including individualised time and content limits. • Teach children about technology from a young age. Explain that television, computers, and other media devices are not toys, and should be handled with care. Discuss the many benefits of technology, as well as the risks. • Be realistic. It will not help the child if the parents set overly restrictive limits or send the message that technology is something to fear. Instead, teach them to view media as an excellent resource of information to understand the world better. Focus on teaching healthy habits that will stay with your child for a lifetime. • Help children to utilise media more beneficially by differentiating between entertainment (fantasy) and reality. • Ensure that the media do not interfere with the child's bedtime. Preschool children should not have a television, Internet, or similar media in their bedrooms. Using digital media at night can interfere with sleep quality. Consider restricting the use of media such as phones, tablets, and computers for at least 30 minutes before bed. • The ideal is for parents to watch television with the child to comment on content and to answer questions. This can also contribute significantly to their value system. • Choose programme content not only wisely, but also in proportion to other activities. Help children develop social skills and encourage their real-life relationships. 244 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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• Media should not be used as an emotional pacifier. Media can be very effective in keeping kids calm and quiet, but it should not be the primary way they learn to calm down. • Children are children and therefore will make mistakes using media. Do not overreact. Try to handle errors with empathy and turn a mistake into a teachable moment. However, some indiscretions, such as sexting, bullying, or posting self-harm images, may be a red flag that hints at trouble ahead.

4.2.3 Education in Early Childhood In a country such as South Africa, where poverty is rife, with the resulting effects of poor developmental outcomes for children, it is of paramount importance that the government intervenes to address adversities (Manyema et al., 2019; Proudlock et al., 2019). The Early Childhood Development Policy approved by the South African Government in 2015 emphasises the following six essential components to promote optimal child development from conception to nine years of age: nutritional support, maternal health, child health, social services, support for primary caregivers, and stimulation for early learning (Stats SA, 2016). Early childhood is the time when key brain pathways are established that are critical for the acquisition of the concepts, skills, and attitudes that lay the foundation for lifelong learning (Kotzé, 2015). Experiences that matter most in terms of early learning include everyday interactions between children and their primary caregivers, as well as the children's exposure to formal and informal group-based learning opportunities with peers (South African Early Childhood Review, 2019). Formal schooling for South African children begins when they enter Grade 1 (age 6-7). It is generally recommended that children enter Pre-Grade R education (ages 3-4) and Grade R (reception year) at age 5-6, to prepare them for primary school. Grade R was introduced officially in 2001, with the goal of reaching universal access by 2010 and making Grade R compulsory by 2019. Grade R now forms the first year of primary education, with more than 90% of classes accommodated in public primary schools, while the remainder of Grade R classes take place in community-based early childhood development centres. Early childhood services for children range from provision of day care in private homes and backyards (e.g., childminders or playgroups) to centre-based provision (e.g., day-care centres, educare facilities, nursery schools, or pre-primary schools). These facilities are characterised by the following (see Department of Basic Education, 2018; Norton, 2015): • Child minders provide care and early learning for up to six children, typically in their own homes. These carers should offer care of good quality and age-appropriate stimulation and learning activities. • Day-care or crèche facilities offer supervised play for especially babies and young toddlers. The child's physical needs are also taken care of. The staff may have certificates in childcare but will not necessarily have degrees in early childhood education. • Educare facilities generally accommodate children from age two to three. Playtimes usually follow a formalised series of themes, and the focus is on care and education. These facilities may have a Grade R class attached, although they might not follow a 245 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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syllabus recognised by the Department of Education. If there is a Grade R class, the teacher will usually have a degree in early childhood education, although this may not always be the case. As with day-care facilities, care is generally full day. • Nursery schools generally offer half-day programmes, but also offer aftercare and generally accommodate toddlers from 2 years upwards. There is a relative lack of a formal curriculum, and a wide variety of programmes and activities occur in a relaxed environment. • Pre-primary schools are often attached to a primary school (government or private) and are run as part of the school. Teachers will have degrees in early childhood education, and the Grade R class will be registered and follow the syllabus of the government or private schools. In general, early learning centres widen a child's physical, cognitive, and social environment. Children who attend preschool education are more than twice likely to be on track in early literacy and numeracy skills than are children who lack early learning. With quality provision of early childhood education in South Africa, educational efficiency would improve, as children would acquire the basic concepts, skills, and attitudes required for successful learning and development. This will reduce their chances of failure. The system would also be freed of underprepared learners who have proven to be the most at risk in terms of school failure and dropout. While it is never too late for children to improve in various areas of development, it is more often the case that, when they do not get the right start, they never catch up or reach their full potential. Given a healthy start and solid foundation in the first years of their lives, children are less likely to repeat grades, need remedial services, suffer from illnesses, or drop out of school, all of which ultimately lead to improved educational outcomes, especially among the most socially and economically marginalised children. Note that merely attending a preschool does not necessarily mean that children will develop the required skills to prepare them for future learning — the emphasis is on quality early education. Quality indicators at preschool level include physical resources, age-appropriate curriculum choices, a learning ethos (spirit or character) and good school management, but the most important aspect remains the teacher. Childminders often have little knowledge of child development and are often illiterate (such as nannies or domestic workers). However, courses are available to enhance their skills in the basic principles of childcare. Teachers at care and educational facilities need to have thorough training in the developmental realities of children and understand that what children learn is as important as how they learn. Currently, the risk in South Africa is that Pre-Grade R and Grade R will merely be similar to a watered-down Grade 1, with little focus on the importance of play and other non-cognitive skill development. Inevitably, low-quality preschool education will lead to few gains, and will most likely perpetuate educational inequalities (Kotzé, 2015). In addition, several studies have shown that poorer children are more likely to receive poorer quality programmes (South African Early Childhood Review, 2019), while close to half of the children in the lower-income quintiles do not participate in any learning activity and receive very little stimulation at home (Stats SA, 2016). Recommended improvements include the quality of teaching, quality training, improvement of teacher qualifications, expansion of access to early childhood development programmes, development of high-quality educational materials 246 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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and resources, as well as physical improvements at educational facilities, such as water and sanitation and feeding schemes at childcare centres (South African Early Childhood Review, 2019). Also concerning is that an analysis of the early childhood development policy trajectory in post-apartheid South Africa, indicated that the policy-making process regarding early childhood development has been haphazard, contradictory, unplanned, and confusing (Atmore, 2019). This finding does not bode a positive outcome for our children. REVIEW THIS SECTION 1. Which measure is used to calculate the complexity of children's language usage? What does this measure calculate to determine children's language usage? 2. Discuss young children's accomplishments in language development in the following domains: vocabulary, phonology and morphology, grammar and syntax, and the pragmatic use of language. 3. Discuss literacy development in early childhood. Why are literacy skills important? Which basic skills are required for emergent literacy? Discuss the skills children must master to achieve a functional level of literacy. Why are many South African children at a disadvantage in this regard? Discuss the factors that could enhance literacy competence. 4. How may book sharing improve children's literacy and language skills? 5. You must address a group of parents and teachers on the importance of storybook reading to enhance their children's literacy skills. Discuss the importance of book sharing and explain the principles of dialogic reading. 6. How can parents and caregivers enhance the language and literacy development of young children? 7. Discuss the language acquisition of deaf children. 8. What is meant by the term 'screen time'? 9. Describe the categories of criticism on the effect of television viewing on children's cognitive development. 10. What difficulties are involved in studying the effect of television viewing on the cognitive development of young children? Which major points have emerged from the research thus far? 11. How may children benefit from quality television programmes and gaming? What are the dangers of unlimited screen time? 12. Refilwe is concerned about her child's excessive television watching and other similar activities, such as gaming. What advice would you give her regarding her child's media literacy? 13. How can parents help their children to develop healthy media use? 14. Discuss early childhood education. Why is early childhood education so important? What are the essential components identified by the early childhood development policy to promote optimal development? Discuss the various early childhood educational services in South Africa. What is quality early childhood education? How could quality early childhood education be achieved? Which factors need to be addressed to achieve quality early childhood education in South Africa? 247 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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4.3 PERSONALITY DEVELOPMENT There is a hive of activity in Mrs Swartz' Swartz's preschool class. In one corner, Antoinette is caring for a sick doll, while Lerato and Lindy are making tea. In another section, Thabiso and Mark are having a sword fight. In another section of the room, some boys seem to be having an argument. Ben is trying to throw a ball into a basket. "See, I can do it," he says, even though he misses most of the throws. "Give me back my ball, I was playing with it," Sam cries and tries to grab the ball — a struggle results. Sipho intervenes, "We are supposed to share" and tries to organise a turn-taking game.

As children move through the preschool years, their personalities take on a clearer definition and at the same time, they become increasingly complex social beings. In the following sections, you will learn about the many facets of personality development in early childhood, for instance in terms of their emotions, the self, and gender. However, first, we shall give a brief overview of the theories of personality development during this developmental stage.

4.3.1 Theories of Personality Development Consider the theories of personality development mentioned in the previous chapters. Let us now apply these theories to early childhood. The stage theories of psychoanalysts Freud and Erikson view development in early childhood as follows: As mentioned in Chapter 1, Freud characterised early childhood as the phallic stage of development. development According to him, the foundations of personality are laid during these years, when the boy has successfully resolved the Oedipus complex and the girl the Electra complex and both identify with the same gender parent. In Chapter 3, we referred to Erik Erikson's psychosocial theory in which he emphasises the development of basic trust during infancy and emerging autonomy during the second and third years of life as important facets of personality development. During the ages of three to six, initiative develops. This means that children are becoming resourceful in exploring their environment, tackling new problems, and joining in activities with peers. Parents play an important role in this development. When parents constantly discourage or punish children's developing initiative, they could develop unnecessary guilt feelings, feelings which could influence their development negatively. According to the social learning perspective, the child's behaviour is shaped by external rewards, punishments, and role models. However, children's rewards could also be internal, such as behaving in ways that could enhance their self-esteem, feelings of pride, and accomplishment. According to the social-cognitive development perspective, children increasingly learn complex concepts, such as those pertaining to gender, race, ethnicity, and friendships. They learn to accept some schemas and to reject others. Also, keep in mind the Big Five personality traits and the temperamental traits described in Chapter 3, as many of these issues also concern personality development in early childhood. 248 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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Preschool children increasingly learn complex concepts, such as those pertaining to gender, race, ethnicity, and friendships.

As you can deduct from these theories, the focus of personality development during early childhood concerns emotions, emotional control, and the self-concept. These aspects, as well as gender and ethnic identity, will be the focus of our discussion in this section.

4.3.2 Emotions Children's heightened cognitive and social development contribute toward changes in their emotional experiences. For example, basic emotions that appeared during infancy, such as joy and sadness, become more varied and sophisticated (Brems et al., 2018). Self-development contributes to the development of self-conscious emotions, such as guilt, shame, and pride. Children also become increasingly aware of their own and others' feelings. They also become more adept at controlling their emotions. The emotional development of children during early childhood will be explored in the following sections. At this stage, we (yes, once again!) want to emphasise two important pillars of this book. First, we almost exclusively describe broad averages and guidelines as found by researchers. However, a golden rule in psychology — that everyone is unique — should always be considered. Second, and this is especially true in countries such as South Africa: Cultural factors affect children's growing understanding of the meaning of emotions, the developing knowledge of which situations lead to which emotional outcomes, and their learning about which emotions are appropriate to display in which situations. For example, some cultural groups appear to express certain emotions more often than other cultural groups do. In addition, cultural groups vary with regard to which emotions or emotional states they value (California Department of Education, 2019).

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Preschool children express their emotions spontaneously

4.3.2.1 Emotional development in early childhood: Children' Children's understanding of emotions Emotions are not just feelings (Patrani et al., 2019). They constitute a personality characteristic that plays a central role in childhood and throughout life. Understanding their own emotions helps children to guide their thoughts, behaviour, and socio-moral judgments. It enables them to control the way they express their emotions and to be sensitive to how others feel. Therefore, it is valid to describe emotional understanding as an important cornerstone of development during early childhood. Preschoolers' vocabulary for talking about emotions develops rapidly between two and four years of age. Three-year-olds tend to use one label (e.g., 'happy') for all positive facial expressions of emotion and another (e.g., 'sad') for all negative facial expressions (Berk, 2019). By ages four to five, they begin to differentiate between emotions by using words like 'happy', 'sad', 'angry', 'afraid', and 'surprise'. At the same age, they can refer to causes, consequences, and behavioural signs of emotions (e.g., "He is happy because he is eating an ice-cream"). However, they are more likely to emphasise external factors over internal states as explanations, but this changes as they grow older. Preschoolers are also quite good at predicting what a friend who is expressing an emotion may do next (refer to children's theory of mind development). For example, fouryear-olds know that a happy child may share and that an angry child may hit someone. They are also capable of effective ways to reduce another's negative feelings, such as 250 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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hugging a friend who is crying. Moreover, they become increasingly aware that thinking and feeling are interconnected; for example, if a person is reminded of a previous sad experience, he or she may feel sad. They also begin to understand that the same event can cause different emotions in different people. Overall, preschoolers have quite an impressive ability to interpret, predict, and change others' feelings. At this stage, however, it is still difficult for preschoolers to understand conflicting emotions. That is, they do not understand that a person may experience two emotions at the same time (e.g., being happy about a new bicycle but feeling disappointed because it is the wrong colour). This coincides with their cognitive ability to be able to focus on one aspect only. Apart from advances in cognitive processes, family relationships also influence emotional understanding (Dereli, 2016). Preschoolers who experience secure attachment relationships tend to be advanced in their emotional understanding because such parents tend to engage in richer emotional conversations with their children. The more parents label emotions and explain them in talking to preschoolers, the more emotion words they use. Preschoolers who grow up in families that frequently talk about feelings are better at judging emotions at a later stage. Knowledge of emotions helps children in their efforts to have a good relationship with others. It is related to friendly, considerate behaviour and peer acceptance.

4.3.2.2 Emotional expression involving basic emotions As mentioned earlier, emotions and emotional expressions become more varied and complex as children develop. Some of these emotions are discussed below.

(a) Happiness In the previous chapter, we learnt that babies express their joy through smiling and laughter. By the end of their second year, babies can express themselves quite spontaneously. They will jump up and down, clap their hands, run, laugh out loud, and hug their loved ones to indicate their joy and excitement. During the socialisation process, however, children are taught to control their emotions. For example, children learn that they can be boisterous and spontaneous in some situations (such as at a birthday party or during games), but that they should be reserved and controlled in others (e.g., in church or at a shopping centre). If you give parents one wish regarding the future of their children, most parents will probably say, "I wish my child to be a happy person." Early childhood is a critical stage in the development of psychological well-being, of which happiness is a core element (UNICEF, 2016). Various researchers have proven Happiness affects a child' child's development positively

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that happiness positively affects the creativity, cognitive development, and emotional maturity of children (see Holder, 2012; Holder et al. 2019). These characteristics also play an important role in their ability to adjust to the social environment. Therefore, it is understandable why all good parents want their children to be happy. However, not all children are happy people. A variety of variables can be responsible for this, ranging from, for example, a troubling home environment and poor socio-economic conditions to a distressing school situation, poor peer relations, and even genetic factors. There seems to be a correlation between unhappiness and a variety of emotional, cognitive, learning, and behavioural problems in children (Izzaty, 2018). These problems not only interfere with their development and daily functioning but also could continue into adulthood. It is very important that unhappy children should be identified as early as possible and that necessary steps be taken.

(b) Fear and anxiety Fears are common during early childhood. An important reason is that young children are often unable to distinguish between reality and fantasy. Children's responses to fear vary from being mildly timid, to being paralysed with terror. Not all children's fears are bad: Some fears help them to be aware of possible dangers and thus provide a safeguard against harm and disaster. What causes children to be afraid? Sudden intense and unknown stimuli confronting a child will produce a fear reaction. The cause of fear may be either the presence of something threatening or the absence of something that provides safety and security. Fear is influenced by contexts, individual differences in temperament, and experience (Miller et al., 2021). Many children's fears also parallel those of their parents. The intensity of fear, like that of other emotions, is influenced by biologically based individual differences, individual experiences, and socio-cultural contexts. Age and maturity also play a role. Younger children experience a greater number of fears than older children do. Younger children tend to fear animals, the dark, imaginary creatures, sudden intense stimuli, loud noises, and being separated from parents. Situations that are likely to arouse fear in the first five years of life are noise, sudden change of illumination, sudden unexpected movement, the approach of an object, and heights. Similarly, unfamiliar people, objects, and places cause fear. Media programming such as on television and the Internet (e.g., YouTube) may also induce fear. For example, research shows that many of the real-world dangers that children report they worry about are shown routinely on television news. These include physical injury and death, dangers associated with natural disasters, international conflict, or contracting infectious diseases (Smith et al., 2011). According to these researchers, repeated exposure to frightening content is likely to strengthen the cognitive structures that govern how children react to real threats and dangers. (Also see Box 4.5. Early childhood fears: A South African perspective.) Researchers indicate exposure to negative information as the most prominent pathway to fear (Konkabayeva, 2016; Radanovic, 2021). They emphasise the need for proactively guiding the emotional development of children with an emphasis on the recognition of and coping with the potentially debilitating effects of unnecessary fears, which ultimately may affect their mental well-being as adults. How can parents (and other caregivers) help 252 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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BOX 4.5. EARLY CHILDHOOD FEARS: A SOUTH AFRICAN PERSPECTIVE Helene Loxton (2009a) researched the content and number of expressed fears of a culturally diverse group of 152 South African preschool children living in Stellenbosch in the Western Cape Province. The participants were selected from a population of black, white, and Coloured children between 5 and 7 years. Parents' perceptions of the children's fears were also assessed by means of a questionnaire. A total number of 429 fears were expressed, ranging from 1 to 9 per participant, with an average of 2,8 fears per child. This average per child corresponds with the results of a similar study undertaken in an area with a low- to middle-class socio-economic status in the Western Cape (Keller, 2001). However, in a reported study conducted in an area in the Western Cape with a high socio-economic status, a higher average number of 4,77 fears, ranging from 1 to 12 per participant, was reported (Martalas, 1999). Concerning the nature of the fears, slightly more than 50% of participants reported animal fears, especially fear of wild animals. A fear of snakes accounted for 30% of all reported wild animal fears, followed by a fear of lions (23%) and crocodiles (11%). Fears of tigers, cheetahs, elephants, jackals, wolves, rhinos, monkeys, and baboons were also reported, often in descending order. Other high-frequency fear categories that emerged were a fear of the dark and the night, fears of nightmares, fantasy people, real people, and of being physically harmed. These findings concurred with findings reported nationally and internationally. It is noteworthy that the category "fantasy people" overwhelmingly consisted of ghosts, but also elicited specific cultural responses such as the tokoloshe, the devil, a bogeyman, and media-related characters such as Batman, Dracula, and aliens. Parents' perceptions of the content and number of their children's fears differed from those expressed by the children. Parents reported an average of 1,6 fears per participant, which was fewer than the average of 2,8 expressed by the participants themselves. These results suggest that parents frequently underestimate the number of their children's fears. This finding also concurs with the results of other national and international research. Loxton concluded that, despite the difficult socio-political realities in South Africa, including poverty, homelessness, and exposure to violence, it is comforting to find that this group of preschoolers mainly expressed the same developmentally appropriate fear content profile as children elsewhere in the world.

children to cope with their fears? The following could serve as guidelines (see Child Mind Institute, 2021; Children's Health, 2021): • Children should be encouraged to talk about their fears. The feared object or situation could be neutralised by associating it with something positive. For example, fear of the dark could be overcome by playing pleasant (and not 'scary') games with the child in the dark. • Children should see other people handling the object or situation that they fear, without fear. For instance, the child who fears dogs should be allowed to observe how other children play with dogs. 253 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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• The child could be brought into contact with the feared object or situation gradually (step by step). • Children could be taught certain skills to deal with the feared situation. For instance, a girl who fears the dark may be taught to 'control' the dark by turning on a light within reach of her bed. A cuddly toy could also be placed with her in her bed. • By explaining the feared situation, certain fears may be overcome. The child who fears thunder may be less fearful if the reasons for this phenomenon are explained simply. • Situations that could cause fear, such as hospitalisation or starting nursery school or pre-school, could become less fearful when the hospital or school is visited beforehand. • In the event of a divorce, parents should assure children of their unconditional love and that they had no part whatsoever in the situation. Reasons for the divorce should be explained to children, and if possible, contact should be maintained with both parents. • Until they are old enough to distinguish between fantasy and reality, children who have irrational fears of monsters and other fantasy creatures should not be allowed to watch too many television programmes or read books that contain such material. • Parents should provide a secure haven by dealing with their children's fears in a sympathetic, patient, and comforting manner. Another phenomenon (occurrence) that is quite common in children is anxiety (Muris, 2019). Although the symptoms are similar to those of fear, there is a significant difference. Fear is a stress reaction to a specific and real threat. Anxiety is a more constant feeling of worry about a perceived and possible threat. Fear refers to a present threat, while anxiety is more future-oriented. Anxiety is also more long-lasting than fear is. To worry is a normal part of growing up. Only when this worry begins to interfere with the psychological well-being and functioning of the child, it is called anxiety. The symptoms of anxiety in children include hypersensitivity, shyness, crying easily, overreaction to unfamiliar situations, sleep difficulties, and complaints of headaches or stomach aches (without a medical reason). In a South African study with preschool children representing a variety of cultural backgrounds, the researchers found that anxiety correlated significantly with parental overprotection and high behavioural inhibition (children's tendency to react with extreme shyness and withdrawal to new or unfamiliar objects, situations, and people) (Howard et al., 2017). What about frightening dreams or nightmares during early childhood? Children first begin to have nightmares at about the age of two. An estimated 10% to 50% of preschool children get nightmares (Cleveland Clinic, 2021; McNamara, 2016). The content of these nightmares includes scary animals, bugs, monsters, ghosts, being lost, being left alone, falling, being bullied, and/or toys coming alive. Nightmares in children tend to reach a peak by the age of ten; after that, they decrease. Some children may continue to have nightmares as teenagers and adults. Although nightmares in children are regarded as falling within the range of normal behaviour, there are indications that persistent distressing nightmares could be indicative of poor psychological well-being and even underlying mental disorders (Carr, 2016; Thompson et al. 2018). However, early 254 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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identification and professional aid could help to not only relieve the present symptoms, but also act as a preventative measure for future emotional problems. (See also Box 4.6 Helping children go to bed.) BOX 4.6. HELPING CHILDREN GO TO BED Many preschool children experience sleep problems such as difficulty falling asleep and waking up quite often during the night. Sleep problems, including bad dreams and nightmares, are sometimes related to stressful situations. The importance of a good night's sleep is illustrated by a recent South African study that found that for every hour less sleep obtained, preschool children were more than twice as likely to be overweight (Rae et al., 2021). Psychologists recommend that parents use the following steps in helping preschool children with these problems (see Mayo Clinic, 2021; Stanford Children's Health, 2021): • Establish an unrushed and regular bedtime routine: Allow about 20 minutes for four to seven quiet activities such as quiet conversation, reading a story, or singing. • Do not allow the child to watch scary television programmes. • Avoid active or highly stimulating play just before bedtime. • Keep a soft night-light switched on if it makes the child feel more comfortable. • Remain calm, but do not yield to impulsive requests such as "Just one more story" or "I just want to go and drink some water." • A favourite blanket or special toy (such as a teddy bear) is a soothing object and is comforting to the child. Many children resist going to bed without these objects. • If you are trying to break a habit, offer preschoolers rewards for good bedtime behaviour, for example by praising them. • Do not send the preschooler to bed too early. This is a common reason why sleep problems occur. • If children's fears of going to sleep persist, try to involve them in programmes that will teach them how to relax, substitute frightening thoughts for pleasant ones, and deal with stressful situations. In many cultures (and families), children share their parents' room (or bed) for most of their early childhood years. This may help to alleviate their fears and discomfort.

(c) Anger Anger refers to a strong emotional reaction that is instigated primarily socially, often under conditions of threat or frustration. Genetics and other biological factors play a role in anger and resulting aggression (Wahl, 2020; Zhang-James, et al., 2019). Family dysfunction, certain parenting styles (such as inconsistent punishment) and trauma also make it more likely that a child will exhibit anger and aggression. Early reactions may be caused by objections to routines (such as dressing, eating, or sleeping), conflict with parents over authority, disagreement with peers over possession of toys and physical discomfort. General responses to anger in young children are aggression 255 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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outbursts or active resistance to reasonable requests. The negativity, stubbornness, resistance, and temper-tantrums of two- to threeyear-olds (also called the 'Terrible Twos') are well known, while threeand four-year-olds may use hitting, biting, or pushing to solve conflicts. As children grow older, they begin to see a connection between emotional outbursts and negative consequences. Consequently, there is a shift from unreserved violent reactions to more subdued and controlled responses. By the time children reach school age, many have learnt to control overt Children must learn to control their anger from a young age reactions to anger. Children learn to control anger through the process of socialisation. This implies that there will be cultural variations in how children deal with anger (Pogosyan, 2018). For example, in certain cultures, child-rearing practices include promoting interdependency, concern for others and subtle expression of emotions. These children respond to interpersonal conflict with sadness and fear, and prosocial behaviour. On the other hand, in other cultures, child-rearing strategies are characterised by independence, self-actualisation, assertiveness and the open expression of emotions. Typically, these children will respond more aggressively, assertively, and overtly in conflict situations. Experts agree that angry feelings in children need to be recognised, just as adults recognise these emotions in themselves. To keep children's angry feelings from erupting into harmful actions, these feelings need to be acknowledged, while the child must be taught how to deal with them effectively. In addition, limits need to be set for angry acts. Consider the following example: "I know you are angry with Tommy for breaking your toy" (acknowledging feeling), "but I cannot allow you to hit him" (setting limits). "Let's see if we can fix it" (setting an example for appropriate action). The child should learn that although angry feelings are natural, certain actions, such as hitting other children or parents, being cruel to animals and destroying property, are not permitted. When uncontrolled and harming anger outbursts and aggression continue as a child grows older, it may be necessary to obtain professional help.

4.3.2.3 Emotional expression involving the self By their second year, children begin to show emotions that reflect a more complex understanding of the self and social relationships (Malik et al., 2019). Self-conscious emotions (feelings that involve injury or enhancement of their sense of self, such as embarrassment, shame, guilt, envy, and pride) develop as children's self-concepts become better defined. These emotions also require understanding of the perspective of another person; for example, that the person may be disappointed with the child, may be hurt, or may feel affection for a third party. 256 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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Self-conscious emotions begin to emerge before the second year of life. At about 18 months, children indicate a feeling of shame and embarrassment by lowering their heads, lowering their eyes, or covering their faces with their hands. At two years, children show signs of jealousy. For instance, they might wedge themselves between their parents as they are hugging each other. Guilt (e.g., after having done something wrong) and pride (e.g., after having accomplished something), emerge approximately at the age of three. Children at this age can also show remorse and try to correct a wrongful act. For example, Faizel will try to clean the wall on which he has just scribbled with his crayons, or Veronica will try to comfort her friend whom she has just bullied. At this age, self-conscious emotions become increasingly linked to self-evaluation (Urban et al., 2021). Children can now evaluate their own thoughts, plans, desires, and behaviour against what is considered socially acceptable. This means that self-conscious emotions may serve as a guideline for children's behaviour. For example, a child may avoid behaviour that could cause negative emotions and repeat behaviours that are pleasant. Therefore, complex emotions play an important role in children's performance-related behaviour. For example, they may experience pride after having accomplished a task and, most likely, will repeat such behaviour. Complex emotions also play an important role in children's moral behaviour. For example, they may feel guilty after a transgression and decide to avoid such behaviour in future.

4.3.2.4 Emotional expression involving others Another complex emotion that often emerges during early childhood is empathy. As mentioned earlier, empathy refers to a person's understanding of another's situation and feelings. In other words, the ability to put yourself in the shoes of someone else. Acquiring a sense of empathy is an important developmental process for young children, and a characteristic that can benefit them not only in childhood but also well into adult life (Goodstart, 2018). Empathy encourages tolerance and acceptance of others. It helps children to build a sense of security and stronger relationships with other children and teachers. It promotes social harmony and leads to lower levels of stress. The result is a general sense of psychological well-being. The development of empathy is related to the child's developing self-awareness, language, and cognitive skills. This means that children not only become increasingly aware of another's situation, but also are able to verbalise their concern. For example, during an extreme winter when one of the present authors was exceptionally cold, her three-year-old son remarked, "Don't worry, Mommy, when I'm big I'll buy you a nice warm coat." Parenting styles play an important role in the development of empathy (Abdullah, 2020; Heynen, 2021). Parents who are warm, encouraging, and empathetic towards their children, usually have children who are empathetic towards others. Cold, punitive parenting styles (usually characteristic of abusive parents) hamper children's development of empathy. Thus, children often seem to act towards others as their parents act towards them.

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4.3.2.5 Emotion regulation As mentioned before, the ability to regulate emotions is of extreme importance in the child's emotional, cognitive, and behavioural development. Babies cry or laugh easily when they find stimuli either unpleasant or pleasant. Because they do not yet experience embarrassment, they do not mind crying in front of others. However, children in early childhood are more reserved, partly due to socialisation (e.g., learning in which situations to be exuberant and in which not) and partly due to developing strategies to control emotions (see Harrington et al., 2020; Housman, 2017). Owing to their increasing mobility and improvement in social and cognitive development, preschoolers learn avoidance strategies; strategies i.e., to avoid situations that lead to negative emotions. For example, Peter puts his bike in the garage because he will feel unhappy if it gets stolen. They also blunt emotions by restricting sensory input, (e.g., close their eyes or ears when they see something unpleasant such as monsters on television or hear upsetting sounds such as thunder). Older children use language strategies (e.g., Susan comforts herself by telling herself that Mommy will be home shortly) and cognitive strategies (e.g., Veronica tries not to think about her lost dog) to control negative emotions. Another strategy is masking (pretending) an emotional state. For example, Thabo will fall and hurt his leg, but pretend that it does not hurt, since crying in front of his friends will be embarrassing. Children also learn behaviour that could be a means to an end. For instance, Ezekiel may smile although he feels ill, otherwise his mother will not let him go to his friend's birthday party. Masking of emotions is related to display rules. rules Display rules are cultural guidelines for when, how, and to what degree emotions may be displayed. Therefore, children learn behaviour prescribed by culture. For example, according to Western and Oriental culture, one should smile even when accepting a gift one does not like. In some cultures, displaying pride in achievements is encouraged, while in others, humbleness is encouraged. Display rules are also evident in gender differences in expressing emotion. The first signs of gender differences in expressing emotion are present during the early childhood years. This is mainly the result of cultural and familial influences; for example, parents, especially fathers, tend to teach their sons that "boys don't cry", while their daughters' crying is met with sympathy and consolation. These gender differences in expressing emotion become more noticeable when children grow older (Chaplin et al., 2013). Children's improving language skills and their increasing knowledge of emotions contribute towards controlling their own emotions, as well as the emotions of others (Grazzani et al., 2018). Soon after learning to talk, preschoolers start using language to describe their emotions. They also develop skills to interpret (e.g., comforting a sad friend), to predict (e.g., "If I don't put away my toys, Daddy will be angry") and to change others' emotions (e.g., giving Mom a kiss to win her favour after misbehaving). These skills and knowledge are of the utmost importance in the child's attempt to get along with peers and adults. Children who have knowledge regarding which situation causes which emotion (e.g., being nasty to a peer causes sadness) can modulate their emotions and show emotions that are more positive and therefore are more popular with their peers. The reason for this could be that children who have knowledge about emotions are able to 258 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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react more appropriately towards their peers' emotions. Children who do not regulate their emotions well tend to have problems adjusting and interacting with others (see Kail et al., 2019). When they cannot control their frustration, anger, and worry, it inevitably has a negative effect on a variety of relationships such as peer relationships. For example, when children are faced with a dispute over who gets to play with a toy, their unregulated anger can lead to losing friends. Furthermore, young children's understanding of and ability to regulate emotions have been linked with early academic success (Graziano et al., 2007; Harrington et al., 2020). Children who can regulate their emotions and behaviour tend to remain engaged with the environment; therefore, they can pay more attention and stay motivated. Parents can play an important role in helping young children regulate their emotions (Morawska et al., 2019); for example, by the way that they talk to them, especially about negative emotions such as anger, frustration, and sadness. Parents who have an emotion-coaching approach monitor their children's emotions, view their children's negative emotions as opportunities for teaching, assist them in labelling emotions, and coach them how to deal effectively with emotions. They interact with their children in a less rejecting way, nurture them, and use scaffolding to help them regulate their emotions. In contrast, parents who have an emotion-dismissing approach view their role as one to deny, ignore, or change negative emotions. Children of such parents generally show poorer regulation of emotion, attention that is less focused, and more behaviour problems than children of emotion-coaching parents do.

Parent applying an emotion coaching technique by helping his daughter labelling her emotions

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REVIEW THIS SECTION 1. Discuss the various theoretical views on personality development during early childhood. 2. What are emotions and why are they important in children's development? 3. Discuss emotional development of preschoolers and the importance of their understanding of emotions. 4. Discuss the expression of basic emotions in early childhood: (a) Happiness (b) Fear and anxiety (c) Anger. 5. A mother of a 6-year-old comes to see you. She reports that her child seems to be very fearful. He becomes upset when separated from her and seems to be afraid of the dark and thunder, supernatural creatures, and of being injured physically. What will you tell her? 6. Which factors cause fear in children? How can parents help their children cope with their fears? Why is this important? 7. What is the difference between fear and anxiety? When should a parent become concerned about a child's anxiety/worrying? What causes children's anxiety? 8. Are frightening dreams or nightmares normal during early childhood? What is the nature of children's nightmares? When should parents become concerned about children's nightmares? 9. Four-year-old Sophia resists going to bed at night, because she is 'scared'. Her frustrated mother asks your advice. What advice will you give her regarding her child's bedtime routines? 10. Three-year-old Julie stomps down the passage and enters the kitchen. Her mother takes one look at her angry scowl and says, "Listen young lady, I don't want to see that angry face." What is Julie learning from her mother's comment? How should Julie's mother have reacted? 11. Which factors could contribute to children's expression of anger? When should parents become concerned about their children's anger? 12. Discuss the emergence of emotional expression involving the self, such as self-conscious emotions and self-evaluation during early childhood. 13. Discuss the emergence of emotional expression involving others. When and how does empathy develop? 14. Why is the ability to regulate emotions important in a young child's development? What strategies do young children use to regulate their emotions? Which factors are involved in children's development of emotion regulation? Which factors contribute to regulation of emotion in young children?

4.3.3 The Self-Concept In Chapter 3, we referred to the self-concept as an important aspect of personality development, as it includes people's views of themselves. We also noted that the development of the self-concept begins with the development of self-awareness during the first year of life. 260 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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Towards the end of infancy, children can recognise themselves (e.g., in a mirror) and give basic descriptions of themselves (e.g., "I am a boy. I have brown hair and brown eyes.") Preschoolers' knowledge about themselves expands increasingly, which enables them to give more than physical descriptions. Children in the early childhood years establish a categorical self, self meaning that they can describe themselves in terms of their name, gender, age, skills, and possessions, where they live and who their friends are. For instance, Martin will be able to state his name, that he lives with his parents in Pretoria, that Bandile is his friend and that he can ride a bicycle. Thus, we see that children in the early childhood years can describe themselves in terms of external observable attributes (characteristics), but can they describe their internal self, self that is, psychological aspects such as emotions and attitudes? By the age of three and a half, preschoolers can describe themselves in typical emotions and attitudes such as "I am happy when I play with my dog" or "Sam made me cross today." This suggests that they have some awareness of their own psychological characteristics. Their developing understanding of personality traits is also indicated by their correct inference of motives. For example, they know that a shy child may not want to play. However, children in the early childhood years do not refer directly to psychological traits (e.g., "I am a friendly, helpful person") when they describe themselves. This capacity develops only with further cognitive development (Kuther, 2017). Young children's self-concepts seem to be closely related to their possessions (Hood et al., 2016). This is especially notable in their assertiveness over ownership of objects. Think of how two preschoolers may fight over a toy. However, these struggles over objects and assertion over ownership should not be interpreted as a negative sign of selfishness. In fact, researchers believe this should be regarded as a positive sign of children's developing self-definition (i.e., personal independence); that they are learning to define boundaries between themselves and others. Developmental psychologists also believe that this ability to differentiate the self from others underlies the ability to cooperate, for example in the settling of disputes, the solving of simple problems, and the playing of games. These abilities of young children may be utilised by adults to promote positive peer interaction. For example, a parent, teacher, or caregiver can acknowledge the child's possessiveness as a sign of self-definition, by saying, "Yes, I know it's your toy", while at the same time encouraging positive interaction, "but can you give someone else a turn?", rather than simply demanding that the child shares.

4.3.4 Self-Esteem While the self-concept refers to individuals' views of themselves (who they are and what they can do), self-esteem refers to the personal evaluation of their characteristics (feeling good or bad about themselves). These two terms are often used erroneously as synonyms (Delisle, 2018). Terms such as self-image self-image, self-identity and self-worth are also sometimes used as synonyms for either self-concept or self-esteem (Webb, 2019). Generally, self-esteem is based on: -

the degree to which individuals feel that they receive love, acceptance, support, and

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- -

encouragement from others; the specific characteristics and skills a person has; and the degree to which a person accepts the various aspects of the self, especially when comparing the self to others.

Individuals' self-esteem is positive when they evaluate their characteristics as good and acceptable, and negative when they are dissatisfied with their characteristics. The degree of self-acceptance plays an important role in children's personality development and influences all aspects of their development. A healthy self-esteem can provide an emotional buffer to setbacks and enable children to develop resilience toward failures (Gao et al., 2019; Hagan et al., 2020). Children with a negative self-esteem usually have high anxiety levels and later often display poor school performance and social adjustment. On the other hand, children with a positive self-esteem are usually more successful academically, have more self-confidence and are socially better adjusted.

The ability to perform skills is important for preschoolers' preschoolers' self-esteem

The development of self-esteem begins in early childhood. As children develop, they form numerous perceptions of themselves. They begin to interact with others and draw comparisons between themselves and others. However, preschoolers' self-esteem is not defined as clearly as that of older children and adults. They are inclined to consider themselves in terms of social acceptance ("People like me") and skills ("I can do things"). Preschoolers also do not realise that they may have different competencies in different activities (e.g., "I can ride my bicycle well, but I can't run fast.") This ability to differentiate develops usually only after seven years of age. In fact, preschoolers will indicate that they can do everything well, although in reality, this is not the case. Therefore, they generally have high a self-esteem. This high self-esteem has an adaptational function: Because preschoolers must master a variety of new skills, their positive self-esteem (with the accompanied self-confidence), contributes towards their development of initiative. We have mentioned that an individuals' self-esteem also develops through comparison with others in order to evaluate themselves. However, preschoolers do not seem to evaluate themselves (as they believe they can do everything well). This does not mean that they do not watch others and make comparisons. However, these comparisons do not have an evaluative function, but rather a social function (e.g., to be sociable: "Look, 262 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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we have the same sandwiches. We are twins!") or to obtain information (e.g., Mary would look at Fatima's drawing to see what colour she has made the tree). However, preschoolers feel indignant when they think they have been wronged, for example if they believe that a brother or sister has received more sweets than they have. In fact, children's sense of fairness develops fairly early, sometimes as early as 12 months (Surian et al., 2020).

4.3.5 Culture and the Self Do children in all cultures define themselves in terms of their individual skills and social acceptance? Research into self-concept and self-esteem in two types of societies, namely an individualistic (e.g., Western) culture and a communal or collectivistic society, indicate different views of the self (Jiang et al., 2019; Lu et al., (e.g., African) society 2018). In individualistic societies, preference is given to personal goals, self-reliance, independence, and creativity in child-rearing practices. In communal societies, individual goals are subordinate to collective (community) goals; therefore, child-rearing styles emphasise interdependence, obedience, and conformity. This means that individualistic societies will value individual skills more in their defining of the self. Conversely, communal societies will consider social acceptance, living in harmony with others and subordination to the wishes of others as important attributes of the self. Therefore, it is clear that the culture in which children grow up will determine which aspect of the self-concept will be emphasised. For example, in African communities, parents sensitise their children from an early age to approach others, to elicit 'intelligences' from others, and to define the self by obtaining meaning through interaction with others, especially with the peer group. The term ubuntu mentioned in Chapter 1, that is part of the Zulu phrase ngumuntu ngabantu, and means "a person is only a person with other people", is an example of this self-definition (Nsamenang, 2011). However, it must be emphasised that the aforementioned cultural categories are not mutually exclusive, and each country or society has some balance between individualistic and collectivistic values. Also, many countries, such as South Africa, have a variety of cultures, and several of them may have elements of both individualistic and collectivistic societies. Nonetheless, the general distinction between individualistic and collectivistic cultures is useful to describe broad differences between cultural groups (Arnett et al., 2019).

An evolving Ubuntu — together we stand

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REVIEW THIS SECTION 1. Define the following: a) self-concept b) self-esteem c) categorical self d) self-definition 2. Discuss the development of the self-concept during early childhood. 3. Discuss the development of self-esteem during early childhood. 4. Discuss the role of culture in the definition of the self.

4.3.6 Gender Before we begin with this section, it is important to get clarity on the terms 'sex' and 'gender'. Sex usually refers to a person's biological sexual characteristics, such as the reproductive system (e.g., penis or vagina) and secondary sex characteristics like having a beard or deeper voice. Gender usually refers to the psychological, social, and cultural characteristics of being male or female (i.e., masculinity or femininity). However, these two terms often are used popularly as synonyms. There are few factors that equal the important role of gender in a child's total development. Already at (or even before) birth, the first question usually is: "Is it a boy or a girl?" Throughout our lives, most of us remain aware of ourselves as male or female. Any gender classification also influences how we act and how others react towards us. Through the centuries, it has been believed that boys and girls have very different (and even opposite) personality characteristics. Next to physical differences, this view can be ascribed to traditions, customs, and beliefs. Therefore, research on gender differences is very complicated, as it is difficult to determine whether a specific difference is the result of biological, psychological, or social factors (Kersey et al., 2018). Nonetheless, several studies have found gender differences in certain areas of preschool and later phases of childhood, for example the following (see Kail et al., 2019): • Verbal ability. Girls have larger vocabularies than boys have and are more talkative. Throughout primary and high school, girls read better than boys do. More boys are diagnosed with language-related problems such as reading disability. • Mathematics. During the primary school years, girls are usually more advanced than boys in arithmetic and mastery of basic mathematical concepts. During high school, boys used to get higher scores on standardised mathematical tests than girls did, but that difference has diminished substantially over the past 25 years. Several studies indicate that boys now only have an insignificant advantage. • Spatial ability. Beginning in infancy, boys tend to outperform girls in mental-rotational skills (the ability to rotate objects in your mind and imagine what it would look like). However, on other spatial tasks, gender differences are smaller or non-existent. 264 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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• Memory. Compared with boys, girls often remember the identity of objects and their location more accurately. • Social influence. Girls more likely comply with the commands of adults than boys do. Girls and women are influenced more readily by others in a variety of situations, particularly when they are under group pressure. • Aggression. In virtually all cultures that have been studied, boys are physically more aggressive than girls are, and this is true from 2 years of age. This difference continues throughout the life span. • Emotional sensitivity and expression. Older girls report experiencing shame and guilt more often than boys do. Girls are more likely to express happiness and sadness, but boys are more likely to express anger. • Effortful control. Compared with boys, girls are better able to regulate their behaviour, to inhibit inappropriate responding, and to focus their attention. In addition, boys are far more likely to be diagnosed with attention disorders, which are characterised by difficulty sustaining attention, hyperactivity, and impulsive behaviour. However, when reading the above-mentioned differences, several factors must be taken into account. Let us consider gender differences regarding mathematical ability as an example. Differences between genders have been found especially in countries and cultures where females are cast in a traditional-historical role, and in occupations where mathematic skills are not necessarily required (e.g., secretaries, teachers, and nurses for females versus engineers, pilots, and researchers for males). Therefore, it is understandable that such girls tend to have fewer positive attitudes towards mathematics, higher levels of mathematics anxiety, and lower levels of confidence in their mathematical abilities (Ganley, 2018; also see Lubienski, 2020). A similar finding was made in South Africa (Zuze et al.,2017). In fact, around the world, gender differences in mathematics are negligible (or at least not as significant as previously believed) in countries where gender equalities are the norm and where females have similar access to education, occupations, and political power as males have. Unfortunately, this is not the case in many countries; for example, only 66% of countries have achieved gender parity in primary education (UNICEF, 2021). In Africa, twice as many girls as boys have never been to school (Global Partnership for Education, 2021). Imagine comparing gender differences in mathematics in these countries and then concluding that there are 'inherent' differences between boys and girls! Another example is the finding that boys are physically more aggressive than girls are. This is one of the relatively few gender differences that are accepted widely. However, does this indicate that females are not aggressive at all? No, instead, females tend to channel their aggression into relational aggression, aggression which is non-physical aggression that causes harm by damaging interpersonal relationships or social status. Although not physical in nature, relational aggression (e.g., through gossiping about other children, making fun of them, or openly ignoring them) can have a similar and even more damaging effect. Concerning the belief that gender differences in abilities such as mathematical skills are 'inborn', research could find no gender differences in numerical abilities in young preschool children; that is, before discriminatory societal norms could have a major effect. Also, according to neuroimaging methods such as magnetic resonance imaging 265 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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(MRI), there are no gender differences in the brain when it comes to ability to process mathematics (Kersey et al., 2018, 2019). Authors point out that (as we have mentioned before regarding other psychological characteristics) gender difference results refer to an average performance of boys and girls (Kail et al., 2019). These differences tend to be small, which means that they do not apply to all boys and girls (Hyde, 2014). Therefore, in any of the aforementioned differences, many boys will perform better than girls do and vice versa. An important fact to remember is that many characteristics that we believe are attributed to male or female gender differences are in fact gender stereotypes. stereotypes A stereotype is a belief about a group, which generally is oversimplified or wrong. Usually, it is a form of generalisation and prejudice. However, regardless of wide and even legalised national attempts to do away with gender stereotypes and resulting discrimination, gender stereotypes seem to persist and may still be noticed in the roles that males and females are expected to perform. Why does gender stereotyping persevere? The answer might lie in our gender-role development. Next, we shall discuss the processes involved in gender-role development, as well as the theories on gender-role development.

4.3.6.1 Gender-role development The term gender role refers to the behaviour patterns and attitudes that are viewed as appropriate or typical for a male or female of a specific society. Therefore, gender-role development implies the development of these behaviour patterns and attitudes. Genderrole development includes three processes: the acquisition of a gender identity; the development of gender stereotypes; and the development of gender-typed behavioural patterns (see Sigelman et al., 2018): • Gender identity, identity i.e., children's knowledge of themselves as male or female, is a critical milestone in the development of gender roles. Most children between the ages of two-and-a-half and three years can label themselves correctly as boys or girls, although they do not yet have a concept of gender constancy (i.e., that a person's biological gender remains unchanged irrespective of superficial changes). For example, many three- to five-year-olds think that boys can become mothers and girls can become fathers if they want to; or if Betty cuts her hair and wears trousers instead of a dress, she is a boy. Only between the ages of five and seven years do children realise that a person's gender remains constant. Thus, children enter the school phase with a stable identity as a boy or a girl. • As soon as preschoolers identify themselves as boys or girls, they also become aware of gender stereotypes. stereotypes For example, preschoolers can identify toys, clothing, tools, household items, games, careers, and colours (especially pink and blue) as linked to a specific gender. Gender stereotypes become stronger as children grow older; especially after age six, when gender constancy has been formed. Moreover, children regard gender stereotypes as absolute rules (e.g., a boy cannot be a ballet dancer and a girl cannot be a soccer player). However, these absolutist assumptions fade with the onset of adolescence. 266 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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• Children display the typical behaviour of their gender at a very early age. This is called gender-typed behaviour. behaviour Children also show a preference for playmates of the same gender. These preferences become more apparent during middle childhood, when children show increasing gender segregation and boys and girls form separate groups.

4.3.6.2 Theories of gender-role development Some psychologists emphasise the role of biological factors in the differences between the genders, while others believe that the social environment has a major influence. Some believe that children's cognitive development plays a role in their gender-role development. We shall consider each of these viewpoints.

(a) Biological theories According to biological approaches, psychological and behavioural gender differences are due to the biological differences between males and females. Biological differences between the sexes begin at conception when an XX chromosome combination develops into a female and an XY chromosome combination develops into a male individual. Not only do the chromosomes play a role, but also hormones in the bloodstream before or at about the time of birth may affect the developing brain and influence gender differences. The male hormone, testosterone, seems to be related to aggressiveness, competitiveness, and dominance and could be a reason why males are more aggressive than females are (Muñoz-Reyes et al., 2020). Hormonally influenced differences in behavioural styles then influence play styles, and children choose to play with children who have similar styles, resulting in a preference for same-sex playmates (Berenbaum et al., 2019). Excessive prenatal exposure to sex hormones can also have a variety of influences on behaviour later in life (Bütikofer et al., 2019; Day et al., 2020). Examples are the feminisation of males and the masculinisation of females. With regard to brain difference, there are certain structural differences between males and females. For example, on average, a male's brain is about 15% bigger than a female brain is (Budday et al., 2020). However, size is not necessarily important when it comes to behaviour. For example, the brains of sperm whales, dolphins, and elephants are larger than that of a human, but they are not more intelligent than humans are. The same applies to other brain differences, for example, that boys have more grey matter, while girls have more white matter (Xin et al., 2019). (As discussed in Chapter 3, grey matter is where processing occurs in the brain. White matter carries information from grey matter areas to parts of the body.) However, at this stage, research on the differences between male and female brains is still in its infancy and unable to provide consistent results and explanations (see Arnold, 2020). Therefore, it is understandable that Gina Rippon (2019), an international expert, states that the grey/white matter measure is not a useful way to distinguish between male and female brains. Furthermore, one of the major questions that also must be answered is how brain differences translate into behaviour.

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(b) Psychological theories Psychological theories of gender development seek to explain gender development in terms of psychodynamic theories, social learning theories, and cognitive theories, amongst others (also see Chapter 1). Some of these theories are the following:

(i) Psychoanalytic theory of Sigmund Freud According to Freud, development of the gender role begins during the phallic phase (three to six years) of psycho-sexual development. During this stage, the child experiences a psychosexual love for the parent of the opposite gender (called the Oedipus complex in boys and the Electra complex in girls). However, the child experiences conflict and anxiety because of these forbidden wishes and to resolve this conflict, he or she identifies with the parent of the same gender. Therefore, according to Freud, gender-role development begins because of children's identification with the same gender parent. This means that a child takes on the characteristics of the same gender parent. This process occurs mainly on the unconscious level; therefore, it is not under the control of either the parent or the child. Freud also believed that should the mother or father be inappropriate models (e.g., the father is often absent or not dominant enough or the mother is not feminine enough), the children will not acquire appropriate gender roles. For example, the boy then identifies with his mother and develops feminine characteristics. Freud's explanation of gender-role development did not receive much empirical support and many view it as mainly of historical importance (Ogunleye et al., 2013). The following are some of the criticisms against this theory: • According to the identification process, which Freud argues is the major mechanism in the development of gender roles, children will have the same characteristics as their parents. This is not necessarily true; for example, many feminine boys have very masculine fathers. • Children are so ignorant of human anatomy at this stage that it is difficult to believe that they could experience castration anxiety or penis envy (the basis from which the identification process is supposed to develop). • Freud stated that children's identification with the parents of the same gender develops out of fear of that parent. Most modern researchers believe that identification develops from a warm, supporting relationship with the parent.

(ii) Social learning theory Some theorists believe that the social environment serves as the major influence in determining a person's gender role (Bandura, 1977; Eagly, 2012). According to social learning theory, theory children learn gender roles in two ways: through differential reinforcement and secondly, through observation and modelling (imitation) of behaviour (Sigelman et al., 2018). • Differential reinforcement means that children are encouraged in and rewarded for gender-appropriate behaviour and punished for gender-inappropriate behaviour. For 268 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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example, think of a mother who says, "Look how nicely Jane is playing with her doll," or a father's remark, "John, a big boy like you doesn't cry!" This also implies that boys and girls are treated differently. This differential behaviour of parents is apparent even at their child's birth. Baby boys are often dressed in blue and girls in pink. Several studies have indicated that parents even attribute certain characteristics to their babies. Parents see daughters as smaller, slighter, softer, and less alert than sons are. Fathers see greater gender differences than mothers do, viewing their baby sons as stronger and hardier than their baby girls. In some studies, however, adults who did not know the gender of the baby could not see these differences. As boys and girls grow older, they not only are regarded as different, but also are treated more differently. Parents' differential treatment typically includes gendertyped play and activities. For example, boys are encouraged to play with blocks and tools, and girls with dolls and tea sets. These activities are responsible for the welldefined ideas children develop regarding male and female behaviour. Possibly, these activities are also responsible for the fact that boys and girls differ in aggression, in visual-spatial skills, and in the ability to interpret social cues. In fact, parents who hold the most traditional views regarding gender roles encourage clear, definite gendertyped behaviour in their children. These children may also distinguish between males and females at a much earlier age than other children may. It also seems that fathers in particular play an important role in their sons and daughters' acquisition of gendertyped behaviour. Fathers are more inclined to reinforce typical masculine behaviour in their sons and typical feminine behaviour in their daughters. Mothers are more inclined to treat their children similarly. Other adults, and especially the peer group, also contribute towards the development of children's gender roles and play an important role in reinforcing gender-typed behaviour. In fact, boys receive the most negative reaction when they overstep the gender boundaries. For example, girls who want to build things rather than play with dolls will be considered tomboys, but boys who prefer to play with dolls rather than blocks will be ridiculed and even rejected. • Observation and modelling. According to the social learning theory, children also learn gender roles through observation and modelling. Children see which toys and activities are for girls and which for boys and begin to imitate individuals of their own gender. Children are exposed to several models, not only at home, but also in the world outside and in the media. When only women do the housework and cooking, children will assume that brooms, mops, pots, and pans are for women. When only men go out to work, work in the garden, and repair the car, children will regard this as men's work. Children form less stereotypical ideas only when parents share these activities. It seems that children, girls in particular, form less stereotyped ideas regarding family roles, careers, and even toys when their mothers work. Other adults, such as family members or family friends, may serve as role models for children to imitate, especially if they are fond of them and seek their approval. Nursery and pre-primary schoolteachers also influence children's gendertyped behaviour. For example, if the teacher models and reinforces mixed-gender play and activities, the rate of this type of behaviour also increases among the children. 269 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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Children also acquire gender roles from the media, such as television, movies, magazines, children's books, children's cartoons, and even school readers (SolbesCanales et al., 2020; Ward et al., 2020). Although the media currently are more sensitive towards gender roles than they were 20 years ago, stereotypes are still rife. Male characters in movies or television shows are still portrayed largely as independent, dominant, active, innovative, and decisive, while female characters are usually nurturing, dependent, and passive. An example is the advertisements on television: Although women are sometimes portrayed as corporate executives and men sometimes in nurturing roles, the stereotypical gender roles are mostly maintained. How often are men used to advertise margarine or washing powder, and how often are women used to advertise a specific car or beer? In fact, some American research has indicated that children who watch much television are more likely to develop stereotyped attitudes regarding masculinity and femininity than their classmates who watch less television do.

According to the social learning theory, young children learn gender-appropriate behaviour through observation and imitation of their parents.

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and reinforce the imitation of this behaviour. This viewpoint does not consider children's own input into their own gender-role development. The cognitive perspective addresses this aspect, however.

(iii) Cognitive theories According to cognitive theorists, children's developing cognitive skills are important in gender-role development. Cognitive theories focus mainly on the ways in which children understand male and female gender roles, and on their view of themselves as male or female. In other words, cognitive-oriented theorists of gender development believe that children play an important active role in acquiring gender roles (Brown et al., 2020; Miller, 2016). Two theories will be discussed: the cognitive developmental theory and the gender schema theory. ► The cognitive developmental theory was proposed initially by Lawrence Kohlberg (1966). According to this theory, children's gender typing develops after they have acquired a concept of gender. As soon as they consistently typify themselves as male or female, they organise their world based on gender. This means they actively acquire knowledge regarding gender-appropriate behaviour from models of the same gender and other sources of information. Thus, the following happens: "I am a girl; therefore, I shall do everything in my power to find out how to behave like a girl." According to social learning theory and psychoanalytic theory, the sequence is just the opposite: "I am treated like a girl; therefore, I am a girl." Therefore, Kohlberg's theory rests on two assumptions: First, gender-role development is dependent on cognitive development. This means that children must first understand gender before they can be influenced by their social experiences. Second, children are actively involved in their own socialisation. They are not passive recipients of social influences. According to Kohlberg, children progress through three developmental stages in which they should acquire specific knowledge before they can develop an understanding of what it means to be male or female: - Gender identity, i.e., children's knowledge of themselves as male or female. This develops approximately at the age of three. - Gender stability, i.e., the knowledge that gender identity remains stable over time. In other words, boys eventually become men, and girls become women. This develops after children have established a gender identity approximately at four years of age. - Gender constancy, i.e., the knowledge that a person's gender also remains stable across situations. This develops at the ages of five to seven. Children now realise that a person's gender is unchangeable. Thus, the concept of gender is established. Kohlberg's theory is criticised, however, for his assumption that gender constancy should be attained before children seek information regarding gender-appropriate behaviour from role models of the same gender. It seems that children already have certain stereotypes regarding gender-appropriate behaviour long before this time. For example, children prefer to play with toys traditionally associated with their gender 271 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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long before they have attained gender constancy (Bussey et al., 1999). They also start paying attention to and showing a preference for models of the same gender, as well as gender-appropriate behaviour at a much earlier age than indicated by Kohlberg. This means that children need only a basic knowledge of gender to acquire gender preferences and stereotypes. ► The gender schema theory. Like Kohlberg's cognitive developmental theory, the gender schema theory emphasises the importance of the development of a gender identity and children's intrinsic motivation to act in a gender-typical way (Bem, 1981; Starr et al., 2017). Children reach this by actively seeking knowledge regarding values, attitudes, and activities related to their view of a specific gender. This means that they socialise themselves. This self-socialisation begins when children have developed a basic gender identity at approximately two to three years of age (and not, as Kohlberg proposed, at five to seven years when gender constancy is reached). Thereafter, to organise their social world, they develop two gender schemas. A gender schema is a cognitive structure that organises the social world into male and female (see Figure 4.3 for a gender schema of a girl). Figure 4.3. The influence of gender schemas on gender-typed preferences and behaviours

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First, children develop a same gender and an opposite gender schema. schema This is a relatively simple cognitive structure in which children classify appropriate behaviour for girls and appropriate behaviour for boys (e.g., girls play with dolls; 272

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boys play with cars). Second, they develop an own-gender schema. schema This is a more elaborate cognitive schema that includes own-gender behaviour and serves as a basis for guidelines for gender-appropriate behaviour. Thus, although both boys and girls know that boys repair cars, boys will be motivated to obtain knowledge about this, but girls will not be motivated.

Although children's gender schemas are powerful mechanisms for organising their social world, gender schemas may also cause distortion of information that does not fit in the schema. For example, the mentioned researchers showed pictures to five- and six-yearolds depicting children performing gender-appropriate activities (e.g., a girl playing with a doll) and gender-inappropriate activities (e.g., a girl repairing a car). A week later, children could easily remember the gender of the persons who performed the gender-appropriate activities. However, the gender of the persons who performed the gender-inappropriate activities was distorted. For example, children would say a boy was repairing the car. This research provides some explanation for the persistence of stereotypes. For instance, children who believe that only men can be doctors and then meet a female doctor, will say that they met a nurse and will maintain their belief that women cannot be doctors. Thus, these children have distorted information to fit into their cognitive schemas. Cognitive theories provide an acknowledged explanation of how children's own knowledge contributes towards their gender-role development (Dinella, 2017; Miller, 2016). These theories also provide the best explanation why children distort information that is inconsistent with their ideas of gender-appropriate behaviour. Each of the theories discussed in this section provides some insight into the development of gender roles. The biological viewpoint emphasises genetic and biochemical influence; the psychoanalytic theories emphasise the interaction between biological and social forces; the social learning theory points towards influences from the social environment; and the cognitive theories indicate the importance of cognitive development and the child's own input. Although each theory highlights an important facet of genderrole development, no theory can provide an adequate explanation on its own.

4.3.7 Racial and Ethnic Identity We have already established that cultural context plays an important role in the early development of infants and young children, influencing all aspects of their development. We have also indicated that children's development is understood best through everyday cultural practices, their interactions, and the multiple relationships that develop within their ecological developmental settings (see Chapter 1). Although researchers are increasingly incorporating culture as a variable into their research, limited attention has been paid to race and ethnicity as concepts in child development. Where the term race traditionally has been used to distinguish biological factors and subsequent behaviour, ethnicity refers to shared cultural characteristics such as language, religion, customs, and history. For example, in the South African context, a South African child may belong to the black racial group and to the Sotho ethnic group, or to the white racial group and the English ethnic group. However, a meta-analysis has indicated 273 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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that the criteria for race and ethnicity are highly inconsistent across different studies, as well as between different countries (Zhang et al., 2019; also see Wade et al., 2020). This should be considered when reading about race and ethnicity. As we have seen in our discussions on infants and pre-school children, children become aware of their surroundings at a very early age, which very likely include their cultural contexts. For example, cultural values may underlie how soon a mother responds when an infant cries, where an infant sleeps, how the infant is carried, or when and how much the infant is fed. Parents may also sing a song or tell a story, or refer to a child's observable features, such as hair, skin or eye colour, that relate to the child's race or ethnicity. For young children who closely observe behaviours, the transmission of culture, ethnicity, and race is a critical component of their gathering of information. It can be assumed that the formation of a racial self-concept and ethnic identity also develops along with children's development of the self, self-identity, and gender-identity. Children's ethnic identity develops according to five components (Siegler et al., 2020): • Ethnic knowledge refers to children's knowledge that their ethnic group has certain distinguishing characteristics such as behaviours, physical traits, values, customs, and language that set them apart from other groups. • Ethnic self-identification reflects children's categorisation of themselves as members of their ethnic group. • Ethnic constancy concerns children's understanding that the distinguishing characteristics of their ethnic group do not change across time and place and that they will always be members of their ethnic group. • Ethnic role behaviours involve children's engagement in the behaviours that reflect the characteristics of their ethnic group. • Ethnic feelings and preferences refer to children's feelings about belonging to their ethnic group and its members, and their preferences for the characteristics that distinguish the group. Ethnic identity develops gradually during childhood. Preschoolers do not really understand the significance of an ethnic group, and they do not understand that ethnicity is a lasting feature of the self, although they may label themselves, for example, as English-, Zulu-, Xhosa-, Sotho- or Afrikaans-speaking. Although they may engage in behaviours that characterise their ethnic group and have some knowledge of their group, they do not understand that ethnicity is a lasting feature of the self (e.g., the white boy who says he would like to be black one day so that he can also build beautiful houses; or the black girl who says she would like to be white one day so that she could have long blonde hair). Children only begin to identify themselves according to their ethnic group between the ages of five and eight, and shortly thereafter begin to understand that their race or ethnicity is an unchanging feature of themselves, as we shall see in later chapters in this book. The family and larger social environment play a significant role in the development of children's ethnic identity. Parents, family members, and other adults can be instrumental in teaching children the strengths and unique features of their ethnic culture and instilling ethnic pride in them. (See Box 4.7 on children's awareness of ethnic identities.)

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BOX 4.7 CHILDREN' CHILDREN'S AWARENESS OF ETHNIC IDENTITIES Relatively little research has investigated children's awareness of cultural, racial, and ethnic differences. This absence of research affects the ability to understand this process. Research studies that do investigate this issue typically use dolls, drawings, or photos to determine children's preference. The child's indicated preference is then assumed as the ethnic/racial group with which the child identifies. In a study involving multiple racial groups, young children between the ages of six months and two years indicated that the children randomly selected a preferred doll (Njoroge et al., 2009). For example, a ten-month-old Asian girl picked a Caucasian doll; and a white three-yearold girl picked a dark doll. These children seemed to pick a doll according to features other than its ethnicity. For example, the white girl picked the dark doll because the doll was wearing clothes with the same colour as she was. Other children picked dolls according to preferred hair colour, gender, and so on. However, it should be remembered that children's self-representation skills (i.e., ability to use dolls to represent themselves) becomes established only after the age of four. When questioned, most parents in this study agreed that they did not comment on racial differences, even if they were noticeable in books or television programmes, largely because they believed children were too young to understand — they talked about race and ethnicity only when the child asked (usually not before the age of three years). The researchers conclude that parents underestimate growing children's awareness of the importance of race and culture in their selfidentities, especially in increasingly complicated family structures that may include nannies, au pairs, extended family members, day care, and pre-school members of diverse cultures. Studies conducted in North America and Europe indicate that (black) children of the minority race often show less own-race preference than children of the (white) majority race do, but the reasons for this asymmetry are unresolved. One assumption is that children tend to identify with the dominant (majority) culture. However, a South African study (Shutts et al., 2011) indicated that this may not be the case. This study investigated the influences of group size, familiarity, and social status on children's race-based social preferences. The majority race (black) was compared to members of other minority groups, including whites and Coloureds. Black children (3-13 years) tested in a black township preferred people of their own gender, but not of their own race. In a multiracial school, children (4-9 years) of all races showed preference for white and Coloured over black South Africans. This pattern mirrors the relative wealth, education, and opportunity of these groups. According to the researchers, these findings suggest that South African children may be influenced by their perceptions of differences in social status such as these. Despite efforts in the country to bridge racial distinctions and promote unity, South African children still show sensitivity to race. An important aspect to research will be to understand the information and experiences that contribute to children's perceptions and preferences based on race.

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REVIEW THIS SECTION 1. Clarify the terms 'sex' and 'gender'. Why are these two terms often used as synonyms? Why does gender play an important role in a child's development? 2. Why is research on gender such a complicated issue? Some studies have found gender differences between boys and girls in certain areas of their functioning. Discuss these differences. Discuss the factors that could contribute to gender differences, for example in mathematical ability and aggression. 3. Define the following concepts: • gender stereotype • gender role • gender identity • gender constancy • gender-typed behaviour 4. Discuss the three processes involved in gender-role development. 5. Discuss the biological approaches to gender-role development. 6. Discuss Sigmund Freud's psychoanalytic approach to gender-role development. What are the criticisms against this approach? 7. Discuss the social learning theory of gender-role development. 8. Discuss the cognitive theories of gender-role development. 9. When four-year-old Sam was in hospital, he was cared for by a male nurse named Ben. After Sam had recovered, he told his friends about 'doctor' Ben. Using gender-schema theory, explain why Sam remembered Ben as a doctor and not as a nurse. 10. In your opinion, which of the theories of gender-role development plays the biggest role in developing gender-roles? 11. Discuss the difference between the terms 'race' and 'ethnicity'. How do children become aware of their ethnicity? Discuss the five components of children's ethnic identity development. 12. Why is children's ethnic identity such an under-researched area? Do you agree with the research methodologies used in the existing research? Justify your answer. 13. Do you agree with the findings in the research by Shutts and colleagues on South African children's race-based social preferences?

4.4 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT Social development in the preschool years involves changes in preschoolers' interaction and relationships with others. Family relationships continue to play a crucial role, but from the age of two, peers and other persons become increasingly influential.

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4.4.1 Family Relationships Defining a family is not that easy, since many family systems are evident in our society (Hall et al., 2018; see also Louw et al., 2019). The most common family systems are the nuclear family system (father, mother, and children), and the extended family system (children, parents, grandparents, and other family members). Several other family systems exist in South Africa. These include reconstituted families with stepparents and stepchildren; families with same-gender parents; foster and adopted family systems; single-parent family systems; grandparent-headed households; and child-headed households. These different family systems could have different effects on children's development; however, in most family types, children have a primary caregiver or caregivers and family members such as grandparents, aunts and uncles, cousins, and siblings. All these relationships contribute to the preschooler's development. In this section, we shall focus on parent/ caregiver relationships, with specific reference to the role of a father figure, while the role of grandparents and sibling relationships will also be discussed.

4.4.1.1 Parents or caregivers Attachment relationships and parenting styles are crucial during early childhood, which will be evident in our following discussions.

(a) Attachment As you will remember from the previous chapter, by the age of 12 months, infants have normally established a clear attachment to their primary caregivers. Preschoolers continue to show powerful attachments to their parents (or caregivers), but the manifestation of this bond begins to change. By the age of two or three, many attachment behaviours have become less visible. Children are less distressed when separated from their parents/ caregivers and are cognitively advanced enough to understand explanations by caregivers why they must go away for a while and when they will be back. By the age of three or four, children may also use communication offered by parents ("We'll be back after your naptime") to ease their anxiety. Although young children still seek proximity and closeness, they are able to move further from their safe base without apparent distress, especially in non-frightening or non-stressful situations. John Bowlby (see Chapter 3) refers to this new form of attachment as a goalcorrected partnership. partnership The infant's goal is always to have the attachment figure within sight or touch. While the preschooler's goal is still to be in contact with the parent, this contact no longer requires a constant physical presence. Now, the child understands that parents/caregivers not only continue to exist when they are not there, but also that the relationship continues to exist even though they are apart. This enables children to correct or modify their goal of contact with the attachment figure, by engaging in collaborative planning; for example, by agreeing when and how they will be together, what children can do if they become scared, or who the replacement security person will be. As discussed in Chapter 3, attachment quality can influence various aspects of children's development during early childhood. For example, insecurely attached 277 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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preschoolers seem to experience more anger and aggression towards both peers and adults in social settings. Securely attached preschoolers generally exhibit the following behaviours (Van IJzendoorn, 2019): • They are better able to control their negative emotions such as anger and aggression in stressful situations. • They develop better social competence, learn to match feelings with words in dealing with what is happening around them, and they are less liable to develop internalising and externalising behavioural problems. • They are more confident about exploring the world around them. • They learn through their parent's caring behaviours to have a sense of worth and to empathise and cooperate with others. These social skills help them to form strong relationships with peers in the future. However, the attachment theory is not without criticism, as its supporters sometimes claim (Kagan, 2020; Vicedo, 2017, 2020). A serious limitation of attachment theory is its failure to recognise the profound influences of social class, gender, ethnicity, and culture on personality development. These factors can be as significant as the quality of early attachment. In fact, it seems that in certain cultures, the concept of a child being intimately attached to a caregiver is relatively unfamiliar: Child-rearing duties are distributed more evenly among several people in the family or group. In societies where the upbringing of a child is done by the community as a whole rather than by a single individual, children seem to be well adjusted and productive (also see Keller, 2018). Furthermore, attachment does not necessarily protect a child against unfavourable outcomes. Behaviour and other psychological problems also occur in children whose attachments are generally secure. South African experts believe that the way in which early attachment patterns either become modified or else translate into subsequent maladaptive patterns of functioning needs to be investigated urgently (Tomlinson et al., 2010). These researchers believe that attachment is fundamentally about relationships. They argue that the provision of supportive relationships to parents and the promotion of good parent-child relationships should be at the core of all early intervention models. Parents often experienced insecure attachments themselves and need support to repair mismatches in their own parenting. Therefore, attachment-relevant parenting should include parental sensitivity, autonomy support, limit-setting, and protective parenting especially in situations that are stressful for both children and parents (see Van IJzendoorn et al., 2019).

(b) Parenting style As children begin to function more independently, conflicts between parent and child may arise. Of course, parents may vary in their reactions to children's increasing demands. Psychologists have tried to identify parenting styles that are most beneficial to children's development. One of the most influential psychologists in this regard is Diana Baumrind (1971, 1989, 2013). Baumrind focuses on the following dimensions of parenting: parenting • Warmth and nurturance. Generally, children with warm and nurturing parents are 278 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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more securely attached than children of cold and detached parents are and show positive development in most areas. Parental warmth may even buffer a child against the negative effects of otherwise disadvantageous environments, such as poor and tough neighbourhoods. • Consistent control. Parents who set clear rules and apply them consistently usually have children who are much less likely to be defiant or noncompliant. The form of control is also important. The most optimal outcomes for children occur when parents are not overly restrictive, explain things to the child and avoid the use of physical punishment. • Expectations. Children of parents who have high expectations of them (Baumrind calls this maturity demands) also tend to fare better, specifically regarding their selfesteem and altruistic behaviours. • Communication. Open, clear, and regular communication between parent and child has been linked to positive outcomes. Listening to children is just as important as talking to them. In this way, parents communicate to children that what they have to say, is important. Children of such parents tend to be emotionally and socially more mature. These dimensions of family interaction do not occur in isolation but in combination. In this regard, Baumrind identified three parenting styles. styles Maccoby and Martin (1983) later added a fourth style. (See Figure 4.4 for the relationship of parenting dimensions to the four parenting styles.) ► The authoritative parenting style. These parents meet the standards of all four dimensions: warmth and nurturance, consistent control, expectations, and communication. It involves high acceptance and involvement, adaptive control techniques and the granting of appropriate autonomy. Parents are warm and sensitive to their children's needs but set appropriate limits. This style is regarded as the most successful approach to rearing children and is linked to many aspects of competence throughout childhood and adolescence. These include a positive mood, self-control, task persistence, cooperativeness, social and moral maturity, and favourable school performance. ► The authoritarian parenting style. This style is high in control and expectations, but low in nurturance and communication. Authoritarian parents appear cold and rejecting. They frequently degrade their children by putting them down. To exert control, they shout, command, and criticise. If the child disobeys, they resort to force and punishment. Generally, outcomes for these children are negative: They tend to be unhappy and anxious, show high rates of anger and defiance, and tend to be dependent and overwhelmed by challenging tasks. ► The permissive parenting style. These parents show warmth and nurturance, but fail as far as expectations, control, and communication are concerned. Generally, parents are warm and accepting, but rather than being involved, they tend to be overindulgent and inattentive. They exert little control over their children's behaviour, with the result that children have to make many of their own decisions at an age 279 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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when they are not yet capable of doing so. Children of permissive parents tend to be impulsive, disobedient, and rebellious. They also tend to be overly demanding and dependent on adults and show less persistence in tasks than children whose parents have more control and expectation demands. ► The uninvolved parenting style. These parents do not meet the expectations of any of the parenting styles. They tend to be emotionally detached, often because of their own overwhelming problems or because they are attracted to more exciting activities. They tend to have little time and energy left to cater to their children's needs. At its extreme, uninvolved parents often maltreat their children by neglecting them. This style disrupts virtually all aspects of development, including attachment, cognition, and emotional and social skills. Figure 4.4. The four parenting styles and related dimensions

Despite general agreement on the advantages and disadvantages of parenting styles, it is equally true that the correlations between parenting styles and expected behaviour of children are not always strong (Bernstein, 2018; Cherry, 2017; also see Louw et al., 2019). The expected child outcomes do not always realise and sometimes have the opposite result. For example, parents with authoritative parenting styles could have children who are rebels or are guilty of antisocial conduct. Various factors such as cultural variations, the personalities of the parents and the child, socio-economic status, and access to extended family also remind us that child-rearing practices should be understood in their broader context. It should also be considered that, although it is generally accepted that parents can 280 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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influence their children's behaviour, a child's characteristics (which are often determined by genetics) can also influence the parenting style (Oliver et al., 2014). For example, a child might misbehave not because the parents are permissive, but the parents became permissive because they just gave up trying to change their child's antisocial behaviour. It should also be kept in mind that, although one parenting style may be dominant, most parents use different styles. Although consistent parenting is usually recommended, the wise parent should sense the importance of being more permissive in certain situations, more authoritarian in others, and yet more authoritative in other circumstances (Santrock, 2019). The role of gender should also not be underestimated (Bornstein et al., 2016). For example, mothers are more likely to adopt the authoritative and permissive parenting style than fathers are, while fathers are more inclined towards authoritarian styles. However, it seems that the movement towards gender equality over the last few decades could have led to changes in gender-specific child rearing: A meta-analysis of more than 100 studies showed that, in general, the differences in parenting styles towards boys and girls were minimal (Endendijk et al., 2016). However, the study is somewhat skewed, as relatively few developing countries (e.g., in Africa) were included. As mentioned, cultural variables may play a significant role in parenting styles. Up to now, most studies on parenting styles have been done in developed and high-income countries. According to Arnett and Jensen (2019), two experts on a cultural approach to human development, the authoritative parenting style is rare outside Western countries. In most traditional cultures, parents expect that children should obey their authority without questioning it and without requiring an explanation. Parents are not supposed to provide reasons why they should be obeyed and respected. The mere fact that they are parents and that children are children is adequate. What is the situation in South Africa? Roman et al. (2015) provide the following overview of parenting styles in the South African context (also see Louw et al., 2019): • Several studies show that parents use mainly an authoritative parenting style across ethnic groups, with the resulting benefits for young children, adolescents, and young adults. These studies also suggest that overly strict parental behavioural control, monitoring, and limit setting predict high rates of substance abuse during adolescence. • Parenting styles of mothers and fathers are perceived as significantly different among and within ethnic groups. It seems that mothers are generally perceived as being more involved than fathers are. This suggests that there are stronger relationships between mothers and their children than between fathers and their children, indicated by nurturance, support, satisfaction, affection, and intimacy. • Black South African fathers scored significantly lower on both authoritative and authoritarian parenting styles than whites did. This finding is consistent within the groups as well. This significant difference could be because historically and culturally, black African fathers have been less involved with their children. This could be related to gender ideologies (i.e., females care for children), and/or to socio-economic reasons where fathers have to work away from their families. The greater extent of the authoritative parenting style of white parents with more father involvement than in 281 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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the other ethnic groups could be linked to a more Westernised approach to parenting. • Different relationships exist, and different interactions occur based on the gender of the child and the gender of the parent. For example, mothers tend to be significantly more authoritarian towards their sons and more authoritative towards their daughters. • Although there has been a shift to a more humanitarian and democratic society with new child protection laws and family policy, the majority of the South African population continues to live in poverty, with accompanying social problems such as unemployment, substance abuse, and crime. Therefore, these parents could be considered at-risk for harsh and punitive parenting. After two decades of democracy, with the acquisition of new child and family laws as well as the abolition of corporal punishment, there is an assumption that parenting should be more positive and less punitive. However, research indicates that there are still serious problems in some families, especially concerning a lack of parental responsibility. In addition, although child and family laws have been implemented, parents have not been provided with alternative, more positive means of discipline and child-rearing methods. As is the case with various other psycho-social factors, care must be taken not to generalise as far as culture is concerned. Parenting styles can also vary from family to family within a specific culture.

4.4.1.2 The role of the father Throughout history, the father's main role was regarded as the breadwinner of the family and often also as a dominant patriarch. However, this viewpoint began to change especially during the second half of the twentieth century. The reason was that research has made it abundantly clear that involved and caring fathers are important to the development of their children in all spheres of life (Behson et al., 2016). Whether they are biological, adoptive, or stepfathers living in or outside of the home, fathers have a significant effect on their children at every stage of development, and their absence has long-lasting repercussions. In fact, fathers are regarded as one of the best, yet most underutilised child development resources (UNICEF, 2018). Although mothers have a strong influence on their children, fathers influence their children just as much, and sometimes even more. One hypothesis in this regard is that the father is often regarded as the 'leader' and 'protector' of the family, with the result that his opinion and behaviour may have a greater effect. For example, an active and nurturing style of fathering is associated with various advantages for the children, Fathers contribute to their children' children's development in several such as better mental and physical important ways 282 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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health, as well as enhanced cognitive development including verbal skills, general intellectual functioning, and academic achievement (e.g., Pappas, 2012). The children of supportive fathers who engage with them in various activities, including play, are more likely to be socially competent. They are likely to have friendships that are more positive and be more able to control their emotions. Fathers contribute towards their children's development of humour and encourage their children, especially their sons, to take calculated risks. All of these competencies continue to benefit preschoolers during their subsequent school years, as well as later in life (Cabrera et al., 2018; Macin, 2019). Children are born without social knowledge or social skills, and they eagerly look for someone to imitate. That 'someone' is usually their mother and/or father. Acting as a model with whom the child can identify, constitutes one of the most important contributions of being a father. Especially boys tend to look up to and identify with their fathers and his positive (but unfortunately also his negative) characteristics. In fact, psychologists widely accept that the parenting behaviour of a father is usually the most important factor that will determine how his sons will act as fathers one day. Furthermore, a positive father figure helps his son to develop positive and appropriate gender-role characteristics. Fathers who support gender equality and who encourage their daughters to challenge gender discrimination can play a significant role in encouraging and supporting their daughters to break free from gender-based practices (Lesch et al., 2016) Unfortunately, many fathers have different relationships with their sons than with their daughters. They often find it difficult to be emotional role models for their daughters. This is especially true in patriarchal societies where males enjoy privileged positions. However, the role of fathers in their daughters' development should not be underestimated. There seems to be consensus that daughter outcomes are linked strongly to the quality of the father-daughter relationship as well as to the father's characteristics. Quality child development is brought about by fathers who are actively involved with their children, Active involvement is defined in terms of engagement (direct interaction), accessibility (being available) and responsibility (providing resources). Actively involved fathers have close and affectionate relationships with their children, spend time with their children and talk to them about things that matter to them. They set appropriate rules, but also grant appropriate freedoms (see Louw et al., 2019; Pappas, 2012; Peterson, 2011). The opposite is equally true: rejection by the father can have serious effects on the children, involving general poor psychological adjustment in many areas of development. Father involvement also empowers and assists the mother in her role. Furthermore, men's involvement in the care of children is not only important because it is good for children and in the interest of gender justice, but also an important step in men's personal growth: Fathers who have good relationships with their children, are generally psychologically and physically healthier than fathers who do not have these relationships (UNICEF, 2020). Despite the fact that active involvement of fathers with their children benefit themselves, their partners, and their children, fathers are often sadly absent from their families' lives. Father absence refers to the physical or emotional absence of the father. Physical absence means that the father is not physically present in the child's life, while emotional or psychological absence refers to the emotional detachment of the father. Father absence is a particular problem in South Africa. Figure 4.5 illustrates that 283 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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more than 60% of biological fathers do not live with their children. Figure 4.5. Biological fathers not living with their children

Stats SA (2019); Africa Check (2018)

These figures make South Africa one of the countries in the world with the highest figures of father absenteeism (see Freeks, 2017). However, the statistics should be seen in perspective (see Van den Berg et al., 2018). Firstly, the fact that a biological father does not live with a child does not mean that the father is not involved, even significantly, in his child's life. Secondly, living with his child does not necessarily mean involvement. Fathers could be psychologically absent, although they are physically present. Thirdly, the child could live with another adult male who meets the caregiving criteria of a biological father. (The aforementioned figures refer only to biological fathers). Fourthly, biological fathers who come home only on weekends are not considered household members because of how Stats SA defines residency. Regardless of these factors that should be considered, the figures still paint a very bleak picture. The reasons for this are complex. Although HIV/Aids contributes to mortality figures, factors such as migrant labour, poverty, lack of income, survival strategies adopted by single mothers (e.g., they manage financially and otherwise without the children's father), and cultural assumptions that child-rearing is the responsibility of the community, add to the problem. In addition, some men just do not like to engage in intimate interaction with their young children. Many fathers are not even aware that they have fathered a child or are not willing to take on the added responsibility of a family. The high divorce rate in South Africa and the tendency that mothers are still the preferred primary caregivers also play a role. Furthermore, stereotypes, such as hyper-masculine males who are financially irresponsible and uninvolved in their children's lives, abound. However, if we treat men as if they do not want to be and are not capable of being good fathers, we shall stumble on the first step of what will be a steep climb. We need to recognise that fathers and 284 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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men in families represent one of the most important — yet in many cases, untapped — resources for children's well-being. Children in difficult circumstances, including poverty and economic stress, may depend even more on good parenting, including good fathering, than those in more comfortable circumstances do.

4.4.1.3 The role of grandparents Grandparents play a significant role in any community (Louw et al., 2019). In fact, grandparents are the backbone of many South African families, also acting as caregivers for their grandchildren. Their role has become more important and even essential over the last few decades. For example, about 5% of South African children stay with one or two grandparents. In Limpopo and Eastern Cape, this figure is almost 10% (Stats SA, 2018). South African researchers give the following reasons for this situation: greater participation of mothers in the workforce; frequent absence of fathers; health problems or death of one or both parents caused by HIV/ AIDS and other illnesses; substance abuse by parents; divorce of the parents; and parents' mental or socioeconomic inability to care for the children (Jacobs et al., 2016; Wild, Grandparents can play a very important role in their 2018). grandchildren''s development grandchildren It is clear from the available literature on grandchild parenting that grandmothers make up the majority in grandparenting. Although grandfathers also play a significant role as caregivers to grandchildren, little literature is available on grandfathers (Nkosinathi et al., 2015). However, grandfathers value their relationship with their grandchildren as strongly as grandmothers do. Many grandfathers even report that they are more affectionate with their grandchildren than they were with their own children (Lally et al., 2017). Some grandparents are directly involved with their grandchildren on a day-to-day basis and assume a parental role, while others have a more distant relationship, often because of geographical reasons. However, regardless of distance and contact, affection between grandchildren and grandparents usually remains strong (see Kuther, 2017). In an interesting study with Coloured adolescents in Cape Town, it was found that maternal grandfathers play a more important role in psychological wellbeing of adolescents than paternal grandfathers do (Wild, 2016). A possible reason is that maternal grandfathers are more involved with their grandchildren, probably due to their daughters' encouragement. Grandparents' contribution to their grandchildren has many facets. For example, in transmitting values and being a source of wisdom, grandparents can have a very positive influence on their grandchildren. Grandparents often act as attachment figures to provide additional stability and security in their grandchildren's lives. They also often serve as a 285 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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support system in a time of crisis and can soften the blow of a divorce, mental disorder, or death of a parent. A study in a rural area of the Western Cape indicated that when grandparents are the primary caregivers, the grandchildren's behaviour and academic functioning do not differ significantly from those of their peers who are raised by their parents (Booys et al., 2015). This is notwithstanding financial and age-related constraints. This finding is in line with a recent American study indicating that grandparents and parents do not differ on most measures of parent coping, parenting stress, or caregiverchild interactions (Muthiah et al., 2019). However, some grandparents, as in the case of some parents and other role models, could foster maladaptive behaviour in their grandchildren by setting bad examples like swearing, smoking, alcohol abuse, or poor spousal relationships (see Hayslip et al., 2015). Many grandparents also tend to spoil their grandchildren, which goes hand in hand with a lack of discipline. Unfortunately, it is common for children raised by their grandparents to display developmental, physical, behavioural, academic, and emotional problems (Li et al., 2019; Sadruddin et al., 2019). However, this phenomenon should be interpreted with caution. Grandparents do not necessarily play a significant role in their grandchildren's unacceptable behaviour. In many cases, the cause for this behaviour can be traced back to negative and traumatic experiences at the parental home (which could be one of the reasons why the grandparents are raising the children). In a study on the relationship between grandparents and their grandchildren in the black families in South Africa, the researchers came to an interesting conclusion (Muthiah et al., 2019): Grandparents are ill-equipped to respond to their grandchildren's problems, especially in today's society. These researchers contended that grandparents, particularly in the rural areas, need to be familiar with the latest information about the current parenting practices, child development, and child mental disorders since traditional culturally based child-rearing practices have largely become redundant.

4.4.1.4 Sibling relationships Most children in the world and South Africa have at least one sibling. The importance of the sibling relationship is illustrated by the fact that it is likely to last longer than any other relationship in a person's lifetime. The following are important functions of sibling relationships (Howe et al., 2014; Kramer et al., 2019; Sigelman et al., 2018;): • Emotional support. Siblings confide in one another, often more than they confide in their parents. They protect and comfort one another in rough emotional times. It is common to see preschoolers comfort their infant siblings when their mothers leave or when strangers approach. • Caregiving. Many older siblings enjoy helping their parents take care of infants. In middle class Western-orientated cultures, this caregiving often occurs in the context of play, with parents nearby. Generally, parents do not burden older children with the care of younger ones. Although some care takes place, it is generally sporadic. In some cultures in Africa, Asia, Oceania, and Central and South America, care of younger children by older siblings is part of the social system. Older children play 286 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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an important culturally defined role in caregiving (such as feeding, comforting, toilettraining, and disciplining (Nsamenang, 2011). • Teaching. Although older brothers and sisters are not always as skilled as parents are in teaching younger siblings, they play a valuable role in teaching them simple life skills, for example how to use a TV remote, bake cookies, play games, and build puzzles. Older siblings can also prepare their younger siblings for school by teaching them elementary school work. Younger siblings usually actively seek their guidance. In many cultures, older siblings are also involved in teaching cultural values and chores. • Social experience. Having at least one sibling to interact with can have positive effects on a child's social cognitive skills and social competence. In their interactions with siblings, especially in their skirmishes, children learn how to take others' perspectives, predict immediate behaviour, express feelings, negotiate, and resolve conflicts. Correlations have been indicated between the quality of sibling relationships and peer relationships. This suggests that lessons and skills learnt from sibling relationships are applied to situations and relationships outside the home. Considering this, it is understandable why the sibling relationship has been described as a natural laboratory for young children to learn about their world.

Sibling relationships play an important role in early childhood

In some cultures, care of younger children by older siblings is part of the social system

The nature of sibling relationships changes throughout the developmental phases. Infants become attached to their older brothers and sisters. As they begin to move around and become more active and assertive, conflict with siblings inevitably results. Siblings between the ages of two and four years tend to have several conflicts within an hour. The conflict decreases somewhat between the ages of five to seven (see Santrock, 2019). As cognitive and social understanding develops, sibling conflicts tend to become more constructive, and younger siblings participate in attempts to reconcile conflict. The most frequent and intense disputes among preschool-aged siblings are over rights of possession, such as who owns a toy and who may play with it. Sibling disputes and their settlement may be viewed as opportunities in socialisation: They learn how to disagree and compromise within a safe environment. When and how do parents intervene when siblings fight? In the absence of parental 287 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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intervention, young children tend to continue fighting. If conflict is left unchecked, it may later lead to behavioural problems at school. Therefore, it becomes necessary for parents to intervene. This intervention takes place in the form of teaching children appropriate ways to deal with disputes. Less conflict and more constructive outcomes occur when parents work directly with their children to express their points of view and use reason to settle their disagreement (Kramer et al., 2019). Furthermore, a good relationship between parents contribute significantly to the quality of sibling relationships, as it serves as a model for positive conflict solving. This occurs both directly and indirectly (Kail et al., 2019). The direct influence stems from parents' treatment of siblings. Siblings tend to get along better when they believe parents have no favourites and treat all siblings fairly. When parents praise one child's accomplishments while ignoring another's, children notice the difference, and this affects their relationships negatively. The indirect influence stems from the quality of the parents' relationship with each other. For example, a warm, harmonious relationship between parents fosters positive sibling relationships, while conflict between parents is associated with conflict between siblings (De Bel et al., 2019). As with younger children (discussed in Chapter 3), the birth of a sibling is often distressing for older children. They may become withdrawn or return to behaviour that is more childish to regain their parents' attention and affection. Other behaviours such as aggressive behaviour, sleep changes, changes in toileting habits, and a decrease in appetite are also reported (Dağcıoğlu, 2018). However, distress can be avoided if parents remain warm and responsive to older children's needs and engage them in activities.

4.4.2 Peer Relationships In the previous chapter, we discussed the nature of peer relations. The development of friendships with peers is one of the most important aspects of preschoolers' social development. As they develop more self-awareness, become more effective in communicating, and better at understanding the thoughts and feelings of others, their skill in interacting with others develops remarkably. Also, peer acceptance in early childhood is a predictor of later peer relations. For example, children who do not have friends in pre-primary school often still have difficulties in dealing with peers at the age of ten. However, it is not clear whether early problems with peers actually cause the later problems, or whether both are caused by other risk factors such as traumatic experiences at home, or whether certain behavioural tendencies and skill deficits such as aggression or bullying, make it hard to gain acceptance by one's peers. Whatever the case, it seems that the roots of peer rejection lie in the earliest years of childhood. Put another way, having friends in early childhood appears to protect children against the development of peer rejection, which in turn is associated with educational underachievement and psychological problems later in childhood (Hay, 2005). Aspects that are important during peer interactions in early childhood involve the importance of play, and the emergence of aggressive and prosocial behaviour. These issues will be discussed next.

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4.4.2.1 Play Play is an excellent example of the interdependence among the dimensions of development. Play is so prominent and important in the lives of children during early childhood that is often called 'the play years'. Play contributes to a child's development in the following ways (see Santrock, 2019; Sigelman et al., 2018): • Physical or locomotor play, from chasing to wrestling each other, various forms of sport, and other physical activities are associated with neural maturation in the brain and the refinement of motor skills. • Play enhances children's cognitive development. Play has been associated with better performance on tests of cognitive development, language skills, visual-spatial skills, and creativity. • Play provides valuable learning opportunities in social interaction and skills. During play, preschoolers share affection, offer approval, negotiate, and make demands on one another. It has also been linked to children's understanding of others' perspectives and how to be popular. • Play develops and satisfies children's exploratory drives. This drive is based on curiosity and a desire to explore the environment to find new or unusual information. • Play improves a child's language and communication skills. For example, discussions and negotiations regarding rules that should be applied and specific roles that should be played by each, can benefit a child's vocabulary and general literacy skills. • The therapeutic value of play should not be underestimated. Freud and Erikson believed that play could help children to master anxieties and conflicts. For example, tensions can be relieved in play. Psychotherapists also often use play therapy as a means of helping children express or communicate their feelings.

Play contributes to a child' child's development in many ways

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Although most people can recognise when a child is playing, identifying the criteria that make the behaviour playful is often challenging (Graham, 2017). Much of this difficulty stems from the fact that verbal, facial, or postural cues (e.g., aggression) of behaviour can be misinterpreted. This is one of the main reasons why researchers do not always agree on the different types of play. However, the following are examples of various types of play during preschool years that reflect their development during early childhood (see Bjorklund, 2018): • Functional play refers to repetitive activities such as skipping, jumping, rolling clay, or moving toy cars. This type of play involves activity and does not have the goal of creating some end result. This type of play involves gross and fine motor development, as well as body movement. • Constructive play involves children manipulating objects or toys to make something, such as a tower from blocks or a house from clay. This type of play encourages children to practise their fine motor and cognitive skills, for example how pieces fit together to build a tower or to complete a puzzle. • Social pretend play (also called socio-dramatic or fantasy play). play This is one of the most interesting forms of play seen in early childhood, in which children use their make-believe skills to change the functions of objects (e.g., a stick becomes a horse), create imaginary situations (e.g., riding a magic carpet), and enact pretend roles (e.g., playing Mommy and Daddy). These play activities reflect children's growth in cognitive, perspective-taking, and communication skills. For example, to pretend a stick is a horse, children must develop symbolic capabilities to allow them to let one object represent another; to play 'Mommy', a child must relinquish her own perspective and appreciate another's role. In complex pretend play, such as when one child acts as a 'Mommy' and another as the 'crying baby', children learn to understand the rules of social dialogue and communication. • Games-with-rules such as hide-and-seek, board games, and hopscotch, provide opportunities for cognitive development and social understanding. In a classic study on children's play that is still quoted widely, Mildred Parten (1932) indicated that children's play proceeds in sequence from solitary play, play in which a child plays individually and apart from other children, to parallel play where children play near other children but do not try to influence their behaviour, to cooperative play where children interact by sharing, following one another, and making suggestions. Parten believed that a stage-like developmental progression takes Parallel play means that two or more children play near place from solitary to cooperative each other, for example, in a sand pit without really communicating with each other. play. 290 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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Parents often wonder if a preschooler who spends much time alone is developing 'normally'. Many preschoolers enjoy playing by themselves, and their solitary activities are usually positive and constructive. Only extremes of non-social activity, such as aimless wandering, hovering near peers, and inappropriate repetitive motor action, are cause for concern. Another concern often raised by parents is the presence of an imaginary friend, friend a phenomenon that reflects the richness of the child's fantasy play. It refers to a friend who does not really exist, but who is very real to the child, has a name, and is about the same age as the child. (Sometimes the imaginary friend could be an animal like a dog or cat.) According to a meta-analysis, this is a normal phenomenon that occurs in about 50% of children during early childhood (Moriguchi et al., 2018). Children with imaginary companions have been reported all over the world. However, most of the research has been done in Western countries, while relatively little and even no research data on the prevalence and nature is available in non-Western countries. A preschool child talking to her imaginary friend A common reason why a child creates an imaginary friend is to have a companion that is always available when needed, and who is usually also more accommodating than other peers. Another often-reported reason for creating an imaginary friend is having someone to blame for bad behaviour or mischief (Davis, 2018). Some people believe that children with imaginary friends are less sociable or more confused about reality or fantasy than children without such companions are. There is no empirical data to support this (Kennedy-Moore, 2013). In fact, it seems that children with imaginary friends have certain advantages (Davies, 2018; Gleason, 2014): • They are more creative than others. This is understandable: As fantasy has no limitations or restrictions, it forms the ideal basis for creativity. Also, by regularly engaging with their imaginary friend, they are stimulating their creativity even more. • Children who have fantasy friends are socially more aware than other children are. For example, children with imaginary friends can put themselves in other people's shoes better than peers who do not have an imaginary friend can. This helps them to view things from other people's perspective, which in turn could assist them in social situations. 291 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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• Imaginary play offers a rare chance to be in complete control and to take initiative, which could develop characteristics such as leadership, self-confidence, and entrepreneurial skills. • Imaginary play implies that the child is visualising something that does not really exist and acts accordingly, which promotes abstract thinking. • Children with imaginary friends tend to have a better vocabulary. This can be ascribed to the fact that they not only talk more and/or are being talked to more, but also seem to feel freer to 'experiment' with words and phrases. • It creates an opportunity for children to voice their concerns and problems when they feel uncomfortable to discuss them with their parents or siblings, knowing it will remain a secret. However, the aforementioned does not mean that in certain (mostly unusual) cases, imaginary friends could be an indication that the parents should explore the situation. For example, it might be that the child is bullied by peers, experiences trauma at home, or has poor interpersonal skills and therefore prefers to create an own private world where he or she feels safe. Another issue that parents may raise concerns the presence of toys and play material in children's play. Some interesting research revealed the following (see Dauch, 2018; McCarthy, 2016; Newman, 2017; Trautner, 2016): • Play material and toys are mediators in young children' children's cognitive, creative, symbolic, and social development. Therefore, a balance of materials should be provided to elicit play in all its important forms, such as toys that require imagination and that can be used in many different ways; toys that encourage interaction with parents and peers; and toys that encourage physical activity. For example, blocks encourage imaginative and mathematical thinking, creativity, problem solving, and social development; pretend props, such as dolls, family and animal characters, vehicles, and dress-up clothes encourage symbolic play, social interaction, and language skills; puzzles and games encourage thinking skills; art materials such as paper, paint, and pencils encourage creativity; while balls, bicycles, and climbing structures encourage gross motor development. • Psychologists seem to be cautious about recommending specific toys to families because play interests vary greatly across cultures, children, and families. Furthermore, some toys have a powerful influence on children's thinking, interaction with peers, and creative expression, while others do not. Some toys encourage individual play or social interaction; some encourage both. However, a trend that seems to emerge that can serve as a guide to parents is that "basic is better". The toys that benefit children the most tend to be the simplest, such as wooden blocks, wooden vehicles, and wooden construction toys. These toys are open-ended, so children can use them in multiple ways. They also meet the varied interests of children from different cultures and families. The ability of a toy to create social interactions, engage problem-solving skills, and encourage creative expression in children determines it as a high-quality toy. Another trend is "less is more". For example, when provided with 292 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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fewer toys, preschoolers engage in longer periods of play with a single toy. This allows them to focus better on exploring and therefore playing more creatively than children surrounded with many toys do. • Another confusion regards educational toys, toys which are promoted by many businesses and individuals as materials that stimulate learning and develop special skills (O'Connell, 2020). While some professionals have reported positively on the potential of these toys (e.g., Caci, 2020; Hamilton, 2020), others are very critical. For example, some state that the claims made are unscrupulous and not backed by science, (e.g., Gummer, (2020). Others believe that every child is different, so that any product that makes special claims regarding their development of special skills, should be regarded with scepticism (e.g., DeLapp, 2020).

The cognitive value of educational toys is controversial

One of the criticisms is that research supporting a developmental role for toys mostly come from studies of activities in which children play with parents, rather than alone. In other words, it seems that the value of toys does not necessarily lie in the toy itself, but in the positive interactions between parents and children in supportive and devoted play. There is a need for more and extensive research on educational toys, including their efficacy — especially in the long term — and the legitimacy of how these toys are marketed (DeCortin, 2015; also see Manesis, 2020). • Psychologists contend that children need to play with something, but that play materials do not have to be bought at stores or be expensive. Generally, children explore their environment and examine articles that are interesting to them. A collection of everyday items such as kitchen utensils, carton boxes, plastic buckets, pieces of wood, pieces of fabric, plastic containers, and blankets as well as natural elements such as sand, water, stones, and sticks can provide hours of engaging, interactive, and skill-building play. Often these inexpensive, open-ended materials are 293 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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more desirable and hold a child's attention longer than many store-bought toys do. • It should always be kept in mind that no toy is a substitute for warm, loving, and trustworthy relationships. Therefore, toys also should be viewed as a means to enhance interactions between parents and children. The greatest gift parents can give their child is not an expensive toy — but an ambience (atmosphere) of affection, trust, time, and undivided attention in which children can enjoy their toys. Do children in all cultures play the same? As we have alluded to earlier, cultural variations do seem to occur (Arnett et al., 2019). Peer sociability in collectivist cultures takes different forms from individualistic cultures. Children in collectivist cultures, such as some African and Indian cultures, tend to play in large groups that require high levels of cooperation and engagement in conversation and dramatic play. Children in individualistic cultures are likely to prefer dyads (two persons) or small groups and tend to play competitive games and place more emphasis on individual development (Kuther, 2017). Cultural beliefs about the importance of play also affect early play behaviour. Adults who view play as mere entertainment are less likely to provide play material and encourage pretend play than those who value the social and cognitive benefits thereof are. It also seems that children who have had experience in childcare settings (e.g., playgroups) are more likely to engage in forms of play that are more social (i.e., cooperative play) earlier in their life than children who have not engaged in such play.

4.4.2.2 Aggressive behaviour Aggression refers to physical or verbal behaviour intended to injure or harm someone else. Two types of aggression may be identified during early childhood: -

-

Instrumental aggression (also called proactive aggression) aggression refers to aggression being used as a means to an end (i.e., an instrument to obtain something). Usually, children are not deliberately hostile, but shout, push, or attack someone to get something. Hostile aggression (also called reactive aggression), aggression on the other hand, is intended to hurt others deliberately by hitting, kicking, or insulting them. Aggression is no longer a means to an end, but an end in itself. Instrumental and hostile aggression occur in three forms (Berk, 2019):

• Physical aggression hurts others through bodily injury such as biting, pushing, kicking, or punching others, or destroying property. • Verbal aggression harms others through threats of physical injury, name calling, or hostile teasing. • Relational aggression is a form of aggression where the goal is to inflict damage to another peer's relationships, social standing, or reputation (Daily et al., 2015). Usually, this is done through malicious gossip or social exclusion. Relational aggression reflects children's growing cognitive and social understanding. They become more 294 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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aware of the way a social weapon can be used to hurt others (Arnett et al., 2019). Aggression in children usually emerges at one to two years of age; the period during which they begin to interact more with other children. Disputes over objects, privileges, and territorial space are usually the instigators of aggression during the preschool years and initially are predominantly instrumental in nature. For example, Lerato pushes Tumelo off the bicycle, not to hurt him, but to get the bicycle back. However, this does not mean that all children will be aggressive in these situations. In many cases, preschoolers can solve their conflicts without resorting to aggression. For instance, they would offer or show the hostile friend an alternative object, rather than fight over the desired object. From their brief struggles, children learn which type of behaviour is more successful in obtaining a desired object. These experiences may influence their future interaction styles. For example, should children realise that they can obtain or keep a desired toy through aggressive behaviour, they may develop aggressive interaction styles. However, if they notice that sharing is more successful, they may acquire interaction styles that are more prosocial, such as empathy and altruism. Instrumental aggression diminishes as preschoolers grow older because they develop greater emotional control and can compromise over the ownership of a desired object. However, hostile aggression increases between four and seven years. This increase in hostile aggression is related to children's increasing ability to recognise the intentions of others. For example, older preschoolers can recognise deliberate maliciousness in others and are inclined to retaliate. Although this developmental pattern occurs in both genders, preschool boys are more inclined to be physically and verbally aggressive than girls are, while girls display more relational aggression than boys do (Ostrov et al., 2004; Razmjoee et al., 2015). This phenomenon has been reported in several cultures. After the age of six, boys still show more physical aggression than girls do, although the findings for verbal aggression are not as conclusive. We have to keep in mind that the occasional aggressive interaction between young children is normal and to be expected. These disputes between children are characteristic of their developing self-definition. On the other hand, excessive aggression may cause problems for the child's development (e.g., rejection by others, problems at school later, or development of antisocial behaviour patterns). Aggressive tendencies tend to remain stable, which implies that an aggressive preschooler may become an aggressive adult, while other antisocial behaviour and mental health disorders are common (Girard et al., 2019; Keenan, 2012). In fact, aggression in children is related to negative developmental outcomes such as substance dependence, mental health problems, unemployment, inter-partner violence and criminal offending (Cagnon et at., 2019; Schirally et al., 2019). However, this does not mean that all aggressive children will become maladapted, aggressive adults. Because aggression is such an important characteristic in children that may contribute towards future problematic behaviour, we shall consider the causes of aggression and ways to control aggression in children in the following sections.

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(a) Causes of aggression There are various viewpoints on the causes of aggression:

(i) Instinct theories According to instinct theories, aggression is part of the evolutionary survival process of humans; therefore, we are programmed to act aggressively in certain situations. These theories assume that aggression is an inherent response characteristic of the whole species, just like hunger and thirst. According to these theories, the basis of all motivations is to survive. However, because of the vast differences between individuals, as well as between cultures regarding aggression, psychologists today no longer accept that aggression is simply an evolutionary, inborn, and instinctive response (see Stangor, 2017). (ii) Biological factors Most psychologists believe that aggression has a biological basis and that reactions to stimuli are activated by biological systems such as the following (see Cowell et al., 2015; Geniole, 2019; Soreff, 2020): • Certain brain areas such as the hypothalamus and amygdala play an important role in aggression. This conclusion is based on the finding that lesions or neural changes in the prefrontal cortex and amygdala can remove the inhibitions normally applied and result in uncontrolled aggression. Findings from studies involving looking behaviour and the monitoring of brain waves, indicate that two-year olds experience different brain-wave patterns when witnessing prosocial versus antisocial (e.g., aggressive) behaviour. This study is an indication that children have biological reactions when witnessing aggression. • Hormones play an important role in the tendency to act aggressively. For example, the male hormone testosterone may be the cause of higher aggression levels in boys. Girls with higher testosterone levels also tend to be more aggressive than girls who have normal levels. • Genetic factors also seem to play a role. For example, males (whose genetic makeup differs significantly from that of females) are significantly more aggressive than females are. Also, the aggression concordance rate (degree of similarity) for identical twins is much higher than that of non-identical twins is. • Drugs, such as marijuana (cannabis, dagga) and alcohol, are associated with aggression, while certain medications may have an aggressive response as a side effect.

