Chastity in Ancient Indian Texts: Precept, Practice, and Portrayal 9781138364134, 9781032321264, 9781003312949

Table of contents :
Cover
Half Title
Title Page
Copyright Page
Dedication
Table of Contents
Preface and Acknowledgements
Introduction
Chapter 1 Conceptualising Chastity
Chapter 2 Conformity in the Great Epics (the Mahābhārata and the Vālmīki’s Rāmāyaṇa)
Chapter 3 Deviance in the Great Epics
Chapter 4 Chastity as Reflected in the MahāPurāṇas
Chapter 5 Deviant Behaviour as Reflected in the MahāPurāṇas
Chapter 6 Comparative Evaluation of Conformity and Deviance in Hāla’s Sattasaī and the Jātakas
Conclusion
Bibliography
Index

Citation preview

CHASTITY IN ANCIENT INDIAN TEXTS

This book looks at the representation and practice of chastity in selective ancient Indian texts. It studies how and when the concept originated and in what ways it was intertwined with the social, cultural, and economic notions of Indian society. Drawing on seminal Indian texts such as the MahāPurāṇas, Rāmāyaṇa, Mahābhārata, Sattasaī, and the Jātakas, the volume delves into the social and reproductive rights of women through an examination of the norms of chastity, virginity, and Pātivratya, which were construed according to a patriarchal hierarchy of the society and implemented as a means of strengthening patriarchal authority. In addition to this, the work explores the impact of chastity on men. It also examines the interinfuence of various religious traditions that emerged on the very concept of chastity and the ideologies they later gave rise to. A comprehensive study of sexuality and gender in early India, the book will be indispensable to students, teachers, and researchers of gender studies, literature, women’s studies, women’s rights, feminism, South Asian studies, and the social history of Ancient India. Oly Roy, is an academician and researcher, who has received her Ph.D from Centre for Historical Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University. Her research interests include gender, social, cultural and political issues.

CHASTITY IN ANCIENT INDIAN TEXTS Precept, Practice, and Portrayal

Oly Roy

First published 2023 by Routledge 4 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN and by Routledge 605 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10158 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 2023 Oly Roy The right of Oly Roy to be identifed as author of this work has been asserted in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identifcation and explanation without intent to infringe. British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A catalog record has been requested for this book ISBN: 978-1-138-36413-4 (hbk) ISBN: 978-1-032-32126-4 (pbk) ISBN: 978-1-003-31294-9 (ebk) DOI: 10.4324/9781003312949 Typeset in Sabon by Deanta Global Publishing Services, Chennai, India

DEDICATED TO MY LATE SISTER MS. RUNA ROY AND MY LATE SUPERVISOR PROF. VIJAYA RAMASWAMY

CONTENTS

Preface and Acknowledgements

viii

Introduction

1

1

Conceptualising Chastity

9

2

Conformity in the Great Epics (the Mahābhārata and the Vālmīki’s Rāmāyaṇa)

26

3

Deviance in the Great Epics

47

4

Chastity as Refected in the MahāPurāṇas

65

5

Deviant Behaviour as Refected in the MahāPurāṇas

83

6

Comparative Evaluation of Conformity and Deviance in Hāla’s Sattasaī and the Jātakas

110

Conclusion

134

Bibliography Index

145 151

vii

PREFACE AND ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Working on the book has been a journey in itself, emotional as well as intellectual. I have lost people, whose loss has had a profound impact on me. They were also those who have inspired me, motivated me, and believed in me. My interest in gender studies began while I was completing my M.A. in History at the Centre for Historical Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University. And it was during the Ph.D. days that I embarked on this journey with full focus, trying to dive into the depth of the issues related. The work required intensive reading – thus the Central Library and CHS Library at Jawaharlal Nehru University, during my Ph.D. days, was my heavenly abode. I would also like to mention the Indian Council for Historical Research (ICHR) as I held the Indian Council for Historical Research Junior Research Fellowship, and its collection in the library was of great help. Though the work has undergone various changes, the aim and purpose of the book remain the same – to make people (interested in social processes and gender studies) aware of the complexities and contexts of various precepts and practices which are still pertinent as far as contemporary time is concerned. The book has taken quite a length of time to be completed. I owe a lot of learning to people I have come across in academics until now. But one person to whom I would always be grateful is my Ph.D. Supervisor Prof. Vijaya Ramaswamy. I would not have been able to work on this book without her support and guidance. Sadly, we lost her in May 2020, a loss that has been irrevocable. This book would be incomplete without the emotional support of Ma and Baba, Ms. Anjali Roy and Mr. Amal Kumar Roy. I am indebted to my late sister Ms. Runa Roy, who had a profound belief in me right from the beginning of my academic life. The encouraging words of Prof. Nupur Dasgupta motivated me to improve on my work. I would like to thank Antara and Anvitaa, who have been working on the book from the beginning, for all their unprecedented help and support.