(iii) The frustration-aggression hypothesis This hypothesis, proposed by Dollard et al. (1939), suggests that individuals experience frustration when the attainment of their goals is blocked. Their inevitable reaction to this is aggression. For example, Johnny will throw a tantrum in Pick n Pay when his mother refuses to buy a coveted toy. Initially, this theory met with resounding approval. However, theorists soon realised that not all aggression is caused by frustration and that not all frustration leads to aggression. Therefore, the frustration-aggression hypothesis 296 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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was reformulated (Berkowitz, 1989). The reformulated version states that frustrations generate aggressive inclinations to the degree that they arouse negative affect. In other words, the more emotionally important something is for someone, the higher the possibility that frustration in this regard will elicit aggression. Preschoolers are often frustrated because they cannot always do what they want. Because they cannot express their needs clearly, they often express their frustration through aggression. As children acquire greater ability to communicate, plan, and organise their activities, their frustration level declines, and overt aggression becomes less.

(iv) Cognitive factors This viewpoint deals with children's interpretations of their social environments, as well as their views and assumptions regarding aggression (see Rohlf et al., 2018; Salimi et al., 2019). The following are examples of this viewpoint: • Understanding the intentions of another person. When children believe that their peers are deliberately hostile, they will be more inclined to retaliate with aggression than when they believe that the action was accidental. Aggressive children seem to differ from non-aggressive children regarding their interpretations of a social situation. In situations where peers' intentions are unclear, aggressive children will be more likely to attribute hostile motives to them than non-aggressive children will. • Inability to process social information adequately. For example, during interaction with their peers, aggressive children tend not to consider all available social cues, but to focus on aggressive cues. They then (wrongly) interpret that their social environment is a hostile place and retaliate with aggression. • Views on the outcome of aggression. Aggressive children view the outcomes or results of aggression differently to non-aggressive children. Aggression may lead to tangible rewards (e.g., getting what they want; or that other children will leave them alone). Moreover, aggressive children do not seem to be concerned about the consequences of aggression (e.g., rejection from the peer group, harm to the victim of aggression, or retaliation by the victim). Additionally, aggressive children do not view themselves negatively because of their aggressive behaviour. These outcomes may contribute towards the continuation of the aggressive behaviour because the child's interpretation is that aggression holds no negative consequences for them.

(v) Social factors Social learning theorists believe that children learn aggressive behaviour through the reinforcement of such behaviour and the imitation of aggressive models such as parents and the media. • Parents and caregivers. Psychologists widely accept that parents play a vital role in their children's aggressive behaviour (Gonzy, 2020; Waller et al., 2018). Two dimensions of parenting styles are of importance in this regard, namely the type of nurturance a child receives, and disciplinary strategies (also see Chapter 5 for disciplinary strategies) that parents follow. Children whose parents are cold, negative, 297 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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hostile, and rejecting towards them tend to be more aggressive than children whose parents are warm and positive are. The reason for this could be that parents' negative behaviour may cause frustration in the children because their emotional needs are not met. Therefore, they react with aggressive behaviour. Parents who use strict and punitive disciplinary strategies (such as physical punishment and verbal aggression) have children who also show aggressive interaction styles. When parents use physical punishment, they are in fact acting as powerful models of aggression.

Parents can influence the effect of the media on their children

Through their parents' actions, children learn that they can control others by hitting or threatening them. In addition, when parents settle their own mutual disputes through aggression, children gradually begin to view their world as a violent and hostile place in which acting aggressively becomes a way of life. On the other hand, when parents use permissive parenting styles by not providing their children with guidelines regarding aggressive behaviour, children also tend to be aggressive. The reason for this is most probably that permissive parents set no boundaries for their children's behaviour, thereby implying that everything is permissible. Furthermore, permissive parents are often inconsistent in applying punishment, which means that children sometimes are punished for aggression and at other times not. Therefore, children receive confusing messages as to which behaviour is permitted and which is not. The result is that children may never learn that aggressive behaviour is unacceptable. • Community violence. Exposure to community violence may have an important influence on the aggressive behaviour of parents and their children. For example, a significant relationship exists between parents' exposure to community violence and their aggression levels, particularly when they are victims of violence. This aggression also has a negative influence on their parenting styles: parents are more aggressive, 298 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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punitive, and rejecting towards their children. There is also a significant relationship between children's observation of or exposure to community violence and their levels of aggression (Bacchini et al., 2020). This means that the more children witness community violence, the higher their levels of aggression are. (This issue will be discussed further in Chapter 7.) • Media violence. Earlier in this chapter (4.2.3), we discussed the influence of media on children's cognitive development. Therefore, we know that the media have an important influence on the child's behaviour.

"We have finally discovered the answer: It is not the media that cause aggression in society --- the media merely reflect the violence in society."

Although some research suggests that the effects of media violence on the well-being of children are negligible, various recent studies provide strong evidence that preschool-aged children who view violent television are more likely to behave aggressively (see Fitzpatrick et al., 2016; Hogan et al., 2020; Veraska et al., 2021). A reason for this may be that young children do not always understand the context in which the violence occurs, because they cannot combine the separate scenes into a meaningful storyline. Therefore, they are not always aware of the motives for the aggression or of the consequences of aggression. For the preschooler, the aggressors who kick, hit, and shoot are not necessarily the 'bad guys', and they do not always recognise that the aggressors are brought to justice. In addition, preschoolers are not always able to distinguish fantasy from reality. They accept that what they see on television reflects their world. These misconceptions contribute to children's willingness to imitate TV characters. Young children particularly favour cartoons because of their vivid production features, such as rapidly changing scenes and intense sights and sounds. Cartoons contain about 20-25 violent acts per hour, as opposed to an average of six violent incidents of (mostly family-orientated) programmes screened during primetime viewing. Up to nearly 50% of violence on television occurs in cartoons (see AAFP, 2021). Young children also favour animated movies or DVDs. However, these media 299 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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often tend to contain more violent acts than non-animated films do. A common theme seems to be that 'good guys' triumph over 'bad guys' using physical force. Even comedy films contain acts of violence. Another area of concern is the amount of violence portrayed in the news and in reality shows. Particularly alarming is that violence in the media seems to be on the increase (Barranco, 2019; Wilson, 2011). Worldwide, children start viewing television at a very early age. Children of different ages watch and understand television in different ways, depending on the length of their attention spans, the ways in which they process information, the amount of mental effort they invest, and their own life experiences. Table 4.2 summarises the effects of television violence on children of different ages. Television violence is not the only media violence to which children are exposed. In addition, children are exposed to violent music, movies, the Internet, and video and other electronic games, as well as arcade games. To date, most research has been on video games, but if the interactive nature of the Internet and other electronic games is considered, the effect may be similar. What about the effect of video and Internet games, which has become an important and even more popular competitor to TV games and movies? Although video games are designed to be entertaining, challenging, and sometimes educational, most include violent content, largely because of children's preference for violent games. The majority of studies indicate that violent video games can make children more aggressive and less sensitive to violence (e.g., Anderson et al., 2010; Prescott et al., 2018; Shao et al., 2019). The main reason for this is the interactive nature of video and Internet games, which includes forced identification with an aggressive character and practising an entire sequence of behaviour (e.g., winning points for aggressive acts). However, this topic has been debated heavily and described as a 'minefield of conflicting research' (Moyer, 2018). For example, in 2005 and 2015, the Task Force on Violent Media of the American Psychological Association (APA; with about 120 000 members, the largest psychology association in the world) stated that the "link between violent video game exposure and aggressive behaviour is one of the most studied and best established". On the other hand, during the same time, more than 200 psychologists and other academics and scientists signed an open letter, calling the claims of the APA "misleading and alarmist". They assert, for example, that the APA left out studies that did not find a link between violent video games and violence, and that many of the studies were done in artificial situations (i.e., laboratories), which could differ from the real world. Regardless of the aforementioned opposing findings and viewpoints, metaanalyses have shown that watching much violent entertainment could have the following effects (Anderson et al., 2017; Bushman, 2016; Brockmyer, 2013): - The desensitisation effect. Desensitisation refers to the reduction or eradication of cognitive, emotional, and ultimately also behavioural responses. Continued exposure to violence portrayed as justified and fun, first in cartoons watched in childhood and continued in other programming in adolescence and adulthood, causes systematic violence desensitisation, which has long-term negative effects. - The aggressor effect. It increases aggressive thoughts, angry feelings, and 300 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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Table 4.2. Television violence: The effects on children of different stages of development STAGE OF DEVELOPMENT

EFFECT

Infancy • • •

Pay attention to television for short periods. Experience it as fragmented sights and sounds. Do not attach meaning to programme content.

• •

Effects of violent content unknown. May imitate behaviour from television if it is presented in a simple, uncluttered, and instructional manner.

• •

Unable to put violence in context. Because of preference for cartoons, young children are exposed to many violent acts in their viewing day. Young children could behave more aggressively after watching violent television.

Early Childhood • •

•

•

Become full-fledged viewers at the age of 21/2 21/2 . Develop a limited ability to extract meaning from television content and begin watching television with an exploratory approach as they grow older. Attracted to vivid production features such as rapid character movement, rapid changes of scene, and intense or unexpected sights and sounds – the elements of cartoon violence. Predisposed to seek out and pay attention to violence – especially cartoon violence.

•

Middle childhood •

•

• •

The period between 6 and 11 years of age is considered critical for understanding the effects of television on aggression. Develop the attention span and cognitive ability to follow plots, make inferences about implicit content, and recognise motivations for and consequences of characters' actions. Tend to watch cartoons, adult, or family orientated programmes, and develop a taste for horror movies. Tend to invest little mental effort.

• • • •

If the violence portrayed is seen as evil, they will not become aggressive. If the violence is believed to reflect real life or if they identify with the hero, children could become more aggressive. Could become desensitised to fear and violence. Could become more tolerant of violence in the real world.

Adolescence • • • • • •

Capable of abstract thought and reasoning but continue to invest little mental effort when watching television. Watch less television, especially with their families. Interests revolve around independence, sex, and romance. Develop a preference for music videos, horror movies, and pornographic videos. More likely to doubt the reality of television content and identify with television characters. Challenge conventional authority.

• •

Adolescents who continue to believe in the reality of television and identify with violent heroes are more likely to be aggressive. Because of their tendency to challenge conventional authority, they become more susceptible to imitating some kinds of television violence, crime, and portrayals of suicide.

Compiled from Josephson, 1995; Wilson 2011; Anderson et al., 2018.

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physiological arousal, which can influence behaviour: Some children and adults tend to become meaner, more aggressive, and more violent because of exposure to violence in media. - The victim effect. Violence in media increases hostile appraisals (i.e., judgements of the hostile actions or intentions of others). Children and adults tend to see the world as a scarier place, become more fearful and initiate more self-protective measures. - The bystander effect. Media violence decreases prosocial behaviour (e.g., helping others) and empathy. Children and adults tend to become more desensitised to violence (both in the media and in real life), more callous, and less sympathetic to victims of violence. - The appetite effect. Children and adults tend to develop an increased appetite for viewing and engaging in more violent entertainment. However, it seems that more research, also longitudinal in nature, is needed to get a final answer on the specific effects of media violence on children. Not all children who watch violent television content or engage in violent video games show negative outcomes. Children at risk tend to have poor problem-solving skills, poor emotion-regulation skills, are generally more hostile in personality, and have poor parental control. Another factor that should be considered is that most of the studies to date are correlational in nature. Therefore, although there may be a correlation (link) between violence in media and violent/aggressive behaviour and thoughts, it does not mean that violence in media causes aggression. Other factors could also contribute to children's aggression. (See Chapter 1 regarding correlational research.) • Violent play and toys. What is the situation concerning commercial or homemade fighting and war toys? This question arises amidst the increasing availability of action figures, superheroes, and weapons that seem to glorify violence and aggression, and the effect that this may have on children. For example. the well-known Lego bricks (the LEGO Company is the world's largest toy manufacturer) have shown an increase in violent themes over the last few decades; Lego sets have increased their inclusion of weapons such as swords, harpoons, knives, light sabres, and blasters (Bartneck et al., 2016). The implications of playing with violent toys are unclear. Some researchers discourage play fighting and war toys because they perceive them as symbols of violence and therefore detrimental to child development (Logue et al., 2010). Others believe that playful aggression is highly beneficial to child development. Role reversal, cooperation, voluntary engagement, chasing, fleeing, restrained physical contact, smiling, and laughing are common characteristics of playful aggression. Within this framework, play fighting and war toys can be considered as components of sociodramatic play, while the act of pretending to be aggressive is not equivalent to being aggressive. In addition, although most children engage in playfighting and war games in childhood, the majority of these children do not become aggressive adults (Hart et al., 2013). Some believe that critics of war play frequently treat play as if it occurs in a social vacuum, with little consideration of the broader societal context in which play happens. Social and cultural values shift with time, and it is foolhardy to think that toys and play will not follow these trends. Increasing levels of aggression within toys have to be seen as a part of the trend in broader society towards desensitisation 302 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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of violence (Woodyer, 2016). Therefore, the contention is that restricting children not to play with these toys may create confusion and inconsistency with what they experience in the real world. However, children do need guidance and supervision in this regard; for instance, children need clear guidelines when they learn to cut with scissors or climb on playground equipment to ensure safe and developmentally appropriate play. Also, consider that children who exhibit significantly higher rates of antisocial behaviour and negative emotion often display more violent actions during pretend play and engage in more frequent antisocial behaviour outside the context of their play (Dunn et al., 2001). Additional support is needed for children who lack age-appropriate prosocial skills and regulation of emotion. Although we have highlighted some major causes of aggression in children, one should keep in mind that no single factor causes aggression. Various factors in children's backgrounds, such as parenting styles, the personality of the child, environmental stressors, and culture interact with one another and will ultimately determine the child's level of aggression.

(b) Controlling aggression We have mentioned before that occasional aggressive behaviour may be regarded as normal, but that persistent high levels of aggression may hamper children's development. Parents and other caregivers may use the following guidelines to help children control their aggression (Cleveland Clinic, 2020; Ersan, 2020; Markham, 2016): • Parents are powerful models; therefore, they should ensure that their own interaction styles are not aggressive. • Firmness is of the utmost importance. Parents should never give in to a child's aggressive behaviour. • Parents should make less use of power assertion (i.e., physical punishment, threats, and insults) and more of induction (i.e., reasoning, explaining, and setting limits for behaviour). • Children's cognitions regarding the consequences of aggression can be changed by explaining to them that their behaviour harms other people. • Children should be encouraged to practise prosocial behaviour. • Parents should investigate the causes of their children's behaviour in order to understand their children's aggression. • Children should be granted opportunities to verbalise their feelings in an appropriate manner. • Parents could influence their children's TV-viewing habits (and thereby limit their exposure to violence), for example by setting limits for what and when they may watch; watching programmes with the children and commenting on acts of violence; talking to the children about the content of programmes; using television as a baby-sitter as little as possible; and by cultivating healthy TV viewing habits themselves. • Parents should evaluate a video or Internet game before a child is allowed to play it. The following questions should be asked: - Does the game involve some characters trying to harm others? 303 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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- Does this happen frequently — more than once or twice in 30 minutes? - Is the aggression/violence rewarded in any way? - Is the aggression/violence portrayed humorously? - Are non-violent solutions absent or less 'fun' than the violent ones are? - Are realistic consequences of violence absent from the game? If two or more answers are "yes", parents should think carefully about the lessons taught before allowing the child to access the game. • Should children persist with high levels of aggressive behaviour despite the abovementioned guidelines, it would be advisable to seek professional help.

4.4.2.3 Prosocial behaviour Prosocial behaviour is any voluntary action that is intended to benefit another individual. Cooperation and altruism are two important elements of prosocial behaviour. Cooperation means working together for a common goal and benefit. Altruism refers to a feeling of responsibility to care for other people and their needs without expecting any personal benefit. When two children combine their money to buy a bar of chocolate, it is cooperation. When a child gives half of her chocolate to a friend who does not have any, it is altruism. Empathy is the ability to put oneself in somebody else's shoes and is Sympathy, on the other hand, is much the driving emotion behind altruistic behaviour. Sympathy more emotionally laden and synonymous to 'sorrow' and 'pity'. Altruistic behaviours first become evident in children at the ages of two to three years, at about the same time when a real interest in play develops. For example, they will offer help to another child who is hurt, share a toy, or comfort someone else. Children at this age are only beginning to understand that others feel differently from them. However, they understand enough about the emotions of others to respond in supportive and sympathetic ways when they see other children or adults hurt or sad (Boyd et al., 2015). The development of prosocial behaviour shows a mixed pattern. Certain prosocial

Sharing is a form of altruistic behaviour

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behaviours such as taking turns and helpfulness seem to increase with age, while others such as comforting someone seems to be more common among preschoolers and children in primary grades than they are among older children. Research indicates that prosocial behaviour in the preschool years tends to continue into adulthood (Newton et al., 2014). Children who are able to regulate their emotions well tend to show more empathy and altruistic behaviour. Prosocial behaviour and regulation of emotion are related to specific kinds of child-rearing. Parents who create a loving and warm family climate, who give clear explanations and rules for what is appropriate and inappropriate, and who provide opportunities to be helpful, tend to have children who are more altruistic. Parents who use reasoning as a disciplinary tactic with the goal of helping children see how their actions affect others especially play a major role in promoting altruistic behaviour (Farrant et al., 2012). Parental modelling of thoughtful and generous behaviour is another contributing factor. There is also evidence that genetic factors play a role in prosocial behaviour (Conway et al., 2017). It seems that situational factors can also determine whether a child will act altruistically (Kail et al., 2019): -

- -

Children are more willing to act altruistically when they know the person in need and feel responsibility towards the person. In other words, they tend to rather help a friend or family member than a stranger. Children are likely to act altruistically when they feel competent and believe that they have the skills to help the person in need. This also enhances their self-esteem. The child's emotional state can also play a role. Children are more eager to act altruistically when they are happy or when they are feeling successful, but not when they are feeling sad or inferior. For example, a child who has just spent an exciting morning as the 'leader' in the nursery school or pre-primary school is more inclined to share treats with siblings than a child is who has been punished by the teacher.

However, it seems that young children put some limitations on their altruism. They are more willing to be altruistic if these actions entail few or moderate sacrifices. For example, young children may be more willing to share snacks that they do not like than their favourite food. Interestingly, prosocial behaviour such as altruism not only benefits others but also the person who behaves prosocially. For example, research has associated prosocial behaviour with cognitive competencies (e.g., problem-solving, and conceptual understanding) and academic performance (Wentzel, 2015).

4.4.3 Moral Development Morality refers to a set of principles or ideas that enables individuals to differentiate between right and wrong and to direct their behaviour accordingly. Earlier viewpoints regarded children in early childhood as pre-moral (Killen, 1991). However, more recent research has found that moral development begins to emerge as early as the age of two years (Hardecker et al., 2020; Turiel, 2018). This emergence of 305 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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Teaching children to pick up rubbish and not to litter contributes to their moral development of distinguishing between right and wrong

moral development in young children is linked to the development of cognitive capacities and skills in theory of mind, while emotions and self-regulation also play a role (see Kuther, 2017). For example, two-year-old children can describe behaviours as good and bad. They begin to show visible signs of distress, such as shame or guilt, when they violate standards of behaviour. They also react with anguish when viewing or experiencing aggressive or potentially harmful actions of others. This is an indication that they are beginning to internalise rules and to anticipate disapproval when they fail to comply with them. To a limited degree, they are also able to exert self-regulation in order to resist temptation and to make amends for wrongdoing — signs of the development of a conscience. Young children's understanding of morality increases rapidly. By the age of three, children can identify that a child who intentionally knocks another child from a swing is worse than one who does so accidentally. Four-year-old children also begin to distinguish between truth and lies. By the age of five, children are aware of many moral rules, such as those regarding lying and stealing. They also show an understanding of fairness and justice (e.g., "It's my turn"; "Hers is bigger"; "It's not fair.") An interesting aspect of moral development in young children is lying lying, a phenomenon that is a cause of great concern for parents. Children have been observed lying as early as the age of two. However, at this young age, their cognitive, language, and social skills are just emerging; consequently, they do not have a clear idea yet of where truth begins and ends. They also do not fully grasp the difference between reality, daydreams, wishes, and fantasies, while strong emotions like fear can also contribute to telling lies. Young children's first lies are often more humorous than effective; for example, the child who claims not to have eaten any cake while his mouth is so full that he can hardly speak, or who blames the family dog for drawing on the wall. From about the ages of four to five, children lie for many of the same reasons adults do, for example to avoid punishment, gain an advantage, protect a friend, and even to boost self-esteem. Like adults, children 306 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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sometimes lie to demonstrate power, maintain privacy, or protect a friend. Nonetheless, from a developmental perspective, lying in young children rarely is cause for concern (Van Bergen et al., 2018). Developmentally, lying is normal and an important sign that other cognitive skills are also developing. For example, lying is often one of the first signs that a young child has developed a theory of mind, which is the awareness that others may have different desires, feelings, and beliefs to oneself (as discussed earlier in this chapter). When a child misleadingly claims, "Daddy said I could have an ice cream," the child is using this awareness of others' minds to plant false knowledge. However, if lying is persistent and impairing the child's ability to function effectively in everyday life, it is recommended that a child psychologist or psychiatrist be consulted. Equally important, while lying is a normal developmental characteristic, it does not mean it should be dismissed. Here are some strategies that parents can use to help their children develop a better understanding of truthfulness (e.g., Stott, 2020): • Set an example. By now, we are well aware of the importance of modelling (observational learning or imitation) for the child's development. For most children, their parents or caretakers are their primary models. Therefore, it is very important that they should not adopt an attitude of "Do as I tell you, not as I do". Parents should avoid lying, for example about their child's age to get them the cheaper meal at a restaurant, by lying to a traffic officer when they are caught, or by exaggerating their achievements. Children who witness or experience their parents lying subsequently not only lie more than adults do but also face various adjustment difficulties in adulthood (Setoh et al., 2019). It seems that the following saying has a solid base: '"Don't worry that children never listen to you. Worry that they are always watching you." • Do not overreact. The calmer parents are, the better they will communicate. The first important step that is often overlooked is making sure that what was said was indeed a lie. Few things have such a negative effect on not only the accused, but also on their relationship with the accuser. If found to be true, the message should be conveyed clearly that lying is wrong. Jumping straight to condemnation may make young children lie even more, not only because they feel guilty but also because they are afraid of being punished. • Differentiate between the child and the behaviour. When parents have proof that their child has lied, it is important to deal with the behaviour (the lying), and not the person, for example by calling the child derogatory names. Labelling children in this way could lead to, for example, poor self-esteem and self-fulfilling prophecy behaviour (reacting in a way they were made to believe). It also links to the Pygmalion effect which, among others, states that the less someone is expected to succeed at something, the worse they will perform. Like the saying goes: "The parents are like a mirror; the reflection it gives, the child adopts. If the reflection is good, the child is good; if the reflection is bad, so is the child." • Provide positive reinforcement for honesty. It is equally important for parents to award good behaviour; in other words, to also reinforce honesty positively. For example, during family talks, parents should emphasise the importance of honesty 307 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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in family and other relationships. The opportunity should also be used to compliment children for their contribution to the honesty factor. Real examples could add to the significance of the message. Negative consequences with simple real-life illustrations could help to bring the message across. • Confront the lie. Parents should not hesitate to find the underlying cause of a lie. For example, find out if children lied because they were afraid that they would be punished for what really happened, or did they want to impress other people? Discuss reason with children by also indicating other options they could have taken. What if the young child denies any wrongdoing (e.g., taking chocolates against his mother's orders) but the evidence clearly points to the contrary (chocolate ringing his mouth)? The parent could say something like the following: "Now, that is interesting. How do you think it got there? Let's go to the mirror, look at your face and see whether the two of us could find an explanation. I really want to get to the truth, because you know how important the truth is to me, don't you?" Other relevant aspects of moral development will be discussed in Chapter 5.

"I am really not lying Mommy"

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REVIEW THIS SECTION 1. Mention the various family systems in South Africa. Which key components do all these family systems share? 2. Compare attachment relationships in infancy to attachment relationships in early childhood. Discuss the concept of goal-corrected partnership in young children's attachment relationships. 3. How may secure attachment relationships influence young children's development? Discuss the criticisms against the attachment theory. 4. Discuss the dimensions of parenting as indicated by Diana Baumrind. Discuss the various parenting styles that Baumrind, and Maccoby et al. identified from the dimensions of parenting. 5. Do parenting styles always correlate with the expected child outcomes? Which additional factors must be considered? 6. Discuss the findings of Roman et al. (2016) regarding parenting styles in South Africa. 7. Discuss the role of fathers in children's social development during early childhood. 8. Discuss the issue of father absence. 9. Discuss the role of grandparents in children's development. 10. Discuss the influence of sibling relationships during early childhood. 11. Describe the importance of peer relations during early childhood. 12. Describe the significance of play during early childhood. Discuss the types of play and the sequence in the development of play behaviour during early childhood. 13. Your friend is concerned about her child's imaginary friend. Based on the information in this chapter, what will you tell her regarding this phenomenon? A group of mothers asks you to address them on the selection of appropriate toys for their children. Prepare a speech in this regard. 14. Discuss aggressive behaviour during early childhood: What types of aggressive behaviour typically arise during this developmental period? How does the nature of aggression change as children grow older? 15. Discuss the following theories regarding the causes of aggression: (a) Instinct theories; (b) Biological theories; (c) The frustration-aggression hypothesis; (d) Cognitive theories. 16. Discuss the following social factors that could influence children's aggression: (a) Parents and caregivers; (b) Community violence; (c) The media; (d) Play and toys. 17. What guidelines could parents and caregivers follow to help children control their aggression? 18. Discuss prosocial development in early childhood. 19. Discuss moral development in early childhood. Discuss the issue of lying at this stage of development and the strategies that parents can use to help their children develop better understanding of truthfulness. 20. Describe ways in which parenting contributes to young children's sibling relationships, prosocial behaviour, and moral development. Do you see any patterns? Explain.

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5

Middle Childhood EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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Advice from children -

Never trust a dog to watch your food — Patrick, 10 When your dad is mad and asks you, "Do I look stupid?" — don''t answer him — Michael, 12 don Felt markers are not good to use as lipstick — Lauren, 9 When you get a bad grade in school, show it to your mom when she' she's on the phone — Alyesha, 12 Never tell your mom her diet' diet's not working — Nathaniel, 10 When your mom is mad at your dad, don' don't let her brush your hair — Kimberley, 11 Never hold a vacuum cleaner and a cat at the same time — Lyle, 9 Never try to baptize a cat — Elaine, 11

These are quotations from children in middle childhood. What assumptions about children's development during this stage can you make at this point? We hope you have more clarity after you have read this chapter on middle childhood. The period from approximately the sixth to the twelfth year of life is generally known as middle childhood. It is a period of relative calm and stability, considering the rapid development in the earlier preschool period and later adolescent years. Psychologists agree that, although it is a period of relative calm in respect of physical development, it is nevertheless an important period in children's cognitive, social, emotional, and self-concept development. Development in these areas enables children to achieve better understanding of their world. Their social environments offer them new opportunities for socialisation and for gaining new learning experiences, such as entering school, interacting with peers, and forming friendships. However, the influence of parents and family is still of cardinal importance. The development that takes place during middle childhood, particularly children's new and varied experiences, prepares them very well for the subsequent adjustments and challenges of adolescence. Balanced development during middle childhood serves as a solid foundation for later development. This chapter will introduce you to the physical, cognitive, personality and social development of children in middle childhood.

5.1 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT In this section we shall be looking at the general physical, motor, and sexuality development during middle childhood.

5.1.1 General Physical Development One of the outstanding characteristics of physical development during middle childhood is the rapid growth of the arms and legs in comparison with the torso (body). 313 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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This phenomenon is largely responsible for children's lanky appearance during middle childhood. Another important characteristic is the slower growth rate in this period in comparison with the earlier preschool period and the later period of adolescence. Instead of leaps and bounds in physical development, growth is now more gradual and steadier (Wakim et al., 2020). With respect to height and mass, the average annual growth is about 6 cm and 2 kg respectively. Because of factors such as better health care and nutrition, children in many parts of the world are growing faster and bigger than the previous generations did. Bodily proportions change gradually, and the child's body begins to take on a shape similar to that of an adult. Other physical changes include the following: ► By the end of middle childhood, the brain has almost reached its adult size and weight. This refers only to volume and mass, not to the structures, regions, and interconnections in the brain, which continue to develop. Especially important during middle childhood is the development of the frontal lobes. lobes These lobes, located in the front of the brain just under the skull, have been called "the essence of our humanity" (Kean, 2015). This is understandable, because they are responsible for judgement, impulse control, planning, reasoning, emotions, memory, and problem solving. Together with increasing brain interconnections children can master increasingly difficult cognitive tasks, such as performing a series of tasks in a reasonable order. A practical example is building a self-powered toy: The different pieces must be unpacked and checked to see whether all the pieces are there, then the various parts must be connected, and then the batteries must be added as a power source. ► As the respiratory system functions more economically and the elasticity of the lungs increases, breathing becomes deeper and slower. Although the weight of the heart has increased about fivefold since birth, the circulatory system develops at a slower rate. ► The milk teeth are lost and replaced by permanent teeth, teeth a process that is completed largely by the end of middle childhood. Malocclusion (a condition where the teeth are not aligned properly, which results in faulty contact between the upper and lower teeth when the jaw is closed and difficulties in biting and chewing) is quite common in children. In some children, the problem disappears as they become older and further growth occurs. Children who suck their thumbs or fingers after the age of five have a greater chance of developing malocclusion (Stanford Children's Health, 2020). Others must wear braces to correct the alignment. Look Mommy, a new tooth! ►  Although vision is well developed, vision problems such as myopia (near-sightedness; i.e., distant objects are out of focus, but closer objects are not) are quite common in children. Interestingly, the prevalence 314 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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of myopia differs significantly in children in various parts of the word. For example, in urban areas in certain East Asian countries, the prevalence is higher than 60% (Matsumura et al., 2020). In some countries such as South Africa, it is lower than 5% (Atowa et al., 2017). Reasons for these differences include genetic factors and a poor socio-economic situation where health facilities are almost absent. Myopia could affect almost all spheres of a child's life, including the school where these children often cannot read or even see the material on the blackboard or screen. However, it must be emphasised, that the above is based on averages and there may be many individual variations. (Note, for instance, the significant differences in physical development among under-11 girls taking part in an athletics meeting.) These individual differences may be of such a nature that if a seven-year-old of average height were to stop growing for two years, at the age of nine he or she would still be of a height within the limits of what is considered normal. The growth rate of boys and girls at the end of early childhood is very similar. However, this pattern changes during middle childhood. For example, from approximately 10 to 11 years, girls' height and weight increase more rapidly than that of boys. Other factors that may be responsible for individual differences in physical development include genetic factors, healthy nutrition, good general health, and physical activity. A factor of which the importance is often overlooked in I'm almost as tall as you, Mr Giraffe the development of children is sleep. In children, the growth hormone that stimulates physical growth is secreted especially during sleep (Cvejic et al., 2020). Although the growth hormone is released throughout the day, the most intense period of secretion is shortly after the beginning of deep sleep. Inadequate sleep is also associated with obesity. A possible explanation is that inadequate sleep disrupts the functioning of hormones that regulate hunger and appetite for certain unhealthy foods. Inadequate sleep also affects cognitive processes and scholastic performance. Furthermore, children who do not sleep well regularly tend to be more susceptible to depression, anxiety, and low self-esteem (Cheng et al., 2020).

5.1.2 Motor Skills The acquisition and refinement of a variety of psychomotor skills are some of the most prominent developmental characteristics of the middle childhood period. These new skills develop because of an increase in strength, coordination, and muscular control over the body. For example, a 10-year-old can throw a ball about twice as far as a 6-year-old can. Balance and elegance of physical movement also improve considerably. Generally, children enjoy taking part in activities that require the application of their motor skills. For 315 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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example, children like to run, jump, skip, cycle, row, swim, climb, kick, throw or catch a ball, and dance, which constitute gross motor skills. They also become more competent in fine motor skills, which helps them in construction skills (such as manipulating building blocks and puzzles); academic tasks such as handling a pencil and pen; cutting, colouring, and drawing; playing musical instruments; and manipulating electronic devices. With practice, children can achieve almost the same level of skill as adults do in tasks such as playing a musical instrument or doing sport. However, children in middle childhood do not have the same strength, speed and stamina as adolescents or adults, but their coordination, timing, and concentration are often just as good. For instance, there are many cases of children in middle childhood who are skilled musicians or who excel in sport. For instance, a South African swimmer, Karen Muir, set a world record when she was 12 years old, the youngest person to break a sporting world record in any discipline. Joy Foster was only eight years old when she won the Jamaican singles and doubles table tennis championship. Several children in middle childhood have represented their countries in gymnastics. Regarding gender differences, boys usually develop gross motor skills before girls do, while girls tend to develop fine motor skills slightly sooner than boys do. Usually, differences are attributed to the fact that boys have more muscle tissue than girls have and are therefore stronger, while girls tend to be more involved in activities that develop their fine motor skills, such as cutting and drawing. However, other factors such as gender roles, gender discrimination, cultural values, ethnicity, and environmental and socioeconomic situations may also play a role (e.g., see Pienaar et al., 2015).

Children in middle childhood enjoy activities involving motor skills

Children's motor development facilitates various facets of their development. On the cognitive level, the acquisition of skills such as writing, drawing, painting, and playing a musical instrument becomes possible. Children's social development is enhanced by their participation in team sports such as rugby, soccer, rowing, hockey, netball, and tennis; they learn to obey rules and to cooperate with their fellow team members. Acquiring various 316 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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gross and fine motor skills contribute to their feelings of accomplishment and therefore enhance their self-esteem (Weiss, 2018).

5.1.3 Sexuality in Middle Childhood Many textbooks on child psychology do not cover sexuality in middle childhood. The Society for Obstetricians and Gynaecologists (SOGC, 2012) explains this omission and corrects the popular viewpoint that children in this phase are 'sexless' as follows: Sigmund Freud (see Chapter 1) believed that middle childhood is a period of sexual latency during which children show no or little interest in sexuality. Although this viewpoint has been discarded largely, the idea continues in some circles. However, we now know that the sexual development of children and their interest in sexuality continue uninterruptedly throughout childhood. Probably, the latency theory was based on the fact that children in middle childhood tend to be more 'under cover' (or covert) concerning their sexuality, in order to meet social expectations. Therefore, their sexuality is less observable, especially by adults. In addition, because children in this age range usually choose same-gender peers as friends, it could create the wrong impression that the development of their sexuality has stopped. By the end of middle childhood, children usually have a firm and established sense of gender identity and gender constancy. In addition, they will also understand the concept of gender consistency: They recognise that gender does not change simply because gender-typed behaviour may change. For example, if a man puts on a dress, the child will understand that he is still a man and does not become a woman by putting on a woman's clothes. As they are seeking to cement their self-concept as male or female, children of this age often show a strong preference for gender-typed clothing and activities. Many children in this age range will become aware of issues related to sexual orientation: They learn that some people are attracted to the opposite sex, while others are attracted to the same sex. This learning may occur in several ways, including information input from their parents, the media, observation of same-sex couples, and counselling regarding HIV/AIDS. Although a minority, some children and especially boys in this age range will occasionally masturbate for pleasure (also see Chapter 6). This behaviour is no cause for concern (Johns Hopkins All Children's Hospital, 2020). Masturbation is often self-soothing behaviour, especially in emotionally taxing situations such as parental discord and divorce. Sex play is not as noticeable as in younger children, where these acts are more overt. This does not mean that sex play does not occur in this age group, but rather that children take greater care than when they are toddlers to conceal their games from adults. Because most children in this age group have not begun puberty, sexuality-related play serves much the same function as it did at an earlier age: curiosity and exploration. As during early childhood, such play is unlikely to involve adult sexual acts. Should it occur, this is usually a cause for concern, and the reasons must be investigated. Occurrence of sex play with the same-sex as well as with opposite-sex peers is common. In addition, if a child is involved in some form of sex play with a same-sex child, this is not necessarily an indication of sexual orientation. This is so because, in most cases, sex play at this age is still rooted more in curiosity than it is in sexual attraction or pleasure. On the other hand, if there are signs of coercive behaviour, and if a child is uncomfortable about sexual behaviour perpetrated by 317 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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a friend, this should be investigated, as it could be a sign of sexual bullying. Many children in this phase will have a basic understanding of "how babies are made". In addition to possible discussions with parents in this regard or lessons taught at school, children would obtain information through the media and their peers. Unfortunately, the latter leads to children of this age holding many misconceptions about sexuality and reproduction. Therefore, it is of utmost importance that parents start the sexuality education of their children as early as possible. In this way, children can obtain the correct information within the parents' value system. Some parents are embarrassed by the topic and argue that they will wait until the child starts asking certain questions. However, waiting for the right moment may be too late. This is particularly important because some children in this age range, particularly girls, may begin to show the first signs of puberty. For example, some girls may have their first menstruation during this stage. When should sexual behaviour become concerning or problematic? Some guidelines for possible problematic behaviour are the following (MNCASA, 2020): • • • • • • • • •

The behaviour is beyond the child's developmental stage. It occurs frequently. It interferes with the child's social and cognitive development. It involves threats, pressure, force, coercion, or aggression. It occurs between children of widely different ages, or cognitive or developmental abilities. The child does not stop the behaviour when redirected by an adult. It causes strong emotional responses in the child, like anger or anxiety. It causes changes in the child's typical behaviours, interests, or activities. It involves inappropriate or unsafe use of sexual body parts (e.g., inserting objects into sexual body parts).

REVIEW THIS SECTION 1. Describe the developmental stage of middle childhood. 2. How does development during middle childhood differ from development during early childhood? 3. What are the outstanding characteristics of physical development during middle childhood? 4. Describe general physical development during middle childhood regarding height and mass, brain development, the respiratory system, teeth, and vision. 5. Discuss the factors that may affect children's physical development. 6. Discuss motor development during middle childhood. 7. Discuss sexual development during middle childhood. Why is it important that parents should begin the sexuality education of their children as soon as possible? 8. A concerned mother asks you regarding her six-year-old son's 'sexual' behaviour. According to her, he masturbates and is interested in other children's genitals, to such an extent that his friends' parents are complaining. What will you tell her?

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5.2 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT Although considerably less research has been done on cognitive development in middle childhood than on early childhood and adolescence, this is an important phase in the child's development. For example, major cognitive advances occur between the ages of 6 and 12, and patterns and habits established during this time will affect experiences not only in adolescence but also in adulthood. We shall be exploring a variety of cognitiverelated issues in this section.

5.2.1 Piaget' Piaget's Theory: Concrete Operational Stage During the early primary school years, children enter a new stage of cognitive development that is distinctly different from the previous stages. The concrete operational stage spans ages from 7 to 11 and signifies the stage in which children start using mental operations to solve problems and to reason. Mental operations are strategies and rules that make thinking more systematic and more powerful. Some mental operations apply to numbers such as addition, subtraction, multiplication, and division. Other mental operations apply to categories of objects (organising objects according to shapes, sizes, and colours), while still others apply to spatial relations among objects (tasks such as map reading or finding one's way around an unfamiliar environment). Each of these reflects a general rule about objects and their relationships. School-aged children understand the rule that adding makes something more and that subtracting makes it less; they understand that objects may belong to more than one category at the same time. Of all the operations Piaget believed the most critical was reversibility — the understanding that physical actions and mental operations may be reversed. Each operation has an inverse that may undo or reverse the effect of an operation. For example, if you begin with 5 and add 3 you get 8; by subtracting 3 from 8, you reverse your steps and return to 5. This understanding of the basic reversibility of actions lies behind many of the cognitive gains made during middle childhood. For example, if children have mastered reversibility, then knowing that A is larger than B, also tell them that B is smaller than A. The ability to understand hierarchies of classes (such as Bruno = Labrador = dog = animal) also rests on this ability to move both ways in thinking about relationships. In fact, reversible mental operations allow concrete operational children to perform the conservation task described in Chapter 4 (Figure 4.1). Concrete operational thinkers understand that if the transformation were reversed (for example, if the juice were poured back into the original glass), the objects would be identical. However, children do not master all conservation types at the same time. This means that they do not readily transfer what they have learnt about one type of conservation to another type, even though the underlying principles are the same. Piaget called this phenomenon horizontal décalage. décalage Concrete operational thinking is much more powerful than preoperational thinking is. According to Piaget, preoperational children are egocentric, centred in their thinking, and confuse appearance with reality. These limitations increasingly diminish during the concrete operational stage. Egocentrism diminishes as youngsters have more experiences 319 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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with friends and siblings who assert their own perspectives on the world. Learning that events may be interpreted in diverse ways helps children realise that many problems have many facets and that appearances can be deceptive. This means they develop an ability to decentre (i.e., avoiding centring on one aspect only). Concrete operational thinking is a major cognitive advance, but it has its limits. As the name implies, concrete operational thinking is limited to the tangible and the real, to the here and now. This means that thinking abstractly and hypothetically is beyond the ability of concrete operational thinkers. How applicable is Piaget's theory of concrete operations today? Piaget maintained that the mastery of skills such as conservation depends on neurological maturation and adaptation to the environment and is not tied to cultural experience. Support for this view has been found in some research. For example, children who achieve conservation of volume show different brain wave patterns from those who have not yet achieved it. Piaget's descriptions of the changes that occur during middle childhood generally have been maintained well. Cross-cultural studies support a progression from the rigid, illogical thinking of younger children, to the flexible, logical thinking of older children. However, Piaget may not have paid enough attention to the role of culture-based experience. Even though neurological maturation may make new skills possible, it takes familiarity and practice to develop these skills. Piaget's research was done mostly on Swiss children, and the question arises how children in Africa will perform in these tasks. Most of the research in this regard was conducted during the 1970s and 1980s (see Molitor et al., 2019). In general, the findings indicate that children in South Africa and elsewhere in Africa achieve the Piagetian tasks in the same sequence as Piaget's subjects did. However, some ethnic groups in Africa achieve some of the tasks at later stages. Factors that seem to play a role in attaining Piagetian tasks are schooling, familiarity with the materials being manipulated, and the education level of the parents. The way in which children are reared also seems to play a role: Western children are reared and educated to interact with their parents, teachers, and environment, which greatly contribute to their better performance in Piagetian cognitive tasks (Mwamwenda, 2004). However, Muthivhi (2010; 2011) challenges the notions of 'cognitive lag' or assumptions of 'cultural deficit'. According to Muthivhi, children's performance on cognitive tasks is connected to the social and cultural context in which they participate. The context, especially for children growing up in rural settings, is multifaceted and multilayered, encapsulating their schooling as well as their development in traditional, yet rapidly changing contexts. For example, these children may be able to classify objects according to categories (the influence of schooling), but their reasons for their choice lack linguistic terminology. Therefore, their explanations are often concrete, functional, and mostly linked to everyday activities (the influence of their cultural setting). For example, some children will classify 'hut', 'mealie', and 'wheat' together, arguing that "mealies and wheat are stored in huts" (concrete reasoning); or classify 'wheat', 'mealie', and 'tree' together but not hut, arguing that "wheat, mealie and tree provide food, but hut does not" (functional reasoning). As a means of thinking, forming concepts, and solving problems, language plays a significant role. For example, asking children to group things according 320 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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to specific concepts may pose a problem, since some indigenous languages may not have generic terms (e.g., plants) or may have different terms for different plants (e.g., plants may be categorised as agriculturally grown plants, such as mealies and those that grow in the wild, such as trees). This may confuse children in these contexts. On the one hand, Muthivhi (2011) criticises these children's schooling system for failing to develop their language for formal learning purposes. On the other hand, he argues that these children's reasoning modes in fact may be a developmental transition between formal processes and spontaneous processes. These issues clearly require further investigation.

5.2.2 Development of Information-Processing Skills Cognitive development theorists try to explain how experiences and mental structures interact to produce cognitive growth. You may recall from Chapter 1 that Piaget's explanation of cognitive development emphasised equilibration — the process by which mental structures are recognised, so that schemas may assimilate information more readily. Information-processing theorists believe that developmental change occurs in several important forms, rather than through a single mechanism such as equilibration (see Chapter 1). Some of these are discussed below: ► Memory. As discussed in previous chapters, memory is central to informationprocessing skills. Memory improves markedly during middle childhood. According to the Working Memory Model, Model this includes advances in two crucial areas (Fang et al., 2020). The first is the phonological loop, loop which is responsible for the processing and storage of verbal and auditory information. It plays an important role in tasks such as learning to read, understanding language, and acquiring vocabulary. The second is the visual-spatial sketchpad, sketchpad which is primarily responsible for the storage and processing of visual and spatial information, such as colour, shape, mental images, and location. A larger working memory span seems to allow for all sorts of increased processing. In turn, this allows for greater vocabulary and greater academic achievement. The capacity of the long-term memory is well developed by the end of middle childhood, so that large chunks of information can be remembered. As the brain matures, school-age children use memory strategies more effectively than younger children do (see Chapter 4). Examples of memory strategies are rehearsal (mental or vocal repetition), organisation (categorisation, grouping ideas, objects, or words into meaningful units), and elaboration (changing or adding to material or making associations to make remembering easier). (See Table 5.1 for age-related advances in memory development.) ► Processing speed. This refers to the speed with which individuals carry out cognitive processes. It plays a central role in cognitive development during childhood and gradually increases with age (Chevalier et al., 2015). Not only does the mental workspace become larger as children grow, but cognitive processing also becomes faster and therefore more efficient. Consequently, older children usually outperform younger children on tasks where working memory is important for performance, such as reading or solving complicated problems. Processing speed is also critical when a 321 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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Table 5.1. Age-related advances in memory development CHILD'S AGE

MEMORY CAPABILITIES

Under 2 years

Infants remember actions and routines that involve them. Memory is implicit, triggered by sights and sounds (e.g., an interactive toy or a caregiver's voice).

2-5 years

Words are used to encode and retrieve memories. Explicit memory begins, although children do not use memory strategies. Children remember things (their phone number, address, nursery rhymes, and songs) by rote without truly understanding them.

5-7 years

Children realise that some things should be remembered, and they begin to use simple strategies, primarily rehearsal. With enough repetition, automaticity occurs.

7-9 years

Children use new strategies if they have been taught the strategies. They use visual clues (remembering what the spelling of a particular word looks like) and auditory hints (rhymes, letters); that is, evidence from the visual-spatial sketchpad and phonological loop. Children now benefit from the organisation of things to be remembered.

9-11 years

Memory becomes more adaptive and strategic as children become able to learn various memory techniques from parents, teachers, and other children. They can organise material themselves, developing their own memory aids.

Adapted from Berger (2012)

specific number of actions must be completed within a fixed period. ► Automatic processing. Processing speed is influenced significantly by factors such as automatic processing, also called automaticity (APA, 2020). This refers to cognitive activities that require virtually no effort. For example, when children are asked, "How much is 5 times 5?" and they can respond "25" with little or no effort, they have reached the level of automatic processing regarding multiplying. Probably the biggest advantage of automatic processing is that it makes more cognitive capacity available to perform other cognitive tasks. Reading is an example in this regard. Initially, children use basically all their cognitive capacity to master this task. Once they have reached the level of automatic processing, they can now make use of other cognitive abilities for higher processing (such as trying to figure out the ending of the story they are reading). Automatic processing is important to information processing throughout the life span. However, during middle childhood, children seem to automatise large quantities of information and skills at a rapid rate. ► Knowledge base. One of the more noticeable aspects of cognitive development in middle childhood is the growth of a knowledge base (i.e., what children know). School-aged children learn an incredible amount of basic information: They acquire literacy and numeracy skills, historical and geographical facts, and information about animals, plants, and planets, to name only a few areas. Information is acquired not only through formal schooling, but also through the media and everyday life. This information must be stored and organised effectively to be used effectively. The existence of a knowledge base plays a significant role in memory performance (Fung et al., 2017). This means that the more a person knows about a topic, the better they can learn and remember. In other words, if children know a topic well, they will find new information more familiar and meaningful, and therefore easier to store and 322 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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retrieve. In fact, they not only will be able to recall more information, but also do it quicker. ► Executive functions. As mentioned in previous chapters, the processes that pull memory, processing speed, and knowledge base together are called control processes or executive functions. functions Executive functions refer to a variety of cognitive skills that enable the individual to plan and organise, make decisions, think abstractly, and solve new problems. It also helps to control or inhibit impulsive behaviour. The prefrontal cortex is involved in executive functioning and is believed to synchronise neural activity widely distributed in the brain. Executive functioning is of great importance to developmental psychologists because it predicts how well children perform academically. It is also related to other areas of interest, such as theory of mind. An important control process is metacognition metacognition, because it allows a person to evaluate a cognitive task, determine how to accomplish it, monitor performance, and then plan adjustments. Related to metacognition is metamemory (an informal understanding of memory). As children develop, they need to monitor the effectiveness of their memory strategies and to recognise memory problems, which are important elements of metamemory. As children mature, they learn more about how memory operates and devise intuitive theories of memory (e.g., theory of mind). For example, they learn that memory is fallible and that some strategies are more effective than others are. Control processes develop significantly during middle childhood in areas such as attention, intention, knowledge, thinking, and memory strategies. Many psychological problems, such as learning problems and attentiondeficit/hyperactivity disorder (ADHD), are associated with impairment in executive functioning. ► Theory of mind. As discussed in the previous chapter, theory of mind refers to the individual's knowledge of the mind and how it functions. This includes knowledge of one's own mental state and those of others and how these mental states influence behaviour. During middle childhood, children's theory of mind becomes more elaborate and refined (see Lecce et al., 2018). As alluded to above, this may be attributed to developments in executive functioning, such as improved metacognition and metamemory. As mentioned before, once children are aware of the many factors that influence mental activity, they combine these into an integrated understanding. School-aged children consider the interactions among variables; for example, how age and motivation, effective use of memory strategies, and the nature and difficulty of the task work together to affect cognitive performance. By the age of nine, children understand thought diversity and situations in which people may think alike or differently. Apart from the ability to reason about mental states, thoughts of children in middle childhood about people, whether about the self or others, become more differentiated, integrated, multifaceted, and accurate. The culmination of this development is the ability to describe both the self and others in terms of dispositional characteristics. Children also become increasingly adept at understanding emotion, such as understanding display rules and mixed emotions. Furthermore, children's thinking about others extends beyond individuals to include 323 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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conceptions of relationships and groups (Miller, 2012). ► Higher-order cognitive skills. Higher-order cognitive skills include reasoning, decision-making, problem solving, and thinking, as well as academic skills such as reading, writing, and arithmetic. In each of these skills, the information that has been received, processed, and stored previously by basic cognitive processes is used, combined, reformatted, or manipulated by higher-order cognitive processes. All these skills show improvement during middle childhood. How applicable is the information-processing approach? It has important applications for education (Miller, 2011; Pit-ten Cate, et al., 2020). For example, capacity of working memory predicts how well children do in reading and spelling. Having poor working memory is associated with problematic classroom behaviour such as inattention, distractibility, and failure to keep track of what one is doing. Educators also apply information about metacognition and the acquisition of strategies to classroom instruction on 'learning how to learn'. Teachers emphasise good strategies such as organising, rehearsing, planning, and selftesting. Tasks such as reading and mathematics are 'broken up' in component parts, while the cognitive skills necessary to process each of As you can see, my working memory works very well — I use the cognitive phases are identified. a lot of strategies and do well at school The strengths of the theory lie in its ability to express the complexity of thought, its precise analysis of performance and change, and its rigorous methodology. Its weaknesses lie with certain developmental issues and a neglect of the context of behaviours. More specifically, the information processing focuses on the mechanisms of processing information, but ignores the larger setting such as the needs, goals, abilities, and social influences that the child brings to the task. For example, research shows that the socio-economic status of families also contributes to basic information processing (Takeuchi et al., 2019). People who grow up in poverty often tend to have poor working memory. The high chronic stress of growing up in such conditions ultimately seems to influence physiological processes involved in memory functioning (Evans et al., 2009).

5.2.3 Language Development Essentially, language development in middle childhood is a refinement of language skills acquired in earlier years. However, this linguistic progress is striking (Encyclopedia of Children's Health, 2020). These developments will be discussed next.

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5.2.3.1 General language development The previous two chapters have shown that the development of language skills increases rapidly up to the age of four or five. Thereafter, language development occurs at a slower pace. However, there is significant language development and refinement during middle childhood. For example, children in middle childhood improve their pronunciation skills, produce longer and more complex sentences, and continue to expand their vocabularies (Sigelman et al., 2018). Apart from the increase in the length and complexity of their sentences, certain grammatical forms are mastered completely at school. For example, the child now understands passive voice sentences such as "The food was eaten by the cat" and conditional sentences such as "If Puleng had attended his birthday party, Pule would have been overjoyed." The vocabulary of schoolchildren increases dramatically as they learn new words and their meanings. Furthermore, the multiple meanings of words are mastered. Preschool children initially understand only the concrete meaning of words such as cold, hard, and sweet, but as they get older, they also understand the abstract meanings of such words. By the age of about eight or nine, children are beginning to grasp sarcasm. However, they rely on intonation such as the characteristically mocking tone of the speaker's voice. School-aged children also understand metaphorical (figurative) language such as "The sun is like a piece of glowing coal" and "a heart of gold". They also understand irony (the opposite meaning of what is said); thus, a boy who comes to the dinner table with dirty hands understands what his mother means when she says, "Just look at those nice clean hands!" By the age of seven, children realise that what is said and what is meant are not necessarily the same. The older children become, the more they experiment with words (Encyclopedia of Children's Health, 2020). Humour based on wordplay and the double meaning of words also becomes prominent, with children enjoying jokes and riddles in this regard. One of the striking characteristics is that children now also display and understand a greater use of facial expressions and gestures to accompany the understanding and expression of language. The language development of schoolchildren involves not only an increased vocabulary and better sentence structure, but also the improved ability to adapt language to the social context in which it is used. More polite language is used, and the language style is also adapted to the specific situation. For instance, children's language when speaking to their teacher differs from the language they use when speaking to a friend. During middle childhood, children also begin to understand the importance of speaking correctly; therefore, they are quick to correct other children's language and even to make fun of them.

5.2.3.2 Bilingualism and multilingualism Children not only become efficient in one language (their home language or mother tongue but in most cases, they are also exposed increasingly to other languages. Indeed, tongue), it is estimated that nearly a half of the world's population is bilingual. (However, consider 325 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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that multilingualism is relative; for example, how well do you have to speak a second language to be regarded as bilingual?) Most South Africans are at least bilingual (being fluent in two languages), while many are multilingual multilingual; therefore, able to communicate in three, four and even more languages (Stats SA, 2019). Children acquire bilingualism or multilingualism through two processes: the simultaneous learning of languages (at the same time) or through successive or consecutive learning (they first learn the one language and then the other). There are different opinions on which of the two methods is the better. For example, should the children of a Xhosa-speaking mother and a Zulu-speaking father first learn the one language and then the other, or should they learn both languages simultaneously? Should English-speaking children be taught in their mother tongue and then learn Afrikaans and other languages later, or should they acquire the languages simultaneously? Furthermore, what is the effect if children's mother tongue differs from the language medium of the school they attend? There is general agreement that children of bilingual parents who have learnt both languages from infancy have no serious language developmental problems (see Linguistic Society of America, 2020). If two languages are learnt simultaneously from birth, the one generally does not dominate the other, and each language develops in its own right. When a second language is acquired successively, the words of the 'weaker' language (i.e., the second language) are initially 'parasitical' to the first. This means that children apply the syntactical patterns (sentence structure) and phonetic structures (vocal sounds) of the first language to the second language. As the language forms of the second language strengthen, they begin to compete with the first language and increasingly develop as an independent language system. It is also important that the child begins to think and reason in the second language, so that new attitudes, thoughts, and linguistic patterns can be acquired (MacWhinney, 2015). However, language proficiency in a second or third language to the extent that it can be used to learn other subject matter does not happen overnight. How long it takes to reach such language proficiency is not easy to answer (Muir et al., 2018). First, it depends on the criteria for language proficiency. Because researchers often define language proficiency differently, the time could vary from study to study. Second, genetics seem to play a role in language aptitude and ability (Glennen, 2020; Mamiya et al., 2016). The result is that some children will learn a second language sooner and easier than others. Furthermore, the age at which a child is exposed to a second language influences eventual proficiency (Bjorklund et al., 2018). For example, when learning the second language begins during the preschool years, pronunciation and complex grammatical forms are mastered more easily than if the second language is learnt later. The similarities of languages may also affect the ease of learning another language. For example, isiXhosa and isiZulu are both Nguni languages, with the result that most isiXhosa speakers can speak and understand isiZulu, and vice versa. The same applies to Afrikaans, German, and Netherlandic (Dutch). Additional factors include exposure to a second and multilingual environment, motivation, and efforts by parents to aid their children in this regard (e.g., having reading material available in both languages, singing songs, using different languages in different situations, or speaking a specific language on alternative days.) 326 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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The benefits of bilingualism and multilingualism have been documented widely (e.g., Phelps et al., 2020; Surrain et al., 2017). Bilingual and multilingual children often perform better in tests based on analytical reasoning, verbal and non-verbal creativity, concept formation, and cognitive flexibility than monolingual children do. It seems that the constant demand of controlling two languages that bilinguals must perform, strengthens the higherlevel executive control components of the cognitive system. Just as physical exercise affects a person's body structure as well as its functioning, the early and regular mental exercise required to become bilingual affects the neural wiring as well as the functioning of the brain (Sigelman et al., 2018). When one watches how skilfully children switch from one language to another for different purposes, one can only marvel at the degree of their multiple proficiencies. Indeed, multilingual children have far better language proficiencies than monolingual children have. They also know how to distinguish between different languages; when they do mix languages, this is often for a specific purpose, or that they have not been taught the correct word. Furthermore, although South Africans are mostly bilingual or multilingual, they do not appear to be confused about the identity of their communicative acts, and the vast majority are able to identify with a dominant or home language (Heugh, 2012).

5.2.4 Cognition and Academic Achievement Academic achievement refers to performance outcomes that indicate the extent to which a person has accomplished specific goals required by activities in instructional environments, such as schools, universities, colleges, and other training institutions. Cognitive goals include skills such as critical thinking across multiple subject areas as well as the acquisition of knowledge and understanding of a specific intellectual domain or subject matter (e.g., numeracy, literacy, science, history) (Oxford Bibliographies, 2017). Throughout the industrialised world, as well as in most developing countries, the years of middle childhood are devoted to formal education. As mentioned in the previous chapter, South African children enter formal schooling in the year that they turn seven. As in the case of pre-school or pre-primary school, their years at primary school (Grades 1 to 7) have a tremendous influence on all spheres of their development. In this section, we shall focus primarily on their cognitive development. The cognitive theories discussed in this section carry some clear implications for helping children succeed at school. However, as Bronfenbrenner's bio-ecological theory predicts (refer to Chapter 1), in addition to a child's own characteristics such as intelligence, achievement motivation, and personality, each level of the context of their lives, from the immediate family to what goes on in the classroom, to the message they receive from peers and the larger culture, influences how well they do at school. In this section we shall examine some of these 'nested' contexts and influences. First, let us consider children's readiness for school.

5.2.4.1 School readiness The first day of primary school is regarded as one of the most important events in a child's scholastic life (Neilsen-Hewett, 2015). The occasion is usually marked in a 327 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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variety of ways: Generally, parents buy new school uniforms, school supplies, and take pictures of the child's first day at school. Newspapers and television stations cover the advent of a new school year with eager Grade 1s nationwide. Children now begin to think of themselves as 'big children' who are engaged in the serious business of going to school, rather than 'little children' who spend most of their time playing. Entering primary school is generally regarded as a transition from a more informal platform such as a preschool, which is usually focused on play-based learning to a more formal and structured environment, which can pose its own challenges. However, some children, especially those who did not attend preschool, are often apprehensive and afraid. Therefore, an important question arises: How are children being prepared to be ready for this major step in their development? The transition from home or preschool is instilled with emotional and social adjustments. This involves the reorganisation of the child's inner life and external behaviour as the child moves away from the familiar preschool or home environment to be incorporated in a different environment. The values, attitudes, and culture of the child, the family, and the school affect and shape the way the child will adapt to the new school environment. Key stakeholders such as parents, relatives, government/departmental officials, teachers, and members of the wider community are important in this process, and coherence among them is critical (Margetts et al., 2013). Theorists, politicians, educators, and parents may hold different, sometimes divergent views and beliefs about school readiness, the skills that are needed, and how they develop. However, it seems that South African parents and teachers have similar expectations — both groups regard readiness as directly related to maturation, i.e., what the child can do on physical, academic, social, and emotional levels (see Munnik et al., 2019). The dimensions of school readiness involve the readiness of children for school, the readiness of schools for children, and the readiness of families for school (UNICEF, 2012; also see Bonilla et al., 2020): ► Children' Children's readiness for school. This aspect refers to the developmental level a child has reached to meet the demands of formal schooling (see APA, 2020). Up to about three or four decades ago, school readiness was defined mainly in terms of cognitive/academic and physical criteria, while these skills were (and often still are) assessed formally. Thus, school readiness was (and often still is) synonymous with assessment. The primary purpose of assessing school readiness is to predict the readiness for school entry and to identify preschool children who may benefit from additional stimulation programmes, learning support, or retention. However, the assessment of school readiness is highly controversial and remains a highly contentious issue in South Africa (Amod et al., 2013; Peters et al., 2020). For example, some of the intellectual and school readiness assessment tools that have been developed locally have outdated norms. Many are not normed on a fully representative South African sample, while the reliability and validity of assessment techniques and approaches to assess school readiness leave much to be desired. Therefore, it has become crucial that techniques that are more innovative should be used to accommodate children from different socio-economic, family, and cultural 328 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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backgrounds (see Laher et al., 2017). The present perspective is that school readiness should have a more holistic approach to ensure optimal development and success. Therefore, school readiness is not limited to one area of development or functioning but embraces the interrelationships between skills and behaviours across domains of development and learning. Thus, mental health professionals such as psychologists and occupational therapists as well as educators use several dimensions or criteria to determine a child's readiness for school. These criteria include the following Bhise et al., 2016; Bruwer, 2014; Munnik et al., 2021; Van Zyl, 2004, 2020; Western Cape Government, 2018): - Physical level. Children's level of gross and fine motor functioning is important. For example, perceptual and motor skills play a significant role in using a pen/ pencil, as this forms the foundation for reading and writing. The child must also be able to use the bathroom/toilet unassisted. In addition, children's overall physical health status is important, as it could affect all levels of functioning. - Cognitive level. Cognitive school readiness criteria include general knowledge, observation, attention span, memory, visualising, and fantasising. Knowing colours and a school-entry understanding of numbers and letters are also important. A basic understanding of the concept of time (before, after, day, night, etc.) is necessary. An adequate level of language development is essential. This includes their vocabulary, speaking, and listening skills. Children must also be able to converse in their home language. - Emotional level. Emotional maturity refers to the ability of young children to appropriately express and control their emotions. They must be able to understand their own emotions and the emotions of others and to show empathic responding, such as empathy-related helping behaviour (e.g., consoling a friend who is hurt or sad). They must also be able to take responsibility for their actions. In addition, they must be reasonably independent, confident, and able to adapt to being separated from their current caregivers. (A period of adjustment is normal, such as crying for the first few days or weeks when beginning with Grade R or Grade 1.) - Social level. This criterion refers to children's interpersonal attributes — how children interact with others (including teachers) and their environment. For example, they should be able to join and integrate with a new group easily by interacting, communicating, and sharing with other children. They should be able to act in a socially acceptable manner and be able to follow classroom rules and procedures. Negative social behaviours, such as aggression and withdrawal, can interfere seriously with classroom learning and relationships. An important social yardstick is the child's attitude towards diversity (race, ethnicity, religion, gender, etc.). In countries like South Africa with a high diversity rate and a unique socio-political history, a negative orientation in this regard can affect the child's adjustment seriously. - Normative level. To a certain degree, this criterion overlaps with the aforementioned criteria, and includes the norms associated with the learning environment. An example is the way in which children accept authority. Children must know that they must adhere to authority, including parents, educators, and 329 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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any other person of authority. Normative readiness also defines the learner's ability to reflect and display good manners and respect, and to adhere to classroom procedures such as having a sense of responsibility to accept and complete tasks in time; being able to sit still and focus on tasks at hand; and to follow rules and instructions. ► Readiness of schools for children. This aspect is defined in terms of the school environment that supports a smooth transition for children (and their families) to primary school and thus advances learning for all children (UNICEF, 2012). This implies creating continuity between children's early learning and primary school environments. Ready schools supply quality teaching such as sufficient time devoted to learning in the classroom, adequate supply of learning materials, effective teaching and pedagogic practices, and teachers' competence. Ready schools bridge the divide between home and school norms, value system and beliefs. This divide is the greatest for children whose first language differs from the language of instruction at the school. Ready schools are child-centred and focus on characteristics that are most beneficial for children's holistic development. They promote a social learning environment where the relationship between teachers and children is critical for the development of social, ethical, emotional, intellectual, and physical competencies. In ready schools, the principals and teachers are thoroughly aware of and apply the educational and early childhood development policies of the country. ► Readiness of families for school. The focus here is on attitudes of parents and caregivers and their involvement in their children's early learning and development and transition to school. Supportive parenting and stimulating home environments have been shown to be among the strongest predictors of school performance during primary school and beyond (Bierman et al., 2017; Marti et al., 2018). The learning environment provided in the home — as indicated by parents' engagement with their children in learning activities such as singing, reading books, telling stories, and playing games — is an important characteristic of ready families. Furthermore, ongoing liaison and collaboration between caregivers and educators provides a platform for optimal growth for children. The discussed criteria confirm that school readiness should not be viewed from a onedimensional perspective — school readiness is multifaceted and not defined by a single indicator. In other words, it is a product of the interaction between the child and the range of environmental and cultural experiences that maximise the development outcomes for children. In South Africa, there is a high failure rate among school beginners. For example, in 2016, 20% of Grade 1 children in the Eastern Cape failed (Linden, 2018). Only about 50% of first graders will ultimately complete Grade 12 (Minister of Basic Education, 2019). One of the reasons indicated in this regard is the unreadiness of many school-age children. As discussed in the previous chapter, children from low socio-economic environments are particularly at risk, because in many of these households, very little time is spent on literacy- and numeracy-related activities that could prepare children for school. Many parents in these environments do not have the necessary resources or information to 330 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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prepare their children adequately. In addition, good quality education/teaching still seems to elude many children, with the result that children in South Africa are performing poorly in international comparisons. For example, about 50% of South African pupils who attended school for five years cannot do basic calculations (Isdale et al., 2017). This is not surprising, since research found that about 80% of South African Grade 6 mathematics teachers were classified as having content knowledge levels below the level at which they were teaching. Many reasons have been identified (Mlachila et al., 2019). For example, many preschool teachers do not have any recognised qualifications to teach in preschools. Another important factor is a lack of dedication; for example, up to 10% of the country's teachers are absent from school each day (Robinson, 2019). To redress this situation, the South African Government (e.g., the Department of Basic Education) assumed primary responsibility for early childhood education, which was previously mostly controlled by non-government organisations. For this reason, it was decided to integrate the reception year (Grade R) with the foundation phase (Grades 1-3). The entering age is 4-5 years of age, and the children learn basic literacy, numeracy, and life skills through a play-based learning approach. The overall goal is to ensure that all children have access to and can complete primary education that is compulsory and of good quality. Unfortunately, the process of implementation dragged on for about two decades until compulsory Grade R was introduced in 2020. As not all primary schools offer Grade R, children may also attend other approved pre-school facilities that offer this curriculum, as discussed in Chapter 4. Repeatedly, research has indicated a Big boy — I' I'm going to school! strong link between school readiness and primary school achievement/success (Encyclopaedia on Early Childhood Development, 2017; Pan et al., 2019). However, being ready for school also has several major advantages, other than primary school success (Correia-Zanini et al., 2018; Gregory et al., 2021; Murray et al., 2018). For example, school readiness lays the foundation for continued academic achievement and success in the future. Therefore, it helps children to fulfil their educational potential, which in turn creates a better society. For many, it is also a route out of poverty. On a psycho-social level, there are also many advantages. Good adjustment and success at school contribute to an increase in self-worth and independence in children. Generally, they are more able to establish good peer relationships and communicate more effectively 331 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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with others, while they also seem to experience less stress, anxiety, and depression.

5.2.4.2 Individual differences Apart from being ready for school, other factors also play a role in children's academic achievement. We have seen that both the Piagetian and the information-processing approaches describe general patterns of cognitive development. However, at any given age, there are also individual differences among children. As we have noted in our discussions thus far, many children may reach their developmental milestones either earlier or later than the norm. Individual differences in cognition become more evident in middle childhood, when children enter formal schooling and begin to be tested and assessed regularly — some will perform higher than the norm, while others will perform lower. A variety of factors may play a role, including a child's intellectual capacity, achievement motivation, and learning orientation.

(a) Intellectual capacity Intellectual capacity involves one's ability to think, learn, plan, and accomplish tasks. In this section, we shall consider different forms of intellectual capacity that may influence a child's performance at school, such as intelligence, extremes of intelligence (e.g., giftedness, creativity, and intellectual disability), learning disabilities, and attention/ hyperactivity deficits:

(i) Intelligence The concept intelligence is often confused with cognition. Although there is an overlap, cognition is a much broader concept than intelligence — therefore, intelligence is considered a subdivision of cognition. However, defining the concept of intelligence has proven to be quite difficult. In fact, there is no agreed-upon definition of the concept of intelligence, neither in psychology, nor in the other human sciences. However, most psychologists would agree that intelligence refers to the ability to at least learn from experience, think abstractly, solve problems, and use knowledge to function successfully in a particular environment. Interest in intelligence has often focused on individual differences and assessment. In the same way that people can be different in terms of their personality, they can differ in terms of their intellectual capacity. For example, some people may be able to solve problems more efficiently than others do or find it easier to learn than others do. Generally, children's (and adults') intellectual ability is assessed by intelligence tests to calculate the intelligence quotient (IQ). Scores are presented on a bell curve, with scores between 85 and 115 regarded as average, scores below 85 as below average, and scores higher than 115 as above average. (See Figure 5.1.) However, many critics disapprove of IQ to measure intelligence, arguing that IQ measures one's ability to cope with abstract knowledge. While there is a close correlation between IQ and certain forms of academic achievement such as maths and science, many theorists and researchers believe that intelligence is a vague concept since there are several forms of intelligence. (This issue is discussed in the next chapter.) Of particular concern is the outdatedness of intelligence tests currently used in 332 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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Figure 5.1. Bell curve to illustrate distribution of IQ scores

South Africa to determine children's intellectual or scholastic ability. Some of the items on these tests are not only irrelevant to children growing up in the 21st century, but also not normed for all the population groups in South Africa (Cockcroft, 2013; ShuttleworthEdwards, 2017). This poses a risk for misdiagnosis; for example, by classifying children as intellectually compromised when they are not, or conversely, by not identifying a child as having developmental or learning problems.

(ii) Giftedness Traditionally, the term 'giftedness' was used to refer to an exceptionally high IQ score and outstanding academic achievements. However, two developments have changed this viewpoint. First, it was realised that IQ tests are not as reliable and valid as was believed originally (Arnett et al., 2019; Butler et al., 2017). Certain factors, for example, cultural differences or quality education, can have a significant influence on the IQ score. Second, it was agreed that there had been an exaggerated focus on academic abilities at the cost of other important abilities and skills, for example, creativity and non-academic talents. Today, the term is used more broadly and includes high achievements or exceptional talent in an assortment of areas such as art, music, creative writing, dancing, drama, sport, and leadership. Giftedness may be multiple (excellence in most areas) or selected (excellence in one or two areas). The main characteristics of gifted children are the following (see Santrock, 2019; Sigelman et al., 2018): • Usually, their special talents are obvious from an early age. In some cases, gifted children could be identified as early as 18 months, based on characteristics such as excellent language ability, high curiosity level and willingness to learn. Although not perfect, in many cases, these traits could be regarded as useful criteria for giftedness later on. • They have inspiring and talented teachers and/or parents who are committed to developing the child's talent. At the same time, these children do not expect much 333 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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assistance from adults. They usually teach themselves with only minimal support and tend to make discoveries on their own and solve problems in unique ways. • They show an almost obsessive passion to understand the domain in which they excel better. They devour information and spend endless hours on their favourite topic. They do not need to be pushed by their parents; they motivate themselves and often press their parents for more materials and stimulation. • Many believe that (especially intellectually) gifted individuals tend to be maladjusted and have mental health problems. This is not true. For example, studies indicate that primary school children who are gifted are less at risk to experience emotional, social, and behavioural problems (Eklund et al., 2015). Of course, this does not imply that all gifted individuals are risk-free: high levels of negative emotions, low self-perception, and adverse interpersonal relationships do occur in some (Beckman et al., 2018). In general, they are significantly less seriously maladjusted than the general population is. • Many gifted children remain as remarkable in adulthood as they were in childhood. For example, many more of them later earn their doctoral degrees than the average university student, while their income is also much higher than that of the general population. The most well-adjusted and successful adults usually had highly educated parents who offered them both love and intellectual stimulation. However, not all gifted children live up to expectations. A significant number of them live quite ordinary lives. For example, in the most famous study in this regard (the Terman study of the Gifted) two learners who did not qualify as gifted later won a Nobel Prize, (internationally regarded as the most prestigious award available in their respective fields), while nobody from the gifted group did. This shows once again that giftedness at school does not necessarily translate into achievement and success in later life — and that 'less gifted' children could also later achieve great success. Therefore, the message is that exceptional talent — in all areas — should be nurtured and developed to the fullest. As we have seen, many gifted children will become pillars in society. However, it is equally important that the focus should not only be on their achievements, as is often the case. Gifted children's social and emotional needs are often the biggest challenge (see Wright-Scott, 2018), especially because they often feel different and misunderstood, while they are often also under enormous pressure to achieve.

(iii) Creativity Many people do not associate creativity with children. However, children can be very creative, and even more importantly, should be encouraged and stimulated to develop this characteristic. The world would have been much poorer without the legacy of creative people. What precisely is creativity? Many definitions exist, but most experts will agree that, in its core, it is the ability to develop ideas and products that are both original and valuable. The creation may be intangible (e.g., an idea, a scientific theory, a musical composition, or even a joke) or a physical object (e.g., an invention, a book, or a painting). Creativity involves two processes: thinking, then producing (Naiman, 2020). Creative children can look beyond the obvious; they are not prisoners of habitual ways thinkers Convergent of thinking. Creative children are divergent rather than convergent thinkers. thinkers seek a single answer, while divergent thinkers produce a wide array of fresh and 334 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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original possibilities. For example, when we ask the question "What is the function of a shoe?", a convergent thinker will give the typical answer that it is used to protect your feet when you walk. A divergent thinker will give the same answer but also include other possibilities such as using it as a hammer, a bed for a doll, or for killing cockroaches. Creativity fosters children's I have an idea… emotional, social, intellectual, and even physical development. It enables children to try out new ideas and innovative ways of thinking and problem-solving. Creative ideas and products also help to acknowledge and applaud children's unique talent. Furthermore, creative activities such as writing, telling stories, handwork, painting, drawing, and dramatic work in middle childhood is associated with a reduced risk of social and behavioural instability at the onset of adolescence (Fancourt et al., 2019). Does a child have to be intelligent to be creative? Not necessarily. It is widely accepted that intelligence is necessary but not a precondition for creativity (Corazza et al., 2021; Ilagan et al., 2018). That is, many highly intelligent children (as measured by traditional IQ tests) are not very creative, while children with average or even relatively low IQ scores may be highly creative. Other factors that have been associated with creativity are heritability (Roeling et al., 2017), multicultural families (Chang et al., 2014), and only children (Yang et al., 2017). As creative children are often freethinkers, it is not surprising that they are not always popular with dogmatic adults who expect children to operate within predetermined limits. This is a pity, if not a tragedy, as creativity should be regarded as a unique form of intelligence from which society can only benefit. Creativity, like giftedness, must be cultivated and nurtured. Especially teachers and parents can play a major role in this regard. Unfortunately, teachers are often not sufficiently trained to optimise children's creativity (Rubenstein et al., 2018). Concerning parents, democratic parenting, which provides children with an opportunity to participate in decision making, offers the best situation for creative children to flourish (Setiyowati et al., 2019). Most children raised in an authoritarian parenting style show low development of creativity. (See Box 5.1 on stimulating creativity in children.)

(iv) Intellectual disability Initially, intellectual disability, 335 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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BOX 5.1. STIMULATING CREATIVITY IN CHILDREN Creativity in children may be stimulated in ways such as the following:

• Do not suggest ready-made solutions. Let children try new things, make mistakes,

•

•

•

•

•

•

•

•

•

and reach the essence of the problem on their own. Allow children to create their world by themselves. When giving children toys they have not seen before, do not show them how to play with them right away. Let them work out their own ways to play with them. Encourage children to ask questions and ask questions yourself. Questions are a prelude to creative thinking and indicate curiosity about the world around them. An ability to ask the right questions makes it easier to find the answer. If you want children to develop their creative thinking skills, ask unconventional questions; e.g., At what age is a person an adult? Why do you think so? How would the world be different if animals could talk? Which five words do you think describe you best? Stimulate all senses. Stimulating the development of all the child's senses (vision, hearing, touch, and taste) will create many more situations to broaden the child's creative abilities. Support all creativity. If the child has an unusual hobby, e.g., collecting bottle caps, bars of soap, or little stones, do not criticise it even if you think it is unnecessary. Let them do it. Expose children to inconsistencies, vagueness, and uncertainty. Creativity may manifest itself in these situations because children are forced to sort out inconsistencies or strive to obtain more clarity and certainty. Offer children the opportunity to share with others what they have learnt and achieved. This will stimulate not only their self-regard, self-worth, and self-respect, but also their creativity. Let children engage in brainstorming to produce as many ideas as possible. In brainstorming, individuals are encouraged to produce creative ideas in a group, challenge each other's ideas and say whatever comes to mind. The more ideas children produce, the better their chances of creating something unique. Provide children with environments that stimulate creativity. Some settings nourish creativity; others repress it. People who encourage children's creativity often rely on their natural curiosity. They provide exercises and activities that stimulate children to find insightful solutions to problems, rather than asking questions that require rote answers. Do not over-control or over-prescribe. Telling children exactly how to do things leaves them feeling that any originality is a mistake, and any exploration is a waste of time. Letting children select their interests and supporting their inclinations are less likely to destroy their natural curiosity than dictating in which activities they should engage. Encourage internal motivation. The excessive use of prizes, such as gold stars, money, or toys, can stifle creativity by undermining the intrinsic pleasure children derive from creative activities. Creative children's motivation is the satisfaction generated by the work itself. Santrock (2019); Wolska-Długosz (2015)

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(previously called mental retardation) was diagnosed in persons with an IQ lower than 70. However, the unreliability and invalidity of IQ tests (as discussed earlier) led to the addition of other criteria. Although various definitions of intellectual disability exist, most psychologists will agree on the following three key characteristics (American Association on Intellectual and Developmental Disabilities. 2021; American Speech-Language-Hearing Association, 2021): - -

-

Significant limitations in intellectual functioning (e.g., reasoning, learning, problemsolving, and judgement). Significant limitations in adaptive behaviour, such as age- and culture-appropriate social skills (e.g., interpersonal, and communication skills, ability to follow rules and obey laws), practical skills (e.g., activities of daily living, such as self-care), and conceptual skills (e.g., language and literacy skills, time and number concepts, and self-direction). The age of onset of these deficits is during childhood (i.e., before the age of 18).

Intellectual disability occurs along dimensions of mild, moderate, severe, and profound. As the terms indicate, the functioning of people in the different categories may differ widely. For example, toddlers and pre-schoolers with mild to moderate intellectual disability initially show only small delays. However, they soon fall behind in academic subjects when they start pre-primary school, but with support and special education they can reach Grades 6 or 7. On a social level, they experience few problems and after finishing school, they can hold down a modest job with no or little supervision. Children with severe intellectual disability often can understand speech but have limited communication skills. They can learn simple daily routines and self-care but need supervision in social settings. Children with profound intellectual disability show serious sensory, motor, and intellectual delays, while physical deformities are common. They need constant and lifelong care. The most common causes of intellectual disability include the following (Lee et al., 2021; Mash et al., 2019; Sulkes, 2020): • Genetic factors. Examples are an inherited intellectual disability or chromosome abnormality such as Down syndrome. • Problems during pregnancy. Various factors can play a role; for example, the mother's use of alcohol, nicotine, and other drugs. Infections like rubella during pregnancy often causes intellectual disability, while malnutrition plays an important role during the prenatal and postnatal periods. • Problems during childbirth. Complications during the birth process such as oxygen deprivation or birth injuries may cause intellectual disabilities. • Infections such as encephalitis and meningitis can cause intellectual disability, especially during early childhood. • Unknown causes. In approximately 50% of all cases, the cause is unknown. In cases where the cause could be determined, the majority is genetic/biological in origin. (Note that other factors such as head injuries or certain medical conditions may also cause intellectual disabilities. However, another diagnosis will be made, such as neurocognitive disorder.) 337 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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A teacher shows a child with Down syndrome how to solve a problem.

Intellectual disability is a permanent condition that poses limitations across many areas of development (Lee et al., 2021). Consequently, programmes often must be designed to fit the educational and developmental level of each individual child. Most psychosocial programmes focus on teaching the necessary skills and abilities to the child, such as language and social skills, personal care, and hygiene, and providing support to parents and other caregivers. Medication is often necessary to control behaviour such as compulsions, aggression, selfinjury, or hyperactivity. The effectiveness of the treatment programme will depend on the severity of the child's condition, parental participation and implementation, family stability, and formal social support. However, intellectual disability may be prevented or reduced in severity if proper precautions are taken. This includes appropriate prenatal care and prenatal screening, adequate nutrition and health care, and creating stimulating environments for children. Unfortunately, there is a paucity of research on the prevalence and socio-demographic distribution of children with intellectual disability in South Africa. Part of the problem is that the understanding and management of intellectual disability is complicated by various contextual and cultural explanations used to describe and conceptualise this condition. In addition, many caregivers and parents of children with intellectual disability do not access the services provided due to financial constraints, poor quality services, community stigma, or self-stigmatisation (McKenzie et al., 2021; Mkabile et al., 2020).

(v) Learning disorders Learning disorders or disabilities is an umbrella term used to describe various conditions that are marked by substantial and persistent deficits in acquiring certain 338 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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scholastic or academic skills, particularly reading, writing, and mathematics. An estimated 5% to 15% of school-age children struggle with a learning disability, with reading disorder by far the most common (APA, 2021). In South Africa, there are no clear statistics on learning disorders; however, it is estimated that approximately 10% to 30% of children have learning difficulties (Mediclinic, 2011). Learning disorders occur in the absence of other obvious conditions such as intellectual disability or structural brain damage. Lack of motivation is also excluded as a cause. The most common learning disorders include the following (Learning Disabilities Association of America, 2021; Mash et al., 2019): • Reading disorder occurs when a person has trouble reading words or understanding what they read. The most common reading disorder is dyslexia, where a prominent symptom is the mixing up of the letters in a word, for example, reading or spelling the word 'now' as 'won' or 'left' as 'felt'. • Writing disorder (dysgraphia) affects writing abilities. It manifests as difficulties with spelling and punctuation, poor handwriting and trouble putting thoughts on paper. Many of these children also have weak fine motor skills, and therefore find holding a pen or pencil difficult. • Mathematics disorder (dyscalculia) is the severe or complete inability to acquire mathematical skills despite appropriate teaching. The various learning disorders mostly co-exist and share certain symptoms. For example, dyslexia and dysgraphia are strongly related, and they also share the same symptoms, such as problems with spelling. Also, dyslexia will affect all kinds of learning that depend on reading, including dyscalculia. However, not all children with dyslexia will have difficulties in mathematics (National Council for Special Education, 2021). Learning disorders often stay hidden until school-going age, when it becomes more pronounced, especially when children must begin to read, write, or do mathematics. These disorders have a debilitating effect for the child: disapproval — even rejection — by teachers and teasing from their peers. In turn, this may have devastating effects on their selfesteem and academic self-confidence. Many children ultimately suffer from depression or anxiety. Some withdraw from social interaction, while others act out in school (e.g., through aggressive or disruptive behaviour). This means that specific aspects of school achievement are affected. The child's performance is significantly lower than expected, given his or her intelligence, age, and amount of schooling. However, a diagnosis of learning disorders should not be used as a waste-paper basket for every child who does not do well at school. For example, children who have not been taught properly or lack motivation to learn do not fall into this category. A learning disability is a distinct diagnostic category in which a child must meet certain specific diagnostic criteria. With regard to causal factors, it is generally accepted that the learning disorders are due to genetic and/or neurobiological factors that alter brain functioning in a manner that affects one or more cognitive processes related to learning (Learning Disabilities Association of America, 2020). However, it seems that other factors, for example, prenatal and neonatal risks (e.g., exposure to alcohol or drugs), psychological trauma (e.g., emotional abuse in early childhood), physical trauma (e.g., head injuries or nervous 339 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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system infection) and environmental exposure (e.g., exposure to high levels of lead) may also play a role (Mayo Clinic, 2020). Fortunately, research has shown that remedial programmes can lead to significant improvement in learning abilities, while associated emotional problems such as depression, anxiety, and low self-image can be treated successfully with psychotherapy (Jayasree, 2016; Mash et al., 2019). Unfortunately, learning disabilities are examples of 'faceless' problems in our community, which too often go undiagnosed and therefore, untreated. Although South African schools have made good progress regarding the identification and treatment of these children in recent years, much still needs to be done. There especially seems to be a significant inequality between provinces and schools (Deghaye, 2021).

(vi) Attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) This condition is characterised by an ongoing pattern of three symptoms: inattention inattention, hyperactivity, and impulsivity (Cabral et al., 2020). Because hyperactive children usually hyperactivity also manifest impulsivity, impulsivity was incorporated in hyperactivity, and thus the two symptoms are regarded as a single cluster of ADHD. Not all children with ADHD show both categories of ADHD. Some children are predominantly inattentive, while others are predominantly hyperactive-impulsive. In addition to their primary difficulties of inattention and/or hyperactivity-impulsivity, many children with ADHD display several related problems, such as learning difficulties, interpersonal difficulties, and emotional difficulties, such as anxiety and depression. ADHD can be diagnosed in early childhood, although the syndrome is especially prominent during middle childhood when the child enters school. The symptoms of ADHD can have a significant negative effect on a child's academic and social functioning (APA, 2020; Mash et al., 2019): • Inattentive children find it difficult to sustain mental effort during work or play activities. They have a tough time keeping their minds on any one thing or following through on requests or instructions. Common complaints by teachers and parents are that the child does not or will not listen; cannot concentrate; does not follow instructions; is disorganised; is easily distracted; is forgetful; daydreams; does not finish tasks, chores, or assignments; and is quick to lose interest in boring activities. • The hyperactivity/impulsivity cluster takes many forms. These children are in constant motion and sitting still through a class lesson seems to be impossible for them. The child's activity is excessively energetic, intense, inappropriate, and not goal directed. Impulsivity also takes many forms. These children tend not to think before they act, and they find it hard to regulate their behaviour. Therefore, they find it difficult to wait or take turns; they often interrupt others' conversations, intrude on others' activities, or lash out in frustration when they are upset. They also have difficulty resisting immediate temptations or delaying gratification. Although the specific cause of ADHD is unknown, it is accepted widely that genetic and neurobiological factors play an important role (Al-Mubarak et al., 2020; Barkley, 2020). Other causal factors that have been associated with ADHD include alcohol, nicotine, and other drug use, brain trauma, and iron deficiency (Center for Disease Control 340 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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and Prevention, 2020; Sulkes, 2020). There is no cure for ADHD, but a variety of treatments may be used to help children cope with their symptoms and deal with any secondary problems that may arise over the years. The most effective treatment in this regard is believed to be a combination of medication and psychological therapies (Clark et al., 2018; Holland, 2020). It is important that the parents should also be involved in the treatment programmes. Some children outgrow some of the symptoms of ADHD, while others learn to cope effectively with them. However, for most children and adolescents, ADHD will continue to cause significant social, psychological and adjustment problems that may lead to a lifelong pattern of stress and adjustment (De Zeeuw et al., 2017).

(b) Achievement motivation and learning orientation Achievement motivation refers to the desire to perform well and be successful. To overcome obstacles and master difficult challenges is a core characteristic (APA, 2020). Children's achievement motivation involves a complex interaction between their beliefs (e.g., about why they do or do not achieve), their values (e.g., the importance and benefits of achieving), and their psychological goals (what they want to achieve). Learning orientation refers to the tendency or desire to increase one's knowledge and skills. Children with a high learning orientation approach any situation with the question: "What can I learn?" It entails having an active exploratory mind and seeking to learn from others (Smerek, 2019). Children generally make attributions about why they succeed or fail. Attributions (ascribing a specific characteristic to oneself or another person) tend to focus on five factors: ability, effort, luck, task difficulty, and strategy use. Some of these factors are internal

Achievement motivation: Girl and her tutor celebrating reaching her goal.

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(interest or enjoyment in the task, ability, effort, strategy use), while others are external (luck, task difficulty, rewards, and threat of punishment). In addition, some are more stable and controllable than others. The attributions a child makes about performance have important effects on the child's achievement motivation and learning orientation. Children who are successful generally have the following characteristics (see Hayes, 2021): • They have a mastery orientation. This refers to the tendency to attribute their success to internal and controllable factors such as hard work and ability, and their failures to controllable or changeable factors such as effort, or strategy. • They persist. Failure hurts — it can feel embarrassing, disappointing, and frustrating. However, accomplished persons have not reached their goals by not failing several times along the way. Children who do well later in life focus their attention on what went wrong and how they could fix it. They have an incremental view of ability, ability the belief that they can improve their ability through effort and hard work. They also persist in working hard, even when they do not feel like it. • They adapt to change. They understand that change can help them grow into an even stronger person, even though it might not feel that way at first. • They know when to say no. For many children, saying no to a situation about which they feel uncomfortable is difficult and even impossible — often with adverse consequences for them. Successful children find it easier to say no and they experience that doing so in certain situations not only keeps them out of trouble but also strengthens their self-concept and self-confidence • They own their mistakes. Children are often tempted to hide their mistakes because they do not want to get into trouble. Taking responsibility for their mistakes also helps children build moral character and integrity. Children who are brave enough to practise this, recognise what they did wrong and mentally prepare themselves to admit fully to what they did. They also apologise and find ways to avoid making the same mistake again. • They celebrate other children' children's successes. It is normal for children to feel jealous when their friends get a new toy or achieve higher academic marks. Mentally strong children are supportive of their peers. They focus on performing their best without worrying or feeling threatened about how everyone else is doing. In general, these children tend to be high in achievement motivation, because achieving success in challenging tasks validates their belief in their ability. On the other hand, children who are unsuccessful generally show the following characteristics (see Table 5.2 for the difference between a mastery and helpless orientation): • They tend to develop a helpless orientation. This is the tendency to attribute success to external and uncontrollable factors such as luck and to attribute failure to internal and stable factors such as lack of ability. • They also tend to hold an entity view of ability. This is the belief that ability is fixed and unchangeable. Children with this view tend to avoid challenging tasks and stop trying when a task is difficult, because this would be only a reminder of their lack 342 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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Not all children who feel helpless reach out for support

of ability. As children get older, they begin to see ability as a fixed trait that is not altered much by effort. •  These children typically start focusing on performance goals. This means they seek out tasks that they are sure they can do well. Unfortunately, this orientation sets up a negative cycle in which children consistently avoid the very situations that would help them develop important new skills.

Table 5.2. Mastery versus helpless orientation MASTERY ORIENTATION

HELPLESS ORIENTATION

Attributes success to hard work and skill.

Attributes success to luck.

Attributes failure to lack of effort and knowledge.

Attributes failure to lack of ability.

Sees lack of knowledge and skills as temporary and changeable.

Sees lack of knowledge and skills as relatively permanent and unchangeable.

Is optimistic about future success, even after failure.

Is pessimistic about future success, even after success has been achieved.

Engages in positive self-talk, self-encouragement; holds positive expectations.

Engages in negative self-talk, anxiety; holds negative expectations.

Asks for help when needed, sees getting help as opportunity to improve skills.

Avoids seeking help, sees need for help as confirmation of poor ability.

Persists in difficult tasks, tries to find new strategies.

Decreases effort in difficult tasks, gives up easily.

Seeks challenging tasks, views them as ways to increase ability.

Avoids challenging tasks, views them as confirmation of poor ability.

Has learning goals, seeks to learn new strategies and skills.

Has performance goals, seeks to perform well to confirm ability to self and others.

Adapted from Cook et al. (2014)

Children start showing different reactions to success and failure at a very early age and by pre-primary school age, they mostly act negatively towards failure. However, children's different views of ability, goals, and overall orientations, typically develop in later childhood. Parents and teachers' feedback may strongly influence the kind of orientation a child develops (Anderman, 2020; Chouinard et al., 2017). For example, praising ability seems to encourage an entity view, while praise for effort tends to develop an incremental view.

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5.2.4.3 Sociocultural contexts As mentioned earlier, children develop in several interlocking systems in their sociocultural environments, such as in the context of families, neighbourhoods, communities, and educational institutions. In South Africa, children's diverse backgrounds provide them with varied experiences and opportunities to learn. These contexts include the influence of parents, socio-economic status, community involvement, and the quality of schools.

(a) Parent contributions Parents of achieving children generally create an environment for learning (Bartz, 2018). For example, they create a place to study (even if it is just a small space) and keep books and supplies. They set routines — time for meals, homework, and sleep. They also monitor their children's activities — how much television their children watch and what they do after school. They also show interest in their children's lives by talking to them about school and being involved in school activities. The extent to which families encourage learning at home and involve themselves in their child's education is regarded as one of the most accurate predictors of academic achievement (Cole, 2017; Kim, 2014). In addition, parental involvement has been shown to enhance parent-teacher relationships and improve the general school climate (see Lara et al., 2019). The way in which parents motivate their children also seems to play a role in children's achievement motivation (Cook et al., 2014). Some parents motivate their children by external means, i.e., through extrinsic motivation, motivation such as gifts or treats for good marks and punishment for poor marks. Others use intrinsic motivation by cultivating pride in hard work. Of the two forms, intrinsic motivation seems to be more effective — children who take pride in their good work seem to do better in school than those who mainly seek their parents' approval. Parenting styles (as discussed in previous chapters) also may affect motivation (Mihret et al., 2019). Authoritative parents who are warm and exert firm control, generally have children who are curious and interested in learning, and therefore are higher achievers. Children of authoritarian parents exert firm control but are unresponsive to their children and impose rules and use punishment to control their children, instil extrinsic rather than intrinsic motivation. Permissive parents impose few demands on their children for orderly conduct and allow children to make their own choices. These children seem to be lower achievers. Rejecting-neglecting parents are detached from their children and place few if any demands on their children. These children often exhibit a variety of problems, including lower cognitive functioning and motivation. Overindulgent parents on the other hand, inundate their children with inappropriate material, time, and emotional resources, without expecting responsibility (see Dawson et al., 2005). Overindulgence includes giving children whatever they want, doing work on their behalf, failing to give and enforce rules, and overprotecting them. Overindulgence hinders children from completing their developmental tasks, prevents them from acquiring necessary skills, and teaches them to rely on others to complete tasks for them. Therefore, their achievement motivation will be seriously compromised. 344 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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However, for some children, parenting styles may be less important than other factors that affect motivation. Children who are interested in what they are learning, and whose parents and peers value education and have high expectations of them are generally more motivated to succeed, regardless of the parenting style of the parents.

Son, what else do you need while your dad is doing your homework?

(b) Socio-economic status Decades of research throughout the world have found a strong correlation between academic achievement and socio-economic status (SES) (APA, 2020; Broer et al., 2019). SES may be a powerful factor in educational achievement because of its influence on the family atmosphere, the choice of neighbourhood, and the quality of schooling. This means that SES may affect parents' ability to provide an environment that enhances learning. Generally, the neighbourhood a family can afford determines the quality of schooling available. This, together with attitudes in the neighbourhood and in the peer group towards education, affects academic motivation. In this regard, children from low socio-economic environments are at a disadvantage. For example, brain development may be affected by poor prenatal care and inadequate nutrition. Their achievements may also be hampered by poor schooling, inferior Children living in these conditions often find it difficult to teaching, and lack of resources such achieve academically

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as shortages of books and overcrowded classrooms. Such children also have difficulty concentrating at school because of the number of responsibilities at home. Some children even state they are unable to concentrate at school because of hunger. Many children are breadwinners or caregivers of siblings and sick adults, making it difficult to cope with schooling. This effect of SES gets special meaning when considering that nearly 60% of the population of South Africa is living in serious poverty (The World Bank, 2020). However, it must be remembered that many children from disadvantaged neighbourhoods do well at school and improve their conditions in life. Social capital — the family and community resources children can draw upon — may make the difference (see also Chapter 7 on resilience in children).

(c) Community involvement The concept that community participation is important in improving the quality of education is well entrenched in South Africa and internationally (Myende et al., 2020; Shokane et al., 2020). When schools and communities work together to support learning, learners tend to earn higher grades, attend school more regularly, stay in school longer, and enrol in higher-level programmes (see Gross et al., 2015; Little, 2021). Community involvement or volunteerism refers to the practice of providing time and skills for the benefit of the community, rather than for financial benefit. It includes establishing participation among schools, local education officials, and community members. There are numerous examples of community projects in South Africa that play an important role to improve education in their areas (e.g., Poole, 2017; Romm et al., 2016; Wagner, 2017). Most universities also involve their students in developing education in communities. Such involvement has been successful in establishing libraries, providing centres where learners can get assistance with homework, collecting school uniforms, and providing support for poor learners. In some centres, reading clubs have been established. These reading clubs follow a basic programme of songs and games, storytelling, reading and writing, and drama and poetry in the mother tongue and English. The aim of these reading clubs is to enhance literacy and to create environments that motivate children to read and write, affirm their identities, and give them a sense of belonging.

(d) School contributions The classroom atmosphere, the general school climate and educational policy, as well as the school infrastructure and school violence, may affect children's achievement motivation.

(i) Classroom atmosphere Classrooms differ greatly in the kind of emotional environment they offer. Classroom atmosphere or climate, sometimes called learning environment, environment reflects the general attitudes, social and emotional responses, and perceptions of the individuals in the class (see Adelman et al., 2020). Many factors affect classroom climate, including the characteristics of the learners (e.g., self-regulation skills, attention abilities, attitudes, and academic engagement), teacher characteristics (e.g., levels of warmth and supportiveness, friendliness, expectations and effectiveness of direction and feedback, good classroom 346 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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management, and teaching skills), and even the physical arrangement of the classroom. A positive classroom climate is associated with higher learner motivation and achievement.

(ii) School climate and educational policy The overall school climate and educational policy may influence the learners' and the teachers' beliefs, goals, attitudes, and behaviours. For example, a focus on performance goals (e.g., external rewards) rather than on learning goals may turn classrooms into competitive places where learners try to outdo one another to earn the best marks and teacher recognition. This defeats the goal of schools, which is to improve children's learning. Schools may serve their learners better by focusing more on the process of learning. For example, positive feedback, such as recognition of effort and improvement coupled with instruction that encourages mastery, produces a school-wide learning orientation. The educational policy may have a marked effect on children's academic motivation directly, as well as indirectly (see Kyriakides et al., 2018). On a direct level, the type of system or orientation followed could affect how children are taught and how they learn. On an indirect level, children are affected by the teacher's commitment to, understanding of, and ability to implement the specific orientation. As noted elsewhere, although some advances have been made in South Africa, the education system and educational outcome still face many challenges and urgently require further improvement (Amnesty International South Africa, 2020) This is reflected by elevated school dropout rates and suboptimal annual pass rates in the various grades (Maarman et al., 2017; Stats SA, 2017). Children from diverse backgrounds come to school with different experiences, and schools are struggling to meet their different educational needs (Chikovore et al., 2012). In a South African study done in township schools, it was confirmed that, when provided with contextually relevant education, learners are equipped with knowledge, skills, and values that they can apply in their lives (Mavuru et al., 2020). When teachers are sensitive to learners' cultural norms and values, learners tend to engage meaningfully with the tasks, and ultimately, learner performance improves. It is also hypothesised that the persistently poor performance in science in South Africa could be due to foreign classroom contexts, which do not reflect the experiences of learners (Msimanga et al., 2014). In the same light, some researchers contend that the poor performance of learners in South Africa reflects the continued use of an instructional model that emphasises school-based learning with abstract outcomes (e.g., Chikovore et al., 2013; Muthivhi, 2010). This also implies that learners are evaluated based on constructs and concepts that ignore what children know and learn outside the school environment. Much attention centres on improving achievement rates within a framework where knowledge is largely objective or external. Therefore, a potential mismatch may occur between what children learn inside and outside of formal schooling (Lewin et al., 2018; Singal et al., 2011). For example, the philosophical foundation of formal education in South Africa is based on the ethos (philosophy) of individual learning. Although this may be beneficial to children from individualistic societies, children from societies that are more collectivist may fail to flourish, since they are motivated differently (see Kunwar, 2020). Another source of potential mismatch is the medium of instruction. Many children are taught in a language other than their home language, which affects their performance (Eloff, 2019; Van Staden, 347 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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2016). In other instances, indigenous languages are not developed for formal learning purposes. The situation is worsened by the fact that many South African teachers are also not fluent in English (Maluleke, 2019; Manten et al., 2020). In addition, many parents have only a very basic knowledge of English and cannot assist their children with their homework, while children who come from impoverished homes do not have access to the resources required by the schools and that are important for educational success. In turn, these factors can lead to a negative attitude towards school, which could affect their achievement motivation. Many educators adopt a 'deficit perspective', often blaming children and their families for poor performance (Oxford Reference, 2021). However, teachers are rarely trained to embrace diversity or to vary learning techniques. Chikovore and his colleagues (2012, p. 304) argue, "to recognise the positive aspects inherent in students' cultural and home environments, such as the richness in children's home languages, and not consider these as deficits, then more children would be seen in a more positive light. Consequently, the children may themselves become more receptive to learning." The researchers acknowledge that, in practice, it is difficult for teachers to replicate learning opportunities from non-school settings (e.g., the home/cultural environment) successfully and effectively into formal settings (i.e., the school environment) but indicate that some aspects of children's everyday lives could be incorporated. For example, by using traditional folk tales, culturally related games, daily chores, and activities in open environments, a variety of concepts and skills can be taught.

(iii) School infrastructure According to the South African Constitution and international human rights obligations, children have the right to quality education, including schools where learners are safe to learn and have adequate infrastructure and facilities to do so. Sadly, a recent report by Amnesty International South Africa (2020) highlighted the poor infrastructure of some

The educational facilities for some South African children leave much to be desired

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public schools in South Africa, especially in rural areas. This includes hazardous and poorly maintained buildings, and poor or non-existent basic facilities. For example, many schools are built from inappropriate materials that are unsafe and unhygienic. Sanitation facilities are either badly maintained, broken, or non-existent, while water supply is inadequate. Some schools have no electricity and no perimeter fencing to ensure safety for teachers and learners, while lack of security exacerbates problems of vandalism and burglary. Many classrooms are overcrowded (exceeding the ratio of 1:35; in some instances, even double this figure) and lack basic equipment and materials such as furniture and textbooks. According to statistics of the Department of Basic Education, many schools do not have libraries, laboratories, or internet facilities. Some even lack sports facilities. The Amnesty International South Africa report conclude that poor infrastructure compromises not only learners' education, but also their health, privacy, dignity, and safety, and has consequences for the life chances of thousands of young people and the future of the country. In addition, it perpetuates the inequality in the South African education system.

(iv) School violence A safe school environment is central to learners' academic performance and holistic development. However, as in many other countries, many South African schools are plagued by violent behaviour. School violence refers to any act of violence that takes place inside an educational institution, when travelling to and from school, or a school-related event, or during such an event. Acts of violence take the form of learner-on-learner, learneron-educator, and educator-on-learner aggression (Centre for Justice and Crime Prevention, 2016). This violence may involve physical acts (such as shootings, stabbings, punches, bullying, hairpulling, corporal punishment, sexual aggression, theft, and vandalism) and non-physical acts (such as verbal bullying, name-calling, demeaning comments, and cyberbullying) or any other behaviour that causes victims to fear for their own safety or the safety of others. Although not all victims of violence suffer physical or psychological harm, some victims of violence may develop an array of psychological problems such as depression, fear, anxiety, low self-esteem, poor academic achievement, and even suicide. They may dislike school and are therefore frequently absent. It also has a significant effect on the quality of schooling and harmonious relationships at the school and severely disrupts the normal functioning of the schooling system (see Kreifels et al., 2021; Singh et al., 2014). Especially perturbing is that many children who experience or commit violent acts at school also experience violence at home and in their communities. This triangle has become a norm in certain areas, a norm they internalise — with a devastating effect on themselves and the community, as is evident in the high rate of violence in the country (see also Ngubane et al., 2019). (Some of the forms of violence will be discussed in more detail in other sections of this book).

5.2.4.4 Homeschooling Homeschooling or home education is a programme alternative to attending public or independent (private) schools where a parent of a learner of compulsory school-going age may provide for their own child or children at home (Department of Basic Education, 349 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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2019). A purposeful programme of education is followed and supervised by the parents (or a tutor), primarily in the home and must meet certain requirements for registration. Homeschooling in South Africa was legalised in 1996. This has paved the way for the formation of a variety of formal and informal homeschooling organisations to support the needs of homeschooling families (South African Homeschooling, 2014). The numbers of children being home-schooled almost tripled from approximately 11 000 in 2009 to 32 000 in 2017 (Stats SA, 2010, 2018). Parents choose this option for a variety of reasons (e.g., Dlamini, 2018): • Dissatisfaction with the educational system, teaching standard, or options available in traditional schooling. • Opposing religious, moral, or educational philosophies. • Children are not progressing within the traditional school structure. • Special needs or gifted children are not getting the attention they need, • Creativity is undermined. • Children are unhappy at school. • Concerns about safety, violence, hostility, and racism. • Poor discipline structures. • Overcrowded classrooms. • Undesirable social groups and peer pressure. • Financial considerations. Parents have the freedom to select a curriculum (see Erwee, 2021). Some parents use a formal curriculum, while others combine curricula appropriate to their children's needs and learning styles. Apart from the variety of homeschooling options available, the use of computer technology connects parents and children to countless support systems such as websites, homeschooling publishers, and online educational resources, with which they augment standard and more traditional educational resources. Support is also derived from WhatsApp groups, expos, workshops, library groups, websites, homeschool events, and excursions. Some of the challenges that homeschooling parents encounter are the following (Steytler, 2019): • Time-management, including preparation for children's lessons. • Concerns about their knowledge of subject content and the effectiveness of their teaching strategies. • Feeling pressured to ensure their children reach a certain academic standard. • Finding it difficult to maintain a balance between their roles as parent and as instructor. • It may be difficult for parents to identify learning problems or learning disabilities as there are no peer learners for comparison. Some of the advantages of homeschooling are the following (e.g., Schoonwinkel, 2021): • It may strengthen family bonds. 350 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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• Children learn at their own pace — either at a slower, or a more advanced pace. • Learning is individualised to suit the child's needs, abilities, and interests. • It affords parents and learners flexibility — it allows children to study at times of the day that work best for them, both in terms when they are more alert and in terms of their sporting or cultural commitments. • Differential approaches to teaching are designed to accommodate the child's learning styles, including fun and hands-on activities. • Home-schooled children experience emotional benefits such as increased confidence, self-regulation, and responsibility. • Without the pressure to conform to peers, home-schooled children are free to become their true selves and to develop friendships based on a desire to be with other people rather than on convenience or proximity. • Contrary to the popular myth that children's socialisation is compromised, this is not the case. Home-schooled children interact with others regularly through a variety of activities such as sports and cultural activities, events, and field trips organised by homeschooling groups. The overarching philosophy of homeschooling is that education is much more than academic achievement and good test scores; it involves equipping one's children to succeed in life and developing good character traits. It is believed parents know their children's uniqueness more intimately than any teacher or other expert and are therefore in a better position to educate their children (Erwee, 2021). Homeschooling parents come from every race, ethnicity, socio-economic class, educational background, and belief (or non-belief) system. Contrary to popular belief, their intention is not to keep their children from the 'broader society', but to equip them to survive in it, by giving their children the world, with all its diversity, as their classroom. Most homeschooling parents make sure that their children mix not only with other children, but with all people of all ages and from all walks of life. They help them to develop a healthy self-esteem and to respect others who are different from them, physically, politically, spiritually, or ideologically (see Starting Homeschooling, 2017). However, it should be acknowledged that homeschooling is not suitable for all families (see Brynard, 2007). Many parents feel that they would rather concentrate on their primary role of parenting, while many children prefer to interact with their friends at school. For some, the aspect of socialising, the influence of peer group pressure and competitiveness may be regarded as beneficial to develop life skills, since children learn to handle themselves in various situations. Some believe that children's exposure to a variety of teaching styles, teachers, and forms of discipline and concepts of Homeschooling can be beneficial for parents and children, but is not suitable for all families

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fairness prepares them for similar situations in life. Furthermore, it should be noted that children whose behaviour makes them unsuitable for attending public or private schools may require professional services such as psychotherapy or occupational therapy; home schooling as such will not make their behaviour more acceptable.

5.2.4.5 Information communication technology

Information communication technologies provide children with valuable learning opportunities

During middle childhood, information communication technology (ICT) becomes increasingly important in children's lives. The term ICT refers to any technology that has to do with information and communication. It not only includes digital tools such as cell phones, computers and computer-related products that can have access to the Internet (e.g., web resources, e-learning technologies, and multimedia programmes) but also incorporates earlier media such as chalkboards, textbooks, radio, and television. These technologies give children access to valuable learning tools and applications (apps) and can enhance children's cognitive development and learning in the following ways (see Fomunyam, 2019; Joubert, 2021; Munje et al., 2020): • E-learning or online learning becomes possible. Learning with the aid of electronic devices is becoming increasingly popular, especially during unprecedented events because it opens opportunities for schools to ensure that learners have access to curriculum materials not only in the classroom, but also outside the classroom such as at home or in a hospital. (See Box 5.2 on digital learning during the COVID-19 pandemic.) • ICT brings inclusion. Learners with special needs, such as desiring information that is more advanced or needing more time to learn, have access to tools and 352 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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• • •

•

•

• • •

resources. Therefore, it caters for opportunities for different styles of learning. In addition, having these technologies in the classroom closes the gap between children who are exposed to these technologies at home, and those who are not. It also has the potential to improve learner achievement, especially in low socioeconomic situations where learner achievement is more likely to be below expectations. ICT promotes higher-order thinking skills such as planning, monitoring, reflecting, and analysing. ICT enhances subject learning such as literacy and numeracy and assists with homework and school projects. ICT can be utilised to spark creativity in learners. Learners with a lack of resources at home can be exposed to music, dance, drama, art, and photography using quality apps in the classroom. ICT motivates learning. Generally, children are fascinated by technology, which motivates them to learn. Therefore, learning becomes fun and enjoyable. Because of this increased engagement, they will be able to retain knowledge more effectively and efficiently. ICT establishes a more active collaboration of learners and an interactive and conversational approach to teachers (i.e., teachers are central to learning, and learners play an active role). It promotes new learning experiences, deep processing of ideas, and increased learner interaction with the subject matter. ICTs foster the acquisition of technical knowledge needed for developing skills in the 21st century. The Internet is unlike every other medium in terms of the symbol systems it uses and incorporates all the symbolic features of other media; for instance, text (as in the printed media), audio (radio), audio-visual representations (television), and interactive audio and video (computer and video games). Computer use, such as word processing, well-designed games, and age-appropriate Internet activities, is related positively to academic achievement. It is likely to enhance spatial representational skills because the Internet allows for complex forms of linking across several websites and pages within websites. Therefore, it may help primary school children master certain cognitive skills, as well as the integration of these skills and ICT in children' children's lives may reinforce everyday learning.

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Sadly, however, despite the strategy of the Department of Basic Education (2014) for implementing ICTs at schools, the majority of schools in South Africa are either underresourced (e.g., lack of computer facilities, lack of teacher training in ICTs) or suffer other contextual problems such as theft and vandalising of computer equipment, lack of funds to purchase data and repair broken equipment, unskilled technicians, and poor network connectivity. This situation deprives learners of opportunities to enhance their cognitive development and learning endeavours (Munje et al., 2020; Paddayachee, 2017).

BOX 5.2. LEARNING, DIGITAL TECHNOLOGY AND THE COVID-19 PANDEMIC The COVID-19 (the novel coronavirus which causes severe respiratory problems) outbreak in 2020 caused a worldwide pandemic, as many deaths were reported. Severe lockdowns ensued and caused havoc on many levels of people's lives. One example is that it brought about a halt to children's learning process. This caused many governments across the world to implement strategies to manage and cope with the crisis. Even though the Department of Basic Education had been implementing digital technology, the process was slow; therefore, the South African education sector was taken by surprise. However, the outbreak of COVID-19 came as a wake-up call in South Africa, for primary, secondary, and tertiary education. Discussions about the use of various technologies became the primary discourse of the education sector. This resulted in the creation of various platforms by several private institutions in partnership with the government to combat the effects of COVID-19 on education. The following platforms were used for primary school learners:

• Virtual platforms such as television (SABC, DSTV, E.TV) and radio (SABC) where teachers could deliver lessons to learners.

• Mobile platforms such as cell phone and computer networks (Vodacom, MTN, Telkom and Cell-C) where learners could access educational and informational websites. The 2Enable App is a freely downloadable educational platform in the indigenous languages of the country. Teachers created lesson plans, activities, and assignments to ensure that learners did not miss out on crucial learning during lockdown.

• Social media applications such as the Internet, Facebook, and Twitter, where teachers in public and private schools offered classes through a live stream. Learners could access this information via cell phone, desktop, or laptop. However, the greatest challenge remained the targeting of learners in the rural areas, especially those without access to the Internet; many learners in these areas could not access the content due to issues of broadband access or network capacity. Mhlanga et al., 2020

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REVIEW THIS SECTION 1. What is academic achievement? 2. How does the transition from home or preschool to primary school affect a child's life? Reflect on your own transition to primary school: What were your reactions, and how did you adjust? 3. Apply Bronfenbrenner's ecological theory discussed in Chapter 1 to indicate how the various systems in the child's life might influence a child's adjustment to the school environment. 4. Discuss the UNICEF (2012a) report regarding the dimensions involved in school readiness: (a) Children's readiness for school; (b) Readiness of schools for children; and (c) Readiness of families for school. 5. Discuss the issue of school readiness assessment in South Africa. What is the current benchmark for school readiness? What may be the reason for the high failure rate amongst school beginners? How did the South African Government try to redress this situation? 6. Why is school readiness such an important factor in a child's academic achievement? 7. Various individual differences affect children's academic achievement in different ways. Discuss how the following forms of intellectual capacity may influence children's academic achievement: (a) Intelligence; (b) Giftedness; (c) Creativity; (d) Intellectual disability; (e) Learning disorders; and (f) Attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder (ADHD). 8. Various individual differences affect children's academic achievement in different ways. Discuss how achievement motivation and learning orientation may influence children's academic achievement. 9. Various sociocultural contexts affect children's academic achievement. Discuss how the following contexts may influence children's academic achievement: (a) Parent contributions; (b) Socio-economic status; (c) Community involvement; and (d) School contributions (such as classroom climate, school climate and educational policy, school infrastructure, and school violence). 10. Discuss the phenomenon of homeschooling on children's academic performance as an alternative to public or independent schooling. 11. Discuss the influence of information communication technology (ICT) on children's academic performance and cognitive development. How did these technologies assist children in their learning during the COVID-19 pandemic? Did all children benefit from this?

5.3 PERSONALITY DEVELOPMENT In the previous chapters, we learnt how dependent new-borns, with a limited emotional repertoire and pressing physical needs, gradually become children with complex feelings and the ability to understand and control them. In addition, children's attempts at self-definition increasingly become more comprehensive when they begin to identify clusters of characteristics to describe themselves. In this section, we shall touch on certain 355 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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personality theories relevant to children in middle childhood, their increasing development of self, and their development in emotional understanding and expression.

5.3.1 Theories of Personality Development Before we begin with this section, page back to Chapters 1, 3 and 4 to refresh your memory on the following theories of personality development: - - - -

The biological perspectives The learning perspectives The ethological perspective Integrated approaches

In addition, we discussed the effect of temperamental and personality traits on children's functioning (see Chapter 3 for the patterns and the dimensions of temperament). Also, turn to Chapter 3 to refresh your memory on the Big Five personality traits: extraversion, negative emotionality and neuroticism, agreeableness, conscientiousness, and openness. Researchers (e.g., Rothbart, 2011, 2019) have proposed how temperament shapes personality. For example, children's temperament may influence how others treat them (an easy child will be treated differently than a difficult child will be), or the type of environment they seek out (e.g., avoiding others or engaging with others). Depending on a child's temperament, some experiences will be more rewarding than others; some experiences will be interpreted or construed differently; self-evaluations will vary; and the ways in which children attempt to shape their environments will vary. The processes through which early temperament shapes personality and adaptation are indicated in Table 5.3. However, as we indicated in Chapter 3, although characteristics of children can evoke responses from people in their environment, thus shaping their personalities, temperament is not destiny; therefore, how parents and others interact with children of any temperament can affect their development (refer to the goodness-of-fit phenomenon discussed in Chapter 3). Furthermore, refresh your memory on the psychoanalytic theories of Freud and Erikson in Chapter 1. Freud believed that children between the ages of 6 and 12 years repress sexual desires in order to concentrate on developing friendships with members of the same gender, as well as learning social and academic skills. Freud called this the latency stage. Erikson, on the other hand, referred to this developmental stage as the industry versus inferiority stage. stage When this psychosocial crisis is resolved successfully, children develop a sense of competence in useful skills and tasks. In all cultures, improved physical and cognitive capacities mean that more and new demands are imposed upon children. In turn, children are generally ready to meet these demands. However, the danger at this stage is inferiority. This is reflected in the pessimism of children who have little confidence in their ability to do things well. This sense of inadequacy may develop when parental attitudes are negative towards children's developing competency, when family life has not prepared children for school life, or when experiences with teachers and peers are so negative that they destroy children's feelings of competence and mastery. Developmentally speaking, just what is competence? Competence is defined as the 356 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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Table 5.3. Processes through which temperament shapes personality and adaptation PROCESS

DEFINITION

EXAMPLE

Learning process

Temperament shapes the child's experience of classical and operant conditioning.

Children high on openness may find that complex and novel stimuli are reinforcing.

Environmental elicitation

Temperament shapes responses of adults and peers to children.

Children high on extraversion may attract peers to play with them.

Temperament shapes the ways in

Social and temporal which children evaluate themselves relative to others and to themselves comparisons

across time.

Children high on neuroticism may wrongly view themselves as inadequate relative to their peers.

Environmental selection

Temperament shapes children's choices about their everyday environment.

Children high on conscientiousness may pursue challenging activities.

Environmental manipulation

Temperament shapes the ways in which children alter, modify, and manipulate their environment.

Children high on extraversion may persuade other children actively to choose them as leaders of school groups.

Temperament shapes the ways in which children interpret and construe the environment and their experiences.

Children low on agreeableness may interpret requests from adults as hostile impositions on their freedom.

Environment construal From: Caspi et al. (2006)

ability to exert control over one's life, to cope with specific problems effectively, and to make changes to one's behaviour and one's environment, as opposed to the ability to merely adjust or adapt to circumstances as they are (APA, 2020). During middle childhood, children generally develop their sense of competence in the following four basic areas (Hughes, 2002): • Adjusting to school. Adjustment to the school milieu is children's first real test of how well they fit in with social structures and expectations. School adjustment requires that they sort out intrinsic and extrinsic motivators, become comfortable with expressing opinions, develop self-esteem, understand the norms of social conduct at school, and develop the various social relationships necessary for successful adjustment. • Establishing peer relationships. Developing good peer relationships during middle childhood is an important task and is a strong predictor of competence later in life. • Learning to play by the rules. Rule-abiding behaviour as opposed to rule-breaking behaviour during middle childhood often predicts future social competence, as well as children's ability to establish competence. • Achieving academically. The ability to perform academically affects children's perceptions of their competence, which in turn affect achievement levels. Which factors contribute to a sense of industry and competence in middle childhood? 357 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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It seems that a positive but realistic self-concept, pride in accomplishment, prosocial, moral and value frameworks, moral responsibility, the ability to regulate emotions, and relationships that foster all of the above, are paramount to good social and emotional development during middle childhood. These issues will be explored in more detail in this chapter.

5.3.2 Self-concept, Self-esteem, and Self-efficacy As mentioned before (see Chapters 3 and 4), self-concept refers to the set of attributes (or qualities), abilities, attitudes, and values that individuals use to define who they are. In other words, the answers to the question, "Who am I?" describe self-concept. Several important developments in self-concept and thus self-understanding take place in middle childhood. While younger children describe themselves in very concrete and external terms (e.g., "I am a girl and I have blonde hair"), children now develop a much more refined self-concept. They include not only external characteristics, but also internal characteristics and social aspects in their self-description, which have a major influence on their self-concept. They now begin to (see Lightfoot et al., 2018): - - - -

describe themselves in terms of psychological traits compare their own characteristics with those of their peers speculate about the causes of their own strengths and weaknesses see themselves and situations from others' perspective Consider an 11-year-old's description of herself: My name is Christine. I am a girl. I'm not pretty but I'm friendly and an honest person. I am a little short for my age. I do not do well in sports and I play the piano only so-so. My schoolwork is good, and I feel proud about that. I know a lot of boys and girls. Some like me, some don't. I used to lose my temper, but I'm better about that now.

Notice that this girl includes social aspects (i.e., reference to friends), personality traits (friendly and honest) and both positive (e.g., good at schoolwork) and negative attributes (e.g., does not do well in sport). Children's self-descriptions become increasingly differentiated (they are good at some things, bad at others, and only average at others) and are therefore less inclined to describe themselves in unrealistically positive, all-ornone ways. A major reason for this shift towards more differentiation in self-description is that children in middle childhood often make social comparisons; that is, they judge their appearance, abilities, and behaviour in relation to those of others. At this point in their development, children are more likely to distinguish themselves from others in comparative rather than in absolute terms. This means that they are more likely to think about what they can do in comparison with others (e.g., "I sing the best in my class"), rather than only about what they can do or not do, (e.g., "I can sing"). This developmental shift provides an increased tendency to establish one's differentiation from others as an individual. 358 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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I am the strongest boy in my class

Which factors are responsible for these shifts in self-concept? It seems that cognitive development affects the changing structure as well as the content of the self. The structure of the self-concept refers to children's cognitive ability to combine typical experiences and behaviours into psychological dispositions or characteristics (e.g., at the age of four, Tumelo says, "I can help my mom fold the laundry." At about the age of eight, he will begin to mention personality traits such as "I am helpful and responsible"). Regarding the content of the self-concept, both cognitive capacities and social feedback play a role. Children's improved perspective-taking skills (an ability to infer what other people are thinking) are important for the development of a self-concept based on personality traits. This means that, as children become increasingly better at 'reading' the messages they receive from others, they form an ideal self (a concept of what they would like to be) that they use to evaluate the real self (a concept of who they really are; how they think, and how they feel, look, and act). The ideal self includes many of the norms they have learnt (e.g., what required behaviour is), and it helps children to control their impulses so that they may be regarded as the good persons they would like to be. A minimum difference perceived between the ideal self and the real self results in a healthy selfconcept (Muñoz-Villena, 2020). However, a large discrepancy between the real self and the ideal self (such as a parent expecting high academic achievement while the child may only perform moderately) may seriously undermine the self-concept, leading to sadness, hopelessness, and depression. During middle childhood, children look to more people for information about themselves as they enter a wider range of settings at school and in the community. This is reflected in children's reference to social groups in their self-description (e.g., "I am a Boy Scout" [referring to his social group], "I am a Grey boy" [referring to the name of his school], "I am a Xhosa" [referring to his ethnic group]). Although peers become increasingly important, parents remain influential as children's sources of self-definition. As mentioned in Chapter 4, self-esteem is an aspect of the self-concept that 359 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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involves individuals' judgements about their own worth and the feelings associated with those judgements. Therefore, self-esteem plays a significant role in a child's development and well-being. As children move into middle childhood, they receive much more feedback about their performance in different activities compared with that of younger children. Therefore, self-esteem differentiates and becomes more realistic. During middle childhood, children develop quite separate judgements about academic and sport skills, physical appearance, social acceptance, friendships, and relationships with parents (see Figure 5.2: The structure of self-esteem in middle childhood). These separate self-evaluations are combined into a general psychological image of themselves, usually referred to as self-esteem. Figure 5.2. The structure of self-esteem in middle childhood

However, the separate self-esteems do not contribute equally to the general selfesteem. It all depends on how much each of the separate self-esteems means to the child. For some children, an academic self-esteem is the most important, while for others, social or physical/athletic competence will be important. Therefore, for example, it does not mean that children who are not good at sport will have a low self-esteem. These children will only have a low self-esteem in this area if this is a competence valued highly not only by themselves but also by their families. As stated earlier, a large discrepancy between the ideal self and real self may lead to low self-esteem. A concept related to self-esteem is self-efficacy self-efficacy. This refers to people's beliefs about their capabilities to perform well, and the confidence they have in being able to control events in a given situation (APA, 2020; Bandura, 1997; also see Chapter 1). While selfesteem relates to a person's global self-worth, self-efficacy relates to people's perceptions of their ability to reach a specific goal. Children evaluate the effectiveness of their own actions in specific contexts, compare it with the actions of others, and receive messages from others about the degree to which their behaviour meets certain standards (e.g., being selected or not for the school's swimming gala). Children who believe they are competent (even if they are not) develop feelings of positive self-efficacy and behave effectively. Conversely, when self-efficacy is poor, children tend to behave ineffectively, regardless of 360 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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their actual abilities. The development of self-efficacy begins early, when infants learn that they can exert influence on their environment (e.g., if they smile, parents will smile back). Initially, parents, caregivers and other family members provide children with feedback on their effectiveness. When they reach school age, the school environment provides valuable feedback in forming their self-efficacy. Children learn through daily experiences with peers and teachers that they are good at some things, and not so good at others. Why do some children develop higher self-concept, self-esteem, and self-efficacy than others do? Several influences stand out (Harter, 2012; Sigelman et al., 2018): ► Genetics lay the foundation for the three self-traits (Shikishima, 2018). For example, the inherited chances that a parent with a low self-esteem will also have a child with low self-esteem is higher than that of a parent with a high self-esteem. However, as emphasised before, one does not have to be a victim of one's genetic makeup. Many environmental and personal factors can play a role in the extent to which these characteristics will be manifested (exhibited), if at all. ► Children who display more competence and thus experience greater success than others do usually have a higher level of these self-traits. For example, excelling in maths or running faster than your peers tells you that you are exceptional in these areas. In turn, this enhances your self-traits in those and often other areas. ► The home environment significantly predicts self-esteem as children grow up (Orth, 2018). Children with high self-esteem tend to be securely attached to parents who are warm and democratic. These parents frequently communicate approval and acceptance. ► Social feedback refers to comments from teachers, peers, and others regarding aspects of one's performance or general behaviour. Social feedback is one of the most powerful influences on learning and achievement, but this influence can be either positive or negative (Brooks et al., 2019). For example, feedback from teachers can affect the acceptance of children by their peers (Wullschleger et al., 2020). ► Mental health disorders such as depression and anxiety often go hand in hand with a person's self-traits (Nguyen et al., 2019, Park et al.; 2017). For example, not only can a low self-concept cause depression/anxiety (these conditions mostly co-occur), but depression/anxiety can also generate a low self-concept. Children's self-traits can be enhanced in the following ways (see Kennedy-Moore, 2019; Sadock, 2019): • Identify areas of competence. Intervention should target the causes of low selfesteem. Children have the highest self-esteem when they perform competently in areas that are important to them. Therefore, children should be encouraged to identify and value areas of competence. In the same vein, low self-esteem should be identified, and intervention should target the causes of low self-esteem. • Help children achieve. Achievement may also improve children's self-esteem and self-efficacy. For example, teaching them skills often results in increased achievement 361 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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•

• •

• •

•

and thus, in enhanced self-esteem, and self-efficacy. Therefore, children develop higher self-esteem because they know how to achieve tasks put to them — and higher self-esteem and self-efficacy can help fuel future achievements. Help children cope. Self-esteem and self-efficacy are often increased when children face a problem and try to cope with it, rather than avoid it. If coping rather than avoidance prevails, children often face problems realistically, honestly, and nondefensively. This produces favourable self-evaluative thoughts, which lead to the selfgenerated approval that raises self-esteem and self-efficacy. Provide emotional support. Warm, positive parenting, as provided by the authoritative parenting style, assures children that they are accepted and worthwhile. Help your children feel that they are needed and play an important role in the family. Taking your child's age in account, ask and expect some help with the family chores such as feeding pets, setting the table, cleaning the car etc. Make sure your children' children's goals are within reach; that is, at a level appropriate for their ability and age. If not, it could have a negative influence on their self-traits. Teach your child that mistakes are acceptable and are learning experiences. When your child knows that everybody fails sometimes, that failing is therefore acceptable, and that there are solutions to mistakes, it can help build self-esteem. Praise your child' child's approach and efforts — not only the result. Rather than focusing on the result, praise how your child went about to achieve it. By acknowledging the approach children take to tackle challenges, you help them learn that they are capable of overcoming obstacles. However, parents and caregivers should avoid the following:

-

-

-

- -

Do not be untruthful. It is essential that boosting your children must be realistic. Avoid lying to your children about their skills to enhance their self-traits. Never underestimate your children; they will know what the real situation is. In the process, you could also put your credibility on the line. Instead of creating a false world for your children, rather reassure them that they are special in every way and that your love is unconditional. Assure them that it is fine not to be able to do everything perfectly. Tell them that some things take repeated effort and sometimes it is fine to move on after you have given your best effort. Do not allow praise to exceed limits. Even though your child has special skills, be careful not to install the belief that they are the proverbial 'God's gift to man'. Children with highly inflated self-esteem often have serious adjustment problems, especially because they believe they are superior and better than other children. Do not compare your children with their peers, and especially brothers and sisters, in a way that suggests they are not as good. Do not give the impression that it is too much effort for you to give them your time, for example by frowning, sighing, or displaying negative body language. Similarly, constant nagging can also give the impression that you are not happy with who they are.

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As we have indicated in the previous chapter, young children generally have a positive opinion of their physical, social, and cognitive abilities. Over the school years, children's self-assessments become more realistic. However, children by their very nature seem to overestimate their abilities and due to their natural curiosity are often vulnerable to falls, burns and drowning. Therefore, parents must guide this development by monitoring their children's behaviour, encouraging some activities, discouraging others, and scaffolding others.

5.3.3 Emotional Development In the previous chapter, we learnt how pre-schoolers become more skilled at talking about their own and others' emotions. They also show a growing awareness about controlling and managing emotions to meet social standards. In middle childhood, children's growing cognitive understanding of events and emotions increasingly influences their emotional reactions. Further developmental changes in emotion during middle childhood include the following (see Henderson et al., 2017; Santrock, 2019): ► Improved emotional understanding. Emotional understanding may be defined as children's understanding of the nature, causes, and control/regulation of emotion, or as the way in which children identify, predict, and explain emotion in themselves and others. Children also develop an increased ability to understand complex emotions such as pride and shame. They also start to realise that people do not always show what they feel. Furthermore, they develop an increased understanding of mixed emotions; that is, that more than one emotion can be experienced in the same situation. For example, a child may describe feeling excited to go to a sleepover at a friend's house but also being scared of spending the night away from home. Children's understanding of emotion is an important aspect of cognitive development that has been linked with a variety of outcomes (Sprung et al., 2015). For example, children with good emotional understanding show better academic performance and they are more successful in their social interactions with peers and teachers than children with poor emotional understanding are. ► Increased emotional self-regulation. Emotional self-regulation means that children have developed strategies to soothe themselves and regulate their emotions in accordance with social and situational demands. This means that they not only become aware that they must think before they act, but they also develop an enhanced capacity to suppress or conceal negative emotional reactions. For example, they understand that upon receiving a gift, they should display a smile, irrespective of their actual feelings about the gift. If they can manage the situation well, they develop a sense of emotional self-efficacy, self-efficacy a feeling that they are in control of their emotional experience. These children tend to be happier, more empathic, helpful, and better liked by their peers (Knoetze, 2012). ► Enhanced self-conscious emotions. As discussed in Chapter 3, children are born with primary emotions, also called basic emotions. Although there is disagreement on how many basic emotions there are, happiness, sadness, fear, and anger are 363 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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usually included (Burton 2020; Gu, 2019). As we have seen in Chapter 4, children gradually develop self-conscious emotions such as pride, jealousy, embarrassment, and empathy. To a considerable extent, these emotions are influenced by parental practices and cultural factors and develop in relation to an understanding of rules, standards, and goals. Therefore, self-conscious emotions also serve as a moral guide that motivates prosocial behaviour (Malti et al., 2020). These emotions are referred to as moral emotions. emotions Children's developing emotional skills contribute to their ability to use emotions more 'intelligently'. In this regard, the term emotional intelligence is used. Briefly, emotional intelligence (EI EI or EQ EQ) is the ability to identify and manage one's own emotions, as well as the emotions of others (see Oxford Reference, 2020). Daniel Goldman, the author of Emotional Intelligence (1995), believes that when it comes to predicting an individual's competence, IQ as measured by standardised intelligence tests matters less than emotional intelligence (EQ). According to Goldman, emotional intelligence involves four main areas, namely: • Emotional self-awareness. This refers to the ability to know oneself and understand one's feelings — to know one's strengths and weaknesses. This enables one to recognise one's own emotions, and how they affect one's thoughts and behaviour. • Emotional management. This enables people to separate feelings from actions, to control their emotions and to express them suitably and in the appropriate settings. • Social awareness. This refers to empathy, the ability to understand the emotions, needs and concerns of other people. • Relationship management. This refers to the ability to develop and maintain good relationships, communicate clearly, inspire and influence others, work well in a team, and manage relationship problems. Children who have skills associated with emotional intelligence seem to (De Klerk et al., 2003; Moore, 2020): - - - - - - - -

enjoy better physical health, since intense emotions such as stress may lower the immunity levels; score higher academically, since improved emotional intelligence may help them use their cognitive intellect (IQ) more efficiently; get along better with friends; have fewer behavioural problems and are less prone to acts of violence; show increased respect for the emotions, values, and perceptions of others; have improved self-worth and self-acceptance; make better decisions and show better behaviours involving sex, alcohol, and drugs; and have better survival and coping skills and are therefore more resilient. However, the concept of emotional intelligence has received criticism from several 364

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quarters (e.g., Hembree, 2018; Landy, 2005; Lievens et al., 2017). For example, many psychologists point out that it is not a new concept, as is often claimed: The same viewpoint and perspective have been expressed through other terms and concepts for a long time; Goldman only gave it a striking new name. Critics also state that emotional intelligence measures only conformity to social norms and is not an exceptional individual skill or ability. Other, more fundamental criticisms are also specified. For example, due to different viewpoints, emotional intelligence is not always easy to measure. Furthermore, emotional intelligence is not as easy to acquire and to internalise as it may sound. In fact, the results on the ability of emotional intelligence to predict various forms of performance such as academic and workplace achievement seem to be mixed (Udayar et al., 2020). It is also claimed that the role of variables such as gender and culture in emotional intelligence does not get the attention it deserves. Therefore, further research is needed to clarify these issues. On the other hand, it cannot be denied that children's emotional development plays a significant role in their overall development. During middle childhood, children develop multiple strategies for regulating emotions and managing relationships. The efficiency with which this occurs is influenced by complex interactions among multiple personal and contextual factors. Personal factors include genetic endowment, temperament, cognitive abilities, and self-esteem, and contextual factors include attachment, parenting style, family functioning, and the wider social and cultural environment (see Carr, 2011). Initially, parents or caregivers are the primary role models of ways in which to express and regulate emotions. This means that they have to be aware of their own feelings and ways in which they express and control these emotions. Parents are often advised to show their own positive and negative feelings (see Box 5.3 on the question whether parents should hide negative emotions from children). Parents can also teach emotional skills intentionally. For example, listening, paying attention, and respecting a child's emotions are valuable skills in emotional training. This means that children's feelings are acknowledged, and they are

Parents are the primary role models of ways in which to express and regulate emotions.

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given an opportunity to talk about their feelings. Parents may help children to label or identify the emotion they are experiencing and brainstorm with them possible solutions or ways to deal with negative emotions.

BOX 5.3. SHOULD YOU HIDE NEGATIVE EMOTIONS FROM CHILDREN? "Not in front of the kids" is an age-old view of parents to avoid showing conflict and strong negative emotions around their children. For example, from crying in the bathroom to leaving the house in a rage, many parents do not want their children to see them expressing negative emotions like sadness or anger. Usually, they are worried that such emotions will upset the children or that emotional contagion could take place. (Emotional contagion is the phenomenon when an individual feels and expresses emotions that are similar to those of others.) What does research say in this regard? There are three concepts to consider when it comes to emotional display in front of children: suppression, uncontained expression, and talking about emotions: Suppression of emotion is when one hides the outward signs of an emotion. However, this is usually not effective. Unfortunately, many parents are oblivious of the fact that children, even at a very young age, are very sensitive to their parents' emotions. If parents are upset or in conflict, the child may already have some sense that something is wrong, even if parents are trying to hide it from their children. Children are good at picking up subtle cues from emotions. Like we have said before: Do not underestimate children! Research has also found that when parents feel negative emotions (like anger or resentment) and withhold them from their children, they experience lower relationship quality and diminished responsiveness to their children's needs. Children may also feel excluded and even rejected. On the other hand, uncontained or uncontrolled expression of anger and sadness by the parent is also not beneficial for the child. Uncontained emotion means high-intensity emotion, with no attempts to regulate or control it. Shouting, smashing things, and blaming someone else for one's anger are all examples of this. So, what is the recommended way to act? That would be talking openly about their emotions to their child, especially about the causes of their emotions and how they are trying to deal with emotional coach'. coach In this style of them. Psychologists refer to this as the parent acting as an 'emotional parenting, negative emotions are viewed as an opportunity for children to learn how to deal with their emotions. Research found that young children had a better understanding of emotions, as well as enhanced prosocial behaviour and perspective-taking skills if their mothers had talked to them about their emotions. In fact, the more the mothers had discussed their emotions, the better the outcome was. Some studies indicated that children are more sensitive to their mothers' emotional suppression but less when a father suppresses his emotions. Unfortunately, there is not enough data on fathers and their children in studies on emotion to explain this finding. (However, one could surmise that children are generally more accustomed to their fathers suppressing their emotions than their mothers.) Lambie (2018). Also see Karnilowicz et al. (2018).

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REVIEW THIS SECTION 1. Briefly describe the various personality theories as they relate to personality development in middle childhood. How may temperament affect personality? Describe the processes through which early temperament shapes personality and adaptation. 2. What is meant by the term competence? How is competence linked to the theories of Freud, Erikson, and the Big Five, specifically regarding personality development in middle childhood? How do children develop a sense of competence during middle childhood? Which factors contribute to a sense of industry and competence in middle childhood? 3. Discuss the development of the following self-traits in middle childhood: (a) Self-concept; (b) Self-esteem; and (c) Self-efficacy. 4. Why do some children develop higher self-concept, self-esteem, and self-efficacy than others do? How can parents and caregivers enhance children's self-traits? 5. Discuss the developmental changes in emotion during middle childhood regarding emotional understanding, emotional self-regulation, and self-conscious emotions. 6. What is emotional intelligence? Which four main areas does it involve? Describe the skills of children who exhibit emotional intelligence. Discuss the criticisms of the concept of emotional intelligence. 7. Describe the factors that influence children's emotional development. 8. You are asked to talk to a group of parents about whether parents should hide negative emotions from their children. What would you tell them?

5.4 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT The horizons of children expand dramatically during middle childhood. They are exposed to many new social learning experiences that have a profound effect on their development. We shall discuss the most important facets of social development: the role of the family, peer relationships, media influence, and moral development.

5.4.1 The Role of the Family Children in middle childhood spend much more time away from home than they did in their earlier years. They also spend far less time with their parents. Nevertheless, a child's home is still the place that offers the most security, and the family is still the pivot on which the child's life hinges. Children in middle childhood make huge demands on their parents. Many parents have to transport their children to and from various activities. They have to help their children to plan for the day and the week and to supervise and assist with their homework and school projects. Parents also face new financial pressures: Children's schooling and the consequent broadening of their horizons involve considerable expense — school 367 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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clothes, school fees, sport, cultural and extramural activities, etc. In addition, parents often have to protect the child and must serve as a buffer between the child and the community. They are also responsible for teaching their children moral, religious, and cultural values. They have to instruct them how to behave towards authority, how to handle interpersonal relationships, and how to solve conflicts. Because children's roles change between the ages of 6 and 12 years, parents' roles also change. Children gradually become less dependent on their parents in terms of active help (e.g., with homework, getting dressed, preparation for examinations, and the choice of a best friend). They want more opportunities to make decisions affecting their lives, either jointly with their parents or on their own. They often express dissatisfaction with existing rules regulating playtime and bedtime, and pocket money. They are also better able to compare different aspects of their family life with those of other families. Consequently, children begin to question their parents' decisions (e.g., with whom they may play, where they may go, and why they may not do certain things their friends are allowed to do).

The family remains the pivot on which children' children's lives hinge

5.4.1.1 Parent-child relationship Children's growing independence during middle childhood means that parents must deal with new issues and concerns (Collins et al., 2019). In fact, the central contemporary issue of parenting during this period of rapid and extensive developmental change is how parents adjust their interactions, cognitions, and affectional behaviour most effectively to maintain appropriate degrees of influence and guidance toward greater autonomy (Grusec, 2019). However, it seems that parents who have managed to establish an authoritative 368 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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parenting style during the early years may find parenting somewhat easier. This is due to children's increased cognitive capacity. For example, reasoning that is inherent in the authoritative parenting style works more effectively with children in middle childhood because of their greater capacity for logical thinking. When children demonstrate that they can manage daily activities, effective parents gradually shift control from the adult to the child, but this does not mean that they let go altogether. Instead, parents and children engage in co-regulation co-regulation: Parents are still the main controllers and supervisors but permit children to be in charge of momentby-moment decision-making. Therefore, co-regulation develops from a co-operative relationship between parent and child — one based on give-and-take and mutual respect (see Rosanbalm et al., 2017). For example, parents guide and monitor their children and communicate their expectations effectively. In turn, children inform parents of their whereabouts, activities, and problems, so that parents may intervene when necessary. Co-regulation supports and protects children while preparing them for adolescence; it is a transitional form of supervision to guide them towards a period when they increasingly will be expected to make important decisions themselves.

5.4.1.2 Models of influence in the family In the past, research has focused mainly on the processes that influence children's development. The result was that relatively little attention was given to parents as people in their own right or to the context in which they carry out their parental functions. The role children play in influencing their parents' actions has also been neglected. This onesided approach has changed over the past few years, with a perspective that is now more balanced. Three different models — the parent effects model, the child effects model, and the bi-directional model — represent different ways of thinking about directions of influence in the family (Holden, 2019; Spinrad et al., 2019). ► The parent effects model. This model assumes that influences run one way, from parent to child. The assumption is that the behaviour, parenting style, mood, emotions, and circumstances of a parent may have a major influence on the development of the child. For example, mothers who suffer from depression are often emotionally unresponsive towards their children; family violence and aggression may lead to harsh disciplining methods; parents who experience economic pressures may also experience other stressors such as marital conflict and depression, which in turn make parents more likely to be uninvolved with, or hostile to, their children. None of these behaviours is conducive to children's development. Conversely, parents who are warm, responsive, and supportive towards their children contribute towards their children's positive development. ► The child effects model. This model highlights instances in which children influence their parents rather than vice versa. One example of a child effect is the influence of a child's age and competence on the style of parenting used with that child. For example, infants in their first year of life require and elicit sensitive care, whereas older toddlers tend to elicit more instruction and discipline. As children mature into 369 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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older children and adolescents, parents generally become less restrictive because they assume that children become increasingly capable of making their own choices. Another example of a child effect is that a child's personality or temperament may affect the parents' behaviour. For example, it is possible that easy-going, manageable children could cause their parents to be warm and authoritative. In the same vein, it is possible that difficult and stubborn children could cause their parents to be either authoritarian or rejecting and neglectful. Behaviour problems in children may bring out a negative coercive behaviour pattern in their parents. A coercive behaviour pattern refers to an environment in which family members are locked in power struggles, each trying to control the other through aggressive tactics such as threatening, shouting, and hitting (see Gurney, 2020). This ultimately results in the parent giving in to the child's demands. To complicate matters further, children's behaviour with their parents can be affected by their perceptions of their parents' attitudes toward them. Even if inaccurate, children's perceptions that their parents are negative toward them increase the likelihood that they may also act negatively. Thus, children not only elicit positive and negative behaviours from parents, but also filter and react to parental behaviours based on their own interpretations of those behaviours. ► The bi-directional model. According to this model, parents and children are seen to influence each other reciprocally; they tend to reinforce and perpetuate each other's behaviour. For example, severe antisocial behaviour may result when a child who is genetically predisposed to be aggressive behaves in ways that elicits negative parenting and when this negative parenting, in turn, causes a child to become even more aggressive. When such a destructive family process develops — the child elicits coercive and ineffective parenting from parents while parents elicit antisocial behaviour from the child — it becomes difficult to say who is more influential. According to the bi-directional model, child problems may evolve if the relationship between the parent and child deteriorates as the two interact over time. However, bi-directional interaction may also be a key factor in positive child development. For example, in parent-child relationships that show a pattern of cooperation, positive emotions, harmonious communication, and coordinated behaviour, the parents and children elicit positive behaviour from one another, thus perpetuating and reinforcing continuous positive interactions. Which of these models has the greatest effect? Although child effects and bidirectional models are certainly important, parental effects remain significant. For example, correlations have been indicated between authoritative parenting and children's social responsibility. Also, parental negativity has strong connections with children's internalising behaviour (e.g., anxiety, depression, and withdrawal), while certain parental characteristics (e.g., hostility) have been linked with children's antisocial behaviour (Johnson et al., 2004; also see Dixon-Gordon et al., 2020). Nevertheless, we should not assume, as many of the early child development researchers did, that parents are solely responsible for whether their children turn out 'good' or 'bad'. It is important to remember that the family is a system in which family members influence one another by both their 370 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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genetic endowments and the environments they create for one another (see Umberson et al., 2020). Furthermore, parents are not the only source of influence on children, and as children grow older, they are increasingly subjected to the influence of peers, schools, teachers, and the media. Certain random events — e.g., illness, accident, death, or sudden success — may also alter the trajectory (pathway) of a child's life in ways that have relatively little to do with parenting.

5.4.1.3 Parents' Parents' role in children' children's social development Although children now begin to recognise that others, some outside of the family, serve significant social needs in their lives, parents remain powerful socialisation agents in their children's lives (Collins et al., 2019). Parents typically contribute to their children's socialisation in at least three different ways: ► Parents as direct instructors. Parents are responsible for transmitting values and attitudes — their own and those of the larger culture and community in which they live — to their children. Parents may do this by directly teaching their children the required rules and values, and by informing and advising them explicitly on various issues (Minkov et al., 2018). Another important element of the directive role of parents involves their efforts to scaffold their children's social development. The process of scaffolding includes sensitivity to children's current level of ability, while introducing stepwise training and advice on acquiring new, developmentally appropriate social skills. ► Parents as indirect socialisers. Parents provide indirect socialisation through their own behaviour with and around their children. For example, parent-child attachment and parenting style play a role in children's social competence. It is assumed that, if children experience security in their first social relationships (usually with their parents), they internalise these experiences to develop an internal working model for future relationships. This means that the child's earliest relationships may form the template for this internal model, which could affect future relationships positively or negatively (APA, 2020). Originally, this concept was proposed by John Bowlby (see Chapter 3). An authoritative parenting style (see Baumrind's model Chapter 4), which is characterised by warmth, democratic discipline, and developmentally appropriate setting of limits, seems to play a significant role in the development of social competence from early childhood to adolescence. In addition, through their everyday actions, parents unintentionally demonstrate skills and communicate information and rules. They also act as powerful models to instil attitudes and behaviour, such as understanding and helpfulness, or intolerance and aggression. The direct and indirect pathways of socialisation do not rule each other out (Mastari, 2019) ► Parents as social managers. Parents manage their children's experiences and social lives, including their exposure to various people, activities, and information (Parke et al., 2002). Parents are instrumental in the type of environments they choose for their children, such as the home, neighbourhood, and school. Parents construct 371 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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their home environment in ways that convey parental and societal values, and they orchestrate children's out-of-home activities in ways that will promote their goals for their children's development. The range of choices available to parents is often limited, especially for parents of low socio-economic status. Nevertheless, within this range, children may develop ideas about their parents as powerful and competent adults, as well as about their own significance in their parents' lives based on their parents' ability and willingness to make choices that are advantageous to their children's wellbeing. During middle childhood, parenting from a distance becomes increasingly prominent with children's developing autonomy and involvement in many new social settings (see De Guzman et al., 2018). Parents actively select children's activities, set rules concerning children's companions and whereabouts, and monitor children's behaviour from a distance. This places a new burden on children, who must adjust to new routines and social scripts and to parental expectations regarding conduct. From the discussion above, it is clear that parents act as important socialisation agents in their children's social development. However, one should not dismiss the active role of children. Children not only evoke reactions from others due to their personal characteristics (as previously discussed), but they also increasingly seek opportunities to develop their own niches or suitable places in life. In part, the success of a parent's socialisation efforts is dependent on the child's willingness to be socialised. In addition, the larger social environment in which they function also influences parents' parenting behaviours. For example, parents' beliefs about child development, their attributions about the causes of child behaviours, their cultural norms and values, as well as their circumstances (e.g., stresses from poverty or divorce), will affect their behaviour and, ultimately, the way in which they socialise their children.

5.4.1.4 Discipline Children often do things their parents do not want them to do, ask for something they cannot have, or refuse to obey their parents' requests or demands. Inevitably, parents are faced with the task of controlling their children's behaviour and teaching them to follow basic rules. This process is called discipline and refers to methods of teaching children character, self-control, moral values, and appropriate behaviour. It can be a powerful tool for socialisation with the goal of developing self-discipline. Unfortunately, many parents (and other adults) equate discipline with punishment. Punishment is based on the idea that children need to feel worse or feel pain, shame, or humiliation to learn how to behave (APA, 2017). It does not promote self-discipline; it only stops behaviour for that moment. Therefore, punishment may fulfil a short-term goal but in fact interferes with the accomplishment of the long-term goal of self-control. (See Table 5.4 for the main differences between discipline and punishment.) However, as we shall see later in the discussion, punishment is, in fact, one of the strategies of discipline and can take many forms. Currently, the focus is on positive discipline (Durrant, 2020; Sibanda et al., 2017). The five major characteristics of positive discipline are the following (Nelsen, 2020): 372 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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- - - - -

It is kind, respectful and encouraging, but firm and consistent at the same time. It helps children feel a sense of belonging and significance. It is effective in the long-term. It teaches valuable social and life skills such as respect, concern for others, problemsolving, accountability, contribution, and cooperation. It invites children to discover how capable they are and to use their personal power in constructive ways.

Table 5.4. The difference between discipline and punishment DISCIPLINE

PUNISHMENT

Emphasises what a child should do

Emphasises what a child should not do

Is an ongoing process

Is a once-off occurrence

Sets an example to follow

Insists on obedience

Tends to be self-directed; is about adults' power Is child-directed with the aim to change the child's and creating fear; their release of anger, often behaviour displaced Goal is to enhance positive behaviour

Goal is to eliminate negative behaviour

Views children's need to assert themselves as essential

Views compelling children to behave as essential

Encourages children's ability to think for themselves

Thinks for the child

Encourages self-esteem

Defeats self-esteem

Focus is on encouraging self-disciplined behaviour

Focus is on condemning misbehaviour

Adapted from APA (2017); Vally (2005)

The following are the most important features of positive discipline (Severe, 2000; Watlington, 2005. Also see Brown, 2018): ► Parental behaviours. Parents must provide leadership and be in charge (Fives, 2015). If a parent (or caregiver, or educator) does not take control, the child will. When adults do not provide leadership in a situation, children feel compelled to exert their own strength, which often is expressed in the form of tantrums, whining, or a total disregard for the adult's wishes. The most important part of the disciplining process is the adult's own self-control. This is how they establish their sense of authority and direction. Parents' reactions to children's behaviour should arise from careful thought and planning, and not from emotional or instinctive responses. Therefore, getting involved in power struggles and lashing out by shouting, hitting, and derogatory namecalling only exacerbate problems. Furthermore, parents are powerful models: They cannot expect good behaviour from their children if they behave badly. Parents (and other adults) need to understand that their children's behaviour is often a reflection of their own behaviour. Therefore, positive discipline does not focus on what children do wrong — it focuses on what parents can do differently to induce their children to behave. 373 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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► Establishing rules and setting limits. Children need rules to guide their behaviour. If parents do not set rules and limits or do not communicate these clearly, children do not know what to expect. Having rules and setting limits give children a sense of security, protection, and containment. However, there should not be too many rules or demands. The rules should also be clear, simple, easy to follow and to regulate, and should be reinforced consistently. Some rules are non-negotiable (such as respect towards others and their property, zero tolerance for aggression), while others may be more negotiable (such as giving choices). If parents have too many rules, there are many areas of behaviour they must monitor, making them liable to slip up and forget their own rules. When misbehaviour occurs, parents need to explain the rules and provide good reasons for compliance. A calm, reasoned discussion gives parents an opportunity to express warmth and compassion to the child and an opportunity to demonstrate positive ways to handle conflict. By using inductive techniques such as discussion and explanation, rather than power assertion such as spanking and shouting, parents lay a foundation of love and care and are generally respected by their children, because children feel they are being respected. Moreover, inductive techniques seem to enhance moral behaviour. Rules and requests should also be related to the child's age. As children mature, parents and children should have cooperative discussions about rules and limits. The two sides should listen to each other's concerns, and parents should give children and adolescents room to negotiate rules appropriate for their level of maturity and responsibility. In this way, children will learn to control their own behaviour. ► Offering choices. Allowing children to make age-appropriate choices empowers them and gives them some control over their lives. However, when making a choice, they often must give up something (e.g., "Share with your sister or leave the room"). Therefore, choices must be fair, reasonable, and logically related to the behaviour. Giving choices reduces resentment and defensiveness towards parents and provides the child with an opportunity to take responsibility. For parents, choices also help to establish limits and boundaries: Parents decide the options and present the alternatives that they are prepared to allow. ► Consistency and follow-through. Parents and caregivers need to communicate clearly what the rules are — also what the consequences will be for disobeying (or obeying) them and then enforcing them consistently. If parents follow through with predictable and reliable actions towards their children's behaviour, the results will mostly be effective. If they do not, children learn very quickly not to believe in their parent's authority. Not surprisingly, therefore, the use of idle threats is associated with high levels of disobedience. In addition, fluctuations in discipline (parents are tyrants one day and extremely lax the next), or if some behaviours are punished one day and overlooked the next, children soon learn not to comply with parental requests. Conversely, consistent enforcement of rules is related to high levels of voluntary compliance. Furthermore, following through with logical consequences allows children to experience that there are always consequences to behaviour and to the choices they make. Protecting children from experiencing the consequences of their behaviour will interfere with the development of self-discipline. Children learn important information about themselves and their relationships with other people 374 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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when they can experience the consequences of their actions. In time, children will learn to make better decisions and choose responsible behaviour. ► Positive feedback. Consider one child's comment: "When I make a mistake, no one forgets. When I do well, no one sees." Parents (and other adults) are often so focused on children's bad behaviour that they forget to acknowledge their positive efforts. Yet, positive feedback is probably the most powerful and the easiest tool we have to encourage and improve behaviour and build self-esteem. Children believe what people tell them and act the way people expect them to act. If parents focus on positive qualities, they will build stronger qualities: Children tend to repeat behaviour if they receive reinforcement and rewards such as praise and encouragement. Positive feedback encourages children to make good decisions and helps to reduce misbehaviour — when children are busy behaving, they have less time to misbehave. Rewarding good behaviour also helps parents keep a positive focus in their discipline. ► Punishment that teaches. Punishment is a form of discipline — one method of training and controlling. Most often, it is used to get children to stop doing something prohibited, such as hitting another child or to do something they are resisting, such as cleaning their room. Punishment almost invariably involves some negative consequence for the child. This could range from withdrawing privileges or treats, assigning extra chores, sending children to their rooms, timeout (i.e., by removing them from the situation) or grounding them (e.g., prohibiting them from visiting their friends), to more severe forms of verbal scolding, belittling, and corporal punishment, such as beating/hitting. The most controversial of these punishments is corporal punishment. (See Box 5.4 regarding corporal punishment.) However, for punishment to be an effective method of discipline, the following need to be considered: • Punishment should be used properly. Note that the operative word is 'properly'. The most effective punishments — those that produce long-term changes in a child's behaviour without unwanted side-effects — are those used early in some sequence of misbehaviour, with the lowest level of emotion possible and the mildest level of punishment possible. For example, taking a desired toy away when the child first hits a sibling with it, or consistently removing small privileges when a child misbehaves, will produce desired results, especially if the parents are also warm, clear about the rules, and consistent. For example, it will be far less effective to wait until the sibling cries with anguish at being hit or until a teenager has gone off several times without telling the parent where they are going and then for the parent to react with shouting, critical comments, and strong punishment. • Parents usually tend to get back what they put in, also with respect to punishment. Children learn through observation, so they learn the adults' ways of coping with stress as well as from their forms of punishment. For example, shouting at children to get them to stop doing something may bring a brief change in their behaviour, but it also increases the chances that children will shout back on other occasions, shout at other people or do not listen or respond to the parent's shouting. • How parents use any disciplinary tactic is more important than which 375 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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tactic they use. It is best to follow a sequence of steps to try to manage a child's behaviour, i.e., parents must be proactive. For example: - Manage the situation by reducing temptations to misbehave (e.g., engaging a child's help while shopping in a supermarket to reduce the temptation to run around, causing havoc). - Set clear rules and limits (e.g., "Don't run in the supermarket", "Don't ask for toys or sweets"). - Praise good behaviour (e.g., "I see that you are very helpful today"). - Use explanation and reasoning when misbehaviour occurs (for example, why running is not permitted in the supermarket). - If the misbehaviour continues, punishment may be considered, starting with mild forms such as removing privileges, or timeouts. • Offer them opportunities to make amends. Children need to have a feeling of completion and to realise they can make things better even if they have behaved unacceptably. This ties in closely with consequences to follow behaviour (e.g., clean up where they have messed; apologise when they have been rude). Remember that the term discipline refers to techniques to teach children appropriate behaviour. Therefore, the emphasis is on teaching rather than on punishing. Additionally, recognise that there is no technique that works immediately, or all the time with all children. With patience and a calm and positive approach to discipline, parents can set firm limits and help children regulate their behaviour in a way that is appropriate for their age. Apart from letting children know when they are behaving badly or inappropriately, it is also important to let them know when they are behaving appropriately.

This will teach you not to hit somebody!

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BOX 5.4. CORPORAL PUNISHMENT As mentioned earlier in the chapter, corporal or physical punishment is defined as any punishment in which physical force is intended to cause some degree of pain, shame, or humiliation. Examples of such punishment are hitting children with a hand or object, kicking, shaking, or throwing children, scratching, pinching, or pulling their hair, boxing ears, forcing them to stay in uncomfortable positions, locking or tying them up, burning or scalding, or forced ingestion (e.g., washing their mouths out with soap; forcing them to swallow hot spices). In 2019, the South African Constitutional Court confirmed that any form of corporal punishment is unconstitutional — which effectively banned the use of all corporal punishment in the home (Global Initiative to End All Corporal Punishment of Children, 2019). As corporal punishment in the home is powerfully entrenched as a disciplinary tool in South African society, this decision has led to intense controversy. However, South Africa does not stand alone: Worldwide, more than 50 countries have banned parents from using corporal punishment on their children. Some of the most important arguments in favour and against corporal punishment are the following (see Burt et al., 2021; Gershoff, 2016, 2019; Larzelere et al., 2019; Rohner et al., 2019): Arguments in favour of corporal punishment

Arguments against corporal punishment

Corporal punishment, specifically spanking or similar action, may be an effective punishment and deterrent for childish misbehaviour. If children do not respond seriously to verbal warnings or light punishment from teachers or parents, then a short, sharp stimulus, which inflicts pain but no lasting damage, is the last resort to cause the child to associate misbehaviour with punishment — a crucial association in child development. Many parents who spank their children experienced corporal punishment as children, harbour no ill feelings, and have no emotional or other problems.

It is never right to hit a human being and thus also not a child. Even the power of physical punishment to teach a child the difference between right and wrong is dubious; a young child may learn that the adult is displeased, but not why. Spanking will cause a state of extreme distress and confusion, making it less likely that they will analyse their behaviour with clarity. Corporal punishment works against the process of ethical or moral development. It teaches children not to engage in certain behaviours because they will be beaten. In fact, punitive environments foster increased dishonesty, as children tend to conceal their transgressions because of fear.

Corporal punishment should be used as part of a wider strategy and at the correct time: when other immediate discipline has failed; when children understand their behaviour and have had an opportunity to explain it; and after an initial warning and opportunity for children to repent. Crucially, the person delivering the punishment should not be angry at the time. This undermines much of the argument against corporal punishment. Children's emotional reactions to corporal punishment are often determined by the parents' love and caring, as well as whether it is an acceptable form of punishment in the community.

No matter how orderly you make the beating of a child, there are several adverse effects. Firstly, they learn that physical violence is an acceptable factor in human interaction (modelling) — even against someone you care about. They often develop negative feelings towards the adults who administer the beating; they feel humiliated and lose self-respect. Harsh physical punishment is considered a risk factor in children's development and is associated with aggression, delinquency, mental disorders, substance abuse, low academic achievement, adjustment problems, and has a negative effect on brain development.

Research in South Africa has indicated that South African parents of all ethnic groups make use of corporal punishment as a means of discipline (Rohrs, 2018). Clark (2020, p. 359) states the following: "To strike the right balance between discipline and love is one of the constant challenges of parenting. This issue needs further discussion and elaboration for South Africa's diverse communities, with their vastly differing approaches to child rearing and styles of parenting. Conscientious parents need to be reassured, and over-zealous parents educated, in the art of positive parenting."

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5.4.1.5 Sibling relationships As alluded to in Chapters 3 and 4, sibling relationships are different from relationships with parents and peers. Sibling relationships are unique in the following ways (Pike et al., 2005): First, they are emotionally uninhibited, thereby increasing their influence on one another. Second, siblings spend a great deal of time together, and by middle childhood, they spend more time together than with their parents. Third, great variability exists in the degree to which siblings get along with one another. From this, the following types of interactions between siblings can be surmised (see Collins et al., 2019; Kramer et al., 2019): • Sibling relationships in middle childhood become increasingly meaningful, egalitarian, and companionable. • Siblings are important sources of support for children in middle childhood. This is especially true during crisis times. For example, sibling availability and companionship provide emotional reassurance and promote resilience when parents divorce or in the event of a family member's or friend's death. However, a crisis can also drive siblings apart; for example, when they take different sides in their parents' divorce. • Sibling relationships can be challenging for a number of reasons, including the fact that siblings are often left to their own devices to relate to another sibling who may be younger (or older) and may operate on a different level of cognitive, emotional, and social competency. • Sibling rivalry and even bullying tend to increase as children grow older (see Wojciak et al., 2020). Sibling bullying refers to conflictual, competitive, and hostile relationships with siblings. It can stem from the inability to understand the other's state of mind. This may result in rivalry and jealousy, frequent hostile and aggressive behaviour, and low levels of empathy. Sibling bullying seems to be associated significantly with various social, emotional, and mental health difficulties (Toseeb et al., 2020). This includes bullying in peer relationships. Another important fact to remember is that in today's world, there are many types of families; therefore, brothers and sisters come in many different forms: - - -

- -

Traditional siblings are brothers and sisters with the same mother and father. Half siblings share either the same mother or the same father. Stepsiblings are brothers and sisters who are not related biologically, but whose parents are married to each other (e.g., both parents have previously been married to other people). Adopted siblings. Some families may consist of biological siblings, but their parents also adopted another child (or children) for various reasons. Only child. Some children grow up without siblings.

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relationships or in conflictual, rival, or uncaring relationships. However, siblings require a wide range of abilities to create mutual engagement and shared enjoyment, appreciate shared and different views, maintain a positive climate, and manage conflict. Parents are important agents in establishing positive sibling engagement (Collins et al., 2019). For example, siblings whose parents are warm and responsive to each child's specific needs tend to show behaviour A brother-sister selfie. Sibling relationships remain that is more prosocial and less hostile important during middle childhood towards their siblings. On the other hand, parents who show differential treatment to their children, such as comparing siblings' Table 5.5. Competencies for positive sibling relationships COMPETENCY Positive engagement

PARENTAL INVOLVEMENT This involves play, conversation, mutual interest, enjoyment, and fun. Help children identify a set of activities that will accommodate the differing developmental levels of all siblings.

Cohesion

Parents should recognise and value instances of siblings providing help, support, protectiveness, cooperation, loyalty, trust, and pride.

Shared experiences that build support

Help siblings to appreciate their unique knowledge of one another and of their family, and to avoid using such knowledge to disadvantage a sibling.

Social and emotional understanding; perspective taking

This links with the development of theory of mind. Help siblings to identify and respect each other's unique views, needs, goals, and interests.

Regulating emotion

Help children to identify and manage emotions and behaviour in emotionally challenging and frustrating situations.

Controlling behaviour

Help children find ways to refrain from behaviour that their siblings find undesirable or irritating (e.g., bossiness, teasing, embarrassing in front of friends, tagging along, failing to respect personal boundaries and space).

Forming neutral or positive attributions

In ambiguous situations, children may form hostile attributions about the intent of siblings' behaviour; children must learn to check or correct faulty attributions. Family members should clarify intentions and communicate about the effect of others' behaviour.

Conflict management

Conflicts are social problems that can be solved, yet parents need to teach children these methods explicitly. Parental modelling and scaffolding of effective conflict management strategies (e.g., collaborative problem solving, mediation) are essential for the learning process.

Evaluating parental differential treatment practices

Discuss children's perceptions of parental differential treatment that is perceived to be unfair and adjust parental behaviour so that each sibling's unique needs are met.

Adapted from Kramer (2010, 2019)

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traits and accomplishments, giving less parental affection, more disapproval or material affection to a particular child, will result in sibling resentment and hostility. Children who perceive that are treated less positively than their siblings are, may show negative personality adjustment in adolescence. Table 5.5 indicates the various competencies necessary for prosocial sibling relationships and how parents can manage these competencies. What about the only child? Is it harmful to be an only child in the family, in comparison to having siblings? Although siblings may bring many benefits, they are not essential for healthy development. Contrary to popular belief, only children are not necessarily spoilt or narcissistic (Dufner et al., 2020). Instead, they not only are as well-adjusted as other children are but also may be advanced in some other respects (Hartmann, 2019; Newman, 2020). One explanation is that only children not only have more interaction with their parents but also tend to spend more time in the presence of adults. Only children score higher in self-esteem and achievement motivation. Consequently, they do better at school and attain higher levels of education. They are also more creative (Yang et al., 2017). Only children also do not differ from children with siblings in social skills and peer acceptance. However, culture may play a role in how only children are viewed, as sibling relationships in some cultures are crucial in the caring and socialisation process.

REVIEW THIS SECTION 1. Ten-year-old Samantha is described by her teachers as stubborn and difficult. She is disruptive in class, shows poor academic performance, and has no friends. Describe from a parent effects model, a child effects model, and a bi-directional model, the influences that may have contributed to her behaviour. 2. How does the parents' role change during middle childhood? How do parents contribute to children's socialisation process during this stage? 3. A desperate mother of an 8-year-old boy complains to you that her son simply does not listen to her. She shouts and hits him, but to no avail. What advice would you give her regarding disciplining techniques? 4. Describe the differences between discipline and punishment. 5. Describe the characteristics of positive discipline. 6. Discuss the most important features of positive discipline. 7. Can punishment be used to teach a child good behaviour? How can this be achieved? 8. Discuss the controversies surrounding corporal punishment as a disciplinary strategy. 9. Debate the following: "My parents spanked me, and I turned out OK". 10. Discuss the nature of sibling relationships during middle childhood in terms of (a) the uniqueness of sibling relationships; (b) the types of sibling interactions; (c) forms of siblings in the different family types; and (d) factors that could affect sibling interactions 11. Describe the competencies required in sibling relationships and parents' contributions to the development of these competencies. 12. Is it harmful for a child not to have siblings? Will all cultures share the same view? Why or why not? What implications could cultural views have for only children?

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5.4.2 Peer Relationships We have already seen how peer relationships develop during infancy (Chapter 3) and early childhood (Chapter 4). During middle childhood, children become more inclined to interact with other children of the same gender and age. This is attributed largely to the fact that they are now entering school and thus know and associate with many more children than previously. Qualitatively speaking, these interactions are different from child-adult interactions. Children interact with other children for the sake of friendship, affection, and fellowship, while child-adult interaction is more often based on the child's need for protection and care. Children increasingly view their peers as important sources of intimacy and companionship (Collins et al., 2019). Although parents and peers influence children toward similar values and behaviours in most cases, peers also often provide experiences and expectations in areas in which families typically have limited effect. However, for the most part, parental and peer influences are mutual: Families provide children with values and strategies to initiate, maintain, and cooperate within peer relationships, while children often acquire additional knowledge, expectations, and behavioural strategies from their interactions with peers. Children are also more inclined to practise and refine their social skills in interaction with other children, rather than in interaction with adults.

5.4.2.1 The nature and function of the peer group Initially, a peer group functions on a very flexible foundation. Anyone who wants to join a group to play is permitted to do so. Playing is based on what the group feels like playing at that moment. However, during middle childhood, greater solidarity and cohesion develops within the peer group. Amongst other things, this development may be attributed to the increasing conformity of schoolchildren. A peer group in middle childhood is characterised by a relatively stable collection of two or more children who interact with one another, share common norms and goals, and who have achieved a certain social structure of leaders and followers that ensures that group goals will be met. Different statuses are attached to the various roles fulfilled by the members of the peer group. Although not always realised, the peer group plays an extremely important role in children's social development (Little, 2020; Pepler et al., 2018). In fact, most psychologists agree that the peer group often The peer group plays a very important role in children' children's development plays a more important role than the parents do. The most important functions a peer group fulfils are the following (see Bukowski et al., 2019; Selvam, 2017):

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• The peer group provides comradeship, i.e., the child has friends to play with, talk to and with whom to pass the time. The peer group supplies love and affection. This is an important function, especially for children who do not experience much affection or comradeship at home. • The peer group provides opportunities for trying out new behaviours, especially behaviours that adults generally forbid. The peer group also provides opportunities for learning positive social skills, such as cooperation and negotiation. • The peer group facilitates the transfer of knowledge and information, ranging from informal tasks, such as the training of a friend in the use of a computer, to jokes, riddles, superstitions, and games. In this way, most children in middle childhood obtain sexual information from their peers, although such information usually is infused with myths and half-truths. • The peer group teaches its members obedience to rules and regulations. Because children who violate the rules and regulations of the peer group often are punished by the other members of the group (i.e., through unfriendly remarks or even expulsion from the group), children learn that the violation of a rule may have negative consequences and that compliance with rules is rewarded with acceptance by the group. • The peer group helps to reinforce gender roles. During middle childhood, children become very aware of the differences between boys and girls, largely owing to the peer group's influence. The peer group expects each member of the group to conform to the group's norms and standards: Boys must be 'real' boys and girls must be 'real' girls. For instance, a boy regarded as a 'sissy' is unlikely to be accepted by a peer group whose members are proud of their masculinity. Consequently, the pressure exerted by the peer group plays an important part in developing gender roles. • The peer group causes a weakening of the emotional bond between the children and their parents. This is an important step in the development of independence so that children will be able to leave the parents' home without experiencing intense psychological trauma. • The peer group provides its members with experience of relationships in which they can compete with others (their peers) on an equal footing. In the adult world, where children occupy a subservient position and are subjected to their parents' control and prescripts, children do not always have the opportunity to develop and refine their social skills, such as cooperative and mutual understanding, assertiveness, and competitiveness. The situation is quite different in their peer group, which allows them many opportunities for the development of these abilities. However, excessive conformity and attachment to the peer group may be detrimental (Encyclopedia of Children's Health, 2020; Yoon et al., 2019). For instance, it may lead to children participating in undesirable or illegal activities because of peer pressure. Peer pressure refers to the pressure from others in a peer group to conform to the behaviours and attitudes of the group. This may harm, rather than enhance, the development of personality. Furthermore, the attachment to the group may be so strong that the child cannot develop the necessary degree of self-reliance and independence that should be 382 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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achieved by the end of middle childhood. Such a child may still feel threatened and anxious, even as an adult, whenever it becomes necessary to take a stand on an issue, particularly when the standpoint conflicts with that of the group to which the person belongs.

5.4.2.2 Friendships Friendships are crucial to children's healthy development, and a lack of these bonds has been associated with negative outcomes such as loneliness, isolation, and anxiety (Dunn, 2004). During middle childhood, children start developing closer friendships with some members of their peer group. Whereas peer groups provide children with insight into larger social structures, friendships contribute to the development of a deeper sense of trust and sensitivity (Berk, 2019). Friendships can last a lifetime, and its effect is multifaceted and profound. Although the functions of a peer group and friendships overlap to a certain extent, children's friendships can also serve the following functions (Gottman et al., 1986; Santrock, 2019): • Companionship: Friendship provides children with relatively long-term partners and playmates who are willing to spend time with them and join in collaborative activities. • Stimulation: Friendship provides children with interesting information, excitement, and amusement. • Physical support: Friendship provides resources and assistance when needed. • Ego support: Friendship provides the expectations of support, encouragement, and feedback, which helps children maintain an impression of themselves as competent, attractive, and worthwhile individuals. • Social comparison: Friendship provides information about where children stand in relation to others and whether they are doing all right. • Affection and intimacy: Friendship provides children with a warm, close, and trusting relationship with another individual. Intimacy in friendships is characterised by self-disclosure and the sharing of private thoughts. By age 6, children understand that social relationships can increase people's obligations to keep each other's secrets and that failing to do so can harm the relationship. By middle childhood, the chances of secret-keeping increases and coincides with the development of social and cognitive skills, such as children's age and the trust they have in the third party and how they rate and perceive the third party's executive functioning skills (see Gordon et al., 2014). Children's friendships usually progress through stages, as depicted in Table 5.6.

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Table 5.6. The stages of friendship during childhood STAGE Stage one: Before age of 3 years

CHARACTERISTICS OF FRIENDSHIPS During this stage, • children mostly interact and play with members of their own family • parallel play is still present (playing alongside rather than playing with) • the focus is on eliciting attention from adults (peers may be rivals to this)

Stage two: Ages 3 to 6

During this stage, children • change from playing alongside others to playing with them • learn that some games and activities cannot happen unless there is an element of sharing and taking turns • conceptualise friendship as functional (when asked why a particular person is their friend, they will say, "because they live next door", or "they have toys I like") • do not form lasting friendships — friendships are transitory • require alternative means of dealing with conflict, become less egocentric, and possessive of equipment • start realising that the most popular children are those who make positive initiatives, such as, "let's go and play with…" and welcome the company of others and include them in their play

Stage three: Ages 6 to 9

Children begin to understand • that an element of reciprocity is needed to maintain friendships • that friends fulfil practical needs, are helpful, and can be relied upon for assistance • that friends may or may not share similar interests • that friends lend you items you need • that simple aspects of the other person's personality become important • that those regarded well by their peers are those who are friendly or complementary • their actions/comments could affect another's physical or emotional state • that some situations require a 'white lie' and others no comment at all • the concept of a 'best friend'

Stage four: Ages 9-13

During this stage • there is a clear gender split with friendship based on similarity, shared exploration, emotional support and increasing awareness of how they might be viewed by others • children need opportunities to meet people with shared interests and abilities • children learn the importance of self-disclosure and listening • children value mutual sharing of experiences rather than toys • children recognise the thoughts and feelings of others • the power of the peer group becomes greater than the power of friends • children develop more effective conflict resolution/interpersonal skills

Stage five Ages 13 to 18

During this stage • friendships are based on trust • friendship differentiation occurs — different friends for different purposes • higher levels of self-disclosure occur • greater emphasis is placed on mutual or admired aspects of a friend's personality • movement occurs from friendship pairs to groups with shared values • friends provide a sense of personal identity • definitions of friendship become more abstract (e.g., "A friend accepts me for who I am") • more time is spent with friends rather than family

Peterson (2021)

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From the above, it is clear that friendship during middle childhood is no longer just a matter of engaging in each other's activities. Instead, it is a mutually agreed-on relationship in which children like each other's personal qualities and respond to each other's needs and desires. Once a friendship forms, trust becomes a defining feature. Therefore, during middle childhood, friendships become more complex and psychologically based. Because of these features, friendships are more selective during this stage. Children tend to have fewer friends than during pre-school and tend to select friends similar to themselves in age, gender, race, personal characteristics, attitudes, and beliefs. This is called selective association (see Arnett et al., 2019). Although almost all these features have received considerable research attention, cross-racial friendships in childhood have been largely neglected, especially in South Africa. This is especially true Best friends concerning longitudinal research. We do know that most international research findings show that cross-ethnic friendships are less stable than same-racial friendships are (Jugert et al., 2017). However, when members of cross-racial friendships have similar peer reputations, socio-economic backgrounds, and behavioural characteristics, there are no differences in friendship quality between same- and cross-racial friendships. In her research on children's perception of interracial friendships, Pica-Smith (2009) found that children between 10 and 11 years view such relationships as less common, challenging, and more difficult to maintain. However, when they are formed, these friendships are described as important and rewarding. These children also very specifically describe the complex developmental ecology of these relationships; they describe adults' behaviours, the decisions that adults make for children, and the physical and psychological environments that adults help to create for children as extremely important to their ideas of intergroup relationships and racial attitudes. This is becoming increasingly important in a progressively more diverse and multiracial society, where children's interethnic and interracial friendships may become salient to their socialemotional development and cultural competence. The term cultural competence refers to a person's knowledge and comfort with people of different cultural, racial, or ethnic backgrounds (see Pica-Smith, 2011).

5.4.2.3 Play in middle childhood In Chapter 4, we gave an overview of play during early childhood. What is the situation in middle childhood? Just like in the earlier years, play continues to have a significant influence on children's development during middle childhood. Play is a powerful medium through which children 385 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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learn about the world and themselves. More specifically, through play children acquire skills that they will need in future years, such as physical abilities, creative thinking, as well as cognitive, social, and emotional competencies (Schlesinger et al., 2020; Unicef, 2018). Before we start our discussion of play in middle childhood, first study Table 5.7 for a review of the trends in play behaviour through childhood. Table 5.7. Trends in play and appropriate toys and materials for different age groups APPROPRIATE TOYS AND MATERIALS

AGE

TRENDS IN PLAY

Birth to 3 months

Sensorimotor play is focused on seeing, touching, hearing.

Toys should provide varied sensory stimulation: colourful pictures, wallpaper, cot ornaments, mobiles, musical toys, rattles.

Infants can now reach and grasp, therefore sensorimotor play expands to include these motor activities.

Add toys that infants can grab and manipulate with their hands, squeeze, drop, stack and put in their mouths: teething toys, balls, blocks, picture books, and toys with buttons and dials that make sounds and motions.

Walking and climbing extend their motor activities. Symbolic play emerges with make-believe and pretend activities.

Provide riding toys, small climbing structures, push and pull toys, stacking blocks, simple puzzles, sandbox and water toys, dolls, stuffed animals, toy dishes, storybooks.

Sociodramatic play emerges as children play-act roles and characters. Imaginative play is important.

Add props for play-acting such as clothes and costumes for dress-up. Offer art materials for colouring, painting, and moulding. Children enjoy puzzles and simple games, as well as swing sets, climbing structures, tricycles, and small bicycles.

3 to 12 months

1 to 2 years

3 to 5 years

6 to 10 years

11 years and older

Games with structured rules have appeal; also, things that can be collected and Logical rules, reality-based play, physical skills, and sport become organised (cards, action figures, dolls). Children master bicycles, skateboards, more dominant. skipping ropes and sports equipment. Leisure activities are central. Fantasy involves hypothetical and idealistic scenarios. Affiliation with peers is important.

Video and computer games, adventure games, movies, and music are popular. Teenagers tend to focus on a few sports in which they excel.

Adapted from Cook et al. (2010, 2014)

As mentioned earlier, by six years of age, most children have entered the concrete operational stage of cognitive development. As their thought processes become more logical and realistic, fantasy and pretend play give way to seeing the world more realistically. Children start enjoying play activities and games that involve structured rules. Board and counting games such as Monopoly or the indigenous game of Morabaraba (see 386 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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Mosimege, 2020) become more important, and the rules and strategies may occupy them for hours. Although they still enjoy elements of fantasy, the logic in games now becomes the focus of interest. Their developing sense of logic, order, and organisation is also reflected in other aspects of their play: Children in this age group love to collect things such as marbles, beads, cards, stickers, action figures, and photos of actors and sportspersons. Negotiating trades and developing strategies for improving such collections are important exercises in logical thinking. Dancing, clapping, and music games are also enjoyed. For example, in township schools and communities these games are common such as Banyana ke di bom bom, which incorporates clapping and gestures symbolising people (e.g., a smoking gesture represents boys smoking, touching the forehead represents grandpa wearing a cap), tiny, tiny thukutela (i.e., the toy train goes faster which involves slow and fast movements), chocolatey (jumping moves, until someone shouts "stop don't move"), and iskipa sika Jomo (which incorporates pathapatha or touch-touch", a 1950s pair-dancing style and 1090s kwaito rap). These games require creativity and musical linguistic fluency, both to improvise on existing games and to create new ones (Harrop-Allin, 2017). During middle childhood, play also involves improving physical skills. Kicking (a rugby or soccer ball), throwing (a netball), hitting (with a cricket bat or tennis racket), skipping, swimming, climbing trees, riding bicycles, skateboarding, and dancing are examples of skill-based play. Mastery of skills is important to children in this age group, and they often push the limits of their skills to demonstrate their mastery. This is associated with a higher self-esteem (Hands et al., 2020). This may seem complex and dangerous to parents (consider a seven-year-old hanging by the knees from a tree branch), but it impresses peers. Children often demonstrate their skills to establish their positions in peer groups. Many children become involved in organised sport at school such as netball, rugby, and soccer, or extramural activities, such as martial arts and dance. Middle childhood is also the time when many children develop an interest in constructing and building things with basic materials or, if affordable, prefabricated pieces such as LEGO building blocks (Arnett et al., 2019). They are also increasingly exposed to electronic media through interactive electronic games, and the Internet. These devices may influence children not only on a cognitive level (i.e., visual-spatial development, as discussed earlier), but also on a social level (as will be discussed later). As mentioned in previous chapters, the culture and environment in which children grow up will also affect their play behaviour (Orr et al., 2020; Prinsloo et al., 2017). For example, children in war-torn societies are known to play war games; children in areas where many funerals occur tend to engage more in games where funerals play a prominent role. Children in rural areas and children from low socio-economic environments tend to have toys different from children in urban areas or of a higher socio-economic status who have greater accessibility or means to store-bought toys and the electronic media. (See Box 5.5: Masekitlana, a traditional African game.) Often, children in low socio-economic settings or developing societies have much less time to play, as they must engage in domestic chores and child-rearing activities. However, as mentioned in Chapter 4, children need to play, as this is important in all areas of their 387 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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development, but play materials need not be store-bought or expensive. For example, Bartie and her colleagues (2015) investigated the play behaviour of children in a low socio-economic rural community, plagued by adversities such as extreme poverty, crime, and violence. Bartie and her team found that the children in their study did not need expensive toys to be able to play and to find it enticing and meaningful. Children in this community like to play together or near each other. Singing or dancing and the use of familiar equipment found in the environment such as sand, sticks, and stones are used in a highly innovative and joyful way. "Despite spatial limitations and limited resources, the participants experienced play as meaningful and important and made the best of what they had. These children were highly innovative and experienced play in everything they did and were able to experience joy in play by adapting the environment and the resources to fit their purposes." (p. 102).

Children often create their own toys

As mentioned before, parents should also realise that toys should not be bought or provided with the only or main goal to 'develop' or 'educate' their children. Although important, the rewards of play materials and play go beyond these functions. Pure and simple play not only enhances the happiness of children, but also is very rewarding for the parent, and contributes more to the psychological well-being of both children and parents than many parents appreciate. Raising a happy child is just as important, if not more important, than raising an academically successful child, for example. After all, no toy on its own will turn a child into a genius.

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BOX 5.5. MASEKITLANA: A TRADITIONAL AFRICAN GAME Many African children in South African townships and rural areas from disadvantaged families do not have bought toys. They improvise with freely available materials such as sticks, stones, sand, and soil. Masekitlana is a traditional Sotho game that is played mostly in townships and rural areas (Kekae-Moletsane, 2008, also see Joseph et al., 2014; Mosimege, 2020). It is a monologue play, played by one child at a time, alone, or while other children are listening attentively. During play, children usually relate stories about things that worry or excite them, things they imagine, their wishes, things they detest, things about people they detest, or about things around them. Masekitlana does not have specific rules and structure and is not a competitive game. It accommodates all children, including those who are shy and withdrawn. The players can express their feelings and emotions by talking to themselves, even if they are shy and do not want to be listened to. Masekitlana does not require expensive or commercialised material. Players only need two small stones. Masekitlana players hit one stone with the other several times while relating their stories. The pace, frequency, and the way the stone is hit differ. When the players relate stories or events that interest them, they hit the stones softly, at a slow pace and infrequently. They speak softly with a sweet tone, while their facial expressions show happiness. When the players relate aggressive incidents, and sad or depressing stories, they hit the stones very hard, at a fast pace and frequently, while their facial expressions show aggression, anger, or sadness They may shout and scream while talking or vent their emotions by crying. Therefore, the game involves many emotions such as happiness, excitement, anger, sadness, and aggression. The players or storytellers always speak in the third person when telling their stories, thereby distancing themselves from the story. When the storyteller stops relating the story, the listeners start making comments, suggestions, and remarks, or asking questions. If the story was interesting, the usual comments and remarks are, "That was great! What a lucky girl! I wish I had been there." In the case of a sad story, the listeners' comments, questions, or suggestions are, "Poor child! Shame! Where is she now?" In some cases, the children become so emotional that they cry or stop playing without finishing their stories. In such cases, the usual remarks, comments, and questions are, "What happened afterwards? What did he do? Don't worry; he will be safe" and so on. Masekitlana teaches children many things, including the good or bad things that happen around them. It teaches them to be emotionally supportive and helps them realise that they are not the only ones with problems. Masekitlana helps children to develop empathy, listening and communication skills, and lays the foundation for critical thinking and basic problemsolving skills. This game can also be used as a technique in play therapy.

5.4.2.4 Peer acceptance Peer acceptance refers to the degree to which peers socially accept a child. Therefore, it reflects the level of popularity among peers. It differs from friendship in that it is not a 389 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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mutual relationship, but rather a one-sided perspective involving the group's view of an individual. However, some social skills that contribute to friendship also enhance peer acceptance. Therefore, better-accepted children have more friends and better relationships with them. techniques methods for Researchers study peer acceptance through socio-metric techniques, determining who is liked and disliked in a group. Five categories of peer acceptance or social status have been identified (Berk, 2019; also see Rubin et al., 2013; Rytioja et al., 2019): ► Popular children are selected more frequently as 'most liked' than any other group. Most popular children are kind, considerate, control their negative emotions, and are self-confident without being arrogant, although some children are admired (albeit by a relatively small minority) for their socially adept yet belligerent (aggressive, loudmouthed, quarrelsome) behaviour. Therefore, popular children can be typed into two children The large majority categories: popular-prosocial and popular-antisocial children. are popular-prosocial and exhibit a combination of academic, social, and personality competencies. On the other hand, popular-antisocial children are probably liked because some peers perceive their 'tough kids' image as 'cool'. ► Rejected children are least liked by their peers. They show a wide range of negative children show high social behaviours. The largest subgroup, rejected-aggressive children, rates of conflict, hostility, and hyperactive, inattentive, and impulsive behaviour. They also have poor emotion regulation and perspective-taking skills. For example, they tend to interpret even innocent behaviour of their peers as hostile, blame others for their social difficulties, and act on their angry or negative feelings. In comparison with popular-antisocial children, they are much more antagonistic. Rejected-withdrawn children, on the other hand, are passive and socially awkward, overly sensitive children to teasing and are seen by others as easy to push around. Rejected children are excluded by their peers; consequently, their classroom participation and cognitive performance deteriorate, their feelings of loneliness increase, and they want to avoid school. Rejected children have few friends and occasionally none. ► Controversial children display a blend of positive and negative social behaviours. They may be hostile and disruptive, but may also engage in positive, pro-social acts. Even though some peers dislike them, they have qualities that protect them from total exclusion. Consequently, they appear to be relatively happy and comfortable with their peer relationships. However, like their popular-antisocial and rejected-aggressive counterparts, they often display bullying behaviour to stake their claim. ► Neglected children engage in low rates of interaction, tend to be shy, withdrawn, and non-assertive, resulting in their not really being noticed. These children are generally well adjusted and have good social skills. While they are content to play by themselves, they may break away from this pattern if they want to and interact with others, forming stable and positive friendships. Neglected, socially competent children remind us that an outgoing, gregarious personality style is not the only path to emotional well-being. ► Average children, children as the name suggests, are 'average': They are neither in demand by their peers as popular children are, nor as unpopular as rejected children can 390 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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be. They are neither leaders nor followers and do not stand out in terms of their achievements or behaviour. They are somewhat liked by some peers and somewhat disliked by others. However, they are quite happy children: They usually find it easy to make friends and do well at school and in social settings. Peer acceptance is a powerful predictor of psychological adjustment (Maunder et al., 2018). Children who are not accepted by their peers tend to be unhappy, alienated, poorly achieving children with low self-esteem and tend to have a wide range of social and emotional problems. Their continuing problems may result in their dropping out of school and becoming involved in antisocial behaviour. Children who are rejected because of their aggressive behaviour are especially at risk (Sigelman et al., 2018). They are likely to maintain their rejected status from grade to grade and may even become more poorly adjusted because of the experience of being rejected. Research indicates that acceptance by the peer group during childhood can also have long-term effects (Tyler, 2020). Adults who were accepted in childhood have stronger marriages and work relationships, earn more money, and have better health outcomes than those who were unpopular. Unfortunately, those who were unpopular as children, manifest more anxiety, depression, substance use, obesity, physical health problems, and suicide. A significant consequence of unpopularity seems to be that these children are not exposed to opportunities to build their social skills and negotiate complex interactions, thus contributing to their continued unpopularity — a vicious circle. However, intervention strategies involving remedial academic and social skills training may be employed to help unpopular and rejected children. Social skills training and coaching programmes that aim to improve children's interaction skills can improve their acceptance by peers. As you have probably noticed by now, apart from the child's own characteristics (such as shyness, outgoingness, or aggression) that may evoke certain reactions from others, parenting practices may also explain the link between peer acceptance and adjustment. For example, family stress, modelling, insensitive child rearing and harsh discipline may contribute to children's problems in peer relationships. Therefore, parents may also need guidance.

5.4.2.5 Peer victimisation

Bullying can have far-reaching effects on victims and perpetrators — therefore, both need help.

A particularly destructive form of peer interaction that increases during middle childhood is peer victimisation, more popularly called victimisation bullying. Bullying is an ongoing and bullying deliberate misuse of power through repeated verbal, physical and/ or social behaviour that intends to cause physical, social, and/or psychological harm. It can involve an individual or a group misusing their power over one or more persons who

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feel unable to stop it from happening (National Centre Against Bullying, 2021). Bullying has three main features: the misuse of power, it is ongoing, and involves behaviours that can cause harm. Several categories and subcategories of bullying exist. The following four types of bullying are overarching and widely accepted (Victoria State Government, 2019): • Physical bullying. For example, hitting, pushing, shoving, or otherwise physically hurting another person, and damaging, or stealing their belongings. It also includes threats of violence. • Verbal/written bullying. Examples include name-calling, intimidation, or insulting someone about an attribute, quality, or personal characteristic such as race or sexual orientation. • Social bullying (sometimes called relational or emotional bullying). bullying For example, deliberately excluding someone, spreading rumours, sharing information that will have a harmful and humiliating effect on the other person and thus damaging a person's social reputation or social acceptance, as well as negative facial or physical gestures, and menacing or contemptuous looks. Playing nasty jokes to embarrass and humiliate is also included in this category. • Cyberbullying. The growth of technology has opened new typologies of bullying using cyberspace, collectively called 'cyberbullying' (Maunder et al., 2018). This refers to intentional and repeated harm inflicted using computers, cell phones, and other electronic devices (Cyberbullying Research Center, 2021). Cyberbullying can include prank phone calls and texts, abusive messages on social media, nasty gossip or rumours, catfishing (creating a false profile to lure somebody into a relationship), hacking (gaining unauthorised access to data in a system or computer) and computer virus attacks. In traditional bullying, physical and/or psychological strength or power in numbers are important determinants, but these are not prerequisites for cyberbullying. Cyberbullying has unique concerns in that it can be (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 2020): - Persistent. Digital devices offer the ability to immediately and continuously communicate 24 hours a day, so it can be difficult for children experiencing cyberbullying to find relief. In the past, the home might have been a protective space from which to escape school bullying, but cyberspace transcends these geographical boundaries. - Permanent. Most information communicated electronically is permanent and public, if not reported and removed. A negative online reputation, including for those who bully, can impact other areas of life. - Hard to notice. Because teachers and parents may not overhear or see cyberbullying taking place, it is harder to recognise. Bullying has far-reaching consequences for the victims, the bullies, as well as bystanders (American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry, 2021; Edward, 2019; Markkanen et al., 2019): Bullying not only infringes upon the victim's right to human dignity, privacy, freedom, and security, but also influences the child's emotional, social, educational, and physical 392 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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well-being. Emotional problems include depression, suicidal tendencies, social withdrawal, anxiety, and fear. On a social level, withdrawal, isolation, and loneliness may result, while educational problems such as absenteeism, loss of concentration, and deteriorating academic achievement may develop. However, the effects of constantly being bullied are more than just psychological. Recent research shows that there may be physical structural differences in the brain of children who are victimised regularly, and this could increase the chance that they suffer from mental health problems (Quinlan et al., 2018). Physical consequences such as psychosomatic symptoms (e.g., headaches, stomach problems, and bed wetting), loss of appetite, and poor posture are reported often. Concerning the bully, the following problems may develop: Although bullies Gossiping is a form of bullying are often popular in their peer group, they rarely develop lasting friendships. They rarely do well at school and tend to become involved in juvenile crime and other antisocial activities. They also tend to abuse alcohol and drugs more readily during adolescence. As adults, they tend to be antisocial and act bullishly in interpersonal, social, and career relationships, with negative consequences in most life spheres. In addition, they often abuse their own children and marriage or life partners. A third affected party that has been neglected in the past is bystanders (Knauf et al., 2018; Rivers et al., 2009). Bullying frequently occurs in the presence of other children who are merely bystanders or witnesses. Bullying can have significant adverse effects on these bystanders, for example, anxiety, depression, and feelings of inferiority. Why would children take part in this appalling type of behaviour that has such an extensive effect on other children and themselves? Research Bystanders: guilty of bullying or not? has identified several major variables (Swearer et al., 2015; also see Juan et al., 2018; Thomas et al., 2018): 393 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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► Individual characteristics. Bullying has been associated with callous-unemotional traits, impulsivity, antisocial personality tendencies, endorsement of masculine traits, general conduct problems, susceptibility to peer pressure, and underlying anxiety. The social status that bullies often enjoy in their peer group because of their 'tough' image reinforces their antisocial behaviour. ► Family influences. Several family characteristics have been linked to bullying perpetration, including family members' involvement in gangs, poor parental supervision, parental conflict, domestic violence, low parental communication, lack of emotional support by parents, authoritarian parenting, inappropriate and harsh discipline, and abuse by parents. Although such findings are consistent with arguments that aggressive modelling and poor supervision by parents contribute to bullying, the causal direction has not been established clearly. The effect of families after controlling for hereditary influences remains unclear, as genetic factors have been shown to account for about 60% of the variation in bullying behaviour. ► Peers. As bullying behaviours almost always occur in the peer context, it goes without saying that this influence can also play a role in bullying. We have already referred to the significant influence of the peer group: Peer pressure causes children to do things they would not do otherwise, with the hope of fitting in or getting attention. This pressure could be external or internal. External pressure occurs when the peer group pressures others in the group directly to participate in bullying. Internal pressure is when children are not pressured directly but feel compelled to take part for fear of rejection, or because it is the 'norm'. ► School influences. The positive or negative (especially aggressive) climate of the school can affect the frequency of bullying. For example, educators' ability to deal appropriately with their own aggressive feelings, their discipline or lack thereof, and their willingness or unwillingness to solve learners' conflicts helps to create a school climate that either discourages or promotes bullying (Edward, 2019). Higher levels of bullying have also been linked to inappropriate teacher responses, poor teacherlearner relationships, lack of teacher support, and lack of engagement in school activities. Children are also less likely to report bullying if they regard their school climate as negative. However, consider that the relationship between school climate and bullying may be bidirectional (two-way), with poor school climate contributing to bullying, and vice versa (the other way around). ► Societal and cultural influences. There is a saying: "If you want to understand how children could be so cruel to each other, one needs only to look at our society at large." More specifically, there is a strong correlation between the features of bullying and the features of the society in which it occurs; for example, the features of domination, disregard for others, lack of empathy, playing the blame game, discrimination against those regarded as different, (sexual) harassment, and violence in the media that have become the norm. These features, for example, home violence, violence on the sports field, business deals, racism, and sexism manifest in almost all spheres of life. Therefore, if child or school bullies must change, so must society. What about culture? Bullying is a problem that transcends culture. Although the individual characteristics and dynamics that underlie social value and power may vary across 394 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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cultures and countries, the abuse of power to distress or control another person remains a constant variable (US Department of Health and Human Services, 2020). Another issue that arises is how often bullying occurs. Determining the prevalence rate of bullying is not always straightforward, as many children do not report being bullied for various reasons, such as fear of retaliation, or embarrassment, and would rather suffer in silence. In addition, researchers often use different methodologies (NASEM, 2016; also refer to Chapter 1 on research methods). For example, researchers may use different definitions, data-collection procedures, time frames in which the data are collected, and methods of data analysis. These differences affect the comparability of the various findings. However, regardless of these issues, as well as additional variables like age, country, and culture, international estimates are that about 20% of children have bullied other children and about 25% have been bullied repeatedly (Arnett, 2019; Berk, 2019). Boys are more often bullies as well as victims. Boys tend to engage in face-to-face physical and verbal attacks, while girls are more involved in verbal and relational bullying. Findings of prevalence studies in South Africa differ widely. For example, in their review of several surveys, Juan and her co-researchers (2018) found the following: In metropolitan areas, the prevalence rate of bullying were 61% in Tshwane, 52% in Cape Town, and 36% in Durban. In rural areas, it was much lower: 16% in the Eastern Cape, and 12% in Mpumalanga. However, a recent international study brought alarming statistics concerning bullying in South Africa to light (Makou et al., 2018). South African Grade 5 pupils reported the highest occurrence of bullying out of the 49 countries surveyed. Most pupils (44%) reported being bullied "about weekly" and 34% reported being bullied "about monthly". Of the boys who took part in the study, 47% reported being bullied on a weekly basis, while 40% of girls reported being bullied on a weekly basis. The report also highlights that pupils in public schools in South Africa are bullied more than those in independent schools. Close to 48% of pupils in no-fee schools reported being bullied "about weekly" compared to about 25% of independent school pupils. South African Grade 9 pupils reported the third highest occurrence of bullying out of 38 countries. Bullying should always be taken seriously. Victims need help, as this form of violence can cause permanent harm. However, the bullies also need help, as their form of violence can escalate as they grow older and stronger. For example, they are more likely to develop symptoms of antisocial personality disorder, a psychiatric diagnosis characterised by persistent and various forms of antisocial behaviour (Dewar, 2020). Children who bully have often experienced bullying themselves (Cho et al., 2018; Tidy, 2021). They may feel inadequate, have poor self-esteem, have poor social skills, and try to deal with this by exerting physical and psychological harm on others. (See Box 5.6 for guidelines to help victims and perpetrators of bullying.) 395 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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BOX 5.6. GUIDELINES TO HELP VICTIMS AND PERPETRATORS OF BULLYING The South African Department of Basic Education and Centre for Justice and Crime Prevention (2012) provides some guidelines for parents whose children are involved in bullying (also see UNICEF, 2020): If your child is being bullied: 1. Make sure that they know that bullying is wrong. Assure them that bullying is not their fault and that you will act to protect them. 2. Ask them to describe exactly what happened. Remain calm; show concern but do not overrespond, as this may cause them to close up and stop talking. 3. Ask for their input on what can be done to make them feel safe. Work with them to find solutions. Do not encourage them to fight back; using fists or insults as protection against bullying is not a good solution — it could make things worse, cause them to be hurt and get them into trouble. 4. If the bullying occurred at your child's school, talk to the school. See your child's teacher or the school principal. Encourage your child to come with you and describe what they experienced. Ask how you, the school staff, and your child can work together to ensure that the bullying does not happen again. 5. Document the bullying. Write down what happened, where and when it occurred, how your child reacted, and how the bully and bystanders responded. Indicate what solutions were agreed upon and if they worked. 6. Discuss alternatives with the child to prevent bullying. Help your child develop strategies and skills in handling bullying. There are many different things they can do, including being more assertive, ignoring, using humour to diffuse tensions, and asking for help. 7. Help your child (or seek help) to recover from the hurtful and often brutal experience and help the child to gain confidence and inner power. If your child is bullying others: 1. Be objective and listen carefully. Do not become defensive, nor take it personally. 2. Talk to your child. Calmly ask for an explanation. Find out if your child was the instigator or joined in. 3. Find out whether your children know that bullying is unacceptable. Explain that bullying is unacceptable. Help them to understand the consequences of their actions. Help them to understand how bullying hurts not only the victim, but also themselves and the bystanders. 4. Work to find solutions. If the bullying happens at school, work with the school to determine what can be done to ensure that the bullying does not happen again. Let your child know that you will work with the school personnel to monitor their progress. 5. Find other rewarding outlets for the child's power-seeking drives. 6. Help them to practice self-discipline and develop empathy for others.

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REVIEW THIS SECTION 1. How does peer relationships in middle childhood differ from those during early childhood? Which developments contribute to these changes? 2. Discuss the nature and function of the peer group during middle childhood. 3. How may excessive conformity and attachment to the peer group as well as peer pressure influence a child's development? 4. How does a friendship group differ from a peer group? Discuss the functions of friendships. Discuss the stages of friendship characteristics during childhood. 5. Describe the nature of friendships during middle childhood. Describe the development of selective association, interracial friendships, and cultural competence during middle childhood. 6. Discuss the importance of children's play during middle childhood. How does play in middle childhood differ from play in early childhood? How does children's situations (socioeconomic status, cultural environment) influence their play? Describe the traditional game of masekitlana. How may this game benefit children's social development? 7. What is peer acceptance and how does it differ from friendship? What techniques are used to study peer acceptance? Discuss the five categories of peer acceptance. Why is peer acceptance important in a child's social development? How may unpopular children and children rejected by peers be helped? 8. What is peer victimisation/bullying? What are the three main features of bullying? Discuss the four overarching types of bullying. Discuss the far-reaching consequences that bullying has for both the victims and the perpetrators 9. Discuss the variables that may contribute to children bullying others. 10. Discuss the prevalence rate of bullying regarding the following: (a) the factors that could compromise prevalence studies; (b) international estimates of bullying behaviour; (c) gender differences; and (d) prevalence rates in South Africa — national and international comparative research. 11. You have to give a talk to a group of parents on bullying. Discuss the guidelines that you will give them to help victims and perpetrators of bullying.

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5.4.3 Influence of Media and Online Behaviour In Chapter 4, as well as earlier in this chapter, we discussed the powerful role the media plays in various areas of children's development. More specifically, we focused on the role of the media in cognitive development and socialisation, especially aggression and violence. As children grow older and enter middle childhood, they not only are more exposed to media and technologies but also become more skilful and competent. The content of the media and technologies also change, while external influences like the peer group and school play a more important role in the 'what' and 'how' of their use. As mentioned before, just as books and other published material have become integrated with our lives, digital or electronic media increasingly have become an integrated aspect and in fact have become artefacts of the 21st century. Any time you use your television, computer, tablet, cell phone, or opening web-based systems and apps, you are consuming digital media. media Digital media might also come in the form of videos, articles, advertisements, music, podcasts, audiobooks, virtual reality, or digital art. Many children spend more time with electronic media than they do in any other activity. Media affect children not only by displacing time they could spend more productively (e.g., doing homework), but also by influencing beliefs and behaviours. According to social learning theory, children learn by observing and imitating what they see on screen, particularly theory when behaviours seem realistic or are rewarded. Cognitive development theory asserts that children's cognitive capacities at the various stages of development determine if and how they understand media content. In addition, media present youth with 'scripts' for how to behave in unfamiliar situations, such as romantic relationships. Superpeer theory states that the media are like powerful best friends that sometimes make risky behaviour seem like normative behaviour (Elmore, et al., 2017; Strasburger et al., 2010). Therefore, it is understandable that digital media have become one of children's prime socialising agents (Jeffery, 2020; Sikorska, 2020). Some of these media are discussed below:

5.4.3.1 Television Television has been described as the medium with the greatest socialisation effect, surpassing all the other media by far in its influence on children (HussainItoo, 2018), especially since most children have access to television viewing, and many children spend vast amounts of time in front of the television. For example, a study with primary school children in the Western Cape found that more than 50% of the participants watched television at least 3 hours daily (see Uys et al., 2016). As mentioned in the previous chapter, television can have a powerful influence on prosocial behaviour (e.g., cooperation, empathy, and acceptance of diversity), antisocial behaviour (e.g., aggression and violence). However, as was also mentioned, it has the potential to affect children negatively, especially children already at risk. The effects of television viewing on the socialisation of children include the following (Baji, 2020; Lemish, 2020; McHarg et al., 2021):

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► Family values. Family portrayals on television may influence children's perceptions of families (Ufuophu-Biri, 2020). Children seem to perceive portrayals of families on television as highly realistic and could create a social reality that is often at odds with the real world (for instance, that families are always loving and supportive, happy, cheerful, and nice; or that family members always undermine one another and become involved in extramarital affairs). The portrayal of adults and parents on television also raises the issue of the breaking down of authority structures and may cause problems in socialising children: Children may become less willing to accept their parents' ability and right to guide and direct their actions. ► Family interaction. Family interactions can be enhanced by television viewing (Jones et al., 2020). Not only does it mean that families spend time together watching their favourite programmes, but it could also stimulate discussions and therefore can be a valuable learning platform. It can also generate family communication in the form of creating family narratives such as songs to sing together, dialogues to quote, stories to tell (such as family members' favourite television shows, or how Mom reacts to scary movies) and so forth. These narratives serve as an important bonding activity within the family. Parents are not the only family members to converse with children in media contexts. In many cases, siblings watch television together more often than with their parents. This interaction is often interpretive in function because older siblings inform younger siblings about various issues that they may not understand. However, viewing television can also lead to family conflict, for instance about the allocation of time, the selection of content, and the use of media resources, while the remote control can also be a family battleground (especially too much channel surfing; i.e., changing channels during programmes by a specific family member without regard for the others). One way to control family conflict is to establish formal and informal rules (e.g., taking turns to choose a programme that the whole family watches together). On the other hand, television viewing may be much more complicated than described above. A major conclusion from research is that television may serve an almost limitless range of diverse uses and functions. Family members can watch television to be together or to get away from one another; as a basis of talk or to avoid interaction; as a source of conflict, or an escape from it. ► Violence and aggression. In Chapter 4, we gave an overview of the relationship between violent programme content and children's aggression. To reiterate: The majority of studies and reviews have found a significant relationship between media violence and real-life aggression. Young people learn their attitudes at a very young age. Much of the violence on television and in movies is presented in a sanitised and glamorised fashion, and in children's programming, it is often presented as humorous. The most problematic forms of media violence include attractive perpetrators who go unpunished and no significant harm to victims is shown. In addition, many studies indicate a relationship between violence in media and a cluster of negative family characteristics such as family conflict, resulting in children not only trying to escape the conflict by engaging in more television viewing, but also tending to choose programme content that is more violent. However, as indicated in Chapter 4, this 399 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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topic is a minefield of conflicting research: Research methodologies are questioned, and conclusions are disputed. Conversely, there is enough evidence that violence on television and other media can have a harmful effect on at least some children — and that responsible parents should not gamble with their children's well-being. ► Sexual attitudes and body image. As children mature, they tend to move away from children's programmes to watch programmes developed for adolescents, or 'soap-operas' and entertainment programmes largely reflecting adult content. The implication is that children may be exposed to age-inappropriate material. As with violence, children learn their attitudes about sex at a young age. It is troubling that programmes for teenagers (which many pre-teens also watch) often contain more sexual content than adult-orientated programmes (Taylor, 2020). Longitudinal studies link heavy exposure to sexual content in mainstream media and online pornography with more rapid progression of sexual activity and early coitus (see Ey et al., 2020). In an international literature review on the psychological effects of media-induced sexualisation of girls in middle childhood, South African researchers Du Plooy et al. (2018) found the following: Sexualisation induced by the media is an inappropriate imposition of adult sexuality on to children before they are psychologically or physically capable of dealing with it; young children are being targeted directly in the media; and girls in middle childhood are emotionally as well as cognitively very receptive to these external influences. Furthermore, two main viewpoints emerged from this research, namely that media-induced sexualisation of girls could have both detrimental and beneficial psychological effects: - A major detrimental effect is that girls in middle childhood already are put under pressure to equate their own bodies with slender and so-called "sexy" bodies imposed by media images. These unrealistic media images and messages can lead young girls to internalise harmful ideals. In turn, this not only leads to body dissatisfaction (shame, inadequacy, anxiety) but also could affect their self-esteem, which could affect their general well-being detrimentally. Mental health disorders, especially eating disorders and depression, are also common. Another harmful effect of media-induced sexualisation is objectification objectification. Selfobjectification refers to the process where a girl adopts an outsider's perspective of her physical self. She then views herself primarily as an object to be scrutinised based on her appearance. Sexual objectification refers to the portrayal of girls solely as sexual objects comprising of a collection of sexual and physical attributes, rather than as persons. This also reinforces gender stereotyping (see Chapter 3 in this regard). - However, some authors hold the view that media-induced sexualisation may have certain advantages (Karsay et al., 2018; Du Plooy et al., 2018). Children can learn from their engagement with contemporary media because inappropriate content can provide valuable opportunities to learn from, such as exploring avenues that are more acceptable and forming an own identity. For example, a feminist view is that female sexualisation or objectification could lead to empowerment, emancipation (such as control and assertiveness) and sexual health. Therefore, it can contribute towards the development of a positive sexual sense of self. 400 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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► Drugs. The use and abuse of drugs are portrayed widely on television and other media. The marketing effect, and thus also the problem, is intensified by the fact that drugs, like especially alcohol and nicotine (smoking), are often depicted in a positive light, such as being youthful, independent, healthy, and adventurous, and having a good time. Although alcohol is one of the most dangerous drugs, alcohol intoxication is often depicted as a humorous situation. The numerous adverse and even fatal effects of nicotine and alcohol are not regarded as entertainment and therefore are rarely shown. As children have not completely formed their own identities, they often model behaviours, shaping their own behaviour based on their observations of the world. This modelling behaviour is strengthened if the models (e.g., movie stars, sportspersons, successful businesspeople) are hero-worshipped (Kimani et al., 2020). Although the advertising of tobacco has been banned in South Africa, it is not the case with alcohol. Therefore, children are frequently exposed to the use and abuse of alcohol as advertised on the streets, in buildings, in movies, and on television. The effect of drug or substance abuse will be discussed in more detail in Chapter 7.

5.4.3.2. Computers and the Internet Earlier in this chapter, we discussed the influence of information and communication technologies on children's cognitive development. However, devices such as computers and tablets and services like the Internet are not just something children access when they want certain bits of information — it increasingly becomes an essential and intrinsic part of their lives (Burton et al., 2016; McDool et al., 2020). Unfortunately, in comparison with early childhood and adolescence, there is a relative dearth of research in this regard in middle childhood (Blumberg et al., 2019). However, some studies do throw valuable light on computer and Internet use during middle childhood: Children use computers and the Internet in much the same way as they use other environments (see Boyd et al., 2015). Younger children devote more computer time to playing games than to any other activity, while those in the 11- to 14-year-old group spend more time on social networking sites than playing games. Many developmental psychologists view this age trend in game-playing and social networking as manifesting the natural course of child development. In other words, age-related activity trends on computer and the Internet use are similar to those in the non-digital environment: Younger children tend to spend most of their time playing, while older children tend to spend more time communicating with friends. As we have mentioned earlier, direct interaction with peers affects children's interpersonal skills, poise, and social competence, even more so during middle childhood than during early childhood. By the age of seven, children tend to spend as much time with peers as they do with adults. Because of the solitary nature of most computer activities, (especially if children have their own computers in their bedrooms), concerns have been raised that children might form 'electronic friendships' with the machine instead of friendships with their peers, hindering the development of interpersonal skills (e.g., Gani, 2017). However, some researchers oppose this viewpoint (e.g., Hurwitz et al., 2020; Olsson et al., 2020). According to them, the Internet does not appear to isolate 401 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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children from their families, peers, and communities. Instead, the Internet seems to be a powerful communication tool, and computer games may even bring families and peers together for shared play and interaction. Conversely, other studies indicate that Internet use is negatively related to family time (i.e., time spent together as a family), and positively related to family conflict. Some findings indicate that children use some of the technologies (such as game playing) in relative isolation from adult influence and that they would rather communicate with peers and siblings in this regard (Louw et al., 2011; Savahl et al., 2008). As with many things in life, the bad often comes with the good. As with television, computerised and electronic games and the Internet may further lead children into a world where the distinction between real life and simulation is not always distinct. (Remember that young children often find it difficult to distinguish between reality and fantasy; see Li et al., 2019.) One effect of this blurring of reality and virtual reality may be that children will have more difficulty distinguishing what is real from what is simulated. In addition, as we have noted in the previous chapter, children may become desensitised to behaviours perpetrated in artificial and simulated worlds, such as aggression, violence, and explicit sexual behaviour such as pornography, which we shall discuss in the next section.

5.4.3.3 Cell phones and the Internet Since their introduction a few decades ago, the effect of cell phones (mobile phone devices) and 'smartphones' (cell phones with advanced features) on children's development has become an important field of study.

"No, Granny, stop trying to look for the volume control on your cell phone. I will rather send you an email and see how it goes." Children start using information technology at a young age

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Although exact statistics on South African children's cell phone use are not available, studies elsewhere in the world indicate that children start using cell phones at an increasingly younger age. Young children primarily use cell phones to communicate with family and friends, to let their parents know about their whereabouts, 'convenience' calls (e.g., to ask to be picked up) and emergency calls (e.g., when confronted with a crisis). In divorced families, a cell phone is often provided to establish and maintain contact with the non-residential parent. Peer pressure is a further reason for children wanting a cell phone, as they may feel left out of the group if they do not own one. With the advancement and proliferation of technology, cell phones are mirroring many functions of computers, such as the Internet, which enable children to have access to many contexts and content. As children mature, they increasingly use the cell phone for social networking. In fact, using social media websites is among the most common activities of today's children (American Academy of Pediatrics, 2016; Burton et al., 2016). Any website that allows social interaction is considered a social media site, including social networking sites, video sites, gaming sites, and virtual worlds. Thus, a large part of children's social and emotional development is occurring while on the Internet and on cell phones. Such sites may have positive benefits such as offering many opportunities for connecting with friends, classmates, and people with shared interests. However, because of their limited capacity for self-regulation and susceptibility to peer pressure, children are at risk as they navigate and experiment with social media. Although many parents would not allow their children unsupervised Internet access on a personal computer, most cell phones used by children are able to access the Internet indiscriminately. Parental concern has been compounded by the popularity of low-cost, instant messaging application for cell phones. This means that many children have unsupervised access to the Internet (WeProtect Global Alliance, 2021). In addition, children's activity on cell phones are more difficult to detect than on other devices such as the family computer. Therefore, children can access adult content, including sexually explicit material. One aspect that is of particular concern is children's easy access to pornography. Researchers indicate that encountering pornography is common for children, not only internationally but also in South Africa (Hornor, 2020; Iqbal et al., 2017) and is often underestimated. In fact, the cell phone has been described as the ultimate vehicle for pornography to enter children's minds. While children may feel uncomfortable, they are often motivated by curiosity to explore this material. Although the media have repeatedly warned against these dangers, parents seem to neglect this part of the socialisation of their children, mainly because of two reasons. First, because of the sensitivity of the topic, many parents feel awkward to discuss such an 'embarrassing' theme (Motsomi et al., 2016). Some parents may also struggle with their own unresolved sexual conflicts, which makes sexuality a taboo subject. Second, many parents have limited digital media literacy (Lopez et al., 2017). The result is that they are not only unaware of the risks but also do not know how to prevent it. (See Box 5.7 for guidelines for parents to protect their children from inappropriate Internet and cell phone use.) Other factors that may concern parents are possible Internet addiction and concurrent sleep deprivation. In addition, the cell phone also leads to problematic use in schools (Domoff et al., 2020; Sunawan et al., 2019). First, the divided attention caused by cell phone use in a learning situation can lead to lower academic performance (Glass et al., 2019), a finding 403 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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that speaks for itself. Furthermore, not only does it interrupt or disrupt classroom learning (through games, calls, or text messaging), weakening the authority of the schools, but learners also use this technology to cheat in exams. Theft of cell phones is also common and affects school staff who must investigate such theft if it occurs on school premises. The instantaneous ease of communication may also cause children to become less selfreliant, relying on their parents to solve school problems such as forgetting sports clothes. Cyberbullying that includes distributing harmful messaging and the taking and distributing of inappropriate photographs have also become problems in schools. For these reasons, many South African schools have banned the use of cell phones in the classroom.

BOX 5.7. HOW CAN PARENTS PROTECT THEIR CHILDREN FROM INAPPROPRIATE INTERNET AND CELL PHONE USE? To ban cell phone or Internet use altogether will not solve the problem, as this will only serve to distance children from their peer group. However, because parents are still their children's main socialising agents, they can guide them to use these media responsibly: • The first line of defence is to know what is available (the good and the bad) and what the content of programmes are. Too often, parents have no or very limited knowledge of the electronic media and are therefore unaware of what their children are exposed to. • Put rules in place for your child to determine when a cell phone may be used and when it should not be used. Encourage real life activities and limit screen time. • Ask your children what content they would like to access e.g., ring tones, wallpaper, ageappropriate games, and websites. In this way, you give them some choices, but you also control some of these choices. • Do not break your children's trust by reading their messages without asking them first. However, set up parental controls and inform them that you will be checking from time to time to see what content they access. • Make your children aware of the risk of giving their personal details over the cell phone or Internet, especially their photographs, birthdates, interests, school, or home address to someone they do not know or do not know very well. • Let your children know that they must not answer a number they do not know. • Inform your child that spam (junk) mail does not need a reply. • Educate your children in responsible Internet access and general online habits and show them websites to empower them to make better choices when online. • Consider making a social media contract with your children, signed by the child and the parent(s). This should include that they agree to protect their privacy, consider their reputation, not give any personal information, and not use technology to hurt anyone else through bullying or gossip. • Consider your own online and cell phone behaviour. Be a worthy and responsible model for your children.

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Parents should also take note that as much as they may become irritated by their children's constant interaction with these technologies, parents' own use may lead to their children's irritation (McDaniel et al., 2018). For example, there is now a generation of children who are trying to get their parents to disengage from their cell phones or tablets and reconnect with family life. Children also report parents sneaking away from family gatherings to read and send emails. Some children worry that their parents may be distracted by technology while driving. Others cringe as parents misbehave in public by sending emails, text messages, or playing games on their cell phones during school events, at the movies, or during outings such as family mealtimes at a restaurant. These technology-based interruptions in parent-child interactions are termed technoference technoference. In an interesting study in this regard, researchers found that both parents and children express a lack of insight in their own and each other's phone use — while they show overreliance on their own phone use, they are disturbed by the other's phone habits. This is an example of the psychological defence mechanism projection: each party blames the other and rationalises their own behaviour with justified excuses (Davis et al., 2019). REVIEW THIS SECTION 1. How does the use of media and technology by children in middle childhood differ from that of children in early childhood? 2. Digital media has become children's prime social agents. Describe how social learning theory, cognitive development theory, and superpeer theory explain the reasons for this view. 3. Discuss the influence of television on children's socialisation processes concerning (a) family values; (b) family interaction; (c) violence and aggression; (d) sexual attitudes and body image; and (e) drugs. 4. Discuss the positive and negative influences of computer and Internet usage on children's social development in middle childhood. 5. Discuss the positive and negative influences of cell phone and Internet usage on children's social development in middle childhood. 6. How can parents protect their children from inappropriate Internet and cell phone use?

5.4.4 Discrimination, Prejudice and Stereotyping As South Africa has a tragic history of racial prejudice and discrimination that is still rampant and, therefore, affects all South Africans significantly, we shall now focus on the development and influence of these phenomena on our children's lives (also see racism in Chapter 7): Although the terms prejudice and discrimination are heard almost daily in South Africa, the two terms are often confused. Prejudice is an unjustified or incorrect attitude (usually negative) towards an individual based solely on the individual's membership of a social group such as race, gender, sexual orientation, social class, or religion. Discrimination is 405 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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the actions, also usually negative, towards an individual or group of people, based on the mentioned characteristics (McLeod, 2008). In other words, prejudice refers to attitude, while discrimination refers to actions. However, prejudiced persons do not always act on their attitude. Therefore, someone can be prejudiced towards a particular group but not discriminate against them. A similar term is stereotyping. A stereotype is a set of exaggerated and distorted beliefs and expectations about the qualities and characteristics of the members of a group or social category (see APA, 2020). Negative, unfavourable characteristics are usually emphasised (e.g., politicians are corrupt; poor people are lazy), although some authorities regard positive but biased and inaccurate beliefs as components of a stereotype (police officers are heroes; sports people are good role models). A stereotype is largely resistant to new evidence that might challenge that characterisation. Thus, the term is very similar to prejudice. It is important to realise that all three these terms have a core element — generalisation, the tendency of people to invalidly apply the characteristics of a few individuals to the total group. This inevitably denies the members of the group their individuality. (For practical reasons, the present authors will use these terms interchangeably.) At the beginning of this discussion, we emphasised the importance of understanding the magnitude of discrimination, prejudice, and stereotyping in our children's lives. This statement can be motivated as follows (Bigler et al., 2017): • First, while stereotyping and prejudice have potentially severe consequences at all ages, the effects of bias may be especially serious during childhood, when children's value systems, aspirations, and identities are being formed. Discrimination, prejudice, and stereotyping affect many facets of children's cognition and behaviour, including selfesteem, peer and other relationships, as well as academic self-efficacy, aspirations, and performance. Furthermore, peer victimisation (including rejection, unfair treatment, harassment, and bullying) as the result of social group membership or failure to conform to social stereotypes is common and appears to have lifelong emotional consequences (also see United Nations, 2018). • Second, preventing the initial formation of bias may be easier and more cost-effective than working to eradicate stereotypes and prejudice after they have been well established. Attitudes toward social groups are often highly resistant to change, especially in later life. • Third, the developmental history of children's thinking about social groups may affect the functioning of such attitudes during adulthood. It has been argued that adults' implicit attitudes toward social groups (e.g., race and gender) may represent beliefs formed in childhood — and that these beliefs are more profound, more entrenched, and less available to consciousness than more recently acquired beliefs are. The latter may continue to influence individuals' race-related judgments and behaviours, often without individuals' awareness. How do these distorted belief systems develop? The basis is laid by the fact that people tend to organise and understand the world through categorisation processes (Rhodes et al., 2019). After all, this is easy, and it makes life simple. In younger children, prejudice, discrimination, and stereotyping are usually instilled by significant others, especially parents and other family members. The transmission of misleading and biased social norms plays a 406 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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core role. In older children, the peer group, teachers, media, and religious convictions have an additional significant influence in this regard, while personal experience with groups and their members — especially the resulting generalisation — can further shape these belief systems (Hjerm et al., 2018; Pirchio et al., 2018). Regarding the role of self-esteem in prejudice and discrimination in children (and adults), research reports mixed findings (Berk, 2019; Cichocka et al., 2017). For example, some researchers found a positive correlation with a high selfesteem, while others observed a positive correlation with a low self-esteem. However, many psychologists hold the view that an evident high self-esteem in prejudiced individuals is merely a mask, compensating for an underlying low self-esteem (see Jordan et al., 2005). In such cases, individuals thus build their own worth at the expense of others. They also tend to affiliate with a peer group with similar prejudiced orientations, thus strengthening their own belief system. In addition, and for further clarity, Pauker and her co-authors (2017) offer the following explanations: According to the developmental intergroup theory (DIT DIT), for stereotypes and prejudice to develop, a social group (e.g., race, gender) must be psychologically salient, and children must subsequently use this dimension as a basis for social categorisation. One important question often asked is: Why then do children attend to race, as opposed to other dimensions such as eye colour or height? According to the DIT, four main factors help to explain why some attributes of persons are more likely than others to become psychologically salient and used as a basis for social categorisation in childhood: • The extent to which adults explicitly label (categorise) and make use of social categories. Actively labelling groups can suggest to children that this dimension is worthy of attention. This labelling could be explicit and blatant (e.g., during apartheid) or subtle and indirect (e.g., portrayed in body language, like rolling of the eyes). • The implicit use of social categories. In the absence of explanation, children may formalise their own explanation to justify the observed social divisions, such as assuming that the shared attributes (e.g., race) must reflect important and inherent differences. • Perceptual discriminability. Characteristics that are perceptually salient, or easy to differentiate, based on visual cues (e.g., gender and race), are more likely to be used by children as the basis of social categorisation than attributes that are less salient (e.g., religion or political affiliation). Importantly, according to the DIT perceptual salience alone is insufficient to trigger psychological salience. For example, other attributes, such as shirt colour, are perceptually salient to children (i.e., they can easily pick out those wearing blue or red), but they are not normally the basis for categorisation and ensuing stereotyping and prejudice, unless combined with other factors that support their psychological salience (e.g., explicitly labelling them as the black or white group). Perceptual salience is a particularly important factor when discussing the development of racial stereotypes and prejudice. Race is perceptually salient to children early in development, but this should not be confused with psychological salience. A child may comment innocently, "Mommy, that man's skin is brown," but making a note of this difference may not mean the same thing for the child and the adult. The child may simply be commenting on a perceptual difference, while the adult may attach the psychological weight of the category and its associated content (e.g., "Even my child is starting to notice 407 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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the differences!"). • The proportional size of the group. Social groups that are proportionately smaller (e.g., racial minority groups) are more distinct, particularly in comparison to proportionally larger groups (e.g., majority groups). However, this is not always true. For example, during the apartheid years, a minority group discriminated against a majority group. Pauker and her co-authors (2017) provide a useful overview on the progressive development of social categorisation, especially race (also see Pertiwi, 2017, and Box 5.8 on race as a social construct). It seems that the psychological salience of race, and the ensuing use of race as a consistent basis for social categorisation, is still quite fluid and dependent on context in infancy, and that racial stereotypes and/or prejudiced attitudes have not yet been acquired. During early childhood, children begin to show some consistency in their ability to categorise themselves and others based on race. However, this is not done negatively, but it rather indicates that preschoolers are becoming aware of salient differences (e.g., colour of the skin). Findings suggest that, for preschoolers, social categories other than race such as gender, age, and even accent are psychologically more salient or at least more likely to guide their behaviours. However, from the age of about six years, racial categories begin to affect children's attitudes more consistently, and racial biases are expressed. An interesting and somewhat paradoxical finding is that by the middle of middle childhood (about 8 to 10 years), children exhibit a marked decrease in their racial biases. One explanation for this decrease appears to be a function of social-cognitive development that reduces the psychological salience of racial categories. However, because of factors such as the process of identity formation, as well as peers and the media, racial bias seems to re-emerge, at least for some, in adolescence and into adulthood. One of Nelson Mandela's favourite sayings is: "No one is born hating another person because of the colour of his skin, or his background, or his religion. People must learn to hate, and if they can learn to hate, they can be taught to love, for love comes more naturally to the human heart than its opposite." Although this famous quote portrays hope and promise, it unfortunately does not reflect reality: a world permeated by discrimination, prejudice, and negative stereotyping. The positive side is that we are becoming more aware of the severe effect these belief systems have on society and that children are especially vulnerable to become casualties, either as culprits or victims. The result is that many societal countermeasures, such as laws and regulations that have been put in place in an attempt to combat this demolisher of human well-being, mostly have not achieved the expected success. However, we as authors believe that the significant role of parents in this regard has not nearly received the attention it deserves. As we know by now, psychologists and other experts believe that parents do not only play an essential role in all aspects of a child's development but that the parent-child relationship is qualitatively different from all other relationships. Here are some ways that can help parents to reduce negative bias in their children (Suttie, 2017; Sparks, 2020; Unicef, 2020): ► Begin with the most important person — combat biases in yourself. Research clearly shows that the influence of parent bias on children should not be underestimated (Degner, 2013). Therefore, parents should challenge their own assumptions and 408 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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behaviour; for example, do you laugh at insensitive jokes aimed at other races or mentally/physically handicapped people? Although explicit (open) biases obviously have negative effects on children, implicit (indirect, subtle) bias can also have a negative influence. For example, young children exhibit negative bias more explicitly if their mothers hold implicit biases, regardless of their explicit messaging. In other words, if there is a mismatch between what parents say and their unconscious and/or reactions toward another group, children seem to pick it up. Therefore, be a role model. ► Talk openly about discrimination and prejudice and the effects on people. Examples of the Holocaust, apartheid, as well as present-day discrimination and prejudice, could provide a clearer picture. For example, children show more favourable attitudes toward other members of other races if their parents discuss race and the effect of racism directly. Such discussions provide children with the opportunity to increase their empathy — the ability to learn about and accept different perspectives, a better understanding of their own identity, and less racial bias (Reynolds, 2020). It is understandable why open talk about racism is considered a vital part of children's socialisation, especially in a country such as South Africa. Unfortunately, various parents experience psychological and political barriers when discussing race (and other prejudices) with their children (see Sullivan et al., 2020). However, not doing so can create a vacuum of information, which leads children to absorb biases around them, often in ways that conflict with the values parents hold. ► Expose children to more positive images of other racial groups. Children, just like adults, are immersed in negative stereotypes propagated by the media, peer groups, political parties, and even religious groups. Therefore, it is important to expose children to the proverbial 'other side of the coin' to counteract the biased associations they may already have. After all, it is accepted generally that one cannot reach a conclusion before being exposed to both sides. This is a lesson that will also have great value for children in almost all spheres of life because, for example, it enhances critical thinking. Ways to achieve this include exposing children to books, movies, and stories that depict other races in a positive and heroic light. Also, tell them about interesting customs, traditions, and rituals in other cultures. ► Focus on teaching your children not to generalise. It is very important to be realistic and truthful about other groups with your children. For example, they should realise that one finds good and bad people in every race (like in all groups) — including their own race. Encourage them to include the 'good guys' from other races into their own group of friends. We cannot emphasise enough that parents — of all racial, religious, and other groups, and regardless of their own prejudices — should create situations where our children do not have to suffer in their daily functioning in the future because of the discrimination, prejudices, and stereotypes of their parents. Inevitably, this will create a vicious circle that will continue into the very distant future and to the detriment of all and our country. There is a saying that if you want to change people you should begin with their grandparents. This refers to the fact that it is very difficult to change discrimination, prejudice, and stereotyping in adults — and that the best way is to begin with our children. 409 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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BOX 5.8. RACE: A SOCIAL CONSTRUCT Although race is an important word in the vocabulary of most South Africans, many misconceptions regarding this concept exist. First, it is important to realise that race is widely regarded as a political, sociocultural, and economic concept, not a biological or genetic one (Barnes, 2018; Jansen, 2017; Kattmann, 2017; Valentine, 2016). In most scientific circles, the viewpoint that race has a biologicalgenetic basis and that each race is therefore unique (and in some cases superior), is at least frowned upon. For example, Yudell et al. (2016, p. 264) regard this stance as "problematic at best and harmful at worst". As early as 1950, the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) issued a statement asserting that all humans belong to the same species and that 'race' is not a biological reality but a fabrication. This was a summary of the findings of an international panel of experts, including anthropologists, geneticists, sociologists, and psychologists (see Sussman, 2014). Since then, numerous professional organisations and experts have followed suit. For example, most anthropologists (experts in the study of race and culture) hold the view that, genetically speaking, there are no pure races today or evidence that they ever existed in the past (e.g., American Anthropological Association,2021; Jobson, 2019; Wagner et al., 2019). There are also no major complex behaviours that could be considered unique to a specific race. In fact, research has shown that all human beings are 99,9% identical in their genetic makeup (National Human Genome Research Institute, 2020). Furthermore, as we have pointed out before, the differences within one group often exceed the differences between two groups. For example, there is more genetic variation in the diverse black populations of the continent of Africa than exists in all populations from outside of Africa (the rest of the world) combined (Fuentes, 2015). Therefore, the focus on differences between races — especially in discriminatory ways — seems futile to many, particularly because differences will always be found between groups (e.g., between the educated and non-educated, the rich and the poor, the old and the young, religious and non-religious, and males and females). Several factors have contributed to the fact that the 'unique pure race' concept has lost its effect. For example, miscegenation (interbreeding between races) has led to the reduction and even disappearance of several noticeable external physical features. In addition, inconsistent and questionable racial classifications have led to people being classified dubiously. For example, during the 40 years of apartheid in South Africa, thousands of people were classified, re-classified, and even re-reclassified again — by only one of the official race groups. In 1956, only eight years after the official introduction of apartheid, the classifiers already had to deal with 100 000 borderline cases (Giliomee, 2018). Similarly, the same person who is defined as black in the USA may be considered coloured in Jamaica or Martinique, but white in the Dominican Republic (Quist-Adade, 2016). Another argument against the biological uniqueness of a race is that differences between races are not caused by biological-racially determining factors, but rather by environmental variables such as culture and socio-political factors. The complexity and incongruity of colourism, also called pigmentism or shadism shadism: The intensity difference in race are further illustrated by colourism discrimination against people with a different skin tone; for example, discrimination against a black person with a light skin is often less than against a person with a darker black skin. This form of discrimination can occur both within and outside a specific race and is common in multicultural countries like South Africa (Chirove, 2019; Thusi, 2020). Unfortunately, the term 'race' is so ingrained in societies such as South Africa that authors hardly have a choice not to refer to findings in this regard. Even the South African Government require an indication of race in situations when you vote or apply for a position, a prerequisite also required by many other organisations. From Louw et al., 2019

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REVIEW THIS SECTION 1. Discuss the terms prejudice, discrimination, and stereotype. 2. Why is it important to understand the magnitude of prejudice, discrimination, and stereotyping in children's lives? How do their distorted beliefs develop? 3. Describe the main viewpoint of the developmental intergroup theory. Discuss the four main factors that could explain the attributes of persons used as a basis of social categorisation in childhood, according to this theory. 4. Describe the progressive development of social categorisation, especially regarding race. 5. Discuss the ways in which parents can help to reduce negative bias in their children. 6. Discuss race as a social construct.

5.4.5 Moral Development As mentioned in Chapter 4, morality refers to a set of principles that enables individuals to differentiate between right or wrong. Therefore, moral development refers to the process by which children learn the principles that enable them to judge behaviour in a particular society as good or bad and to direct their own behaviour in accordance with these principles. Clearly, the moral development of each successive generation of children is of great importance to a society to ensure the peaceful coexistence of members of the society and order in that society. Therefore, every society has ethical codes and moral rules of conduct for the approval or disapproval of practices in that particular society. With this in mind, it may be said that the ability to differentiate between right and wrong is one of the most important developmental tasks to be mastered during the middle childhood years. In fact, children's conceptualisation of morality is an important marker of their social development. Several psychologists have produced theories on moral development by focussing on different aspects of the process such as cognition, emotion, or behaviour, while others integrate these processes. We shall discuss some of these approaches.

5.4.5.1 Moral reasoning Moral reasoning is the cognitive component of morality. It refers to the process of making judgements about the rightness and wrongness of specific behaviours. Generally, it is accepted that the cognitive developmental psychologists Jean Piaget and Lawrence Kohlberg have made the greatest contribution towards understanding children's moral development:

(a) Jean Piaget' Piaget's theory of moral development Jean Piaget's work, The Moral Judgment of the Child (1932), was published almost 100 years ago and is still regarded as one of the pioneering works regarding the moral development of the child. Piaget developed his theory by observing children playing 411 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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games. He noticed that younger children seemed to understand fewer of the rules of the game than older children did. Therefore, Piaget maintained that children's moral development takes place in a particular sequence and that moral development is linked to cognitive development. Piaget regarded children younger than about five years of age as pre-moral pre-moral. By this, he meant that these children do not yet understand rules and therefore are not able to judge whether a rule has been broken. Children either play without rules, or when a rule-based game is played, individual children create their own rules as the game proceeds. Children are of the opinion that the idea behind the game is to take turns and to have fun. Pre-moral children do not yet understand that rules represent a cooperative agreement on how a game should be played. During middle childhood, children develop respect for rules, as well as the view that rules always should be obeyed. Piaget called this the moral realism stage (also called heteronomous moral reasoning). reasoning Children in this stage believe that rules cannot be changed because they come from a higher authority such as parents, government officials, or religious figures. Rules are regarded as guidelines for acceptable behaviour, and children believe that the transgression of rules should be punished, irrespective of the intention of the transgressor. The seriousness of a transgression is based on the observable consequences thereof. For example, children in this stage reason that a girl who breaks five cups while helping her mother put away the dishes is naughtier than a child who breaks one cup when stealing sweets from the cupboard. No mitigating circumstances or intentions are considered — a characteristic known as moral absolutism. For instance, children in this phase will regard it as wrong to exceed the absolutism speed limit even if it is an emergency where someone must be rushed to the hospital. Another characteristic of this phase is children's belief in immanent justice. justice This means, for instance, that if a boy falls and hurts himself after he has helped himself to biscuits without his mother's permission, he believes he is being punished for violating a rule. By about the tenth year of life, children move into the next (and last) phase of moral development. This is known as the phase of moral relativism (autonomous autonomous moral reasoning). reasoning Children in this phase think less egocentrically and thus display greater moral flexibility. Children realise that social rules are arbitrary and that they may be questioned and even changed with the consent of those involved (e.g., changing the rules of a game). The intentions of the transgressor are also considered. Thus, the woman exceeding the speed limit because she is rushing someone to hospital will not be judged as rigidly. Children no longer believe that punishment follows automatically after the violation of a rule unless you are caught. They also know that accidents are not caused by naughty behaviour. (See Table 5.8 for a comparison of heteronomous and autonomous moral reasoning.) According to Piaget, cognitive maturation and social experience play a role in the transition from moral realism to moral relativism. Cognitively, there is a decline in egocentrism and an improvement in role-taking ability (the ability to understand and take over another person's view), which implies that children can see moral issues from different perspectives. Social experience within the peer group, where contact with 412 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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friends of equal status exists, leads to a morally flexible morality. Table 5.8. Comparison of Piaget' Piaget's heteronomous and autonomous moral reasoning CONCEPTS OF MORALITY

HETERONOMOUS (5-10 YEARS)

AUTONOMOUS (10 YEARS AND UP)

Rules

Constructed from authority; eternal and unchangeable Rules are mystical

Co-constructed with others Rules are rational

Point of view

Centred on one perspective

Decentred; able to consider multiple perspectives

Motivation for action not considered

Motivation for action considered

Focuses on behaviour outcomes

Does not focus on behaviour outcomes

Confuses natural misfortune with punishment for moral misdeed

Does not confuse natural misfortune with punishment

Expiatory punishment: punishment for the sake of punishment

Reciprocal punishment: the punishment should fit the crime

Intention Consequences

Concept of justice

Punishment

Other researchers later confirmed several aspects of Piaget's theory. There is indeed a positive relationship between morality and cognitive development. Researchers have found that cognitive development is a prerequisite for moral development (see Beißert et al., 2016), although a high level of cognitive development does not guarantee a high level of moral development. In accordance with Piaget's view, a strong relationship was found between age and children's level of moral reasoning: Younger children more often display aspects of moral realism and are inclined to judge the consequences of a deed as more important than the motives of the transgressor are when passing moral judgment. Piaget's view of the role of role-taking and participation in peer groups in the moral development of children has also been confirmed. However, as with his cognitive developmental theory, Piaget's moral development theory has also been criticised, especially for underestimating younger children's moral understanding (Kurt, 2020; McLeod, 2015). First, there are indications that children can make moral decisions at an earlier stage than indicated by Piaget. Second, criticism has also been levelled at Piaget for not considering the cultural and socio-economic differences between children. Third, Piaget's view that children's morality is already formed by the end of middle childhood has also come under fire. Piaget's critics believe that moral development is an ongoing process, that it is not completed until adulthood, and even then it may still be modified.

(b) Lawrence Kohlberg' Kohlberg's theory of moral reasoning Lawrence Kohlberg (1964, 1966, 1975, 1985) was inspired by Piaget's work. Kohlberg 413 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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also believed that children go through different stages of moral development and that moral development is based on cognitive development and relevant social experiences. Furthermore, he believed that perspective taking — the ability to understand the psychological perspectives, motives, and needs of others — is essential. Kohlberg expanded and refined Piaget's theory through data obtained from interviews with boys aged from 10 to 16 years, where they had to solve several hypothetical moral dilemmas. For each of these dilemmas, the respondents had to make a choice between either obeying a rule, a law, or a figure of authority, or disobeying these rules or laws for the sake of people's needs. Probably the best known of Kohlberg's dilemmas is the following: Heinz's wife is dying. Medicine that can save her is available, but it is very expensive. The inventor of the medicine is unwilling to sell it at a price that Heinz can afford. In desperation, Heinz breaks into the inventor's laboratory and steals the medicine. Was Heinz's action correct?

Kohlberg was particularly interested in the reasoning underlying the respondents' choices, rather than in the specific choice itself. Kohlberg discovered that moral development is still far from complete at the age of 10 or 11 years. In fact, moral reasoning becomes progressively more complex during adolescence and early adulthood. Based on the solutions presented to dilemmas such as the one above, Kohlberg distinguished three levels, namely the pre-conventional pre-conventional, conventional and postconventional levels of moral development. He divided each of these levels into two stages; that is, six stages in all. According to Kohlberg, the order of the levels and stages are invariant invariant, this means that all individuals move through the same stages in the same order. However, the pace of development and the end point will differ, depending on the specific moral experiences encountered, cognitive maturity, and perspective-taking ability. Table 5.9 illustrates these levels and stages. According to Kohlberg's stages, the pre-conventional level (Level 1) of moral development is characteristic of middle childhood. The term convention, short for social convention, refers to various established rules, methods, procedures, and practices that have been accepted as guides for social conduct over a relatively extended period (APA, 2020). This level is called pre-conventional because children have not yet developed the understanding that rules are social conventions. Children at this level accept the rules of powerful others without thinking about where the rules come from, whether they are fixed or flexible, or whether some circumstances may allow changes in the rules. Moral development on the pre-conventional level comprises the following two stages: ► Stage 1: Punishment and obedience orientation: During this stage, children find it very difficult to view a moral dilemma from different angles. They evaluate behaviour only based on its consequences. Thus, the person's motives are not considered. Children are obedient for the sake of obedience and behave correctly to avoid punishment but will not consider behaviour as incorrect if it is not discovered and punished. The following is characteristic of children's reactions to Heinz's dilemma in this 414 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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stage: Children arguing against the stealing of the medicine will answer, "Heinz mustn't steal because if he does, he will go to jail." Children arguing in favour of stealing the medicine will answer, "Heinz should steal the medicine because if he doesn't, his wife will die and he will get into trouble, because people will say he contributed to her death." Both these examples clearly indicate the punishment orientation of children in this stage. ► Stage 2: Individualism, instrumental purpose, and exchange: During this stage, children begin to develop the awareness that different people may have different viewpoints about a moral dilemma. Initially, this awareness is very concrete. Children now feel that it is correct to obey rules if they are in someone's immediate interest. Thus, it is right to act out of self-interest and to one's own advantage. Obedience is still aimed primarily at obtaining some reward and gratifying personal needs. During this stage, the child may respond to Heinz's dilemma as follows: Children arguing in favour of stealing the medicine will answer: "Heinz should steal the medicine. He will not really harm the inventor of the medicine. He can always pay him back later. If he doesn't want to lose his wife, he should take the medicine because it is the only thing that will work." Children arguing against the stealing of the medicine will answer, "Heinz shouldn't steal the medicine. It is a serious crime. The inventor isn't wrong or bad; he just wants to make a profit. That is why you are in business." Both these answers reflect the gratifying of needs, which is characteristic of moral thinking during this stage. Levels I and II (i.e., stages 3, 4, 5, and 6), as well as the criticism of Kohlberg's theory, are discussed in the following chapter on adolescence, but it is important to take note of the fact that characteristics of Level II reasoning often may be observed during middle childhood. Kohlberg's theory provides a detailed description of the influence of cognition on moral development. Kohlberg (1969, 1975) and researchers from the neo-Kohlbergian approach have empirically examined the idea that cognitive and moral development are interrelated and go hand in hand (e.g., Kipper, 2017; Mechler et al., 2013; Rest et al., 2014). For example, complex situations need to be interpreted, relevant information must be selected and processed, information needs to be integrated, perspectives need to be coordinated, consequences of actions need to be anticipated, inferences need to be made, and social norms (e.g., equity, fairness) need to be restructured and applied. Therefore, is seems plausible that moral judgements or decisions require reasoning abilities and problem-solving skills, and a potential for abstract reasoning (Beißert et al., 2016). However, Kohlberg' theory relies on only a few moral dilemmas, containing only a narrow range of moral conflicts and do not reflect the realities of daily life. For example, to set petty theft against human life (as in Heinz's dilemma), will probably elicit consensual judgements from principled thinkers, while the moral dilemmas about which people agonise and argue often involve undesirable alternatives that do not lend themselves easily to moral solutions (Bandura, 1999). In addition, Kohlberg was criticised for not considering culture, and that his theory was gender biased (these issues will be discussed in more detail in the next chapter). We shall suffice to say that extensive research indicated that the first 415 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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Table 5.9. Kohlberg Kohlberg''s levels and stages of moral reasoning LEVEL I: PRE-CONVENTIONAL Stage 1: Punishment and obedience orientation Children decide what is right based on whether the action will be punished or rewarded but do not consider the interests of others. Children obey because adults have greater power.

Stage 2: Individualism, instrumental purpose, and exchange Children follow rules when it serves their own needs or interests. Children are aware that others have interests too and they may conflict with their own.

LEVEL II: CONVENTIONAL Stage 3: Mutual interpersonal expectations, relationships, and interpersonal conformity Children are concerned with living up to others' expectations. "Being good" is important and it means having good intentions, being concerned about others, and being loyal and trustworthy.

Stage 4: Social system and conscience Children define what is right in terms of duties they have agreed to carry out and abide by laws, except in extreme cases. Moral actions are those that the larger society has determined are right.

LEVEL III: POST-CONVENTIONAL Stage 5: Social contract or utility and individual rights Values and rules are relative to a particular group and may be changed. Rules should be followed for the welfare and protection of all people's rights, and what is moral is best for the largest number of people. Some values, such as life and liberty, are recognised as non-relative and must be upheld regardless of socially agreed upon laws.

Stage 6: Universal ethical principles People develop and follow their own self-chosen ethical principles, which are part of an integrated and carefully thought-out system of values. If social laws violate these principles, people's actions will be consistent with their ethical principles. Adapted from Cook et al. (2014)

three stages of Kohlberg's theory are common across diverse cultures, whereas the other stages are not; in fact, Stages 4 and 5 are less common among people in general, while Stage 6 is so rare that it was removed from the cognitive-developmental scoring manual (see Jensen, 2008).

5.4.5.2 Moral emotions As we have mentioned in the previous chapter, cognition or reasoning is not the only factor involved in the development of morality — emotions also play a major role in most of the moral and ethical decisions people make. In fact, experts believe it is impossible to make any important moral or ethical judgements without emotions (University of Texas, 416 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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2021). Therefore, moral emotions represent a key element of our human moral apparatus, influencing the link between moral standards and moral behaviour (Tangney et al., 2011). Moral standards represent an individual's knowledge of moral norms and conventions, as dictated in part by universal laws and in part by specific cultural standards. For example, of primary interest are prohibitions against behaviours that would harm the well-being of others, such as interpersonal violence, criminal behaviour, lying, cheating, and stealing. Moral emotions provide the motivational force — the power and the energy — to do good and avoid doing bad (Kroll et al., 2004) Historically, early psychodynamic theorists such as Freud and Erikson believed that feelings such as guilt, shame, and embarrassment guide children to learn to obey rules of their conscience to avoid uncomfortable feelings (see Chapter 1). In fact, although the research focus on moral emotions is limited, much of the earlier research focussed on these self-conscious emotions. These emotions are elicited when some aspect of the self is scrutinised and evaluated with respect to moral standards (see Tangney et al., 2011). Other-directed negative emotions such as righteous anger, contempt, and disgust are elicited in response to violations, for example, of the ethics of the community, human dignity, and divinity (Rozin et al., 1999). With the advent of positive psychology, psychologists also acknowledged the role of positive emotions in moral behaviour. These include emotions such as gratitude, awe, admiration, joy, and happiness (Turner et al., 2006). In addition, emotions evoked by suffering, such as sympathy and empathy, often lead people to act ethically towards others. As we have seen in the previous chapter, moral development in early children is linked to the development of cognitive capacities, theory of mind, and emotion and selfregulation. How does moral emotions develop during middle childhood? During the last decade, developmental psychologists from different theoretical perspectives have shown increased interest in the development of moral emotions. An example is Nancy Eisenberg's model of prosocial moral development. Nancy Eisenberg (1986, 2015, 2020) argued that children's prosocial moral development involves reasoning or thinking processes when they decide whether to help someone. She presented children and young people from pre-school to Grade 12 with prosocial dilemmas. These dilemmas depicted situations in which helping someone else would require some kind of prosocial sacrifice. A typical scenario is the following: A girl on her way to a birthday party is stopped by another child who is hurt. Stopping to help means she will miss the ice cream, cake, and games. Should the girl help, and if so, why? Based on the responses received, Eisenberg proposed that prosocial reasoning develops through certain levels, as depicted in Table 5.10. It is evident that with age, children move from a sole concern with their own needs to a concern with social approval and finally to reasoning based on broader principles. Eisenberg not only views cognitive development and perspective-taking abilities as important in the development of prosocial reasoning, but also acknowledged the role of emotions such as sympathy, care, pride, and guilt. In contrast to Kohlberg, Eisenberg does not assume that the levels of pro-social reasoning are universal, and that not all children show equal amounts of pro-social behaviour (e.g., see Eisenberg et al., 2006):

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Table 5.10. Eisenberg Eisenberg''s developmental levels of prosocial reasoning LEVEL

AGES Early childhood

Level 1: Hedonistic, Beginning self-focused middle orientation

childhood

Level 2: Needs-based orientation

Level 3: Approval and/ or stereotyped orientation Level 4a: Self-reflective, empathic orientation

Level 4b: Transitional level

Level 5: Strongly internalised values orientation

DESCRIPTION Children are concerned with their own needs and consequences for themselves rather than with moral considerations. Children will help if it benefits them now or in the future, or if they like or need the other person.

Early childhood Mostly middle childhood

Children are concerned with the needs of others, even if they conflict with their own needs. This concern is expressed in the simplest terms, without clear evidence of self-reflective role-taking, verbal expressions of sympathy, or reference to emotions such as pride or guilt.

Middle childhood Adolescence

Children are concerned with being accepted by others and gaining approval. Decisions about helping or not are often based on stereotyped views of what 'good' or 'bad' people do.

Adolescence

Children show self-reflective sympathy for the other person's situation. Role-taking and concern for the other's humanness occur. Children express guilt for not helping and positive feelings for helping. There are sometimes vague references to internalised values or responsibilities.

Adolescence

Children's justifications for helping or not helping involve internalised values, norms, duties, or responsibilities. They may also reflect concerns for the condition of the larger society or refer to the necessity of protecting the rights and dignities of other persons. However, these ideals are not stated clearly or strongly.

A small number of adolescents

Children are concerned with following their own internalised values, norms, beliefs, or duties; the desire to maintain individual and societal contractual obligations or improve the condition of society; and the belief in the rights, dignity, and equality of all individuals. This level is also characterised by positive or negative emotions related to whether one succeeds in living up to one's own values and accepted norms.

Adapted from Siegler et al. (2011).

• Culture. For example, children in collectivist cultures may show Level 5 (societal contractual obligations) reasoning as early as primary school age, since this system places emphasis on responsibility for others, and not just responsibility for oneself as found in cultures that are more individualistic. In addition, emotionality may be valued less in some cultures than in others; thus, socialisation practices that promote empathy-related responding may differ depending on how much empathy and emotionality are valued in general. • Socialisation. For example, children worried about the views of others are more likely to function at Level 3 (approval focused), whereas a child with a similar cognitive ability who has been brought up to be empathetic, will most likely reason at Level 418 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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4 (empathy-focussed). Therefore, children who deeply feel another person's fear, disappointment, sorrow, or loneliness are more inclined to help another person than are children who do not feel these emotions. • Personal costs. As the costs involved in helping someone increase (e.g., in terms of time taken, expense, or physical harm) the more children are likely to offer hedonistic explanations for their actions. Specific situational variables may also be important. For example, if other people are watching, people may act to gain the approval of others. As we have seen in the previous chapter, research has verified that emotions such as guilt, shame and pride develop early in life and that these complex emotions play a role in children's moral behaviour; for example, by feeling guilty after a wrongful act and then deciding to avoid such behaviour in future. However, most psychologists believe that positive emotions, such as empathy, may be just as powerful in moral development. For example, children who deeply feel another person's fear, disappointment, sorrow, or loneliness are more inclined to help another person than are children who do not feel these emotions. Another skill is perspective-taking: The better children understand the thoughts and feelings of other people, the more willing they will be to share and help others. This skill may also be involved in moral dilemmas that result from conflicts between competing and conflicting social situations where children may respond with compassion, care, and a sense of fairness (Jensen, 2008; Smetana, 2006). Research on moral emotions and moral reasoning indicate that children generally feel good or happy about making the 'right' decision. However, sometimes they feel happy about immoral decisions for selfish reasons, such as getting what they wanted (i.e., bullying someone, or taking someone's possessions) (Malti et al., 2013, 2020). Children gradually come to understand the emotional consequences of different morally coloured actions. Thus, children's emotional response to social-moral events is an important step in creating different categories of moral concepts and may predict whether they will act pro-socially or antisocially.

5.4.5.3 Moral behaviour Moral behaviour indicates the 'right' or 'wrong' way to behave; that one should be 'fair' and not 'unfair' to others (Ellemers et al., 2019; Haidt et al., 2010). Most of the domain of morality has centred on analyses of moral thought. The reason for this may be twofold: On the one hand, theorists and researchers may be biased, believing that cognitive thought, reasoning, and judgement play a dominant role in moral behaviour; on the other hand, research procedures may be more convenient — it is much easier to examine how people reason about moral dilemmas than to study their actual moral conduct (behaviour). However, the mechanisms governing the self-regulation of moral conduct involve much more than moral thought. For example, earlier in this chapter, we have seen that although children may think that bullying is wrong, they may engage in this behaviour as bystanders because of peer pressure. Thus, "good people can do bad things". Surprisingly, the issue of the relationship between moral reasoning and moral 419 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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behaviour has received little attention, while efforts to verify the link between moral thought and action have raised disputes and controversies. Albert Bandura (1999) is of the opinion that a comprehensive theory of morality must explain how moral reasoning, in conjunction with other psychosocial factors, governs moral conduct. Bandura's social cognitive theory of moral thought and action adopts an interactionist perspective on moral phenomena — personal factors such as moral thought and emotion, moral behaviour, and environmental factors operate as interacting determinants that influence each other bidirectionally. Among the factors that need to be considered to judge the wrongfulness of behaviour are the following: - - - - - - -

The nature of the transgression, its rate of occurrence, and the degree to which it deviates from the norm. The contexts in which it is performed and the perceived situational and personal motivators for the behaviour. The immediate and long-range consequences of the actions. Whether it produces personal injury or property damage. Whether it is directed at faceless agencies and corporations or at individuals. The characteristics of the wrongdoers, such as their age, gender, and social status. The characteristics of the victims and their perceived blameworthiness.

Various social sources (e.g., societal laws, culture, parents, peers, school, media) influence children's moral rules or standards of conduct (Ellemers et al., 2019; also see 5.4.5.4). From these diverse experiences, children learn which factors are morally relevant and how much weight to attach to them. With increasing social experience and cognitive competence, moral judgements change from single-dimensional rules to multidimensional rules of conduct; therefore, as children become older, they can consider more than one variable to judge their own and another's behaviour. Interestingly, Bandura found that children's ability to integrate information varies more across individuals than across ages. This means that some younger children may be more adept at integrating the information than some older children are. The reason for this lies in parental modelling: Parents differ in their own cognitive processing of information regarding the morality of conduct, and children model their parents' rules in form and complexity. However, this does not imply mindless mimicry: Effective functioning requires selective organisation of attention and inquiry, while sources (i.e., models) of high credibility produce more cognitive change than those viewed as having low credibility do. In the next section, we consider the factors that can promote morally competent behaviour in children.

5.4.5.4 Factors that play a role in children' children's moral development As we have discussed in the previous sections, children's level of moral reasoning in conjunction with emotions and psychosocial factors are important in determining how they will act in certain situations. As mentioned, social sources that play an important role in children's moral behaviour are the family, school, peers, the media, and culture, while 420 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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individual factors such as brain and cognitive development also play an important role. ► Family factors. Researchers agree that families play a significant role in their children's moral development (Tan et al., 2020). - The influence of modelling should not be underestimated. For example, research has shown that that parents' sensitivity to other people's feelings and to injustice may influence moral development in their children (Cowell et al., 2015). - Other family factors that influence the development of children's moral reasoning include parenting and discussion styles, and parents' facilitation of prosocial behaviours (also see Miller et al., 2019; Padilla-Walker et al., 2020). Children who exhibit higher levels of moral reasoning tend to have parents who are verbal, rational people who encourage warm, close relationships. Typically, an authoritative parenting style is followed. - The parental discussion style, which predicts the greatest moral development in children, includes behaviours such as eliciting the child's opinion, asking clarifying questions, paraphrasing, (i.e., repeating it in their own words) and checking for understanding (i.e., to make sure they understand the child). - Disciplinary styles followed by parents are also important. For example, techniques to assert power (e.g., physical punishment) are associated with lower levels of moral reasoning, while induction (explaining the possible consequences of the child's behaviour) is associated with higher levels. - Giving children age-appropriate chores, such as helping with meals, caring for younger siblings, and feeding pets, teach them that they are making an important and genuine contribution towards family welfare. In turn, this feeling promotes prosocial behaviour. Moreover, if children are involved in charity with their family (such as taking food for the needy), their prosocial abilities extend beyond their immediate families. - Storytelling, such as using stories with a strong moral content, can be an ideal vehicle to teach children the value of honesty (Lee et al., 2014). Interestingly, emphasising the positivity of honesty may be more effective than emphasising the negativity of dishonesty. ► School. In addition to the family, the school is also regarded as a fountainhead of a child's moral values. Several factors in the school environment can play an important role in establishing a general school culture that is conducive to moral development. Teachers, just like parents, act as principal moral role models. Teachers' moral and social attitudes, values, beliefs, and consistent discipline show children the desirable characteristics and behaviour needed to function successfully at school and in society. In the process, they also teach children to respect the rights of others and to accept responsibility for one's actions (Gui et al., 2020). However, it is important to remember that the teaching of moral principles should not only be restricted to occasional incidents or situations, but also be part of all aspects of classroom and school life (Seifert et al., 2019). However, to make moral education a true and practical part of the objectives of schools, it is recommended strongly that moral education should become part of their academic curricula. Although it is agreed 421 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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that parents should play the primary role in moral development, this unfortunately does not always happen. For various reasons, the reality is that many parents are not equipped to fulfil this role successfully. Therefore, this essential role should be taken over by another entity, of which the school is often better equipped. ► Peer factors. We discussed the importance of peers earlier in this chapter. Therefore, it is obvious that peer relations and interactions can also contribute significantly to a child's moral development. When playing with other children of the same age, children frequently get involved in conflicts about how games should be played, and which rules should be followed. As everyone has equal status, there is considerable pressure on children to compromise, thereby acknowledging that others may also have a valid point of view, even though it may differ from their own. In this way, their perspective-taking ability develops — an element essential in moral development. As mentioned earlier, this ability to take perspective may also be particularly important for enhancing children's understanding of fairness and justice (Berk, 2019). Equally important is the development of a collective conscience. A collective conscience refers to a set of shared beliefs, values, and moral attitudes that operate as a unifying force within a group or society (see VandenBos, 2007). As children at this stage are still searching for a moral identity, this binding factor can easily shape a child's decisions and choices positively or negatively. ► Culture. We have emphasised the importance of culture in the development of children several times before (e.g., see Chapter 1). Culture is regarded as one of the most significant factors in the development of moral behaviour (see Jia et al., 2019; Mcnamara, 2019). This is understandable if one considers the elements of culture described in the literature; for example, religion, values, social habits, experience, beliefs, traditions, attitudes, and goals. Therefore, the do's and taboos with which children grow up are embedded firmly in the culture in which they live. Therefore, people from different cultures may vary on the kinds of criteria they have for regarding behaviour as moral or immoral (see Jensen, 2008 for an extensive review). However, culture is one of the concepts that should be construed with the necessary caution. In this regard, individual and group differences are the major variables that should be kept in mind. For example, is it possible to talk about a South African culture like we tend to do? The South African History Online Project (2019) emphatically states that as South Africa is a multilingual and ethnically diverse country, there is no single 'South African culture'. This is understandable. For example, South Africa has 11 official languages (while many others are also spoken) and various religious groups and subgroups. Furthermore, there are significant differences within a particular group; for example, the moral values of a Zulu medical doctor in Johannesburg and the values of a traditional Zulu farmer in rural Zululand may be worlds apart. Most probably, the moral development of Zulu children raised in these different moral environments will also differ. ► Media. The influence of media including their positive and negative influences, has also been discussed in various contexts in previous chapters. The advent of the Internet and specifically social media is of special concern for parents. With the perceived invisibility and anonymity of the Internet, it can also mean that people act 422 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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differently online, compared to how they would in real life. This can lead to moral disengagement, where people can act immorally while still viewing themselves disengagement as moral persons. This disengagement is believed to encourage cyberbullying. However, for parents to ban social media use altogether is unlikely to be a successful strategy in the long term — social media are not going away. Instead, we need to better understand the relationship between the use of social media and a young person's character and moral values, because it is clear that the online environment is a moral terrain that requires successful navigation. By understanding how moral disengagement can be avoided, adults can help to create a safer and more even path for young people to negotiate. However, it is not all doom and gloom — social media can be a source for positive moral development, including humour, appreciation of beauty, creativity, kindness, love, and courage. Positive online content could have a positive influence on children's attitudes and behaviours because on sites such as Facebook and Twitter, users often come across new perspectives and circumstances, such as different religions, cultures, and social groups. Exposure to these situations could help young people to be more understanding and tolerant, which in turn develops their empathy and perspective-taking skills (Morgan, 2016). ► Brain function. As you know by now, most psychologists believe that most forms of behaviour have some biological basis. Therefore, it is understandable that psychologists and neuroscientists have also developed interest in the role of the brain in moral behaviour. In fact, various researchers have found a correlation between brain function and moral behaviour, while differences in brain function are associated with higher and lower levels of moral reasoning (see Arutyunova et al., 2020; Fang et al., 2017: Zahn et al., 2020). However, the possibility of a 'moral brain' does not exist per se but comprises a large functional network that includes several brain structures (see Pasqual et al., 2013). At the same time, many of these brain structures overlap with other parts of the brain that control different processes. For example, the prefrontal cortex is engaged in moral judgement, social decision-making, and adherence to social norms and values. The limbic system and amygdala play an important role in processing emotions involved in moral judgement, empathy, and social ability. Parietal and temporal structures play important roles in the attribution of others' beliefs and intentions. Therefore, it seems that moral processes require the engagement of specific structures of both the 'emotional' and the 'cognitive' brains. ► Cognitive abilities and intelligence. Several studies have found that intellectual giftedness is related to a higher level of moral development in adolescents and young adults (e.g., Lee et al., 2006; Wood et al., 2020). To determine whether these findings can be extended to younger children, Beißert et al. (2016) conducted a study with 6- to 9-year-old children. They used a broad concept of moral development, including emotional aspects and applying an approach that was closely connected to children's daily lives. Results demonstrated that findings from prior research with adolescents or adults could not merely be extended to younger participants. No significant correlations of moral development and intelligence were found for any of the moral aspects measured. This provides the first evidence that — at least in middle childhood — moral developmental status seems to be independent of children's 423 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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general intelligence. The researchers accept that children need certain cognitive abilities in morally relevant situations to coordinate perspectives, select and process relevant information, anticipate consequences, and interpret the total situation. However, given their findings, it can be assumed that young children already have a sufficient minimum level of cognitive abilities to manage morally relevant situations successfully. Thus, individual differences in children's moral development need to be explained by factors other than intelligence (also see Jahan et al., 2018). Given that morality is a highly complex process, researchers conclude that interaction between individual differences such as personality, biological factors such as genetics, and factors depending on the environment, such as culture, socialisation practices, education, and life-experience, may contribute to individual differences in moral development. Also, as in all correlational studies (see Chapter 1), the cause-effect principle should always be remembered: Is a specific brain function the cause or effect (result) of moral or immoral behaviour? REVIEW THIS SECTION 1. Explain the following concepts: Morality, moral judgement, moral reasoning, moral emotions, moral standards, moral behaviour. 2. Discuss Jean Piaget's theory of the development of moral judgement as it pertains to moral reasoning and cognition. Evaluate this theory. 3. Discuss Lawrence Kohlberg's theory of moral reasoning. Evaluate this theory. 4. Discuss the evolvement of research on moral emotions; that is, from the influence of uncomfortable feelings to the influence of positive feelings on moral development. 5. Discuss Nancy Eisenberg's model of prosocial moral development. Discuss the factors that could influence children's pro-social moral development. 6. Why has most of the domain of morality centred on analyses of thinking? Why is it important to incorporate moral behaviour in a discussion on children's moral development? 7. Discuss Albert Bandura's social cognitive theory of moral thought and action. 8. Discuss the factors that play a role in children's moral development: (a) Family factors (b) School (c) Peer factors (d) Culture (e) Media (f) Brain function (h) Cognitive abilities and intelligence

5.4.6 Religion and Spirituality in Children Children''s letters to God: Children

Dear God … -

Are you really invisible, or is that just a trick? 424

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How did you know you were God? Did you mean for a giraffe to look like that, or was it an accident? I'm South African. What are you? Thank you for my little sister, but what I actually prayed for was a puppy. If you watch me in church on Sunday, I'I'll show you my new shoes. Do you throw the lightning down at us? It scares me a lot when it goes BOOM. Please stop. My grandma is dying. She says you want her back with you, but I want her to stay here with me. You can have anyone you want. She' She's all I have, so please let her get better and stay. Why didn' didn't you make me special? Mia is pretty and Janine is smart. Ryan can run faster than anyone can and wins all the races. Tina has perfect teeth. And Thabo can speak two languages. Did you forget to give me something special to be? I have no best friend. Everyone at school seems to have a best friend but me. Could you send me one, please? And hurry. Please make me pretty. Because I think I'I'm not very smart.

Most people in the world are at least somewhat religious. In a large international study in nearly 70 countries across the world, including South Africa, about 60% of people in the world define themselves as religious (Gallup International, 2017). Of course, this does not mean that they live according to the directives and laws of the specific religion. It is estimated that there are more than 4 000 active religions in the world. The two largest religions are Christianity, which forms about one-third of the world population, and Islam (followers are usually called Muslims), with about a quarter of the world population. In South Africa, almost all people are religious and/or spiritual. More than 80% of South Africans follow the Christian faith (including the Zionist-Christian Church, which combines Christianity with some elements of traditional African beliefs). Ancestral or traditional African religions are practised by 5% of the population (Cultural Atlas, 2021). However, in almost all religions, there are different interpretations of their holy scriptures, such as the Bible (Christianity) and Qur'an (Islam) that have led to subdivisions. For instance, the number of different Christian denominations worldwide is estimated as high as 50 000 (Johnson, 2015). It is noteworthy that there is a decline of organised or formal religion in many countries, including in South Africa (Inglehart, 2020; WIN-Gallup, 2012). Experts agree that religion and spirituality play a significant role in the development of children (Abo-Zena et al. 2019; Collins et al., 2019). Therefore, it is interesting that, until a few years ago, this important aspect had received relatively little attention in the annals of child development. One reason for this is that many theorists and researchers were critical of the view that children, especially pre-adolescents, have the psychological and especially cognitive capacities to be genuinely religious and spiritual (Hart, 2006; Moore, 2016). Before one could have a meaningful discussion on this often-controversial topic, it is important that we should first understand the terms religion and spirituality, as they often are misinterpreted. In fact, these terms often are used interchangeably (as synonyms), even though they have different meanings. 425 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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Religion is a controversial and debatable concept, and many authors disagree on a definition. However, most would agree in principle with the following: Religion is essentially a human institution to embody the belief in and worship of a superhuman controlling power, especially a personal God or gods (see Oxford English Dictionary, 2020). Religion offers organised structures to provide people with moral guidelines in the form of a set of behaviours to live by, such as the Ten Commandments for Christians. It is often characterised by strong tradition and loyalty to the institution. Religions tend to be steadfast, conformist, and even presumptuous; for example, when someone states, "My religion/denomination is the only correct one." Spirituality is a much broader term than religion and often is defined as "the search for the sacred" (Kim et al., 2020). It is a person's pursuit of, belief in, or experience of a higher power. This higher power may, but does not necessarily, include God. Spiritual people accept that all religions could have 'the truth'. Spirituality focuses on finding one's own individual path to this higher power. Therefore, it could be said that religious people are usually spiritual people as well, but spiritual people do not necessarily have to be religious. Religion and spirituality have been found to be positive predictors of subjective wellbeing, even if results are not altogether consistent across studies (Villani et al., 2019; Whitley, 2017). The advantages of religion and spirituality in the development of children include the following (Bosco-Ruggiero, 2020; Dollahite et al., 2019; Hardy et al., 2019): • Religion and spirituality are often associated with positive mental health and wellbeing. For example, religious and spiritual children tend to abstain more from antisocial and risky behaviour (e.g., drug abuse and sexual promiscuity) than peers without this basis do. Religious children also tend to have better communication with their parents, are more engaged in the community, are more empathetic, and in general, have higher moral standards such as honesty. • Religion and spirituality can serve as an important shield or 'security blanket' against life's poundings. It can promote resilience and coping strategies to handle the stress of everyday life. This is especially important for children from traumatic backgrounds. • Religion provides people with important social networks to which individuals and families can turn for emotional and material support and assistance. • Religion has been shown to enhance family relationships, as it tends to involve the whole family in the religious rituals and processes. It also tends to improve parentchild relationships. The aforementioned does not mean that religion always has a positive influence. For example, people who believe in a punishing God tend to have poorer mental health than those who believe in a gentle and supportive God (Loewenthal et al., 2011; Lyon et al., 2019). For example, many children have unnecessary guilt feelings and even suffer from depression and anxiety because they believe masturbation is a sin and that God will punish them for doing so. Some religions value almost blind obedience from their children and thus could suppress the important developmental characteristic of autonomy. Research has also indicated that young children with a religious upbringing struggle more than other 426 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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A young girl prays one evening ...... She prays, "Dear God, thank you for the food. Amen." Her mother says, "But what about Daddy and Mommy?" She prays, "Dear God, thank you for Daddy and Mommy. Amen." Her mother says, "But what about your brother and sister?" She prays: "Dear God, thank you for my brother and sister. Amen." Her mother says, "But what about your friends?" She prays, "Dear God, please hold on, my Mom wants to speak to you."

children do to separate fact from fiction when presented with religious ideas or fantasy stories (Corriveau et al., 2014). The question whether the different religions differ regarding their effect on the development of children, or whether religion and spirituality have different effects on children has not been answered and is an unexplored research area. Another debate centres around the assumed positive effects of especially religion. As we know by now, if there is a positive correlation between A and B, it does not necessarily mean that A caused B. It could just as well be the other way around. Therefore, in this case, the question is whether religion affects children's behaviour positively, or whether children who display positive behaviour are attracted more by religion and fit more comfortably into a religious congregation. In other words, it could be "they are religious because they are good children"; not, "they are good children because they are religious". Other questions such as the following are also awaiting a definite answer: What is the lifelong effect of religion and spirituality? Is the effect of religion and spirituality determined by the person's personality and other factors? What specific dimensions of religion or spirituality influence the development of the child? Another controversial and even emotive question regarding religion is whether religious children act more morally than children without a religious upbringing do. As mentioned above, many authors believe it is the case, mainly because religion provides moral beliefs and guidelines for children. However, various other researchers could not find any difference. For example, they believe that morality is about not harming others, helping those in need, being trustworthy, and live by the rules of society — and the idea that this is somehow a domain of religion is untrue. For example, non-religious people are often more involved in welfare for the poor and environmental protection, and discriminate less based on ethnicity, race, gender, and sexual orientation (see Davis, 2018; Zuckerman, 2020). African morality is not necessarily based on religion or faith, but on the beneficiary values of collective family and community well-being, without dissolving the individual's character (Nel, 2008). Against this background, it is understandable that, after a review of the literature, researchers declared that there is no simple conclusion about whether religion or spirituality contributes to children's moral development in a significant way (King et al., 2015; Timsit, 2018). You have been introduced to several theories of child development, for example Piaget's cognitive theory, Erikson's psychosocial theory, and Kohlberg's theory of moral 427 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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development. A few theories on religious and spiritual development of children have also been proposed. The best-known of these is James Fowler's faith development theory (Fowler, 1981; Fowler et al., 2006). Although Fowler uses the term 'faith' in a broader sense than only religious and spiritual faith, it is accepted widely that his theory refers mainly to these two concepts. Fowler outlined seven stages in the development of faith, of which four stages refer to children: ► Primal faith (infancy to age 2). This could be regarded as a 'pre-stage' and is not always mentioned by authors. (That is why some authors refer to only six stages, not seven.) This stage is similar to Erik Erikson's stage of trust versus mistrust. Infants develop a feeling of basic trust and support, based on the interaction with their parents or other caregivers. Because of these feelings of trust and support, children will develop a sense of security and safety about the universe and the divine. In turn, this lays the foundation for the healthy development of faith, while mistrust and anxiety could have a negative effect. ► Intuitive-projective faith (early childhood). The awakening of religious morality (ability to distinguish between acceptable and non-acceptable behaviour) takes place during this stage. This is based on the interactions and experiences with the parents, caretakers, and society. Representations of God and the devil, which are usually very concrete, are formed. However, children have not yet reached a level of cognitive development that will always enable them to distinguish between fantasy and reality. ► Mythical-literal faith (middle childhood). Children's world is expanded, and their development of faith is now also influenced by additional significant others such as teachers, religious leaders, and peers. Although children now begin to think more logically, they still tend to interpret religious stories very literally, for example, "God lives in the clouds"; "He looks like my grandfather"; and the devil "has horns and carries a big fork". Children now also believe that if they are good, they will be rewarded, but will be punished if they are naughty or bad. Some adults remain in this stage. ► Synthetic-conventional faith (adolescence). Especially at the beginning of this stage, there is a yearning to be loved in a deep and comprehensive way. This is projected into a need to have a personal relationship with God. Children in this stage believe as everyone else believes, largely because they want to be accepted by their peers and remain part of the group. (Fowler states, maybe tongue in the cheek, that religious institutions like a church will function best if most of the congregation are in this stage; that is, they accept and do not question!) Because of the development of higher cognitive functions, people begin moving out of this stage when they start questioning what they are taught or what they read and see. Many adults never move beyond this stage. As in many other developmental theories in Psychology, the sequential moving "from one stage to another is not automatic or assured" (Fowler et al., 2006, p. 36). Persons may be chronologically or biologically mature but could still be in a stage correlated with early or middle childhood, or adolescence. By the same token, children and adolescents could be in a stage that is usually associated with older persons. 428 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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However, Fowler's theory is not above criticism (see Coyle, 2011; Piper 2002). Probably, the best-known criticism is that his definition of faith is very wide and even extends beyond religious faith. Therefore, it is open to many different interpretations, which complicates the comparison of research results. Furthermore, critics hold the view that Fowler underestimates modern children. Children, especially adolescents, are more inclined to approach the conventional critically and even rebel against it, different from what Fowler believes. The theory has also been criticised that it is male oriented and thus discriminates against females, and that it is Euro-American centred and does not consider other religions (e.g., traditional African religions). Regardless of these points of criticism, research generally has supported Fowler's theory, and it still is the most widely used and quoted theory of faith development. Most religions include certain rituals and rites. Children learn through participation in these rituals and rites, and through the accompanied narratives, songs, dancing, offerings, and prayers. (See Box 5.9 regarding Hinduism, and Box 5.10 regarding Islamic upbringing.)

BOX 5.9. HINDUISM: A CULTURAL-RELIGIOUS PERSPECTIVE Childhood is considered sacred in many Hindu texts, and the Gods and Goddesses are often portrayed as children in iconography. For example, Lord Krishna is celebrated as a mischievous and free-willed child. In Hinduism, the spiritual life of a child begins in the embryo, and the expecting parents participate in many rituals aimed at safeguarding both mother and child. Once the child is born, birth rituals aimed at welcoming the child into the world and securing a long and healthy life are performed. On the 28th day after birth, a ceremonial black thread and gold chain and securing are tied around the baby's waist, the baby's eyes are lined with Kohl (black eyeliner), and a black spot is placed on the baby's cheek to ward off evil. A naming ritual takes place before children's first birthday, and names chosen for children usually have a special meaning aimed at helping children in their path towards spiritual enlightenment. A variety of sacraments are performed from children's sixth month until their sixth birthday, including the first solid food (usually honey and ghee [clarified butter]). Before children begin schooling, a ceremony is held to initiate them spiritually into learning. Until children reach school age (around 7 years), they are regarded as lacking sin or the effects of karma (i.e., the idea that our actions in this life will have implications for our next life). Worship in Hinduism is a daily event, called puja, and can be performed at home or at a temple. Puja at home is characterised typically by offerings of light (the lighting of a lamp), fragrances, milk sweetmeats, and ghee. The home shrine is typically the first place of worship for children, and they observe their parents perform daily rituals and prayers. The parents (particularly the mother) are responsible for teaching children about Hinduism. This is done by narrating mythological stories, which contain moral and spiritual messages. Anita Padmanabhanunni, University of the Western Cape.

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The major tenets of Hinduism: Dharma (ethics/duties), Karma (action and reaction), Artha (prosperity/ work) and Moksha (liberation/enlightenment/release)

The five pillars of Islam: Faith, Prayer, Fasting, Charity, and Pilgrimage

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BOX 5.10. THE STAGES OF ISLAMIC UPBRINGING Prophet Muhammad divides the life of a child from the age of infancy to 21 years into three stages. He advises the parents to play with their children for the first seven years, then teach them for the next seven years, and advise them for the next seven years": • During the first stage, from birth to seven years old, it must be a priority to instil in children the values necessary for a proper upbringing and to work on character building. This is not the period to introduce complex concepts, and it is not suitable to use fear and shame as a tactic to get children to follow Islamic laws. Instead, Prophet Muhammad teaches at this stage that parents and other adults must model appropriate behaviour and treat children with grace and respect. This will lead to the forgiveness of sins. The Prophet also encourages parents to allow their children to be active in sports during this phase to create a sense of discipline in their lives. • The second phase of Islamic upbringing occurs between the ages of 8 and 15. During the first two stages, children are taught the steps of prayer and ablution (ritual washing or cleansing). At the age of nine, they are expected to master prayer. Once a child has learnt how to pray, God will forgive the sins of the parents. Children learn prayer in gradual steps. After the onset of puberty, a child is regarded as physically matured, responsible, and accountable. • The final stage of Islamic upbringing takes place between the ages 15 and 21. At this point, the demanding work of the community in working together to raise a child should manifest itself in the child's conduct. The Prophet suggests that parents now act as 'friends' to their child, rather than continue the role of a 'teacher'. In other words, the child should now be treated more like an adult than like a child. It is the responsibility of all members of the community to work together to instil in children the best social, moral, and religious values. Generally, the concept of tarbiyyah (child nurturance) is the umbrella term for such discussions. Since Muslims are socially, economically, geographically, and theologically diverse, child upbringing/parenting practices will differ or be adapted regionally. Jawad (2011); Salie (2021); Patel (2021); also see Rizvi (2012).

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REVIEW THIS SECTION 1. Why has research on children's religious development been neglected? Why is religion an important aspect to consider in children's development? 2. Discuss the concepts religion and spirituality. 3. What are the main advantages of religion and spirituality? Under what circumstances can religion be a disadvantage? 4. Do religious people act more morally than non-religious people do? Discuss this issue. 5. Discuss Fowler's theory of religious development in children. What are the criticisms against this theory? 6. We included some examples of children's introduction into Hindu and Islamic religious practices. Share your experiences of your specific cultural/religious orientation in a class/ online discussion.

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6

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Why hasn' hasn't anybody ever thought of giving the world' world's problems to teenagers to solve? They know everything! (Anonymous) Adolescents never understand that the best way to avoid notice is to act normal. (Orson Card) Youth are heated by nature as drunken men are by wine. (Aristotle 384 – 322 BC). To an adolescent, there is nothing more embarrassing than a parent. (Anonymous). Teenagers complain there' there's nothing to do; then they stay out all night doing it. (Bob Phillips) Telling a teenager the facts of life is like giving a fish a bath. (Arnold H. Glasow) ... in matters of taste and manners, the young people of every generation have seemed radical, unnerving, and different from adults — different in how they look, in how they behave, in the music they enjoy, in their hairstyles, and in the clothing they choose. It is an enormous error, though, to confuse adolescents' adolescents' enthusiasm for trying on new identities and enjoying moderate amounts of outrageous behaviour with hostility toward parental and societal standards. Acting out and boundary testing are time-honoured ways in which adolescents move toward accepting, rather than rejecting, parental values (Santrock, 2019, p. 418).

The above quotations give us a glimpse of what is regarded by many as the most interesting and intriguing developmental stage — adolescence.

6.1 WHAT IS ADOLESCENCE? Adolescence is the period of transition between childhood and adulthood. Therefore, it can be regarded as a developmental bridge between being a child and becoming an adult. However, demarcating adolescence by age has led to various stances.

6.1.1 Demarcating Adolescence Adolescence has not always been regarded as a distinct period of the life span. Up to the 19th century, most children did not have formal schooling, were married at a young age, and immediately assumed an adult role. Therefore, this brought about a quick transition from childhood to adulthood. However, with the emergence of formal schooling and children's rights in the Western world, a transitional period from childhood to adulthood came into being. Because of research and globalisation (the process of increased international interaction and cultural exchange), most countries now acknowledge adolescence as an important life stage in its own right. 435 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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Depending on biological and sociocultural factors, as well as on individual differences and diverse academic viewpoints, adolescence lasts from 10 to 24 years (APA, 2020; Sawyer et al., 2018; WHO, 2020). Some authors even divide adolescence into different stages, namely early adolescence: adolescence 10 to 14 years; middle adolescence: adolescence 15 to 18 years; and late adolescence: adolescence 19 to 21 or 24 years (see American Academy of Pediatrics, 2020; Curtis, 2015). However, these substages are not used often. Because of these variations in the age boundaries of adolescence, it would be more acceptable to demarcate the adolescent developmental stage according to specific physical and psychological developmental characteristics and sociocultural norms, rather than on chronological age. In fact, adolescence has been described as a stage beginning in biology and ending in society (Zeid, 2016). From this viewpoint, adolescence begins at puberty when the body reaches sexual maturation and ends when the person meets the societal norms and expectations of being an adult. Examples of these norms and expectations include independence, self-reliance, and the fulfilment of adult roles such as following a career. In South Africa, adolescence legally ends at the age of 18, when parental consent expires, and the person may be held liable for contractual obligations. However, legal criteria can be ambiguous, and they are often not a good indication of the end of adolescence. For example, as mentioned in Chapter 1, according to the South African Constitution, a child is a person under the age of 18. However, in certain cases, a child is allowed to make adultlike decisions; for example, a girl of 12 years could get an abortion without informing or consulting her parents if she so chooses (The Choice on Termination of Pregnancy Act 92 of 1996). Are adolescents growing up more slowly today? Many people believe that adolescents are growing up faster than they used to, because they are allowed more liberties by their parents, while they are also exposed to more 'free-thinking' community norms and accompanying new temptations than before. However, an analysis of data of more than 8 million 13- to 19-year-olds in the USA between 1976 and 2016 did not confirm this. In fact, they found that today's adolescents are taking longer than their predecessors to embrace adult responsibilities (e.g., working and driving) and adult pleasure (e.g., alcohol use and being sexually active) (Twenge et al., 2018). More specifically, the researchers of the study stated that in terms of adult activities, 18-year-olds now look like 15-year-olds once did. They proposed that an important reason for this decline is that adolescents prefer to spend much more of their time online. In this book, the more traditional psychological perspective that adolescence spans from approximately 12 to 18 years will be followed.

6.1.2 A Stormy Phase? In addition to the vagueness surrounding the demarcation of adolescence, there are several divergent opinions regarding the most common psychological characteristics of adolescents. On the one hand, adolescence is viewed as a stage characterised by conflict with parents and other authority figures, moodiness, and high-risk behaviours. According to this description, adolescents experience a stormy period that is biologically based. It 436 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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seems that this viewpoint has been with us for many centuries. For example, the well-known philosopher Socrates (469-399 BC) said that adolescents contradict their parents, don't respect their elders, are indolent, eat gluttonously, and tyrannise their teachers. Many parents and teachers of today would agree with Socrates. Conversely, others contend that adolescents have a much A stormy phase? more negative reputation than they deserve and that they are no worse than their parents were when they were young (Jewell et al., 2018; Sigelman et al., 2018). Many view the current generations of adolescents as better informed and more idealistic, open-minded, and tolerant towards others, and more aware of human rights and relevant aspects such as discrimination than previous generations were (see Robinson, 2020; Sirota et al., 2019). Although the aforementioned two viewpoints are still being debated in certain circles, most psychologists agree on the following (see Arnett et al., 2019; Kail et al., 2019; Santrock, 2019): • Extreme views on adolescence have been replaced by a more balanced perspective, namely that adolescence is a normal period of development, although it is acknowledged that adolescents' biological and psychosocial functioning undergo major changes to prepare them for adult life. • Most adolescents do not experience any significant maladjustment, undesirable behaviours, or continuous emotional turmoil. Most adolescents' values are also similar to those of their parents. • Some adolescents experience this period as stormy and stressful, but they are more likely (but not exclusively) to come from a dysfunctional family background. • It seems that adolescence is the 'weak link' in the life stages chain: If storm and stress do occur, it is most likely to happen in adolescence. • In many cases, perceived negative behaviour is not nearly as serious as it seems. For example, higher rates of conflict between adolescents and their parents do not indicate a critical or enduring breach in their relationship. • Adolescence with its associated characteristics is a universal phenomenon that seems to occur in all cultures, although differences in duration, content, and daily experience occur. However, there are strong indications that storm and stress tend to be lower in traditional cultures than they are in Western cultures. In traditional cultures, it is expected of adolescents to conform, while the family, peers, and community assist to keep them on the right path. Unfortunately, important characteristics such as independence and creativity are reduced. In Western-orientated societies, there is less conformity and more creativity, but unfortunately, also more risk-taking behaviour. 437 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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REVIEW THIS SECTION 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

•

How is the beginning of adolescence defined? How is the end of adolescence defined? Why is it difficult to demarcate the beginning and end of adolescence? Critically discuss the assumption that adolescence is a stormy phase. Reflect on your own adolescence. How did you experience this period; as relatively 'stormy' or 'calm'? What may have contributed to your experience?

6.2 PHYSICAL DEVELOPMENT Various important physical changes take place during adolescence. These include changes in height, body mass, muscles, brain development, and sexual maturation. These changes will be discussed next.

6.2.1 Adolescent Growth Spurt During early adolescence, physical changes are so rapid and intense that it is known as the growth spurt. spurt This spurt is initiated by the secretion of the growth hormone, hormone known as somatotrophin somatotrophin. This hormone stimulates the growth of essentially all tissues of the body, including bone (Utiger, 2020), and has a significant effect on weight and height. For interest's sake: somatotrophin is given to children with dwarfism (short stature) to help them grow in cases of growth hormone deficiency (Shiel, 2020). Although there may be individual differences, in healthy populations, the growth spurt of girls begins at about 10 to 13 years and ends at 16 years or later, while among boys it begins at 12 to 15 years and ends at about 18 years or later. Although the growth spurt begins two years earlier in girls than in boys, boys grow more rapidly than girls do during adolescence (Tanner, 2019). This means that by the end of the growing phase, boys on average are taller than girls of the same age are. Girls reach their adult height towards late adolescence, while boys reach their adult height during their early twenties. Although all the parts of the body grow rapidly, the tempo of growth is different for the various body parts. This disproportionate growth tempo of the different body parts is known as asynchrony (Mcinerney et al., 2017). The first parts that show accelerated growth are the legs, arms, hands, and feet. The torso (upper body) then begins to lengthen. This elongated body with long arms and legs, and big hands and feet often causes adolescents to look awkward and uncoordinated. When the growth tempo of the skeleton starts decreasing, the mass and muscle development of the body begins to increase, and the long-legged stage ends. In girls, the body contours become more rounded (due to the widening of the hips), whereas boys become more angular (due to the broadening of the shoulders). However, as mentioned before, the uniqueness of each individual should be 438 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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considered. While some 12- or 13-year-old adolescents may already have the mature bodies of adults, other adolescents of the same age may still have the childlike bodies of 10-year-olds. As with all developmental differences, these differences could also be attributed to the complex interaction between genetic and environmental factors.

6.2.2 Brain Development As we have mentioned in Chapter 3, scientific advances in especially neuroimaging over the past few decades have contributed to a much greater understanding of the growth of the human brain from before birth to adulthood. Until quite recently, there had been a general assumption in developmental psychology and neuroscience that major changes in the architecture and functioning of the brain were limited to the prenatal period and the first five or six years of life. However, neuroimaging has revealed that brain structure develops until early adulthood (about 25 to 30 years of age) (American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry, 2021; Dumontheil, 2016).

6.2.2.1 Structural and functional changes in the brain during adolescence During adolescence, the brain undergoes significant maturational processes in both structure and function. These developments change the way in which adolescents think and process information, as well as how they interact with others. These changes involve the following (see Chapter 3 for the explanation of concepts; also see; Braams et al., 2015; Hauser, 2021; Konrad, 2013; Santrock, 2019; Steinberg, 2011, 2020): During adolescence, the brain is 'remodelled' through two processes: synaptic pruning and continued myelination in certain brain regions. These processes are important for sophisticated thinking abilities and increased connectivity between brain regions. For example, the corpus callosum thickens in adolescence and improves adolescents' ability to process information. Because the brain does not mature at the same rate in all its regions (for example, as we have seen with young children, the motor and sensory regions develop before the higher-level executive functions do), this has profound effects on adolescents' functioning. For example, the limbic system matures early in adolescence, while the frontal lobes (or prefrontal cortex) cortex (see Figure 6.1 for the position of these structures in the brain), which control impulses, planning, higher-order thinking, and engaging in longerterm perspectives, mature only in later adolescence and early adulthood (at about 25 to 30 years). Therefore, although adolescents are capable of very strong emotions, the prefrontal cortex has not developed adequately to control these passions. This may explain why younger adolescents may take more risks than older adolescents and adults do. This coincides with the fact that the frontal regions are the last to become myelinated. Some authors explain this difference in the rate of brain maturation as starting the engines with an unskilled driver while the braking systems are not working properly yet. In addition, certain neurotransmitters such as dopamine and serotonin serotonin, and changes partly caused by puberty, make adolescents more emotional, more responsive to 439 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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Figure 6.1. The position of the prefrontal cortex and limbic system

stress, and more prone to seeking reward and sensation than younger children or adults are. In fact, dopamine activity is greater in the limbic pathways during early adolescence than at any other point in development. These changes are also believed to increase adolescents' vulnerability to substance abuse and high-risk behaviour, while they are also at risk for mental health problems such as depression, anxiety, and eating disorders (Guyer et al., 2016). Another negative outcome of adolescents' increase in emotional reactivity is their increased sensitivity to feeling threatened, which may cause them to react aggressively towards others or deliberately seek out experiences that are frightening. Another area that undergoes structural and functional development, is an area referred to as the social brain. brain The social brain includes a network of multiple brain regions that are involved in social cognition (D'Mello, 2019). It includes recognising social cues such as people's facial expressions and behaviour, and the understanding of others' emotions, intentions, and beliefs. In early adolescence, changes in the sensitivity of the social brain to social cues intensify adolescents' sensitivity, which is why adolescents are more prone to feel embarrassed than either younger children or adults are. This also may be why adolescents are susceptible to social influence, especially peer pressure (Kilford et al., 2016). As the frontal lobes become more developed, several changes take place (Crone et al., 2017). For example, changes in brain functioning involving the prefrontal cortex lead to greater efficiency in information processing, response inhibition, and executive functioning. More areas of the brain become involved (called functional connectivity) connectivity to coordinate thinking and feeling and process emotions. Self-control also develops as adolescents are better able to assess cause and effect. In addition, adolescents' ability to recognise subtle changes in others' facial expression improves, while their sensitivity to others' mental states also increases.

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The adolescent brain, as seen by many parents

6.2.2.2 Biology, experience, and plasticity: Influences on brain development in adolescence A topic of controversy involves which comes first — biological changes in the brain or experiences that stimulate these changes. It seems that this nature-nurture issue is difficult to tease apart. For example, does the prefrontal cortex thicken because adolescents can resist peer pressure, or can adolescents resist peer pressure because the prefrontal cortex thickens? Neuroscientific research is integral to improving our understanding of the brain developments that take place during this time and how these transformations are influenced by interactions between the evolving adolescent brain and the environment in which it develops (UNICEF, 2017). Researchers have known for some time that the brain is particularly malleable or plastic during the first three years of life. This means that the brain has the capacity to change in response to environmental experiences. In other words, the developing brain is influenced both by passive exposure (experiences of which we are not even aware) and active experiences (such as learning). A fairly recent discovery is that a second period of plasticity occurs in adolescence (Fuhrmann et al., 2015). Therefore, extensive remodelling of the brain's circuitry occurs while the brain is still maturing. Because the brain is so much more malleable during this time, it can be affected in potentially permanent ways, by every experience, whether positive or negative. For example, plasticity allows adolescents to learn from experience and adapt to the environment, while the continuing development of 441 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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the prefrontal cortex allows adolescents to benefit considerably from education (Dahl et al., 2018). No wonder Steinberg (2020, p. 53) calls adolescence an "age of opportunity". However, this malleability poses some risks as well: during this time of heightened sensitivity, the brain is also more vulnerable to damage from physical harms such as drugs (including nicotine and alcohol) and injuries, or psychological harms, such as trauma and stress. Damage done during this time may even be permanent, or cause trouble into adulthood. (See also Box 6.1 on the effects of contact sports on the adolescent brain.)

BOX 6.1. NEURO-BEHAVIOURAL EFFECT OF CONTACT SPORT ON THE ADOLESCENT BRAIN South Africa is a sport-loving country, and most adolescents take part in some noncontact or contact sport. One of the most popular contact sports for adolescent boys is rugby, which is understandable: The Springboks have been crowned world champions three times. However, rugby has been classified as one of the world's most dangerous sports and the most susceptible to incidences of mild traumatic brain injuries (MTBI MTBI) (Carter, 2015; Manning et al., 2020). MTBI is caused by a blow, bump, or jolt to the head resulting in the alteration of consciousness (concussion, confusion, disorientation, or loss of memory) or loss of consciousness for less than 30 minutes (American Association of Neurological Surgeons, 2020; Lefevre-Dognin et al., 2020). However, one should not be misled by the word 'mild'. These injuries can have long-term psychological complications (e.g., depression), chronic cognitive symptomatology (memory problems) and general higher healthcare usage (Pozzato et al., 2020). In an interesting South African study, the neuro-behavioural effect of rugby on male adolescent players was investigated (Basson et al., 2017). (The term neuro-behavioural refers to the effect of the nervous system, especially the brain, on behaviour.) The researchers found a general trend for adolescent rugby players to be at an elevated risk for impairment of executive functioning compared to non-contact sport players. As mentioned in previous chapters, executive functioning is an umbrella term for neurologically based skills such as memory, inhibition, motivation, emotional self-regulation, planning, and problemsolving. Other South African researchers have found similar results (e.g., Nel et al., 2017; Shuttleworth-Edwards et al., 2007). However, rugby is not the only contact sport in which MTBI can occur. Several other sports such as boxing and soccer could also cause MTBI. In fact, almost 50% of about 300 000 young sportspersons who seek care in U.S. emergency departments each year for sport-related brain injuries were injured in contact sports (Sarmiento et al., 2019).

6.2.2.3 The influence of gender on brain development Sometimes, it is claimed in the media that important differences exist between the brains of adolescent boys and girls (and, for that matter, also between adult men and 442 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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women). Steinberg (2020) provides a summary of existing research: Studies indicate that differences between the genders in brain structure and function are very small and unlikely to explain differences between males and females in the way they behave or think. Furthermore, there are few consistent gender differences in the size of specific brain regions or structures — some parts of the brain are slightly larger in females, and some are slightly larger in males. In general, however, the similarities between males and females in brain structure and function — before, during, and after adolescence — are far more striking than the differences. Researchers have looked specifically for connections between adolescent hormone and brain development because male and female brains are exposed to different levels of sex hormones. It is clear that structures in the brain are changed by exposure to sex hormones. However, the ways in which the brains of adolescent boys and girls differ because of sex hormones, as well as the possible effect of these differences on their behaviour or cognition are still not well understood. REVIEW THIS SECTION 1. Discuss the growth spurt during adolescence. Indicate the hormone responsible for the stimulation of the growth spurt; the age at which it begins; gender differences in the growth spurt; asynchrony of the growth of the different body parts; the increase in body mass and muscle development; and the uniqueness of each individual's growth process. 2. Discuss the structural and functional changes in brain development during adolescence. Mention the involvement of synaptic pruning and myelination in this development; the effect of the fact that the limbic system develops before the frontal lobes; and the influence of neurotransmitters such as dopamine and serotonin on adolescents' functioning. 3. How may risk-taking behaviours in adolescence have both negative and positive consequences? 4. Discuss the development of the social brain. 5. Discuss the process of functional connectivity. 6. Discuss the influence of biology, experience, and plasticity on brain development in adolescence. 7. Discuss the influence of gender on brain development.

6.2.3 Sexual Maturation Sexual maturation, maturation generally known as puberty puberty, is one of the most important and dramatic processes in adolescent development — on both a physical and psychological level. Sexual maturity refers to the age or stage when a person (or any other organism) can reproduce. The hormones that play the key role in sexual maturation are called sex hormones, also known as gonadal hormones or gonadotrophin hormones gonadotrophin. These hormones are secreted by the pituitary gland attached to the hypothalamus in the limbic system of the brain. Gonadotrophin stimulates the gonads (testes in males and ovaries in females) to secrete male and female sex hormones. The male sex hormones are known as androgens 443 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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of which testosterone and androsterone are the most important, while small quantities of oestrogen (female hormone) are also secreted by the male. The female sex hormones are known as oestrogens (or or estrogen). estrogen Androgen and oestrogen are responsible for the development of primary and secondary sex characteristics. Primary sex characteristics refer to the sex organs, i.e., the organs directly involved with reproduction (the penis and testes in males, and the vagina, uterus, and ovaries in females). Secondary sex characteristics refer to the distinguishing male and female characteristics that appear during puberty but are not involved directly in reproduction. Examples in males are the development of more pronounced body hair (beard, and pubic and chest hair) and a deeper voice. In women, it includes the development of breasts and pubic hair. Figure 6.2 provides a representation of the development of the primary and secondary sex characteristics. Figure 6.2. The development of primary and secondary sex characteristics

Puberty is marked by complex, integrative, and coordinated changes in the body, brain, behaviour, cognition, and emotion (Mendl et al., 2019). It is interesting to note that puberty begins at an increasingly earlier age, that people are reaching their adult height earlier and are becoming taller than previously. This phenomenon is known as the secular trend (Hochberg et al., 2020). This trend could be attributed to healthier diets, better medical care, improved hygiene, and fewer childhood diseases because of immunisation (Farkas et al., 2019; Pavlica et al., 2018). As in the case of the growth spurt, puberty also begins about two years earlier in girls than in boys. See Table 6.1 for examples in this regard. It is important to note that the information in Table 6.1 represents only a broad indication, as pubertal changes can differ not only from individual to individual (in both genders), but also from group to group. For example, a study in the rural Western Cape indicated some delays in pubertal development of boys when compared to boys from other 444 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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settings (Mao et al., 2016). The differences were attributed to nutritional, socio-economic, and other environmental exposures. In another study with South African adolescents, it was found that both height and body mass in early childhood predicted the course of pubertal onset (Lundeen et al., 2016). Table 6.1. Gender and age-related changes at puberty/adolescence MALE AND FEMALE CHARACTERISTICS BOYS

GIRLS ± Age of First Appearance

Characteristic

Characteristic

± Age of First Appearance

Growth of testes, scrotal sac

10-13,5 years

Growth of breasts

8-13 years

Growth of pubic hair

10-15 years

Growth of pubic hair

9-14 years

Growth of penis

11-14,5 years

Menarche

10-16,5 years

Change in voice (growth of larynx)

± same time as penis growth

Underarm hair

± two years after pubic hair appears

Facial and underarm hair

± two years after pubic hair appears

Oil- and sweat-producing glands, acne

± same time as underarm hair appears

Oil- and sweatproducing glands, acne

± same time as underarm hair appears

Adapted from Steinberg (2020)

6.2.3.1 Sexual maturation in girls Puberty in girls begins when the sex organs, such as the ovaries, uterus, vagina, labia, and clitoris (i.e., the primary sex characteristics), begin to enlarge. At the same time, the secondary sex characteristics begin to develop. The appearance of the breast buds usually (but not always) is the first external sign of sexual maturation (Stockburger et al., 2016). Next, bodily hair (in the pubic and armpit areas) begins to appear, and the hips begin to broaden. Other developments are the accumulation of body fat (which means an increase in weight), a slight deepening or lowering of the voice and changes in the texture of the skin. The most dramatic and symbolic sign of sexual maturation in girls is the menarche or the first menstruation menstruation. The onset of menstruation could be accompanied by mixed emotions (Anjum et al., 2018). On the one hand, there could be an increase in social maturity, prestige in the peer group, self-esteem, and body awareness. On the other hand, self-consciousness, and revulsion (often reinforced by negative reactions of other people), as well as accompanying physical discomforts such as backache and cramps, can lead to a negative experience of the situation and lowering of girls' self-esteem. To a large extent, the reaction of girls to menstruation is determined by the way in which they 445 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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were prepared for the changes. However, individual and cultural differences may occur regarding adolescent girls' reactions towards these changes. While some girls, such as traditional Batswana adolescents, will show their developing breasts and pubic hair with pride (Mwamwenda, 1995), other (more Western) girls could feel shy and uncomfortable about these developments. In some traditional cultures, such as the Shona of Zimbabwe and the Xhosa and Zulu of South Africa, special ceremonies are performed to celebrate the onset of menstruation. However, because traditional cultures are changing rapidly in response to globalisation, such traditional puberty rituals are no longer regarded as relevant (Arnett et al., 2019; Nhlekisana, 2017). In this regard, a study of the ama-Xhosa ethnic group found that women experience a strong ambivalence regarding the nature of some of these rituals and practices (Padmanabhanunni et al., 2018). These rituals include intonjane (a girl is secluded at her homestead, where she is taught womanhood values and norms, and prepared for marriage) and virginity testing (inkciyo). On the one hand, they want to adhere to traditional practices but on the other hand, they also experience discomfort and shame towards these customs (also see Ismael et al., 2016; Van Biljon et al., 2019). The average age of menarche in most countries is 12-13 years; South Africa has a similar mean age of menarche (Ramathuba, 2015). In a large study in the SowetoJohannesburg area, the average age of menarche was about 12 years (Paterson, 2016). However, 11 years to 14 or even 15 years is still regarded as normal. Menarche usually appears fairly late in the sequence of sexual maturation (Maher et al., 2018). It appears approximately two to three years after the beginning of breast development, the enlargement of the uterus, and after the growth spurt has slowed down. However, factors like the pre-pubertal socio-economic environment could be an important determinant of age at menarche, a finding also confirmed by a study of black South African females (SaidMohamed et al., 2018). As mentioned, environmental factors may affect the onset of puberty. For example, research has shown that because of the current emphasis on fitness, girls who do extreme physical exercise (such as athletics) regularly begin menstruating much later, in exceptional cases even as late as 18 years of age. There is also a correlation between stressful life experiences, such as family conflict during childhood, and menstrual problems (see Gamble, 2017). For example, early exposure to disordered paternal behaviour, followed by family disruption and residential separation from the father, can lead to substantially earlier menarche (Tither et al., 2008). Furthermore, it seems that girls from higher socioeconomic groups menstruate several months earlier than girls from lower socio-economic groups do (Dey et al., 2020; Tarannum et al., 2018). Although many cultures regard the appearance of the menarche as a sign that the girl is now a "woman" (i.e., that she can now have a child), most girls start ovulating regularly only about one to two years after menarche (Carlson et al., 2019). However, individual differences do occur, which means that some girls ovulate from the first menarche and could therefore fall pregnant if they decide to become sexually active. In most urban societies, especially Westernised societies in South Africa, the beginning of puberty is not viewed as special or important. However, in many traditional or rural societies where the importance of the family or group and interdependent behaviour 446 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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are emphasised, feasts, rituals, or certain initiation rites often mark the transition to adulthood. One of these initiation rites that is still continuing, regardless of its detrimental effects and worldwide condemnation, is circumcision circumcision. Female circumcision, circumcision in professional circles called female genital mutilation (FGM), involves the partial or total removal of external female genitalia or other injury to the female genital organs for non-medical reasons. It has been known for thousands of years and is still practised in approximately 30 countries in Africa (including South Africa), the Middle East, and Asia where FGM is concentrated (WHO, 2020). More than 200 million girls and women alive today have been victims of FGM. About 100 million of these women live in Africa. There are four types of FGM (National Health Service, 2019; WHO, 2020): • Clitoridectomy. This involves the partial or total removal of the clitoris, the small external and sexually sensitive organ just above the vagina, which is often described as the "female penis". • Excision. This procedure involves the partial or total removal of the clitoris and the labia minora (the small inner folds of skin of the external female genitalia), with or without excision of the labia majora (the two elongated outer folds of skin surrounding the vaginal opening). • Infibulation. This involves the partial or total removal of all the external genitalia (the clitoris, labia minora and labia majora) and the stitching together of the vaginal opening, leaving a small opening for urine and menstrual flow. The procedure is meant mainly to prevent premarital sexual intercourse, and only the woman's husband is allowed later to remove the stitching. • All other harmful procedures to the female genitalia for non-medical purposes (e.g., piercing, incising, pricking, scraping, and burning). Traditionally, an elderly person (e.g., midwife) in the community or traditional healer performs female circumcision, usually without using anaesthetics or antiseptics (Kimani et al., 2020). Instruments used include knives, scissors, scalpels, razor blades, and even glass (National Health Service, 2019). Immediate complications are excessive pain, shock, infection, problems urinating, bleeding, and even death. Long-term problems include chronic pain, childbirth complications, anxiety, and frigidity. Reasons given by practising societies for performing this procedure may be related to religious, cultural, medical, and moral arguments. Many believe that this procedure enhances fertility (while, in fact, this may cause infertility). Others believe that the clitoris contains poison that could harm the man during intercourse or kill the baby during birth. Because the clitoris resembles the penis to a certain extent, certain cultures believe that the removal of the clitoris confirms the girl's femininity. Some cultures even believe that the clitoris, if not removed, can grow to the size of a penis. Consider the practice of female genital mutilation in one of South Africa's ethnic groups, the Venda. FGM is one of the cultural practices embedded in the traditional Venda people who live in the northeast of South Africa (Kitui, 2012). At about eight weeks after childbirth, Venda women undergo a traditional ceremony called muthuso, a process of 447 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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BOX 6.2. BASOTHO BATLOKWA DEFENDS CUSTOMARY FEMALE CIRCUMCISION The Basotho baTlokwa people in the Eastern Cape Province of South Africa still practise the traditional rite of female circumcision. Regardless of the general criticism against female circumcision, the BaTlokwa chief, Montoeli Lehane, remains unmoved, saying their female ancestors also went through the custom. He lambasted all those opposed to female circumcision and to leave the BaSotho baTlokwa alone. "You know this practice of female circumcision, it is so important in our women, wives and girls because it restores their dignity and respect and also to maintain the identity. As long as you are a Tlokwa you must know what the custom entails." Motshepile Legadi has gone through female circumcision and says this is part of her life as a Basotho baTlokwa. "It's not a must, it's not forced but some of them because they are sick, they have to be circumcised, it is really not forced to anyone. If you like it or you want to go, you have to do it as long as you are a Sotho and it's your tradition. And the old ladies tell us a lot about how we are supposed to carry ourselves, how we are supposed to carry on until we reach a certain stage. We are happy about what we are doing; it's our culture, it's our tradition. Our husbands respect us as women, so we really do not have any problem. I love female circumcision. People do not know what they are saying, we know this custom, it is ours, and no one will divorce us from it." Thus, women in the village are proud to be associated with female circumcision. They believe this ritual defines their culture and identity. A customary law expert, Professor Digby Koyana, says African traditions that include female genital circumcision are not prohibited according to African beliefs. He says human rights violations do not exist, from a customary law perspective. "It's a human rights violation in the eyes of somebody else; not in the eyes of the people. But to force those people who have not been brought to a standard where they can graduate and march out of the custom and do something else, to those people it is unfair and unjust, and it's a waste of time to try and say they must not do these customs because they will never get it to be stopped." However, a gender activist, Nomsisi Batha, condemns the practice of female genital circumcision in the name of custom. She says it is brutal and painful. "This thing about female genital mutilation is a health risk and very brutal, and it's very painful and harmful to young women, and it leaves a lot of complications in their health. It's for the satisfaction of men so that when men have intercourse with you, they get satisfied because the vagina has been tampered with in a very painful and harmful way. Why are we doing it? Government should intervene and abolish it." A spokesperson of the Department of Social Development in the Eastern Cape said, "Even if it is a norm, a norm exists within a particular set of regulations. In this case, the constitution; if a norm is in a position to diverse what the constitution is instructing us to do as the society, that norm ceases to exist. Even in this case, it must be tested against the constitution, and if it transgresses the constitution, the necessary institutions that have been set up by the constitution itself are going to intervene to stop this kind of a practice." Nyembezi (2019)

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cutting the vaginal flesh of the mother by a traditional healer. The flesh is mixed with black powder and oil and applied on the child's head to prevent goni, which is described as a swelling on the back of a child's head. The Venda people believe that goni can be cured only by using the vaginal flesh of the child's mother. Women who experienced FGM stated that they bled excessively after the ceremony. Because (almost) no postnatal care is available, the women use traditional medicine, which sometimes leads to death. Vendas also practise FGM as initiation for girls into womanhood. The girls reside in a nonyana hut for 24 hours until an appointed day when an old woman performs the clitoris cutting on the riverbanks. The girls are branded with a mark on their thighs as evidence of having attended initiation. (Also see Box 6.2 on the Basotho baTlokwa people's view on FGM.) Currently, many national and international organisations and governments are speaking out strongly against female circumcision. In South Africa, female circumcision at any age is illegal (Boezaart, 2017; Children's Act 38 of 2005). However, it is difficult to illegalise traditional customs. For example, many traditional leaders regard governmental sanctions as interference in their cultural traditions and customs. Thus, participants in female circumcision do not view it as a crime or wrong in any way. Also, in many practising societies, it is difficult for an uncircumcised woman to find a husband, as she is not regarded as a 'real woman'. Furthermore, such women are regarded as unclean and are not even allowed to touch food.

6.2.3.2 Sexual maturation in boys In boys, puberty begins when the primary sex characteristics, i.e., the reproductive system, begin to develop. For example, this means that the testes and scrotum begin to enlarge. After approximately one to two years, the penis begins to enlarge. Meanwhile, the secondary sex characteristics also develop. The first sign of this is usually the appearance of pubic hair. Other noticeable secondary sex characteristics are the deepening or lowering of the voice (due to the enlargement of the larynx and the lengthening and thickening of the vocal cords), beard growth, and the appearance of other bodily hair (e.g., in the armpits). As with the menarche in the case of girls, the most symbolic sign of sexual maturation in boys is the first seminal emission (the discharge of semen). This first seminal emission is also known as spermarche or semenarche. The first ejaculation of seminal fluid occurs because of masturbation or of nocturnal emission (i.e., seminal emission during sleep). Although semenarche has not been studied as well as menarche, it seems that semenarche occurs between about 13 and 15 years in most countries, including South Africa. Age differences may be attributed to differences in factors such as nutrition and health. The appearance of primary and secondary sex characteristics is mostly welcomed by boys, although some (e.g., the lowering of the voice) can sometimes cause embarrassment. In adolescent boys, an erection may sometimes occur spontaneously (which can also cause embarrassment), or it may be a response to certain stimuli, such as erotic pictures or thoughts. As with girls, boys who are prepared for these bodily changes, also experience more positive feelings in this regard and deal with it better. As in the case of FGM, traditional male circumcision (also called non-medical 449 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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circumcision) during adolescence is clouded in controversy (Lunde et al., 2020; Piontek et circumcision al., 2019). Male circumcision entails the partial or complete removal of the foreskin of the penis. Although circumcision of baby boys is often performed as part of religious practices (e.g., among Jews and Muslims) or for health reasons, traditional male circumcision of adolescents is a rite practised by various traditional ethnic groups in Africa as part of the initiation process in preparation for adulthood. This practice is deeply rooted in these cultures, for example, the Xhosa of the Eastern Cape. (See Box 6.3 for Nelson Mandela's initiation experience. Also see Magodyo et al., 2017.) Although rituals differ across different groups, certain commonalities exist (Department of Health, 2016). These include ritual sacrifice, seclusion (entering the bush and building a temporary lodging), circumcision, and smearing the skin with white clay, followed by the burning of the initiates' lodging and belongings at the close of the seclusion. Celebrations of the change in status accompany the incorporation of these men with the community. The age of the boys is usually between 15 and 25, but it may also occur later. Traditional male circumcision during adolescence is surrounded by controversy mainly because traditional procedures have led to many cases of permanent mutilation, the amputation of the penis, infections, haemorrhage (bleeding), gangrene, and death (Ngeh, 2019; Nomngcoyiya, 2019). In fact, hundreds of boys have died from botched circumcisions in South Africa during the last few years. One figure is more than 400 deaths since 2012 (Fihlani, 2019). However, according to tradition, the fact that several initiates die during these rites is not viewed as unusual. It is rather seen as punishment for some wrongdoing in the past. Some even believe that the spirits do not intend those who do not survive to reach manhood. An important aspect that does not get the research attention it deserves is the psychological effect of traditional circumcision. Symptoms such as anxiety, depression, anger, low self-esteem, posttraumatic stress disorder, and even psychosis (a very serious mental disorder where the person loses touch with reality) have been reported (Lephoto, 2018; Nyembezi, 2019). Most of the problems surrounding circumcision are caused by incorrect procedures by unqualified traditional 'surgeons' (in Xhosa called ingcibi), inadequate hygiene, and poor aftercare of the initiates. Severe dehydration is also common because initiates are discouraged from taking in fluids for a week after circumcision, to decrease urination. It is also viewed as a test of endurance. Owing to the many negative outcomes of male circumcision, it has been suggested that this procedure be performed by medical practitioners or that medically approved devices be used (WHO, 2020). However, this has been met with heavy opposition, as it is contrary to cultural customs. Additionally, circumcision performed by medical practitioners is believed to be inferior to the traditional way. For example, in a rural area in the Eastern Cape, more than 90% of boys in the Eastern Cape province prefer traditional male circumcision, and only 4% accept medical male circumcision (see Douglas et al., 2018). However, the fact remains that no country can allow its children to die or be mutilated for the sake of tradition. In fact, as indicated by the Children's Act no. 38 of 2005, this kind of practice is against the law. Therefore, it is understandable that South African researchers such as Banwari (2015) and Mabunda (2020) recommend that, rather than taking a confrontational approach that could lead to conflict and estrangement between the law and traditional customs, a process of negotiation should be followed to deal 450 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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with the problem. This strategy has been proven to be successful in countries such as Zimbabwe where lengthy negotiations with the Varemba ethnic group ultimately resulted in a highly successful model that paired traditional circumcision practices with modern medical practices (Hove et al., 2019).

BOX 6.3. PERSONAL EXPERIENCE: NELSON MANDELA' MANDELA'S INITIATION That first night, at midnight, an attendant, or khaukatha, crept around the hut, gently waking each of us. We were then instructed to leave the hut and go tramping through the night to bury our foreskins. The traditional reason for this practice was so that our foreskins would be hidden before wizards could use them for evil purposes, but, symbolically, we were also burying our youth. I did not want to leave the warm hut and wander through the bush in the darkness, but I walked into the trees and, after a few minutes, untied my foreskin and buried it in the earth. I felt as though I had now discarded the last remnant of my childhood. Source: Mandela, 1994, p. 25

6.2.4 The Psychological Effects of Physical Changes Adolescents are acutely aware of the physical changes they experience. An important developmental task during adolescence is the acceptance of a changed physical appearance. However, this acceptance is not always easy for all adolescents. We have already mentioned that asynchronous growth could result in clumsiness. For many boys, the lowering of the voice may cause embarrassment, when their voices suddenly squeak and crackle during a serious conversation. Girls are usually concerned about their sudden weight increase, although cultural differences do occur. In most Western cultures (and increasingly also in some non-Western cultures) a slender body is the norm. However, in some African cultures, increased body fatness is a sign of health and wealth (Mokabane et al., 2014). For some adolescents, the attainment of these norms is so important that it may lead to eating disorders (see 6.2.5). The age at which adolescents reach physical maturity affects their psychological development, especially when they reach maturity either much earlier or much later than the average expected age. Adolescents who mature early are usually taller and heavier and develop primary and secondary sex characteristics much earlier than their peer group do. 451 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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Adolescents who mature late are smaller and lighter and develop primary and secondary sex characteristics significantly later than their peer group do. The effects of early and late maturation are not the same for adolescent girls and boys. Interesting gender differences occur (Currie, 2019): Girls who reach puberty early tend to have a host of behavioural characteristics not observed in their age peers who are late developers. They are more likely to have early sex, to begin smoking and drinking, and to have mental health problems such as depression. Some of these differences equalise by the later teenage years, but others persist through adulthood. On the other hand, it has been accepted widely that boys who mature early have some social and physical advantage over their later developing peers. They are more likely to be popular and excel at sports as well as have earlier romantic relationships. However, recent research suggests that early maturation in boys could also have detrimental outcomes such as delinquency and crime (Klopack et al., 2019). It also seems that emotional and behavioural problems surrounding early maturation do not occur universally. For example, Mwamwenda (2004) contends that there are no indications that early maturation is a disadvantage for African adolescents. Rather, early maturation could be an advantage for these adolescents, as it could bring them prestige and respect in the community. Nevertheless, in many cases, the characteristics of early and late maturers continue into adulthood (UNICEF, 2011; see Zhu et al., 2017). This is true for both genders. However, some authors hold the view that this continuance of characteristics into adulthood is not so common that it could be accepted as a principle (Kagan, 2020; Dimler, 2020).

6.2.5 Body Image and Eating Disorders: Anorexia, Bulimia and Obesity As we have noted in the previous section, changes in weight, height, body shape, body composition, as well as primary and secondary sex characteristics represent a pivotal stage in the development of positive or negative body image (Voelker et al., 2015). Body image is a multidimensional construct encompassing how we perceive, think, feel, and act towards our bodies. Significant influences on body image include the media, peers, romantic partners, and cultural ideals and beliefs. Adolescents who believe that they do not align with the ideals of beauty or attractiveness may be vulnerable to an unhealthy body image, which may result in unhealthy eating habits and lifestyles. For example, adolescents who are obsessed with slenderness, which is often reinforced by society and the mass media, may be at risk of developing certain eating disorders such as anorexia nervosa and bulimia nervosa (usually referred to as anorexia and bulimia) Teenage girl with anorexia

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(Kalender 2020; Pauli 2019). Anorexia nervosa is the refusal or inability to maintain a normal body weight. It is a serious mental health condition and a potentially life-threatening disorder. The following are the main characteristics of anorexia nervosa (American Psychiatric Association, 2013; Dryden-Edwards, 2020): • Body weight is significantly below the average body max index (BMI) (a measure of using a person's height and weight to calculate their body fat, while in children, age and gender are also considered). A healthy BMI is between 18,5 and 24,9; a BMI below 18,5 is considered underweight; a BMI of 17 is mild anorexia; 16-17 is moderate anorexia; and a BMI less than 15 is considered extreme anorexia. • Purging to remove food. This can occur through self-induced vomiting, self-induced diarrhoea (e.g., taking laxatives), excessive exercise, use of appetite suppressants or the use of stimulant drugs such as cocaine, ecstasy, or caffeine. • A severely distorted body image where the patients may genuinely view themselves as obese despite having skeletal frames. • Other mental health conditions such as depression, anxiety and/or bulimia nervosa are often present. • Physical symptoms such as excessive growth of fine hair on the body may occur. • Menstrual problems, especially amenorrhea (absence of menstruation), are common. Anorexia usually occurs between puberty and 25 years of age. More than 90% of all sufferers are female and mostly adolescents. The incidence among females is about 0,5% and among males approximately one tenth of that of females. These women usually come from the middle to higher socio-economic groups, have a desire to achieve in all spheres of life and to receive recognition. At the same time, however, they tend to feel isolated, lonely, and imperfect, and they often have low selfesteem. The fact that up to 50% of all sufferers never recover and about 10% to 20% eventually die, underlines the seriousness of this disorder (Bernstein, 2019). Bulimia nervosa is characterised by repeated episodes of binge eating, during which the individual consumes an excessive amount of food (American Psychiatric Association, 2013). This is followed by a compensatory action to prevent weight gain, such as self-induced vomiting and/or the misuse of laxatives and enemas, fasting, or excessive exercising. Unlike anorexic patients, bulimia sufferers do not necessarily have an abnormally low body weight. However, like anorexia sufferers, they are overly concerned about body weight and have a fear of becoming fat. Bulimia nervosa tends to peak in Bulimia is characterised by binge eating and self-induced vomiting.

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late adolescence or in early adulthood but has been diagnosed in children as young as five years old, as well as in late adulthood (Cleveland Clinic, 2020). Most bulimia sufferers are female. The prevalence of bulimia among adolescents and young females is approximately 1% to 3%. Among males, the incidence is approximately one tenth of that of females. For a long time, eating disorders have been associated with Western culture in which obsession with slenderness is prominent. However, it seems that the incidence of eating disorders is increasing in non-Western and developing countries (Arnett et al., 2019). For example, in South Africa, findings suggest that no significant differences exist among various ethnic groups as far as eating disorders and their symptoms are concerned (Szabo, 2019). A possible reason for this is that, owing to globalisation and the media, the differences between cultures and subcultures are disappearing. However, for reasons not fully understood, the prevalence of bulimia is significant higher in Western-oriented cultures. There is no single cause of eating disorders (Mash et al., 2019). Many factors seem to be involved, including environmental and genetic factors, and as in most cases of development, an interaction among these factors. From a psychological perspective, Steinberg (2020) provides the following summary of research findings in this regard: Many studies have found links between eating disorders and other serious mental health problems, such as depression, anxiety disorders or substance abuse. Sometimes these disorders, especially depression, precede the development of an eating disorder, rather than the reverse. The onset of eating disorders, like so many aspects of adolescent development, is likely the product of a complex interaction between individual and contextual factors. Research indicates that anorexia and bulimia may be understood best as an underlying and internalised psychological problem that manifest in specific syndromes and symptoms. (A syndrome is a synonym for 'illness' or 'disorder' and consists of various symptoms.) Cultural and environmental conditions may predispose females more than males toward eating disorders. Adolescent girls and young women who have certain genetic vulnerabilities (heritability factors play a role), psychological traits (such as proneness to depression or low self-esteem), physical characteristics (such as early pubertal maturation), familial characteristics (such as strained relations with parents), or social concerns (such as a strong interest in dating) may be more likely to develop eating disorders. However, some research shows that the effects of anorexia may be more life threatening for males than for females. The reason for this is that males often receive a later diagnosis due to the mistaken belief that it does not affect males as much as it does females. In addition, transgender people may also be at risk (Medical News Today, 2021) Less research has been done among adolescent males than among females on the causes and consequences of body dissatisfaction and eating disorders. However, many contemporary adolescent boys feel pressured to be muscular, and some engage in unhealthy behaviours, such as using anabolic steroids, to develop an appearance that is more like the idealised male body type. Moreover, body dissatisfaction is predictive of dieting, unhealthy behaviour to control weight, and binge eating among males as well as females, regardless of whether they are in fact overweight. The seriousness of body dissatisfaction among mid-adolescent females and males is illustrated by the finding that it predicts the onset of depression when they enter early adulthood. Another eating disorder concerns obesity obesity. Obesity is described as abnormal or excessive fat accumulation that presents a risk to health. A body max index-for-age (BMI454 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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for-age) is a measure using children's height-forage and weight-for-age as well as their gender. A BMI of 25-30 is considered overweight; 3035 is moderately obese; 35-40 is severely obese; and over 40 is morbidly obese (World Health Organisation, 2021). As we have noted in Chapter 3, overweight/obesity is a worldwide epidemic with profound negative physical and mental health consequences. The prevalence of overweight/obesity in South African adolescents has increased dramatically over the last Adolescent obesity has become a matter of decade and is among the highest in Africa (see great concern Debelia et.al., 2021; Peer, 2016). This concerns adolescents in both rural and urban settings, while females are more at risk for obesity than males are.

BOX 6.4. BODY IMAGE SATISFACTION OF SOUTH AFRICAN ADOLESCENTS Research in rural villages in Mpumalanga Province indicated that more than 80% of the adolescent girls were dissatisfied with their body image, desiring to be fatter or thinner (Pedro et al., 2016). In an interesting study in KwaZulu-Natal, two high schools were involved in a study to determine black male high school scholars' preference for female body shape across the life span, namely for their mother, sister, girlfriend, and future wife (Manyathi, 2016). The one school was in central Pietermaritzburg (School A) and the other in a township just outside Pietermaritzburg (School B). The participants were in grade 10 to 12. The participants preferred a female body shape with a normal BMI for their sister, citing health reasons for their choice. The preferred body shape for the girlfriend and future wife ranged from a normal weight to an overweight shape, with sex appeal being cited as the predominant reason for this choice. When it came to the preferred shape for the mother, scholars from School A preferred their mothers to have a normal BMI because it symbolised health, while scholars from School B preferred their mothers to be obese as they believed that was a healthy shape. This means that among certain individuals and groups, being overweight and even obese is associated with being healthy. However, it is also clear that exposure to Western culture and socio-economic status influence the perceived and preferred ideal female body size. The researcher (Manyathi, 2016) recommended that gender and age-appropriate public health messages delivered through social marketing strategies should be used to communicate messages related to the importance of a healthy weight for women of all ages. Since Western culture seems to be embraced by many South African adolescents, nutrition and health professionals should target this stage of the life span regarding the importance of a healthy weight for South African women of all ages. This study is also an example of how cultural beliefs can have a significant effect on behaviour and even a serious health problem such as obesity.

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Reasons for overweight/obesity in adolescents include environmental dynamics, lifestyle choices, and cultural and sociological factors, in addition to genetic/biological factors (such as neural, hormonal, and metabolic systems). A key contributor in adolescents is increased intake of unhealthy foods and lower levels of physical activity. As mentioned in Chapter 3, obesity has severe health and psychological consequences for children. Since adolescence is a critical period of growth and development, adolescents who are overweight/obese have far-reaching consequences involving multiple systems, such as the cardiovascular, respiratory, gastrointestinal, and musculoskeletal systems that may persist into adulthood. Early onset of obesity, particularly during adolescence, may also increase the risk of reproductive disturbances and infertility in females (Pasquali, 2006). In addition, adolescents who are overweight or obese are at higher risk of low-self-esteem, distorted body-image, depression, anxiety, discrimination, and strained peer relationships. (See Box 6.4 for South African adolescents' views on body image and body satisfaction.) REVIEW THIS SECTION 1. Discuss the process of sexual maturation during adolescence. Mention the various hormones involved; the development of primary and secondary sex characteristics in males and females; and discuss puberty, pubertal changes, and the factors that may influence these changes. 2. Discuss sexual maturation in girls. Discuss female circumcision (also called female genital mutilation) practiced in certain cultures. What is the importance of these rituals in certain cultures? What are the dangers involved in these practices? 3. Discuss sexual maturation in boys. Discuss male circumcision as a traditional rite in certain ethnic groups. What is the importance of this ritual? Why is this rite surrounded by controversy? 4. What are your views on circumcision as a cultural ritual practice — should it be allowed or abolished? 5. Discuss the psychological effects of physical changes in adolescence. 6. Discuss body image and eating disorders in adolescence.

6.2.6 Adolescent Sexuality

Adolescents become increasingly aware of their sexuality

Because of the extensive physical development during puberty, adolescents become increasingly aware of their sexuality. Their newly developed sexuality also begins to form an integral part of their lives and interpersonal relationships. During this phase, adolescents also discover their sexual orientation. orientation 456

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This refers to a person's romantic and sexual attraction to individuals of a particular gender. An important developmental task of adolescents is to satisfy their sexual needs in a socially acceptable way so that it contributes to the development of their identity.

6.2.6.1 Changing values and adolescent sexuality Although sexual activity is a normal consequence of physical development, social factors play an important role in the expression of sexual activity. Each culture is faced with the problem of how to channel sexual needs in a manner that allows for healthy development, but does not create physical problems (e.g., the spreading of serious sexually transmitted diseases such as syphilis and HIV/AIDS), psychological problems (e.g., excessive preoccupation with sexuality and intimate relationships that interfere with education and social responsibilities), and social problems (such as unwanted pregnancies or sexual abuse and exploitation). In medieval Europe, these problems were overcome partly by the marriage of people during their early teenage years (see Wiesner-Hanks, 2000). However, as the age at which marriage takes place was extended increasingly, other solutions had to be found. Especially towards the end of the nineteenth century in European Christian culture (the ancestors of some of today's white Afrikaans- and English-speaking South Africans), control and suppression of adolescent sexuality was fostered. These norms were carried into the twentieth century. A great deal was done to create guilt about sexual feelings and sexual behaviour, such as masturbation, However, in many cases, a double standard developed. Many adults, while promoting adherence to these rigid rules, did not practise what they preached, not only as far as sexual norms were concerned, but also regarding various other moral aspects of life. The fact that many religions also view premarital sexual activity as more sinful than other sins created an intense ambivalence in most adolescents. This ambivalence commonly led to guilt feelings, which often resulted in sexual dysfunctions in marriage. Others pursued sexual exploration in a secret and/or rebellious way, without the benefit of advice or guidance from their elders. In contrast with the conservative views of adolescent sexuality in Western societies, sexual exploration (not sexual intercourse) was encouraged in many traditional African societies (Du Toit, 1987; also see Okafor, 2018). For example, among the traditional Xhosa, Zulu and Sotho, adolescents spent much time in peer groups in which sexual exploration was a normal part of life. Boys were taught to have sexual relations with girls without penetration. Girls were taught to keep their legs tightly together to prevent penetration. In other words, sexual intimacy was practised through intercrural sex (i.e., between the thighs of the girls without penetration), called ukumetsha in Xhosa and ukuhlobonga in Zulu. Traditionally, girls were examined to ensure that no defloration had taken place. Therefore, sexual intercourse as such was forbidden in most traditional black ethnic groups. With the introduction of effective contraception on a large scale and with medical advances in the treatment of sexually transmitted diseases such as syphilis and gonorrhoea, the possibility of free sexual exploration without unwanted pregnancy and disease arose. This led to encouragement of sexual permissiveness, especially from the early 1960s. Amongst other things, this implied greater tolerance of premarital sex and a 457 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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decline in the double standards regarding the sexual activity of the two sexes (i.e., where men were allowed more sexual freedom than women were). Consequently, there was a major clash of values between those upholding the traditional solution of restriction on sexual behaviour and those promoting sexual freedom. Factors such as Westernisation and urbanisation and the decline in parental control and supervision have also caused traditional African practices to disappear (see Buthelezi, 2006). The result is an escalation in teenage pregnancies, which currently presents a major social problem in South Africa, as we shall discuss later. Although more openness regarding sexuality currently exists, adolescents still find it difficult to make choices regarding sexual behaviour, mainly because of contradictory messages from various sources. Parents and other authority figures discourage sexual activity between adolescents but do not provide them with adequate information and guidance regarding responsible sexual attitudes and behaviour. As a matter of fact, many studies indicate that most adolescents do not designate their Adolescents often experience guilt feelings and depression parents as the main source of their about their sexual development and behaviour. sexual knowledge (Nyewe, 2020; Mostert 2020). Therefore, adolescents turn to other sources of information, such as peers and the media. However, the information from these sources usually is based on faulty information and half-truths. For instance, think of the way in which sex is portrayed on TV and in the movies: Sexual intercourse is mostly seen as the normal result of a meeting between a man and a woman. It is usually spontaneous and passionate, without any consideration of emotional intimacy, birth control, or sexually transmitted diseases.

6.2.6.2 Sexual behaviour of adolescents Adolescents' sexual behaviour includes autoerotic behaviour (masturbation) and interactive sexual activities (sexual activities associated with an intimate relationship, such as holding hands, kissing, cuddling, and sexual intercourse).

(a) Autoerotic behaviour Autoerotic behaviour or masturbation refers to sexual self-stimulation of the genital organs with the intention of producing sexual arousal and orgasm. For most adolescents, masturbation is their first sexual experience, although this may already have occurred during childhood. Although masturbation occurs universally in most male and female adolescents, it was previously regarded as a sin, immoral, and physically harmful (Shavega, 2020; Zimmer, 2020). Therefore, many people experienced guilt and anxiety because of masturbation. Nowadays, because of changed attitudes and increasing knowledge, masturbation is 458 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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regarded as normal, healthy behaviour that causes no physical harm. It is seen as an opportunity for people to discover their own sexuality and to satisfy their sexual needs, especially if they are not ready for a sexual relationship. Although today's adolescents are less anxious about masturbation, some still experience anxiety and guilt feelings. This is mainly ascribed to persisting negative attitudes of parents, religions, and other authority figures who continue to regard masturbation as immoral, abnormal, or 'a subject not to discuss'. Today, masturbation is regarded as a problem or as abnormal only when it replaces social and other activities to such an extent that it hinders the adolescent's development or social interaction. Masturbation is more common in male than in female adolescents, and male adolescents masturbate more often. By the end of adolescence, up to 95% of males and up to 75% of females have masturbated to orgasm (Rowland 2020).

(b) Interactive sexual activities The sexual revolution of the 1960s introduced a new era in which sexual activity was viewed from a 'free-thinking' perspective. This meant a significant shift from the traditional and conservative sexual values to the view that sexual activity and exploration are acceptable outside the strict boundaries of marriage. Reasons for this shift, which included that adolescents became sexually more active and at an increasingly younger age, are the following: • Early sexual maturation. As mentioned earlier, puberty develops at an earlier age, with the result that adolescents become sexually mature at an earlier age. • Peer-group pressure. Because of certain attitudes of, and pressures from their peer group, adolescents may be under the impression that they are not "normal" if they are not sexually active. Therefore, they become sexually active to be accepted by their peer group. In fact, one of the strongest predictors of sexual activity in adolescents is whether their friends are sexually active. • Changed values, attitudes, and the media. As mentioned before, changed values, attitudes, the mass media, and even sexual content in adolescents' music contribute to the fact that adolescents experience the world as sexually active and even sexually preoccupied. This inevitably had the effect that adolescents began to see sexual activity as more acceptable than previous generations did. • Contraceptives. The invention and availability of a reliable oral contraceptive ('the Pill') during the sexual revolution took away the fear of getting pregnant and thus defused a preventative factor that had been very important in previous generations. What is the situation with present-day adolescents? In 2020, the World Health Organization (WHO) reported that many adolescents initiate interactive sexual activity later than adolescents had in the past. At this stage, reasons are unclear. One hypothesis is that adolescents are presently less involved in personal social relationships because of their preoccupation with virtual technologies such as computers and cell phones (Olmstead, 2020; Ungar, 2020). Another possible factor could be the fear of contracting sexually transmitted diseases, especially HIV/AIDS. Programmes on how to prevent contracting AIDS (e.g., via abstinence) have been one of the most extensive preventative endeavours in history. However, 459 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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the World Health Organisation's report should be interpreted with caution. For example, some research findings indicate that the prevalence of sexual intercourse among adolescents has remained steady (Guttmacher Institute, 2019). It also seems that there are significant differences between different cultures and even groups within one culture (Asante, 2018; Liang et al., 2019). For example, there is no change in sexual activity in Britain, but in the USA, there is a decline (Scott et al., 2020; also see Seff et al., 2020). These figures once again warn us against the common error of reasoning: generalisation. How sexually active are adolescents in South Africa? Almost all studies on the incidence of (adolescent) sexuality rely on the self-report method. Because of the sensitivity of the subject and the possible implications it may have for the individual, it is acknowledged generally that the age of onset, frequency, and nature of sexual activity is usually under-reported. Also, and as already mentioned, group differences and individual differences within a group are often not considered. Therefore, the following figures regarding South African adolescents should be seen against this background (Chirinda et al., 2012; Mullick, 2017; Richter et al., 2015): - - - -

More than one-third of females and almost 50% of males are sexually active. Males have about five times more sexual partners than females have. The mean age of the first sexual intercourse is about 15 years for females and about 14 years for males. Up to 60% of adolescent females report that their first sexual experience was coerced.

Because of various factors such as different research methodologies used and differences in honesty about sexual matters between cultures, it is virtually impossible to compare the South African data with that of other countries. However, indications are that South Africa probably falls within average limits in this regard. Factors that seem to play an important role in South Africa adolescents' participation in sexual interactivity include the following (see Biney et al., 2020): ► A lack of parental involvement in their children' children's sex education. Parents are in a unique position to shape adolescents' attitudes, values, and beliefs toward sex, thereby playing a significant positive role in various aspects of adolescents' behaviour (such as sexual debut; i.e., their first sexual experience, and promiscuity), and general safer sexual conduct (such as prevention of unwanted pregnancy and sexually transmitted diseases e.g. HIV/AIDS) (Moghadam et al. 2019; Nyewe, 2020). For example, students who had never received sex education were three times more likely to engage in premarital sex (Dahal, 2020). Also, adolescents who have open conversations about sex with their parents are more likely to have similar discussions with their potential sexual partners. Unfortunately, many parents in almost all cultures tend to shy away from this sensitive topic. Like Modise (2019, p. 358) stated, "People have sex rather than talk about sex." This seems to be especially true in traditional African and South African societies (African Population and Health Research Centre, 2020; Nyewe, 2020). Many parents believe that introducing sexual information to children at an early age might be detrimental to the children and not helpful to them to manage their sexuality. The lack of initiative by parents to discuss sexuality with their children inadvertently may discourage the children 460 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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from seeking future conversations relating to sexuality. Even more so, children then turn to their peers and other unreliable sources, ending up believing in myths and half-truths (also see Mostert et al., 2020; Iyanda et al., 2020). For example, many children believe that they are too young to become pregnant; that they have intercourse too irregularly to become pregnant; that they can only fall pregnant during menstruation; or that they will only fall pregnant when they want to have a baby. Many adolescents are unaware of the connection between menstruation, fertility, coitus (intercourse), and conception. In addition, many adolescents have no knowledge of contraceptives, or they are aware of them but do not use them. Therefore, it is of utmost importance that parents, caregivers as well as teachers, the most important information sources, should be well informed on how to handle this sensitive but key aspect of development. However, it should be realised that sexuality education is much more than the instruction of children and adolescents on anatomy and the physiology of biological sex and reproduction (Breuner et al., 2016). It covers healthy sexual development, interpersonal relationships, affection, sexual development, intimacy, and body image for all adolescents, including adolescents with disabilities, chronic health conditions, and other special needs. It includes sexual thoughts and feelings, as well as values and information about consent, sexual orientation, and gender identity. The emphasis should not be on 'danger and disease'. Equally important, sex education should occur in an atmosphere of mutual trust and respect. ► The influence of peers. We have already discussed the strong influence of peers on children's behaviour in previous chapters. Later in this chapter, we shall discuss the influence of peer groups on adolescent behaviour in more detail. At this stage, we should mention that, whereas parents (and schools) may act as health-promoting agents that slow down adolescents' development of sexual behaviours, peers (and mass and social media) may serve as agents that increase adolescents' sexual behaviours (L'Engle et al., 2006). Researchers generally agree that peers, as well as older friends, play a significant and even dominant role in the sexual behaviour of adolescents, especially regarding their sexual debut (introduction) (Dias et al., 2019; Lam et al., 2013: Widman et al., 2016). Adolescents are more likely to engage in behaviours they believe are common among their peers (Maheux, 2020). Adolescents are more likely to conform to the behaviour, including sexual behaviour, of peers they idolise and regard as 'cool'. Unfortunately, this admired behaviour is not always prosocial. Many adolescents are more concerned with what they perceive as normative than with what is regarded to be antisocial or unhealthy behaviour (Peçi, 2017). In addition, the stronger adolescents' identification with their peers are, the stronger the influence is on adolescents' behaviour. Adolescents tend to succumb to temptations when the unpleasantness of standing alone or being rejected becomes too great. One can have significant awareness that a behaviour is antisocial and harmful but still engage in that behaviour. ► Substance abuse. Substance abuse (especially alcohol abuse) is often associated with early sexual debut and high-risk sexual behaviour such as unprotected sex and uncommitted sexual encounters (Garcia et al., 2019; Wagenaar et al., 2018). The reason is that alcohol can impair judgement and perception of risk, suppress inhibition, and heighten desire. Therefore, an individual's ability to consider adverse consequences 461 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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can be diminished significantly. According to the alcohol myopia theory (i.e., shortsightedness), the intense disinhibitory effects of alcohol reduce the ability to process complex information (such as long-term goals), thus allowing immediate goals (such as sexual arousal) to influence behaviour more strongly. Alcohol expectancy theory claims that the nature of one's beliefs, as well as the strength of these beliefs, influences the effect of alcohol on subsequent high risk sexual behaviour (Brown et al., 2016]. Thus, individuals who strongly believe that drinking disinhibits protective sexual behaviours (e.g., condom use) may be more likely to engage in sex without a condom when they are drinking alcohol. Unfortunately, regardless of the mentioned dangers, the abuse of alcohol and other substances, such as dagga, has almost become a norm among many adolescents. In combination with the present high prevalence of sexual activity among adolescents, substance abuse forms an amalgamation that has no positive message for the future. ► Overcrowding. Although it also occurs in other countries, the lack of adequate housing and accommodation is an immense and tragic phenomenon in South Africa. The country has a shortage of two million houses, while more than 7 million people have resorted to informal settlements (Statistics South Africa, 2017). Overcrowding is an inevitable result, with many people having to share a bedroom. This is called sleeping density, density which unavoidably leads to a lack of sexual privacy with parents and others being sexually active in the presence of children. Being exposed to sexual acts from a young age could lead to age-inappropriate perceptions and feelings about sexuality that conflict with societal norms. Children might even be forced to leave the house at night so that the parents can have sex, putting them at risk for abuse while they are outside. Furthermore, children share beds with siblings, extended family members, and/or acquaintances that have been given boarding (Le Roux 2013). Therefore, it is no surprise that sleeping density has also been associated with sexual abuse of children (Artz et al., 2016; Cant et al., 2019).

Overcrowding in Soweto, South Africa

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The fact that adolescents are biologically mature enough to become sexually active does not necessarily imply that they are emotionally and cognitively ready to make responsible choices or to realise the implications of their behaviour. A frequent and far-reaching result is unplanned pregnancies, which will be discussed next.

6.2.6.3 Adolescent pregnancy Let us first take note of some key international facts regarding adolescent pregnancy, also called teenage pregnancy (WHO, 2020): -

-

-

Every year, an estimated 21 million girls aged 15 to 19 years in developing countries become pregnant, and approximately 12 million of them give birth. About 800 000 births occur to adolescent girls younger than 15 years in developing countries. Complications during pregnancy and childbirth are the leading cause of death for 15- to 19-year-old girls globally. Of the nearly 6 million abortions that occur each year among adolescent girls aged 15 to 19 years, 4 million are unsafe, contributing to maternal mortality, morbidity, and lasting health problems. Adolescent mothers (ages 10–19 years) face a high risk of seizures (convulsions), infection of the uterus, and a variety of other infections, and babies of adolescent mothers encounter higher risks of low birth weight, preterm delivery, and severe neonatal conditions.

Referring to the situation in South Africa, between about 15% and 20% of all mothers had their first child when they were still adolescents (Le Roux et al., 2019; Mchunu, 2012). This figure is alarmingly high (Odimegwu et al., 2018). The causes of adolescent pregnancy are often discussed under two headings: early sexual activity, and the use of contraception. The tendency of low or no use of contraceptive methods is a recurrent theme in the many studies conducted on teenage pregnancy in South Africa and in other countries (Chernick et al., 2019; Makola et al., 2019). We have already discussed the factors that lead to early sexual activity and, consequently, pregnancy. However, a question regarding pregnancy that needs more consideration is why so many sexually active adolescents do not use contraceptives in an era in which these methods and devices are relatively safe and freely available. In addition to the relevant factors already mentioned in the discussion of early sexual activity, the following personality factors have been associated with teenagers who do not use contraceptives (e.g., Chung et al., 2018; Jonas et al., 2016; Savage-Oyekunle et al., 2015): • A high external locus of control. Locus of control refers to the degree to which persons believe that they are in control of their fate. Internal locus of control indicates the perception that positive and/or negative events are a consequence of one's own actions and are thereby under personal control. External locus of control refers to the belief that events are caused by exterior factors, not by one's own behaviour. and are therefore beyond the person's personal control and responsibility. More specifically, many pregnant teenagers downplay their part in their pregnancy and would blame the 463 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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fact that they did not use contraceptives on other factors such as their boyfriend or parents. • Low self-efficacy and self-esteem. As discussed in previous chapters, self-efficacy refers to people's subjective confidence in their ability to control their motivation, behaviour, performance, and social environment. Therefore, it should not come as a surprise that many pregnant adolescents have a low sense of self-efficacy and thus show little or no motivation to obtain or use contraceptives. These adolescents also accept that they could get pregnant. Low self-efficacy is often associated with low self-esteem, which implies that they have low opinion of themselves. Self-esteem is important because it influences people's choices and decisions (American Addiction Centers, 2020). Apart from the mentioned personality factors and the fact that some adolescents are informed inadequately, the reasons why teenagers do not use contraceptives are often divergent and complex. Examples are: • They did not plan sexual intercourse: "It just happened." • They feel guilty about being sexually active and regard the using of contraceptives as a concrete reminder or proof of their transgression. • In some traditional cultures, it is very important for the woman to prove her fertility, and some adolescents believe that contraceptives may influence their fertility negatively. • Because of adolescents' egocentric thinking, as well as high risk-taking behaviour due to the developments in the limbic system (as discussed earlier), they often experience a delusion of invulnerability: "It can't happen to me." • They are too shy to visit a family planning clinic.

Teenage pregnancy can lead to various psychological, social and health problems for both mother and child

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A popular perception in South Africa is that teenagers fall pregnant to cash in on the child support grants. grants (All governments in the world, including South Africa, provide support grants for the underprivileged or people in difficult situations.) Like many other claims around the world that beneficiaries of welfare grants intentionally create the circumstances that will allow them to benefit, this is not the truth (Makiwane, 2010). Firstly, the grant paid is so minimal that it does not cover the cost of raising a child. Secondly, South African studies found no significant evidence of adolescents who fell pregnant to get access to a child support grant (Ngubane et al., 2018; Solomon, 2013). Thirdly, it should be noted that in Sub-Saharan Africa, teenage pregnancy is very high, even in countries where there is no support grant for adolescent mothers (Loaiza et al., 2013). Fourthly, the pregnancy rate did not increase after the introduction of child support grants. In fact, there are indications that teenage pregnancy rates are declining, even in the presence of the grant (Ngubane et al., 2018). Whatever the primary causes of teenage pregnancy are, the fact remains that the implications of teenage pregnancy are multiple, since adolescents are usually still emotionally and socially immature and dependent. This also reflects in the fact that most teenage mothers show a lack of readiness for motherhood. The psychological effect of this situation is detrimental, not only for the mother but also for the baby. In other words, teenage pregnancy may lead to a chain reaction that could be felt in generations to come. Therefore, it is important that we should focus not only on one or two causes; instead, a multidisciplinary and comprehensive approach should be followed, including all relevant disciplines and research, the home, the school, the community, and policymakers (see Sathiparsad, 2010). Should marriage be decided upon, it does not necessarily mean that their problems have been solved. Marriage satisfaction is generally lower than in other marriages, and the divorce rate is significantly higher. The young man is often not capable of providing financially for a family, and in many cases, the girl is abandoned by the father of her baby. (See also Box 6.5. for later life outcomes of teenage pregnancy.) Teenage pregnancy is not the only negative consequence of highrisk sexual behaviour, however. Since an increasing number of adolescents are sexually active, have more than one sexual partner, and do not readily use condoms as a means of contraception, the risk is high that sexually transmitted diseases such as gonorrhoea, genital herpes, syphilis, and HIV/AIDS could be transmitted and could have implications for both the mother and the baby (see also Chapter 2 and 7.)

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BOX 6.5. TEENAGE MOTHERHOOD AND LATER LIFE OUTCOMES The pathway from teenage motherhood to outcomes later in life has received considerable attention from both researchers and politicians due to its fundamental and pivotal link to the course of life and development of mothers and their descendants (Anakpo et al., 2019). There is general agreement that early childbearing can disrupt women's educational career significantly and have resulting unfavourable economic outcomes in the future. However, very few studies have looked beyond educational and economic outcomes, as well as consequences in the long run. Therefore, Anakpo et al. (2019) of the University of the Witwatersrand in Johannesburg conducted a local empirical study on the effect of adolescent motherhood on psychological well-being and life satisfaction in later life, incorporating more than 12 000 mothers. Their study confirmed the findings of similar international research: Potentially, the emotional and physical changes associated with early pregnancy and motherhood can trigger a psychological state of devastation. The way in which early motherhood affects the emotional and physical health of teenage mothers is explained through the difficulties experienced by these mothers in coping with the pressure of pregnancy and care for the new baby, causing some of them to be depressed, isolated, rejected, and filled with anxiety and loneliness. For example, a higher score for depression was found in almost 20% of these mothers. Early motherhood also has a negative influence on life satisfaction. These mothers are more likely to feel generally unsatisfied with their lives than non-early mothers do, for example because of their inability to return to school after delivering and becoming economically disadvantaged. The sense of unfulfilled dreams and dissatisfaction is accentuated further when they compare themselves with peers who have made significant progress in life. Therefore, it is understandable that feelings of inferiority are reported often. When these psychological developments are not managed timely, the adverse consequences may affect their physical state significantly. Four other findings should also be mentioned (Johansen et al., 2020). First, the cited effects are long-lasting and can persist for decades. Although some adolescent mothers can get back on their feet again, it seems that a large portion are not able to escape from their pasts. Second, individuals with a favourable family and socio-economic background seem to be affected more than others are. The reason may be that the price that adolescent mothers pay for lost opportunities is higher, while disappointment and stigmatisation are more severe in such environments. The adjustment regarding the role transition to motherhood is more unexpected and demands more sacrifices, with resulting additional stress. Third, although men (fathers of the child) are also subjected to similar stressors as the adolescent mother, the effect is less. One reason is that many of these fathers are older than the mother and they are relatively established and have employment. Thus, their lives are less interrupted and traumatised. Owing to societal norms, men also seem to be less stigmatised. Fourth, marriage or cohabitation reduces the adverse effects of adolescent motherhood. One reason for this is that stigmatisation may be more severe for a single mother and non-cohabiting father than for a young couple, because the latter is socially more acceptable and implies more responsibility and control. 466 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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6.2.6.4 Sexual orientation and adolescence To understand this section better, we shall first provide some background information. As mentioned earlier in the chapter, sexual orientation refers to a person's romantic and sexual attraction to individuals of a particular gender (refer to Chapter 4 for a discussion of the concepts sex, gender, gender role, and gender identity). In most countries in the world, heterosexual, a sexual orientation in about 95% of the population identify themselves as heterosexual which a person feels physically and romantically attracted to people of a gender other than their own. However, mainly because of fear of discrimination, more than 80% of the world's non-heterosexual persons keep their orientation hidden (Pachankis et al., 2019). This could have a significant effect on the reliability of statistics concerning sexual orientation. In Box 6.6, we clarify concepts that are associated with sexual orientation, which are often misunderstood. Although sexual activity is associated with sexual orientation it is not regarded as a criterion for categorisation. In other words, one can be heterosexual, gay, or bisexual without being involved in any sexual acts. This is especially true during adolescence. Next to heterosexuality, gayness has been the most researched sexual orientation by far. However, gayness also seems to be the most heavily debated sexual orientation, which has led to intense conflicts and splits in families, as well as in political, religious, and other social groupings. For example, 'homosexuality' was regarded as a mental disorder until 1973, when the American Psychiatric Association removed it from its widely used list of mental disorders. Today, basically all mental health professionals worldwide regard gayness as an acceptable and natural way of expressing one's romantic and sexual feelings. Many countries in the world, including South Africa, also accept this viewpoint, allowing gay adults to marry and adopt children. However, about 70 countries in the world, including most African countries, have criminalised homosexual acts between consenting persons (International Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Trans and Intersex Association, 2020). These decisions are taken on religious grounds or because it is regarded as a threat to the traditional heterosexual family. Furthermore, these countries believe that sexual orientation is a matter of personal choice and view such sexual activity as unnatural and un-African. Religious groups also believe that such sexual acts are a sin and should be prohibited by law. Against this interesting background, we shall focus on gayness in this section.

Most individuals discover their sexual orientation during adolescence

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BOX 6.6. TERMINOLOGY CONCERNING SEXUAL ORIENTATION The power of language to shape our perceptions of other people is immense. Thoughtful use of terms regarding sexuality and gender can have a significant effect on demystifying many conceptions. It can also prevent the speaker or author from being labelled as insensitive or even discriminatory. Furthermore, many people refrain from talking about sexual orientation and gender identity because it feels taboo, or they are afraid of using the wrong word. Let us consider the term homosexual — a sexual orientation that describes a person who is emotionally and sexually attracted to people of their own gender — for example: Over the centuries, especially during the last few decades, the concept has gone through several connotations in professional, layperson, and even derogatory terms. More specifically, the term homosexual has had several problems with description and labelling. First, it may perpetuate negative stereotypes because of its historical classification as a mental disorder and even association with criminal behaviour. Second, the term is often assumed to refer exclusively to males and thus disregard females. The inevitable result is that it is often unclear what precisely is meant by speakers or authors when they use the term homosexual. In fact, other gender identities/sexual orientations are distinguished:

- Intersex persons refer to individuals who have both male and female sex organs (formerly called hermaphrodite).

- Transgender persons believe their gender identity differs from their biological sex, i.e., that they were born in the wrong body. Some transgender people who desire medical assistance such as transsexual. surgery to change their biological sex are identified as transsexual

- Cross-dressing refers to a person who dresses in clothes of the opposite gender; formerly called transvestite).

- Bisexuality refers to a sexual orientation where a person is romantically and sexually attracted to people of their own sex, as well as to people of the opposite sex.

- Asexuality refers to a person who is not sexually attracted to other people. This is different from deciding not to have sex with anyone (abstinence or celibacy). Although the term homosexuality is still used in popular and academic literature, the term gayness is preferred by most of the homosexual community (also see Cambridge Dictionary, 2021; Oxford Learner's Dictionary, 2021). The terms gay (for males) and lesbian (for females) are recommended when used as an adjective referring to specific persons or groups, and the nouns lesbians and gay men are preferred when referring to specific persons or groups. However, the term gay is often used as an umbrella term for same-sex, for example both males and females. When two gay persons are in a relationship, the term same-sex same-sex couple, is applied. In the past, the prevailing acronym for the gay community was LGB, which stands for Lesbian, Gay, and Bisexual. Over time, it grew to a more inclusive LGBT, with the addition of Transgender. Soon, it expanded to LGBTQ, LGBTQIA, and LGBTQ+. There are many other variations of this acronym, and the best way to understand this is to see what each letter represents. Longer acronyms are simply more inclusive and, at the same time, more specific. For example, LGBTQQIAA includes the community of Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, Queer, Questioning, Intersex, and Asexual individuals as well as their Allies. Although all the different entities of LGBTQQIAA are often lumped together, there are specific needs and concerns related to each individual identity. (American Psychological Association, 1992, 2021; Southern Utah University, 2021)

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As mentioned earlier in this chapter, adolescence is the time when most individuals discover their sexual orientation. The confusion and anxiety that often accompany the development of a heterosexual orientation in adolescence are intensified mostly for adolescents who identify as LGBTQ+. Hostility and discrimination that are usually aimed at people of sexual orientations other than heterosexual prevent them from disclosing their orientation. (Note that this type of discrimination is generally called homophobia; however, this term is incorrect since the suffix phobia refers to fear, such as arachnophobia, a fear of spiders. Currently, the term gaycism could be a better choice because the suffix -ism (like sexism, ageism, racism) implies a system of belief that is inherently biased against a particular group (Kayser, 2019; Sherman, 2015). (A person who believes in the gay stereotype is called a gaycist.) The result is that gay and lesbian adolescents mostly feel that they have nowhere to turn. They have no other option but to wear a "mask of heterosexuality", for example, by dating the opposite sex and even telling and laughing at jokes about gays. This feigned behaviour is made easier by the fact that, contrary to popular belief, most gay men and lesbians cannot be identified by their physical appearance or mannerisms (Lesbian Gay Bisexual Transgender Center, 2020). Therefore, it is understandable that gay and lesbian youths have a significantly higher depression, anxiety, and suicide rate (Borgogna, 2019; Sullivan, 2019). The following writings of three gay adolescents (two 17- year-olds and one 16-year-old; two males and one female) give us some insight into the experiences of gay adolescents (Arnett, 2001). As you will see from the last example, some gay and lesbian adolescents accept their sexual orientation better than others do: Help me, please. My feelings are turning into gnawing monsters trying to clamber out. Oh please, I want to just jump out that window and try to kill myself … I have to tell someone, ask someone. Who?!! Dammit all, would someone please help me? Someone, anyone. Help me. After people at school found out I was gay, a lot of them kind of kept a distance from me. I think they were scared that I was going to do something to them … I guess that was one of the reasons I didn't come out sooner, because I was afraid that they would be scared of me. It's stupid and crazy, but a lot of people feel that way. I like who I am. I have come to accept myself on psychological as well as physical terms. I not only like myself, I like everyone around me. Today, for homosexuals, that is really hard to say.

Owing to the sensitivity and practical problems that surround research on gayness, the prevalence of gayness among all groups (gender as well as race) remains controversial. It is estimated that more than 80% of non-heterosexual people keep their sexual orientation hidden from all or most of the people in their lives (Pachankis et al., 2019). Regarding gayness, figures of about 5% to 10% for males and 2% to 5% for females are often recorded. However, an important fact to remember is that many adolescents who engage in same469 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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sex experiences are merely experimenting with their sexuality and are not necessarily gay. On the other hand, and as mentioned before, many gay adolescents have never had a sexual experience with someone of the same sex (just like many heterosexual adolescents who have never engaged in sexual relations with someone of the opposite sex). The causes of gayness are largely unknown. The opinion that it is a personal choice is held by a relatively large portion of the public. However, this viewpoint is not accepted by researchers. In this regard, gay people often respond with two questions to especially heterosexual persons: -

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"Why would I make a choice that would expose me to so much rejection, discrimination so much self-conflict and pain, as well as causing many of my family and other significant others so much anguish and distress?" "Tell me, when did you prefer and thus decide to be heterosexual — or did you also just with time realise that it is the case: no specific day, month or year?"

For a long time, especially during the first half of the previous century, the psychoanalytic theory of gayness was accepted widely. According to this theory, an absent father (literally or figuratively) causes the son to rather identify with his mother. This leads to internalising internalising, the non-conscious mental process by which the characteristics, beliefs, feelings, or attitudes of other individuals or groups are assimilated into the self and adopted as one's own (APA, 2020). However, today, this theory has few followers, mainly because it was found that many, if not most, gay males did not have an absent father. As no significant evidence suggesting that parenting or early childhood experiences influence sexual orientation could be found, many researchers have turned their focus to the biological sciences such as genetics, neurology, and biochemistry (see Bogaert et al., 2020). This research shift has brought important new insights regarding the causes of gayness. Today, scientists widely accept that gayness has at least a genetic or other biological bases (Legato, 2020; Sullivan, 2019; Wang et al., 2019). The following are some of the most important findings in support of this viewpoint: • No consistent or significant environmental factor or pattern has been identified in gay persons (Cook, 2020; Apostolou, 2020). For every gay individual who was exposed to a specific environment, there is a heterosexual person who was exposed to the same environment. An interesting example in this regard is the assumption that gayness may be attributed to a traumatic heterosexual experience (e.g., sexual abuse as a child) or several failed heterosexual relationships (Baily et al., 2016). The truth is that few gay persons have had a traumatic heterosexual relationship. Furthermore, most people's first sexual encounter was same sex in nature. • Most children who were raised by their biological gay or adoptive gay parents do not grow up to be gay (APA 2008). Therefore, the influence of the environment in the form of modelling does not seem to play a role in most cases. • When one identical twin is gay, the chances that the other twin will also be gay (called concordance) is about 50%. In non-identical twins, the chances are about 20% (Bailey et al., 1991). However, in other similar studies, the figure was lower (e.g., 470 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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•

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Bailey et al., 2000). As identical twins share the same genetic material, which is not the case with non-identical twins (see Chapter 2), this suggests that a genetic factor is at least involved. However, it is important to note that in no identical twin study, a concordance of 100% has been found. This confirms that genetics do not necessarily play the overriding role. Reports on the number of animals, including fish and insects, that practice same-sex behaviour vary between about 500 and 1 500 (Kuman, 2020; Monk et al., 2019). The traditional environmental factors usually associated with gayness are therefore absent, but the condition still manifests itself. Gayness is found in all human cultures. The fact that it is less prominent in some cultures can be attributed to the degree of discrimination and rejection found in the respective cultures. Prenatal hormones play a role in sexual differentiation, not only of the internal and external genitalia but also of the brain (Gooren et al., 2017; also see Harris et al., 2020; Vignozzi et al., 2020). For example, too much testosterone (male hormone) may masculinise female behaviour, while estrogen (female hormone) may feminise male behaviour. In cases where a person of one gender was raised as a member of the opposite sex (e.g., David Reimer The Boy who Became a Girl in Chapter 1), the created environment could not change that person's sexual orientation. Basically, all scientists and mental health organisations accept that there has been no scientifically adequate research to show that any therapy aimed at changing sexual orientation is safe or effective, regardless of claims in this regard (American Medical Association, 2019; APA, 2020). A relatively new and interesting finding is that, on average, gay men have a greater number of older brothers than heterosexual men have (Balthazart, 2018; Blanchard et al., 2020; Bogaert et al., 2018). Between about 15% and 30% of gay men owe their sexual orientation to this effect. This phenomenon is known as the fraternal birth order effect or maternal immune response. response According to this finding, a mother develops an immune reaction against a substance (antibody used by the immune system to neutralise pathogens such as threatening bacteria and viruses) which is important in male foetal development during pregnancy (Rao et al., 2019). This immune effect becomes increasingly likely with each male gestation and is hypothesised to cause an alteration in later-born males' prenatal brain development. This correlation is present only in men with older biological brothers, but not among men with older stepbrothers and adoptive brothers. The fraternal birth order effect has been demonstrated in diverse samples such as gay males from different races, different cultures, various historical eras, and widely separated geographic regions. However, no firm evidence of the fraternal birth order effect has been observed in women (Alexander, 2017).

Although it is widely accepted that gayness is influenced by biological factors, not all researchers are convinced that this sexual orientation is determined solely or even primarily by these factors (Abbott, 2010; Ganna et al., 2019; Sanchez et al., 2013). For 471 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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example, even genetically identical twins often have different sexual preferences (Zietsch, 2019). Until future research brings more clarity, the golden rule in psychology should be adhered to — just like many other human traits, gayness is likely caused by complex psycho-social-biological variables that could even be unique in individual cases. REVIEW THIS SECTION 1. What is the important developmental task of adolescents regarding their sexual development? 2. Discuss the changing values regarding sexual activity over the ages. What are the current problems with which adolescents must contend in this regard? 3. Discuss autoerotic sexual behaviour during adolescence. How has the views on autoerotic behaviour changed over the years? 4. Discuss adolescents' interactive sexual activity. Include the following in your discussion: a) the reasons for the shift from traditional conservative sexual values to a more 'free-thinking' perspective; b) the possible reasons why adolescents currently become sexually interactive at a younger age according to the WHO; c) how South African adolescents compare with other countries regarding the age of becoming sexually interactive at an early age; and d) the reasons for South African adolescents becoming sexually interactive at an early age. 5. Discuss teenage pregnancy. Include the following in your discussion: a) facts about teenage pregnancy (prevalence rates as well as the risk factors) as provided by the WHO; b) the prevalence rate of teenage pregnancies in South Africa is high, due to early sexual activity and low use of contraceptives. Discuss the reasons for these issues; and c) discuss the outcomes of teenage pregnancy and early motherhood/parenthood. 6. Define sexual orientation and describe the different sexual orientations. 7. Discuss the reasons why gayness is the most heavily debated sexual orientation. 8. Critically discuss the following statement: LGBTQ+ adolescents have a more difficult experience regarding their sexuality development than heterosexual adolescents have. 9. Currently, scientists widely accept that gayness has at least a genetic or biological base. Discuss the findings to support this viewpoint. 10. The parents of a 17-year-old girl come to see you with concerns about their daughter's sexual orientation, as she has told them that she is in love with another girl. They are devastated and are looking for reasons for this – from blaming themselves to blaming her for her choice of sexual orientation. They hope that this is just a phase. They also insist that you cure her. What will you tell these parents?

6.3 COGNITIVE DEVELOPMENT Equally dramatic as the physical changes that occur during adolescence, are the cognitive changes that take place during this developmental period. In fact, how 472 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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adolescents interpret and react to their changing bodies, as well as to their changing social life and relationships, is influenced by their developing cognitive abilities — the ways in which they think about themselves and perceive the world around them. Young people not only begin to look more like adults, but also begin to think more like adults. In other words, during adolescence, there is significant growth and maturation of thought processes of all kinds, including perceiving, remembering, concept formation, problem-solving, imagining, and reasoning (APA, 2020). Adolescents all over the world confront cognitive challenges as part of their daily lives. In industrialised countries, many of the adolescents' cognitive challenges take place in school settings. However, the changes that take place in cognitive development affect all aspects of adolescents' lives, not only their school performance.

"If the black box survives a plane crash, why isn' isn't the whole plane made of the same stuff?"

Brain development during adolescence largely concerns the refinement, and therefore the advancement, of existing capabilities. As mentioned in the previous section, the continued maturation of the prefrontal cortex during adolescence is associated with higherorder functioning, although the maturation is completed only in early adulthood.

6.3.1 Theories of Cognitive Development In our exploration of adolescent cognitive development, we shall focus on Jean Piaget's theory, the information processing approach, and the psychometric-intelligence approach.

6.3.1.1 Jean Piaget: Formal operational thinking As mentioned in earlier chapters, Piaget was fascinated by the differences in the 473 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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way children and adults understand their world. He assumed that people not only actively construct what they know of the world, but also organise this understanding in qualitatively different ways with age, which results in distinctly different stages of thinking. According to Piaget, children around the ages of 11 or 12 enter the formal operational stage of cognitive development. This is the last stage of cognitive development and extends into adulthood. During this stage, children develop the capacity for abstract, scientific thinking. Instead of thinking only about real things and actual occurrences as younger children do, adolescents can think about possible occurrences. Piaget identified the following characteristics of formal operational thinking: ► Hypothetico-deductive reasoning. This refers to Piaget's concept that adolescents have the cognitive ability to develop alternative ways or hypotheses to solve a problem. In hypothetico-deductive reasoning, formal operational thinkers are able to reason from the general to the specific; that is, when faced with a problem, they begin with a general hypothesis or theory of all possible factors that may affect the outcome and conclude about what might happen. They then test these hypotheses. An example problem In this of this reasoning ability is illustrated by Piaget's classic pendulum problem. problem, children in middle childhood and adolescence are given strings of different lengths, objects of different lengths, objects of different weights and a bar from which to hang the strings (see Figure 6.3). They are then asked to work out what influences the speed with which a pendulum swings through its arc. Formal operational adolescents produce four hypotheses: (1) the length of the string, (2) the weight of the object, (3) height from which the object is released, (4) the force with which the object is pushed. Then, by varying one factor at a time, while holding all the others constant, they try out each possibility. Eventually, they discover that only the string length makes a difference. In contrast, children in middle childhood experiment unsystematically. They cannot separate the effect of each variable. For example, they may test the effect of string length without holding weight constant, such as comparing a short, light pendulum with a long, reasoning Furthermore, on heavy one. This means that adolescents apply scientific reasoning. a more pragmatic level, hypothetico-deductive reasoning also enables adolescents to plan systematically and to adopt the viewpoint of the adversary (opponent), without necessarily believing it, as a point of discussion. Figure 6.3. Apparatus for the pendulum problem

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► Propositional thinking. This means that formal operational thinkers can evaluate the logic of verbal statements (propositions) without referring to real-world circumstances. For example, if you ask a concrete operational child (i.e., a primary school child), "What would happen if men gave birth?" one is likely to get a confused or even irritated look and comments such as, "They don't — women have babies." Reality is the foundation of concrete operational thinking. On the other hand, formal operational thinkers understand that reality is not the only possibility. They can envision alternative realities and examine their consequences. They use hypothetical reasoning to probe the implications of fundamental change in physical or biological laws. ► Combinatorial analysis. This refers to the ability to organise various possible combinations inherent in a problem. In the pendulum problem described earlier, we saw that formal operational thinkers can separate the effects of several variables in an experimental situation through the method of holding all the factors constant, except one. This means that the adolescent analyses all the possible combinations of variables (factors), making sure that all possible values of all possible variables inherent in a problem will be investigated. Concrete operational thinkers test variables haphazardly, by trial and error. ► Relativistic thinking. To the concrete thinker, absolute right answers exist for everything and are known by an authority — this is called realism. The formal operational thinker recognises the subjective construction of knowledge and the possibility of differences in the interpretation of the same facts. Thus, thinking is relative. This change is brought about by the developing ability to take the perspective of another, not only in terms of seeing what the other sees, but also in terms of what the other thinks. The ability to apply relativistic thinking develops gradually during adolescence. Young adolescents tend to be more dualistic. Dualistic thinking includes thinking that an answer is either right or wrong, with no other possibilities. Regarding the above capabilities, six conceptual skills emerge during the stage of formal operations (Newman et al., 2020). Each one has implications for how adolescents approach interpersonal relationships and the formulation of personal plans, as well as how they analyse scientific and mathematical information: • First, mentally, adolescents can manipulate more than two categories of variables at the same time; for example, they can consider the interaction of speed, distance, and time in planning a trip. • Second, they can think about changes that come with time; for example, that their current friendships may not remain the same in years to come. • Third, adolescents can hypothesise about a logical sequence of possible events. For example, they can identify the relationship between their academic performance at school, university, and the occupational options open to them. • Fourth, they can anticipate the consequences of their actions. For instance, they realise that if they drop out of school or university, certain career possibilities will be closed to them. • Fifth, they can detect the logical consistency or inconsistency in a set of statements. 475 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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They can test the truth of a statement by finding evidence that supports or disproves it. For example, they may be troubled by the statement, "All people are equal before the Law", and the reality that people who have more money can afford better legal representation and are likely to have different experiences than those who live in poverty. • Sixth, adolescents can think in relativistic ways about themselves, other individuals, and their world. This means that they increasingly can accept others' viewpoints and values, because they realise that people are the products of societies and cultures with different norms and values. As we know by now, Piaget was a giant in the field of child psychology. However, as we also know, his theories are not without criticisms. This is also true for his theory of formal operational thinking. In fact, the formal operational stage is the most criticised stage of Piaget's theory, and its influence has waned considerably over the past few decades (Arnett et al., 2019; Steinberg, 2020). Despite this, it should be kept in mind that a valuable contribution of the Piagetian perspective on cognitive development during adolescence is that it has stimulated a great deal of research on how young people think. Without this contribution, our knowledge of child psychology would have been significantly poorer. In evaluating Piaget's theory of formal operations, the following question arises: Do all individuals reach formal operational thinking? Piaget's theory places a strong emphasis on maturation, and although he acknowledged some degree of individual difference, he asserted that most people proceed through the same stages at about the same ages, because they experience the same maturational processes. Therefore, every 8-year-old is in the stage of concrete operations, and every 15-year-old should be in the formal operational stage, while every adult applies formal operational thinking. Furthermore, he believed that 15-year-olds (and adults) can reason in formal operations in all aspects of their lives because the same mental structures must be applied, no matter what the nature of the problem is. However, research (e.g., neurobiological research mentioned earlier) indicates that these claims are not accurate (see Arnett et al., 2019). As a matter of fact, Piaget's predictions about adolescents' thinking abilities were overly optimistic — in contrast to his overly pessimistic estimates of young children's abilities of which you read in earlier chapters. In adolescence and even in adulthood, a great range of individual differences exists in the extent to which people use formal operations. Some use them over a wide range of situations, while others use them selectively and yet others appear to use them rarely or not at all. It seems that a minority of people use formal operations in their daily lives. Factors that may play a role in whether an individual applies formal operational thinking or not seem to be related to experience, such as the demands of different role relationships (e.g., son or daughter, learner, worker, student, friend, dating partner, religious believer, and citizen) and education (such as high school curricula in science, mathematics, language, arts, and social sciences). However, people seem to apply formal operations for problems and situations in which they have the most experience. For example, an experienced chess player may apply formal operational thinking to chess strategies but may fail the pendulum-problem. 476 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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It has been suggested that Piaget underestimated how much effort, energy, and knowledge it takes to use formal operations. Concrete operations seem to be sufficient for most daily tasks and problems, and because formal operations are so much more difficult, people will often not use this thinking style even if they have the capacity to do so. Formal operations may be useful in scientific thinking, but most people will not go to the time and trouble to use them in their daily lives. Another question that has been raised is: Are there cultural differences in formal operational thinking? By the early 1970s, numerous studies had already indicated that cultures varied widely in the prevalence with which their members reached formal operational thinking, based on Piagetian tasks (Dasen, 1972; Molitor et al., 2019). It was accepted generally that in many cultures, formal operational thinking does not develop and that this was particularly true in cultures that do not have formal Western schooling. However, this viewpoint was challenged by research that showed that formal-level thinking might be present in some remote non-Western communities when assessed by means of unconventional non-standard measures (Hupp et al., 2019; Tulkin et al., 1973). Piaget responded to these criticisms by suggesting that all persons reach the potential for formal operational thinking, but it may be that they apply it first (and perhaps only) to areas in which their culture has provided them with the most experience and expertise. This means that not all people in all cultures will be able to master tasks such as the pendulum problem, largely because of the unfamiliarity of the task. However, if materials and tasks familiar and relevant to their daily activities are used, they could display formal operational thinking. Another criticism of formal operational reasoning is that it is not broad enough to encompass the many dimensions along which cognitive functioning matures in adolescence. These dimensions are addressed in the next section on the informationprocessing view of cognitive development.

6.3.1.2 The information-processing view Many of the cognitive changes in adolescence are refinements of existing abilities (see previous chapters), rather than the emergence of new ones. Progressive changes with age occur in the following areas (Steinberg, 2020; also see Kuhn, 2008; Kuther, 2018): ► Attention. Adolescents' ability to concentrate and focus is better adapted to the demands of a task. Individuals can allocate their attention in different ways. Psychologists distinguish between the following types of attention allocation (see Louw et al., 2019; Santrock, 2019): - Selective attention refers to the ability to focus on relevant information and to ignore less important information. Focusing on one voice among many in a crowded room is an example of selective attention. Selective attention is especially important in the problem-solving process, since one of the first steps in the solving of a problem is to decide on which aspects to focus. - Divided attention involves paying attention to more than one aspect simultaneously. An example of divided attention is taking notes while listening to 477 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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a teacher's lecture. This capability is generally known as multitasking multitasking. Sustained attention refers to the ability to maintain attention to a selected stimulus for a prolonged period. Staying focused on a homework task from start to finish without taking a break is an example of sustained attention. - Executive attention involves planning actions, allocating attention to goals, detecting and compensating for errors, monitoring progress on tasks, selfcontrol, time management, organisation, and adaptable thinking. An example of executive attention is using attention effectively to engage in these cognitive tasks, for example, to organise a school trip, plan and execute a research project, or writing a paper for school. - Switching/shifting attention. This refers to alternating attention between two or more tasks. More specifically, individuals must carry out two different tasks, shifting between them according to some rule (e.g., alternate tasks such as reading the instructions of a task [learning] and executing the steps provided [doing]). ► Processing information. Adolescents exhibit an increased speed of information processing, that, combined with greater awareness and control of an increased processing knowledge base, produces a more efficient form of thinking than during childhood. An adolescent can also process more information. This is related to two developments. First, structural capacity refers to cognitive ability. Adolescents can handle more information than younger children can and thus are able to have more efficient working and long-term memories. Second, functional capacity refers to making effective use of existing mental abilities such as attentional and mnemonic aids. (A mnemonic aid or device is a memory strategy such as organisation and rehearsal.) Adolescents also show greater automaticity of processing, processing which means that less cognitive effort is needed to process information. Consequently, space in working memory is freed, allowing more information to be held at once and combined into highly efficient abstract representations, such as understanding a passage they have just read. New information may also be moved more effectively from working memory to long-term memory. ► Memory. Both working memory and long-term memory improve substantially between childhood and adolescence. The effectiveness of long-term memory is enhanced largely due to the greater experience and increased knowledge base during adolescence. This knowledge provides a context for assimilating new information, increasing the likelihood that relevant features will be processed and encoded. The more knowledge one has, the easier new associations may be formed, and the better one can remember. Encoding, the conversion of information into a format capable of being processed and stored in memory, predictably improves with age. ► Organisational strategies. Adolescents are more planful than children are. They are more likely to approach a problem with an appropriate strategy in mind and are more flexible in their ability to use different strategies in different situations. The use of mnemonic strategies (such as using the acronym APGAR; see Chapter 3) and other organisational strategies account for differences in the performance between younger and older children on academic tasks requiring memory. Adolescents are -

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also better at recognising which features of a problem are most important. This allows them greater flexibility of thinking and enables them to shift their attention from one aspect of a problem to another, rather than being stuck in worn-out strategies. ► Metacognition. As mentioned in previous chapters, metacognition refers to persons' thoughts about their own cognitive functioning. This skill expands during adolescence, leading to new insights into effective strategies for acquiring information and solving problems. Because of adolescents' increased metacognition, they are much better at monitoring their own learning processes. For example, while studying, adolescents can step back and assess how well they are learning the material. Doing this enables them to pace their studying accordingly, for example by speeding up and skimming the material if they feel that they are learning it easily or by slowing down and repeating a section if they find it difficult. Note that brain systems that are active when individuals are monitoring their own performance continue to mature throughout adolescence and early adulthood. This may help the continuous development of metacognition. Metacognition also leads to increased introspection and self-consciousness. When we are introspective, we are thinking about our own emotions. When we are selfconscious, we are thinking about how others think about us. These processes permit the kinds of self-examination and exploration that are important tools for establishing a coherent sense of identity. The above-mentioned developmental cognitive gains help us to understand why adolescents are better than younger children at abstract, multidimensional, hypothetical thinking. This also forms the basis for critical thinking. thinking As in Piaget's theory, the information-processing approach has not been without its critics. The main criticism is that it breaks up a phenomenon into separate parts to the extent that the meaning and coherence of the phenomenon becomes lost. This means that the holistic perspective (any approach that emphasises the whole rather than their separate parts) becomes lost. Furthermore, by taking the computer as a model, emotions, which are an important aspect of cognitive functioning, are not considered. As a developmental theory, the information-processing approach shows that children's information-processing skills advance with age but does not explain how they change. However, as mentioned in Chapter 5, the information-processing approach is applicable to many areas of functioning. Furthermore, more recent information-processing models have moved away from a simplistic computer analogy. It acknowledges the fact that the brain is much more complex than any computer. Therefore, the thought process is no longer regarded as a step-by-step-process as in the case of a computer, but the different components are used simultaneously. However, the focus still includes the components of the thought process, such as attention and memory (Arnett, 2004, 2018).

6.3.1.3 The psychometric-intelligence approach Refer to our discussion on the term intelligence in Chapter 5. As we have noted, intelligence is not an easy concept to define, although most psychologists would agree that intelligence refers to the ability to at least learn from experience, think abstractly, 479 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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solve problems, and use knowledge to function successfully in a particular environment. Some psychologists view intelligence as a single trait that influences all aspects of intellectual functioning (Siegler, 2020). The fact that performance in all intellectual tasks is positively correlated supports this idea: Children who do well in one task usually do well in others. These positive correlations occur even among dissimilar intellectual tasks, for example, achievements in different academic subjects. Such positive correlations have led to the hypothesis that each of us possesses a certain amount of general intelligence, intelligence commonly abbreviated as g. More specifically, this view holds that g influences our ability to think and learn in all intellectual tasks. Numerous findings have confirmed the usefulness of viewing intelligence as a single trait. For example, measures of g, such as overall scores on intelligence tests, correlate positively with school grades and other achievements. At the level of cognitive and brain mechanisms, g correlates with information-processing speed of neural transmission. Measures of g also correlate strongly with people's general information about the world. Furthermore, researchers found evidence that strongly suggests that a single 'intelligence-like factor' does play a role in the mental performance of both Western and non-Western cultures (Warne et al., 2019). Historically, the psychometric-intelligence approach has been the dominant approach, focusing on individual differences in the general abilities that contribute to intelligence. In this section, we shall discuss the concept of intelligence testing, Howard Gardner's theory of multiple intelligences, and Robert Sternberg's triarchic theory of intelligence.

(a) Intelligence testing As mentioned in Chapter 5, intellectual abilities generally are measured by intelligence tests to calculate a person's intelligence quotient. (The term IQ or intelligence quotient refers to a person's score in an intelligence test.) Thus, this model can be quantified. A person's score in an intelligence test (or IQ) reflects how he or she performs in certain tasks relative to others of the same age. Comparisons with the peer group of the same age are important not only because it is assumed that such individuals share the same cultural experiences, but also because the brain continues to develop, leading to changes in performance with age. Because intelligence tests measure constructs such as reasoning, judging, learning, abstract concepts, and creative thinking, they are used frequently as predictors of scholastic success. However, what about other successes? To illustrate this approach practically (Louw et al., 2019): You are asked to choose the person with the best sporting ability. You are given the names of the captains of the Springbok rugby team, the Bafana Bafana soccer team, the Protea cricket team, the SA 100 metre sprinting champion, and the SA 100 metre swimming champion. You will probably say it is impossible because every one of them is outstanding in each particular field. In the same way that physical sport is multifaceted (i.e., it has different areas in which people could excel), intelligence also has many areas in which one could make one's mark. Like sports, intellectual abilities can also be developed. There are numerous examples of people who were not academic achievers at school but who later in life excelled in other areas, even in the academic world. Against this background, it is understandable why many psychologists hold the view 480 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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that intelligence tests do not necessarily measure people's other important and everyday abilities (Kaufman et al., 2020; National Academy of Sciences, 2015). For example, these tests do not measure personality characteristics such as reliability, conscientiousness, and perseverance, which are equally, if not more, important to achieve success in life. It also cannot measure underlying potential that will bloom only at a later stage. Another crucial criticism is that many psychologists regard it as almost impossible to design a culturally fair intelligence test. As we know, culture plays a significant role in creating our unique world of functioning, such as learning and knowledge. To create an intelligence test that will be fair to all cultures and races seems to be virtually impossible. In a country such as South Africa with so many different cultures, such a goal appears even more unattainable. Subcultural factors are seldom considered. For example, how does one create an intelligence test that will be fair to a traditional Zulu child who lives in a rural area of KwaZulu-Natal, and a Zulu child who lives in Johannesburg and goes to a private school? Gender is another factor that must be considered when designing an intelligence test. As the 'world of experience' of boys and girls often differ, it will be relatively easy to design an intelligence test where boys will outperform girls or vice versa. Only test items that will have the same meaning and familiarity for both boys and girls should be included, which is not always an easy task (Cameron et al., 2019; Webb et al., 2016).

"You don' don't know the different animal tracks, can' can't shoot with a bow and arrow, you don' don't know how to find water, you don' don't know which berries are poisonous, you don' don't know what to do when you see a lion. I am sorry to say, but you do not seem to be very intelligent and I doubt whether you will be successful in your studies."

IQ testing has dominated the measurement of children's intellectual development for almost a century (Arnett et al., 2019). However, in recent decades, many psychologists started questioning the approach that intelligence is a single unit and can be measured by a single IQ score. The tendency or bias to view intelligence through an academic lens (you are intelligent when you do academically well) was also criticised. Alternative theories of intelligence that maintain that intelligence is much broader than the traditional concept 481 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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have been proposed. A much broader approach is also regarded to be of special importance in a multicultural society like South Africa where people are influenced by the values and viewpoints of their own culture regarding what intelligence is (Louw et al., 2019). The two most influential theories of multiple (various or different) intelligences were presented by Howard Gardner and Robert Sternberg. Note that both Gardner and Sternberg developed psychometric tests to assess their constructs of intelligence.

(b) Howard Gardner' Gardner's theory of multiple intelligences Like many others, Gardner (1983, 1999, 2006) defines intelligence in terms of one's ability to solve problems as they arise, but the range of abilities that he accepts as acceptable for studying intelligence is much broader than the traditional view is. Howard Gardner (1983, 1999, 2006) recognises the following eight multiple intelligences: • Linguistic intelligence is the ability to communicate by means of language, whether written or spoken. People such as writers, literary critics and linguists, journalists, and lawyers should have high linguistic intelligence. • Logical-mathematical intelligence is the ability to solve problems logically and analytically. People such as scientists, engineers, and accountants would have an exceptional aptitude in this category. • Spatial intelligence refers to the ability to mentally manipulate and accurately evaluate the position, form, size, and orientation of objects. Architects, navigators, artists, designers, and carpenters are examples of people who might be expected to have high spatial intelligence. • Musical intelligence is the ability to evaluate, analyse, and compose music or to play a musical instrument. Musicians and composers would be expected to have high musical intelligence. • Bodily-kinaesthetic intelligence refers to the ability to control body movements, such as the ability in which sportspersons and dancers excel. • Intrapersonal intelligence is the degree to which people have insight and knowledge of their own feelings and behaviour. Mental health workers, such as psychologists and psychiatrists, would be expected to have high intrapersonal intelligence. • Interpersonal intelligence refers to the degree of understanding and sensitivity people have in their relationships with other people. Teachers, social workers, psychologists, ministers, politicians, and salespersons should have a high interpersonal intelligence. • Naturalistic intelligence is the ability to recognise and understand the patterns in nature, including the functioning of plants and animals, as well as the effect of human behaviour on nature. People with a high naturalistic intelligence include biologists, foresters, farmers, and ecologists. Gardner's theory includes several premises regarding these eight intelligences. For example, first, although these eight types of intelligence work independently, they interact with one another in thinking about or completing a task. This composition and interaction are unique to every person. Second, every person has some amount of each of the eight 482 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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types of intelligence. However, owing to heredity or training (or a combination of both), certain types of intelligence will be present to a greater degree in certain people. Third, each type of intelligence is dependent on activity in a specific area of the brain. This means a specific intelligence could be reduced or impaired if damage occurs to the brain area. For instance, linguistic intelligence will be impaired if the speech areas of the brain are damaged. Fourth, the culture in which a person is brought up will strongly determine which types of intelligence will be most developed. For example, it could be expected that logicalmathematical intelligence would be more developed in a typical Western culture, while spatial and naturalistic intelligence would be more developed in the traditional San culture in the Kalahari. Furthermore, the culture or subculture of an individual will determine how one conceives intelligence. In several cultures, the connotations of the word 'intelligence' refer not only to a particular set of 'intellectual functions', but also to some value-based views of appropriateness, such as helpfulness, good relations with others, and being a good listener (Bolton, 2008). In other words, in the context of some cultures, a 'good person' with the mentioned value-based characteristics may be regarded as intelligent (Louw et al., 2019). Gardner (2015) also suggests that there may be other 'candidate' intelligences, such as especially existential intelligence. This intelligence refers to the sensitivity and capacity to reflect on serious questions about human existence, such as the meaning of life or euthanasia (assisted suicide). Although some authors include existential intelligence in their list of Gardener's multiple intelligences (extending the list to nine intelligences), Gardner (2020) himself denied that he had included it in his official list of eight intelligences. Although Gardner's fundamental point of departure has been accepted worldwide, it has elicited several points of criticism (Armstrong, 2017; Louw et al., 2019; Shearer, 2020): -

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First, it is argued that multiple intelligences are just different manifestations of a general intelligence or g (as discussed before). Until there is sufficient research evidence regarding the claim that it differs significantly from the original concept of a general underlying intelligence, some critics remain sceptical that it is a unique theory. Second, it remains an open question of how many intelligences there really are and how long the list of intelligences will become. For example, what about moral intelligence, humour intelligence, political intelligence, organisational intelligence, computer intelligence, and sports intelligence? (After winning the World Cup Rugby Championships in 2019, the Springbok coach Rassie Erasmus was described as a 'rugby genius'.) In multicultural countries like South Africa, an interesting addition could be cultural intelligence: the ability to adjust and function effectively across cultures. Third, determining the presence and level of the individual intelligences is subjective and may be assessed differently by different evaluators. Fourth, several critics believe that some of the notions, such as musical intelligence, are an 'aptitude' or 'talent', rather than what many regard as 'intelligence'. Fifth, several critics question the assumption that different areas of the brain are

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responsible for different intellectual competencies. They believe that Gardner's view compartmentalises the brain and thus underplays the important interaction between the various brain areas.

Everybody is intelligent. But if you judge a fish by its ability to climb a tree, it will live its whole life believing that it is stupid.

(c) Robert Sternberg' Sternberg's triarchic theory of intelligence Another researcher who views the existing measures of intelligence as overly narrow and related more to academic than to real-life experiences is Robert Sternberg (1984, 2015; 2018). As a child, Sternberg did not do well in intelligence tests and experienced intense anxiety during examinations. His personal experience convinced him that intelligence is more than what is measured by intelligence tests. He later became a worldrenowned professor at some of the top universities in the USA and even rector of one. Sternberg defines intelligence as the skills and knowledge needed for success in life, according to one's own definition of success and within one's own socio-cultural context (see Louw et al., 2019). As indicated before, the scientist, mechanic, builder, businessperson, and farmer can all be viewed as intelligent if they make the most of their potential. Sternberg developed his triarchic theory of intelligence, proposing three types of intelligence (see Figure 6.4): • Analytical (componential) intelligence refers to how a person processes and analyses information. It includes abstract thinking and logical reasoning. This is the traditional notion of intelligence and is associated with academic achievement. It involves mental processes such as abstract planning, strategy selection, focused 484 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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attention, information processing, and verbal and logical skills. A person with a high analytical intelligence should do well in traditional intelligence tests. • Creative (experiential) intelligence involves a person's ability to combine information in an original and unique way to produce problem-solving strategies, insights, and ideas. Therefore, it involves the capacity to be intellectually flexible and creative. Often, these children are not in the top rank of their class. Creatively intelligent children might not conform to the expectations that teachers have about how assignments should be done. For this, they even might be reprimanded or marked down (Santrock, 2019). • Practical (contextual or tacit) intelligence concerns how individuals function in their everyday circumstances and environment. It involves their ability to adapt to or shape their environments to make it more acceptable. Practical intelligence is the ability to thrive in the real world and refers to the skills used in everyday problemsolving. In lay terms, it is called 'common sense' or being 'street smart'. Like learners with a high creative intelligence, children who are practically intelligent also do not always get the recognition and praise they deserve, especially at school and in other academic situations. However, their social skills and common sense often allow them to become successful in most walks of life, despite an undistinguished school record. Figure 6.4. Sternberg Sternberg''s triarchic theory of intelligence

As with Gardner, Sternberg also has his critics (e.g., Brody, 2013; Chooi et al., 2014; Gottfredson, 2003). The criticism is similar to that aimed at Gardner's theory, especially that the model has not been subjected enough to scrutinous empirical research to test its reliability and validity. Regardless of the criticism against theories that propose various intelligences, these theories have made valuable contributions to psychology. On the forefront is the fact that they hold to the golden rule of psychology — that individuals are unique with their own 485 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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strengths and weaknesses. These theories send out a positive message: Individuals should be encouraged to build on their strengths, compensate for their weaknesses, and select environments in which they can succeed (Siegler et al., 2020). Not only schools but also the broader community could benefit from the basic principles of these theories.

6.3.2 Language Development Language development is discussed in detail in previous chapters. Once, it was believed widely that language development is virtually complete by late childhood. However, research conducted during the past 30 years has revealed that substantial growth occurs throughout adolescence and well into adulthood. Although language development during the adolescent years is more subtle and gradual compared with that which occurs during infancy, early childhood, and middle childhood, the development during adolescence becomes evident on close examination (Nippold, 2000). As we have seen, brain maturation and increased input during early childhood lead to increases in vocabulary growth and other aspects of language structure. As we have also noted, parents set the stage for children's entry into the world of literature and schooling by reading to them and engaging in conversations. However, as children move on to higher stages of language development and the acquisition of literacy, they depend increasingly on wider social institutions. At school, they will rely on educators to gain vocabulary, for example on commerce, science, biology, mathematics, and second and third languages. They may rely on Sunday school teachers or religious instructors for knowledge about biblical or spiritual language, prophets, and the geography of the holy land or sacred areas. They rely on peers to introduce them to the language of the streets, the use of language of courtship, cell phones, and other electronic media. They will also rely on the media for exposure to the verbal expressions of other ethnic groups and religions. In fact, the very concept of literacy practices is undergoing continual transformation as technological advances, such as communication and information technologies, allow people to explore new modes of communication. Consequently, there is a greater emphasis on technical vocabulary, including programming languages. However, educators and parents often complain about the decrease in young people's ability to recall, integrate and internalise significant facts, specifically because they have easy access to knowledge at the press of a button. To maintain continuity, young people still need to be able to apply the electronically acquired knowledge; for example, they will still need to appreciate the structure and allegorical features of dramas and poetry, or the rules of formal debate (MacWhinney, 2010). In addition, adolescents increasingly use the forms of language of their peer group to become an integral part of that group, and which, in most cases, differs from the language structures used by their parents. This special form of language that adolescents use to identify themselves as belonging to a particular social, cultural, or generational group is called the adolescent register (see Cook et al., 2014). Emotionally, connotatively (suggested, symbolic), and socially, this register is often coded with words and phrases that are unique to the group. Crude language often becomes a way to express their identification and unification with the group norms. Furthermore, adolescents become 486 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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aware of language use appropriate to gender. As adolescents grow into adulthood, the language patterns and terms that marked their groups either fade away or, in some cases, become part of the overall culture. It is interesting that throughout the school years, girls attain higher scores in reading and writing achievement and account for a lower percentage of children referred for remedial reading instruction (Berk, 2019). Girls also score slightly higher on tests of verbal ability in both middle childhood and adolescence in every country in which assessments have been conducted. Several reasons for these gender differences have been proposed. First, it seems that girls have a biological advantage in earlier development of the left hemisphere of the cerebral cortex. cortex (As mentioned in Chapter 3, the cerebral cortex is the outer covering of the brain. It plays a key role in functions such as language, memory, attention, perception, awareness, and thought processes). Second, from early childhood through adolescence, girls often receive more stimulation in areas where language abilities such as reading, writing and verbal competencies play an important role. Third, many boys view language arts as a 'feminine' subject and would much rather excel in 'masculine' areas such as mathematics, physics, and sport.

REVIEW THIS SECTION 1. Discuss Jean Piaget's theory of formal operational thinking in adolescence. Discuss the characteristics of formal operational thinking and conceptual skills that emerge during the stage of formal operations. 2. Evaluate Piaget's theory of formal operations. What were his contributions in this regard? What are the criticisms against this theory? 3. Discuss the changes that occur in the cognitive functioning of adolescents according to the information-processing view, such as attention, the processing of information, memory, organisational strategies, and metacognition. Evaluate the information-processing approach. 4. Discuss the psychometric-intelligence approach. What is the main assumption of this approach? Critically discuss the concept of intelligence testing. 5. Discuss Howard Gardner's theory of multiple intelligences. What were his contributions towards intelligence testing? What are the criticisms against his theory? 6. Discuss Robert Sternberg's triarchic theory of intelligence. 7. What are the major criticisms against theories of multiple intelligences? What are their major contributions? 8. Discuss language development during adolescence. Mention gains achieved in language development during adolescence and the reasons for these achievements. 9. Why may parents often not understand their adolescents' language usage? 10. What contributes to gender differences in verbal ability?

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6.3.3 Practical Cognition: The Effects of Adolescents' Adolescents' Cognitive Abilities on Certain Areas of their Development Cognitive development in adolescence functions as an organisational core that affects all areas of thinking, no matter what the topic. Therefore, cognitive development affects a wide range of other aspects of development, from family relations and friendships, to school performance and risky behaviour. We shall discuss some of these areas affected by adolescents' change in cognitive abilities. (Also refer to our earlier discussion on developments in the brain, such as the social brain, the limbic system, and the prefrontal cortex.)

6.3.3.1 Implications for the classroom Adolescents' cognitive developments prepare them for new challenges in the classroom. Courses in mathematics, science, and literature require increasingly abstract and logical thinking. This type of thinking requires both inductive and deductive reasoning, both of which improve during adolescence: ► Inductive reasoning refers to reasoning that takes specific information and makes a broader generalisation. Inductive reasoning consists of the following stages: - Observation: All the teenagers in the restaurant are eating burgers. - Observe a pattern: All observed teenagers eat burgers. - Conclusion: Teenagers only eat burgers. Conclusions in inductive reasoning might be true, but not necessarily in all cases. For example, on a particular day when you were in the restaurant, all the teenagers ate burgers. However, that does not mean that all teenagers always eat burgers only. Therefore, with inductive reasoning, the conclusion may be false, even if the premises are true. ► Deductive reasoning refers to reasoning from the general to the particular and is regarded as a higher-order thinking skill. Deductive reasoning consists of the following stages: - General assumption: Teenagers only eat burgers. - Test the assumption on different occasions: Some teenagers eat burgers, but others eat chicken wings. - Conclusion: Teenagers do eat burgers, but they also eat other food. Conclusions of deductive reasoning can be true only if all the statements in the premise are true. However, invalid deductive reasoning also could occur, leading to overgeneralisation and wrong assumptions. For example: All teenagers like burgers. Jessica likes chicken wings. Therefore, Jessica is not a teenager. As we know, assumptions and generalisations are usually not based on facts and can therefore be invalid, damaging, and even dangerous. However, assumptions can be turned into hypotheses that can be tested. Owing to their advancement in cognitive skills, 488 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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adolescents can gather facts to support or oppose principles, generate a range of possible alternatives for any situation, think in abstractions, and test their thoughts against inner logic. These abilities set them apart from younger children and make new forms of learning possible in the classroom. For example, adolescents' systematic approach to problems enables them to engage in true scientific thinking (Lally et al., 2017). However, for these skills to develop, they must be practiced. Most of the subjects at school offer opportunities for deductive reasoning, but if learners are bombarded only with information, while no understanding and application of the knowledge are required, these advanced skills will not be attained. (For example, think of all the false information presented on social media during the COVID-19 "A recent study has found women who carry a little extra weight live longer than men who mention it." Inductive or pandemic that so many people deductive reasoning?! believed uncritically.) Adolescents' advances in cognitive development can also affect their study skills. Owing to their improvement in metacognitive skills, adolescents are better able than younger children are to identify the gaps in their knowledge and to adjust the way in which they study to compensate for these gaps. In addition, adolescents who have trouble monitoring their own performance can be taught to do so. For example, they can be taught to assess their reading comprehension and to focus on cues such as headings in chapters or on cues embedded in the passages to improve their comprehension. The broader conceptualisation of intelligence (refer to Gardner and Sternberg's views on intelligence) may also benefit adolescents, especially those who do not necessarily excel in academic terms but have other skills, for instance with regard to sport, music, and practical inclinations. This means that most adolescents at least have the potential to succeed in one area or another.

6.3.3.2 Implications for the parent-child relationship The ability to use abstract and hypothetico-deductive reasoning results in adolescents' ability to gather facts and ideas to build a case. This could result in argumentativeness — the once compliant child becomes a fiercely argumentative teenager. This could affect the parent-child relationship in the following ways: • Adolescents are often confronted with several alternatives or possible solutions to a problem. Although it is difficult for them to decide which alternative or solution is the 489 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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correct one, they still want to make their own decisions without the help and guidance of their parents because of their increasing need for independence. This may lead to conflict if the parents do not consider their adolescent children's drive towards independence and allow them to make their own decisions. • Because of the questioning attitude of adolescents, they require that their parents explain to them their reasons for what they expect from them. However, they may argue with their parents about some of their decisions and ideas because they are aware that there are various possibilities and alternatives. If parents fail to supply satisfactory reasons to them or if they do not accept that adolescents have their own views, there could be conflict between the parents and their adolescent children. This questioning attitude may also lead to adolescents questioning the values or behaviour of their parents, for example. This could result in conflict between parents and their adolescent children. • Adolescents can reason beyond the real to the possible. This opens a world of the ideal and of perfection. Teenagers may imagine alternative family, religious, political, and moral systems. Owing to their inexperience, these are often grand, idealistic visions — they leave no room for the shortcomings of everyday life. Adults, with their longer life experience, have a more realistic outlook. The disparity between world views of adults and teenagers is often called the "generation gap" and may create tension between parents and children. Aware of the perfect world against which parents, siblings, and society are found not to measure up, adolescents may become fault-finding critics. However, adolescents' capacity for effective argumentation, idealism, and criticism opens the door to intellectually stimulating pastimes such as debates and endless discussion sessions with friends over moral, ethical, and political concerns. By proposing, justifying, criticising, and defending a variety of solutions, adolescents often move to a higher level of understanding.

6.3.3.3 Social cognition Social cognition refers to the way in which people perceive, think about, interpret, categorise, and judge their own social behaviours and those of others (APA, 2020). One aspect of social cognition is perspective-taking (also called role-taking role-taking), the ability to consider a situation from a point of view other than one's own. As we have seen in the previous chapter, this means the ability to consider the thoughts and feelings of others. Robert Selman (1977, 2003; Elfers et al., 2008) has done considerable research on the development of perspective-taking and proposed the following stages or levels in this regard: • Egocentric perspective-taking (± 4 to 6 years). Children are unable to distinguish between their own perspective and that of others. Everyone else's feelings and thoughts are just like their own. • Social-informative perspective-taking (± 6 to 8 years). Although they are still egocentric to a large extent, children begin to develop perspective-taking skills. They 490 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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begin to realise that people may have different interpretations of the same event. However, they still struggle to put themselves in the other person's place, with the result that their own feelings prevail. • Self-reflective perspective-taking (± 8 to 10 years). Most children can put themselves in the position of another person. Thus, they can understand that others may have a point of view that is different from their own. This allows them to predict how other persons might react to their behaviour. • Mutual perspective-taking (± 10 to 12 years). Children become capable of understanding that their perspective-taking interactions with others are mutual. Just as they understand that another person has a view that is different from their own, they also realise that other persons understand that they have a view that is different from their own. Moreover, the child can take the view of a detached third person and view a situation from that perspective. • Social and conventional system perspective-taking (± 12 to 15 years). Adolescents now come to realise that their social perspectives and those of others are influenced not only by their interaction with one another, but also by their roles in the wider society. Therefore, it is clear that Selman found an improvement in perspective-taking abilities from childhood to adolescence. However, there seems to be only a loose connection between age and perspective-taking abilities — adolescents may reach the stage of mutual perspective-taking as early as 11 or as late as 20. In fact, people of any given age may vary considerably in their perspective-taking abilities. Other research on perspective-taking has found that it plays an important role in adolescents' peer relationships (see Boele et al., 2019; Schleider et al., 2018). Being able to take the perspective of others helps adolescents to be aware of how things they say and do may please or displease others. This is related to adolescents' popularity. Another aspect of social cognition involves making judgements about what other persons are like and why they behave in the way they do. These are called implicit personality theories. theories Implicit personality theories also include a person's notions about which personality characteristics tend to co-occur in people. For example, can one assume that a person with a sense of humour is also intelligent? Is a charming person likely to be honest or dishonest? Implicit personality theories influence the inferences that people make of other persons; for example, a warm-hearted person is perceived as likely to be also generous (Oxford Reference, 2021). People of all ages form implicit personality theories, but these theories change in a variety of ways from childhood to adolescence (see Erdley et al., 1993; Yeager 2017): • Children aged 6 to 7 tend to describe others in terms of concrete, external characteristics. They also describe others egocentrically, by referring to themselves. Note the following description of a neighbour by a seven-year-old: She has fair hair and she wears glasses. She is very nice because she gives me and my friends sweets.

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rather than in terms of their external characteristics only. However, their descriptions of others are usually not well integrated and could be inconsistent. Note the following description of a classmate by a ten-year-old. She is quite a nice girl. Her behaviour is good most of the time, but sometimes she is quite silly and naughty most of the time.

• Adolescents' descriptions of others tend to be more abstract, describing others in terms of abstract personality traits. Their descriptions also tend to be more complex and reflect their awareness that the aspects of personality that people exhibit to others may depend on the situation and that people may exhibit different traits in different situations. Their descriptions of others also tend to be more organised, since there seems to be more integration. For example, note this description of a classmate by a 15-year-old: Angela is very modest. She is even shyer than I am when in a group, yet she is talkative when she is with one or two persons. She praises other people's achievements, but never talks about her own.

Note that adolescents' implicit personality theories become more abstract and organised and that these characteristics also distinguish adolescents from younger children in the other aspects of cognitive development we have discussed.

6.3.3.4 Self-consciousness and self-focusing We have noted that adolescents become less egocentric than younger children as they learn to take the perspectives of others. Their implicit personality theories also become less egocentric during middle childhood and adolescence. However, a new kind of egocentrism evolves in this stage. Adolescents' ability to reflect on their own thoughts, combined with the physical and psychological changes that they are undergoing, means that they begin to think more about themselves. Piaget believed that a new form of egocentrism accompanies this stage — the inability to distinguish the abstract perspectives of self and others. Piaget's ideas were expanded by David Elkind (1967, 1985; also see Galanaki, 2012; Linn, 2016). According to Elkind, adolescent egocentrism includes two distorted images of the relation between self and others — the imaginary audience and the personal fable. The imaginary audience is adolescents' belief that they are the focus of everyone else's attention. (Broadly speaking, the imaginary audience refers to the preoccupation with what you believe other people are thinking of you.) This results from adolescents' limited capacity to distinguish between their thinking about themselves and their thinking about the thoughts of others. Consequently, they may confuse the two. Because they think about themselves so much and are so acutely aware of how they might appear to others, they conclude that others must also be thinking about them a great deal. Because they exaggerate the extent to which others think about them, they imagine an audience for their appearance — they regard themselves as always on stage, because everybody is always looking at them. This exaggeration makes them much more self-conscious than what they were prior to formal operations. 492 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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The imaginary audience helps us to understand the amount of time adolescents spend inspecting every detail of their appearance. It also accounts for their sensitivity to public criticism. For adolescents, who believe that everyone is monitoring their performance, a critical remark from a parent or teacher can be devastating. The personal fable is an intense investment in one's own thoughts and feelings and a belief that these thoughts and feelings are unique. The personal fable is built on the imaginary audience. Adolescents' belief in the imaginary audience that is highly conscious of how they look and act, leads to the belief that they are the focus of everyone else's attention. Therefore, the personal fable is an inflated opinion of their own importance — the feeling that they are special, unique, and invulnerable. The personal fable may be a source of anguish, especially when it makes adolescents feel that nobody understands them, because no one can share their unique experiences. It may also be a source of high hopes, as adolescents imagine their unique personal destiny leading to the fulfilment of their dreams. This is evident in many adolescents' belief that they will be different from their parents; they will not be stuck in a rut but will realise their hopes and dreams. The personal fable may also contribute to risk-taking behaviour by adolescents whose sense of uniqueness leads them to believe that they are invincible; Personal fable: an inflated opinion of self-importance that negative consequences from high risk behaviour, such as unprotected sex, drug taking, drunk driving, and high-speed driving, "won't happen to me." The imaginary audience and personal fable are strongest during the transition to formal operational thinking. Yet, these distorted visions may not be a return to egocentrism as experienced in the preoperational period. Instead, they seem to be an outgrowth of gains in perspective-taking, which causes young teenagers to be very concerned with what others think. Because adolescents are so drawn to social media, the question arises whether this attraction contributes to their expression of their imaginary audience and personal fable, and therefore their sense of uniqueness. Studies in this regard have found the following: amassing a large number of friends (i.e., an audience) may validate adolescents' perception that their life is a stage and everyone is watching them; the use of social media increases self-interest; and a greater use of social networking sites is linked to a higher level of self-absorption (see Santrock, 2018). The imaginary audience and personal fable gradually decline as abstract reasoning becomes better established. Adults, too, imagine (and sometimes exaggerate) an audience 493 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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for their behaviour and believe there is something special, if not unique, to their personal experience and their personal destiny. People of all ages experience what is known as an optimistic bias, bias which is people's tendency to overestimate their likelihood of experiencing positive events and underestimate their likelihood of experiencing negative events in the future (Dricu et al., 2020).

I intend to live forever. So far, so good!

6.3.3.5 Planning and decision-making Adolescents who think more analytically handle cognitive tasks more effectively than they did when they were younger (Demetriou, 2020). They are better at cognitive selfregulation, such as planning what to do first and what to do next, monitoring progress regulation towards a goal, and redirecting actions that prove unsuccessful. For this reason, study skills improve from middle childhood into adolescence, as mentioned earlier. However, when it comes to planning and decision-making in everyday life, young adolescents are often overwhelmed by the possibilities available. (Remember, owing to their cognitive development, they are much more aware of the variety of possibilities and options.) Therefore, their efforts to choose among alternatives frequently break down, and they may resort to habit, act on impulse, or not decide at all. In an era in which adolescents must make important decisions, for example about a career choice, drug use (including alcohol and cigarettes), and sexual activity, the question that typically arises is: Can adolescents make decisions competently? One of the most prominent perspectives on adolescent decision-making is the behavioural decision theory (see Takemura, 2014). According to this perspective, 494 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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the decision-making process includes (1) identifying the range of possible choices; (2) identifying the consequences that may result from each choice; (3) evaluating the consequence; (4) assessing the likelihood of each consequence; and (5) integrating this consequence (Arnett, 2018). Competence in this process varies considerably with age. Early adolescents are more skilled than young children are, and late adolescents are more skilled than early adolescents are. The most important transitions seem to occur at ages 11 to 12 and again at ages 15 to 16. However, most studies comparing late adolescents and adults have found few differences in the decision-making processes they use. Why are adolescents then so much more likely than adults to take risks, such as unprotected sexual activity, drug-taking, and driving while intoxicated? Competent decision-making involves not only cognitive components but also psychosocial components (Steinberg et al., 1996). A deficiency in either area undermines the decision-making process. The implication is that even though adolescents may show the same level of cognitive ability as adults in making a decision (such as evaluating the advantages and disadvantages), adolescents are much more affected by psychosocial factors (such as the emotions of the moment and the desire to be accepted by others) and will therefore make different decisions.

Risk-taking behaviour is common during adolescence

As discussed in the section on brain development, the fact that the different brain systems mature at different rates may also contribute to adolescents' risky decisionmaking. As mentioned, the limbic system is involved in reward-seeking and pleasure, as well as how we process social and emotional information and evaluate rewards — exactly the type of information involved in many of the risky choices adolescents make. 495 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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The prefrontal cortex develops later, so that it only gradually assumes cognitive control over behaviour. Consequently, when the limbic system is activated, as it is in potentially rewarding situations, its relative greater maturity enables it to dominate the executive controls of the prefrontal cortex. Therefore, since acceptance by peers is rewarding, adolescents are more likely to engage in risky behaviour like drinking, smoking, using drugs, and dangerous, high-speed driving when other adolescents are present than when they are by themselves. Although adolescents may understand the riskiness of a given behaviour, they do not seem to be able to control the risky behaviour when there is an immediate prospect of a reward. Thus, greater alcohol and drug use (including smoking), injuries, car accidents, and suicide occur during this period (Ammerman et al., 2018; Centre for Accident Research and Road Safety, 2014; Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2018). Particular concerns regarding South African adolescents involve alcohol abuse and binge drinking, unprotected sexual activities, and lack of contraceptive use, and carrying weapons (see Khuzwayo et al., 2020). These behaviours have serious consequences for these youths, such as poor educational outcomes, poor health outcomes such as teenage pregnancies, HIV infections and other sexually transmitted diseases, and injuries due to violence (National Department of Health, 2012). However, although risk taking in adolescence is usually associated with negative behaviour, some aspects of risk taking could benefit them. For example, being open to new experiences and challenges, even risky ones, can lead them to engage in prosocial behaviour, learn new skills, be flexible, and increase their knowledge of the world (Van Duijvenvoorde et al., 2016). Steinberg (2020, p. 58) concludes in this regard, "This makes perfect sense given that adolescence evolved as a stage during which individuals venture out on their own: to be successful, they must be both willing to take risks and able to learn from their experience." REVIEW THIS SECTION 1. Describe how adolescents' cognitive development affects their performance in the classroom. 2. Discuss how adolescents' capacity for argumentation, idealism and criticism may affect the parent-child relationship. How may these cognitive capacities benefit this (and other) relationships? 3. What is social cognition? Discuss the development of social cognition with reference to perspective-taking and the implicit personality theories. What changes are noted in adolescents' social cognition capacities? 4. Discuss adolescents' self-consciousness and self-focusing behaviours, with specific reference to egocentrism that emerges during adolescence. How does this differ from egocentrism in the preoperational stage of development? Do the imaginary audience and personal fable disappear completely during adulthood? 5. Discuss the advances and limitations in adolescents' planning and decision-making skills. Why are adolescents more susceptible to risk-taking behaviour than adults are? What are the consequences of high-risk behaviours? When could risk-taking behaviours be beneficial to adolescents? 496 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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6.4 PERSONALITY DEVELOPMENT As we have mentioned at the beginning of the chapter, many people think of adolescence as a difficult time, filled with turmoil, risks, parent-child conflict and indifference to societal norms. However, these views may say as much about the adult generation as about adolescents. Although the news media, entertainment media, as well as research tend to focus on the difficulties of the period, most young people make important new strides toward maturity during this time. As we have seen in the previous section, new and more intricate thoughts are possible. This is accompanied by new insights into the self and others, especially as their identities are forged. Although some adolescents experience an emotional rollercoaster, which is not necessarily negative, for the most part, adolescence is a thrilling time of life — a time of lasting memories of first experiences. Refer to the previous chapters for the theories of personality development. In this section, we shall touch briefly on the development of temperament and personality traits during adolescence. We shall then explore adolescents' identity development, their conceptions of the self, their emotional development, and their career choices.

6.4.1 Temperament and Personality Traits We recommend that you first turn to Chapters 3 and 5 to refresh your memory on temperament and personality traits. As stated in earlier chapters, perspectives on temperament and personality are mostly concerned with stability and change in the major areas of development. The major personality developments that occur during adolescence are summarised in Table 6.2. Table 6.2. Change in the Big Five dimensions of personality during adolescence BIG FIVE DIMENSIONS

DEVELOPMENT DURING ADOLESCENCE

Extraversion

Social dominance increases and shyness decreases; other dimensions of extraversion and extroversion do not change. However, there is some evidence that extraversion increases for girls and decreases for boys.

Negative emotionality and neuroticism

Findings are mixed; some studies suggest neuroticism does not change, and others suggest it decreases. There is also some evidence that neuroticism may increase in young adolescent girls prior to the age of 14.

Agreeableness

Agreeableness shows relatively little change during adolescence, although some evidence suggests increases for girls.

Effortful control and conscientiousness

Conscientiousness mainly appears to decrease, especially for younger adolescents. This seems to be related to increased risk-taking opportunities. However, some studies indicate no change, while others indicate some increase, especially for girls.

Openness

Openness primarily increases, but there is some evidence of change or even decreases.

Adapted from Bates et al. (2010)

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As indicated in previous chapters, personality and temperament may affect children's adjustment in various areas. The links between personality and adjustment are summarised in Table 6.3. Table 6.3. Outcomes of temperament and personality in adolescence BIG FIVE DIMENSIONS Extraversion

OUTCOMES IN CHILDHOOD AND ADOLESCENCE Extraversion is associated with high levels of externalising behaviours (e.g., aggression, antisocial acts, substance use). There is mixed evidence for prediction of low academic achievement. However, extraversion is also associated with reduced risk for depression.

Negative emotionality and neuroticism

Irritability predicts high levels of externalising behaviours; fearfulness predicts low levels of externalising behaviour; irritability and fearfulness both predict high levels of internalising problems (e.g., depression, anxiety, eating disorders).

Agreeableness

Low agreeableness (e.g., heartless, unfeeling, and uncaring) is associated with early appearing, persistent and severe forms of externalising behaviours. It also predicts low academic achievement.

Conscientiousness (self-regulation traits) Openness

Self-regulation traits predict low levels of externalising behaviours and high levels of academic achievement. There is mixed evidence that openness predicts high levels of academic achievement.

Bates et al. (2010)

As discussed earlier, although temperament and personality have a strong biological basis, various other variables also play important roles. The environment (including family, peers, and broader contexts) could have a significant affect. The influence of life experiences, especially interpersonal experiences, as shapers of temperament and personality should never be underestimated. As discussed in previous chapters, life experiences alter the connections between emotional reactions to events, conceptualisations of events and strategies for coping with events. However, the unique interaction between all the various variables will determine the outcome.

6.4.2 Identity Development Since the development of an identity is an important task during adolescence, Erikson's theory of identity development will be discussed in more detail (Erikson, 1968, 1974, 1994; also see Schachter et al., 2018). This will be followed by James Marcia's theory of identity statuses, as well as a review of South African studies on identity development. The formation of a group identity will also be explored.

6.4.2.1 Erikson' Erikson's theory: Identity versus identity confusion Erik Erikson provided one of the most comprehensive descriptions of identity 498 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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development during adolescence. (Identity refers to the individual's awareness of him- or herself as an independent, unique person with a specific place in society.) He was also the first theorist to identify the importance of the formation of a personal identity in the personality development of an individual and viewed the establishment of an identity as an important step in the development of a productive and happy adult. Erikson believed that establishing an identity is particularly important during adolescence because, owing to the dramatic developments in adolescence, the child's early sense of identity becomes partly 'unglued'.

(a) The development of an identity According to Erikson, to form an identity, all the psychosocial crises of the previous stages need to be resolved. This means that adolescents should have acquired basic trust, autonomy, initiative, and industry to accomplish the tasks required for developing an identity successfully. Identity development implies that adolescents need to define who they are, what is important to them, and what directions they want to take in life. Erikson referred to this identity development as an identity crisis — a temporary period of confusion during which adolescents explore and question existing values, and experiment with alternative roles to develop an own set of values and goals. According to Erikson, this experimenting, exploring, and questioning is not an indication of negative development, but rather of the way in which the individual forms a personal and social identity. In fact, Erikson points out that society allows adolescents a certain period of time, called the psychosocial moratorium, to find themselves and their roles as future adults. Experimentation takes moratorium place during this psychosocial moratorium, for instance by trying out various identities, endless self-examination, investigating careers and ideologies, fantasising about roles, and identifying with other people and hero-figures. Themes that are important in the formation of an identity are gender roles, relationships, marriage, religion, politics, an own value system, independence from parents, social responsibility, and work roles. To develop an own identity, adolescents must master the following tasks: • They must form a continuous, integrated, unified image of the self. Erikson refers to this as ego-synthesis ego-synthesis. This means that regardless of the course of time and the accompanying changes, a person should feel that he or she is still the same person. • They must form a sociocultural identity, which means that the adolescent's identity must include the value-orientations of his or her culture. • A gender role identity must be established firmly. Apart from accepting the changes associated with sexual maturity, adolescents must accept their identities as male or female. • A career identity must be formed. This implies that adolescents must be realistic regarding their own abilities and achievements, in order to make a realistic career choice. • An own value system must be developed. This implies that adolescents must 499 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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rethink certain values to the extent that they may form an own basic philosophy, which may serve as an anchor in their lives. According to Erikson, the successful completion of these tasks will promote adolescents' sense of identity and thus limit confusion. Erikson points out that the establishment of an identity provides a sense of faithfulness or fidelity. This means that through self-examination, experimentation, and formulation of an own value system and philosophy of life, they know who they are and what they want from life. Therefore, they can be faithful to their own values and principles. This establishes self-confidence.

(b) Identity confusion Identity confusion occurs when adolescents are indecisive about themselves and their roles (Newman, 2020). They cannot integrate the various roles, and when they are confronted with contradictory value systems, they have neither the ability nor the selfconfidence to make decisions. This confusion causes anxiety, as well as apathy or hostility towards roles or values. Erikson (1977, p. 219) describes this confusion as follows: I ain't what I ought to be, I ain't what I'm going to be, but I ain't what I was.

Many adolescents ask themselves: "Who am I?"

This identity confusion could also result in an identity foreclosure or a negative identity: 500 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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• Identity foreclosure. This means that the identity crisis is resolved by making a series of premature decisions about one's identity, based on others' expectations of what one should be. This happens when external demands or role expectations pose a threat to adolescents' identity development. In their confusion, they then tend to adopt roles, simply to meet the expectations of others, without really identifying with these roles. For example, a boy may become a doctor simply because this is his parents' ideal. • Negative identity. This means that adolescents form an identity contrary to the cultural values and expectations. Examples of such adolescents are drug abusers, social misfits, and juvenile delinquents.

(c) Evaluation of Erikson' Erikson's view of identity formation Researchers not only found evidence supporting Erikson's ideas about identity; his theory of identity development greatly contributed to better understanding of adolescent development and stimulated extensive research on identity (Beyers, 2010; Cote, 2019). There is also evidence that people who form strong personal identities during adolescence are better capable of forming intimate relationships during early adulthood (Cherry et al., 2020). Therefore, his theoretical views are highly regarded by many developmental psychologists. Nevertheless, research has revealed the following shortcomings in his theoretical assumptions (Thom et al., 1998; also see Arnett, 2015; Kroger, 2015): • Erikson uses the term crisis or identity crisis, crisis which implies an active search for an identity during adolescence. Firstly, this term creates the impression of an intense traumatic experience. This is not the case, however. Many adolescents who are in the process of identity development feel good about themselves. Secondly, the term crisis creates the impression that identity development occurs at one specific crisis point in an adolescent's life. This is also not true. Identity development is much more complex. It is a gradual and extensive process that occurs throughout the life cycle. Therefore, the term crisis could create the wrong impression of identity development. Because of this, many modern researchers prefer the term exploration exploration, as in adolescents "explore their independence and develop a sense of self" (Dsa et al., 2018. p. 273). • According to Erikson, the identity developmental crisis occurs early in adolescence and is resolved between 15 and 18 years of age. However, research has indicated that this view is too optimistic, since it is evident that most adolescents experience an identity crisis during late adolescence. These research findings show that only 4% of adolescents are sure of their identity at the age of 15 and only 20% at the age of 18. • Adolescents also do not form their identity simultaneously in all areas, as Erikson has implied. A strong sense of identity may exist, for instance regarding a career choice, while identity searching in areas such as sex roles, religious values, and political ideologies continue. • Critics of Erikson's theory point out that his research was focused on males, with little attention paid to possible differences in identity development between males and females. Thus, his theory is more applicable to males and should not be generalised to females (Anthis et al., 2004; Sobh, 2020). 501 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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• It is also pointed out that the exact mechanisms for resolving conflicts and moving from one stage to the next are not well described or developed. In other words, the theory fails to detail exactly what type of experiences are necessary at each stage to resolve the conflicts successfully and move to the next stage (Cherry et al., 2020). • Although Erikson acknowledges the importance of culture, he tends to overgeneralise similarities in this regard. For example, the search for identity by adolescents in a highly westernised subculture in South Africa may differ significantly from the search of identity by a traditional Venda adolescent in rural Limpopo.

6.4.2.2 James Marcia' Marcia's theory: The formulation of identity statuses Erikson's description of identity stimulated considerable research, such as that of James Marcia. Based on his research, Marcia (1980, 1994, 1999) distinguished various identity statuses or ways to resolve the identity crisis during adolescence. The identity status of adolescents is determined according to the crises they have already worked through (e.g., choosing between different values or careers), and by the degree and kind of commitment to these choices (see Table 6.4). Marcia identified four identity statuses: • Status 1: Identity achievement. The individual has passed through the crisis period and has a relatively strong commitment to a career and a value system. • Status 2: Identity moratorium. The person is still in a crisis period and is actively investigating various alternatives. • Status 3: Identity foreclosure. No crisis has been experienced, although there is a commitment to certain goals and values, possibly because of parental influence. • Status 4: Identity diffusion. A crisis may or may not be experienced, but either way, the individual is not committed to anything and does not attempt to develop any commitment. Adolescents often fluctuate between the various identity statuses until they reach a final identity. A reasonably general pattern of development is that adolescents begin their identity development in the foreclosure and diffusion statuses, they then experience the moratorium status and finally the identity achievement status. Adolescents could also achieve different identity statuses for different facets of their development. For example, adolescents could accept their parents' political views (identity foreclosure), while still being confused about choosing a career (identity diffusion). According to Marcia, once formed, an identity furnishes individuals with a historical sense of who they have been, a meaningful sense of who they are now, and a sense of who they might Adolescents often fluctuate between various identity become in the future. statuses

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Table 6.4. Criteria for identity statuses POSITION REGARDING CAREER AND IDEOLOGY Crisis Commitment

IDENTITY STATUS Identity achievement

Identity moratorium

Identity foreclosure

Identity diffusion

Passed crisis

In crisis

Crisis absent

Crisis present or absent

Present

Present but vague

Present

Absent

Source: Marcia (1980)

Do all adolescents proceed in the same way through these identity statuses to reach identity achievement eventually? Most studies on identity development overseas and in South Africa have indicated the following (see Klimstra et al., 2017; Kroger, 2015; Santrock, 2019; Siegler et al., 2020): • Adolescents from more traditional backgrounds tend to form foreclosed identities, which means that they do not go through a crisis but follow predetermined and welldefined paths. In some cultures, adolescents' search for identity may be supported well by cultural initiation rites that separate childhood from adulthood. • Adolescents who face extreme stressors, such as life-threatening illnesses, seem to be the best adjusted when they adopt the foreclosure status. Accepting others' goals for themselves (at least temporary) seems to protect them against some of the negative emotional effects of the difficulties they must go through. • Some studies of adolescents and young adults indicate that the process of identity formation occurs at a later stage than indicated by either Piaget or Marcia. This is especially true for young people who pursue college or university training. The moratorium stage tends to appear during early college or university years, because they are exposed to new experiences and options. However, for most, this period does not last very long. Adolescents, who do not follow this path and enter the job market, tend to develop self-definition earlier, although those who do not realise their occupational goals, due to a lack of opportunity or skills, may be at risk of identity diffusion. • Some adolescents are stuck at certain stages of identity development. Adolescents who are stuck in the identity foreclosure and diffusion statuses tend to have adjustment problems. Those with foreclosed identities are inclined to be dogmatic, inflexible, and intolerant. Those who experience long-term identity diffusion tend to be apathetic and passive and experience feelings of hopelessness. They usually follow the group and may be at risk of becoming involved in negative behaviours such as drug and alcohol abuse. • There seems to be evidence that the quest for identity not only begins later than Erikson and Marcia believed but that it continues throughout the life span, with alternating periods of stability and instability. Consequently, adolescence may be only one period of identity formation among several.

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The following factors may contribute to identity formation (Birhan, 2019; Klimstra et al., 2017; Wild et al., 2016): • Cognitive development seems to play a role. Adolescents who are more advanced in the development of abstract reasoning and information-processing skills seem to be more likely to reach Marcia's status of identity achievement. • Parenting also plays a role. Strong parent-child attachment bonds not only provide adolescents with support but also with a secure base and freedom to explore. This creates opportunities to move confidently in the wider world and voice their opinions, which could enhance the development of the moratorium and identity achievement statuses. Foreclosed adolescents have close bonds with their parents but lack opportunities for healthy separation. Adolescents in the diffused status usually experience less warm, open communication at home. • Peer interactions also provide support and role models in identity development, as well as opportunities to explore careers. • Schools and communities that offer rich and varied experiences, such as enriching classroom discussions and extracurricular activities, offer opportunities for exploration, which also contribute to identity development. • Personality could also play a role. For example, a flexible, open-minded approach to problem-solving fosters a mature identity. On the other hand, adolescents who assume that the absolute truth is always attainable tend to be foreclosed, while those who lack confidence about making choices seem to be diffused. • Sociocultural and sociopolitical factors such as poverty, restraining traditions, and discrimination are likely to have significant effects on the ways in which adolescents explore and weave their psychosocial identities. • The cyberworld has become an important extension of adolescents' search for identity. Adolescents seem to invent and reinvent their identities online through the identity experiments in which they engage (Van der Merwe, 2017). Every time they interact with the cyberworld, they are exposed to possible roles they could adopt. For some adolescents, their cyberworld identities are at least as important as their real-life identities are.

6.4.2.3 Identity development of South African adolescents Several interesting studies have been done on the identity development of South African adolescents, for example: ► Research by Thom and Coetzee (2004) indicate that black adolescents are significantly surer of their identities than white adolescents are. Firstly, the researchers explain this in terms of the importance of a strong cultural identity for the development of a sense of individual identity. The cultural identity of blacks was strengthened, and a common social identity developed during the years of struggle against racism during the apartheid era. It is possible that this cultural identity continues to serve as a clear frame of reference after the dismantling of apartheid. Furthermore, since 1994, South 504 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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Africa has been governed by a democratic system, which, unlike the previous system, acknowledges and values black culture. A black culture with which adolescents can identify has been recognised and elevated, and a synthesis has been formed between African and Western cultures. This means that black adolescents can now accept their African culture as part of their identity with self-confidence and not only as a reaction to racism. Secondly, black adolescents' higher score for identity may also be attributed to the influence of positive black role models who emerged after the dismantling of apartheid. Many of these leaders were imprisoned during the apartheid era but have shown that they are able to overcome obstacles and triumph through perseverance. White adolescents' lower identity scores may be explained by the fact that they are no longer able to take for granted that they represent the dominant and controlling cultural group in South Africa. In addition, white role models have become less visible. This means that white adolescents must re-examine their cultural identity to gain a sense of mutuality with the broader South African society. Consequently, the period during which white adolescents examine and experiment with personal and cultural values, norms, and roles, referred to by Erikson as the psychosocial moratorium, may now last longer than was the case previously. ► Norris et al. (2008) researched South African adolescents' personal identity dimensions (about themselves), their collective cultural identity dimensions (the racial and linguistic groups to which they belong) and their national identity dimensions (i.e., their South African-ness). The results indicated that white South African adolescents assigned greater importance to personal identities (such as age and gender) and lower importance to collective identities (such as language and race). Black adolescents showed the highest levels of perceived connection with their racial group, with Indians and Coloured youth falling somewhere between the two poles on a continuum of individualistic or collectivist identities. According to the researchers, these results may indicate longstanding cultural differences in collectivist versus individualistic orientations. Regarding the national identity dimensions, most black and Coloured adolescents (82% and 75% respectively) reported feeling "very South African" in comparison with Indian and white adolescents (57% and 47% respectively). The researchers conclude that white South African youth foreclose their identities and do not develop mutuality in the broader South African society, because they are numerically a minority group and feel socially devalued. ► Buso (2019) investigated the various identities that black adolescents are exploring, given the context of the country. Additionally, he researched the methods that adolescents utilise to develop their identity and the challenges encountered during this process. The main challenge the adolescents experience is to integrate the westernised/ individualistic ideology with the collectivistic ideology in which they are raised. The study indicates that despite this challenge, the majority of the participants have a positive self-concept and a positive outlook with regard to their future. Most participants report a strong ethnic identity, and indicate race (specifically being black), national identity (being both African and South African), culture, language, and traditions as strongly significant. It is evident that participants have a positive view of and take pride in their ethnic identity. A positive view of ethnic identity is attributed to the collectivistic identity promoted and encouraged by family members and the ethnic group to which 505 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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participants belong. ► In her research on the identity construction of adolescent girls, Gaganakis (2006) found that identity as 'being white' is seldom mentioned by white girls. According to her, these girls simultaneously show confidence in and ambiguity of their being white: On the one hand, it involves social class, privilege, and social status, and on the other hand, a world of dwindling privilege and emptying out of social space. Although race is a significant feature in black girls' identity, socio-economic factors emerge as the most important formative feature of identity: On the one hand, they experience their race as a source of deprivation and a loss of power, but on the other hand, affirmative action gives them hope for the future in that they can move up in class and out of poverty. ► In their study involving black, white, and Coloured adolescents in the Cape Town area, Bray et al. (2010) found that colour or race are not experienced as critical in forming friendships or constructing personal identities. Some of the adolescents' comments were that being black or white is "just a colour; colour doesn't say anything", and that people should take you for who you are: a person. (However, see Box 6.7 on skin lightening.) The above-mentioned authors are of the opinion that, just as other important markers of identity are prone to change, the notions of race are also changeable and depend on their importance in children's everyday lives. This sense of shifting identity and changing positions is often a result of social contexts and expectations related to them. The following response illustrates this (Gaganakis, 2006, p. 373): "I'm a black girl. But at school, I have to be white. I speak English, make the same jokes, and have the same ways and mannerisms as the white girls. I fit in with them when I am in their homes, and their parents are really nice to me. At home, I can be outgoing, but at school, I have to be careful with teachers not to be too loud... I have to be on the spot all the time, change and change. At school they want your own views ... and then at home, you have to do what your father says and keep your views to yourself — changing and swapping all the time. Sometimes I wonder who I am. With whites, it's one thing, with blacks another and with black men, completely different." ► Lombaard et al., (2017) investigated black adolescents' experiences of being stereotyped during identity development. Participants identified their experiences of being stereotyped and the contexts in which they were targets of various forms of stereotyping in terms of gender roles, sexual orientation, race, and language. The stereotypes identified in this study correspond with the groupings found by other researchers, indicating that factors like gender, race, class, neighbourhoods, ethnicity, sexual orientation, and language are stereotyped and can influence identity development. In this study, the inhibiting effect of stereotypes on identity development was clear: The adolescents' descriptions were replete with suppressing their true selves, ("I can't be who I am"), compromising their dreams, ("can't follow my dreams"), limiting their freedom of exploration, ("I start to not have the freedom to be who I am"), losing hope ("then you will give up"), and experiencing self-doubt ("Are these people right?"). However, the participants in this study favoured the reaction of resisting stereotypes by breaking the cycle of stereotyping. They were motivated not to conform to stereotypes and to embrace their unique qualities. This supports the view that, to resist stereotypes, individuals often present the opposite of expected behaviour. Moving beyond the self-fulfilling prophecy for the participants in 506 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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this study, being stereotyped led to active resistance of the expected behaviour. (A selffulfilling prophecy is a belief or expectation, positive or negative, about something or someone that can affect persons in such a way that they start believing the stereotypes and act accordingly) ► Makhubela (2010) studied the difference in identity development between black adolescents exposed to domestic violence and those from non-violent homes. The findings showed that adolescents who are exposed to domestic violence have lower scores for identity development compared to those from non-violent homes. Hence, this study provides evidence on the negative effect of an abusive home on the identity development of adolescents as theorised by Erikson and Bandura. Researchers have suggested that adolescents experience more difficulties in gender role and gender identity development, and in the formation of a self-concept and moral self, when growing up in a home with domestic violence as compared to those in non-violent homes. Also, in Makhubela's study, no difference was found in identity development between male and female participants exposed to domestic violence. Thus, this study

BOX 6.7. THE COLOUR PUZZLE: SKIN LIGHTENING IN AFRICA Skin lightening involves the application of various cosmetic products to the skin with the aim of obtaining a lightened complexion by reducing its melanin content. Melanin is the pigment that gives human skin, hair, and eyes their colour. The use of skin lighteners is not new. The first archaeological evidence of skin bleaching was found in Ancient Egypt around 4 000 BC (see Apuke, 2018). Currently, skin lightening is regarded as one of the most common forms of potentially harmful body modifications in the world because its ingredients can have harmful effects such as kidney and liver damage, skin rashes, and even skin cancer, as well as a reduction in the resistance of the skin to bacterial and fungal infections (Adewoyin, 2020). The result is that many governments have banned these products and introduced public campaigns discouraging their use. In a meta-analysis of 68 global studies, the lifetime prevalence of skin bleaching was almost 30% (Sagoe et al., 2019). African women are among the most widely represented users of skin-lightening products, with a prevalence rate of 33% for South African women (Dlova et al., 2015). Despite the mentioned efforts against these products, desire for a light skin has accelerated over the past few decades, and the market for skin-lightening products has increased in many parts of the world. Their use seems to be growing the fastest among young, urban, educated women, especially in contexts where light skin operates as a form of symbolic capital. Reasons why people desire to have a lighter skin are complex. Although there are indications that colonialism and slavery have contributed to this practice (lighter-skinned people were treated better, and identification with their masters took place), many scholars are of the opinion that this is not a sufficient explanation for the recent rise in the use of skin lighteners. In a study with students at KwaZulu-Natal, it was found that they indulge in the practice of skin bleaching mostly to look trendy and fashionable, to remove skin pimples and blemishes so that they can obtain a smooth skin, and to be popular among peers (Keakile, 2016). Thus, to a large extent, light skin tone is perceived as a standard for attractiveness. Because women, more than men, are judged heavily by their appearance, the use of skin lighteners is more prevalent among women than it is among men.

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has shown that domestic violence affects the identity development of adolescents of all genders in the same manner.

6.4.2.4 Forming a group identity Apart from forming a personal identity, the formation of a group identity is also important. A personal (or individual) identity indicates what one has in common with others and thus leads to a group identity or feeling of sameness and belonging to a group. In this regard, the formation of an ethnic identity — a sense of personal identification with an ethnic group and its values and cultural traditions — is of special significance in South Africa. In a culturally diverse country such as South Africa, forming an ethnic identity (also called cultural identity) may be challenging. identity Adolescents not only have to come to terms with their own ethnicity and cultural ancestry, but also have to accommodate many other cultures. It helps when their parents socialise them regarding their race or ethnicity by teaching them about their group's cultural traditions, preparing them to live in a culturally diverse society, and even preparing them to deal with prejudice, at least as long as it is done in a way that does not breed anger and mistrust. Once formed, a secure ethnic identity has many advantages (Arnett et al., 2019; Sigelman et al., 2018). For example, it generally is associated with higher self-esteem, optimism, as well as good general adjustment (e.g., lower rates of risk-taking behaviour) and academic achievement. Because these adolescents develop a sense of mastery over the environment, a secure ethnic identity can also protect them from the damaging effects of racial or ethnic discrimination. However, forming a multicultural identity by exploring and adopting some of the other cultures' values may have added benefits (see Miller et al., 2019). Opportunities to explore ethnic heritage and learn about other cultures in an atmosphere of respect foster identity achievement in many areas of social and emotional development, as well as ethnic tolerance, which supports the identity explorations of others. In South Africa, adolescents are in contact with various cultures that differ in many respects, but all of them have been subjected to sociopolitical changes: All of them have had to form their identities in a society that is undergoing transformation. Jean Phinney (1989, 1993; et al., 2011) developed a model of ethnic identity that is based on Erikson's and Marcia's theories. Phinney focused on adolescents because of important changes that have a significant effect on the formation of their identity during this period. More specifically, he researched the process of ethnic identity formation; formation that is, the way in which individuals come to understand the implications of their ethnicity and make decisions about its role in their lives. Phinney identified three stages of ethnic identity development: development 508 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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► Unexamined ethnic Identity. In this stage, adolescents have not yet explored their ethnicity and associated identity. Adolescents can develop into adulthood without forming a sense of ethnic identity, particularly if they are members of a dominant culture. Initially, adolescents belonging to a less dominant group can accept the values and attitudes of the dominant culture, even including negative views of their own group held by the dominant group. ► Ethnic identity search/moratorium. This stage is a period of exploration and is regarded as central to ethnic identity development. This may involve researching the history of their own ethnic group, starting to appreciate their language, and participating in cultural activities. Often, this search for ethnic identity is triggered by an event, for example a national heritage day acknowledging the contributions of various ethnic groups, or an incident such as racial discrimination. ► Ethnic identity achievement. This stage is characterised by a clear understanding and confidential acceptance of one's own ethnic and self-identity. This is accompanied by the internalisation (integration into your sense of self) of ethnic characteristics. This is the stage where adolescents come to terms with cultural differences between their own ethnic group and other cultures. Phinney concluded that young people who are members of minority groups have four different ways of responding to their awareness of their ethnicity (see Arnett et al., 2019): • Assimilation is the option that involves moving away from the customs and norms of one's ethnic group and adopting the values and way of life of the majority culture: "I do not think of myself as a Sotho, but as a South African." This is the path that is reflected in the idea that a society is a 'rainbow nation' or 'melting pot' that blends people of diverse origins into one national culture. • Marginalisation refers to the situation where some young people may neither identify with their culture of origin, nor feel accepted and integrated with the majority culture: "I am white, but when I'm with my friends of different ethnicities, I don't really feel like I belong with any of them — in fact, I don't even feel white." • Separation is the approach that involves associating only with members of one's own ethnic group and rejecting the customs and traditions of the majority culture: "I am not part of any other culture. I am Asian." • Biculturalism involves developing a dual identity, one based on the ethnic group of origin and one based on the majority culture. Being bicultural means moving back and forth between your own ethnic culture and the majority culture, alternating identities as appropriate to the situation: "Being both Afrikaans and English means having the best of both worlds because it empowers you for different situations." In South Africa, the term multiculturalism could also be applied, because an individual could accept and move between several other cultures. Phinney's model offers a simple and clear understanding of the process of ethnic identity formation. She developed a questionnaire to measure ethnic identity in all ethnic groups. However, unfortunately, her research was conducted on relatively small samples of 509 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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only three ethnic groups in the USA; therefore, it is not known whether it could be applied to all ethnic groups worldwide, such as all the different ethnic groups in South Africa. For example, do San adolescents in the Kalahari go through the same stages as the white English-speaking adolescent in Johannesburg? Especially as we know that variables such as gender, socioeconomic status, and personal experience such as discrimination could influence ethnic identity formation. Next to ethnic identity, various other group identities develop, for example the following (Etengoff et al., 2020; Newman et al., 2020; also see Ferrer-Wreder et al., 2020): ► Gender identity refers to the set of beliefs, attitudes, and values about oneself as male, female, or transgender in many areas of social life, including intimate relations, family, work, community, and religion. Girls and boys become more differentiated in the development of their gender identities during adolescence. Over time, adolescents accumulate information in this regard, with the result that they achieve a personal gender identity and an awareness of the social environments that support or undermine the expression of their gender commitments. Thus, gender identity has two facets: a commitment to a gendered view of the self, and decisions about how to express the self in various social settings. ► Political identity. Political identity involves knowing and caring about a set of political issues, having a set of organised beliefs about the political system, and engaging in political behaviours that support particular beliefs. The home environment and personal experience play a significant role in forming a political identity. However, peers, the media, and even the church can also have an influence. In South Africa, with its exceptional political past and intense current situation, it is understandable that political factors can play a significant role in forming adolescents' identity, as is clear from their participation in many political events and even unrests. Adolescents who are in the stage of developing critical thinking and sociopolitical interests might be more vulnerable and easier to manipulate than adults might be. Particularly, antidemocratic, xenophobic, and extremist movements in the online and offline worlds can add negatively to adolescents' identity development and their political socialisation. The influence of political socialisation during adolescence is also supported by longitudinal studies that show that political attitudes during adolescence correlate with political attitudes later in adulthood (see Wachs et al., 2021). In a relatively small but interesting study in the Eastern Cape, it was found that, although young whites would prefer to construct their identities according to the contemporary sociopolitical context, their parents' traditional values are still respected and even embraced. The results also revealed that the young whites are caught up between two worlds — that of empathising with their parents' appalling past and the desire to move on to the new diaspora. To some extent, young white people feel that they are the victims in post-apartheid South Africa. To them, the democracy of post-apartheid South Africa is reverse revenge where they feel that they are being punished for their parents' sins in which they had no part (Bubulu, 2015). ► Religious identity refers to how adolescents develop their own personal sense of religious identity; that is, to view the world from a specific religious perspective. About 510 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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85% of South Africans belong to a religion (Department Government Communication and Information Systems, 2020). Therefore, it is likely that religious identity forms an important aspect of social identity development among South African youths (Sibusiso et al., 2013). Parents are mostly the driving force behind the formation of a religious identity, although factors such as other family members, clergypersons and peers can also play a role. Religious identity and political identity have been intertwined over many centuries, with both identities influencing and reinforcing each other. Religious identity may also explain conflicts between and within religious groups. Religious affiliation and identity for adolescents remain fairly stable across the high school years. However, during late adolescence, children may exercise their increased autonomy and choose not to attend religious events. The significant decline in religious participation at the end of high school may be a precursor to further decline during emerging adulthood. Research on the relationship between religious identity and decision making among a group of adolescents in Cape Town found that females are more inclined than males are to commit themselves to the religious views with which they were brought up (Sibusiso et al., 2013).

To have a religious identity (of which there are thousands) is very important to many adolescents.

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REVIEW THIS SECTION 1. Using Tables 6.2 and 6.3, briefly discuss the personality and temperament changes during adolescence. Explain how personality and temperament traits may influence adolescents' adjustment. 2. Discuss Erikson's theory of identity development vs identity confusion critically. Critically evaluate Erikson's theory. 3. Discuss James Marcia's theory of identity statuses. Do all adolescents proceed in the same way through these statuses? Discuss research results in this regard. 4. Discuss the factors that contribute to identity development. 5. Read the various studies on identity development of South African adolescents. Summarise the major findings of all these studies. 6. Discuss the phenomenon of skin lightening. What about white people who use preparations, sunbeds, or sun-tanning to darken their skins? 7. Discuss adolescents' development of a group identity. Refer to the following in your discussion: (a) The importance of forming a group identity, such as an ethnic or cultural identity, but also a multicultural identity; (b) Jean Phinney's model of ethnic identity development; and (c) The ways in which minority groups may respond to their awareness of their ethnicity. 8. Discuss the formation of group identities such as gender identity, political identity, and religious identity. 9. Reflect on your own identity in terms of categories by which you describe yourself. How does this description correspond with/differ from the research results?

6.4.3 Self-concept: Adolescents' Adolescents' Understanding of Self Adolescents think of themselves differently than younger children do in a variety of ways. The changes in self-understanding that occur during this stage are related closely to the changes in cognitive functioning. Self-conceptions become (Sigelman et al., 2018): • less physical and more psychological (younger child: "I have brown eyes"; adolescent: "I am lonely"). • less concrete and more abstract (younger child: "I love sports"; adolescent: "I am a truthful person"). • more differentiated. For example, the child's 'social self', which reflects perceived acceptance by others, splits into three distinct aspects in adolescence: acceptance by the larger peer group, acceptance by close friends, and acceptance by romantic partners. Adolescents also appreciate that they are different "selves" in different social contexts. • more integrated and coherent. Thus, adolescents can notice and integrate discrepant (differing) self-perceptions, perhaps explaining that they are happy in 512 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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some situations and grumpy in others because they are moody or because they are happier around people who accept them than around people who are critical of them. • more reflected upon. Adolescents become more self-aware, think more about the self, and sometimes become painfully self-conscious. For example, adolescents are more likely than either younger children or adults to show signs of self-consciousness such as embarrassment.

6.4.3.1 The actual self, possible self and false self One aspect of the capacity for abstraction in adolescents' self-conceptions is their ability to distinguish between an actual self (or real self — the person the adolescent actually is) or possible self. self Two kinds of possible selves are distinguished: an ideal self and a feared self (Arnett et al., 2019). The ideal self is the person the adolescent would like to be (e.g., a good athlete). The feared self is the person the adolescent imagines it is possible to become, but dreads becoming (e.g., an alcoholic like their father). Both kinds of possible selves require adolescents to think abstractly. This means that the possible selves exist as abstractions, or ideas in the adolescent's mind. As mentioned in Chapter 5, a large discrepancy between the real (actual) self and the ideal self may result in feelings of failure, inadequacy, and depression. However, awareness of actual and possible selves may also have consequences that are more favourable: They may provide some adolescents with a motivation to strive toward their ideal self and avoid becoming the feared self. A second aspect of adolescents' self-concept is that it becomes more complex, especially from early to middle adolescence. This reflects their cognitive ability to perceive multiple aspects of a situation or idea; they acquire the ability to describe themselves in contradictory ways (e.g., shy, and fun-loving). Recognising the contradictions in their personalities may be confusing to adolescents while they are trying to sort out the real self from the different aspects of themselves that appear in different situations. However, this does not necessarily mean that adolescents become confused about their actual selves. To some extent, these contradictions indicate that they recognise their feelings and that their behaviour may vary from day to day and from situation to situation (e.g., "I'm shy in a group but outgoing when with one or two friends.") A related aspect of the increasing complexity of self-conception is that adolescents become aware of the times when they exhibit a false self. self This is a self they present to others while realising it is not actually what they are thinking or feeling. Even Adolescents often exhibit a false self

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though they may dislike putting on a false self, they may find it acceptable in situations where they want to impress someone or to conceal some aspect of the self they do not want others to see.

6.4.3.2 Self-esteem As mentioned in previous chapters, self-esteem refers to the way in which people view and evaluate themselves. This also refers to the degree to which they value themselves. Therefore, a person may have a high or low self-esteem. In Chapters 4 and 5, we mentioned that children's evaluations of themselves (i.e., their self-esteem) gradually begin to include all aspects of themselves. This means that they begin to include their cognitive, physical, and social skills in their overall opinion of themselves. During adolescence, self-esteem is modified even further, as several new dimensions are added, which need to be evaluated. These new dimensions include their changing physical appearance, sexuality, changes in their social relationships, romantic relationships, and in choosing careers. In addition, adolescents' level of self-esteem also changes (Meeus et al., 2019; Sánchez-Queija et al., 2017). In Chapter 4, we mentioned that a pre-schooler's self-esteem is exceptionally high. During middle childhood, when children start comparing themselves with others, their self-esteem declines somewhat and becomes more realistic as they evaluate their physical, cognitive, and social abilities. During early adolescence, when the growth spurt, pubertal changes, cognitive and social changes occur, and adolescents most likely have to adjust to a high school environment, they are inclined to experience a temporary decline in their self-esteem. However, as they adjust to their physical, cognitive, and social changes, their feelings of self-worth are restored. As mentioned in Chapter 5, self-esteem becomes differentiated, thereby developing separate judgements of the self. Susan Harter (2006, 2012, 2015) has identified eight domains of adolescent self-esteem: scholastic competence, social appearance, athletic competence, physical appearance, job competence, romantic appeal, behavioural conduct, and close friendship. However, as with children in middle childhood, adolescents do not need to have a positive self-esteem in all domains to have a high global (overall) selfesteem. Each domain of the self-esteem influences global self-esteem only to the extent that the adolescent views that domain as important. For example, academic self-esteem is a powerful predictor of adolescents' judgements of the importance and usefulness of school subjects, willingness to exert effort, achievement motivation, and eventual career choice. In addition to the overall self-esteem, researchers in this area have identified different aspects of self-esteem: baseline self-esteem and barometric self-esteem (Rosenberg, 1986; see Valkenburg et al., 2021). Baseline self-esteem is a person's stable, enduring sense of worth and well-being. Persons with high baseline self-esteem evaluate themselves positively on most days, although they may have an occasional bad day when they feel incompetent and self-critical. Persons with low baseline self-esteem tend to have a poor opinion of themselves, even though they have days when things go right. Barometric selfesteem is the fluctuating sense of worth and well-being people have as they respond 514 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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to different thoughts, experiences, and interactions in the course of a day. Adolescence (especially early adolescence) seems to be a time when variations in barometric selfesteem are especially intense — feelings of misery, excitement, disappointment, joy, and sadness may fluctuate within a few hours, depending on with whom they are and what their expectations are. Adults and preadolescents also experience barometric self-esteem, but not with the same intensity as adolescents do. Persons' self-esteem may have positive as well as negative consequences for their functioning (Ching et al., 2021; Harris, 2019). Across socio-economic status and ethnic groups, adolescents with mostly favourable self-esteem profiles tend to be well adjusted, sociable, and conscientious. In contrast, low self-esteem in all areas is linked to adjustment difficulties. However, certain self-esteem factors are related stronger to adjustment. Teenagers who feel highly dissatisfied with parental relationships often are aggressive and antisocial; those with poor academic self-esteem tend to be anxious and unfocused; those with negative peer relationships are likely to be anxious and depressed; and those who are overly dependent on social approval continually place their self-worth 'on the line' and, consequently, report frequent self-esteem shifts (Rudolph et al., 2005). The importance of self-esteem is generally acknowledged, and numerous programmes exist to raise people's sense of self-worth. However, experts in this field warn that findings in this regard should be interpreted with caution (Baumeister et al., 2005): • First, in most cases self-esteem is measured by self-report questionnaires. The result is that people report what they think of themselves. The problem is that there is often a significant difference between how people rate themselves and how other people rate them. Self-esteem should never be confused with arrogance: The manager of a company, referring to one of his workers, once said, "If we can buy him for what we think of him and then sell him for what he thinks of himself, we shall make a huge profit!" • Second, we should be mindful not to fall prey to a well-known fallacy, namely that if there is a correlation between two variables, this means the one causes the other. For example, does self-esteem create good behaviour and achievement, or do good behaviour and achievement create good self-esteem? From existing research findings, it is still not clear whether self-esteem leads to good academic achievement and job performance or vice versa. Moreover, the correlation between good performance and self-esteem is not very strong. More recent research has indicated that success at school tends to be a cause rather than a consequence of self-esteem and that the best way to improve adolescents' school-related self-esteem is to teach them knowledge and skills that can be the basis of real achievements in the classroom. • Third, research does not support the idea that young people with low self-esteem are more or earlier involved in sexual activity, alcohol, or drugs. If anything, teenagers with high self-esteem seem to be less inhibited, more willing to disregard the consequences of risky behaviour, and are more prone to engage in sex. At the same time, negative sexual experiences appear to decrease self-esteem. • Fourth, psychologists initially believed that low self-esteem was an important cause of aggression. However, it was found that aggressors generally have positive and even 515 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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inflated views of themselves. Other researchers hold similar views (e.g., Claiborne et al., 2015; Emler, 2001; Slater, 2002). For example, people with low self-esteem seem to do just as well in life as people with high self-esteem do. In fact, they may do better, because they often try harder. It should also be considered that self-esteem is valued differently in different cultures. Individualistic nations promote a sense of uniqueness and independence from others, while collectivistic nations promote interpersonal connections and a sense of interdependence with group members. People from individualistic nations typically score higher on explicit self-report measures of self-esteem compared to people from collectivistic nations. They also tend to be more likely to self-promote (e.g., exaggerate their abilities) when given the opportunity. People from more collectivistic nations place a high value on self-criticism and selfimprovement, rather than self-esteem (Konrath, 2014). However, it seems that the concept of optimism is a better explanation than the collectivist/individualistic notion is (Wästlund et al., 2001). Optimism refers to the attitude that things happen for the best and that people's wishes or aims ultimately will be fulfilled. For example, in South African studies with adolescents from a variety of racial/ethnic and socioeconomic backgrounds generally reflect a positive self-image, a happy, easy-going disposition, an out-going social life disposition, and strong religious values. Amidst severe problems such as poverty, unemployment, HIV/AIDS, and violent crime, there seems to be a general spirit of satisfaction with life, optimism, and independence, paired with a strong desire to escape the trappings of poverty to fulfil their career and social expectations. The findings indicate that a new non-racial and more individualistic generation is emerging. However, the researchers indicate that the ailing education system is blocking the future ideals of thousands of South African adolescents (Kamper et al., 2010; Steyn et al., 2010).

6.4.4 Emotions Adolescents are often described as being emotionally more unstable than younger children are, that they often have emotional outbursts, and that they are inclined towards intense mood swings: a typical storm-and-stress situation. Indeed, research has proven that adolescents have more mood swings than younger children or adults have (Larson et al., 2002). There is general consensus that early adolescence is the period of greatest emotional volatility and that girls have a higher emotional variability than boys do (Maciejewski et al., 2015). However, it seems that these traditional descriptions of adolescent emotionality are largely exaggerated. On the other hand, as we have mentioned earlier in this chapter, adolescents do experience certain emotional changes because of their physical, cognitive, personality, and social development. Adolescents are inclined to experience fewer extremely positive emotions and more negative emotions than younger children are. For example, adolescents report feeling self-conscious, embarrassed, awkward, lonely, nervous, and ignored more often than preadolescents do. Adolescents are also inclined to have more mood swings than children or adults are, which creates the impression that they are emotionally less stable. For example, their emotions could change within the hour from joyfulness to sadness and back again. Gender differences are also 516 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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evident because girls experience an increase in the feelings of anger and depression, while boys experience both positive and negative emotions: On the one hand, they feel more energetic and focused, but on the other, also more irritated and aggressive. However, it is important to remember that moodiness is a normal aspect of adolescence and that most adolescents eventually emerge from this moodiness and become competent adults. On the other hand, it cannot be denied that for some adolescents, intense negative emotions could be an indication of serious underlying emotional problems (Santrock, 2019). These changes are often related to the hormonal changes in adolescence, as well as the maturation of the limbic system, as discussed earlier in this chapter. However, hormonal influences are not always as significant as many people believe (Susman et al., 2013). As we have mentioned earlier in this chapter, environmental factors can also play a role. For example, variables such as stress resulting from conflict with parents, romantic Adolescents can 'see below the surface' surface' and tend to envision threats to their well-being and other relationships, disciplinary actions at school, and poor test results can play an important role. Also, adolescents tend to move from one situation to the next more often than children or adults do and are therefore more exposed to circumstances that could trigger their mood swings. For example, they may be cheerful when with their friends, but depressed when in the classroom or at home. Because of their cognitive development, they can 'see below the surface' and tend to envision threats to their well-being. The fact that adolescents tend to focus on themselves could also contribute to the fact that they are more inclined than children are to experience feelings of anxiety, guilt, shame, and embarrassment. Therefore, it would be a mistake to attribute adolescents' emotionality entirely or even largely to 'raging hormones'. Conversely, however, because of their ability to think in a more abstract and complex way, they are more inclined than younger children are to show insight into their own and other people's feelings. This means that the ability to experience empathy, which already started during childhood, develops further. Often, taking note of others' emotional characteristics makes them aware of their own emotional patterns. As in the previous stages of development, emotional regulation is also an important aspect of adolescent development. It is important for them to learn that positive emotions could enhance their work and their intra- and interpersonal relationships, and that negative emotions can be contagious and destructive or counterproductive. Parents and other adults can promote the emotional growth of teenagers by being sensitive, giving children opportunities to talk about their emotions, and providing an atmosphere of trust in dealing with their emotions. Learning emotional management in adolescence prepares them to deal with emotional upheavals during adulthood. 517 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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6.4.5 Career Choice Adolescence has been referred to as the dawn of career development (Tukke, 2015). Thus, career choice and preparation for a career form one of the most important and complex tasks of adolescence (Ulrich et al., 2021). This task contributes towards defining an identity and is a first step towards fulfilling an adult role. The question "Who am I?" gets a new component: "What am I going to do?" The decision in this regard could have a significant and lifelong effect on the adolescent's life and well-being in the future. However, the choice a of career is a difficult task for most adolescents. It involves not only a thorough investigation of various career options, but also a process of self-examination. It is often necessary for adolescents to make a career decision rather early. For example, training institutions often require certain school subjects for admission to specific courses. Unfortunately, young adolescents' understanding of a career is often inadequate, while their interests, needs and abilities are still developing and thus are subject to change. Owing to their egocentric and self-satisfying mindset, the financial aspect of a career often dominates the options they consider. To aggravate the situation, well-meant but conflicting advice from entities such as the family, school, and peers add to the adolescent's confusion (see Mtemeri, 2017). Various other external factors could also restrict adolescents' career choices significantly. For example, the career aspirations of many South African youths, especially from township schools, are affected negatively by socio-economic marginalisation, unequal access to quality schooling, and a lack of professional opportunities (Shirima et al., 2021). Coetzee et al. (2021, based on Hartung, 2013) provide the following summary concerning career development and choices during childhood: ► Career exploration. Pre-adolescent children often use their personal interests, beliefs, and values to explore the world of work and to develop their initial, tentative occupational goals. They can employ an emerging understanding of interests and abilities to engage in cognitive and physical exploration of the world of work and state tentative career aspirations. During the primary school years, and relative to male peers, girls appear to aspire to a more restricted range of occupations and engage less in career exploration. However, they tend to exhibit greater career decidedness at an earlier age. The media appear to influence children's career goals and understanding of career development. ► Career awareness. Knowledge about occupations is quite well developed by the age of 10 or 11. Children of about 8 years of age base their perceptions of adult work on a rather loose integration of fantasies or assumptions, as well as actual observation of adults (especially their parents) working. By the age of 11, this gives way to a more realistic understanding of adult work. This includes increased knowledge, for example, about salaries and training requirements. Children of lower socio-economic status tend to hold more conservative attitudes about the types of work men and women do. Children who live in poverty also tend to envisage fewer future job opportunities for themselves than do children who are not poor. ► Vocational expectations and aspirations. Children show an increase in diversity 518 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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or range of career aspirations with age. This may be influenced by the popularity or prestige of the occupation. Boys tend to aspire to a greater diversity of occupations, whereas girls aspire to occupations that are more female-dominated and tend to be more prestigious. However, owing to feminist movements and governmental interventions, traditional gender-typing of occupations is disappearing. Relatives and friends also influence children's career aspirations more than the teachers at school do. ► Vocational interests. Career interests can change significantly from childhood to adolescence and gain relative stability only in early adulthood. Older children have interest profiles that are more differentiated than those of younger children. Children seem to be more likely to develop interests in activities in which they feel competent. ► Career maturity/adaptability. Children's vocational choice readiness, occupational choice realism, cognitive vocational maturity, and identity achievement increase with age. Higher socio-economic status significantly predicts career attitudes that are more mature, while a more advanced identity development is associated with the formation of early vocational preferences. Coetzee et al. (2021) state that adolescents go through stages as they choose their initial careers. In the first stage, the exploratory period, period they begin to think about their interests, values, and talents. In the second stage, the crystallisation period, period they more specifically start pondering the career options they could pursue realistically. Advantages and disadvantages of different careers are considered. In the third stage, the specification period, period adolescents make concrete decisions about the career they will enter and commit themselves to pursue their goal. As they pass through adolescence, they develop some level of career resilience, that is, self-confidence in their skills and some persistence in the face of obstacles. However, when they enter late adolescence and in the early 20s, many adolescents have not yet developed sufficient career insight. These individuals often take a 'gap year' during which they experiment with different job options and even go overseas to get more clarity about their future plans — and themselves. The importance of making the right career choice is illustrated by the finding of a global study that 40% of adult workers in sub-Saharan Africa were dissatisfied with their careers (De Neve, 2018). No significant gender differences were found. Of course, findings, differ from country to country and from profession to profession, with significant variances within each group. However, the fact remains that a substantial percentage of people are not happy with their career choices. Especially parents and schools have a crucial role in seeing that career counselling gets the very important recognition it An adolescent, supported by her mother, receiving career deserves. counselling

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REVIEW THIS SECTION 1. Describe the changes in the self-concept during adolescence. 2. Discuss adolescents' development towards understanding the self in terms of the actual, possible (ideal and feared), and false selves. 3. Discuss the development of the self-esteem during adolescence. 4. The importance placed on self-esteem has been acknowledged widely. However, there are some cautionary factors involved in this general assumption. Discuss the research findings that should be considered when accepting the importance of self-esteem as a fact. 5. How do cultures differ in their views of the self? How do South African adolescents generally view themselves? 6. Generally, adolescents are emotionally more unstable. Discuss this statement critically. Which factors play the more important role in adolescents' emotional change — changes in the brain (i.e., developments in the limbic and hormonal systems), or environmental factors? 7. How can adolescents be helped to control their emotions? Why is emotional control important? Should parents be concerned when they notice that their adolescent is lonely? 8. Why is career choice an important task during adolescence? Describe career development, choices and stages as children proceed through childhood and adolescence. Refer to Erikson and Marcia's theories on identity development. How does career choice fit in with their theories? 9. Reflect on your own process of career choice and development. Which factors influenced your career choice?

6.5 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT It is important to keep in mind that all aspects of adolescent development, i.e. physical, sexual cognitive, personality, social and moral development, occur in a social context that may either promote or hamper development. During adolescence, this social context is formed and influenced by various variables, especially parents or caregivers, peers, and communication technologies.

6.5.1 The Parent-Adolescent Relationship In the past, when describing the social development of adolescents, psychological literature emphasised disengagement from the parents, the generation gap, conflict in the parent-adolescent relationship, and problems surrounding the development of independence. Presently, a more balanced view is maintained by focusing on the attachment bonds between parents and adolescents and the support system that parents provide as adolescents enter a wider and more complex social environment. In this context, conflict within limits is regarded as a normal facet of development. Some of the aspects 520 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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regarding the parent-adolescent relationship will be discussed below.

6.5.1.1 Parent-adolescent conflict When the subject of parent-adolescent relationships is raised, many people invariably picture conflict-ridden interactions between parent and child: a typical storm-and-stress relationship.

Do you really think I' I'm going to embarrass myself going out with you if you look that?

To what extent is this assumption justifiable? Studies indicate that the parentadolescent relationship does undergo significant changes and reorganisation during early adolescence. These changes in the parent-adolescent relationship are characterised primarily by the questioning of parental values, rules and regulations set by parents, distancing (i.e., adolescents becoming more involved with friends and less with parents) and argumentativeness. Parents frequently feel upset about these changes in their children and react by becoming more controlling, which results in further conflict. Parent-adolescent conflict tends to be more intense during the first half of adolescence (Mastrotheodores et al., 2020). As adolescents become older, family interactions seem to become less conflict-ridden and more intimate. In cases where the parent-adolescent conflict is prolonged, it should be considered that these relationship problems could have started before the onset of adolescence and may not be attributable to the characteristics of adolescence (see Darling, 2008). Conflict tends to occur more between adolescents and their mothers than between adolescents and their fathers, probably because mothers are more involved in adolescents' 521 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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day-to-day activities. They also tend to have less of a laissez-faire attitude (imperturbable, not getting involved) than fathers do. Because of societal norms, parents tend to place more restrictions on their daughters than on their sons. This is an important reason why parent-daughter conflict tends to be more intense than parent-son conflict (Allison et al., 2004). Because personality and interpersonal relationships are linked, it goes without saying that parental or adolescent personality differences may play a role in conflict intensity (Mastrotheodores et al., 2020). Especially the lack of flexibility seems to give rise to conflict. Examples are an overcontrolling parent or egocentric adolescent (also see Box 6.8 for the influence of adolescent egocentrism on the parent-child relationship). The reasons for the changes in interactional patterns during early adolescence are related to the following: - - - - - -

Biological changes during puberty when hormonal secretion may cause mood swings. Cognitive changes, which cause increasing questioning, idealism, and argumentativeness. Adolescent egocentrism, which is associated with their perception of their parents' attitudes towards them. Identity development, which often is associated with experimentation. Social development, which implies an increase in independence. The onset of adolescence, which often overlaps with the parents' own development in midlife which also may imply hormonal changes and a re-evaluation of their life situation, leading possibly to emotionality and less availability for the adolescent's struggles.

The rapid physical and psychological changes of adolescence trigger conflicting expectations in parent-child relationships — a major reason why many parents experience rearing teenagers as stressful. However, as mentioned earlier, the conflict between parents and adolescents is not nearly as intense as implied by the storm-and-stress view. In fact, when it comes to core values such as religion, work, and education, diversity within the adolescent population is much more striking than differences between the generations. What is the reason for this? Adolescents and their parents share a common social, regional, and cultural background, and these are the factors that shape their central beliefs. Although the gap between the generations when it comes to basic values is usually not significant, a gap often exists between teenagers and adults in matters of personal taste. This is called the generation gap. gap This is evident, for example, in taste in music and clothes, leisure activities, and superficial day-to-day matters such as curfews and keeping their rooms tidy. Adolescents more likely will be influenced by their friends than by their parents in these matters; consequently, parents and teenagers often disagree about them. Because adolescents spend a great deal of time with their friends (and because much of that time is spent in activities in which taste in clothes and music is important), adolescents' preferences in this regard likely will be shaped by forces outside the family (Steinberg 2020). However, the generation gap that supposedly creates conflict between generations seems to be largely exaggerated. Only a minority of adolescents have a high 522 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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degree of conflict with their parents (Santrock, 2019; Van Doorn et al., 2011). In other words, most adolescents get along well with their parents and respect them. Furthermore, conflict does not necessarily undermine the bonds of love between parents and adolescents; a certain degree of conflict is unavoidable and even necessary for personality growth. In a conflict situation, adolescents learn to make choices that, in turn, help them in developing mature decision-making. By reasoning or arguing over values, adolescents' understanding of these values is promoted, while at the same time, they tend to develop insight into themselves and the world around them. Therefore, some conflict between parents and adolescents does not necessarily imply alienation but forms an integral part of the developmental process. As adolescents become older, family interactions seem to become less conflict-ridden and more intimate. BOX 6.8. PARENT-CHILD RELATIONSHIP AND ADOLESCENT EGOCENTRISM Bester (2011) assessed adolescents from various population groups in Gauteng and Mpumalanga to determine the correlations between adolescent egocentrism and the parentchild relationship. The results indicated that high levels of egocentrism can be associated with poor parent-child relationships, and low egocentrism with good parent-child relationships. This has the following implications:

• Insecure attachment to parents may contribute to adolescents' continuous insecurity in social environments, which will reflect in higher levels of the imaginary audience. The same applies to the personal fable. A negative relationship with parents may enhance adolescents' sense of uniqueness and minimise their ability to appreciate the views of others.

• Adolescents who have relationship problems with their parents believe that their parents are not interested in them. They believe that their feelings and experiences and circumstances are entirely unique and so special, and so exclusive and complicated that it is beyond the comprehension of their parents. Therefore, their parents can be of little help to them. They believe that their parents judge them unfairly and generally pressure them too much. Bester concludes that these beliefs bear an element of unrealistic thought. Misunderstandings may occur sporadically, but it is unrealistic for adolescents to be convinced that their parents will never understand them. The same applies to the opinion that their circumstances are so unique and complicated that it is beyond their parents' comprehension. He recommends counselling in cases where egocentrism of adolescents results in parental conflict and risk-taking behaviour.

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as establishing a sense of identity is. Becoming an autonomous person — a self-governing person — is one of the fundamental developmental tasks of adolescence (Steinberg, 2020). Positive development of autonomy during adolescence has been associated with good mental health, high self-esteem, self-motivation, good self-concepts, and selfinitiating and regulating behaviours (see Kouros et al., 2017).

As mentioned earlier, parents' reaction to this is often to exert more control. Adolescents' pursuit of autonomy is so intense, however, that they often rebel against the stricter control of their parents. Many adolescents argue that being a teenager means being free, having fun, and doing whatever they want to do, and complain that parent figures do not recognise this. Some adolescents even argue that the teenage years is a time to "take back your life from your parents". For many, the attraction of 'deviant' pursuits, such as sex, smoking, and drinking, represents a symbolic entry into a foreign, adult territory (Bray et al., 2010). It is important that parents should regard this need for autonomy as a necessary developmental task and not necessarily as a rejection of parental authority. Without autonomy, adolescents would barely be able to establish adult relationships, make realistic career choices, develop personal value systems and identities, or become aware of themselves as unique, autonomous individuals. In the process of becoming independent, adolescents strive to achieve the following goals (see Beckert, 2016; Karabanova et al., 2013): • Cognitive autonomy refers to the capacity of adolescents to make their own decisions and to take responsibility for their choices. • Behavioural autonomy implies the ability to regulate their own behaviour and act independently; in other words, to self-govern. It refers to the capacity for making independent choices, for example about friendships, leisure time, and finances. • Emotional autonomy concerns being self-reliant and independent of their 524 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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parents and being able to exert self-control. For example, they now begin to express disagreement with parents' views. • Moral or value autonomy refers to forming an own value system that may serve as a guideline for their own behaviour, and not merely based on a system of values passed on by parents or other authority figures. This especially applies to moral, political, and religious issues. Although adolescents strongly desire to be independent and most parents realise that becoming independent is important for their children's development, both parents and adolescents experience ambivalence. This may cause inconsistent behaviour. As mentioned, for adolescents, autonomy means being able to make their own decisions and assume responsibility for their choices. However, they often feel uncertain when confronted with the many new experiences and decisions they must make during the emancipation process. Therefore, they sometimes long for their carefree childhood but simultaneously strive for independence. The result of this ambivalence is often behaviour that alternates between childlike and adult behaviour. On the other hand, parents are concerned about their children's welfare because

I think I' I'm going to join the army. I' I'm so tired of my mom and dad telling me what to do.

autonomy also implies the risk of exposure to danger and disappointment. Furthermore, adolescents' autonomy also means that parents become aware of their own increasing age and their diminishing influential roles in their children's lives. These ambivalent feelings of the parents could contribute to inconsistent behaviour towards their adolescents; one moment adolescents are seen and treated as children and the next, as adults. Parents' behaviour plays an important role in their adolescents' development towards 525 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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autonomy (Berk, 2019). One way to make this development easier for both parents and adolescents and to reduce the ambivalent feelings is to relinquish power gradually. For instance, parents could allow independent behaviour in areas where adolescents have adequate knowledge (e.g., choosing friends) but provide direction and guidance where adolescents still need it (e.g., choosing careers). In time, adolescents will develop the ability to make their own decisions. A particularly important aspect of the development towards autonomy concerns the maintenance of attachment bonds between parent and adolescent (Heynen et al., 2021). Attachment to parents provides adolescents with a secure base from which to explore their world and to master increasing social demands. In this transitional stage between childhood and adulthood, the parents may serve as a buffer against feelings of anxiety, depression, and insecurity. Securely attached adolescents are less likely than insecurely attached adolescents are to engage in problem behaviours such as juvenile delinquency and drug abuse. A longitudinal study showed that the ability of adolescents to develop autonomy and simultaneously maintain attachment bonds with their parents encourages the development of self-esteem and the ability to form successful intimate relationships during early adulthood (Allen, 2008). Secure attachment bonds with parents are also related to successful relationships with peers and other people outside the family.

Attachment bonds between children and their parents remain important during adolescence

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Despite their desire for autonomy, adolescents, just like younger children, may also experience separation anxiety; anxiety that is, anxiety about separation from the home or from major attachment figures (APA, 2020; Garcia et al., 2021). For example, this is noticeable in first-year students who attend college or university away from home. It is characterised by an intense longing for the parents, phoning the parents excessively, and going home almost every weekend. However, adolescents who experience secure attachment with their parents are likely to cope with this separation more successfully than those who do not have secure attachment bonds (Potard et al., 2020).

6.5.1.3 Parenting styles In Chapter 4, we discussed the importance of parenting styles in the development of children. These parenting styles continue to exert an influence throughout adolescence. The social competence of adolescents and the development of social maturity during adolescence depend largely on the parenting styles of their parents (Kompirović, 2020; Roman et al., 2015). According to research, parents who lay down certain rules for behaviour rather than use punitive measures, and show affection rather than being indifferent or aloof, influence the social behaviour of adolescents positively. Therefore, the three parenting styles identified by Baumrind, namely the authoritative, authoritarian, and permissive styles, as well as the neglectful style added by Maccoby and Martin (as discussed in previous chapters), also play a role in adolescents' social development: ► Authoritative parents encourage adolescents to behave independently within a framework of certain limitations and control over their behaviour. Inductive discipline is exercised, which means adolescents are allowed to reason with their parents, while the parents give reasons for the rules and limitations they set. The parents are also affectionate and caring. The adolescent children of these parents can rely on themselves and are socially responsible. ► Authoritarian parenting is a restrictive and punitive style where the parents set limitations and exercise strict control. Adolescents are forced to behave according to the opinions and rules of parents, and verbal reasoning is seldom allowed. Explanations for rules are seldom given. This type of parenting style is associated with socially incompetent behaviour in adolescents, which may result in anxiety when compared socially, inability to show initiative regarding social activities, and poor communication skills. ► Permissive parenting occurs when no control is exercised over adolescents' behaviour and they make their own decisions. These adolescents show socially incompetent behaviour and limited self-control because they have never learnt to control their behaviour. ► Neglectful parents are cold and unresponsive, set no rules, are uninvolved in their children's lives, and indifferent to their needs. These adolescents show impulsive behaviour, struggle with emotion regulation, are prone to delinquency and addiction problems, and have more mental health issues such as suicidal behaviour. 527 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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Although the authoritative parenting style is the most acceptable style, most parents of adolescents use a combination of these styles. Although consistent behaviour is preferable, a wise parent of an adolescent would know, for example, when the situation requires a more authoritarian, authoritative, or permissive style. When studying the influence of parenting styles on adolescents' development of social maturity and behaviour, it should be kept in mind that a certain relationship exists between the parent and the adolescent, which will influence the nature and therefore the effect of the parenting style. For instance, when the relationship is characterised by love and understanding, the negative effect of the authoritarian parenting style on the development of social competence may be less severe. As mentioned in the previous chapters, an authoritarian style is often necessary in adverse living circumstances. Apart from the various parenting styles, two dimensions of parental behaviour, behaviour specifically related to the parent-adolescent relationship, may be distinguished; i.e., the love-hostility dimension and the autonomy-control dimension (Maccoby et al., 1983; Moscatelli et a., 2011): ► The love-hostility dimension. Loving behaviour of parents is characterised by acceptance, understanding and approval. These parents make little use of corporal punishment because they prefer to exercise positive discipline through explanations and praise. Parental behaviour based on love and trust enables adolescents to act autonomously and to develop their own identities with self-confidence. When parents behave in a hostile manner and neglect or reject their children, adolescents may experience poor social relationships, academic and behavioural problems (e.g., delinquency), and be unwilling to accept responsibility for their behaviour. ► The autonomy-control dimension. This dimension refers to parents who allow their children realistic freedom as opposed to those who exercise exceptionally strict control over their children. Parents who allow their children realistic freedom and control them authoritatively (by explaining certain rules for behaviour and expectations and therefore exercise their control justly) have adolescents who are confident and outgoing. They also display a healthy self-esteem and responsible and autonomous behaviour. Authoritarian parents who exert excessive control seldom experience a need to communicate and interact with their children. Adolescents of such parents often lack self-confidence, experience dependency needs, and have feelings of inferiority. Their creativity, initiative, and independent problem-solving abilities are also inhibited. Depression, drug and alcohol abuse, and antisocial behaviour are outcomes that often persist into early adulthood. Furthermore, two types of control dimension can be distinguished: behavioural control and psychological control (Conzález-Camara et al., 2019). Behavioural control is associated with parental monitoring, demandingness, and supervision practices; that is, parents try to modulate their children's behaviour by establishing certain rules and limits. Psychological control refers to parents who try to control their children's behaviour through intrusive parenting practices such as overprotection and control through guilt. However, it should be kept in mind that parents usually display a combination of 528 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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different parental behaviour patterns. In addition, as discussed in the previous chapters, it must also be remembered that, in effect, parenting is a two-way process: Just as parents influence their adolescents' behaviour, adolescents also influence their parents' behaviour. This is referred to as reciprocal or bi-directional effects between parents and children. Adolescents who are difficult, stubborn, and uncooperative often make it difficult for parents to maintain a positive disposition. Research involving siblings (i.e., more than one adolescent in the family) indicates this complex relationship between parents and children (Derella et al., 2019; Zvara et al., 2018). Adolescent siblings in the same family often report very different things about what their parents are like toward them. Thus, one adolescent may see his or her parents as demanding and responsive (the qualities of the authoritative style), while a sibling describes them (the same parents) as dictatorial, unresponsive, and authoritarian. These differences in how adolescents perceive their parents' behaviour are mostly related to differences in the adolescents themselves. Does this discredit the claim that parenting styles influence adolescents? No, but it does modify this claim. Parents may have beliefs about what is best for their children; however, their actual behaviour is affected not only by their beliefs, but also by their adolescents' responses. Being authoritative parents is easier if their adolescents respond to the demands and responsiveness they provide. However, it is not so easy if one's love is rejected and one's rules and reasons for these are ignored. In the latter situations, parents may be tempted to become more controlling (authoritarian) or give up trying and become indulgent or indifferent. Do adolescents in all cultures value authoritative parenting similarly? As we know by now, a key feature of authoritative parenting is that parents do not simply lay down the rules and expect to be obeyed. Parents must explain the reasons for what they want adolescents to do and engage in discussion with their adolescents about the guidelines for their behaviour. Outside Western cultures, this is a rare approach to adolescent socialisation. In traditional cultures, parents expect to be obeyed, without question and without requiring an explanation. In such cultures, the role of the parent carries greater inherent authority than it does in Western cultures. Parents are not supposed to provide reasons why they should be respected and obeyed. The simple fact that they are parents and children are children is viewed as sufficient justification for their authority (Arnett et al., 2019). This does not mean that adolescents in traditional cultures do not sometimes feel an inclination to resist or defy the authority of their parents, question their demands, and argue with them. However, because of socialisation, where the status and authority of parents and other elders are constantly emphasised directly and indirectly, they are much less inclined to question authority. Additionally, independence is not nearly as much of an issue in traditional as in Western cultures. As we have seen, adolescents' striving for autonomy is often a source of conflict in many Western orientated households. However, studies have demonstrated that high parental control over personal issues such as the choice of clothes, music, and friends is related to anxiety and depression in both individualistic and collectivistic cultures. On the other hand, adolescents in both these cultures seem to value parental guidance and control over conventional and prudential issues (such as the safety of themselves and others, as well as societal issues) (Hasebe et 529 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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al., 2004). It seems that whether parental control is good or bad for adolescents, the main issue is not the culture, or the outcomes assessed, but the kind of control. Parental monitoring and rule setting appear to be beneficial for adolescents, while coercion is harmful (ConzálezCamara et al., 2019). In many cases and due to various factors and circumstances, grandparents either take over the role of parenting, or become involved in their grandchildren's lives in other ways. Grandparents often provide considerable support to their children and grandchildren, even at the expense of their own physical and psychological health. Grandparents can serve as role models and provide children with cognitive and social stimulation by exposing them to different interaction styles and settings. Adolescents who have strong relationships with grandparents have more social capital available to them and hence more opportunity to develop new knowledge and skills than those who lack these relationships. Social support provided by grandparents can also buffer adolescents from the stress associated with family and other conflict situations. This advantage to adolescents' emotional and behavioural health and behaviour seems to be particularly the case when they do not live with both their biological parents. To add to the dearth of South African research in this regard, Lauren Wild (2018) did a literature review and conducted a local empirical study, using adolescents from Cape Town as participants. Her finding that grandparents and especially maternal grandmothers are significantly associated with more prosocial behaviour in adolescents supports previous research in other countries. It also provides further evidence that this link is robust across socioeconomic circumstances and ethnic groups. Children may internalise and imitate the warmth, affection and emotional support provided by grandparents to whom they are attached. Caring for ageing grandparents and helping them with chores may also help adolescents to develop empathy and prosocial skills. Close attachments with and emotional support from grandparents bolster adolescents' psychological well-being, and decreases parental stress. Wild's results support other research that the quality of the grandparent–grandchild relationship is more important for understanding child well-being than the mere presence or absence of grandparents in the household.

Grandparents can play a significant role in children' children's well-being

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REVIEW THIS SECTION 1. Mary is concerned about her teenage daughter's behaviour. She tends to argue much, comes home late, and seems to favour her friends above her family. Occasionally Mary has smelt alcohol and nicotine on her breath. What will you tell Mary regarding this behaviour? What advice will you give her? 2. Discuss the nature of the parent-child relationship during adolescence. Is the relationship naturally fraught with storm-and-stress? 3. What are the reasons for the changes in interactional patterns during adolescence? How does adolescent egocentrism contribute to this? 4. Discuss the conflicting expectations in the parent-adolescent relationship. Refer to the influence of the generation gap in the parent-adolescent relationship. Does conflict in this relationship necessarily undermine the bonds of love between parents and children? 5. Discuss the task of becoming an autonomous person in adolescence. What goals must adolescents achieve in this process? What is the role of the parents in this regard? Discuss the paradox of adolescents' drive towards autonomy versus their need for maintaining attachment bonds with their parents. 6. Discuss the importance of parenting styles in the social development of adolescents. How do the dimensions of parental behaviour influence adolescents' social development? What is the contribution of the adolescent in this regard? Do all cultures value authoritative parenting similarly? 7. How do grandparents contribute to adolescents' well-being?

6.5.2 Peer Group Relationships

Peer group relations are very important during adolescence

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Adolescents have an intense desire 'to belong'. Therefore, their social development is characterised by an increasing interest in and involvement with their peer group. This increasing interaction with the peer group, friends, and romantic partners provides interpersonal contact beyond family relationships and plays an important role in the adolescent's socio-cognitive skills and psychosocial development (Kwak et al., 2019). This means that peer group interaction not only serves as an important source of information and provides opportunities for socialisation but also contributes towards the satisfaction of the adolescent's emotional needs and general well-being. In many ways, the adolescent peer group may be regarded as a separate culture that eases the transition from childhood to adulthood. Peer group relationships in adolescence undergo interesting developments after middle childhood. These developments include changes in the structure and nature or characteristics of the peer group, as well as the formation of friendship groups and romantic partnerships. These developments are discussed below.

6.5.2.1 The structure of the peer group During adolescence, the peer group is more structured and exclusive than during middle childhood. Peer group formation during adolescence proceeds as follows (Brown et al., 2009; Dunphy, 1963; Steinberg, 2020): ► Stage 1: Adolescent peer group formation begins during early adolescence when boys and girls form small, separate friendship groups. These friendship groups are known as cliques cliques, which usually consist of five to seven members of the same age and the same gender. They have the same interests, attitudes, and values and often become good friends. The clique plays an important role in adolescents' social life. It not only provides opportunities to plan activities and visit places, but also instils a sense (feeling) that they belong somewhere. This 'sense of belonging' provides a temporary identity while adolescents are busy defining their own identities. ► Stage 2: During this stage, female cliques and male cliques begin to interact with each other. Same-gender cliques provide a safe base from which members can interact with members of other gender groups. For example, talking to a girl or boy when your friends are present seems much less intimidating than talking to her or him alone. ► Stage 3: During middle adolescence, the more popular members of male and female cliques begin to form mixed gender cliques. ► Stage 4: During this stage, the rest of the female and male cliques form mixed cliques, thus forming a new peer group structure, known as a crowd. The crowd consists of an association of mixed gender cliques. However, not all cliques are taken up in the crowd. The crowd usually consists of members with the same values, interests, and attitudes. Activities in which the crowd engages are, for example, organising parties over weekends. One advantage of the crowd is that members get to know other gender groups because they have several opportunities of interacting with them. ► Stage 5: Towards late adolescence, interaction with members of other gender groups 532 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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in large crowds does not seem to be enough any longer. The crowd gradually begins to disintegrate, while a loose association of couples develops. Individual couples will still go out with other couples as a group, but basically, the crowd has served its purpose — to bring the gender groups together. Although the discussion above refers to the normal development of peer group structures, it does not mean that all adolescents are accepted by the peer group. In Chapter 5, we mentioned that because of certain personality characteristics, some children are accepted more readily by their peers than others are. This also applies to adolescents. Adolescents who are tolerant, sympathetic, cheerful, flexible, energetic, and enthusiastic tend to be accepted. Other characteristics that contribute to greater acceptance by the peer group are intelligence, attractiveness, a sense of humour, self-confidence, and prosocial behaviour. Adolescents who plan exciting and interesting activities, enhance group interaction, and make others feel accepted are also viewed favourably. Unpopular adolescents tend to lack social skills (see Lansu, et al., 2020; Ulrich et al., 2020). Some are rejected and disliked because of their aggressive, disruptive, or quarrelsome behaviour. They tend to ignore the wishes of others and are selfish. Because of the rejection of the peer group, their isolation increases, and their self-confidence diminishes further. An inability to form good peer group relationships is often associated with scholastic and behavioural problems. On the other hand, neglected adolescents are neither liked nor disliked by the group. They tend to be shy and withdrawn and generally are not noticed. However, some adolescents do not want to become part of a peer group. These adolescents' interests are usually different from those of the group. Moreover, they are often certain of their identities and goals to the extent that they do not need group support and interaction. They frequently have only one close friend who provides the necessary support and companionship. However, personality characteristics such as introversion, shyness, and feelings of inferiority can also play a role (also see De Vries et al., 2020). Nevertheless, as seen in Chapter 5, negative social relationships during development affect well-being adversely. Victimisation by peers or repeated subjection to negative social experiences with peers predicts psychosocial problems, particularly social anxiety later on. However, adolescents' perception of the social world — whether they view it as welcoming or hostile — may have a significant influence on their mental and physical wellbeing. Therefore, individuals with many friends can often report being lonely and even suffer from some of the negative effects of loneliness, while, on the reverse side, those with a few friends may feel positive (see Von Soest et al., 2020). Some adolescents are sure of their identities and do not Researchers believe that loneliness want to be part of a peer group

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and popularity are subjective conditions that depend on the individual's perception of what it means to be 'well liked' (McElhany et al., 2008). (See also Box 6.9 on loneliness in adolescence.)

BOX 6.9. LONELINESS IN ADOLESCENCE Loneliness is a form of psychological distress experienced in response to perceived deficits in one's social relationships. Temporary, sporadic episodes of loneliness are likely to affect many individuals at some time in their lives and, if the circumstances responsible are resolved in due course, they are unlikely to impose significant impairment or long-term consequences. However, for some individuals, loneliness becomes a burden that is persistent across time and pervasive across situations. Over time, loneliness predicts deterioration in mental and physical health and elevated risk for early mortality. Recent research has drawn attention to the disproportionately high rates of self-reported loneliness in adolescence, a phenomenon not previously regarded as 'typical'. There is a strong correlation between loneliness and personality. Traits such as shyness, awkwardness, low confidence, and negative self-esteem, which are common during adolescence, make it difficult to maintain spontaneous relationships. However, whether these traits are an acquired consequence of loneliness, or a contributing factor, is not always clear. Maladaptive perceptions can also play an important role. Even individuals with similar social environments may differ in the extent to which they feel lonely. According to this view, loneliness can give rise to negative expectations about social encounters and about the intentions of others, in turn leading to guarded behaviours and difficult social interactions. Inadvertently, this reinforces their beliefs, creating further space between lonely individuals and those around them. In this manner, loneliness could become a vicious cycle. However, loneliness does not occur in a vacuum. As in most behaviours, there is strong evidence that loneliness has a genetic basis. In combination with adversities such as mental health disorders (e.g., depression and anxiety) and family conflict, a potential for loneliness is created. Research also found that the nemesis (foe) of many children — bullying — plays a significant role in adolescent loneliness. One reason for this is that lonely individuals are often seen as easy targets. Unfortunately, many lonely children often display reluctance to avail themselves of help or support: Low trust, perceived hopelessness, and a preference for coping privately lead to adolescents suffering in silence, intensifying their isolation. Mathews et al., 2021 (see source for references)

6.5.2.2 Conformity A characteristic of adolescent peer group relationships is an increase in conformity. Conformity refers to the degree to which a person is willing to change his or her behaviour, attitudes, and beliefs to fit in with a group (Levine, 2021). Individuals can conform even if they do not agree with the group (Salomons et al., 2021). Peer pressure often plays a 534 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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prominent role in this regard. Conformity is a complex process and is influenced by the adolescent's age, specific needs, and the situation. It is a powerful force that can have a good or bad edge to it. Psychologists have categorised three main types of conformity (Cao et al., 2021; Sparks, 2018): ► Compliance is the shallowest form of conformity. Here, persons change their public behaviour, the way they act, but not their private beliefs. This is usually a short-term change. For example, you might say that you like jazz music because many of your friends like jazz music and you wish to fit in; however, privately, you dislike this style of music. ► Identification is the middle level of conformity. Here, persons change their public behaviour and their private beliefs, but only while they are in the presence of the group. This is usually also a short-term change. For example, individuals may decide to become vegetarians because all their friends are vegetarian. However, whenever there is an opportunity, they cannot resist a hamburger or 'boerewors', and when they are away from their friends, they discard vegetarianism. Thus, identification means that people change their private beliefs while in the presence of the group, but this is not permanent. ► Internalisation is the deepest level of conformity. Internalisation refers to the nonconscious mental process by which the characteristics, beliefs, feelings, or attitudes of other individuals or groups are assimilated into the self and adopted as one's own (APA, 2020). Here, individuals change their public behaviour and their private beliefs on a long-term basis. For example, if a group influences individuals to become reborn Christians, and they internalise this belief system, their new religious way of life will continue without the presence of the group and become part of the self. Young adolescents tend to conform more than older adolescents do because they tend to be very sensitive about the approval of the peer group. Therefore, they conform to be accepted. Furthermore, they have not yet developed sufficient self-confidence and independence to make their own choices. Conforming to the peer group provides the necessary guidelines to assist them in their choices (see Bleize et al., 2021). Dependency upon the peer group seems to be a necessary step in adolescents' development towards independence from their parents. Conforming to the peer group provides a sense of security in their striving towards autonomy. Interestingly, research has found that adolescents who had conformed the most to the wishes and expectations of their group (as rated by their friends), reported better physical and mental health as young adults than did those who were considered non-conformists (Allen et al., 2015). However, it is also true that various factors can influence whether a person will conform or not (Cherry et al., 2020): • The difficulty of the task. Difficult tasks can lead to both increased and decreased conformity. Not knowing how to perform a difficult task makes people more likely to conform, but the increased difficulty can also make people more accepting of 535 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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different responses, leading to less conformity. • Individual differences. Personal characteristics such as motivation to achieve and strong leadership abilities are linked with a decreased tendency to conform. • The size of the group. People are more likely to conform in situations that involve between three and five other people. • Characteristics of the situation. People are more likely to conform in ambiguous (confusing) situations where they are unclear about how they should respond. • Cultural differences. People from collectivist cultures (valuing the needs of a group over the individual) are more likely to conform. • Gender differences. For example, female adolescents act more in accordance with school norms than male adolescents do (Heyder et al., 2021). Parents of adolescents are often concerned that their influence on their children will diminish, that their values will become unacceptable, and their children will conform to the wrong groups with values different from their own. Research indicates that although the influence of the peer group increases, parents remain influential socialisation agents (Ramaekers et al., 2021). As mentioned earlier, the peer group seems to influence adolescents' choice of clothes, music, language usage, social activities, leisure activities, hobbies, and relationships with the opposite gender. Parents' opinions regarding social and moral issues are valued; this is true for both individualistic and collectivistic cultures. While conforming to the peer group benefits adolescents to a certain degree, excessive conformity may have a negative influence on their identity development and development towards autonomy. Excessive conformity may result in adolescents' involvement in high-risk behaviour, such as early sexual activity, the abuse of nicotine, alcohol and other drugs, and reckless and antisocial behaviour (Kim et al., 2021; Prieto-Ursúa et al., 2020). Of course, peer group pressure is not the only cause of such behaviour; it is rather a complex interaction of biology, personality characteristics, family background, culture, and educational and socio-economic status. How can parents protect their children from excessive conformity and unhealthy peer influences? Again, as pointed out before, parenting styles seem to play an important role. Parents who are too strict and authoritarian may alienate their adolescents, with the result that adolescents become more susceptible to negative peer influences. This may also happen when parents are too permissive and do not provide adolescents with guidelines for behaviour. Parents who are neither too strict nor too lenient but who are warm and supportive and who provide the necessary guidelines, find that adolescents internalise their values. This authoritative parenting style also equips adolescents with the necessary skills to form healthy peer group relationships. However, stormy parentchild relationships do not provide adolescents with these skills, with the result that adolescents find acceptance only in peer groups that follow a counterculture (i.e., a culture against the values of parents and the society) (see Abbas, 2020). For example, think of the debilitating effect of adolescents' involvement in gangs.

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6.5.2.3 Friendships Friendships during early childhood are usually based on shared activities, while friendships during middle childhood are characterised by companionship, shared activities, and loyalty. Adolescents' friendships have the same basis, but they are increasingly inclined to choose friends whose psychological attributes such as interests, attitudes, values, and personalities match their own. The formation and maintenance of close friendships is an important developmental task in adolescence (Pouwels et al., 2021). High-quality, best friendships in high school are also associated with long-term emotional and mental wellbeing (Narr et al., 2017). Furthermore, friendships satisfy adolescents' greater need for intimacy and selfdisclosure, probably the most important features of adolescent friendships (Vijayakumar et al., 2020). This means that adolescents' friendships are based increasingly on emotional attachment, trust, understanding, and sincere interest in one another, while also sharing their feelings and thoughts with one another. For instance, adolescents will much rather discuss their physical changes and developing sexuality with friends than with their parents. Discovering that they think and feel the same as another person forms the basis of close relationships with friends. Friends may provide one another with the following types of support: -

- -

Close friendships help teenagers to cope with the stressors of adolescence (e.g., physical development, school life, changes in interactional patterns with parents, and romantic relationships). Intimate friendships counteract loneliness and isolation and contribute to the adolescent's self-concept development. Self-disclosure and honest communication between close friends provide opportunities not only to get to know themselves better but also to be sensitive towards others. These skills play a role in their identity development and the development of empathy.

The development of intimate friendships during adolescence is initiated by the adolescent's physical, cognitive, and social developments. For example, adolescents' need to belong and their cognitive development is responsible for developing empathetic skills. This means that they become increasingly aware of others' feelings, views, and perspectives. Furthermore, adolescents learn how to provide emotional support to others and handle differences so that they do not harm friendship bonds. This understanding of and insight into others also contribute to the forming of close friendships. During the last few decades, technologies such as online social media have played an increasingly significant role in peer interactions and friendships of children, especially adolescents. Researchers have identified several ways in which electronic communication facilitates the creation and maintenance of friendships among children, including the following (Schneider, 2016; Siegler, 2020): • Greater anonymity causes children to reduce their social inhibitions, which, particularly for shy children, could help them interact with others online. However, obviously, this 537 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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•

• •

•

disinhibition could have negative consequences when the child does not know where to draw the line. Less emphasis on physical appearance when conversation is conducted through typing or audio allows children to connect with others based on their shared interests and personalities rather than physical attractiveness. This tendency will be less true for video communication, of course. More control over interactions, because they can control when, how, and with whom they connect, makes children feel they are in charge of their social lives. Finding similar friends is much easier in the Internet age than in the past. It allows youth to connect with others who share their interests, thereby increasing their sense of belonging and well-being. Social media is always available, meaning children can connect with friends throughout their day. The downside is that such omnipresent and unrestrained access can also have negative side-effects. For example, it can interfere with school and sleep.

Communication based on social media appears to facilitate communication among existing friends, allowing them to maintain and enhance the closeness and quality of their relationships (Siegler, 2020). Socially competent adolescents may benefit most from the Internet because they are more likely to interact appropriately and positively when engaged in social networking. However, social media may also be beneficial for lonely, depressed, and socially anxious adolescents. Using their 'cyber space mask', these youths may be more likely to make personal disclosures online than in face-to-face communication, which eventually could lead to the formation of new friendships. This is called the social compensation hypothesis (Gadekar et al., 2020). Based on existing research, Berk (2019) states that the value of social media for enabling convenient, satisfying, and safe interaction among adolescents must be weighed against its potential for facilitating harmful emotional and social consequences. As mentioned in previous chapters, it is of the utmost importance that parents should point out and discuss the risks of communication on social media, including harassment, exploitation, and excessive use. They should insist that their children follow Internet safety rules, which are widely available on the Internet. Parents with a warm, cooperative connection with their children are more likely to apply these rules and to monitor media use. Well-functioning families more often use media in positive ways to strengthen family relationships by sharing photos, texting to stay in touch, and by watching videos and TV programs together, which often spark interesting discussions. Using media positively can also spill over to adolescent friendships and other relationships. Does the development of closer and more intimate relationships with friends mean that adolescents start distancing themselves from their parents? As mentioned earlier, it does seem that there is a certain degree of distancing between parents and adolescents as adolescents' friendship relationships become stronger and their need for privacy increases. However, this distancing effect is usually only temporary and does not necessarily imply that adolescents' feelings for their parents diminish. During late adolescence, the degree of intimacy and emotional intensity between close friends begin to decline as adolescents become more aware of their own identity and can act more independently. In addition, 538 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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heterosexual relationships also become more important than same gender friendships. (Of course, this depends on the adolescent's sexual orientation.)

6.5.2.4 Romantic relationships

Romantic relationships are important during adolescence

One of the most important social transitions during adolescence concerns the development of romantic relationships. The hormonal changes of puberty are implicated strongly in the intense feelings of sexual attraction and falling in love (Moore et al., 2016). Although romantic relationships during adolescence are usually short-term rather than long-term committed partnerships, their importance should not be underestimated (Padilla-Walker et al., 2017). A great deal of adolescents' time focuses on romantic relationships. In addition, their positive and negative emotions are associated more with romantic relationships (or lack thereof) than with friendships, family relationships, or school. Romantic relationships contribute to adolescents' identity formation, changes in family and peer relationships, as well as their emotional and behavioural adjustment. Romantic relationships typically develop in three stages in adolescence (Connolly et., 2014): ► Stage 1: Early adolescence (ages 12 to 14). Romantic development in the high school years is triggered by puberty. During this stage adolescents become intensely interested in matters of romance, and this topic dominates their fantasies and conversations with friends. Adolescents begin to move away from socialising with members of their own sex only to form friendship groups with members of the other sex. The resultant mixed-gender friendship groups bring boys and girls together in joint social activities outside of school, allowing them to explore their emerging 539 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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romantic feelings and stretch their social skills to these new interactions. Most high school children (especially those who are popular with their same-sex peers) report activities that are indicative of this first stage of romantic development, such as going to movies, sports activities, dances, and parties with groups of boys and girls. ► Stage 2: Middle adolescence (ages 15 to 17). During the high school years, 'datingin-groups' becomes a very prominent form of romantic experience. Essentially, the mixed-gender friendship groups that were formed become increasingly populated by youths who are also part of a 'couple'. For the most part, couple relationships in high school are casual and short-term. They are less about providing a source of emotional intimacy and more about providing a 'special' source of companionship within the peer group. However, their feelings of fun and camaraderie are also tinged with sexuality and passion. ► Stage 3: Late adolescence (ages 18 to 20). In the late adolescent years, the focus of romantic development is to form a strong emotional bond with a compatible other. The romantic bonds of late adolescence often last for a year or more, and adolescents describe them as serious, exclusive, and highly rewarding. However, increasing involvement with a romantic partner can also pose challenges to a young person's need to maintain a separate sense of self and, at this age, adolescents begin to struggle with questions of identity and balance. Being able to resolve conflicts in ways that balance the needs of the self and another is essential for solidifying a satisfying relationship. Several studies have found that adolescents and young adults with accepting and involved parents report higher-quality romantic relationships marked by increased empathy, higher connectedness, less discord, more functional conflict resolution, and higher relationship satisfaction (see Walper et al., 2015). These findings indicate continuity of positive and negative behaviours in close relationships. For example, longitudinal data suggest that individuals who experience nurturing and involved parenting during adolescence, display warmer and more supportive behaviour towards their romantic partners in young adulthood, which further contributes to higher relationship satisfaction. In contrast, adolescents who experience negative reciprocity with parents evidence similar negative emotionality in romantic relationships in early adulthood. However, like we have emphasised before when discussing other forms of child behaviour, the importance of studying adolescent romantic relationships in the specific social contexts in which they occur, cannot be overemphasised. A South African study of adolescents in a small village in the Western Cape confirmed the important role of the participants' community context in their constructions of intimacy in romantic relationships (Lesch et al., 2013). Owing to variables such as parental viewpoints, peers, cultural norms, and the various forms of romantic relationships during adolescence, it is not always easy to determine the influence of romantic relationships on the adolescent's development. However, it does seem that too serious or steady relationships at too early an age may limit adolescents' interactions with same-gender peers, which, in turn, may influence their social development. At the same time, this also restricts their exposure to heterosexual 540 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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interactions, which means that they do not get to know a variety of people of the opposite gender. Moreover, the risk of premature sexual intercourse becomes much greater, leading to unplanned pregnancies and early marriages. One of the most serious challenges to South African youth is the issue of HIV/AIDS, which further intensifies the already complex relationships between young people (Bray et al., 2010; also see George et al., 2020; Haas et al., 2020). Some studies indicate that participating in mixed-gender activities in group situations (such as going to parties) may have a positive influence on the well-being of young adolescent girls, while serious dating in couples may have a negative influence on their mental health. The reason for this may be that pressure on girls to engage in sexual activity when they are out alone on dates or involved with a steady boyfriend may evoke anxiety. (Also see Box 6.10 regarding violence in adolescent romantic relationships.) For many teenagers in Bray et al.'s mentioned study on adolescent youth in the Cape Town area, the topics of boyfriends, girlfriends, break-ups, heartaches and relationship problems came up regularly and appeared as 'challenges'; few mentioned their boyfriends or girlfriends as sources of support. As these teenagers' interest in dating and sex increased, they also reported that school became harder and the pressure to do well and think about the future increased substantially. They indicated that balancing social lives and studying for school was their main struggle. For older adolescents, on the other hand, steady relationships may provide a sense of security. These relationships also promote opportunities for practising openness, honest feedback and resolving conflict — qualities that are of the utmost importance in a marriage relationship. In general, the benefits of relationships with friends are extended to romantic relationships, namely: - - - -

the development of independence and identity formation; opportunities for companionship; acquiring communication skills; and acquiring interactional and social skills.

As mentioned earlier, friends and peers play an important role in the development of romantic relationships (also see Van Zantvliet et al., 2020). Adolescents differ regarding the reasons that they give for forming romantic relationships. Younger adolescents tend to form such relationships for recreational and prestige value (the latter is especially true if they date a popular member of the opposite sex). As adolescents become older, they become more interested in psychological characteristics such as shared interests and values. For both boys and girls, physical attractiveness, personality, compatibility, and honesty are important qualities in the choice of a romantic companion. On the other hand, girls are more inclined to fantasise about lasting love, while boys are more interested in the sexual aspects of a relationship, especially when sexual activity will enhance their status in the peer group. However, a sexual relationship is not the priority for all adolescent boys. Most of the research on adolescents' romantic relationships involve heterosexual relationships. Only relatively recently, LGBTQ romantic relationships in the youth have become the focus of researchers. Research findings suggest that the number, type, quality, and function of adolescent sexual and romantic relationships are generally similar 541 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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BOX 6.10. VIOLENCE IN ADOLESCENT ROMANTIC RELATIONSHIPS South Africa is notorious for its high levels of violence, which is reflected in all spheres of life, including romantic relationships. For example, in South Africa, about 50% of murdered women are murdered by their intimate partners (National Strategic Plan on Gender-Based Violence & Femicide, 2020). Globally, a third of women have experienced intimate partner violence at a point in time (see Oduaran, 2021). Abused women are also twice as likely as non-abused women are to report physical and mental health problems, even if the violence occurred years before (see WHO, 2012). However, most international and local research in this regard focuses on adult relationships, while there is evidence that violence in adolescent romantic relations is not unusual. In South Africa, this is a particularly severe problem (Malhi et al., 2020; Moolman et al., 2020). In her research literature overview, Chikte (2012) indicated that in some studies, more than 40% of both female and male adolescents/students reported committing some form of physical violence in their intimate relationships. Violence in relationships begins earlier than many would expect. According to a South African survey, 12% of adolescent girls in Grade 8 reported having been hit, slapped, or hurt physically by their boyfriends, and 16% of their male peers reported having hit, slapped, or physically hurt their girlfriends (Reddy et al., 2013). A distressing finding in one study in a township near Johannesburg was that 25% of male and 20% of female adolescents viewed physical aggression as a normative part of an intimate relationship (Swart et al., 2002). Even more disturbing is that it is generally accepted that partner violence is significantly underreported: Thus, the mentioned statistics could be much higher (also see Valdivia-Salas et al., 2021). A meta-analysis of more than 30 international studies revealed that the cause of violence in adolescent romantic relationships is complex because it involves unique interactions among multiple variables of an individual, social, and cultural nature (Taquette et al., 2019). However, it is accepted widely that the following two factors globally lay the foundations for such violence (Bowen et al., 2015; Scott et al., 2015): The first is the equal position of women in relationships and society. Violence occurs at higher levels in societies in which men are viewed as superior and possess the economic and decision-making power. The second is that social norms in certain societies support violence as a means of conflict resolution. Additional contributory factors include exposure to violence in the family and neighbourhood, whether as victim or witness; low self-esteem and feelings of insecurity; drug and alcohol abuse; mental health disorders such as depression and anxiety; and underlying hostility and anger.

across sexual and gender identities, but there are multiple unique considerations for understanding the experiences of LGBTQ adolescents (Morgan, 2020). Although quality sexual and relationship experiences can lead to positive outcomes, especially concerning sexual identity development, these adolescents experience challenges primarily related to navigating stigma and discrimination. These youths face special challenges in initiating and maintaining overt (obvious) romances (see Berk, 2019). Although adolescents are identifying and acknowledging their sexual orientation, as well as sharing it with others, more than in the past, many are still afraid of the reaction of their family and social 542 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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rejection by the community. However, LGBTQ youth show less psychological distress and are buffered against the negative effects of bullying and victimisation when they are in a relationship than when they are not (Northwestern University, 2018). Therefore, it is important to help these adolescents form romantic relationships, so that they can have the same experiences of dating and learning about relationships as their heterosexual peers (Whitton et al., 2018). As in the case of heterosexual youths, parents' willingness to talk about diverse sexual identities, as well as security of attachment to parents and peers are associated with gratifying romantic ties among adolescents with other sexual orientations (Starks et al., 2015). After high school, many adolescent romantic relationships dissolve, and those that survive usually become less satisfying (see Berk 2019). Because young people are still forming their identities, high school couples often find that they have little in common later. Nevertheless, among older teenagers, close romantic ties promote sensitivity, empathy, self-esteem, social support, and identity development. Therefore, if dating leads to warm, supportive romantic bonds, it fosters adjustment and provides beneficial lessons in relating to people generally.

6.5.3 Adolescents and Cyberspace The term cyberspace refers to an electronic system that allows users around the world to communicate with one another or to access information for any purpose (Cambridge Dictionary, 2021). In the previous chapter, we explored children's use of

Communicating in cyberspace during the COVID-19 pandemic

information and communication technologies (ICT), such as the Internet and cell phones, and the influence of these on their development. During adolescence, these technologies become increasingly important socialisation tools, as mentioned in the previous section on friendship formation. Trends of increased use of interactive digital communication appear to follow the same patterns across different countries worldwide, with 92% of the entire adolescent population using social media. Adolescents of 13 to 17 years old use social media the most (see Seidler, 2020). Adults, and parents in particular, are often confused and concerned about adolescents' 543 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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preoccupation with these technologies, particularly because they (the adults and parents) either use these technologies largely for information and communication purposes or have very limited knowledge of them. However, as mentioned in previous chapters, ICT has become a specific cultural artefact of the 21st century, and in fact, has developed to play an important role in the fulfilment of developmental needs during adolescence. These needs are the following (Suler, 2005; see Gottschalk, 2019): ► Identity experimentation and exploration. Although identity exploration is a lifelong process, it becomes particularly intense during adolescence, as we have already discussed elsewhere. Some of the questions on who they are, what they want to do with their lives, and what kind of relationships they want, could be explored through cyberspace, for example via websites and chatrooms (see Van der Merwe, 2017). It also could provide opportunities to try out or role play different identities. ► Intimacy and belonging. During adolescence, humans experiment intensely with new intimate relationships (both regarding friendships and romantic relationships) and are particularly on the lookout for companions or groups where they can feel a sense of belonging. These relationships also play a role in exploring their identities. The Internet provides an almost limitless array of people and groups (with all kinds of personalities, backgrounds, values, and interests) with which to interact, while the cell phone acts as a tool, not only with which to chat but also to assist in organising their social lives. Indeed, owning a phone sends the message that one is socially connected and in demand. All generations of teenagers adopt symbols that are greatly desired. For the current generation, it is digital equipment (i.e., the latest cell phone model). For example, the features of the cell phone, the appearance and personalised accessories all attest to their status. It is also regarded as a fashion accessory that satisfies the need for individualisation by having choices in ringtones, wallpaper, phone covers, and other accessories. ► Separation from parents and family. Adolescents' search for their own identity, relationships, and groups is an indication of their need to separate from their parents and to be independent. At the same time, they are often anxious about the separation/individuation process. Cyberspace addresses this ambivalence: On the one hand, the Internet provides the opportunity to explore the world, have fun, meet new people, and develop and practise new skills (thereby developing independence — especially if the parents have limited Internet knowledge), while at the same time, this could be done online in the home environment (thereby maintaining bonds and postponing separation). One of the main reasons for adolescents' use of cell phones is functionality or micro-coordination of their social lives. As we have seen, adolescence is a time of transcending boundaries and generating a more extensive network with their peers. The cell phone has largely taken over the fixed telephone or landline. (Adolescents spending hours on the landline used to be the main cause of disagreement in many households!) The cell phone not only serves to link adolescents more closely to one another, even more than the fixed phone, but it can be done without the physical constraints of the fixed phone and without adult interference and control. This 544 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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provides young people with even more flexibility and spontaneity in their lives and leads to a more fluid culture of social interaction (Campbell, 2005). Concerns have been raised that ICT could isolate parents and adolescents more deeply than before; parents are less able to act as socialisation agents; and healthy parent-adolescent relationships are at greater risk of breaking down. These concerns are related largely to motivational differences between parents and children (parents provide ICT for educational and safety purposes, while adolescents use them for fun and games and social networking), as well as parents' lack of knowledge of these technologies. Researchers at the University of the Western Cape are of the opinion that the relationship between parents and adolescents may not lie in the computer or the cell phone, but in their existing relationship outside of ICT (Odendaal et al., 2006). They conclude that although parents are often the lesser skilled members and may not be too happy about the entertainment facilities of these technologies, this need not upset or destroy healthy parent-adolescent relationships. Parents' values and norms do seem to have an effect when adolescents engage with digital technologies. For example, adolescents in this study indicated that they knew what was right and wrong and that their parents trusted them in regulating their behaviours. ► Venting frustrations. Although the theory of storm and stress currently is regarded as somewhat melodramatic, adolescence may certainly be a difficult and frustrating period of life. Expectations from school, family, and friends can be overwhelming. All these frustrations, including sexual and aggressive ones, may be vented on cyberspace, either to like-minded peers and friends, or in anonymity for general consumption. ► Mastery and accomplishment. Digital technologies have become a part of modern life, and adolescents will need to feel comfortable with ICT to survive the new millennium. Owing to adolescents' developing cognitive capacities, they are in a position to explore the various capabilities and applications of this technology: They write scripts that automate their online activities, create their own web-pages, and scan or take pictures with digital cameras that they share online. This skill-building goes beyond the computer itself. For example, designing a good web page or blog requires skills in graphics, page layout, and writing. These skills contribute to their sense of self-worth and provide status with their peers. Teaching others (especially their parents!) reinforces their own knowledge and builds self-esteem. Another attractive feature of the Internet for teenagers is the almost limitless information that may be accessed. One way in which adolescents establish their own identity is by acquiring new facts and philosophies, which include the skills that may develop from this information. Exploring this information may satisfy the need to feel separate and unique from their parents. In addition, text talk — the seemingly mutated spelling and grammar of email and especially instant messaging, is a fascinating, creative challenge, and many adolescents eagerly attach to it. The extremely abbreviated and slang-driven style of instant messaging is a new language that not only makes conversing efficient and cost effective, but also enhances the adolescent's identity as a member of a unique group with a unique language (Suler, 2005). However, as stated elsewhere, the 'good' almost always accompanies the 'bad' and the 'ugly': 545 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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• A correlation was found between decreased psychological well-being and increased screen time in adolescents (Twenge et al., 2018). An association between poor health outcomes such as obesity and lack of exercise has also been well documented. One of the main explanations for this is that a high screen time rate shrinks the adolescent's real world; for example, it implies fewer relationships, unrealistic expectations, and general unhealthy physical behaviour. • Adolescents' quest for information may result in seeking information that may be negative, such as pornography, and methods of inflicting violence or self-mutilation. • The anonymity of cyberspace may also create a platform to vent feelings inappropriately, for example by means of profanities, inappropriate sexual remarks, and other abusive comments. Hiding behind the online anonymity makes the abuse easier to inflict, resulting in an online disinhibition effect — the phenomenon where individuals communicating online may feel anonymous, invisible, and more comfortable disclosing or confronting issues in a virtual setting, due to the often less immediate or depersonalised nature of the online environment (Schwartz et al., 2020; also see Chapter 5). Another dilemma of online anonymity is that people may present themselves under false identities: A 17-year-old girl may in fact be a 47-year-old man. This means that adolescents can fall prey to adult predators. • Related to the online disinhibition effect with the increase and diffusion of modern technologies, a new form of bullying has emerged — cyberbullying, electronic bullying or Internet bullying (also see Chapter 5). These terms refer to the use of digital technology to cause harm to other people (Cunic, 2021). More specifically, it refers to the voluntary and repeated assaults against a person through electronic means. These attacks can be offensive email or text messages; insults through chat rooms or instant messaging; photos or videos on cell phones or the web; exclusion from social networks; or appropriation (adoption) of others' credentials and identity information (see Menin et al., 2021). • Although adolescents may meet new people in cyberspace, some may join groups that are not in their best interests, such as radical political groups, satanic cults, and online sexual orgies. These groups exist in the real world as well, but online participation is easier. • A common pitfall of online friendships and cliques is that they can be somewhat artificial, shallow, and transient. To the adolescent craving for a group of good friends, it could be heart-breaking when a cyber-friend unexpectedly and inexplicably ends the friendship — virtually with only a click. • Adolescents' interest in sexual intimacy leaves them vulnerable to cybersex cybersex. Cybersex involves using the internet for sexual purposes, especially by exchanging sexual messages with another person (Collins English Dictionary, 2021). It mostly involves explicit sex talk, exchanging views, feelings, and activities. In this regard, the term sexting (a combination of the words 'sex' and 'text(ing)') is often used: the sending or receiving of sexual words, pictures, or videos via technology, typically a cell phone (Drouin, 2021). In a study in Gauteng, it was found that about 30% of adolescents have encountered people who tried to talk online about sex against their will (Zulu et al., 2014). Some parents are completely against this, indicating that it is wrong, superficial, 546 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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artificial, and unnatural. Others believe that adolescents will explore sex, no matter what adults say and do, and that it is safer to allow them to satisfy their interest in sex with cyberspace encounters. Attitudes about cybersex are determined largely by parents' values, the explicitness of cybersex, and what the online relationship might lead to. • An implication about which parents are often concerned is Internet addiction, addiction especially because adolescents tend to spend an 'inexhaustible' amount of time online or on their cell phones. Internet addiction is a behavioural addiction in which a person becomes dependent on the use of the Internet, or other online devices, as a maladaptive way of coping with life's stresses (Gregory, 2021; Hartney, 2020). The following core criteria are used to define Internet addiction: The behaviour is highly important in the individual's activities; individuals experience reduced social activity because of engaging in the behaviour more frequently; persons lie to conceal their involvement with the Internet; and individuals may experience a sense of reduced selfcontrol and feel compelled to be online. Also, the persons have jeopardised or risked the loss of a significant relationship, job, educational, or career opportunity because of their Internet behaviour. Furthermore, the subjective experience of the individual, in the form of psychological escape and pleasure, can lead to excessive use or tolerance (i.e., increasing use is needed to obtain these desired experiences, similar to alcohol or drug addiction) (Siste, 2021; Swanepoel et al., 2012). It should be remembered that the reasons why some adolescents experience problems regarding ICT may not necessarily lie in the technologies themselves but may reflect existing problems outside of digital technology. (Note, however, that this does not mean that the content of the Internet itself does not pose a risk to children.) For example, acting out in cyberspace (for example, by abusive remarks, distributing inappropriate material of themselves and others) may be an indication that they are experiencing problems in their lives and are using the technology to vent their feelings and escape from those real-life tensions. Cyberbullying may be linked to a lack of moral emotions and moral values (Lo Cricchio et al., 2021; Perren et al., 2012). Furthermore, there seems to be a link between bullying at school and cyberbullying; between callousemotional traits and cyberbullying; and between exposure to media violence and cyberbullying (Fanti et Internet addiction

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al., 2012). In addition, teenagers from troubled families may search for 'love' and acceptance on the Internet, while troubled parent-child relationships may be exacerbated by adolescents' demands regarding these technologies. Although adolescents need space to develop independence, and although they may have more knowledge of ICT, they still need their parents' guidance. Parents could apply guidelines such as the following (American Academy of Pediatrics, 2021; Capital Area Pediatrics, 2021; Kazdin, 2018; See also Chapter 5 Box 5.7): • Have discussions from a young age. Do not wait until your child reaches adolescence. Children are using the Internet regularly at a young age. It is important to help them learn how to be online safely and positively. One helpful guideline is to think of these talks as if you were talking to your child about their responsibilities regarding the family pet, or about something they watched on TV. They are important and a normal part of life. • Acknowledge the good and the bad. Parents should not depreciate and criticise cyberspace — this will only alienate the adolescent. Parents should realise that ICT has become a medium that facilitates the adolescent's developmental needs. However, parents must socialise their children regarding ICT, much in the same way they socialise other aspects of their lives. This implies that parents regulate their children's media activities, monitor the activities more closely, and introduce alternative activities. Although adolescents may be more knowledgeable, they still need guidance from their parents to stay on track. • Parents should be role models. Leading by example is an effective way to teach children about what healthy digital device use looks like. This includes establishing technology-free zones in the home that are focused on family time; establishing technology-free hours when no one uses the phone, including mom and dad; and balancing your digital life with your offline life — this may be the most important of all, as spending time cooking, volunteering, enjoying hobbies, and other 'real world' experiences ultimately will help children learn how to navigate life offline as well as online. • Acquire knowledge. Parents can provide guidance only if they have some knowledge. This does not suggest that parents become avid gamers or Internet surfers, but it may lessen the digital gap if they do have informed views of the different digital technologies and related activities in which adolescents are engaging. • Show interest and monitor their ICT activities, as much as a parent would show interest regarding other activities. The saying "Know where your children are and what they are doing" also pertains to where they are in cyberspace. Monitoring one's child is critically important. • Set reasonable rules and discipline misbehaviour. Many parents fall into the trap of benign neglect of setting no rules or boundaries (often because of their lack of knowledge) when, however, adolescents need rules and boundaries. In fact, having no set limits may cause them to feel out of control by seemingly uncaring parents. (Note that the effects could be similar to the permissive parenting style mentioned previously.) Parents should use appropriate disciplinary methods, by 548 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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implementing healthy, balanced ICT behaviours and punishing transgressions of the set boundaries. Parents punish misbehaviour in the real world; the same should be true of cyberspace misconduct. Adolescents whose cyberspace behaviours become excessive and imbalanced in such a way that it affects their daily functioning may need professional counselling. • Reassure them they can always talk to you. Keep the dialogue open — ask them if they have seen anything online that they don't understand or with which they are uncomfortable. Try to stay calm and not to overreact. Encourage them to talk about what they are feeling and ask questions, instead of keeping it to themselves.

The digital technology dilemma: It contains many potential dangers but also many advantages — when acceptably used.

We have much to learn about the effects of digital media (Sigelman et al., 2018; also see Antonie, 2018). It is clear that these effects can be good or bad, depending on how adolescents utilise the media, how much time they spend with it, and whether it enhances other more developmentally important activities. In the meantime, there is much to be said for interacting with friends in the old-fashioned way: offline. 549 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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REVIEW THIS SECTION 1. Describe the importance of the peer group in adolescents' development. 2. Describe the stages of peer group development during adolescence. Why are some adolescents popular and others not? Why is it important to be accepted by the peer group? Is this true for all adolescents? Which factors play a role in an adolescent's sense of being accepted or not being accepted? Discuss loneliness in adolescence. 3. What is meant by peer group conformity? Describe three main types of conformity. Which factors could influence whether a person will conform or not? Discuss the advantages and disadvantages of peer group conformity. How can parents protect their children from excessive peer group conformity? 4. How do friendship relationships differ from the previous phases? What are the functions of friendships during adolescence? Which factors in adolescents' development contribute to the formation of friendships? What role do social media play in peer interactions and friendships? Describe the following concepts: (a) the social compensation effect; and (b) the distancing effect. 5. Discuss the nature and development of romantic relationships during adolescence. Discuss the factors that contribute to positive romantic relationships. What are the benefits of romantic relationships? What are the concerns of especially South African teenagers regarding romantic relationships? Discuss the concerning phenomenon of violence in adolescent romantic relationships. Do you think that LGBTQ romantic relationships develop in the same way heterosexual relationships do? 6. Justin's parents are very anxious about the negative effects of the Internet and cell phones and decide that they will not provide these technologies for him. Is this a good idea? Argue your position. 7. How does ICT fulfil adolescents' developmental needs? 8. How may ICT usage influence adolescents negatively? 9. How can the possible negative effects of ICT be addressed?

6.5.4 Moral Development One of the most important developmental tasks of adolescents is to develop a personal value system. As adolescents' social involvement increasingly expands, a personal value system provides a guide for their behaviour and assists them in practising socially and morally responsible behaviour. To develop a personal value system, adolescents have to question existing values, decide which values are acceptable to them, and then incorporate these into their personal value system. However, public opinion tends to consider adolescents as morally deficient and unable to learn moral values. This negative representation is reinforced by the escalation of rule-breaking behaviour that is observed generally during adolescence. Nevertheless, adolescence is a crucial period for the development of abstract thinking skills, which leads to the integration of moral principles and values. Moreover, as their lives 550 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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become more complex, they increasingly develop qualities and capacities related to moral functioning.

Adolescents have to make moral decisions on a daily basis

As mentioned in Chapter 5, moral development involves changes in thoughts, feelings, and behaviours regarding standards of what is right and wrong. It has an intrapersonal dimension, which refers to the ways in which people think, reason about themselves dimension and others, the emotions they experience, and the actions they take when they are by themselves, and an interpersonal dimension, dimension which refers to the same processes when they interact with others (Ellemers et al., 2019). Adolescents develop their moral identities based on their daily experience, where they must make decisions and regulate their behaviour when coping with new challenges and social influences. Moral experiences and expertise gained in adolescence form the foundation of mature moral character, identity, and action (Paciello et al., 2013). In this section, we shall explore how adolescents think or reason about rules for ethical conduct, how they behave in moral situations, the moral emotions they experience, and how they develop a moral self-identity.

6.5.4.1 Moral reasoning Moral reasoning is the study of how people think about right and wrong and how they acquire and apply moral rules. As discussed in the previous chapter, Jean Piaget had some thoughts on the development of children's moral reasoning. However, Lawrence Kohlberg made the greatest contribution to moral development during adolescence. His 551 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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theory represents the cognitive perspective of moral development. To orientate you again briefly (see Table 5.9 in Chapter 5): According to Kohlberg, the development of moral reasoning and judgement progresses through three levels, each consisting of two stages: the pre-conventional level, level the conventional level, level and the post-conventional level. level These levels of moral development are related to the stages of cognitive development as outlined by Piaget. For example, to reach the conventional level of moral judgement, the individual should have reached the stage of concrete operations. To reach the post-conventional level of morality, the stage of formal operations should have been reached. However, the attainment of a particular stage of cognitive development does not ensure that the individual will reach the level of moral development that is associated with that level of cognitive development. Kohlberg states that it is not possible for a person to bypass any level of moral development. According to Kohlberg, Level I generally is attained during childhood, while Levels II and III develop during adolescence and adulthood, respectively. These levels are discussed below. ► Level II: Conventional morality: This level is also referred to as the morality of conventional role conformity. This means that the individual conforms to the social order and the expectations of others, such as the individual's group, family, religion, or nation. Therefore, moral reasoning becomes less egocentric. Behaviour is now judged (for the first time) according to the doer's motive (e.g., "He means well"). The following two stages may be distinguished at this level: • Stage 3: Morality of mutual interpersonal expectations, relationships, and conformity — 'good boy/girl' boy/girl' orientation: Good (i.e., moral) behaviour is seen by persons in this developmental stage as behaviour of which other people approve. Therefore, persons in this stage want to win the approval of others and avoid their disapproval. In terms of Heinz's dilemma (as discussed in Chapter 5), an adolescent or adult may argue that Heinz should not steal the drug, because he may be regarded as dishonest and a lawbreaker; or they may argue that Heinz should steal the drug, so that he could be honoured by his family. • Stage 4: Morality of social systems and conscience orientation: In this stage, correct (i.e., moral) behaviour is associated with doing one's duty, respect for authority, and upholding existing social law and order. (This stage is also referred to as the law-and-order orientation.) An act is wrong (i.e., immoral) if it violates laws or rules of society, or if it harms someone. At this stage, people may argue that Heinz should steal the drug because he is obligated to help his wife; or one may argue that Heinz should not steal the drug, because stealing is against the law and society should be protected from lawlessness. ► Level III: Post-conventional level: This is the highest level of moral development and is called the morality of self-accepted or autonomous moral principles. The individual now defines and internalises moral values and principles independent from the groups or people who uphold these principles. Existing social and political values are not accepted unconditionally, and alternative moral principles are recognised. All possibilities are investigated, and individuals decide for themselves what their 552 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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own personal moral code (i.e., their moral values and behaviour) should be. Besides being aware of personal values and opinions, individuals nevertheless conform to established norms, if these help to promote human welfare (e.g., justice and human dignity). The following two stages are distinguished on this level: • Stage 5: Morality of social contract, usefulness, and individual rights: Moral or immoral behaviour is defined in terms of laws or established rules relating to general rights and standards. However, the individual's personal values and beliefs also serve as guidelines in determining what is correct or incorrect. Therefore, rules may be changed if the change is justified rationally and socially and for the common good of people. For example, when laws are consistent with individual rights and interests of the majority, people usually follow them — because of a social contract orientation, society will function better with them than without them. However, if these laws no longer promote the welfare of individuals, they become invalid. Consequently, a person in this stage might reason that Heinz should steal the drug because social rules about property rights are not benefitting the individual's rights. Should Heinz be prosecuted, the law should be revised. • Stage 6: Morality of universal ethical principles (sometimes also referred to as morality of individual principles of conscience): Individuals judge behaviour not only as the basis of existing norms of society, but also on the basis of their own conscience or own internalised, abstract ethical principles. These principles are not concrete moral rules, but rather universal principles of justice, equality of human rights, and respect for the dignity of individuals. People at this level usually reason in terms of abstract principles such as respect and dignity for each person and take responsibility for their viewpoints and actions. Therefore, a person may reason that Heinz should steal the drug because life is paramount and preserving a life takes precedence over all other rights. It does not make sense to put respect for property above respect for life. Evaluation of Kohlberg's theory: As mentioned before, Kohlberg's theory of moral development has made an important contribution to knowledge concerning the development of moral reasoning of children, adolescents, and young adults. It also stimulated research on moral reasoning in many countries, including South Africa (e.g., Ferns et al., 2001; Matlala, 2011; Swartz, 2009; Tudin et al., 1994). It cannot be denied that Kohlberg's theory, more than any other theory, has moulded psychologists' thoughts on moral development, As mentioned in Chapter 5, various aspects of Kohlberg's theory have been verified by research (e.g., see Leung et al., 2018; Mathes, 2019; Sanders, 2021; Yilmaz et al., 2019). For example, evidence from various cross-cultural studies seems to support the notion that the stages follow one another in the sequence Kohlberg proposed. With few exceptions, individuals move through the first four stages in a predicted order. Moral development is slow and gradual: Reasoning at Stages 1 and 2 decreases in early adolescence, while reasoning at Stage 3 increases through mid-adolescence and then declines. Reasoning at Stage 4 rises during the course of the adolescent years until, by early adulthood, it is the typical response. 553 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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However, few people move beyond Stage 4 (Gibbs, 2019). In fact, post-conventional morality is so rare that no clear evidence exists that Kohlberg's Stage 6 follows Stage 5. This poses a key challenge to Kohlberg's theory: If people must reach Stages 5 and 6 to be considered truly morally mature, few individuals anywhere would measure up. Postconventional morality involves highly reflective reasoning limited to a handful of people who have attained advanced education, usually in philosophy. As mentioned in Chapter 5, Stage 6 is so rare that it was removed from the scoring manual. Other points of criticism levelled against Kohlberg's theory are the following (e.g., see Gibbs, 2019; Kail et al., 2019; Siegler et al., 2020): ► Gender bias. Kohlberg based his theory on information obtained from research in which he used male participants and thus used male responses as a model for his approach. Therefore, according to Carol Gilligan (1993), who propelled this criticism, Kohlberg's theory is more representative of the moral reasoning of men than it is of women. According to Gilligan's research, the moral views of men and women, as well as their reasoning about moral issues, differ. When reasoning about moral issues, women tend to consider responsibilities (i.e., commitment to obligations and responsiveness in interpersonal relationships) — a care perspective. perspective Men, on the other hand, take rights and rules into consideration — a justice perspective. perspective However, research could not confirm Gilligan's arguments because no discernible difference in moral reasoning between males and females has been found (Blakemore et al., 2009; Hyde, 2005; Proios, 2011). Themes of justice and caring appear in the responses of both genders, and there are more similarities than differences between the genders. ► Research methodology. Kohlberg's research methodology has been criticised on the grounds that the reliability and validity of the measurements are low. For instance, there is no guarantee that the answers of the participants in the research reflect their own moral reasoning and are not just socially desirable responses. For example, the participants may give answers they think the researcher would like to get, or they are afraid that negative answers could be held against them (although they are assured that the information is confidential). Furthermore, the moral dilemmas used in Kohlberg's research (e.g., Heinz's dilemma) do not reflect the contexts of real life, and the dilemmas are regarded as too simplistic and abstract. Moral reasoning also differs significantly when based on real rather than hypothetical dilemmas (Walker, 2014). In fact, research has indicated that talking about moral issues in the abstract is a poor predictor of what youths do in practice (see Wild et al., 2016). ► Moral reasoning and moral behaviour. Kohlberg believed that there is a positive correlation between moral thinking and behaviour. For example, some studies have indicated that individuals who have attained the higher stages of moral development tend to engage in prosocial behaviour more often than those who have not attained it. They are also more honest and less likely to cheat in tests and assignments at school. However, Other researchers are of the opinion that the correlation between moral thinking and behaviour is only moderate and that the behaviour of individuals often differs from their moral reasoning. Many studies have revealed that people do not 554 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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always do what they say. Because Kohlberg's research was based on what people said and not on what they did, his theory could be based on assumptions that may not be valid in practice. ► Cultural bias. Kohlberg argued that the sequence of the stages of moral development is universal and invariable — this means that the progression of moral reasoning is found in all people in all cultures and that the sequence is unchangeable. Although increasingly higher levels of moral reasoning as children develop occur in all cultures, individuals in industrialised nations move through Kohlberg's stages more quickly and advance to higher levels than individuals from relatively small, technologically unsophisticated societies do. There are also indications that the moral reasoning of people in collectivist cultures is more other-directed than it is in individualistic cultures (see AlSheddi et al., 2019; Gibbs et al., 2007; Helkama et al., 2015). These findings could be due to shortcomings in Kohlberg's research methodology. One criticism is that Kohlberg's system is biased in favour of the individualistic thinking of 'Western elites' of the highest social classes and the highest levels of Western education. In reality, people in many cultures refer to objective, universal principles in moral reasoning. However, because these principles are viewed as having been established by tradition or religion, Kohlberg's system classifies their reasoning as conventional. For this reason, cultural psychologist Richard Shweder and his colleagues (1998, 2006, 2014) took a different approach to the study of moral reasoning. Rather than asking people about hypothetical situations, they asked people about real-life practices. These researchers found that post-conventional reasoning was characteristic of both individualistic and collectivistic cultures. Thus, the bases of moral reasoning are not as universal as Kohlberg claimed; instead, they reflect cultural values (Kail et al., 2019). In addition, Kohlberg's theory is not as consistent as would be expected from the theory. For all cultures, moral reasoning about some problems may be advanced, but much less sophisticated for others. People draw on a range of moral responses that vary with context rather than develop them in a neat, stepwise fashion. ► Overemphasis on cognitive development. According to Kohlberg, the level of cognitive development plays an important role in moral development. However, other researchers argue that in addition to a person's level of cognitive reasoning, personal characteristics and situational factors may also influence a person's moral behaviour in day-to-day life. Therefore, Kohlberg's theory is criticised for placing too much emphasis on the role of cognitive factors in moral development. In the process, he also overemphasises the concept of justice when making moral choices (Cherry et al., 2020). In fact, moral behaviour is influenced by many factors besides cognition, including the emotions of empathy, sympathy, and guilt; individual differences in temperament; and a long history of experiences that affect moral choice and decision making. In addition, although adolescents and adults still mention reasoning as their most frequent strategy for resolving everyday dilemmas, they also refer to other strategies, such as talking through issues with others, relying on intuition, and calling on religious and spiritual ideas (Walker, 2004).

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6.5.4.2 Moral behaviour As mentioned in the previous section, one of the criticisms against Kohlberg is that he did not give adequate attention to the link between moral thought and moral behaviour. The contention is that other personal factors as well as environmental factors should also be considered in people's moral behaviour. Two examples in this regard are Rest's four-component model of morality and Bandura's social cognitive theory of moral thought and action.

(a) James Rest: Four-component model of morality Rest (1986, 1994) believed that moral reasoning alone is insufficient to explain moral behaviour. According to Rest, the structure of moral behaviour includes four components: moral sensitivity, moral judgement, moral motivation, and moral character. • Moral sensitivity. The first step in moral behaviour requires that individuals interpret the situation as moral. This means that one must understand that one's behaviour could affect others. Such understanding includes knowledge of the participants in a moral situation planning possible ways of behaviour and knowing what the possible outcomes of one's actions could be; for example, knowing that drinking and driving could cause an accident harming yourself and others. • Moral judgement. This refers to deciding which available options will be the most ideal, and which course of action will be the most morally justifiable (which alternative provides the best outcomes for everyone); for example, deciding that you will not drink any alcohol at your friend's party because you must drive your friends home. • Moral motivation. After selecting the best course of action, decision makers must be motivated to follow through with the ethical behaviour. It is one thing to know what the 'best thing' to do is, but quite another to do it. Therefore, individuals must be motivated and focused to follow their ethical ideal; they must give priority to moral values above other personal values. For example, you decide to rather mingle with non-drinkers at the party rather than with the drinkers, because the latter may try to convince you to take a drink or two. • Moral character. People do not always behave in accordance with their ethical intention. Strong ethical or moral character refers to the ability to construct and implement actions that serve the moral choice. This includes perseverance, taking responsibility for one's actions, and to resist social pressure; for example, to stick to your decision not to drink because you are the designated driver, despite ridicule and pressure from your friends. Rest's model has been used in a variety of contexts as the basis for the design of ethics programmes in various disciplines such as education, business, medicine, and research (You et al., 2013). People do not necessarily develop all of these components of moral morality intuitively, but it can be promoted by such activities as perspective-taking and predicting consequences (moral sensitivity); reasoning about the right versus the 556 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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wrong way to do something (moral judgement); taking a moral stance (moral motivation and commitment); and implementing one's moral choice (moral character).

(b) Albert Bandura: Social cognitive theory of moral thought and action Bandura's (1999) social cognitive theory of moral thought and action (see Chapter 5) proposes three interacting sources of influence in moral action: behaviour, cognition, and other personal factors, as well as environmental factors). According to Bandura, moral values and behaviour are acquired through observing and imitating the behaviour of models (e.g., parents and significant others — see Chapter 1). In this way, the values and cultural norms of these models are transmitted from one generation to the next. However, during adolescence, the parental values that were acquired through observational learning and modelling no longer are accepted readily. As mentioned earlier, adolescents increasingly tend to conform to the views of their peers. This provides them with the necessary guidelines to make choices regarding the formation of an own value system. Incidentally, this notion is also encountered in Sigmund Freud's view of the superego (see Chapter 1), which is regarded as the conscience or moral judge of behaviour. During adolescence, the superego is re-externalised (see Gilmore et al., 2014). The reexternalisation of the superego means that the values adopted by the superego during childhood are now experienced consciously during adolescence. This means that they may be evaluated and tested. For example, adolescents evaluate and test values through endless discussions. Values that are regarded as unrealistic or not acceptable are rejected, while acceptable values are re-adopted by the superego. Although adolescents still retain some of the values of their parents, their superegos increasingly begin to internalise values that are unique to the individual. Thus, a new, more mature value system is formed. More recently, in Bandura's (2006) theory on moral agency, agency people are considered as active agents who pursue their goals in accordance with personal values. They monitor their conduct and judge their actions against their own moral standards and perceived circumstances, regulating their behaviour by anticipating possible consequences. People do things that give them satisfaction and refrain from behaviour that brings self-censure. Anticipatory self-pride and self-blame are suggested to be regulatory capacities that keep behaviour in line with moral standards. However, this does not exclude the possibility that people may engage in behaviour that violates their personal principles but remain morally committed to those principles and avoid feelings of conflict, guilt, or remorse. This phenomenon is known as moral disengagement (Bandura, 2011; 2016; Tillman et al., 2018). This is considered a cognitive distortion by which individuals may regard their amoral behaviour and its consequences in a socially and morally favourable way, and not contradict their personal values and social norms (see Table 6.5 for the mechanisms involved in moral disengagement). Research has demonstrated the disinhibitory power of moral disengagement in fostering rule-breaking behaviour in adolescence (Bandura et al., 2001; Paciello et al., 2013). For example, adolescents may try to justify their risk-taking and rule-breaking behaviour by arguing that "everybody does it", or "I will not get caught". In fact, Bandura (1999, p. 10) states, "Given appropriate social conditions, decent, ordinary people can be led to do extraordinarily cruel things." 557 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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Table 6.5. The mechanisms of moral disengagement MECHANISM

DEFINITION

EXAMPLE

Individuals interpret harm to others in ways that appear morally justifiable

"It's for the greater good." "We're actually doing them a favour."

Euphemistic language

Use of morally neutral language to make unethical conduct seem nonthreatening or less harmful

"I'm just borrowing it." "This is how we do things here."

Distortion of consequences

Distorting or minimising the consequences of unethical behaviour in order to disconnect unethical actions and selfsanctions

"We're not harming anyone." "It's not a big issue."

Comparison of unethical behaviour with even worse behaviour to make the original behaviour seem acceptable

"At least we are not doing what those people are doing." "It could be worse."

Adopting the view of the victim as an object to weaken empathy

"Women are there to be used." "Those people are hooligans."

Moral justification

Advantageous comparison

Dehumanisation

Diffusion of responsibility

Attribution of blame

Placing responsibility for unethical behaviour onto a "Everybody is doing it." group, thereby making one feel "We made this decision together.". less responsible for the unethical behaviour of a collective Arguing that the victim enticed the harmful act.

"Such people deserve to be treated badly."

Martin et al. (2014); Swann et al. (2017)

Moral behaviour includes negative aspects of behaviour, such as lying cheating, stealing, destructive behaviour and bullying, as well as positive aspects of behaviour such as being considerate, helpful, and kind to others. The terms helping behaviour, prosocial behaviour, and altruism are frequently used interchangeably (see also Chapter 5 for Eisenberg's model of prosocial reasoning). However, some distinctions exist: Helping behaviour is the broadest term, including all forms of interpersonal support; prosocial behaviour is defined in terms of positive consequences for others such as donating, sharing, helping, and assisting; and altruism is a specific type of prosocial behaviour characterised by an emphasis on the needs for others, concern for their well-being, and finding a solution for their problems (Lam, 2012). These positive behaviours have been associated with several positive outcomes, including high self-esteem, academic success, and high-quality relationships. Research on the development of prosocial behaviour has shown some interesting developmental trajectories in adolescence. For example, it could be expected that adolescents' advances in various areas of their development would contribute to their other-orientated behaviour. However, changes in the limbic system (as discussed earlier) might challenge emotion regulation in middle adolescence. This may 558 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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temporarily diminish their ability to direct their attention to others' emotional needs, and therefore diminish prosocial tendencies during this stage (see Van der Graaf et al., 2018).

6.5.4.3 Moral emotions In Chapter 5, we referred to the influence of moral emotions on children's moral reasoning and behaviour. Moral emotions may be an important reason why people apply moral justifications in complex moral situations and adhere or fail to adhere to their own moral standards. As discussed earlier, maturing adolescents become adept at abstraction and more able to recognise their own and others' inner psychological states. However, as they make moral decisions and judgements, they do not apply abstract principles in a detached manner. Most psychologists today will agree that both negative and positive feelings contribute to adolescents' moral development. Therefore, their loves and sympathies, angers and fears, grief and sadness, shame and guilt are all intertwined to understand and evaluate their own and others' actions, as well as the way things are and the way they ought to be (Wainryb et al., (2013). On the other hand, moral emotions do not occur in a vacuum to influence adolescents' moral awareness and are not sufficient on their own to generate moral action. Moral emotions are complex and interwoven with the cognitive and social aspects of adolescents' development, while personality (e.g., moral identity and moral character) also plays a role (see Santrock, 2019). Therefore, to understand the relationship between emotions and morality, one must allow for variation within individuals and flexibility across situations. For example, just as the total absence of guilt is maladaptive, an overwhelming feeling of guilt would also be maladaptive. Wainryb and her colleague suggest a different pattern of what may be healthy — one characterised by flexibility and recognition of the unique features and dynamics of different events and relationships. In this regard, the social domain theory considers the coexistence of different social orientations, motivations, and emotions. The social domain theory concerns the following (Jambon et al., 2018; Killen et al., 2018; Smetana, 2013; Turiel, 2015, 2018): • Morality. This pertains to concepts of justice, welfare, and rights. It focuses on ethical issues and rules of morality. For example, laws and regulations that prohibit lying, stealing, cheating, and physically harming another person are also moral rules, because violation of these rules transgresses ethical standards and norms. • Social conventions. This includes matters of authority, tradition, and social norms. It is based on social consensus to control behaviour and maintain the social system, such as traffic rules, standing in line to wait your turn, or raising your hand in class to ask a question. • Personal issues. This refers to a set of social actions that define the private aspects of one's life; in other words, actions for which the issue of 'right or wrong' is one of preference rather than societal regulation. Examples are one's choice of friends, the content of one's correspondence or creative works, one's recreational activities, and actions that focus on the state of one's own body (e.g., physical appearance).

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These domains develop from children's experiences in the social environment. During early adolescence, children evaluate straightforward moral violations as wrong. However, they often struggle to coordinate aspects of multifaceted and ambiguous situations, such as rights, exclusion, peer relationships, and judgements of diverse social practices. As they mature, their moral judgements become broader and generalisable, but at the same time, they are also increasingly able to consider situational variations. They develop clearer boundaries between morality and personal choice, and they have more nuanced views of rights. Although social domain research initially focused on normative shifts in children's moral reasoning and judgements, more recent research has included affective components, especially concerning how moral judgements and emotions influence aggressive behaviour and conduct problems (Smetana, 2018). For example, although adolescents may be capable of responding with empathy, not all adolescents do so. In fact, adolescents' empathic behaviour varies considerably, as does their emotional evaluations of different forms of aggression.

6.5.4.4 Moral personality We have explored three key dimensions of moral development: reasoning, behaviour, and emotions. To date, the concern mostly has been with moral reasoning, yet thoughts, behaviour, and feelings are all involved in an individual's personality. However, in attempts to predict moral behaviour, most theorists argue that situation surpasses traits, and until recently, there has been little interest in what might comprise a moral personality. Fortunately, in the past few decades, there has been a resurgence of interest in studying moral judgement within the broad context of personality, self-concept, and identity (Krettenauer, 2020; Narvaez et al., 2009; Walker, 2014). Narvaez and colleagues (2009) argue that "moral notions go to the very heart of what it means to be a person" (p. 1).

Moral identity, identity or moral self, self generally refers to the degree to which being a moral person is important to a person's self-concept (Han et al., 2019; Hardy et al., 2011). In fact, moral identity has been hypothesised as the 'missing link' between moral judgement and moral action. As we have noted earlier, people may have moral beliefs and convictions and yet behave in immoral ways. This may be related to a person's sense of moral identity. 560 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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According to moral identity theory, theory if people strongly identify with their own moral values, they will behave according to their moral judgement, because doing otherwise would create an unpleasant situation of cognitive dissonance (Blasi, 2004). Thus, people with a strong moral identity would be more motivated to behave morally because this is necessary for them to maintain a coherent image of themselves. Moreover, for people with a strong moral identity, there is a high correspondence between moral goals and personal goals; therefore, such people often are not even faced to choose between the two (see Pletti et al., 2019). The link between moral identity and moral action has received empirical support from several studies (e.g., Aquino et al., 2018; Hertz et al., 2015). Moral identity seems to develop during adolescence and involves the merging of moral development and identity development, although precursors may be evident during childhood (Hardy et al., 2011). For example, as children comply with parental demands or rules, they begin to see themselves as 'good' girls and boys. Furthermore, the affective bases of moral identity such as empathy, shame, and guilt, emerge early in life. The integration of morality and identity during adolescence is enabled by the growing sense of agency and responsibility, their growing self-understanding, and perspective-taking skills. Narvaez (2010) contends that mature moral individuals engage in moral metacognition — the knowledge and regulation of one's own cognitive processes. This includes moral self-monitoring and moral self-reflection, which reduces the risk of moral disengagement. Moral identity formation is associated with certain individual characteristics, developmental contexts, and opportunities for moral action (Hardy et al., 2015). These include academic achievement, self-mastery, prosocial moral reasoning, empathy, and an agreeable and positive personality disposition.

6.5.3.5 Factors that influence the moral development of adolescents As suggested in our discussion on adolescents' moral development, several factors could influence their moral development. Examples of these factors are: ► Cognition. Various characteristics of formal-operational thinking play a role in the development of a personal value system. For example, the ability to formulate hypotheses, to investigate and test them, to make certain deductions, and to think abstractly enable adolescents to consider alternative values and to assess them rationally. Cognitive developmental factors also enable the adolescent to consider a situation from another's perspective. As mentioned before, this is referred to as roletaking or perspective-taking. The idea is that the greater people's role-taking ability, the more advanced they are in moral reasoning. However, it is important to remember that high cognitive functioning does not necessarily guarantee high moral functioning. Many criminals have a good and even excellent cognitive level of functioning. Thus, morality encompasses much more than cognitive ability (see Bostyn et al., 2020). ► Personality. A flexible, open-minded approach to new information and experiences is linked to gains in moral reasoning. Because open-minded young people are more skilled socially, they have more opportunities for social participation. A richer social life enhances exposure to others' perspectives, while open-mindedness helps 561 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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adolescents gain moral insights from such exposure. Conversely, adolescents who have difficulty adapting to new experiences are less likely to be interested in others' moral ideas and justifications. Empathy (the ability to put oneself in somebody else's shoes), agreeableness (the ability to put other people's needs above one's own), and conscientiousness (being responsible and reliable) also correlate with a positive moral functioning and sensitivity (Abbasl-Asi et al., 2019; Williams et al., 2006). ► Parental attitudes and actions. Whether or not moral values become internalised during adolescence depends to a large extent on their parents' attitudes and actions (Padilla-Walker et al., 2020). For example, parents who facilitate moral understanding by engaging in moral discussions encourage prosocial behaviour (e.g., that others be treated respectfully and fairly) (Carlo, 2014). They use an authoritative approach that is affectionate, rational, verbal, and respectful and promotes a cooperative style of family life. Such parents are warm and loving rather than punitive. They apply inductive disciplinary techniques, such as discussing the effects of misbehaviour with the adolescent and explaining why certain values must be upheld. Furthermore, they encourage reasoning and participation in the decision-making process in the family. They foster an internal rather than an external sense of morality and are good role models for moral behaviour. Such attitudes and behaviours promote the development of moral maturity in their adolescents. ► Peer interaction. By now, we know that peers play an important role in almost all aspects of an adolescent's development. This is also the case concerning moral behaviour (Gray et al., 2018; Malonda et al., 2019). Piaget believed that interaction among peers who confront one another with different viewpoints promotes moral development. When adolescents have opportunities to discuss moral issues, they often advance to higher stages of moral development. Interaction with peers also plays an important role in the shift towards autonomy in moral thinking (i.e., so that they do not simply take on other values). The mutuality and intimacy of friendship, which foster decisions based on consensual agreement, may be particularly important for moral development. Peers provide added role-taking opportunities and expose adolescents to novel moral behaviour. Furthermore, moral dilemmas can become much more important and challenging because their moral consequences become increasingly significant and personally relevant to the self and to others. For example, the development of intimate and romantic relationships during adolescence can expose adolescents to personally significant decision-making situations. These may have far-reaching implications for who they are as moral agents. However, it was also found that poor relationships with peers can have adverse effects on adolescents' moral development — moral judgement decreases as their peer problems increase (Zulfiqar, 2020). A possible explanation is that poor relationships often tend to occur more in peer groups with low moral values. ► Religion. Adolescents' attitudes to religion affect their moral development and behaviour. For instance, religious youths are less likely to engage in delinquency and drug abuse and generally display greater moral responsibility than youths who are not religious do (Steinberg, 2020). Adolescents who are more involved in religion have greater concern for others and place more emphasis on helping the less fortunate. An 562 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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obvious explanation for this link is that religion provides moral beliefs and guidelines for adolescents. Furthermore, participation in religion can promote moral reasoning in a less direct way: Involvement in a religious community — such as through youth groups associated with a church, synagogue, or mosque — connects teenagers to an extended network of caring peers and adults. From interacting with individuals in this network, earning their trust, and sharing their values, adolescents gain a sense of responsibility and concern for others. However, it is equally true that religion could also be a double-edged sword. For example, some religious cults have ulterior motives, such as financial gains, with the result that the true meaning of religion is lost. They can also indoctrinate and alienate susceptible adolescent and interfere with virtually all developmental aspects of adolescence, including moral progress (see Berk, 2019). ► Schooling. At school, teachers act as 'surrogate parents' to the learners who take over the responsibilities not only in teaching, but also in building the learners' morality (Gui et al., 2020). In this regard, the term moral education was coined. Research revealed a significant relationship between the moral atmosphere of a school and the moral development of learners (Safder et al., 2018). More specifically, educational environments in which teachers model and guide learners in democratic decision making and rule setting, resolving disputes civilly and fairly, being respectful towards others, and taking responsibility for others' welfare are influential in moral development. In addition, years of schooling is a powerful predictor of movement to Kohlberg's Stage 4 or higher. The school introduces young people to social issues that extend beyond personal relationships to include people from diverse backgrounds or cultural groups. Learners and students who are exposed to more perspective-taking opportunities, such as open class discussions in socially diverse situations, tend to be advanced in moral reasoning. Unfortunately, some teachers do not always realise that they are supposed to educate learners in the broad and generally accepted moral principles — not to impose their own value system (e.g., political, or religious views) on children. As history has taught us, such indoctrination could have dismal results. ► Cultural context. As mentioned earlier, culture plays an important role in moral development. In fact, the development of moral values is a major developmental task in all cultures (Trommsdorff, 2020). Most researchers agree that all human societies maintain social order through moral norms and that in most societies, children adhere to moral standards such as fairness and welfare of others (see Siegler et al., 2020). However, it should be kept in mind that the meaning and importance of moral values vary widely across cultures, developmental stages, and situations. Significant moral differences also exist among individuals within the same subculture, ethnic group, and even family. For example, consider the different moral arguments concerning religious doctrines, racism, and sexuality in almost all cultures. (The saying "One person's terrorist is the other person's freedom fighter" exemplifies the dilemma). This makes research on the influence of culture on moral development very complex and generalisation almost impossible. Thus far, our discussion of moral development has covered development towards 563 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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moral maturity. However, one should bear in mind that not all individuals reach moral maturity. We have already noted that several factors play a role in an adolescent's moral development. Moral immaturity seems to be characterised by two aspects in particular (see Ma, 2013): • Egocentrism, which is the inability to see matters from another's viewpoint. For example, individuals will consider only what is important to themselves in their moral reasoning. For instance, several studies have indicated that juvenile delinquents reason on a pre-conventional, egocentric level, while individuals who do not regard the use of contraceptives or safe sex practices as a shared responsibility, also reason on an egocentric moral level. • Heteronomous acceptance of others' others' value systems. This means that some individuals are under the authority of the values of others (e.g., the parents, the Government) and have not formed an own value system independently or autonomously, to which they can be faithful. Individualisation (the process of increasing levels of personal autonomy and selfreliance), together with an emphasis on personal rights, is often regarded as a major contributor to a decline in morality. However, experts indicate that morality has changed, rather than declined. Morality is no longer dominated by institutions; people are becoming less reliant on institutions, and more personally responsible for their acts. Therefore, they are basing their morality on personal convictions rather than on predetermined guidelines. This may be an indication of moral self-relevance — the degree to which morality is central to the self-concept and identity (Walker, 2004).

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REVIEW THIS SECTION 1. Describe moral development as an important task in adolescence. 2. Discuss moral reasoning in terms of Kohlberg's theory of moral development during adolescence. 3. Critically discuss Kohlberg's contribution to the science of moral development, as well as the criticisms against his theory. 4. Discuss James Rest's four-component model of morality to illustrate the aspects involved in moral behaviour. 5. Discuss Albert Bandura's social cognitive theory of moral thought and action. Include his ideas of moral agency and moral disengagement and discuss the mechanisms involved in moral disengagement. 6. Discuss moral emotions involved in adolescents' moral reasoning and behaviour. Include the social domain theory to illustrate the coexistence of different social orientations, motivations, and emotions. 7. Discuss the role of moral personality, with specific reference to moral identity, in adolescents' moral behaviour. 8. Discuss the factors that influence the moral development of adolescents. 9. What are the characteristics of moral immaturity? Are adolescents less moral now than they were ten years ago? Give reasons for your answer.

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7

Adversities, Resilience, and Rights EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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There can be no keener revelation of a society' society's soul than the way in which it treats its children. — Nelson Mandela It is easier to build strong children than to repair broken men. — Frederick Douglass Each day of our lives, we make deposits in the memory banks of our children. — Charles R. Swindoll It''s your reaction to adversity, not adversity itself, that It determines how your life's story will develop. — Dieter F. Uchtdorf Although the world is full of suffering, it is also full of the overcoming of it. — Helen Keller

The discussion of child development in the previous chapters is based largely on 'normal', average, and even optimal development. Unfortunately, many children in the world are exposed to various variables that have the potential to hamper their development significantly. It is estimated that 50% of the world's children are suffering significant deprivation that effectively denies them a childhood. Deprivations can occur in all the psychological and biological dimensions of humankind (e.g., see Amnesty International, 2021; Human Rights Watch, 2019; Stats SA, 2020, 2021; UNAIDS, 2020; UNICEF, 2016, 2019). Percy Qobosa, a South African journalist, stated (1986, p.E2), "If it is true that a people's wealth is in its children, then South Africa is bitterly, tragically poor. If it is true that a nation's future is in its children, we have no future, and deserve none." Although these words were written in the 1980s, the statement testifies to the fact that Qobosa's words still ring very true today. In fact, in 2021, Jacobs still stated that South Africa remains an extremely violent and traumatised society, and violence and abuse of children are systemic. Equally sad and even tragic is that it appears as if political and other leaders do not realise that if the exposure of our children to adversities could be decreased, there would also be a decrease in most of the adversities that South Africans, both children and adults, must face daily. In the rest of the chapter, we shall focus on adversities (or risk factors) that could affect the development and well-being of children negatively and contribute to their vulnerability, such as family influence, maltreatment, poverty, substance abuse, epidemics and pandemics, suicide, community violence, death, and bereavement. We shall also address the phenomenon that some children are affected less negatively by adverse experiences, events, and circumstances than other children are — in other words, the factors that contribute to children's resilience. We shall conclude the chapter and the book by discussing the rights of children.

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We worry about what a child will become tomorrow, yet we forget that they are someone today — Stacia Tauscher

7.1 ADVERSITY As alluded to in the introduction of this chapter, the term adversity refers to unfortunate, difficult, or challenging events that occur in our lives (Collins English Dictionary, 2021; Raab, 2019). In the context of this chapter, it signifies trauma, hardship, and suffering. Stress that occurs repeatedly over a long period of time because of such conditions is called toxic stress (Center of the Developing Child, 2021). Toxic stress has mental and physical effects that are significantly more harmful than those of non-toxic stress are. Adversity in childhood is linked to mental and physical health throughout life (Nelson et al., 2020; Lopez et al., 2021). It is understandable that children are more vulnerable to negative circumstances than adults are. Not only are children more vulnerable because of their immature developmental status, but they also do not have the same economic, social, political, and legal power that adults have. The situation is aggravated by the fact that children are usually dependent upon the people, institutions and systems that neglect or maltreat them. Determinants (causes or influences) that increase the possibility of an event or circumstance harming children are called risk factors. factors We shall now review some of the most important of these risk factors. However, before we start, it is important to bear the following in mind regarding adversity (see Nelson et al., 2020; Hauser et al., 2020): ► Perspective on statistics. It cannot be emphasised enough that statistical data should never be interpreted from a narrow perspective. Also, it should always be considered in context. This is especially important, as many people tend to focus on the negative part of statistics only. The familiar half-full, half-empty glass of water paradox illustrates this: Some people (usually optimists) will say the glass is half full, 570 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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►

►

►

►

►

►

►

whereas others (usually pessimists) will point out that it is half empty. A more relevant example is when an adversity causes psychological problems in 30% of children (a relatively high percentage), it is often ignored that 70% of children who were also exposed to the same adversity did not develop significant problems. Although it is selfevident that the 30% should get our maximum empathy and support, we should be careful not to convey a message that children are doomed because of their exposure to adversity. Definitions and criteria differ. This means what is considered an adversity in one society may not be considered as such in another (Chaiyachati, 2019). For example, in many societies, physical violence against children as a method of punishment is endorsed by parents, sanctioned by societal institutions (such as schools) and allowed by law. Similarly, there are significant differences in the definition of sexual abuse in many different countries. Type of adversity. Not all adversities exert the same effect or trigger the same response. For example, sexual abuse may have long-term consequences for child development that could be more severe than the death of a parent is. Duration of adversity. The duration of the adversity can affect development. For example, adversity that stretches over more than one developmental stage is associated with worse behavioural outcomes than exposure to adversity during only one developmental stage is (see Schroeder et al., 2018). Critical period. The developmental status of children at the time they are exposed to adversity can influence the intensity and extent of the effect significantly. For example, more so than exposure to adversity in later life, exposure to various forms of adversity during early childhood is associated with alterations in brain development, which in turn is associated with psychological and physical health consequences that are more long-lasting (Nelson et al., 2020). The number of adversities and interaction. The risk of adverse mental and physical health consequences increases as a function of the number of categories of adversities to which people are exposed. Unfortunately, it is a tragic fact that when it comes to severe adversity (e.g., maltreatment), most children are exposed to more than one form of adversity at a single point in time. For example, a child may be abused sexually, live in extreme poverty, and be exposed to drug and alcohol abuse simultaneously. In addition, the multiple forms of adversity may act in interactive and complex ways over time to intensify negative development. This is called polyvictimisation. There is growing evidence that the effect of polyvictimisation is polyvictimisation more powerful than even multiple events of a single type of adversity are (Monique Burr Foundation for Children, 2021). Supportive systems and relationships. Children develop in an environment of systems and relationships. Supportive systems, especially within a stable and nurturing family life, can buffer the child's response to adversities. In turn, this is associated with improved outcomes of physical and mental health. Pre-existing characteristics. Many of the adversities happening to children do not occur at random (by chance) in the population. They usually occur more often in children and families with pre-existing vulnerabilities linked to biological or

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environmental influences that pave the way for adversities to occur. For example, alcoholism has a strong genetic component that makes family members more vulnerable to alcohol abuse. ► Individual variation. Finally, again the golden rule in psychology: Every person is unique. Thus, children may have different psychological and physiological reactions to the same stressor because of the already mentioned unique interaction between environmental and biological variables in every child. ► The sleeper effect. Reactions to a traumatic event do not necessarily occur immediately after the event. They may appear days or weeks (in exceptional cases, even years) after the event (SAMHSA, 2014). In other words, there is no specific period during which a child will show a reaction to a trauma. For example, survivors of abuse in childhood can have a delayed response triggered by something that happens to them as adults. For example, seeing a movie about child abuse can trigger symptoms related to the trauma. Another example: In a study, the level of violent behaviour of children who were exposed to trauma (witnessing domestic violence) in their first three years but never again after age three were investigated (Holmes, 2013). No behavioural differences between those who did or did not witness violence were found between the ages of three and five years, but the aggression level of the children exposed to the earlier violence increased when they reached school age. This is called the sleeper effect: effect a delay in the emergence of symptoms after trauma. Another important finding was that the more frequently violence was witnessed, the more aggressive the behaviours became.

7.1.1 Family Influences Psychologists agree that the family plays an essential role in children's social, emotional, and cognitive development and that the quality and stability of family relationships have a direct effect on children's well-being (Bush et al., 2020; Kader et al., 2018; Siegler et al., 2020). South African studies also confirmed that a positive family life reduces risk-taking behaviour (De Jager et al., 2018; Hiller et al., 2017). Stable and emotionally supportive family life is associated with, for example: • better school performance and better school retention; • higher levels of self-esteem, self-confidence, and future orientation; • a reduction in behavioural and psychological problems such as depression, anxiety, and aggression; • higher levels of vitality; • lower levels of stress and stress-related illnesses; and • a greater capacity to deal with hardships and crises. As mentioned in earlier chapters, young children worldwide grow up in a greater variety of families than ever before. In most countries, marriages are becoming less common, and same-sex marriages are allowed in many countries. Babies enter families through birth, adoption, or fostering; they are conceived through intercourse or infertility treatment. 572 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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Children live in families formed by marriage and remarriage, in cohabiting heterosexual families, in same-sex families, in single-parent families, in multi-generational families, and in child-headed households. Other trends in family life include an increase in couples without children and people living alone or in communes. Moreover, patterns of labour force participation are changing, with the result that many young (even working) people continue to live in their parental homes. In addition, because of separation, divorce, death, and economic factors, members of families with children do not necessarily live under the same roof. However, certain factors have been unique to the South African situation and have affected families accordingly (Makiwane et al., 2017). For example, urbanisation in South Africa has been taking place at an unprecedented rate (Statista, 2021). Despite the widely recognised benefits of urbanisation, rapid changes are also associated with increased pressure on employment, education, health, housing, and transport facilities, with new migrants being particularly susceptible to inadequate and overcrowded housing, and limited access to employment and health care. Various social difficulties and health problems are directly attributable to urbanisation-related factors such as poor-quality housing conditions, unstable family relationships, promiscuous sexual behaviour, patterns of household dissolution and reconstitution involving the formation of female-headed households. These factors transformed the socialisation and other functions of families, and the maintenance and dissolution of social networks. There is no doubt that factors such as urbanisation have had a negative effect, especially on black families (Totaforti, 2020). It should also be considered that political-historical residues of the past still have an effect especially on black and Coloured families (Makiwane et al., 2017; St. Mary, 2020). For example, for a long time, family life was circumscribed within the values of the white governing group, which promoted a Western concept of the family. The result was that certain long-established customs such as traditional marriages were not recognised. The result is that many black families still find themselves in a blend of the conventions of the two cultures. Furthermore, the political aims of racial separation (apartheid) affected the family life of 'non-whites' deeply through housing policies, schooling, religion, and other aspects of communal life (Blakemore, 2019). Married couples, parents and children, family, and kin, were separated for considerable periods by enforced migration, influx control, poverty, poor educational provision, and housing constraints, among others. Furthermore, for many South Africans in all communities, there currently exists a gap between the idealisation of the family and what the reality is, because they find themselves living in conditions that make it difficult to actualise idealised beliefs about what families are and what they should be. For example, the intact nuclear family is held as the ideal among Westernised communities. However, the reality is that many white children experience family dissolution through divorce. This leads to potential family reconstruction, with new adjustments due to the introduction of a new parent and nonrelated siblings. Furthermore, despite many positive changes for people of colour, many children still live under adverse conditions, while family life is far from ideal. Next, we will briefly discuss some family influences that could have a significant effect on the child's development. 573 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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7.1.1.1 Divorce Although psychologists differ on the extent, nature and intensity of the effect divorce has on children's well-being, they do agree that divorce can affect children significantly (see Arnett et al., 2019; Berk, 2019; Siegler et al., 2020): Approximately 25 000 divorces are granted legally in South Africa annually. In almost 60% of these divorces, children younger than 18 years are involved (Stats SA, 2021). However, it should be considered that many other married couples are also unhappily married but never seek a divorce. Moreover, many couples only live together or marry through customary law (marriages contracted through the customs Divorce and conflict in the home can affect children and traditions of traditional African significantly cultures), with the result that a separation between such couples is not registered and therefore does not become part of the statistics. Divorce has been the focus of many researchers in the world and in South Africa, especially regarding the effects of divorce on children. The main research findings can be summarised as follows (Goodman, 2020; Nielsen et al., 2020; Subramaniam, 2020; Thuen, 2021): • Significantly more children (approximately 25%) from divorced homes than children from intact homes are affected seriously by their parents' divorce. This includes emotional problems (e.g., depression, anxiety, and negative self-concepts), behavioural problems (antisocial behaviour such as drug abuse and aggression), scholastic underachievement, and interpersonal problems. • Most children from divorced families see divorce as an acceptable solution to an unhappy marriage, even when children are present. This could be one reason why the probability of the marriages of the children of divorced parents ending in divorce is also higher than for children of intact families. • The relationships between children and their fathers are affected negatively by divorce more often than the relationships between children and their mothers are. Most children from divorced families report poor relationships with fathers, which is in sharp contrast with children from intact families. This situation is especially dire in South Africa, where, as mentioned before, many children do not live with their biological fathers. • Children of divorced parents tend to have lower levels of educational, occupational, and financial attainment than children from intact families. • Children of divorce from various faith groups are significantly more likely to reject faith and religious involvement as adults when compared to those whose parents have not divorced. 574 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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However, parental divorce is not uniformly disruptive to children's development and functioning. Their reactions are determined by a variety of factors such as the following (see Brand et al., 2019; Department of Justice, 2015; Garriga et al., 2020; Pedro-Carroll, 2020): ► The degree of conflict before and after the divorce. The higher the level of visible conflict before the divorce, the lower the psychological well-being of children and their adjustment to the situation. Unfortunately, many divorced parents do not realise that conflict and bitterness after the divorce may have a strong influence on their children's well-being and adjustment. Criticising and demeaning the ex-spouse in front of the children, using the children as pawns, for example, by obstructing the non-residential (or non-custodial) parents' visitation rights and taking out their anger towards each other on their children, are examples of post-divorce factors that make it difficult for children to get over the family disruption. ► Stability after divorce. The extent of the changes could have a serious effect on children's ability to adjust. If they continue to live in the same house, attend the same school, and have the same friends, the emotional blow caused by the divorce is softened. However, if this is not the case (e.g., children must move to another town, attend a new school, and make new friends), it can affect their adjustment, which in turn challenges their self-confidence and self-esteem. A factor that is often underestimated but that may contribute significantly to instability, is the financial changes that result from a divorce. A single-parent family is often financially less secure than before the divorce, a factor that could result in serious stress and adjustment problems. ► The nature of the parent-child relationship. The long-term involvement of a parent or of both parents in an emotionally supportive way helps children to adjust well to the post-divorce situation. The nature and quality of parent-child interactions remain as important after the divorce as before the divorce. If a good relationship between the child and the parent who has left the home is continuous, the negative effects of the divorce are lessened. ► The age of the child. Because of the difficulty of assessing children younger than about two to three years, little is known about the effect of divorce on infants and toddlers. However, there are indications that they may react to changes in their parents' behaviour and moods, for example through loss of appetite, an upset stomach, and crying and clinging behaviour. Concerning children of older ages, the following reactions to divorce have been noted (Bolgar, 2021; Boozer-Blasco, 2004): Owing to their egocentrism and the stage of cognitive development, children of three to five years of age may believe they are the cause of their parents' divorce. For example, they might think that if they had eaten their dinner or picked up their toys, Daddy would not have gone away. They may fear being left alone or abandoned and may show regressed (baby-like) behaviour, such as wanting their security blanket or favourite baby-toy, such as a teddy bear. They may become uncooperative, depressed, or angry, or may deny that anything has changed (i.e., they may behave as if their family is still intact). Children aged 6 to 12 years may especially experience difficulties in coping with their parents' divorce. They are old enough to realise what has occurred and experience emotional pain, sadness, and guilt — but are too young to understand or cope with 575 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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►

►

►

►

these feelings. This may lead to grief, embarrassment, resentment, divided loyalties, and intense anger. A strong desire that the parents should be reunited is common. Behaviour problems such as enuresis (bed wetting) and conflict with authority figures may also appear. Adolescents also experience anger, fear, loneliness, anxiety, depression, and guilt. Some feel that they are pushed into adulthood because they must now accept new responsibilities, such as extra chores and taking care of siblings. Others may feel a loss of parental bonding, as well as support in handling their own developmental challenges, such as physical changes. It is understandable that adolescents now also start doubting their own ability to get or stay married. Behaviour problems such as conflict with authorities and even the Law often intensify, while drug and alcohol abuse are relatively common. Level of social support. The presence of a good social support system is one of the crucial factors that may influence the effect of divorce on a child. Such a support system may enhance children's feelings of security and belongingness significantly. Therefore, it serves as an important countermeasure against the feelings of rejection that some children from divorced homes experience. At the same time, such a support system serves as an 'information centre' where children can get answers to their questions. The potential of a support system to provide role models should also not be underestimated. A social support system may comprise a wide variety of persons, from family members such as grandparents and siblings to friends, teachers, religious institutions, and professionals, such as psychologists and social workers. Information given to children. Children adjust better if they have the necessary information about the divorce. Uninformed children may have a distorted perception that significantly affects their adjustment. For example, children should know that they are still loved by their parents and significant others and that the divorce is not their fault. They should know what is going to happen to them, such as where they are going to live, whether they will go to the same school, how and when they will visit the non-residential parent, and whether brothers and sisters will stay together. If children are involved in the legal battle surrounding the divorce, they should receive the necessary information about the issues and their consequences and be made aware of their rights. The amount of information given will be different for children of different ages. Nonetheless, it is always important that the information is conveyed in an understandable and empathetic way. Uniqueness of the child. One of the golden rules of psychology mentioned earlier in the book — that every individual (regardless of their age) is unique — also plays an important role in the way a child is affected by divorce. It is common to find that even children from the same family respond differently to their parents' divorce. Depending on factors such as age and the specific situation, the child's unique personality and coping mechanisms may largely determine how they will respond. This means that some children may become aggressive and rebellious, while others may become withdrawn and depressed. It is also common that some children will wear a proverbial 'mask of bravado' that belies their underlying emotional hurt. Gender of the child. Although boys and girls suffer the same emotional pain after their parents' divorce, they often act out their hurt differently. Girls tend to internalise 576

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(keep inside) their feelings through withdrawal, crying, and self-criticising. Boys are more inclined to show behaviour that is more negative and antisocial, and they experience more academic problems than girls do. Various explanations have been given for this difference: - Boys experience the separation from their father more acutely than girls do (the mother is often given custody or residential care of the children, especially if the children are still young). - Boys are generally less compliant than girls and are therefore more often in conflict with their custodian parent, peers, and authority figures such as teachers. Inevitably, such conflict will add to the trauma of the divorce. - Some characteristics of the son may remind the mother of her former husband. Therefore, the mother may be less supportive of her son and even discriminate against him. This could intensify the trauma of the divorce. - Girls' emotional pain is often more obvious than in the case of boys because they tend to show their emotions more than boys do. The result is that boys' anguish may often go unnoticed, which reduces their chance of receiving support. ► Genetic influences. An important factor that is often neglected when the effect of divorce is discussed is the role of genetic factors (Steinberg, 2020). Genetic differences between children whose parents have divorced and those whose parents have not, may account for the different effects divorce has on children. Adults who divorce are different from non-divorced parents regarding many traits that have a strong genetic basis, such as hostility and aggression, and negative emotionality such as irritability and depression, and susceptibility to substance abuse. These traits, which can make the individual more vulnerable to adjustment problems and antisocial behaviour, are passed on from parents to children. This leads to the supposition (assumption) that in many cases, these children would have experienced problems — even if their parents were not divorced. Many parents assert that they want to avoid a divorce "for the sake of the children". How valid is this viewpoint? It is important to realise that children of divorced parents usually begin to show behaviour problems long before the divorce. This finding confirms the contention that the prior conflict and discord, more than the divorce, is the greatest cause of behaviour problems. Children also seem to be better off in a loving single-parent home than in a two-parent home torn apart by conflict and discord (Parker, 2020; Schwartz, 2015). Overall, it seems that the level of parental conflict is a key determinant of the effects of parental divorce on children. Children of parents who engage in regular, high levels of conflict tend to do better psychologically and socially if their parents divorce. As the saying goes: Divorce is not failure — living in unhappiness is failure. Children of parents in low-conflict but unsatisfying marriages are likely to do better if their parents remain together. However, the effects of divorce should be seen in perspective. On the one hand, it cannot be denied that a significant number of children from divorced families are affected negatively in a significant way. However, as we have mentioned, it is equally true that most of such children cope relatively well and continue to have reasonably contented and even very happy lives. Therefore, children from divorced homes should be reminded that they do not have to live under a spell of doom. They should be especially careful not to fall victim to the 577 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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self-fulfilling prophecy principle. (As mentioned before, the self-fulfilling prophecy principle refers to situations where a usually false expectation or belief influences the way a person will behave. An example is where a child is regularly told by a teacher that he is stupid and then starts believing it and act accordingly.) Such children should rather use as models the great number of famous, international, and South African leaders from all walks of life who come from separated parents or divorced homes. Table 7.1 provides some suggestions for parents to help their children adjust to the divorce process. Table 7.1. Suggestion for parents to help their children adjust to the divorce process SUGGESTION

EXPLANATION

Shield children from conflict

Witnessing intense parental conflict is very damaging to children. If one parent insists on expressing hostility, children fare better if the other parent does not respond similarly.

Provide children with as much continuity, familiarity, and predictability as possible

Children adjust better during the period surrounding divorce when their lives have some stability — for example, the same school, bedroom, babysitter, playmates, and daily schedule.

Explain the divorce and tell children what to expect

Children are more likely to develop fears of abandonment if they are not prepared for their parents' separation. They should be told that their parents will not be living together anymore, which parent will be moving out, and when they will be able to see that parent. If possible, parents should explain the divorce together, providing a reason that each child can understand, and assuring children that they are not to blame.

Emphasise the permanence of the divorce

Fantasies of parents getting back together can prevent children from accepting the reality of their current situation. Children should be told that the divorce is final and that they cannot change this fact.

Respond sympathetically to children's feelings

Children need a supportive and understanding response to their feelings of sadness, fear, and anger. For children to adjust well, their painful emotions must be acknowledged, not denied, or avoided.

Engage in authoritative parenting Promote a continuing relationship with both parents

Parents who engage in authoritative parenting — providing affection and acceptance, reasonable demands for mature behaviour, and consistent, rational discipline — greatly reduce their children's risk of maladjustment following divorce. When parents disentangle their lingering hostility toward the former spouse from the child's need for a continuing relationship with the other parent, children adjust well. Grandparents and other extended family members can help by not taking sides.

Berk (2019); also see Teyber (2001).

7.1.1.2 Stepfamilies Many parents who get divorced remarry (Gordon et al., 2019). Unfortunately, the chances that this marriage will also fail are higher than for the first marriage. Changes 578 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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brought about by a second marriage often demand major adjustments from children (Anggita et al., 2020; Mortis 2019). For instance, they not only get a new parent (stepparent) but often also brothers and/or sisters (i.e., stepbrothers and stepsisters). Many children also find the change from accustomed practices to new (particularly disciplinary) practices associated with a new household very stressful. Children may also regard the presence of new step-relations in their home as a violation of their relationship with the parent in whose residential care (custody) they have been placed or view the stepparent (rightly or wrongly) as the cause of their parents' divorce. There may be competition between stepchildren, as well as between step- and biological parents. Various other factors, such as the continuous conflict between the biological parents and the obstruction of visitation and contact rights, may add to the already stressful situation. Therefore, it is understandable that most researchers agree that children in stepfamilies differ in several ways from children from first-marriage families. International as well as South-African research (e.g., Lehlokwe, 2017; Sylvester et al., 2011) found that children in stepfamilies have more behaviour problems (e.g., aggression), more psychological problems (e.g., depression or low self-esteem) and poorer academic performance than do children in first-marriage families. Forming a stepfamily with young children (under age 10) may be easier than forming one with adolescent children due to the differing developmental stages (APA, 2019). However, young children may feel a sense of abandonment or competition as their parent devotes more time and energy to the new spouse. Younger adolescents (age 10–14), who are in the process of forming their own identity, may have the most difficult time adjusting to a stepfamily. Adolescents are at a developmental stage where they are more sensitive to expressions of affection and sexuality and may be disturbed by an active romance in their family. Regarding differences in adjustment between the genders, most of the research has been done with families involving a stepfather. (As mentioned earlier, the mother often gains residential care of the children; therefore, most stepfamilies will have a stepfather rather than a stepmother.) There is general agreement that boys generally adjust better to a stepfather than girls do (Nilsen et al., 2018). Boys with stepfathers are also less likely to develop psychological problems than boys in single-parent families are (see Fung, 2021). Indications are that boys in a mother-stepfather family within two years function just as well as boys in an intact family. The fact that girls adjust less well is attributed especially to the fact that many girls often view their stepfathers as a threat to their relationship with their mothers. Both boys and girls in stepfamilies have reported that they prefer verbal affection, such as praises or compliments, rather than physical closeness, such as hugs and kisses. Girls especially say they are uncomfortable with physical showing of affection from their stepfathers (APA, 2019). Although relatively little research has been done on father-stepmother families, it also seems that girls adjust less well to such a situation than boys do (see Amato et al., 2016). In this case, girls' less satisfactory adjustment is attributed mainly to the probability that they regard their stepmother as an unworthy substitute for their biological mother and/or as an intruder who is threatening their relationship with their father. However, it is important to realise that, just as in the case of divorce, most children in stepfamilies do not develop significant psychological problems. Generally, psychologists 579 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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acknowledge that most stepparents can and do have a positive influence on their stepchildren's development (Jensen et al., 2019).

7.1.1.3 Single-parent families The term single-parent family refers to a situation that has arisen through the absence of the father or the mother from the family because of divorce, separation, migrant labour, unmarried status, or death. In most single-parent families, the mother is the single parent (Damen, 2020). In many countries, single-parent families have become even more common than the so-called 'nuclear family' consisting of a mother, father, and children (APA, 2019). This is also the case in South Africa (Stats SA, 2018). Children from single-parent families are faced with several stressors (Harkness et al., 2020). For example, adjustments must be made concerning discipline, and expectations may be unrealistic. In addition, there is a general feeling of insecurity as to what the future holds. Financial stress seems to be prominent. An important reason for this is the (often) irregular payment of maintenance by the non-custodial The mother is usually the single parent parent, added to the fact that the custodial parent (usually the mother), often does not have sufficient financial means (due to a lower paid job; having entered the job market late, often only after the divorce, etc.). This may result in long working hours, contributing to the situation that custodial single parents often cannot spend enough quality time with their children (Siegler et al., 2020). Therefore, it is understandable that researchers worldwide have reported several negative consequences of single-parent families (Dronkers et al., 2017; Richter et al., 2017). For instance, it seems that juvenile delinquency occurs more frequently among children from single-parent families and that these children like school less than children from two-parent families do. They often have poor relationships with teachers and friends and often have a poor self-image. There are also indications that these children run a greater risk of experiencing problems in their own future marriages, as well as with the rearing of their own children. For example, South African research has shown that young girls who grow up without fathers are more likely to experience lower self-esteem, higher levels of risky sexual behaviour, and more difficulties in romantic relationships. They are also more likely to fall pregnant early, bear children outside of marriage, marry early, or be divorced (Albert et al., 2012; South African Institute of Race Relations, 2011). However, many single-parent families function very well, and many children from these families show positive characteristics. This is especially true for single mothers (Brewaeys et al., 2018; Zhang, 2020). For instance, they are often more independent and 580 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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responsible and take a more active part in the family's decision-making than children from two-parent families do. This is particularly true in cases where the parents have resolved their differences on aspects such as financial and emotional support.

7.1.1.4 Adopted children In South Africa, approximately one in five children is an orphan. This represents approximately 2,2 million children (Stats SA, 2018). An orphan is defined as a child under the age of 18 whose mother, father, or both biological parents have died. A maternal orphan is a child whose mother has died, a paternal orphan is a child whose father has died, and a double orphan is a child whose both parents have died. Most orphans in South Africa are paternal orphans (see Hall, 2019). Regardless of the success of antiretroviral drugs (ARVs) that help slow down the multiplication of the HIV virus, AIDS remains one of the biggest factors contributing to the number of orphans in South Africa (The Borgen Project, 2019). Many of these children are adopted, while others are raised in children's or foster homes. Children have been adopted in all cultures throughout history. Adoptive parents comprise stepparents, relatives, and non-related adults from all walks of life, including samesex couples and adults from different countries, races, and ethnicities. Adopted children and their families often face special challenges (Child Welfare Information Gateway, 2019; Magampa et al., 2018). Many children are put up for adoption because of maladaptive family circumstances such as physical and emotional neglect and abuse, alcohol and drug abuse, or mental illness. These circumstances put adopted children at greater risk for maladaptive outcomes such as emotional problems and learning difficulties, aggressive and delinquent behaviour, and drug use. Generally, adopted children have greater difficulty when they are older at the time of the adoption (e.g., older than five years of age), largely because of negative early experiences rather than the adoption itself. Some studies found that adopted boys seem to have more difficulty than adopted girls do (see Askeland et al., 2017). Sometimes problems do not emerge during infancy or early childhood but rather during middle childhood and adolescence. Adolescence is a particularly difficult time for adopted children. Because this is an important period to define their identities, it is important for the adolescent to develop an adoptive identity — the sense and acceptance of oneself as an adopted person. The quality of relationships within the adolescent's family plays an important role in the development of a positive adoptive identity (Rudd Adoption Research Program, 2021). This developmental task may be more difficult for adolescents who know little about their biological background. Adolescents who have strained relations with their adoptive parents tend to spend much time wondering about their birth parents and may have strained relations with their adoptive parents. However, adoption also has a positive side. As with children of divorced parents, most adopted children seem to adjust well and function normally (Tsakopulos, 2020). They are better off than children who are in institutional care, foster homes, and even children in the care of unwilling or ineffective biological parents. Most adopted children also report that they are satisfied with their adoptive status. They also feel emotionally attached to their adoptive parents (Cook et al., 2010). In a local study in the Eastern Cape Province, no 581 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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difference was found between Xhosa-speaking adopted and non-adopted children (aged 8-16 years) concerning the hope they experience for the future and their ability to achieve it (Adamson et al., 2011). A study in Cape Town found similar results (Marufu, 2012). An interesting dimension of adoption is cross-racial adoptions (i.e. the adoption of children of one race by parents of another race; also called transracial adoptions or interracial adoptions). adoptions Cross-racial adoption has been brought into the public eye by especially famous actors and actresses such as Brad Pitt and Angelina Jolie, the award-winning South African actress Charlize Theron, and the pop star/actress Madonna. However, due to the legacy of apartheid and continued racism and racial segregation, transracial adoption is a relatively young practice in South Africa (Breshears, 2018; also see Kelly, 2020). Although transracial adoption can involve any blend of race, in the South African context, transracial adoption mostly includes black children being adopted by white parents, mostly because there are not as many white children in need of adoption as there are black children available for adoption (Jackson, 2018). The changing political climate and the increasing number of orphans due to the HIV/AIDS pandemic have led to increasing numbers of crossracial adoptions in South Africa. This has provoked ongoing debate about the appropriateness of potential parents adopting children from a race different from their own. (See also Box 7.1 regarding this debate.) Some adoption experts believe that children should be adopted The best parents are those who can love — whatever the by parents of the same race as colour of the child themselves, so that they can develop a sufficiently strong cultural identity (see Luyt et al., 2021). For example, it is argued that black children adopted by white parents lose touch with their culture and end up losing their identity (Mndende, 2020). According to this viewpoint, financial security, educational opportunities, and a stable home environment should not be the priority, but rather the holistic development of children, especially in terms of their cultural identity. In many black cultures, when a child is born, that child belongs to and is guided by the ancestors that carry the clan's name. In the case of adoption, this tradition is disturbed. Depending on the environment in which the child is raised, knowing the clan's name can be very important. For instance, when a male child must go to the bush to be circumcised and become a man, the clan's name needs to be known. However, the key problem with this argument is its assumption that cultural identity is necessarily linked to race, while the scientific validity of race is highly questioned. While we are born with certain physical characteristics (which usually categorise people into race groups), we are socialised into a culture. Physical features do not determine one's culture. Children are not born with culture, and culture is not inscribed on their skin (see Dandridge, 2017). For example, a black child born in Luanda, Angola, and a black child born in Soweto, 582 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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South Africa, may look similar physically, yet be born into families adhering to — and thereby socialised into — different cultural traditions. Similarly, black children adopted at birth by French parents, for example, may be raised according to whatever cultural traditions their adoptive parents adhere to. If we argue that their skin colour makes them less French than other people born and raised in France, we may well be accused of racism. Other adoption experts argue that it is not race that should be considered in the adoption of children, but rather whether adoptive families can provide children with environments that will ensure their optimal development. BOX 7.1. CROSS-RACIAL ADOPTION: THE DEBATE Those against transracial adoption internationally argue that the disadvantages for black children to be adopted by white families outweigh the advantages. They argue that transracial adoption represents a form of cultural appropriation and results in a loss for the community into which the child was born. Another argument against transracial adoption is that black children raised in white homes are vulnerable to racism both within the home and in the community. Some researchers argue that white parents are unable to prepare their children adequately to manage these instances of racism. Black children placed in white homes have been shown to experience some difficulties with psychological adjustment and identity development. It is argued that more effort needs to be placed on supporting vulnerable black families to keep their children, placing children in kinship care, and recruiting appropriate black families to adopt black children. Those in favour of transracial adoption indicate that the number of black children needing alternative care outstrips the number of suitable black families that are available to adopt them, despite efforts made to increase this number. They also note that outcome studies comparing transracially adopted children to interracially adopted children as well as their nonadopted peers show few differences in significant measures, including IQ, school performance, and behavioural difficulties, while children who have been adopted outperform those raised in institutional care. Those in favour of transracial adoption argue that the opportunity to be raised in a family should outweigh concerns about racial identity and racial socialisation. Although the debates about the appropriateness of transracial adoption continue, both those in favour of transracial adoption and those opposed to it argue that they oppose racial discrimination and are trying to achieve greater social opportunities and justice for children of all races. Any debate about transracial adoption needs to keep the child at the centre. There is increased recognition that being raised in a transracial family and parenting a child from a different racial group adds additional challenges. Policies are being developed in many countries that recognise the need for sensitivity to racial and cultural matching in the best interests of the specific child and considering the negative consequences of long-term institutional care. This recognition has also shifted the research emphasis to how transracial families can be helped to best meet the needs of the adopted child. (See Louw et al., 2019; Luyt et al., 2021)

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Nonetheless, given the way in which society functions and more specifically, given many people's antipathy towards families that do not resemble what they consider to be 'normal' families (i.e., same-race families), cross-racial adoptive parents face several hurdles. For example, whether they would be willing to expose their adopted children to their birth culture; deciding whether to encourage children to learn their birth language; how to manage their fear for their adopted child's future; and how to provide them with tools to manage racism should their children be confronted with it (Jackson, 2018). It is also important that adopted children in cross-racial families should be prepared by their parents for dealing with issues such as the prejudices of others. International research has shown that cross-racially adopted children, when raised in similar homes, do not differ from same-race adopted children in terms of characteristics such as psychosocial adjustment, self-esteem, and academic achievement (Gerrand, 2017; Miller et al., 2000; Raleigh et al., 2013). What are the experiences of cross-racial adoptive parents in South Africa? Despite awareness of racial tension and enduring segregation, parents mostly report positive societal experiences (Breshears, 2021). Parents attribute this positivity to a changing South African society, as well as to the benefits of living in areas that are more progressive and diverse. It is also possible that families strategically create their own non-racist spaces for their families, surrounding themselves with non-racist friends and other individuals, enrolling children in diverse schools, and choosing to focus on positive experiences to create a positive family identity for themselves and their children. (See Box 7.2 regarding South African parents' views on their cross-cultural adoption experience.) However, it is important to note that cross-racial adoptive parents' positive experiences with other society members do not always reflect adoptees' experiences. International research shows that transracial adoptees and adoptive parents experience race differently (see Breshears, 2021). Adoptees report that their white parents are often unaware of their experiences of racism outside of the home, and that parents sometimes avoid or minimise discussions of race in favour of a colour-blind approach. Some transracial adoptees report withholding their experiences with racism from their white parents because they believe their parents would not understand, would not be equipped to help, or would downplay the experiences. In some instances, adoptees withhold experiences of racism to protect their parents' feelings. It is important to always keep in mind that adoption is not just an event — it is a lifelong process. It is a journey with many joyous moments and loving memories. However, it is also a process of ongoing changes and challenges that can build strength, foster resilience, and deepen family connections.

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BOX 7.2. PARENTS WHO HAVE ADOPTED CROSS-RACIALLY SPEAK OUT We adopted across the colour barrier — because we wanted to make a difference to someone's life. We also wanted to adopt someone who needed us, more than we needed to be parents. Our little girl is our gift and our future — she is the reason that we laugh every day, and the reason that, no matter what happens, we always have a beautiful day. Our gift to the world is three beautiful children, who are secure in the knowledge that they are all loved and wanted and special. There is no difference to our love — we love them all, and we will adopt again and again if we could. We don't see "across the racial barrier" — we see "our children of the world". (White SA mother who adopted a black baby.) ******************************************** Our infertility history is vast and devastating… We tried various infertility treatments after a couple of years of trying by ourselves, suffered numerous pregnancy losses. Our decision to adopt transracially was actually the easiest decision for us as during our years of infertility we volunteered at the local adoption home. We LOVE those babies whose only "sin" was to be born. A baby is a baby, no matter what race. All babies have the same needs. All babies need love and family, regardless of their birth circumstances. We forget Adam is black and it's only when people point it out that we remember. I don't see a black child; I see my son. The majority of our friends and family have been wonderful, but we have had a few nasty instances with the public, certain family members and close friends. A mother's love is a wonderful thing, as my love for Adam is so real that I was initially hurt when certain family or friends stopped inviting us over, but it doesn't bother me anymore! If they don't want to be a part of my beautiful son's life, it really is their loss, and I don't want people like that in our lives in any case. (White SA mother who adopted a black baby.) ******************************************** The best parents are those who are able to love whatever the colour, those who can adopt without caring for the race of their future children. They are not looking for a black child or a white child; they are looking for a child in need. (Anonymous).

7.1.1.5 Child-headed households The nature of families is changing all over the world (Molefi et al., 2015; UN Women, 2019). In sub-Saharan Africa, this includes high levels of labour migration with parents leaving their children behind, high levels of poverty, the effect of HIV/AIDS, and political instability and conflict that often force children to migrate alone to seek asylum. Childheaded households are one of the most documented family structures to have emerged in recent years because of these changes. Usually, these households are defined as a situation where both parents are absent, all the members are younger than 18 years, and children are compelled to take over the adult duties. These duties include providing basic needs such as food, clothing, psychological support, and even educational support. However, it should be noted that the definition of a child-headed household in the Children's 585 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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Act is different in that it includes households where there are adults who may be too sick or too old to head the household effectively and a child over 16 years bears this responsibility (Hall, 2019). According to Hall (2019), about 55 000 children were living in a total of 33 000 childonly households across South Africa in 2018. However, for several reasons, the statistics on the prevalence of child-only households should be interpreted with care. Just like in the study of numerous other social and psychological phenomena (e.g., sexual behaviour, antisocial behaviour, and mental disorders), the findings often will be determined by the specific definition or criteria used. For example, a household could be classified as 'childheaded' while relatives and neighbours may look after the children, although they do not live in the same house; other child-headed households may receive almost no support. Some researchers may include all children younger than 18 in the study, while others for practical reasons may include only school-going children between 7 and 18 years. The geographical areas in which the research is conducted may also differ — for example, about 90% of all child-headed households are located in mainly three provinces: Eastern Cape, Limpopo, and KwaZulu-Natal. Child-only households are frequently temporary arrangements and often exist for only a short period, for example while adult migrant workers are away or for easy access to school during term time. Furthermore, participants (children and family members) may even lie about the status of the household in order to receive sympathy and support. The consequences of child-headed households are a matter of current debate. On the one hand, siblings can remain together, stay in their family home, and remain in the same school. Some children prefer this to being removed to a foster family where they must adjust to the new — and not always positive — environment. Therefore, several experts (e.g., Bower, 2006) are of the opinion that child-headed households should not be rejected summarily and that in certain cases, and with support systems such as the State, the community and the extended family, such households may be a viable option (see Kwatubana et al., 2020; Mkhize, 2020). Many orphaned children are living in better circumstances than many children with living parents (Richter et al., 2008). On the other hand, children in such households are faced with the challenges and problems of the adult world, for which they are not yet ready. For example, to earn and provide a sufficient livelihood is an almost impossible challenge for a child, with the result that these children may turn easily to antisocial or criminal behaviour to survive. Such children are also easy targets for abuse and exploitation, mainly because the environment in which they live is most often characterised by unfavourable conditions such as poverty and antisocial behaviour.

7.1.1.6 Same-sex parents Historically, societies and the courts have been opposed to giving same-sex couples the right to raise children. Major concerns included that gay and lesbian persons are more mentally unstable, that they will sexually molest their children, and that children raised by such parents are likely to become gay or lesbian themselves (e.g., Pinsof et al., 2016). In many religions worldwide, a same-sex orientation and especially the acting out of this 586 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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sexual behaviour is regarded as a sin. However, in the 1970s, courts in the USA started to allow same-sex couples to become legal parents of children. This paved the way for several other countries to follow in their footsteps. The way in which same-sex couples become legal parents includes adoption, artificial conception, and the use of surrogate mothers. Many gay, lesbian, and bi-sexual persons also have biological children from previous heterosexual marriages and relationships. In South Africa, the first adoption of this kind took place in 1995, but parental rights were granted to one partner only. In 2002, a judgement by the Constitutional Court allowed both same-sex partners to share parental rights. In 2005, the Children's Act firmly established the decision in South African legislation that allows for single persons — irrespective of their sexual orientation — to adopt. South Africa was the first country in Africa and the fifth in the world to allow legal marriages between same-sex partners. Research on the influence of same-sex parents on the psychological development of their children has surprised most people, including many mental health professionals, for example (Case Western Reserve University, 2021; Cornell University, 2021; Everri, 2016; Patterson et al., It does not take a mother and father per se, but parents to raise a child 2016): • Children raised by same-sex parents are no more likely to become gay than children who are raised by heterosexual parents. (This finding is often used for the argument that gayness has a genetic basis.) • Such children compare favourably with other children concerning every aspect studied, for instance self-concept, interpersonal relations, emotional problems, antisocial behaviour, academic achievements, and social skills. • Children with same-sex parents generally have fewer problems than children living with a single parent. • Same-sex parents are emotionally just as stable as heterosexual parents are, and they are equally knowledgeable and effective regarding child-rearing practices. • The relationship between same-sex parents is of the same quality as between heterosexual parents. The present situation is summarised by a report by the American Academy of Pediatrics (Perrin et al., 2013, p. e1374) concluding as follows: Extensive data available from more than 30 years of research reveal that children raised by gay and lesbian parents have demonstrated resilience with regard to social, psychological, and sexual health despite economic and legal disparities and social stigma. Many studies have demonstrated that 587 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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children's well-being is affected much more by their relationships with their parents, their parents' sense of competence and security, and the presence of social and economic support for the family than by the gender or the sexual orientation of their parents. (Also see Coppola et al., 2020). Based on her research, Lubbe (2007) also concludes that the gender composition of families is less important than the quality of relationships and the quality of care given to the children. She emphasises that it does not take a mother and father per se, but a parent to raise a child.

7.1.1.7 Street children Almost all of us encounter street children daily; children who stand begging at street corners, who ask to watch your car while you go shopping, or who lie around idly on pavements or lawns or in parks. Who are these children? There is virtually no country or city in the world where street children are not found. This is true for both the developed and especially the developing countries, where this phenomenon is an escalating problem due to an increase in population, urbanisation, and poverty, while epidemics like HIV/AIDS and pandemics like COVID-19 also contribute. Commonly, the number of street children in the world is quoted at about 100 million, but this is only an estimated figure and based on data a few decades ago (Consortium for Street Children, 2019). In South Africa, an average estimation is between 10 000 and 20 000, although a figure of 25 000 has also been reported (see Hills et al., 2016). There are several reasons why it is difficult to establish more accurate numbers. First, since these children do not have permanent shelters, but sleep wherever they find a place, they are not recorded in any national/international survey or study. Second, different definitions of street children are used; therefore, different researchers investigate different phenomena. To provide more clarity and consistency, most researchers divide street children into two categories, based upon the relationship with their families (Hassen et al., 2018; Mugove et al., 2015): • Children of the streets. These are children who live and work on the streets 24 hours a day, 7 days a week. They have no family support. • Children on the streets. These children work on the streets and spend most of their time there. However, they return to their families or relatives at night. However, an overlap between these categories creates grey areas. For example, some children will alternate between the streets and their family for a few weeks at a time. The following could be regarded as some of the most important characteristics of street children (Department of Social Development, 2014; Hills et al., Maepa, 2021; Tenai et al., 2020): • By far the majority are children on the streets. They often come to the streets to work to supplement their families' income. Extreme poverty forces them to become at least partially self-supporting. • Most of the children of the streets still have families but have run away from home. 588 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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This is often because of sexual abuse, or psychological or physical neglect or abuse. • Most street children are boys. In South Africa, most are black or Coloured; relatively few cases of Indian and almost no white street children have been reported. • Begging and stealing are viewed as a form of work and form part of their daily activities. However, many street children do try to earn money through acceptable jobs such as selling newspapers or becoming self-appointed security guards in parking areas. Some street children even have a higher income than domestic workers and unskilled workers and can earn one to one-and-a-half times the average minimum wage of adults. • Some of the most important psychological characteristics of street children include low self-esteem, below average academic intelligence, impulsivity, mistrust, apathy (indifference, lack of interest), and fatalism (the belief that all events are predetermined and therefore inevitable). • Their physical health leaves much to be desired. This is due to exposure to the elements, accidents, and other risk factors such as assault while on the street. They often encounter difficulties in accessing medical services, but their lack of motivation to use existing medical facilities also plays a role. Although many street children suffer from malnutrition, some street children are often better fed than numerous other children who live with their families. • Street children are mostly very loyal to one another because the group offers emotional and economic support, protection, and friendship. The group may be regarded as a replacement for their family. • Drug abuse, especially glue sniffing, is common. The drugs are used to achieve euphoria and serve as a temporary escape from their harsh reality. Unfortunately, the street children dilemma is aggravated by the indifferent attitudes of most authorities, as well as a negative and even hostile attitude from the public. However, communities should realise that street children are a reality that cannot be wished away. Therefore, it is of the utmost importance that both authorities and communities should join hands in initiating coordinated and integrated programmes to address this phenomenon. South African research has shown that, regardless of the many adverse characteristics, many of these children are more resilient than expected (Malindi et al., 2010; Mokgopha, 2019). Therefore, the potential of street children should be realised and developed. To conclude this section on the role of family influences, remember that although the discussed types of family constellations may affect children due to additional stressors, it may not only be the type of family that plays the most important role in the children's psychological development. A street child begs at a car window 589 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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The interactional patterns in the family are also of crucial importance. Throughout this book, we have brought to your attention the various parenting and disciplinary styles and the possible outcomes of these in children's development. Furthermore, remember the transactional or bidirectional nature of these interactions, which means that children also have an effect on their parents (for example, consider a child who refuses to accept and cooperate with a new stepparent). It should always be kept in mind that multiple factors influence a child's development and behaviour.

REVIEW THIS SECTION 1. Why do we need to be concerned about the adversities that certain children face? 2. Discuss the factors that one should keep in mind when evaluating the adversities or risk factors that children may encounter. 3. Discuss the importance of the family in a child's life with reference to the benefits of family stability, the variety of family styles in which children currently grow up, and the unique challenges that South African families face. 4. Discuss the influences of the following family constellations on children's development: (a) Divorce (b) Stepfamilies (c) Single-parent families (d) Adopted children, including crossracial adoption (e) Child-headed households (f) Same-sex parents (g) Street children. 5. Debate whether family constellational patterns or family interactional patterns have the most effect on children's development.

7.1.2 Maltreatment Maltreatment refers to the neglect or abuse of another person, which may involve emotional, sexual, or physical action or inaction, the severity or chronicity of which can result in significant harm or injury (APA, 2020). Maltreatment also includes actions such as exploitation and denial of basic needs (e.g., food, shelter, and medical attention). Although the maltreatment of children can be traced back to the earliest of times, this global problem has started to receive the attention it deserves only during the last few decades. Unfortunately, just like in many other cases of adversity, reliable data on the prevalence of child maltreatment is basically impossible to obtain. It is accepted worldwide that the prevalence reports of the police or welfare agencies, the most important sources in this regard, are only the ears of the hippopotamus, also as far as South Africa is concerned. There are several reasons for this (see WHO, 2020): - - -

Children are often too afraid to report their abuse or do not know where to report it. Researchers use different definitions or criteria to include an adversity in their study. The type of child maltreatment studied, for example physical abuse, is much easier to identify than emotional or even sexual abuse. 590

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The reliability of official statistics in a specific area or country often leaves much to be desired. The reliability of surveys that request self-reports from victims, parents or caregivers can often be questioned.

Additionally, South Africa is a culturally and ethnically diverse society. Different cultural groups have different norms and values regarding childhood and discipline, but there may also be intracultural variability due to factors such as varied socio-economic status, place of residence, and parent-child interaction (Makoae et al., 2012). It goes without saying that, because the precise extent and nature of the phenomenon are unknown, it affects the fight against child maltreatment negatively. However, a study with more than 3 500 South African children aged 10 to 17 gives us some indication of the problem in this country: Almost 70% of children reported any type of lifetime victimisation, and nearly 30% reported lifetime multiple abuse victimisation (Meinck et al., 2016). Another study of maltreated children conducted in Johannesburg provides some specifics of the problem (Neethling, 2002): More than 10% were infants, about 15% toddlers, nearly 20% primary school children, and more than 50% adolescents. (Also, see Jamieson et al., 2017). Traditionally, child maltreatment is divided into four categories: neglect, physical abuse, sexual abuse, and emotional abuse. However, several other types exist, which may not clearly fit these categories or may include more than one category, such as racism.

7.1.2.1 Neglect Neglect refers to the failure to provide for the basic needs of a person in one's care (APA, 2020). Physical neglect involves inadequate supervision and failing to provide adequate housing, nutrition, and medical care. (Also, see Physical abuse). Emotional neglect occurs where the basic needs for psychological care are not met, such as refusing or neglecting to provide emotional affection or exposing the child to conflict between the parents. (Also, see Emotional abuse). For example, educational neglect involves failing to enrol a child in school and allowing truancy. (See Box 7.3 regarding governmental educational neglect in South Africa.)

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BOX 7.3. GOVERNMENTAL EDUCATIONAL NEGLECT Educational neglect is not only limited to parents and other caretakers. The Government also plays a major role in the fact that South Africa's educational system compares dismally with many other and even much poorer African countries. For example, South Africa's primary education system was rated 126th out of 138 countries in the World Economic Forum 2016–17 Global Competitiveness Report. Several factors contribute to this disaster. Teacher absenteeism is common. Thousands of schools in South Africa have no running water — more than half of schools in some regions. About 20% have illegal pit latrines for sanitation, with some schools having no sanitation facilities at all; 86% have no laboratory; more than 70% have no library; 72% have no internet access; and 42% have no sports facilities. Three quarters of children aged nine cannot read for meaning. In some provinces, this is as high as 91% (Limpopo) and 85% (the Eastern Cape). In addition, of every 100 learners that start school, 50-60 will make it to matric, 40-50 will pass matric, and only 14 will go to university. Many of the shortcomings are in breach of not just the government's international human rights obligations but its own Minimum Norms and Standards for educational facilities. Thus, by any objective standard, the education system is failing both students and the country (World Education Services, 2017). Amnesty International 2021; Department of Basic Education, 2019; NEIMS Standard Reports, January 2018.

The effect of neglect is extensive (Parker et al., 2021). Although neglect is often perceived as less repulsive than physical abuse, neglected children often are affected more seriously in areas such as cognitive development, academic achievement, social development, and mental health disorders such as anxiety and depression (Schmidt et al, 2021). Their behaviour could also vary between undisciplined behaviour and extreme passivity.

7.1.2.2 Physical abuse Note the difference between neglect and abuse: Neglect is caused by a lack of action, while in the case of abuse, there is definite action to cause another person physical or mental pain (see Williams Law Group, 2021). Both neglect and abuse are recurrent. The term physical abuse refers to physical acts of aggression such as punching, slapping, kicking, biting, burning and even murder (see also discussion on corporal punishment in Chapter 5). The term battered child syndrome (BCS) refers to non-accidental injuries sustained by children as a result of physical abuse, usually inflicted by an adult caregiver. These include bruises, bone fractures, swellings, cuts, bite marks, choke marks and burns, while internal damage such as bleeding or rupture of an organ could also occur. BCS is found at every level of society, although the incidence may be higher in low-income households, where adult caregivers may suffer greater stress and social difficulties and have a greater lack of control over stressful situations. Other risk factors include lack of education, single parenthood, and alcoholism or other drug addictions (see Encyclopedia of Children's Health, 2021).

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The visible physical injuries that physically abused children sustain often belie the psychological wounds. A broad spectrum of psychoemotional, cognitive, and behavioural dysfunction is evident (Chaiyachati, 2019; Cicchetti, 2016). Examples are a delay in cognitive functioning, academic problems, and difficulties in moral reasoning. Mental health problems such as anxiety, fear, depression, an inability to love others, Physical abuse of children is a serious and extensive and self-destructive or self-abusive problem behaviours may occur. Aggressive and hostile behaviours are common, which in turn affect children's social functioning negatively. The prevalence of lifetime physical abuse of South African children aged 10 to 17 was found to be almost 60% (Meinck et al., 2016). Almost 50% of child deaths in South Africa are due to unnatural causes (Mathews et al., 2016). A third is caused by murder, with nearly 50% of all murders attributed to fatal child abuse. Abandonment at birth was the most common, followed by blunt force injuries and strangulation/asphyxiation deaths. Three children a day are murdered in South Africa, a figure that is significantly higher than in most other countries in the world. Child homicide (murder) in South Africa has a distinct gender pattern, with female homicide occurring in the younger age groups and male homicide increasing during adolescence (Mathews et al., 2012). Mostly, children are murdered by their mothers and known persons. Girls are murdered more by their mothers, and boys by known persons. It is important to realise that children are not affected negatively only by experiencing physical violence personally, but also by witnessing violence, such as interparental violence and general violence in the community.

7.2.1.3 Sexual abuse Sexual abuse refers to any illegal sexual act committed against a child. It includes rape, fondling of the genitals or breasts, sodomy, exhibitionism, exposing the child to indecent acts, and using a child in the production of pornography. The outcry against child sexual abuse, nationally and internationally, is not unfounded. In a large nationally representative, cross-sectional study in South Africa, the prevalence of sexual abuse of children was 15% for girls and 10% for boys (Ward et al., 2018). According to the researchers, "the prevalence of sexual abuse of children in South Africa, although high, might not be unusually so" (p. e466). Although the findings may be lower than the figures circulated in the media, the actual numbers remain staggering — and a very serious charge against our society. Many of the symptoms that children display after having been sexually abused resemble a typical reaction to severe stress (Mii et al., 2020; National Health Service, 2019; Vrolijk593 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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Many South African children are victims of sexual abuse

Bosschaart et al., 2018). Examples are fear, anxiety, anger, fatigue, depression, passivity, difficulties in concentrating, and withdrawal from usual activities. In younger children, enuresis (bed wetting), sexualised behaviour (e.g., excessive masturbation), and sleeping problems are common. In later childhood and adolescence, low self-esteem, self-blame, guilt feelings, eating disorders, and antisocial behaviour such as drug abuse, delinquency, and promiscuous sexual activities are reported frequently (see Kaplan et al., 2020). However, as in the case of other types of abuse, the effect of sexual abuse varies according to several factors (Gewirtz-Meydan et al., 2020). Regarding sexual abuse, factors that could influence the severity of the effects include the nature (i.e., the type of sexual abuse, ranging from fondling to some sort of penetration in any of the orifices (openings) of the body), frequency, and duration of abuse, the relationship to the abuser and the coping strategies of the victim. The reaction of significant others, especially a non-offending parent, may also have an influence; the more distressed the reaction, the worse the symptoms of the child tend to be, while a warm and supportive relationship may reduce the risk of developing negative symptoms. A widely believed fallacy is that children who are sexually abused will grow up to be sexually abusive parents, too. From various research results, it is now generally accepted by mental health professionals that most individuals who were sexually abused as children, do not put children through the same suffering (Ogloff et al., 2012; Leach et al., 2016; Widom et al., 2015). Therefore, it should be considered that most people who sexually abuse children were not sexually abused as children. However, this does not mean that some individuals who were sexually abused as children do not commit such abuse as adults. Also, a study in the Eastern Cape Province found that men with a history of childhood sexual abuse are more likely to perpetrate intimate partner violence (Teitelman 594 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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et al., 2017). Another fallacy is that only men sexually abuse children. No South African data in this regard could be found, but a study in the USA indicated that about 20% of reported child sexual abuse cases involved a female perpetrator (Mcleod, 2015).

7.2.1.4 Emotional abuse Emotional abuse, abuse also called psychological abuse or mental abuse, abuse is described as the persistent and continual emotional maltreatment of a child, causing severe and persistent adverse effects on the child's emotional development (HM Government Report, 2018; Wekerle et al., 2019). Emotional abuse is characterised by the following: • It involves verbal belittling and humiliation, conveying to children that they are worthless and inadequate (e.g., "You stupid idiot, no wonder people don't like you!"). The impression is created in the child that they are valued only insofar as they meet the needs of another person. • It includes not giving children opportunities to express their views, deliberately ignoring, or silencing them, or ridiculing ('making fun') of what they say or how they communicate. • It features age or developmentally inappropriate expectations being imposed on children. These involve interactions that are beyond a child's developmental capability. • It includes exposure to the ill-treatment of another (e.g., intimate partner violence). 595 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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• It entails serious bullying (including cyberbullying) or threatening abandonment, frequently causing children to feel frightened or in danger. • It includes the exploitation or corruption of children (e.g., exposure to antisocial or criminal activities), such as encouraging them to steal, lie, and disregard rules. • It involves isolation of the child, meaning preventing the child from participating in normal social interaction, exploration, and learning. This includes keeping family and friends from the child. Some level of emotional abuse is involved in all types of maltreatment of a child, though it may also be a stand-alone occurrence. However, emotional abuse is not always easy to prove or diagnose. Firstly, there is no tangible evidence (like in the case of physical abuse) and is usually denied by the accused. Secondly, children are afraid to admit such abuse, as it may bring the perpetrator (often a parent) into trouble. Thirdly, especially young children do not know precisely what emotional abuse entails, which could make their responses questionable. Also, it is often difficult to prove whether there was intent (purpose) to harm or whether it was a wrong perception on the alleged victim's part. The different definitions and criteria to measure emotional abuse also make it difficult to compare data and thus determine a more reliable prevalence rate of this type of abuse. For example, figures of less than 1% up to 93% have been reported (Stoltenborgh et al., 2012; Moody et al., 2018). Most experts, however, agree that emotional abuse may be the most prevalent form of child abuse (e.g., Fallon et al., 2021; Myers et al., 2021). For example, in a study among more than 700 students at the University of Limpopo in South Africa, 80% of students reported that their parents or caretakers had abused them emotionally before the age of 17 (Madu, 2002). Many parents are emotionally abusive without being physically violent or sexually abusive (ASCA, 2008). Their parenting style may be characterised by overt aggression towards their children, including shouting and intimidation, or they may manipulate their children by using more subtle means, such as emotional blackmail or ignoring them. Emotionally abusive parents practise forms of childrearing that are orientated towards fulfilling their own needs and goals rather than those of their children. Emotional abuse occurs Emotional abuse may have serious psychological not only at home. Teachers and other implications adults in a position of power over children can abuse them emotionally. As discussed in Chapter 5, children can experience emotional abuse by other children, a phenomenon known as peer victimisation or bullying. Emotional abuse may have serious short- and long-term behavioural, cognitive, and emotional implications. This includes basically all the symptoms mentioned in the other 596 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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discussed forms of abuse. Although this type of abuse is often described as 'vague', there is general agreement that emotional abuse is one of the most destructive forms of abuse. It is accepted widely that emotional abuse could be as traumatic as physical and sexual abuse (Humphreys et al., 2020; Norman et al., 2012). In fact, in many cases, the effect could be worse, specifically because it is difficult to detect or prove, the abuse may continue for longer, and therefore have more long-lasting effects.

7.2.1.5 Racism The history of the world and South Africa is interspersed with horrendous examples of racism, which has been called one of the ugliest aspects of human nature (Bailey, 2020). As discussed in Chapter 5, racism racism, also called racialism racialism, refers to the belief that humans are divided into separate and unique biological entities called 'races'; that there is a causal link between inherited physical traits of a race and traits of personality, intellect, morality, and other behavioural features, and that some races are innately superior to others (Smedley, 2021). Therefore, it is understandable that there is a strong link between racism and racial discrimination, discrimination the acting out of racist beliefs. Inherently, this is abuse. It is important to distinguish between racism and ethnocentrism ethnocentrism, the tendency to view the world through the lens of one's own cultural experience and perspective. In other words, a tendency to use one's own group's ways of doing things as a yardstick for weighing others' behaviours, customs, beliefs, and attitudes. Unlike in the case of racism, it is not about disliking others but about liking and appreciating one's own more. However, in extreme cases, ethnocentrism may border on racism. Ethnocentrism often exists within one race. For example, a Zulu person may have an ethnocentric attitude towards the Xhosa culture, or vice versa, just like there may be ethnocentric attitudes between white Afrikaans- and white English-speaking South Africans. Much of the present aggression and embitterment among South Africans of colour may be traced back to past and present experiences of racial abuse. (This kind of reaction is found in most groups after a period of oppression. An example is the Afrikaner's longlasting embitterment and resentment towards white English-speakers due to the atrocities of the Boer War of 1899-1902.) Racism has been called the cancer of South African society; a disease that not only may cause serious psychological harm but also physical harm and even death. In addition, it inevitably triggers consequences that will influence several generations to come negatively. This leads to embitterment and rebellion among the new generations who feel that they had no part in the "sins of the fathers". Although there have been strict laws against racism in South Africa after 1994, children (particularly children of colour and children in rural areas) are still confronted with racial abuse much more regularly than many South Africans would care to admit. There is also no denying that the racism of the past and the present can affect the development of South African children adversely. Firstly, it deprives them of much-needed resources. For example, to a large extent, the fact that so many black children still live in miserable poverty and suffer many educational deficits is the result of past racist apartheid laws over a period of longer than 40 years. The effect of intense discrimination over such a 597 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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long period can hardly be eradicated in a relatively short period. Secondly, continued exposure to racial abuse frequently leads to children internalising the negative messages and representations of themselves held by others, thus compromising the development of a healthy sense of self and psychological well-being. The effect of racism on victims includes a variety of mental health disorders such as depression, anxiety, post-traumatic stress disorder, substance abuse, and suicidal thoughts (Lewsley, 2020; Rodriguez, 2020; Steinberg, 2020; Synergi Collaborative Centre, 2018). For example, in an extensive study of Grade 5 children who were exposed to racism, they were five times more susceptible to depression, more than twice as likely to suffer from hyperactivity and lack of concentration, and three times more likely to develop a pattern of anger-guided disobedience, lack of cooperation, hostility, and defiant behaviour toward people (Coker et al., 2009). Tragically, children as young as seven suffer emotional effects of racial discrimination (Marcelo et al., 2019). (See Box 7.4: The blue-eye-brown-eye-experiment). Racism can also have a physical effect on children: Its effects can lead to chronic stress for children, which can lead to changes in hormones that cause inflammation in the body, a marker of chronic disease (McCarthy, 2019). The aforementioned examples indicate the traumatic and even long-term effects of racism. However, the ironic truth is that most scientists agree that it is impossible to compare racial groups with one another: Migration and intermarriages have resulted in the fact that there is no longer a 'pure' race. For example, in the USA, both white and black persons have an average of 20% genetic material from the other race, with some black persons having up to 90% white genetic material. Owing to the unreliability of the previous South I have a dream that one day little black boys and girls will African racial classification system, be holding hands with little white boys and girls. South Africans who were classified — Martin Luther King Jr. as black and Coloured may have had more white genetic material than someone who was classified as white. For example, findings from a recent study indicated that although the large majority of the Afrikaner ancestry came from European populations, the contribution of non-Europeans into the Afrikaners was calculated to be between approximately 5% and 7% (Hollfelder et al., 2020; also see Heese, 2013). Furthermore, when groups, such as racial groups, are compared, it is important to remember that the differences within one group may be similar or even greater than the differences between groups. For example, differences within the white race group may be similar and even greater than the differences between the white and black race groups (not to even mention the Coloured group). One of the most tragic features of racial abuse is generalisation generalisation, the trait that people ascribe certain characteristics to all members of a group, regardless of highly diverse 598 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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features within that group. With it goes another tragedy: Racists usually are unaware and/or unconcerned about the consequences of their actions. They dehumanise not only the victim but also themselves. In addition, just as in the case of political and religious extremists, it is very difficult, and in some cases even impossible, to 'reform' racists. Therefore, racism, just as other forms of abuse, only has victims. Reflect on the following quote: Some white people Hate black people, and some white people Love black people. Some black people Hate white people, and some black people Love white people. So you see, it's not an issue of black and white, it's an issue of Lovers and Haters. Eden Ahbez

BOX 7.4. THE BLUE-EYE-BROWN-EYE EXPERIMENT In 1968, Jane Elliot, a Grade 3 teacher in rural USA, which was still racist, struggled to explain to her class what racism was. She decided to conduct the following 'experiment' (Bloom, 2005): Elliot divided the children based on eye colour; i.e., blue and brown. She told the blue-eyed group that they were inferior to the brown-eyed group. She said, "Eye colour, hair colour and skin colour are caused by a chemical substance" and wrote the word MELANIN on the blackboard. She falsely emphasised that melanin is responsible for intelligence. The more melanin a person has, the darker his or her eyes are, and the more intelligent they are. "Blueeyed people just sit around and do nothing. You give them something nice, and they break it," Elliot said. She gave the blue-eyed children coloured ribbons to wear so that they could be distinguished from their classmates from a distance. The brown-eyed children received extra privileges, such as a longer break period, extra portions of food and a longer lunchtime, and they could drink from a better-looking water fountain. The brown-eyed children were instructed to talk only to brown-eyed children and not to blue-eyed children. Elliot described the blue-eyed children as extremely disobedient and consistently referred to the superiority of brown-eyed children. This exercise had a significant effect on the attitude and behaviour of the children in the two groups. For example, the brown-eyed children, who were regarded as superior, became bossy and arrogant, and regarded their blue-eyed classmates as inferior. On the other hand, the so-called inferior blue-eyed group behaved timidly and submissively. Even children who were dominant in the class before the exercise behaved timidly. At a later stage, Elliot told her class that she had made a mistake regarding melanin: Blue eyes were in fact superior, not brown eyes. The situation then reversed itself, although Elliot noted that some blue-eyed children behaved less negatively than the brown-eyed children did, possibly because they had experienced what it meant to be discriminated against, and they did not want to do that to another person.

7.1.3 Poverty Poverty is much more than an insufficient income, lack of money, and material needs. 599 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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It affects the physical and psychological development of a person: health, nutrition, housing, education, and employment, access to various services and facilities, as well as the person's psychological well-being (e.g., self-esteem and mental health). It is very difficult to win the struggle against poverty, especially when it has been a cycle and a way of life for several generations. In South Africa, poverty affects about 50% of the population (Stats SA, 2018). The effect of poverty also filters through to children: More than 60% of children aged 0 to 17 years are multidimensionally poor (Stats SA, 2020) (see Table 7.2). It means that 11 million South African children live in poverty, and at least six million of our children go hungry every day. In a 2021 study, one in seven households reported that a child went to bed hungry (Lake, 2021; Stats SA, 2020).

Poverty threatens all aspects of childhood

Poverty may affect children's well-being and development in many ways. The most important consequences of poverty include the following (APA, 2021; Cook, 2010; Knopf, 2021; Young, 2019): • Poor children tend to suffer more from a variety of health problems. One reason is that they have less access to adequate health care. For example, they often do not receive the necessary immunisation; consequently, they are more vulnerable to illness. • There are strong indications that the brain development of poor children can be affected adversely, which in turn leads to cognitive and academic deficits (Cassidy et al., 2019; Hair et al., 2015). This is especially true about children who have been living in poverty for a long time. Another reason for the lower academic achievement of children of poverty may be that poor children have less access to preschool programmes and stimulation, attend schools of a lower academic quality, and cannot afford extracurricular tutoring. • Children living in poverty are more exposed to parents who use harsh discipline (e.g., physical punishment) rather than reasoning. It is widely accepted that reasoning stimulates the child's critical thinking and problem-solving skills. • The daily crises poor families must deal with (e.g., bills to pay, unemployment and exposure to an often high-crime environment) affect all the family members. The result is that irritability, negativity, and hostile relations abound. This is not conducive to the general psychological well-being and development of children. 600 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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• Poor children are more likely to develop social and emotional problems, which are already evident from an early age. Examples are low self-esteem and self-confidence, drug abuse, and mental health disorders, such as depression. These findings testify to the generally accepted view that poverty threatens all aspects of childhood by depriving children of the capabilities and opportunities needed to survive, develop, and thrive. In fact, the effect of poverty can last into adulthood (Cermakova et al., 2018; Sunt et al., 2017). As adults, children from a poor background are more likely in old age to score lower than others on tests of cognitive skills. They are also inclined to be poor as adults and experience more psychological and physical health problems (e.g., obesity, cancers, and heart diseases), while impoverished adults often have less than adequate parenting skills. Therefore, it is of the utmost importance that the mentioned vicious cycle of poverty be broken. Like in the case of most other social problems, fighting poverty must begin with children (Vandemoortele, 2012). In this regard, President Cyril Ramaphosa (2018) stated, "If we are to break the cycle of poverty, we need to educate the children of the poor." However, although previous research shows that educational aspirations and future expectations are lower for children located in disadvantaged communities, a study among adolescents in Cape Town found contradictory results. These adolescents held high aspirations for themselves, despite the low-income environment in which they resided (Hendricks et al., 2015). Hopefully, future research will shed more light on the interesting question of why some children, albeit the minority, are more resilient than others are. (We shall discuss resilience later in this chapter). Table 7.2. Multidimensional poverty of children by individual characteristics AGE GROUP DEMOGRAPHICS

0-4

5-12

13-17

TOTAL GROUP 0-17

59,9

63,4

62,5

62,1

Female Male

59,3 60,5

63,1 63,8

62,0 63,0

61,7 62.6

POPULATION GROUP Black Coloured Indian White

64,6 42,3 17,0 11,3

69,7 36,5 16,6 13,4

70,2 36,7 14,1 9,2

68,3 38,1 16,4 11,4

NATIONAL ESTIMATE GENDER

7.1.4 Substance Abuse Substance or drug abuse (which refers to illicit drugs, certain medications, alcohol, and tobacco/nicotine) has reached epidemic proportions in the world and in South Africa 601 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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(see Nzama et al., 2021). Figure 7.1. Worldwide deaths related to alcohol, tobacco, and illicit drugs

Peacock et al. (2018)

Several South African studies conducted in the different provinces and among the various population groups in the country indicate that a high proportion of adolescents in South Africa are engaged in heavy drinking, binge drinking, and other substance abuse, while many treatment centres in South Africa report an increase of persons under the age of 17 admitted for substance abuse treatment (e.g., Dada et al., 2017; Manu et al., 2017; Sedibe et al., 2021; Zinyama, 2019). Drugs typically used by South African children are alcohol, nicotine, marijuana (dagga), tik (crystal methamphetamine), mandrax, crack cocaine, ecstasy, inhalants, the so-called okka pipe, in which different types of drugs are mixed, and nyaope, which is a combination of different substances (Manu et al., 2017; Sedibe et al., 2021). These substances are so readily available and cheap to the extent that learners can afford to buy them (Department of Social Development, 2012). Especially concerning is that many learners access their substances at school — either through fellow learners, spaza shops near schools, or through drug peddlers over the school fence (Manu et al., 2016). A further concern is the use of these substances (especially alcohol, nicotine, and marijuana) on the school premises. As discussed in Chapter 6, because the pleasure centre (the limbic system) of the brain develops faster than the planning and reasoning centre (the prefrontal cortex) does, young adolescents are often risk-takers who do not recognise the consequences of their actions. Unfortunately, experimentation with drugs during these formative years can have lasting effects on their development and their health in the following ways (Giedd, 2015; Jouroukhin et al., 2019; Morin et al., 201): 602 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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Alcohol, tobacco, and other drugs cause physical and psychological harm as well as innumerable deaths

• Substance abuse may affect the adolescent's brain development by interfering with the neurotransmitters causing damage to brain connections and lowering the learning potential and cognitive functioning. • Increased tolerance of a drug could cause the individual to use more and more of the drug to achieve the desired euphoric or stimulated state. This increases the person's risk for overdose and even death. • An estimated 80% of male youth deaths in South Africa are alcohol related. • Excessive use of alcohol may have negative effects on the reproductive system, and cause lower bone mineral density, reduced growth potential, and immunosuppression. • Substance use can lead to impulsive behaviour and poor judgement. For example, alcohol abuse contributes to risky sexual behaviour, increasing the chances of contracting HIV and other sexually transmitted diseases. • Nicotine and tobacco products can lead to damage to vital organs, such as the liver, kidneys, heart, and lungs. However, damaging various organs in their bodies that could lead to death, is only part of substance abusers' problem. The psychological consequences are also extensive and 603 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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profound (American Addiction Centers, 2021; Mayo Clinic, 2021). Examples of behaviour associated with drug abuse by children include poor academic performance and school dropout, conflict with authority figures such as parents and teachers, various types of antisocial and criminal behaviour (such as aggression, lying, and stealing), and becoming involved in unhealthy friendships with people with similar problems. Although different substances can have different effects, mental health disorders such as depression and anxiety are among the most common long-term effects. In addition, having a family member with a drug problem can have a devastating effect on the family's life, such as arousing complex emotions, fracturing family values and advancing family dysfunction (Mathibela et al., 2019) Additionally, child substance abusers become part of a spiralling process that perpetuates into adulthood. For example, because they do not acquire coping strategies but rather use a substance as a crutch, they enter adulthood without these important mechanisms and skills. The result is often a failed marriage, poor parenting skills, and problems at work that may lead to unemployment. In turn, this encourages further substance abuse. (See Box 7.5 regarding the long-term implications of substance abuse.) The causes of substance abuse are multifarious. Research findings in this regard can be summarised briefly as follows (Hlomani-Nyawasha et al., 2020; Steinberg, 2020; also see Fields, 2021): • As in many behaviours, if not most, there is a strong indication of a genetic predisposition to substance abuse. Therefore, children with family members who have alcohol and other drug problems are especially at risk. In fact, genetic factors account for between 40% to 60% of a person's risk of addiction (National Institute on Drug Abuse, 2020). • A psychological disposition (tendency) towards sensation-seeking frequently paves the way for risky behaviour such as substance abuse. This is often accompanied by poor impulse control, which is like adding fuel to the fire. • Because of underlying problems such as low self-esteem, depression, and poor academic functioning, children often experience a sense of despair and hopelessness. The escape out of this emotional turmoil is often the temporary relief brought about by the effect of drugs. • The role of the family cannot be underestimated. Poor and inconsistent parenting practices, poor supervision (e.g., not knowing where and with whom the children are), continuous conflict between parents, negative parent-child interaction, and substance abuse of parents (including alcohol and nicotine) are factors associated with the substance abuse of children. • Substance abuse begins to manifest when children begin to contend with issues of identity and peer pressure (Tshitangano et al., 2016). Peer pressure is regarded as one of the major causes of substance abuse, especially in adolescence. As we have noted in the previous chapter, children of this age will go to great lengths to be accepted by their peers. The false self-conviction factor (the belief that 'everyone else is doing it'), which leads to the downfall of so many adolescents (e.g., high-risk sexual activity), also plays a role in substance abuse. For example, researchers have found that adolescents who believe that their peer group is using drugs have a significantly higher chance 604 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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of starting to use drugs than adolescents who do not hold this belief have (MusherEizenman et al., 2003). • The social context in which a child lives plays a very important role. Examples are the availability of drugs, the norms of the community regarding substance abuse, the degree to which substance abuse laws are enforced, and the ways in which substance use is portrayed in the media. Just as in the case of most other types of antisocial behaviour, the more risk factors that are present, the greater the possibility that the child will start using drugs. However, it is important that children with substance abuse problems get help, especially since most adults who have substance abuse problems started using substances in adolescence and young adulthood. Many centres and online platforms are available in South Africa to assist people with addiction problems. It is also important for parents and caregivers to be able to identify whether their child is using drugs. Parents do not always have the knowledge about the dangers of substance abuse for children, nor do they have the knowledge to realise that their children are abusing substances. They often attribute their adolescents' changed behaviour, such as rebelliousness and heightened emotionality, as a normal aspect of adolescent development, and by the time they realise that this behaviour is substance related, the adolescent may already be addicted.

BOX 7.5. THE LONG-TERM IMPLICATIONS OF SUBSTANCE ABUSE It is important to know that nicotine and alcohol are as addictive as the more notorious substances such as heroin and cocaine (American Addiction Centers, 2021). Global estimates show that current tobacco use is 10 times more widespread than current illegal drug use. Worldwide alcohol abuse causes about three million deaths per year and has an annual prevalence rate of about eight times higher than that of illicit drug use (UNODC, 2013; WHO, 2021). See Figure 7.1 for worldwide deaths related to alcohol, tobacco, and illicit drugs. Substance abuse has far-reaching effects on people's physical and mental health. In fact, the psychological, physical, economic, and general societal toll of alcohol and drug abuse is incalculable (Klostermann et al., 2021). One of the biggest tragedies of drug abuse is that it has a devastating effect not only on the abuser, but also on innocent persons, especially children. Examples are the effect of smoking on an unborn child (see Chapter 2), the role of alcohol and marijuana in the majority of crimes and fatal road accidents, the effect on families (unhappy marriages, divorce, and financial problems), the correlation between drug abuse and a variety of mental health disorders, and especially the influence it has on the development of innocent children. Even more tragic is that there are strong indications that drugs such as marijuana and nicotine can alter the genetic profile of the sperm of the user (McCarthy et al., 2018; Murphy et al., 2018). This could have a serious effect on their offspring.

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REVIEW THIS SECTION 1. Discuss the various forms of child maltreatment and how these may affect the child's development: a) Neglect, b) Physical abuse, c) Sexual abuse, d) Emotional abuse, e) Racism. 2. Do you think parents who teach their children to hate and harm other children (physically or psychologically) are legally guilty of child abuse? If so, does this also apply to parents who teach their children to be racist? 3. Discuss the statement: "poverty threatens all aspects of childhood." 4. Discuss substance abuse during childhood. Mention the alarming occurrence of substance abuse among South African children. How may substance abuse affect children's development, and physical and mental health? What are the reasons why children use substances? What are the long-term effects of substance abuse? Why is it important that children who abuse substances get help? What signs may alert parents and caregivers that their child is abusing substances? 5. Test your critical thinking skills: (a) If the negative effect of nicotine use and alcohol abuse is many times more (not only on the users themselves but especially on innocent people, including children) than illicit drugs, why is the focus of the Government and the community primarily on illicit drugs? (b) Everybody will agree that harming your unborn child, often for life, borders on the monstrous. Why do women then smoke if they know how addictive tobacco/nicotine is and that their addiction could harm their children for life? Do you think that women who smoke are less aware of the dangers of tobacco than those who do not smoke are? Will smokers stop smoking once they are aware of all the dangers? In other words, will all female students who read this book stop smoking? If not, why not?

7.1.5 Epidemics and Pandemics Infectious diseases can affect people's lives in significant ways. However, not all infectious disease terms are created equally and are often used interchangeably because the definition of each term is fluid and changes as diseases become more or less widespread over time. Terms that are used in conjunction with infectious diseases are the following: -

- - -

Epidemic. This is a disease that affects a large number of people at a particular time and within a community, population, or region where the disease is not permanently prevalent. Pandemic. This is an epidemic that has spread over multiple countries or continents. Endemic. This refers to a disease that has constant presence in a specific location; for example, malaria is endemic to certain parts of Africa. Outbreak. An outbreak is a sudden and greater-than-anticipated increase in the number of cases of infections in a more limited geographic area. It can also be a single case in a new area. If it is not controlled quickly, an outbreak can become an 606

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epidemic. For our discussion, we shall consider two types of infectious disease that have affected the lives of many South Africa in recent years: HIV/AIDS and COVID-19. Although HIV/AIDS is considered as a global pandemic in some circles, the World Health Organization (2021) currently regards it as a 'global epidemic' because it does not pose the same danger in all countries but is mostly located in regions of Africa, especially South Africa. Initially, COVID-19 was regarded as an epidemic because it was limited to Wuhan, China. However, it quickly spread geographically across continents and thus became a pandemic.

7.1.5.1 HIV/AIDS Before we discuss the incidence and consequences of AIDS, it is important to understand what precisely this disease is. (In Chapter 2, the effect of AIDS on prenatal development is discussed briefly). AIDS is the acronym for the life-threatening illness Acquired Immunodeficiency Syndrome. (Acquired means that it is contracted from the environment; in other words, not Syndrome inherited. Immune refers to the immune system of the body that fights against infections and diseases. Deficiency indicates that there is a shortage or absence, referring to the fact that the immune system of infected people is deficient. Syndrome is the entire group of symptoms of which a disease consists.) HIV is the abbreviation for Human Immunodeficiency Virus, Virus the virus that causes AIDS by damaging a person's immune system. The result is that the body has no protection against diseases, and the person falls prey to illnesses that normally produce only mild or no symptoms at all in persons without the virus. (See Figure 7.2 for symptoms of HIV infection). Therefore, people do not die from AIDS; they die from diseases such as tuberculosis, pneumonia and meningitis that are contracted as a result of the weakened immune system (AVERT, 2021; Hofmann et al., 2021). South Africa has the biggest HIV/AIDS epidemic in the world (Samuel, 2021). About eight million South Africans live with HIV/AIDS, which is nearly 15% of the entire population. The number for children 0 to 14 is about 350 000 (UNAIDS, 2021). Between 75 000 and 100 000 babies per year are born with HIV. Because children's immune systems are not fully developed, they are particularly vulnerable to HIV infection. Without treatment, approximately half of infants born with HIV die before two years of age. Women are affected disproportionately by HIV. Poverty, low status of women, and gender-based violence are cited for this disparity. HIV infections among children between the ages of 10 to 19 occur at an alarming rate, with adolescent girls being more vulnerable than boys. Risky sexual behaviour, especially with older men, and gender-based violence may be reasons for girls' heightened vulnerability. In addition, social attitudes towards young people's sexuality mean they are less likely to access HIV-prevention services and testing than older age groups are. This is hampered further by the need for under 14-yearolds to obtain parental or guardian consent to test for HIV (AVERT, 2021). In 2016, the government launched a national campaign to improve the health outcomes for young women, called the 'She Conquers' campaign. This campaign focused on decreasing teenage pregnancies, preventing gender-based violence, keeping girls in 607 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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school, and increasing opportunities for young women. In addition, young women and adolescent girls who are considered to be at high risk of HIV infection are also now eligible for pre-exposure prophylaxis (PrEP) as a preventative measure (SANAC, 2017). At this stage, there is no cure for AIDS, although antiretroviral treatment (ART) can control the virus, meaning that infected people can live long and healthy lives. In fact, South Africa has the largest ART programme in the world, providing both testing and treatment of infected people (AVERT, 2021). HIV is spread by having unprotected sex with an infected person, from an infected mother to her new-born baby (during pregnancy, childbirth, or breastfeeding) and through contact with infected blood. Playing with, kissing, sharing eating utensils and toothbrushes with infected children do not increase the risk of Figure 7.2. The symptoms of HIV infection

contracting the disease. The extensive effect of HIV/AIDS on children's development may be summarised as follows (Burckholder, 2019; Lachman et al., 2017; Richter, 2004; Stein et al., 2014): ► Changes in family composition. Because of death, relocation or financial hardship, changes occur often in the family constellation of an HIV/AIDS-affected family. Caregivers change, and siblings may split up, which could cause serious distress in children. A situation that may have negative consequences for children occurs when they are cared for by aged relatives; a condition of mutual dependency that is not conducive to the development of the child develops. ► Role changes. As their parents become increasingly ill and dependent on them, children's roles change from being a child to becoming the primary caregiver for their 608 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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►

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►

►

parents, younger siblings, and other household members such as grandparents. This huge responsibility largely denies children not only their childhood, but also opportunities (e.g., schooling), which may also affect their adult life negatively. Education. The school attendance and/or academic achievement of children infected and affected by HIV/AIDS decline because of their new responsibilities, while they also perform worse than their peers in cognitive assessments (Sherr et al., 2018). Furthermore, the money allocated for school is used for basic necessities, medication, and health care services. Stigmatisation. The stigma and resulting discrimination associated with AIDS is often underestimated. This is especially true for children and young people (David, 2020). For example, it may cause children to stay away from school, rather than being exposed to isolation or ridicule by peers and even teachers. Being isolated from their peer group also robs these children of interactions that are vital for their psychological development. Traumatic exposure to suffering and death. Children who live with parents who have AIDS are exposed to their long-term suffering and ultimate death. Where such a situation is traumatic for an adult, an emotionally immature child could experience it as much worse. In some traditional cultures, talk and questions about death are unacceptable; therefore, the children are not afforded the opportunity to get answers and to work through the trauma and grief. The result is often depression, anxiety, and withdrawal. Emotional deprivation. Children who grow up without the love and care of adults devoted to their emotional well-being are at a higher risk of developing psychological problems. A lack of emotional care often lies at the root of a subsequent lack of sympathy for others and results in antisocial behaviour such as delinquency. Economic decline. The average income of a family where a member has HIV/AIDS can fall by as much as 60% as expenditure on health care increases dramatically and savings are depleted. It is understandable that families often get into debt to care for sick individuals. In certain cultures, funerals have a special meaning; therefore, the costs may be very high, which further aggravates the financial situation. Mental health. AIDS-orphaned children tend to suffer significant mental health disorders. The most common of these disorders are depression, anxiety, posttraumatic stress disorder, and suicidal thoughts and behaviour. These problems are not necessarily transient in nature but could last for several years.

Unfortunately, alarming statistics about HIV/AIDS do not seem to play a significant preventative role. Various researchers have found that adolescents who are well informed about HIV/AIDS do not engage less in risky sexual behaviour than adolescents who are less informed do (Adomako et al., 2021). (Just like smokers who are well aware of what they are doing to themselves and even innocent children but continue smoking). Therefore, providing only and especially superficial information about HIV/AIDS is clearly not enough. Sex education should focus on ways to change behaviour, rather than merely provide information. A recent South African study found that keeping adolescent girls in school produces the greatest positive sexual behavioural effect. Coupled with the delivery of quality and comprehensive sexuality education, it is a key strategy for reducing HIV risk (George et al., 2021). 609 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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7.1.5.2 COVID-19 The coronavirus disease (COVID-19 COVID-19), which started in 2019, is a communicable respiratory disease caused by a new strain of the coronavirus that causes a communicable respiratory disease, especially in humans. The outbreak of the disease emerged in China in December 2019, and motivated by its rapid spreading, the World Health Organisation (WHO) declared it a pandemic in March 2020. The most common symptoms include fever, dry cough, tiredness, and aches and pains. The disease can be fatal and has already cost millions of lives. Originally and unfortunately, the research spotlight was not on children, as it seemed that they were not affected in the same way as adults were. Although the disease affects children less physically, the same cannot be said for their mental health. The total COVID-19 situation involves numerous and often significant adjustments, which leads to heightened stress. In turn, this could make children highly vulnerable. However, the effect depends on several vulnerability factors such as developmental age, educational status, pre-existing mental health condition, being economically underprivileged, being quarantined due to infection or fear of infection, and the reaction and support of caregivers (e.g., see Mahajan et al., 2020; Singh et al., 2020; Posfay-Barbe, 2020). The closing of schools and therefore the absence of interaction with peer groups and mentors, as well as a lack of innovative ideas for engaging in various academic and extracurricular activities, can bring boredom, loneliness, uncertainty, and anxiety. The lack of the structured setting of the school for a long duration also results in disruption of routine. For example, cancellation of examinations and changes in academic programmes and events can cause significant stress. Many children do not have access to online school material due to a lack of data connection or attend schools that do not provide this option. Children with mental health conditions could experience a worsening of symptoms and behavioural problems. Young children tend to show more clinginess, disturbed sleep, nightmares, poor appetite, inattentiveness, and significant separation problems. Furthermore, being quarantined could lead to so-called 'cabin cabin fever' fever — prolonged confinement or isolation indoors that causes restlessness, boredom, irritability, depression, substance abuse and anger outbursts. Consequently, conflict and abuse, especially in dysfunctional families, often occur. At the same time, children are exposed to social media, and gruesome pictures of disease and death may overwhelm them with fear and anxiety. This could be aggravated by news about deaths in the family and acquaintances. The stress of parents who have lost their jobs affects children directly. Additional factors such as suffering from the disease personally and thus being quarantined or having lost a parent or a very dear family member could have serious consequences: a delay in cognitive development, somatic complaints, obesity, asthma, diabetes, recurrent infections, sleep disturbance, and even premature death. Owing to prolonged confinement at home, children's increased use of the Internet and social media predisposes them to use the Internet compulsively and access objectionable content and also increases their vulnerability for getting bullied or abused. During these stressful times parents need to listen, understand, and to reassure 610 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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children, and make them feel extra loved and safe. Parents should monitor children closely for any signs of change in behaviour and explain the situation sensitively. Parents should spend quality time with their children, regularise their daily schedule, do fun activities together to take their minds off the crisis, encourage them to do physical activity, and help them in their hobbies. What the future will hold, depends on how we raise our next generation to be strong and resilient.

7.1.6 Suicide Suicidal behaviour is a major concern across the world. Almost one million people worldwide die by suicide each year. This corresponds with one death by suicide every 40 seconds. However, suicide attempts and suicidal ideation (suicidal thoughts) are far more common. For example, the number of suicide attempts may be up to 20 times the number of deaths by suicide (WHO, 2021). Suicide is the third leading cause of death in adolescents in the 15-19 age group. According to the National Burden of Disease Study, suicide accounts for about one in 20 deaths of people aged 10 to 19 (Wilkinson, 2018). Although males commit suicide about three times more than females do in the age group 10 to 19 years, almost twice as many females than males commit suicide across all age groups (Kootbodien et al., 2020; Schlebusch, 2012).

An adolescent on the verge of committing suicide

Suicide not only ends a young life but also has a devastating effect on family and friends. What drives children to an act of suicide? Several factors have been identified (Bilsen, 2018; Clayton, 2019; also see Cluver et al., 2015): 611 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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► Mental Health. Almost all mental health disorders are linked to an elevated risk of suicide (Nordentoft et al., 2020; also see Bradvik, 2018). Mental health disorders pose a 50% to 75% suicide risk, which, of course, does not mean that every person who attempts or commits suicide suffers from a mental health disorder. Depression is the leading cause of suicidal behaviour, also among adolescents. The symptoms of depression provide a breeding ground for this tragic act. Depression can make people feel great emotional pain, helplessness, and loss of hope, making them unable to see another way to relieve the pain other than ending their own lives. A South African study confirmed international findings: Suicidal behaviour among children is associated with depression, accompanied by stress, hopelessness, anger, low self-esteem, and low levels of family support (Vawda, 2012). ► Personality characteristics. Suicide is associated with impulsivity (Schimelpfening, 2021). Although considering and planning a suicidal process can take weeks, months, or even years, the fatal transition from suicidal ideation and suicide attempts to an actual completed suicide often occurs suddenly, unexpectedly, and impulsively, especially among adolescents. Young people who commit suicide tend to have poorer problem-solving skills than their peers. This inability to solve their problems, combined with mood regulation difficulties, often causes insecurity, low self-efficacy, and low self-esteem, which could lead to an emotional crisis and suicidal behaviour. Also important is that drugs and alcohol can influence persons who feel suicidal, making them more impulsive and likely to act upon their urges than they would do when sober. ► Troubled family relationships. Family conflict is a strong indicator of children's suicide. It is estimated that in 50% of youth suicide cases, family factors are involved. A lack of affection and emotional support, poor communication, parental conflict, pressure by parents to achieve, and poor parent-child relations are risk factors in this regard. Violence at home, not only specifically against the child but more as a way of dealing with problems between family members, often seems to be found in the background history of young suicide cases. An important factor is a history of mental health disorders among direct family members, especially depression and substance abuse. It is not clear whether these disorders influence the suicidal behaviour of children directly, or rather do so indirectly through mental health disorders evoked in the child because of this family context. The situation is worsened if there is also a lack of supportive friendships. ► Existential crisis. Many adolescents who experience an identity crisis also struggle with an existential crisis, a struggle with the meaning of life (Dimitriu, 2020). Persons may question their own existence within a world that seems meaningless to them. They ask questions like the following: "Who am I?" "Why was I created?" "If I am doomed to die, what is the point of my life?" They also tend to question the existence of God or a Supreme Being and ask questions such as "If there is a God, why does he allow all the miseries in the world?" Finding no answers for these questions, a 'sense of defeat' could drive the person to suicide (Moselli et al., 2021). An existential crisis can be similar to anxiety and depression — symptoms that could lead to suicidal behaviour. 612 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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► Previous suicide attempts. There is a strong link between previous suicide attempts, or a history of self-harm, and suicide. About 30% of all cases of completed suicide were preceded by an earlier suicide attempt (Schimelpfening, 2021). ► Genetic factors. Genetics seems to play a significant role in suicidal behaviour (Coon et al., 2020; Mann et al., 2020). For example, the chances that children with family members who have committed suicide will also commit suicide are higher than for children without such family members. However, the role of biological variables of suicide behaviour in young people is still understood poorly (Mirza et al., 2021). ► Stressful and traumatic life events prior to suicide attempts are common. Examples are the break-up of an important romantic or peer relationship, academic failure, conflict with the law, and bullying such as shaming, humiliation, or cyberbullying. ► Exceptional groups. Certain groups of people face exceptional circumstances that require special adjustments that cause such intense feelings of hopeless that suicide is seen as the only solution. Examples are children who are abused, non-heterosexual children, and children with serious medical conditions such as HIV/AIDS or cancer. The loss of a child through suicide is one of the big tragedies of life. Therefore, it is of the utmost importance that family, teachers, and friends should recognise suicidal ideation early. With the necessary support from their family and professional help, children not only can work through their negative feelings but also learn to identify situations that could trigger suicidal thinking early. They can also learn coping skills to deal effectively with difficult life situations (Hurley, 2020).

7.1.7 Community Violence Community violence refers to exposure to acts of violence in the neighbourhood where families live. Community violence involves exposure to intentional acts of violence, especially interpersonal violence, committed in public areas by individuals who are not intimately related to the victim. Common types of community violence that affect youths include individual and group conflicts (e.g., verbal threats, bullying, fights among gangs and other groups, shootings in public areas such as schools and communities, war-like conditions resulting from gang wars, and looting and destruction of public or private property). Although people can anticipate some types of traumatic events, community violence can happen suddenly and without warning. Consequently, youths and families who live with community violence often have heightened fears that harm could come at any time, and they experience the world as unsafe and terrifying. Also, although some types of violence are accidental, community violence is an intentional attempt to hurt one or more people and includes homicides, physical and sexual assaults, robberies, and attacks with weapons (e.g., bats, knives, and firearms) (National Child Traumatic Stress Network, 2017). Most children living in informal settlements in South Africa have been exposed to community violence (see Nöthling et al., 2019). In a large longitudinal study, it was found that 99% of children in Soweto (South Africa's largest township) have been exposed to violence (Richter et al., 2018). A study with adolescents in the Khayelitsha township in Cape Town found similar results (Kaminer et al., 2013). 613 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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Community violence has serious implications for child development

It is important to realise that a person does not have to be a victim of violence as such, but that witnessing (even only hearing about) violence also qualifies as exposure to violence. Research with 8- to 13-year-old children from various township schools in Cape Town indicated that hearing about violence from others has almost the same negative effect as witnessing it (Shields et al., 2008). It was also found that witnessing violence (e.g., bullying) at school has the same negative effect on learners as being bullied themselves (Janosz et al., 2018). Another core issue that should always be considered is that exposure to violence often goes hand in hand with numerous other adverse life experiences (Baglivio et al., 2021; Jones, 2021). Children exposed to violence usually experience other stressors such as poverty, neglect, poor nutrition, overcrowding, and substance abuse, lack of adequate medical care, parents' unemployment, and parents' mental health disorders. These factors can aggravate and prolong the negative effects of exposure to violence in children. For example, children whose parents suffer from mental health disorders or struggle with substance abuse may not have had the opportunity or guidance to develop prosocial coping skills to deal with exposure to violence. Therefore, the effects of exposure to violence on children must be viewed in the broader context in which the child is embedded. Various international and South African studies have shown that children and adolescents exposed to violence are at risk of developing a range of developmental and psychological problems (Richter et al., 2018; Herrero Romero et al., 2021; WHO et al., 2020). The major mental health disorders associated with children who were exposed to violence are depression and anxiety disorders, including posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD). Other disorders such as attention-deficit hyperactivity disorder have also been reported. Behavioural problems, such as poor interpersonal relationships, aggression, and 614 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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delinquency are quite common. Scholastic underachievement often occurs (Sherr et al., 2016). While acknowledging the potentially harmful effects of violence on the development of children, it should be noted that children could respond in various ways to exposure to violence. Children's varying responses to violence and other types of trauma are largely a result of a range of factors, including the following (Chávez et al., 2021; Violence Policy Center, 2017; also see North et al., 2020; Savahl et al., 2013): ► The nature of the violence. The various forms of violence (such as family violence, community violence, and political violence) can affect the lives of children in different ways. For example, children experience violence in the family as much more distressing than violence in the community, largely because children generally have relatively stronger attachments to family members than to those outside the family. If those to whom they are attached are also the cause of the violence to which they are subjected, they have difficulty in making sense of the violence. This could lead to confusion and feelings of helplessness that, in turn, could trigger disorders such as depression and anxiety. ► The duration and intensity of exposure. Evidently, children who are exposed to high levels of violence for relatively long periods are more likely to develop problems than children who are exposed to only brief and/or relatively low levels of violence. ► Involvement in violence. People tend to think that if a child is not abused directly and physically, it is less serious. As we have seen in our earlier discussion, this is not true. Thus, not only children who physically experience violence, but also those who witness violence can be affected significantly. In addition, children who engage in acts of violence (e.g., bullying) are also at risk for developing psycho-social problems, or may even already exhibit such problems (e.g., drug abuse, violent behaviour, mood changes, gang-membership, vandalism, truancy) and therefore also need help. ► Mental health history. Children with pre-existing mental health problems are at a higher risk for negative outcomes. In other words, a child who has had previous bouts of depression (for whatever reason) will be more inclined to develop depression than a child without such history will. In such cases, even a relatively low intensity of violence can trigger underlying mental health disorders. ► The child' child's age. In general, children of different ages are differentially vulnerable to the psychological effects of violence, due to a range of developmental factors such as the levels of cognitive and emotional maturity. Children in various developmental stages may react as follows (e.g., Tiret, 2012): • Infancy. Although infants create the impression that they are unaware, unresponsive, and unsusceptible, it is not the true picture at all. They are quite sensitive to their surroundings; therefore, they find loud noises and visual images associated with trauma, as well as negative emotional signals (e.g., anger from their caregivers) distressing. There is a strong indication that this could interfere with the infant's need for attachment. Therefore, it is understandable that many infants who are exposed to domestic violence tend to cry excessively and have eating and sleeping problems. 615 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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• Early childhood. Children in this age group are learning how to express their emotions, including those of aggression and anger. Being exposed to trauma and especially violence, children can imitate unhealthy ways to express anger and aggression. They also become confused with mixed messages of what they see versus what they are told. An example of such a mixed message occurs when children are taught that violence and aggression are wrong and are spanked for hitting a sibling — yet they see their parents fighting and even hitting each other. These children exhibit fear of abandonment, which is often expressed in excessive clinging. As they are fearful of being alone, they are frightened to explore the world. In turn, this could interfere with play and subsequent learning. Regressive behaviour is also common and includes bed wetting, thumb sucking, and fear of the dark, strangers, and 'monsters'. Other symptoms include eating and sleep disorders (especially nightmares). • Middle childhood. During middle childhood, behaviour problems become more obvious and serious. Difficulties in concentration and attention, and poor academic performance are usually in the foreground. They have poor social skills and tend to see the intentions of others as hostile. Therefore, aggressive behaviour such as fighting with siblings and friends are common. They are confused about right and wrong. For example, they are more susceptible to accepting inaccurate and unhealthy explanations to excuse violence, such as that the victim deserves the abuse. Their confusion is also embodied in their emotions, which often switch between shame, fear, and rage. The child could have physical complaints (e.g., stomach aches) that have no medical explanation. A preoccupation with the traumatic event or situation is not uncommon. The result is that children want to talk about it continuously and/or incorporate it with their play. • Adolescence. Adolescence is usually the culmination of the aforementioned reactions. Behaviour becomes more excessive, and acting out behaviour tends to be more prominent, for example alcohol and drug abuse, involvement in gangs, truancy, and sexual promiscuity. Violent behaviour is common with physical fights and even physical aggression occurring in dating relationships. The meaning and purpose of life are questioned, and psychological problems seem to intensify: Depression, anxiety, withdrawal, and suicidal thoughts are quite common. ► The child' child's gender. Studies regarding this aspect seem to differ. Some found that the effects of exposure to violence may be more detrimental for girls, others for boys, while in some cases, no differences were found (e.g., Bell, 2015; Furough et al., 2017). As we have discussed before, this usually could be ascribed to research-related factors such as the use of different inclusion criteria (such as definitions of violence), research methodologies, interpretations, and contexts. At this stage, it would be safe to accept that, although there are many similarities in boys' and girls' reactions to violence, there are also important differences. One such significant difference is that adolescent boys tend to direct their inner struggles outward, while adolescent girls tend to direct them inward. This means that boys tend to become more aggressive and delinquent, while girls seem to be more likely to exhibit psychological symptoms, especially depression and anxiety. This gender trend appears to change the older the 616 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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child gets and culminates during adolescence. ► The child' child's temperament. As discussed in previous chapters, temperament is regarded as the foundation of personality, usually assumed to be biologically determined and present early in life. It includes characteristics such as emotional responsiveness, mood, and response tempo (APA, 2020). Children with 'easy' temperaments appear to cope better with violence than children with 'difficult' temperaments do. Children with easy temperaments tend to have an optimistic outlook on life and adjust better to change, irritations, and frustrations. As mentioned in Chapter 3, this trend may be attributed to the fact that children with a sociable, pleasant temperament and positive attitude are more likely to have accepting and supportive relationships with others. These relationships may soften the harmful effects of violence on children. In contrast, children who are emotionally reactive and irritable are often in conflict with other people and are therefore less inclined to have a similar support system. ► The availability of social support. Mental health professionals widely accept the protective effects of good social support regarding the effects of violence (Lagdon, 2021; Ogbe, 2021). Social support serves as a buffer against the deleterious effects of exposure to violence. For example, support from family and teachers decreases some of the psychological problems associated with children's exposure to violence. Similarly, peer support has been shown to lower children's anxiety following their exposure to violence. However, the nature of peer support is important: Children exposed to disruptive and hostile family relationships exhibit increased levels of aggression in cases where they rely on aggression-prone peers for social support (Criss et al., 2002). Other important sources of support are religious groups and community mental health services by professionals such as psychologists, social workers, and psychiatrists. ► Past exposure to violence. Most children who are exposed to violence are usually exposed to more than one incident of violence. These repeated exposures usually include various types of violence (e.g., domestic violence, physical abuse). Children's past exposure to violence may have a sensitising or a resilient effect on them with respect to their subsequent exposure to violence. Which of the two options will triumph appears to be linked to the social support of their parents or caregivers and community when they were first exposed to violence. In cases where supportive care is provided, children are likely to be more resilient when subsequently exposed to violence. However, when children's relationships with parents or caregivers are problematic (e.g., nonsupportive or non-nurturing) and no other good social support is available during their first exposure to violence, they might be more vulnerable to the negative effect of later exposure to violence. Thus, not only the availability of social support but also the quality of social support is important. ► Scholastic performance. There is evidence that good scholastic performance may serve as a protective factor in children's responses to adversities, such as violence (Esen et al., 2020). It is argued that children who perform well at school are more likely than others to have a positive self-image, as well as a sense that they have a measure of control over their lives. In addition, resilient children may make school a 'home-awayfrom-home' — a refuge away from the disordered, violent household and/or community. Because children who do well academically usually also have a good relationship with teachers, this adds to their support system. ► The socio-economic status of a child. A low socio-economic status generally 617 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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correlates with problems in children who have been exposed to extreme violence. This is mainly because lower socio-economic circumstances are often characterised by a range of other stressors, including inadequate schools, crime, lack of access to resources and social disorganisation, which may render children significantly more vulnerable to the adverse effects of violence. ► The child' child's appraisal of violence. The way in which children experience violence plays an important role in how the violence will affect them (see Pells et al., 2018). If children can make sense of the violence to which they are exposed, they are less likely to be traumatised by it than when violent encounters are incomprehensible. For example, children involved in the anti-apartheid struggle experienced the state-inspired violence as much less anxiogenic (causing anxiety) than the intra-community violence that characterised South African society during the early 1990s, simply because they could understand the logic of the former and because the latter's origins were not evident (Duncan et al., 1997). However, it is significant that this intra-community violence is not only a phenomenon of the 1990s. It is still continuing, and children are frequently exposed as victims and witnesses (albeit on an indirect level through media exposure and the loss of friends and acquaintances through death). Therefore, children in South Africa consistently may be at risk due to the senselessness of the violence. ► Children Children''s experience of hope. Children's experience of hope seems to be a stronger predictor of their well-being than community violence is (Savahl et al., 2013). The more hopeful children are about the future, the better the chances are that they will survive. Therefore, it is important to realise that this factor should always be addressed in working with children who were exposed to trauma such as community violence.

A child' child's experience of hope is a strong predictor of their well-being

Although the aforementioned factors are presented in a manner that might suggest that they function independently, this is usually not the case. These factors act together in a multiplicity of combinations, depending on the circumstances and individual characteristics of children. Thus, children exposed to the same type of violence or any other adversities will react in unique ways to the violence. 618 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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REVIEW THIS SECTION 1. Explain the difference between an epidemic and a pandemic. 2. Discuss the following statement: South Africa has the highest HIV/AIDS epidemic in the world. What are the reasons for the high prevalence rate of HIV/AIDS in South Africa? How does HIV/AIDS affect children's development? 3. Discuss the effect of the COVID-19 pandemic on children's mental health and adjustment. 4. Class discussion: how did you cope during the COVID-19 pandemic? 5. Discuss the reasons why children commit suicide. 6. What is community violence? How may community violence affect children? Discuss the factors that could affect the influence of community violence on children.

7.1.8 Death Death is not a foreign concept for children. They hear people talk about it and from a very early age see it on television, even in cartoons and comedies. As is the case of all behaviours, the uniqueness of individuals also determines their reaction towards death and dying. Several factors play a role in children's understanding of death, namely: - - - - - - - -

the child's age and stage of development; the level of cognitive development; the child's personality (e.g., awareness of emotions); the nature of the child's relationship with the deceased person; the reaction of the parents and other family members; the way parents communicate with their children about death; the role and nature of religion in the child's life; and cultural influences (e.g., see Box 7.6 regarding rural Xhosa children's understanding of death).

A mother consoling her child after his father' father's death

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BOX 7.6. RURAL XHOSA CHILDREN' CHILDREN'S UNDERSTANDING OF DEATH As mentioned, cultural influences play an important role in children's understanding of death. This is illustrated in rural Xhosa culture where adults show a preference for using symbolic expressions when referring to death. For example, they will talk of death as having a sting (ulwamvila). The sting presupposes that when death visits, it stings the person thereby causing the person to die. Alternatively, they may say uye kwelobawomkulu (the person has gone to the world of the ancestors), usishiyile (the person has left us), akafanga, ulele (the person is not dead but sleeping). This might cause the child to associate death with sleeping, with a view of the deceased waking up again. Most of the time, these expressions are accompanied by 'commands' such as musani ukulila sulani ezonyembezi (do not cry, wipe off those tears), thereby suppressing the emotions that accompany the event of death. An important implication of the above is that one should get comfort from knowing that the deceased has paved the way for one to join them at a later stage. Additionally, one should not cry for somebody who is sleeping because eventually that person will wake up again. This viewpoint is reflected in many African cultures, and the belief behind this is that one never refers to a human being as being 'dead' (ufile) unless one holds such a person in absolute contempt. Children are often cautioned not to mention the name of someone who has died recently, because it is ill-mannered to introduce the subject of death into any conversation. Of course, this cultural belief system may influence the way children perceive and experience death and dying. In a study of a group of rural and mainly Xhosa-speaking children in the Eastern Cape, Mdleleni-Bookholane (2004) had some interesting results, for example the following: -

When the children were asked to define death, children younger than 12 years labelled it by using concepts such as ukusweleka (death involving an action: 'to die') and ukufa sisifihlo sisingcwabo (death as a funeral). They also used personification to describe death (ukufa ngumntu oswelekileyo — death is somebody who is dead, ukufa kukubulawa — death is to be killed). This was noticeable even in the older children (13-16).

-

The majority of pre-school children did not understand the concept of the irreversibility of death. Children of about 8 to 9 years understood the irreversibility of death as far as animals are concerned, but not regarding human beings.

-

Most of the children younger than 13 and even 6-year-olds had a relatively good understanding of the causes of death. This includes external physical causes (e.g., stabbing, gunshots, car accidents) as well as internal explanations (e.g., sickness, old age).

Children and their feelings are often overlooked when death occurs. Understanding their concepts of death and their reactions at different ages provides some guidelines for parents, caregivers, and professionals on how they can help children with their grief. The concept of death develops in the same way as other concepts; it becomes increasingly more sophisticated with age. The following is an outline of children's concept of death 620 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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at different ages (Bartlett et al., 2019; Fiorelli, 2010; Stanford Children's Health 2021). However, this should be seen as averages and, as indicated before, averages should be interpreted with caution, as it only provides a very broad guideline. For example, some children may understand death at the age of five, others only at 12 years of age. ► Ages 0 to 2. Infants do not recognise death, although they do experience feelings of loss and separation when someone significant dies. They respond to the emotions and reactions of significant adults in their environment and to any disruptions in their nurturing routine and schedule. They start looking for their caretaker and become distressed. This may be deduced from responses such as constant crying, irritability, listlessness, quietness, unresponsiveness, weight loss and disturbed sleeping and eating patterns. These reactions are regarded as part of developing death awareness. ► Ages 3 to 5. Children in this age category do not fully separate death from life and may believe that the deceased continues to live (e.g., in the ground where they have been buried). As they do not understand the concept of 'forever', they tend to consider death as a temporary or gradual event. Therefore, it is common for them to ask questions such as "When will Grandma come back?" They also often ask questions about the activities of the deceased person; for example, what and how is the deceased eating, or how is the deceased going to the toilet? They also respond to the emotional reactions of the significant others in their lives. For example, if they sense their parents/caregivers are worried or sad, they may cry or even throw tantrums. Children under the age of 5 years often exhibit problems concerning eating, sleeping, and bladder or bowel control in response to death. ► Ages 6 to 9. Children of this age often become curious about death, asking very concrete questions, for example, on the decay of the body. Death is personified and takes on a specific identity such as a skeleton or a ghost. Children nonetheless believe that death happens to other people and especially the elderly — but not to themselves or their family members. They may also view death as a punishment. The behaviour of grieving children this age varies from refusing to attend school, psychosomatic symptoms (such as headaches or stomach-aches), aggressiveness and social withdrawal, to becoming overly dependent (e.g., clinging) and overly considerate concerning the well-being of others. ► Ages 10 to 18. By the time children reach the age of 10, they usually understand that death is inevitable: "Everyone will die one day, even I." They also realise that death is final and cannot be changed. It is important to remember that adolescents are in the process of establishing their own identity and increasing their independence from their parents and other adults, and that their peer group starts playing a central role in their lives. Therefore, how they are seen and judged by the peer group is very important to them. Consequently, boys could fear that expressing sad feelings like crying might be seen as a sign of weakness. For this reason, they may appear indifferent. Adolescents, especially girls, could also react to death in a dramatic and intense way. Responses such as sleeping and eating problems, impulsive behaviour, and loss of interest in external activities are typical.

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Fiorelli (2010) points out that although children's grief may look different from that of adults, it shares fundamental similarities, such as a physical and emotional reaction to the loss of a significant loved one. He also refers to the myth: "It is best to protect a child from death and also from grief." It is natural and commendable for adults to want to protect children from painful experiences. However, children will grieve in their own unique way, and it is essential that adults do not dictate or inhibit that process. Instead, a child's expression of grief should be allowed and even facilitated. As far as the dying child is concerned, parents and medical personnel often assume that terminally ill children are unaware that they will die. However, dying children are far more aware of what is happening to them than adults realise. In fact, they experience many of the emotions that dying adults experience. Preschool children tend not to talk about dying, although they may act out their fears and feelings, for example by exhibiting temper tantrums or even aggression while playing. School-age children have a relatively good understanding of their situation and talk about it. It is important for them to participate in normal activities to feel adequate. Adolescents' reactions also reflect themes of their developmental stage. They are generally concerned about body image and acceptance by peers, while a new independence also now emerges. Terminal illness, including possible changes in appearance and dependence on medical treatments, may be specifically challenging as they still struggle for a sense of identity. We have stated before that children should never be underestimated. This also applies to children who are dying. Dying children know they are dying (Mahon, 2011). Just like parents need to be informed about the nature, treatment, and prognosis of their child's illness, children also need information. However, information should not be forced on children, and it must be relevant. Dying children tend to be very specific about what they want to know, for example what dying is like. (See Box 7.7 on the psychosocial needs of a dying child.)

A doctor giving a mother the bad news about her child' child's poor chance of recovery

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BOX 7.7. THE PSYCHOSOCIAL NEEDS OF A DYING CHILD A child with a terminal illness such as cancer has the same need for love, emotional support, and normal activities as any person facing death. Love, respect, and dignity are all important factors in caring for a dying child. Consider these psychosocial needs of a dying child:

• Time to be a child. Engage in age-appropriate activities and play for children. • Communication/listening/expression of fears or anger. Children should have someone they can talk to about their fears, joys, or anger. Being alone at the time of death is a common fear for dying children. Listening to them is the most important way to help. Accepting that the child does not want to talk about dying is also important. The parents' needs may often take precedence and they should seek out someone to whom they can talk. Even if "big" issues are not discussed, the importance of a non-judgemental and caring presence should never be underestimated.

• Depression and withdrawal. Independence and control need to be given to a dying teenager whenever possible. Many physical changes that happen before death can make the child very dependent for even simple tasks. Loss of control and depression may cause withdrawal. It is important to validate these feelings without forcing communication.

• Spiritual needs. Respect and provide for spiritual and cultural needs. Rituals allowing children and their families to remember, giving thanks, expressing gratitude, and saying goodbye are all ways to honour the transition from getting well to letting go or dying. What and how much to tell a child is dependent on the culture and ethnic background of the family.

• Wish fulfilment. Some organisations provide funding for a 'wish' for seriously and/or terminally ill children. If possible, help children decide what they would most like to do before they die. Going on a trip, a new cell phone or computer, or meeting a Springbok rugby player are examples of children's wishes. These wishes often would create wonderful memories for families of children with a terminal illness.

• Permission from loved ones to die. Some children seem to need 'permission' to die. Many children fear their death will hurt their parents and leaving them behind will make them very sad. It has been observed that children will cling to life through pain and suffering until they get 'permission' from their parents to die. This has been described in the dying adult, as well. Sometimes, parents are not always the best people to give this permission. Someone close to both the parents and the child may be more appropriate.

• Comfort in knowing they are not alone in the dying process. Dying children most often want reassurance that they will not die alone and that they will be missed. Parents and loved ones need to comfort children and tell them that, when death happens, they will be right at the bedside. This is often a difficult promise to keep, but every effort should be made to be holding or touching children when they die. The presence at death benefits the caregivers and the child.

• Limit setting. Parents need to continue setting appropriate limits on a child's behaviour and not let their guilt or grief influence their normal parenting. If not, the consequence can be children becoming or feeling out of control. Stanford Children's Health (2021)

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Mahon also addresses an important aspect regarding the parents' reaction to their dying children. It is understandable that parents will try obsessively to find therapies that could save their child's life. Unfortunately, this obsessive and fixated pursuit of a cure can have a profound effect on children's experience of their own dying. Children who know the only goal is a cure may feel uncomfortable and even unable to discuss their thoughts and fears. It is not uncommon that children would approach a parent or even a physician, nurse, or other health-care provider to talk about whether they will die. A common response is, "Don't talk like that! You have to be positive." Mahon cites the true example of eightyear-old Gregory who had lived with a serious illness for several years. He approached his parents several times in an attempt to discuss his dying; they uniformly refused to hear Gregory's questions and concerns. Gregory was in the clinic for an out-patient treatment. He turned to the parent sitting next to his chair and urgently said again, "I think I'm going to die." As the parent protested, Gregory died.

REVIEW THIS SECTION 1. Which factors play a role in children's understanding of death? Discuss the conceptions of death of children of various ages, as well as their reactions to death. Do you think that it is best to protect a child from death and from grief? 2. Discuss the dying child's experience: How do children in the various developmental stages react to their own dying process? 3. Discuss the psychosocial needs of dying children.

7.2 RESILIENCE Before we discuss resilience, first read the following two true South African case studies: Case study 1 In the late 1730s, a ship on its way between England and India sank near what is presently known as Port Grosvenor on South Africa's Wild Coast. The next day, the local inhabitants (Xhosas) stumbled upon a seven-year-old white English girl. (It is uncertain how many other survivors there were and whether she was the only one). She spoke a language that was unintelligible to them, but persistently pointed to herself, repeating "Bessie", "Bessie". It was later discovered to be the short for "Elizabeth". Even at that young age, she was described as strikingly beautiful, with pale skin, long black hair, and sky-blue eyes. Bessie was adopted by the Amampondo, a Xhosa-speaking tribe and kingdom. She adapted easily to her new life, learning the language and customs as if it were her original culture. She grew up to be a woman of great beauty and wisdom and became the Great Wife of an Amampondo prince and chief. She was given a Xhosa name, Gquma (meaning 'roar of the sea', since she had come out of the raging water). 624 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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However, she never forgot her original name and even named one of her daughters Bessie. Bessie and her husband had several children, at least five of whom lived to adulthood. Their female descendants were much sought after as the wives of chiefs and even kings. She thus became the ancestor of later royal Xhosa families. They lived at Mngazana (near the present Port St Johns) where Bessie lies buried. The complete story of Bessie is told in the book The Sunburnt Queen by Hazel Crampton (2006) (also see Lund, 2010).

Case study 2 Hamilton Naki was born in the remote area of Centani in the Eastern Cape in 1926. He grew up wearing goatskins and running barefoot over the rolling green hills, herding cattle and goats. His family was very poor, and when he was about 16, he had no choice but to drop out of school and find a job to help support them. He hitchhiked more than 900 kilometres to Cape Town and found a job at the University of Cape Town as a labourer. For the next few years, his job was to roll the grass tennis courts. The tennis courts happened to be on the campus of the Medical School. One day, a professor needing a pair of strong arms to assist him with something in the laboratory walked outside and called the young labourer. Hamilton stayed on to become the professor's right-hand man in the lab. He absorbed knowledge like a sponge, learning to anaesthetise animals, different ways of cutting and stitching, and how to set up drips. Then, in 1958, Hamilton got his second lucky break. Dr Christiaan Barnard, who would one day be world famous for transplanting the first human heart, came to the research lab and pioneered his open-heart surgery on stray dogs. This research would become Barnard's legacy, and hundreds of thousands of lives would be saved. A few years before his death in 2001, Barnard said in a documentary, "I saw that Hamilton was a surgical assistant with a lot of skill and I gave him more and more to do. Before we did the first human heart transplant, we did 48 heart transplants on dogs. Eventually, he could do a heart transplant sometimes better than the junior doctors who came here." When Groote Schuur Hospital was thrust into the world spotlight with the first human heart transplant on December 3, 1967, one of the people closest to Barnard in many of the photographs was a smiling Hamilton. Hamilton then became involved in research on liver transplants and continued to display exceptional anatomical knowledge. Many students studying surgery would learn from Hamilton's ability to perform complex procedures with ease and precision. Many of those surgeons who learnt from Hamilton would go on to become professors and top surgeons all over the world. He was often credited in their academic papers. In 30 years, Hamilton almost never missed work, even though the apartheid riots of the 1980s often disrupted public transport. Sometimes he would leave before the blockades had been erected in the townships and be at work by 03:00. Although he often had to walk long distances, he arrived every day at 06:00. Although South Africa's apartheid policies dictated where Hamilton lived and which school he went to, he never saw himself as the victim of anything. He made use of the opportunities he had and never failed to share what he had learnt. In 2003, the University of Cape Town made an extraordinary announcement. For the 625 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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first time in its history, a man who had never finished school would receive an honorary Master of Medicine degree. The man who started working there as a gardener more than four decades before walked down the aisle of the graduation hall where legions of students before him had received their degrees. Hamilton, looking stately in a dark suit, stood erect and motionless on the stage as he was praised as "an extraordinary teacher and surgical craftsman". As the words "The University honours a man who taught the craft of surgery to so many" were read, Hamilton stepped forward. A thousand students and academics burst into applause. A photograph of that day had a proud place in Hamilton's modest house in the suburb of Langa, next to one showing President Thabo Mbeki awarding him the Order of Mapungubwe, for service to the nation. He died at the age of 78 and was buried in the green hills of the Eastern Cape that he had loved so much. (Source: Hickman et al., 2006).

How did Bessie and Hamilton succeed in not only surviving in adverse circumstances where many others would have perished, but also to achieve more than those who had grown up in favourable environments? A large part of the answer lies in resilience resilience, the ability to cope with or recover from difficult or challenging life experiences.

For many years, the primary focus of child psychologists was on risk factors and the vulnerability of children. Only around 1970, attention shifted to children who, regardless of having been exposed to various serious risk factors, succeed in life. In fact, research has shown that between 50% and 80% of children are able to overcome the negative factors to which they have been exposed. Resilience is also one of the major focus points of positive psychology, a relatively recent branch of psychology that can be defined as the scientific psychology study and promotion of the optimal functioning and well-being of individuals. As such, it studies the strengths, virtues, and skills that enable individuals to thrive. Understanding why some children do well despite adverse early experiences is of the utmost importance, 626 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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especially from a preventative perspective. It can help to create and introduce effective policies and programmes (especially in schools) that help more children reach their full potential (Center on the Developing Child, 2021). The factors that have been identified to strengthen resilience in children may be divided into three categories. These categories and characteristics are summarised in Table 7.3. Table 7.3. Characteristics of resilient children PERSONAL CHARACTERISTICS • • •

• • • • • • • •

•

Good cognitive abilities and problem-solving skills Positive outlook on life (hopefulness) Easy temperament in infancy, adaptable personality later in development Faith and a sense of meaning in life Talents valued by self and society Good sense of humour General appeal or attractiveness to others Sense of self-efficacy and positive self-esteem Sense of control over one's own life Achievement orientated Ability to experience and express a wide range of emotions in a regulatory manner Ability to empathise and consider situations from another's perspective

COMMUNITY CHARACTERISTICS

FAMILY CHARACTERISTICS • • • •

Parents involved in the child's education Socio-economic advantages Faith and religious affiliations Stable and supportive home environment, especially: - Positive family climate with low levels of parental conflict - Close relationship with parents/caregivers - Positive parenting style (high on warmth, structure/monitoring, and expectations) - Good sibling relationships - Supportive connections with extended family members

•

•

• • • • • • • •

High neighbourhood quality: - Safe neighbourhood - Low level of community violence - Affordable housing - Access to recreational centres - Clean air and water Effective schools: - Well-trained and wellcompensated teachers - After-school programmes - School recreation resources (sports, music, art) Employment opportunities Good public health care Access to emergency services (police, fire, medical) Exposure to adult role models and rule-abiding peers Protective child policies (regarding child labour, child health and welfare) Value and resources directed at education Prevention and protection from political oppression and violence Low acceptance of physical violence

Masten et al. (2011, 2018); Research in Practice (2009)

Apart from the characteristics mentioned in Table 7.3, it should be noted that protective factors are often rooted in culture. Cultural resilience was confirmed in several South African studies (see Liebenberg et al., 2015; Theron et al., 2010, 2016, 2020). It is accepted generally that cultural traditions, religious rituals, and support services embedded in a culture 627 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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may provide a wide variety of protective functions. Traditional healing, blessing practices, or purification ceremonies, such as those found in various ethnic groups in South Africa, may serve as important methods to instil mental preparedness into people of a cultural group (e.g., Greeff et al., 2008). Wright et al. (2013, p. 24) say the following in this regard: "As the study of resilience continues, it will be critical to explore the extent to which factors found to promote resilience in one group would also be replicated across cultural groups and how the same factor found across multiple groups may function differently in different cultural contexts." Beverley Killian (2004) of the Department of Psychology at the University of KwaZuluNatal states that (sub-)cultural variations in child-rearing practices also play an important role in children's resilience. Advantageous practices such as complimenting children for positive behaviour or providing them with support to overcome adversity may promote resilience. On the other hand, there are also several cultural practices that can break down resilience and therefore increase risks. Such factors include: - - - - - -

unacceptable and severe ways of punishment, imbedded in beliefs such as "spare the rod and spoil the child"; belittling children, embedded in the belief that children should be seen, not heard; overprotection of children in an attempt to protect them from the "harsh realities of life"; overemphasising obedience to the exclusion of the development of inner strengths and independence; wnot discussing sexuality with children with the result that, for example, experimentation and the belief in myths could hinder normal sexual development; and not providing children with a climate and opportunities that are conducive to asking for assistance in solving their problems and challenges

Many children show remarkable resilience in the face of adversity

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Since there is sufficient research data to conclude that external factors may affect the development of resilience negatively, a logical deduction is that external interventions may also enhance and nurture resilience. In addition to psychosocial predictors of resilience, several biological variables have been shown to be predictive of resilient functioning. These include neuroendocrine regulation, brain function, and genetics (Cicchetti, 2016). However, as this seems to be a neglected research field, future research should shed more light on this interesting area. The following are examples of strategies that have been underscored by research to develop and improve resilience in children when exposed to traumatic events (e.g., APA, 2020; Dawes et al., 2000; Masten et al., 2011; Mcfarlane, 2021): ► Encourage the child to establish and build positive relationships. Children who enjoy positive relationships with others appear to be more resilient than their peers are when exposed to current and future adversity. Thus, it appears that it would be to children's advantage if their parents do not focus only on developing their own relationships with their children, but also encourage the latter to develop positive relationships with other adults (e.g., teachers) and their peers. ► Help children make sense of their experiences. Children who can make sense of the adversities to which they are subjected appear to be affected less negatively by their experiences than children who cannot make sense of their experiences. Therefore, it is in children's interest that their parents assist them in making sense of negative experiences. ► Help children exercise some control over their experiences. Children who have some sense of control over their experiences appear to be affected less adversely by the stressors in their lives than children who feel that the stressors are beyond their control. An important means of gaining some sense of control over the adversities that confront them is to allow them to speak about and explore their experiences, fears, and concerns. ► Provide the child with some routine. It is to children's benefit if their parents insist on some degree of routine, such as continuing to attend school activities regularly at specific times. The principle is that these routine activities allow children some measure of structure when they are most in need of it. ► Do not overreact. It is a known fact that a child reacts to the response of other people, especially parents and other adults. For example, consider how a small child who has bumped her head responds to her parents' reaction. A shocked and emotional overreaction would mostly elicit (often also disproportionate) crying from the child, while a more rational and 'neutral' reaction would evoke little or even no crying. The same principle applies to emotional trauma. There is often a fine line between a caring response and an overreaction. Therefore, it should be emphasised that a 'normal' reaction of concern and compassion is as necessary as avoiding an overreaction. ► Develop the child' child's self-esteem and self-efficacy. An overriding aim should be to create a supportive and facilitative environment and specific opportunities to create a feeling of accomplishment and a sense of achievement in children. This will 629 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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enhance self-confidence and therefore self-esteem and self-efficacy that will spill over into other spheres of life. ► Teach the child a sense of humour. This will allow them to see the brighter side of life and help them to cope with situations of anxiety or stress. A sense of humour also facilitates creative solutions for problems and challenges. ► Encourage children to talk about their feelings with their parents, friends, teachers, or other people close to them. It helps children to "let off steam"; often they also discover that other children and even adults have similar experiences, problems, and feelings. It also helps them to share life questions and the burden of trauma, conflict, and doubts with another person who is close to them.

REVIEW THIS SECTION 1. Discuss the concept of resilience. Which factors allow children to "bounce back" or adjust to negative life experiences? How may cultural practices build or break down children's resilience? 2. Describe the strategies that could be employed to develop children's resilience when they experience traumatic events. Why do we need to be concerned about the adversities that certain children face?

7.3 THE RIGHTS OF THE CHILD From the content of this chapter, it is very clear that children are exposed to numerous risk factors. The maltreatment and abuse of children is not a new phenomenon, of course. Children have been ill-treated, exploited, and violated for centuries. However, the rise of children's rights is a relatively new phenomenon. The fact that children need special protection and care is understandable: Children are among the most vulnerable members of society and dependent on others such as their parents, families, and the Government. Therefore, they need specific laws and regulations to safeguard their interests. In fact, most countries now see the development and promotion of children's rights as essential for their development into caring and responsible citizens. Thus, children's rights, just like human rights in general, refer to basic criteria or standards that are essential for developing people's potential and maintaining their dignity. Probably the most significant international venture to protect children constitutionally occurred in 1989 when the United Nations (UN) introduced the Convention on the Rights of the Child. It was the first legally binding international instrument to incorporate the full range of civil, cultural, economic, political, and social human rights. The Convention spells out the basic human rights that children everywhere should have (UNICEF, 2007), namely: 630 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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• • • •

the right to survival; the right to develop to the fullest; the right to be protected from harmful influences, abuse, and exploitation; and the right to participate fully in family, cultural and social life The four core principles of the Convention are:

• • • •

non-discrimination; devotion to the best interests of the child; the right to life, survival, and development; and respect for the views of the child.

By agreeing to abide by the obligations of the Convention, national governments have committed themselves to protect and ensure children's rights and to hold themselves accountable for this commitment before the international community. This new Zeitgeist (spirit of the times) has led to numerous efforts to make children more aware of their rights and to research aspects related to this to promote their well-being. South Africa officially joined this venture in 1995 when it signed the Convention on the Rights of the Child. Since then, much attention has focused on South African children. For example, research projects on children have increased dramatically, while special and innovative legislation and judicial procedures have been put in place. Examples of the latter are the Sexual Offences Court (where child victims of sex offences receive special care and protection), the Office of the Family Advocate (which looks after the best interests of the child, especially in divorce-related cases) and the Children's Act no. 38 of 2005 (which considers the best interest of the child). (See also Box 7.8: The Children's Charter of South Africa.) In fact, South Africa is recognised as an example for other countries to emulate concerning the development of citizens' rights. This does not mean that South Africa does not still face many obstacles and challenges, but that the country has made remarkable progress in this regard, cannot be denied. It is important to realise that knowledge of children's rights is more than just being politically correct. It is essential that every person feels committed to rectifying the many injustices that have been committed against children in the past. Unfortunately, it is equally true that there is a lack of support for children's rights in certain circles. Several factors play a contributory role in this. For example, cultures that are more traditional have a strong belief in the structure of an authoritarian, patriarchal society that is also reflected in the functioning of the family. In such structures, there is little room for the freedom of expression or choice and rights for women or children. In addition, several religions teach respect and subservience to authority. Often, these teachings are taken to extremes, leading to many adults' perceptions that children's rights are basically taboo. For example, Du Preez et al. (2010) studied the incorporation of certain values in maintaining positive discipline in multicultural schools. They found that many teachers argue that instilling a particular value system (e.g., belief in corporal punishment) can promote discipline in schools. However, this could be problematic in the light of the Constitution. Drawing solely on cultural values is not only unlikely to 631 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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solve the problem of discipline but could also undermine the efforts to transform South Africa's diverse, democratic society where everybody's rights are respected. However, the Constitution of South Africa is the supreme law of the Republic of South Africa, and no right of any individual, group, religion, or culture can be allowed to conflict with the Constitution. Inevitably, it will lead to chaos and anarchy. Several authors (e.g., Huffer et al., 2013; Kaufman et al., 2005) highlight the important role that cultural values play in influencing children's perceptions of their rights. Different cultures place different emphases on the kinds of rights children should be afforded. Some Westernised cultures such as the USA focus on the importance of individual autonomy, selfreliance, assertiveness, competition, and individuality, which promote self-determination rights (rights of choice and freedom). Other cultures, such as certain European cultures, emphasise the importance of nurturing and protection rights for children. In these cultures, children's potential incompetence to engage in and understand the consequences of certain of their actions is emphasised. Therefore, the desire to protect children, rather than to liberate them, is evident in these cultures. However, in certain cultures, there is conflict between children's rights and traditional customs. A typical example in some traditional cultures in South Africa is circumcision, which causes many adolescents to die each year because of the customary but detrimental way in which the ritual is performed, as discussed in Chapter 6. Another example is the way in which children (e.g., in tribal villages or on farms) are expected to do certain work that falls outside the legal stipulation.

Child labour should often be seen in cultural context. For example, children herding cattle and other forms of livestock is common in many African cultures

It is of the utmost importance that the rights of children should never be considered in isolation from those of the society in which they live. As much as children's rights have their 632 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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place and are good guidelines, so too do the community and adults have rights that need to be respected by children. Therefore, it is critical for children to realise that responsibility is an integral part of the important privilege of having rights and that a right expires the moment you infringe upon the rights of others.

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BOX 7.8. THE CHILDREN' CHILDREN'S CHARTER OF SOUTH AFRICA Article One - Freedom from Discrimination 1. All children have the right to protection and guarantees of all the rights of the Charter and should not be discriminated against because of their parents' or families' colour, race, gender, language, religion, personal or political opinion, nationality, disability, or for any other reason. 2. The Government of National Unity as well as provincial and local governments, all political parties, communities, all extra-parliamentary groups, families, parents, and children, should do everything possible to ensure that children are not discriminated against due to their own or their parents' or family's colour, race, sex, language, religion, personal or political opinion, nationality, disability, or for any other reason. Article Two - Name and Nationality All children have the right to a name and nationality as soon as they are born. Article Three - Right to Opinion and Participation 1. All children have the right to express their own opinion and the right to be heard in all the matters that affect their rights, protection, and welfare. 2. All children have the right to be heard in courtrooms and hearings affecting their future rights and protection and welfare and to be treated with the special care and consideration within those courtrooms and hearings, which their age and maturity demands. 3. All children have the right to free legal representation whenever they are required to appear in court or when their circumstances require legal representation. 4. All children have the right to participate in the Government of the country, and special attention should be given to consultations with children on their rights and situation. Article Four - Freedom of Beliefs and Culture All children have the right to freedom to practise their own religion, culture, or beliefs without fear. Article Five - Protection from Violence 1. All children have the right to be protected from all types of violence, including physical, emotional, verbal, psychological, sexual, state, political, gang, domestic, school, community, street, racial, selfdestructive, and all other forms of violence. 2. All children have the right to freedom from corporal punishment at school, from the police, in prison, and at home. 3. All children have the right to be protected from neglect and abandonment. 4. All children have the right to be protected from community and political violence and to have 'safe places' and to have community centres where they can go for help and safety from violence. 5. All children have the right to be educated about child abuse and the right to form youth groups to protect them from abuse. 6. All persons have the duty to report all violence against, abuse of, and neglect of any child to the appropriate authorities. 7. Children should not be used as shields or tools by the perpetrators of violence. 8. Children have the right to say no to violence. 9. The media has the duty to prevent the exploitation of children who are victims of violence and should be prohibited from the promotion of violence. 10. All children have the right to be protected from violence by the police and prisons. 11. Children should not be obligated or forced to follow adults in their political involvement. 12. All children have the right to be free from torture, detention, or any other physical or emotional violence at times of unrest or war. 13. All children have the right to be protected from drug and alcohol abuse by their parents, families, and others and to be educated about these forms of violence. 14. Children have the right to a special children's court and medical facilities to protect them from violence. 15. Special groups and organisations should be formed in the communities to protect and counsel victims of all types of violence.

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Article Six - Family Life 1. All children have the right to a safe, secure, and nurturing family and the right to participate as a member of that family. 2. All children have the right to love and affection from their parents and family. 3. All children have the right to clothing, housing and a healthy diet. 4. All children have the right to clean water, sanitation and a clean living environment. 5. All children have the right to be protected from domestic violence. 6. All children who do not have families, are abandoned or displaced, or children who are refugees, should be given special protection, and every effort should be made to place them with a safe and secure family where necessary. 7. Subsidised adoptions should be instituted to assist children with being placed in new families where necessary. 8. Children with the necessary intellectual capacity should be allowed to take decisions or make choices as to which parent they should go to in cases of divorce, separation, or adoption. Article Seven - Health and Welfare 1. All children have the right to adequate health care and medical attention both before and after birth. 2. All children have the right to be protected from harmful and toxic substances such as nicotine, alcohol and other drugs, and to be educated about the effects of these on their health and development. 3. All children have the right to free and comprehensive health services, especially in schools, including screening of diseases, treatment of diseases, and physical and psychological treatment and service. 4. All children have the right to demand health and medical care without the permission of their parents or guardian. 5. All children have the right to be protected and educated about AIDS and to be given adequate health care and protection. Any child whose family is infected with AIDS should be given special care and protection. 6. Disabled children have the right to special health care and protection. Article Eight - Education 1. All children have the right to free and equal, non-racial, non-sexist, and compulsory education within one department, as education is a right, not a privilege. 2. All children have a right to education that is in the interest of the child and to develop their talents through formal and/or informal education. 3. All teachers should be qualified and should treat children with patience, respect, and dignity. All teachers should be evaluated and monitored to ensure that they are protecting the rights of the child. 4. Parents have the duty to become involved in their children's education and development and to participate in their children's education at school and at home. 5. All children have the right to play and to free and adequate sports and recreational facilities so that children can be children. 6. All children have the right to participate in the evaluation and upgrading of curricula, which respect all the traditions, cultures, and values of children in South Africa. 7. All children have the right of education on issues such as sexuality, AIDS, human rights, history and background of South Africa and family life. 8. All children have the right to adequate educational facilities, and transportation to such facilities should be provided to children in difficult or violent situations.

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Article Nine - Child Labour 1. All children have the right to be protected from child labour and any other economic exploitation, which endangers their mental, physical, or psychological health and interferes with their education so that they can develop properly and enjoy childhood. 2. All children, especially in the rural areas, should be protected from hard labour including farm, domestic, or manual labour or any other type of labour. Instances of violations of age restrictions should be investigated by a Child Protection Service, and employers should be prosecuted. 3. All children have the right to be protected from prostitution and sexual exploitation such as pornography. People found to be exploiting children in this fashion should face severe consequences. 4. There should be a minimum age of employment, and no child should be forced to leave school before completion of matric (Grade 12) for the purpose of employment. The circumstances of the parents of children found to be working at an early age should be investigated and, where necessary, they should be assisted with bursaries from their employers or with free education of their children up to matric (Grade 12) level. 5. There should be regulations and restrictions on the hours and types of work and penalties for those who violate these regulations. 6. All children have the right to be protected from child slavery and from the inheritance of labour or employment from their parents or families. Article Ten - Homeless Children 1. No child should be forced to live on the streets or forced to return home if his/her basic rights will continue to be violated. Homeless children should be encouraged to return home wherever possible. 2. Homeless children have the right to be protected from harassment and abuse from police, security guards and all other persons, and every person has the duty to report any abuse or violence against children. 3. Homeless children have the right to a decent place to live, clothing, and a healthy diet. 4. Street children have the right to special attention in education and health care. 5. Communities and families have a duty to protect their children from becoming homeless and abandoned. 6. All persons should be made aware of the plight of homeless children and should participate in programmes that positively eradicate the problem of homeless children. 7. Local, Provincial and National government have a duty and responsibility towards homeless children. Disabled homeless children need special attention for special needs.

REVIEW THIS SECTION 1. Why do children need rights? 2. What is the role of the Convention on the Rights of the Child? What are the basic human rights? What are the core principles? 3. When did South Africa undersign and underscore the Convention on the Rights of the Child? How has the Bill of Rights helped children in South Africa? 4. Does everybody in South Africa agree that children should have rights? Why, or why not? 5. Should cultural values such as religion and centuries-old customs be subordinate to human rights? 6. What responsibilities do children have regarding their rights? 7. Name the 10 articles as described in the Children's Charter of South Africa. 636 EBSCOhost - printed on 2/3/2023 4:12 AM via . All use subject to https://www.ebsco.com/terms-of-use

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Sciences, 2(3), 210-215. doi:10.5829/idosi. wjns.2016.210.215 Zeng, N., Ayyub, M., Sun, H., Wen, X., Xiang, P., & Gao, Z. (2017). Effects of physical activity on motor skills and cognitive development in early childhood: a systematic review. BioMed Research International. doi:10.1155/2017/2760716 Zhang, C. (2020). Are children from divorced singleparent families disadvantaged? New evidence from the China family panel studies. Chinese Sociological Review, 52(1), 84-114. doi:10.1080 /21620555.2019.1654366 Zhang, F., & Finkelstein, J. (2019). Inconsistency in race and ethnic classification in pharmacogenetics studies and its potential clinical implications. Pharmacogenomics and Personalized Medicine, 2019(12), 107-123. doi:10.2147/PGPM.S207449 Zhang, M., Zheng, H. X., Yan, S., & Jin, L. (2018). Reconciling the father tongue and mother tongue hypotheses in Indo-European populations. National Science Review, 6(2), 293–300. doi:10.1093/nsr/nwy083 Zhang-James, Y., Fernàndez-Castillo, N., Hess, J.L., Malki, K., Glatt, S.J., Cormand, B., & Faraone, S.V. (2019). An integrated analysis of genes and functional pathways for aggression in human and rodent models. Molecular Psychiatry, 24(11), 1655-1667. doi:10.1038/s41380-018-0068-7 Zhu, J., & Chan, Y.M. (2017). Adult consequences of self-limited delayed puberty. Pediatrics, 139(6), e20163177. doi:10.1542/peds.2016-3177 Zimmer, F., & Imhoff, R. (2020). Abstinence from masturbation and hypersexuality. Archives of Sexual Behavior, 49, 1333-1343. doi:10.1007/ s10508-019-01623-8 Zinyama, H. (2019). Understanding reasons for the proliferation of drug use amongst young people in the Pinetown area. Drug abuse among youth. Retrieved from https://bit.ly/3k5OkfJ Zoromski, K. (2016). Choosing developmentally appropriate toys. Retrieved from Michigan State University: https://bit.ly/3iVWvZX Zuckerman, P. (2020). What is means to be moral. Why religion is not necessary for living an ethical life. Counterpoint Press. Zulfiqar, N. (2020). Association between severity of adolescents’ peer problems and moral judgment development. Pakistan Journal of Psychological Research, 35(1), 23-35. doi:10.33824/ PJPR.2020.35.1.2 Zulu, G., Tustin, D., & Basson, A. (2014). Online safety among secondary school learners in Gauteng. Unpublished Research Report No 453. Youth Research Unit, Bureau of Market Research. Zunza, M. (2016). Social and contextual factors affecting HIV-infected women’s feeding practices for their infants in normal practice settings – effects on growth and morbidity. University of Stellenbosch. Zuze, L., Reddy, B., Visser, M., Winnaar, L., & Govender, A. (2017). TIMSS 2015 Grade 9 national report: understanding mathematics and science achievement amongst Grade 9 learners

in South Africa. HSRC Press. Zvara, B.J., Sheppard, K.W., & Cox, M. (2018). Bidirectional effects between parenting sensitivity and child behavior: a cross-lagged analysis across middle childhood and adolescence. Journal of Family Psychology, 32(4), 484–495. doi:10.1037/fam0000372 Zwass, R. (2018). The home literacy environment: a qualitative investigation of school-aged children. UCLA.

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Index A Abortion, 91 Academic achievement, 327, 357, 617 Socio-economic status, 345 Academic and cognitive functioning, 189 Achievement motivation, 341 Accommodation, 30 Acetylcholine, 133 Achievement, 361 Achievement motivation, 341 Acquired Immunodeficiency Syndrome. See AIDS Active Involvement, 11 Actual self, 513 Adaptation, 30, 357 ADHD. See Attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder Adjustment to the school, 357 Adolescent register, 486 Adolescents/Adolescence, 7, 435-568 Autonomy, 523 Body image, 452 Brain Development, 439 Career Choice, 518 Cognitive development, 472 Conformity, 535 Culture, 563 Cyberspace, 543 Decision-making, 494 Education, 488 Egocentrism, 523 Emotions, 516 Existential crisis, 612 Friendships, 537 Gender identity, 510 Group identity, 508 ICT, 548 Identity confusion, 500 Identity Development, 498 Identity status, 502 Information processing, 477, 478 Language development, 486 Loneliness, 534 Moral behaviour, 556 Moral development, 550, 561 Moral emotions, 559 Moral personality, 560 Moral reasoning, 551 Organisational strategies, 478 Parent-child relationship, 489 Parenting styles, 527

Personality, 498 Personality development, 497 Physical changes, 451 Physical development, 438 Planning, 494 Political identity, 510 Practical Cognition, 488 Pregnancy, 463 Religion, 562 Religious identity, 510 Risk-taking, 495 Romantic relationships, 539 Schools, 563 Self-concept, 512 Self-consciousness, 492 Self-efficacy, 464 Self-esteem, 464, 514 Self-focusing, 492 Sexual orientation, 467 Sexuality, 456 Social development, 520 Stormy Phase, 436 Temperament, 498 Adopted children, 581 Adoptive identity, 581 Adversity, 570–590 Aeration, 116 Affection, 383 African conceptions of childhood, 42 African perspective, 37 African society, 263 Age effect, 58 Agentic perspective, 27 Aggression, 296, 399 Aggressive behaviour, 294 Aggressor, 300 AIDS, 98 Albinism, 83 Alcohol expectancy theory, 462 Alcohol myopia theory, 462 Allele, 76 Alloparenting, 192 Altruism, 304 Amygdala, 131 Ambivalent (or resistant) attachment, 184 Amniocentesis, 85 Analytical intelligence, 484 Ancestral selfhood, 40 Androgens, 443

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Androsterone, 444 Anger, 255 Angry cry, 170 Animistic thinking, 217 Anorexia nervosa, 453 A-not-B error, 145 Anoxia, 107, 116 Anthropocentric framework, 38 Antithesis, 222 Anxiety, 252, 254 Apgar Scale, 115 Appetite effect, 302 Asexuality, 468 Asphyxia, 107 Assimilation, 30, 509 Assisted reproductive technology, 82 Assessment, 115 Asynchrony, 438 Attachment, 182-184, 194, 277, 382 Caregivers, 192 COVID-19, 187 Deprived communities, 188 Institutional care, 190 Long-term effects, 189 Psychosocial factors, 187 Relationships, 165 Attachment seeking behaviours, 186 Attachment-in-the-making phase, 183 Attention, 32, 223, 477 Attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder, 340, Attributions, 341 Auditory acuit, 208 Auditory discrimination, 148 Auditory perception, 141 Authoritarian parenting, 279, 344, 371, 527 Autoerotic behaviour, 458 Automaticity, 322 Automaticity of processing, 478 Autonomous moral reasoning, 412 Autonomy, 164, 523 Autonomy-control dimension, 528 Average children, 390 Avoidance strategies;, 258 Avoidant attachment, 184 Axon, 131

B Bandura, Albert, 26, 420, 557 Barometric self-esteem, 514 Basal ganglia, 131 Baseline self-esteem, 514 Basic cry, 170

Basic human rights, 630 Basic trust, 164 Basic virtues, 23 Basotho baTlokwa, 448 Battered child syndrome, 592 Behaviour genetics, 70 Behavioural autonomy, 524 Behavioural control, 528 Behavioural decision theory, 494 Behavioural genetics, 19 Behavioural teratology, 94 Behavioural viewpoint, 194 Behaviourism, 25 Biculturalism, 509 Bi-directional effects, 529 Bi-directional model, 370 Bidirectional nature, 590 Big Five personality traits, 164 Bilateral coordination, 209 Bilingualism, 325 Biological factors, 296 Biological perspective, 16, 19, 163 Biological theories, 267 Birth order, 166 Birth proces, 104 Birth rate, 72 Bisexuality, 468 Blood circulation, 116 Blue-eye-brown-eye experiment, 599 Bodily-kinaesthetic intelligence, 482 Body cells, 75 Body image, 400, 452, 455 Body temperature, 117 Bone growth, 208 Book sharing, 238 Bottle feeding, 123 Bowlby, John, 183 Brain, 129-133, 314 Brain areas, 296 Brain development, 128, 133, 208, 439 Brain functioning, 131, 423 Brain plasticity, 208 Brainstem, 130 Brain structure, 128 Breastfeeding, 122, 123 Bronfenbrenner, Urie, 35 Bulimia nervosa, 453 Bullying, 391, 394 Victims, 396 Bystander, 302

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C Cabin fever, 610 Caesarean birth, 105 Caesarean section. See Caesarean birth Cardinality, 218 Care perspective, 554 Career adaptability, 519 Career awareness, 518 Career choice, 518 Career exploratio, 518 Career maturity, 519 Caregivers, 192, 277, 239, 297, 362 Caregiving, 286 Case study, 55 Categorical self, 261 Categorise, 217 Categorising, 217 Cause-effect issue, 10 Cell body, 131 Cell division, 75 Cell phones, 402, 404 Cephalocaudal principle, 126 Cerebellum, 130 Cerebral cortex, 129, 487 Cerebrum, 129 Characteristics, 77, 95, 627 Child development, 12 Child effects model, 369 Child minders, 245 Child neuropsychology, 19 Child support grants, 465 Childbirth, 108, 337 Childbirth and culture, 108 Childbirth complications, 107 Child-headed households, 585 Children's Charter of South Africa, 634 Children's rights, 630 Choice of environments, 28 Chomsky, Noam, 158 Chromosomal abnormalities, 84 Chromosomes, 73, 78 Chronosystem, 36 Circular reaction, 143 Circulatory system, 314 Circumcision, 447, 450 Classical conditioning, 25, 124 Classify, 217 Classroom atmosphere, 346 Clear-cut attachment phase, 184 Clitoridectomy, 447 Cloning, 82 Coercive behaviour pattern, 370

Cognition, 561 Cognitive abilities, 423 Cognitive autonomy, 524 Cognitive development, 8, 142, 147,148, 213, 214, 231, 242, 319, 472, 504 Theories, 271, 473 Cognitive factors, 297 Cognitive goals, 327 Cognitive processes, 32 Cognitive self-regulation, 494 Cognitive skills, 144, 231 Cognitive strategies, 258 Cognitive tasks, 320 Cognitive theories, 271 Cognitive viewpoint, 194 Cognitive-developmental perspective, 28 Cohorts, 59 Collective, 38 Collectivistic society, 263 Colour perception, 141 Colourism, 410 Combinatorial analysis, 475 Comfort, 171 Communal society, 263 Communication, 279 Community involvement, 346 Community violence, 298, 613 Companionship, 383 Competence, 356, 361 Compliance, 535 Componential intelligence, 484 Computers, 401 Conception, 71, 88 Conceptual skills, 475 Concrete operational stage, 319 Cones, 120 Confidentiality, 63 Conformity, 382, 534-535 Congenital abnormalities, 94 Congenital herpes, 99 Congenital rubella syndrome, 98 Congenital syphilis, 99 Consecutive learning, 326 Conservation, 215 Conservation task, 319 Consistent control, 279 Constructive play, 290 Contact sport, 442 Contextual intelligence, 485 Contextual Perspective, 34 Contingency viewpoint, 194 Continuity, 10

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Contraceptives, 459 Control group, 53 Control processes, 323 Controlled observation, 49 Controversial children, 390 Convention on the Rights of the Child, 6, 630 Conventional level, 552 Conventional morality, 552 Convergent thinkers, 334 Cooing and babbling, 152 Cooperation, 304 Cooperative play, 290 Coordination of secondary reactions, 144 Cope/coping, 362 Co-regulation, 369 Coronavirus, 610 Corporal punishment, 377 Corpus callosum, 131, 439 Correlation, 54 Correlational research, 54 Counterculture, 536 COVID-19, 187, 610 Digital technology, 354 Learning, 354 Creative intelligence, 485 Creativity, 334 Creativity in children, 336 Crèches, 245 Crisis, 501 Critical period, 16, 571 Critical thinking, 479 Cross-cultural psychology, 60 Cross-cultural research, 60 Cross-dressing, 468 Crossover, 76 Cross-racial adoption, 582-585 Cross-sectional design, 58 Cross-sectional research, 58 Crying, 170 Crystallisation period, 519 C-section, 105. See Caesarean birth Cultural bias, 555 Cultural competence, 385 Cultural context, 12, 563 Cultural factors, 63 Cultural identity, 508 Cultural influences Bullying, 394 Culture, 34, 63, 138, 563 Adolescents, 563 Attachment, 194 Body image, 455

Bullying, 394 Child development, 12 Childbirth, 108 Circumcision, 450 Cognitive development, 147 Cognitive tasks, 320 Corporal punishment, 377 Death understanding, 620 Developmental learning, 223 Formal operational thinking, 477 Identity development, 504 Intelligence tests, 481 Maltreatment, 591 Moral development, 417, 422 Motor development, 138 Names, 39 Parenting styles, 281 Personality, 163 Play, 387 Self, 263 Sexual maturation, 446 Sexuality, 457 Temperament, 177 Weaning, 199 Cyberbullying, 392, 546 Cyberspace, 543 Cyberworld, 504

D Data, 6, 46 Data analysis, 46 Data interpretation, 47 Day-care, 245 Deaf children, 230, 241 Death, 619 Death understanding, 620 Decentre, 320 Deception, 63 Decision-making, 494 Decontextualized talk, 239 Deductive reasoning, 488 Demand cry, 170 Dendrites, 131 Deoxyribonucleic acid. See DNA Dependent variable, 54 Deprivation dwarfism, 212 Depth perception, 139 Desensitisation, 300 Developmental intergroup theory (DIT), 407 Developmental learning, 223 Developmental perspectives, 44 Dialectical process, 222

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Dialogic reading, 240 Different beliefs, 227 Differential reinforcement, 268 Differentiated crying, 152 Digestion, 116 Digital media, 398 Dimensions of parental behaviour, 528 Dimensions of parenting, 278 Discipline, 372, 376 Discontinuity, 10 Discrimination, 405 Dishabituation, 148 Disorders, 78 Disorganised attachment, 185 Disorientated attachment, 185 Displaced time view, 242 Display rules, 258 Distancing effect, 538 Divergent thinkers, 334 Diverse desires, 227 Divided attention, 477 Divorce, 574 Dizygotic twins, 81 DNA, 73 Dominance, 76 Dominant characteristics, 77, 95 Dominant disorders, 78 Dominant gene, 76 Dopamine, 133, 149 Down syndrome, 84 Dreaming, 121 Drug abuse, 601 Drug abuse impliactions, 605 Drugs, 296, 401 Dwarfism, 438 Dying child, 622, 623 Dying child, Psychosocial needs, 623 Dyscalculia, 339 Dysgraphia, 339

E Early adolescence, 436 Early childhood, 7, 207-311 Aggressive behaviour, 294 Anger, 255 Brain development, 208 Cognitive development, 213, 231, 242 Education, 245 Emotional development, 250 Emotional well-being, 212 Emotions, 249, 256 Ethnic Identity, 273

Executive functioning, 226 Family Relationships, 277 Fears, 253 Fine motor development, 209 Gross motor development, 209 Information processing theory, 223 language, 235 Language aquisition, 239 Language Development, 233 Literacy, 237 Literacy acquisition, 239 Memory, 224 Moral Development, 305 Motor development, 208 Nutrition, 210 Peer Relationships, 288 Perceptual development., 208 Personality Development, 248 Physical activity, 232 Physical development, 207 Play, 289 Racial identity, 273 Self-Concept, 260 Sleep problems, 255 Social development, 276 Vocabulary, 233 Early sexual maturation, 459 Eating disorders, 452 Echolalia, 153 E-cigarettes, 100 Eclecticism, 43 Ecological theory, 35 Educare facilities, 245 Education, 245 Educational neglect, 591 Educational policy, 347 Educational toys, 293 Effortful control, 265 Egalitarian status, 201 Egg cell, 71 Ego, 21 Ego support, 383 Egocentric perspective-taking, 490 Egocentric speech, 221 Egocentrism, 216, 492, 523, 564 Ego-synthesis, 499 EI. See Emotional intelligence Eisenberg, 418 Elaboration, 321 Electronic bullying, 546 Electronic media, 398 Embryo, 88

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Embryonic Stage, 88 Emergent literacy, 236 Emotion regulation, 258 Emotional abuse, 595 Emotional autonomy, 524 Emotional bullying. See Social bullying Emotional coach, 366 Emotional contagion, 366 Emotional development, 250, 363 Emotional expression, 265 Emotional functioning, 189 Emotional intelligence, 364 Emotional management, 364 Emotional neglect, 591 Emotional self, 179 Emotional self-awareness, 179, 364 Emotional self-efficacy, 363 Emotional sensitivity, 265 Emotional support, 286, 362 Emotional understanding, 363 Emotional well-being, 212 Emotion-coaching approach, 259 Emotion-dismissing approach, 259 Emotions, 167, 249, 516 Empathy, 168, 257, 304 Empirical evidence, 18 Encoding, 32 Enrichment programmes, 231 Epidemics, 606 Episodic memory, 149 EQ. See Emotional intelligence Equilibration, 31 Erikson, Erik, 23, 356, 498 Erogenous zones, 21 Estimation, 218 Estrogen, 444 Ethnic constancy, 274 Ethnic feelings, 274 Ethnic identity, 273-275, 508 Ethnic identity achievement, 509 Ethnic identity development, 508 Ethnic identity formation, 508 Ethnic identity moratorium, 509 Ethnic identity search, 509 Ethnic knowledge, 274 Ethnic preferences, 274 Ethnic role behaviours, 274 Ethnic self-identification, 274 Ethnically linked gene abnormalities, 83 Ethnicity, 273 Ethnocentrism, 597 Ethological perspective, 165

Ethological theory, 16 Evaluate, 357 Evolution, 18 Evolutionary developmental psychology, 18 Evolutionary theory, 18 Evolutionary viewpoint, 194 Excision, 447 Executive functioning, 226 Executive attention, 223, 478 Executive functions, 32, 228, 323 Existential crisis, 612 Exosystem, 35 Expectations, 279 Experiential intelligence, 485 Experimental group, 53 Experimental research, 53 Explicit memory, 149 Exploration, 501, 544 Exploratory period, 519 Extended mapping, 233 External locus of control, 463 External pressure, 394 Extrinsic motivation, 344

F Face perception, 141 Faith, 428 Faith development theory, 427 False beliefs, 227 False self, 513 False self-conviction, 604 False-belief task, 228 Family, 421 Family conflict, 612 Family influences, 570 Bullying, 394 Family interaction, 399 Family relationships, 277 Family values, 399 Fantasy play. See Socio-pretend play FAS, 101. See Foetal alcohol syndrome Fast mapping, 233 Father absence, 283 Father-attachment, 191 Fathers, 282 Fear, 252 Feared self, 513 Feeding, 122 Female circumcision, 447 Female genital mutilation (FGM), 447 Fertilisation, 71, 72 Fertility rate, 72

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Figure-ground, 208 Fine motor development, 135, 209 Fine motor skills. See Fine motor development Focusing ability, 141 Foetal alcohol syndrome, 101 Foetal nicotine syndrome, 100 Foetal stage, 89 Foetal tobacco syndrome, 100 Foetal training programmes, 91 Foetus, 89 Fontanel, 126 Forebrain, 129 Formal operational stage, 474 Formal operational thinking, 473 Four-component model of morality, 556 Fowler, 427 Fraternal birth order effect, 471 Freud, Sigmund, 20, 268, 356 Friendships, 383, 384, 537 Frightening dreams, 254 Frontal lobes, 129, 314, 439 Frustration-aggression hypothesis, 296 Full sentences, 153 Functional capacity, 478 Functional connectivity, 440 Functional play, 290

Genetic influences, 577 Genetics, 194, 361 Attachment, 194 Genotype, 76 Germ cells, 75 German measles, 97 Germinal stage, 87 Giftedness, 333 Gland, 443 Globalisation, 435 Goal-corrected partnership, 277 Gonadal hormones, 443 Gonadotrophin, 443 Goodness-of-fit, 178 Grammar, 234 Grandparents, 285 Grey matter, 131 Gross motor development, 135, 209 Gross motor skills. See Gross motor development Group identity, 508 Growth hormone, 210, 438 Growth spurt, 438 Guided participation, 221 Guilt feelings, 248

G

Habituation, 148 Haemophilia, 78, 79 Hand dominance, 136 Hand preference, 136 Happiness, 251 Hawthorne effect, 58 Hearing, 120 Height, 207 Helpless orientation, 343 Hemispheres, 129, 131 Herpes simplex, 99 Heteronomous acceptance of others' value systems, 564 Heteronomous moral reasoning, 412 Heterosexual, 467 Heterozygous, 76 Hidden emotions, 227 Hierarchical, 37 Hierarchies of classes, 319 Higher-order cognitive skills, 324 Hindbrain, 129 Hinduism, 429 Hippocampus, 131 HIV/AIDS, 98, 607 Breastfeeding, 124 Holistic, 37

G, 480. See General intelligence Games-with-rules, 290 Gametes, 71, 76 Gardner, Howard, 482 Gay, 468 Gaycism, 469 Gayness, 467, 468 Gender, 264, 442, 576, 616 Gender bias, 554 Gender constancy, 266, 271 Gender identity, 266, 271, 510 Gender role, 266, 499 Gender schema theory, 272 Gender stability, 271 Gender stereotypes, 266 Gender-role development theories, 267 Gender-typed behaviour, 267 Gene abnormalities, 83 General intelligence, 480 Generalisation, 598 Generation gap, 522 Genes, 73, 76 Genetic abnormalities, 83 Genetic factors, 296, 337, 613

H

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Home environment, 361 Home language, 325 Homeschooling, 349 Homologous chromosomes, 76 Homosexual, 468 Homozygous, 76 Hope, 164, 618 Horizontal décalage, 319 Hormones, 19, 210, 296 Hostile aggression, 294 Human Genome Project, 74 Human Immunodeficiency Virus. See HIV/AIDS Huntington's disease, 78 Hyperactivity, 340 Hypothalamus, 130 Hypothesis, 49 Hypothetico-deductive reasoning, 474 Hypoxia, 107

I Iconic view, 242 ID, 20 Ideal self, 359, 513 Identical twins, 81 Identification, 268, 535 Identity achievement, 502 Identity confusion, 500 Identity crisis, 499, 501 Identity development, 498, 499 Identity diffusion, 502 Identity experimentation, 544 Identity foreclosure, 501, 502 Identity moratorium, 502 Identity status, 502 Illicit drugs, 101 Imaginary audience, 492 Imaginary friend, 291 Imitation, 125, 145, 156 Immanent justice, 412 Implantation, 88 Implicit memory, 149 Implicit personality theories, 491 Imprinting, 17 Impulsivity, 340 Inattention, 340 Incremental view of ability, 342 Independent variable, 54 Indirect socialisers, 371 Individual characteristics Bullying, 394 Individual differences, 332 Individualism, 415

Induction, 197 Inductive reasoning, 488 Inductive techniques, 374 Industry versus inferiority stage, 356 Infancy, 7, 126-204 Attachment, 182 Brain development, 128, 133 Cognitive Development, 142, 148 Comfort, 171 Culture, 138 Depth perception, 139 Emotion regulation, 172 Emotions, 169 Gross motor development, 137 Information processing, 147 Language development, 151 Mental health, 202 Motor development, 134 Negativism, 173 Perceptual abilities, 141 Perceptual development, 139 Personality development, 163-165 Physical development, 126 Self-regulation, 173 Social development, 182 Socialisation, 196 Temperament, 174, 186 Testing, 203 Visual constancy, 140 Weaning, 199 Infections, 337 Infectious diseases, 97 Infertility, 81 Infibulation, 447 Information communication technology, 352 Information processing, 477, 478 Information-processing skills, 321 Information-processing theory, 31, 223, 230 Informed consent, 63 Informing participants, 63 Inguistic intelligence, 482 Initiative, 248 Inner speech, 221 Instinct theories, 296 Instrumental aggression, 294 Integrated approach, 43, 165 Intellectual capacity, 332 Intellectual disability, 335-337 Intelligence, 332, 423 Intelligence quotient (IQ), 332, 480 Intelligence tests, 332 Intentions, 297

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Interactional patterns, 590 Interactive sexual activities, 458 Intermodal perception, 141 Internal locus of control, 463 Internal pressure, 394 Internal self, 261 Internal working model, 371 Internalisation, 535 Internalising, 470 Internet, 401, 402, 404 Internet addiction, 547 Internet bullying, 546 Internet research, 61 Interpersonal intelligence, 482 Interracial adoptions, 582 Intersex persons, 468 Intervention programmes, 231 Interviews, 50 Intimacy, 383 Intimacy and belonging, 544 Intrapersonal dimension, 551 Intrapersonal intelligence, 482 Intrinsic motivation, 344 Intuitive period, 214 Intuitive-projective faith, 428 In-vitro fertilisation, 82 IQ, 332. See Intelligence quotient Irreversibility, 216 Islamic upbringing, 430

Learning disability. See Learning disorders Learning disorders, 338 Learning environment, 346 Learning orientation, 341 Learning perspective, 163 Learning theory, 24, 155 Lenneberg, 158 Lesbian, 468 Level of social support, 576 Lie/lying, 306, 308 Limbic system, 130, 439 Literacy competence, 237 Literacy environment., 237 Locus of control, 463 Logical-mathematical intelligence, 482 Loneliness, 534 Longitudinal design, 57 Longitudinal research, 57 Long-term memory, 32, 149, 224 Love-hostility dimension, 528 Low birth weight, 107 Lymbic system Amygdala, 131 Basal ganglia, 131 Hippocampus, 131 Hypothalamus, 130 Thalamus, 130

J

Macrosystem, 35 Magnetic resonance imaging (MRI), 52 Malnutrition, 96, 210 Malocclusion, 314 Maltreatment, 590 Mandela, Nelson, 451 Marcia, James, 502 Marginalisation, 509 Masekitlana, 389 Masking, 258 Mastery and accomplishment, 545 Mastery experiences, 27 Mastery orientation, 343 Masturbation, 458 Maternal immune response, 471 Mathematics, 264 Mathematics disorder, 339 Maturational theory, 16 Mean Length of Utterance (MLU), 233 Measurement effect, 58 Media, 242, 398, 422 Media violence, 299 Media-induced sexualisation, 400

Justice perspective, 554

K Knowledge ignorance, 227 Knowledge transmisson, 231 Kohlberg, Lawrence, 271, 413, 416, 553

L Lallation, 153 Language, 221, 235 Language acquisition device (LAD), 158 Language development, 152, 155, 160, 233, 324, 486 Television, 154 Theories, 155 Language strategies, 258 Late adolescence, 436 Latency stage, 356 Lateralisation, 131

M

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Medication during labour, 104 Medulla oblongata, 130 Meiosis, 75 Memory, 149, 224, 265, 321, 478 Adults, 151 Automatic processing, 322 Episodic memory, 149 Explicit memory, 149 Implicit memory, 149 Knowledge base, 322 Long-term memory, 32, 149, 224 Metamemory, 32, 226, 323 Procedural memory, 149 Processing speed, 321 Semantic memory, 149 Sensory memory, 32 Working memory, 32, 149, 224 Working memory model, 321 Memory development, 322 Memory strategies, 225, 321 Menarche, 445 Menstruation, 445 Mental abuse, 595 Mental health, 187, 202, 612 Mental health disorders, 361 Mental operations, 319 Mental representation, 144, 214 Mesosystem, 35 Meta-analysis, 56 Metacognition, 33, 226, 323, 479 Metamemory, 32, 226, 323 Microsystem, 35 Midbrain, 130 Middle adolescence, 436 Middle childhood, 7, 313-422 Academic achievement, 357 Achievement motivation, 341 Adjustment to the school, 357 Caregivers, 362 Cell phones, 402 Cognitive development, 319 Discipline, 372 Emotional contagion, 366 Emotional Development, 363 Emotional intelligence, 364 Emotional self-regulation, 363 Emotional understanding, 363 Friendships, 383 Gender differences, 316 Gross motor development, 316 Individual differences, 332 Information communication technology, 352

Information-processing skills, 321 Internet, 401 Language development, 324 Learning disorders, 338 Learning orientation, 341 Media, 398 Media-induced sexualisation, 400 Moral behaviour, 419 Moral development, 411, 420 Online behaviour, 398 Parent-child relationship, 368 Parents, 344, 362 Peer acceptance, 389 Peer relationships, 357, 381 Personality development, 356 Physical development, 313 Play, 385 Prejudice, 406 Psychomotor skills, 315 Religion, 424 Role of the Family, 367 Rule-abiding behaviour, 357 Self-concept, 358 Self-efficacy, 358-360 Self-esteem, 358-360 Sibling relationships, 378 Social development, 367 Sociocultural contexts, 344 Socio-economic status, 345 Spirituality, 426 Stereotyping, 406 Mild traumatic brain injuries (MTBI), 442 Miscarriage, 72 Miscegenation, 410 Mitosis, 75 Mixed method, 49 Mnemonics, 225 Modelling, 269, 307 Monozygotic twins, 81 Moral absolutism, 412 Moral agency, 557 Moral autonomy, 525 Moral behaviour, 419, 556 Moral character, 556 Moral development, 305, 411, 550 Moral disengagement, 422, 557 Moral education, 421 Moral emotions, 416, 559 Moral identity, 560 Moral identity theory, 560 Moral immaturity, 564 Moral judgement, 556

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Moral metacognition, 561 Moral motivation, 556 Moral personality, 560 Moral realism, 412 Moral reasoning, 411, 413, 551, 554 Moral relativism, 412 Moral self, 560 Moral self-relevance, 564 Moral sensitivity, 556 Moral standards, 417 Morality, 305, 411, 559 Morality of individual principles of conscience, 553 Morality of universal ethical principles, 553 Morphology, 234 Mother tongue, 325 Mother's age, 95 Mother's emotional state, 102 Mother's nutrition, 96 Mother's personality and baby, 186 Motor development, 208 Multicultural identity, 508 Multidimensional poverty, 601 Multifactorial inheritance, 79 Multilingualism, 325 Multiple births, 80 Multiple classification, 218 Multitasking, 478 Muscle growth, 208 Musical intelligence, 482 Mutual perspective-taking, 491 Myelin, 133 Myelination, 439 Myoclonic twitching, 122 Myopia, 314 Mythical-literal faith, 428

N Naive theories, 33 Names 39 Narrative, 37 Nativism, 158 Natural birth, 104 Natural selection, 18 Naturalistic intelligence, 482 Naturalistic observation, 49 Nature-nurture-interactionist-reciprocity debate, 2, 9, 138 Negative emotions, 366 Negative identity, 501 Neglect, 591 Neglected children, 390 Neglectful parents, 527

Neonatal phase, 113-205 Neonatal stage, 7 Neonates 4, 113-125 Assessment, 115 Blood circulation, 116 Body temperature, 117 Digestion, 116 Dreaming, 121 Feeding, 122 Hearing, 120 Individual differences, 125 Immunity, 119 Learning, 124 Nervous system, 117 Pain, 121 Perception, 119 Physical appearance, 114 Reflexes, 117 Respiration, 116 Sleep, 121 Smell, 120 Taste, 120 Vision, 119 Neuroimaging, 19 Neuromuscular coordination, 198 Neurons, 131 Neuroplasticity, 208 Neuropsychology, 19 Neurotransmitters, 132, 439 New-born babies. See Neonates Nicotine, 100 Nightmares, 254 Nocturnal emission, 449 Non-harmful procedures, 63 Non-identical twins, 81 Non-medical circumcision, 450 Non-selective social smile, 169 Non-viability, 90 Noradrenaline, 133 NREM sleep, 121 Nsamenang, Bame, 37 Number concept, 218 Number transformations, 218 Nursery schools, 246 Nutrition, 96, 210

O Obedience, 414 Obesity, 211, 454 Object permanence, 144, 179 Objectification, 400 Objective self, 179

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Observation, 269 Occipital lobes, 129 Oestrogens, 444 Ole-taking, 490 Online behaviour, 398 Online disinhibition effect, 546 Onset of speech, 155 Operant conditioning, 26, 124, 155 Operant conditioning techniques, 149 Opposite gender schema, 272 Optimistic bias, 494 Oral emotions, 364 Oral language skills, 236 Organisation, 30, 321 Organisational strategies, 478 Others, 265 Overcrowding, 462 Overextensions, 233 Overgeneralisation, 234 Overindulgent parents, 344 Overnutrition, 96 Over-the-counter drugs, 99 Ovum, 71 Own-gender schema, 273

P Paediatric neuropsychology, 19 Pain, 121 Pain cry, 170 Paired reading, 238 Palmar grasp, 136 Pandemics, 606 Parallel play, 290 Parent effects model, 369 Parent-adolescent conflict, 521 Parent-adolescent relationship, 520 Parental actions, 562 Parental age, 95 Parental attitudes, 562 Parental behaviours, 373 Parental consent, 63 Parental divorce, 575 Parental involvement Sibling relationships, 379 Parent-child relationship, 368, 489, 575 Parenting, 504 Parenting from a distance, 372 Parenting styles, 278, 527 Parents, 277, 297, 344, 362, 371 Direct instructors, 371 Indicrect socialisers, 371 Social managers, 371

Parietal lobes, 129 Participants, 46 Participatory pedagogy, 223 Passive involvement, 11 Passive smoking, 100 Passivity view, 242 Peer, 201 Peer acceptance, 389, 391 Peer group, 381, 532 Peer interactions, 201, 504, 562 Peer relationships, 202, 288, 381 Peer victimisation, 391 Peer-group pressure, 459 Peers, 422, 461 Bullying, 394 Pendulum problem, 474 Perceptual centration, 215 Perceptual development., 208 Perceptual discriminability, 407 Perceptual narrowing, 141 Period of the zygote, 87 Permanent teeth, 314 Permissive parenting style, 279, 344, 527 Perseverating search, 145 Personal costs, 419 Personal fable, 493 Personal identity, 499 Personal initiative, 11 Personal issues, 559 Personality, 163, 186, 357, 504, 561 Personality characteristics, 612 Personality development, 8, 248, 356, 497 Personality development theories, 248, 356 Personality traits, 356, 497 Perspective-taking, 414, 490 Perspective-taking skills, 359 Phallic phase, 268 Phallic stage of development., 248 Pharmacogenetics, 74 Phenylketonuria, 78 Phonological loop, 321 Phonological skills, 236 Phonology, 234 Physical abuse, 592 Physical activity, 232 Physical aggression, 294 Physical appearance, 114 Physical changes, 451 Physical development, 7, 207, 313 Physical neglect, 591 Physical proportions, 208 Physical punishment, 377

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Physical support, 383 Piaget, Jean, 29, 143, 146, 214, 218, 221, 319, 411, 473 Pigmentism, 410 Pincer grasp, 136 Pituitary gland, 130, 210 Placenta, 88 Planning, 494 Play, 231, 289, 293, 385 Political identity, 510 Polygenic inheritance, 79 Polyvictimisation, 571 Popular-antisocial children, 390 Popular-prosocial children, 390 Porphyria, 83 Positive discipline, 372 Positive feedback, 375 Positive psychology, 626 Positive reinforcement, 197, 307 Possible self, 513 Post-conventional level, 552 Postnatal development, 69 Poverty, 599 Power assertion, 197 Practical cognition, 488 Practical intelligence, 485 Pragmatic language, 235 Pre-attachment phase, 183 Preconceptual period, 214 Pre-conventional level, 414, 552 Pre-existing characteristics, 571 Prefrontal cortex, 439 Pregnancy, 337 Prejudice, 405 Pre-moral, 412 Prenatal development, 70-111 Prenatal period, 70, 87 Prenatal stage, 7 Preoperational thinking, 214, 218 Pre-primary schooling, 231 Pre-primary schools, 246 Prereading skills, 236 Preschool education, 246 Prescription drugs, 99 Pretence, 227 Pretend play, 145 Preterm, 107 Primal faith, 428 Primary circular reactions, 144 Primary sex characteristics, 444 Primitive reflexes, 117 Private speech, 221 Proactive aggression, 294

Procedural memory, 149 Productive language, 152 Propositional thinking, 475 Prosocial behaviour, 304 Psychoanalytic perspective, 164 Psychoanalytic theory, 20, 268, 356 Psychodynamic perspective, 20 Psycho-endocrinology, 19 Psychogenetics, 70 Psychological abuse, 595 Psychological control, 528 Psychological effects, 451 Psychological tests, 50 Psychological theories, 268 Psychometric tests, 50 Psychometric-intelligence approach, 479, 480 Psychomotor skills, 315 Psychophysiological measurements, 52 Psychophysiology, 52 Psychosexual development stages, 21 Psychosocial crisis, 23 Psychosocial development, 24 Psychosocial dwarfism, 212 Psychosocial moratorium, 499 Puberty, 443, 445, 446 Punishment, 373, 375, 414 Pygmalion effect, 307

Q Qualitative research, 47 Quantitative research, 47 Questionnaires, 50

R Race, 273, 408. 410 Racial discrimination, 597 Racial identity, 273 Racialism, 597 Racism, 597 Radiation, 97 Re-externalisation of the superego, 557 Reactive aggression, 294 Reading, 240 Reading disorder, 339 Ready schools, 330 Real self, 359 Recall, 149, 225 Receptive language, 152 Recessive characteristics, 77, 95 Recessive diseases, 80 Recessive disorders, 78, 80

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Recessive gene, 76 Recessivity, 76 Reciprocal effects, 529 Reciprocal relationship, 184 Recognition, 149, 225 Reflexes, 117, 143 Rehearsal, 225, 321 Rejected-aggressive Children, 390 Rejected-withdrawn children, 390 Rejecting-neglecting parents, 344 Relational aggression, 265, 294 Relational bullying. See Social bullying Relationship management, 364 Relativistic thinking, 475 Religion, 424, 562 Religious identity, 510 REM sleep, 121 Reproduction, 71 Reproductive cloning, 82 Research, 46 Research design, 53, 57 Research ethics, 63 Research methodology, 554 Research question, 49 Researcher bias, 50, 55 Resilience, 190, 624-630 Resistant attachment, 184 Respiratory system, 314 Rest, James, 556 Retrospective, 56 Reversibility, 319 Ribonucleic acid. See RNA Rights of the child, 630-636 Risk factors, 570 RNA, 73 Role of the family, 367 Romantic relationships, 539 Rubella, 97 Rule-abiding behaviour, 357

S Safe school environment, 349 Same gender schema, 272 Same-sex, 468 Same-sex parents, 586 Sampling, 46 Scaffolding, 197, 221, 239 Schemas, 30 Scholastic performance, 617 School climate, 347 School influences Bullying, 394

School readiness, 327 Cognitive level, 329 Emotional level, 329 Normative level, 329 Physical level, 329 Social level, 329 School system, 237 School violence, 349 Schools, 421, 504 Scientific reasoning, 474 Scissor grasp, 136 Second period of plasticity, 441 Secondary circular reactions, 144 Secondary emotions, 168 Secondary sex characteristics, 444 Secular trend, 444 Secure attachment, 184 Secure-base behaviour, 185 Selective association, 385 Selective attention, 477 Selective eating, 212 Selective social smile, 169 Self, 263 Self-agency, 179 Self-awareness, 227 Self-concept, 178, 260, 358, 512 Self-conscious emotions, 168, 256, 363 Self-consciousness, 492 Self-definition, 261 Self-description, 179 Self-efficacy, 27, 358, 360, 464 Self-esteem, 261, 358-359, 464, 514 Self-evaluation, 257 Self-evaluative emotions, 168 Self-focusing, 492 Self-fulfilling prophecy, 307, 507 Selfhood, 38 Self-identity, 261. See self-esteem Self-image, 261. See Self-esteem Self-objectification, 400 Self-recognition, 179 Self-reflective perspective-taking, 491 Self-socialisation, 272 Self-talk, 221 Self-traits, 361 Self-worth, 515. See Self-esteem Semantic memory, 149 Seminal emission, 449 Sensitive period, 17 Sensory memory, 32 Sensory motor stage, 143 Separation, 509, 544

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Separation anxiety, 194, 257 Sequential design, 59 Sequential research, 59 Serotonin, 133, 439 Sex, 264 Sex cells, 71, 76 Sex determination, 78 Sex education, 460 Sex hormones, 443 Sex-linked characteristics, 79 Sex-linked gene abnormalities, 83 Sexting, 546 Sexual abuse, 593 Sexual activity, 457 Sexual attitudes, 400 Sexual latency, 317 Sexual maturation, 443 Boys, 449 Girls, 445 Sexual objectification, 400 Sexual orientation, 456, 467 Sexual privacy, 462 Sexuality, 317, 456 Shadism, 410 Shallow information processing view, 242 Share, 47 Shared reading, 238 Shifting attention, 478 Short-term memory, 149 Sibling interactions, 199 Sibling relationships, 286, 378 Siblings, 378 Teaching, 287 Sickle cell anaemia, 78 SIDS. See Sudden infant death syndrome Simultaneous learning, 326 Single-parent families, 580 Single-word sentences, 153 Skin lightening, 507 Skinner, B.F., 26 Slavery, 4 Sleep, 121 Sleep problems, 255 Sleeper effect, 572 Sleeping density, 462 Small for gestational age (SGA), 107 Smell, 120 Smile, 169 Social and conventional system perspective-taking, 491 Social awareness, 364 Social brain, 440 Social capital, 346

Social cognition, 168, 490 Social cognitive theory, 26 Social cognitive theory of moral thought and action, 420, 557 Social comparison, 383 Social compensation hypothesis, 538 Social contract, 553 Social conventions, 559 Social desirability, 50 Social development, 8, 276, 367, 371, 520 Social domain theory, 559 Social experience, 287 Social factors, 297 Social feedback, 361 Social functioning, 189 Social groups, 408 Social influence, 265 Social information, 297 Social learning theory, 268, 398 Social ontogenesis, 38 Social persuasion, 27 Social pragmatism, 157 Social pretend, 290 Social referencing, 171 Social selfhood, 40 Social speech, 235 Social support, 617 Social-informative perspective-taking, 490 Socialisation, 196, 418 Societal influences Bullying, 394 Socio-cultural factors, 147, 344, 504 Piaget, 147 Socio-cultural identity, 499 Socio-dramatic. See Social-pretend play Socio-dramatic play, 290 Socio-economic conditions, 237 Socio-economic status, 345, 617 Socio-metric techniques, 390 Socio-political factors, 504 Socio pretend play, 290 Solitary play, 290 Somatic cells, 75 Somatotrophin, 438 South Africa, 245, 353 Adolescent drug abuse, 602 Adolescent substance abuse, 602 Adolescents sexual interactivity, 460 Adolescents, Identity development, 504 Bullying, 395 Child adoption, 581 Child-headed households, 586 Child maltreatment, 591

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Child physical abuse, 593 Children's Charter, 634 Children's rights, 631 Community violence, 613 Convention on the Rights of the Child, 631 Corporal punishment, 377 Divorce statistics, 574 Education, 245, 347 Educational neglect, 592 Families, 285, 573 Fathers, 284 Fear, 253 Grandparents, 285 HIV/AIDS, 607 ICT in schools, 353 Overcrowding, 462 Poverty, 569, 600 Racism, 597 Religion, 511 Same-sex parents, 587 School infrastructure, 348 School violence, 349 Schools, 330 Sexual privacy, 462 Single-parent families, 580 Sleeping density, 462 Street children, 588 Violence, 542 Spatial ability, 264 Spatial intelligence, 482 Specification period, 519 Sperm, 71 Spirituality, 38, 426 Stages of friendship, 384 Standardisation, 50 Stepfamilies, 578 Stereotypes, 266 Stereotyping, 406 Sternberg, Robert, 484 Stimulation, 383 Strange Situation Test, 184 Stranger anxiety, 193 Stranger wariness, 193 Street children, 588 Structural capacity, 478 Structured observation, 49 Subjective self, 178 Substance abuse, 461, 601 Substance abuse implications, 605 Successful children, 342 Successive learning, 326 Sudden infant death syndrome, 127

Suicide, 611 Superego, 21 Superpeer theory, 398 Supportive systems and relationships, 571 Sustained attention, 223, 478 Switching attention, 478 Symbiotic relationship, 178 Symbolic period, 214 Symbolic representation, 145, 214 Sympathy, 304 Synapse, 132 Synaptic cleft, 132 Synaptic pruning, 133, 439 Syntax, 234 Synthesis, 222 Synthetic-conventional faith, 428

T Tacit intelligence, 485 Taste, 120 Tay-Sachs disease, 83 Technoference, 405 Teenage motherhood, 466 Teenage pregnancy, 463 Teeth, 208 Television, 154, 299, 398 Temperament, 175, 357, 497, 617 Temperamental patterns, 174 Temperamental traits, 356 Temporal lobes, 129 Teratogen, 94 Termination of Pregnancy Act (1996), 91 Tertiary circular reactions, 144 Testosterone, 444 Thalamus, 130 Thalassemia, 84 Theory, 15 Theory of mind, 33, 226, 229, 323 Theory of multiple intelligences, 482 Theory-theory, 33 Thesis, 222 Thought, 221 Thumb sucking, 197 Thyroid-stimulating hormone, 210 Thyroxin, 210 Tobacco, 100 Toilet training, 197 Toxic stress, 570 Toys, 302, 386, 389 Toys and play material, 292 Traditional male circumcision, 449 Transactional nature, 590

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Transductive reasoning, 217 Transgender persons, 468 Transracial adoptions, 582-583 Transsexual, 468 Triarchic theory of intelligence, 484 Trisomy 21, 84 Troubled family relationships, 612 Twins, 80 Two-way communication process, 171

U Ubuntu, 38 Umbilical cord, 88 Underextensions, 233 Undernutrition, 96, 210 Understanding emotions, 228 Understandment of death, 621 Undifferentiated crying, 152 Unexamined ethnic Identity, 509 Uninvolved parenting style, 280 Universality, 12 Unsuccessful children, 342

V

Vygotsky, Lev, 34, 219, 222

W Walking, delayed, 137 Walking, early, 137 Warmth and nurturance, 278 Watson, John B, 25 Weaning, 199 Weight, 207 White matter, 133 Willpower, 164 Withdrawal of love, 197 Working memory, 32, 149, 224 Working memory model, 321 Working mothers, 186 Writing disorder, 339

X Xhosa's, 620

Z Zone of proximal development, 35, 220, 240 Zygote, 71

Value autonomy, 525 Value system, 499 Variable, 53 Venting frustrations, 545 Verbal ability, 264 Verbal aggression, 294 Viability, 90 Vicarious experiences, 27 Victim, 302 Video and Internet games, 300 Violence, 399, 615 Romantic relationships, 542 Violent play, 302 Vision, 119, 314 Visual acuity, 119, 141 Visual cliff, 139 Visual constancy, 140 Visual paired-comparison task, 150 Visual preference, 148 Visual recognition, 148 Visual view, 242 Visual-spatial sketchpad, 321 Vocabulary, 154, 233, 325 Vocabulary spurt, 155 Vocational expectations and aspirations, 518 Vocational interests, 519 Volunteerism, 346

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