viii

INTRODUCTION

The Oxford English Dictionary defnes ‘chastity’ as ‘the state of not having sex with anyone or only having sex with the person you are married to’. But chastity involves complex situations and nuances. In July 2014 in India, a court in Indore ordered cases to be registered against four people (including the woman’s husband and mother-in-law) for forcing her to prove her chastity in front of a community panchayat by holding red-hot iron rods,1 while in 2015, the Himachal Pradesh High Court ruled out that a woman was not expected to submit herself to a man and that it was her responsibility to protect her dignity and modesty in a relationship.2 The value assigned to chastity shows that freedom of sexual expression posed/poses a threat to the social order. It does not appear in a vacuum but is intertwined with social institutions and practices. This work delves into gendered concepts, practices, and norms and their impact on both men and women of different social categories. Gender relations have been an integral part of history. The work is based not only on normative texts but also on excerpts from the literature of various popular traditions with an interdisciplinary approach which helps in exploring the topic from sociological, political, and economic perspectives. It explores the following issues: the defnition and various nuances related to sexuality; a woman and her obligations; the importance of being a ‘virgin’ and how it has been a part of social learning; what made women conform to the norms; why was it important for a woman not to defy the norms of the society; social and reproductive rights of a woman; her ordeals as a widow; how the existence of a woman was questioned if she was unmarried; motherhood, her only path to salvation and existence; how a woman who did not conform to the stereotypical ideals of the society was viewed with adversity (e.g. an independent self-suffcient woman who was in control of her own sexuality and public women and their rights) and what repercussions she had to face if she deviated; and the defnition of deviance and transgression and the role of men and patriarchs and their position in the society.

DOI: 10.4324/9781003312949-1

1

INTRODUCTION

In this work a collection of narrative literature from ancient India has been explored to understand the social facet related to the theme. Narratives help to discern the concepts and ideals of the time. A narrative text is mainly a compilation of stories, poems, or memoirs that not only tells us of what has happened but also represents the present, thus connecting the present to the past and establishing a relation between the two. Narrating that something has happened in the past helps in convincing people of the ‘ideals’. Such stories also help in understanding the sociocultural notion of a particular period. Some texts also narrate how the future would be. A narrative helps in establishing the justifcation of various laws laid down in the didactic texts. Various ancient Indian texts suffer from interpolations which, in turn, show how changing circumstances moulded the nature of these texts and how important it was to maintain a connective relationship with the society, as the main aim of narration is social interaction. Narratives engage the perception not only of the author and the various characters but also of the audience, thus forming a network and solidarity within the society. The nature and language of a narrative text determine its audience because the very purpose of a narrative is to teach. It is, thus, important to understand the narrative framework. In the next section, there is a brief discussion on the primary texts, their nature, and the period they belong to, which will help us in understanding the background they were framed in.

The Sources The stories in the 17 MahāPurāṇas (Mārkaṇḍeya, Vāyu, Brahmāṇḍa, Viṣṇu, Matsya, Bhāgavata, Kūrma, Vāmana, Liṅga, Varāha, Padma, Nārada, Agni, Garuḍa, Brahmā, Skāṇḍa and Brahmāvaivarta) have been used. The Bhaviṣya Purāṇa has been excluded as it relatively belongs to a much later period. Other sources include the great epics Rāmāyaṇa of Vālmīki and Vyāsa’s Mahābhārata, Hāla’s Sattasaī, and the Buddhist Jātakas. The texts include narrations that were orally transmitted and had their origin in a much earlier period. The Bhāgavata Purāṇa is one such example where there has been a culmination and compilation of earlier texts. Brahmanical Sources The Epic Literature Epic literature (the Mahābhārata and the Rāmāyaṇa) are intrinsically a part of the oral tradition, composed over many centuries from bardic fragments, and are enriched with interpolations of later times.3 In addition to the court bards, there was also a large number of wandering singers who passed through towns and villages, but their style might not be similar to 2

INTRODUCTION

that of the standard as those of the court singers.4 Neither can epic events be precisely dated, nor can one speak of an epic period.5 The epic contains multiple layers of social formations. In both epics women played a major role. Two major events that were elucidated in the Rāmāyaṇa after the coronation of Rāma were the abandonment of Sītā and the killing of Shambuka. Such narratives refect issues which were matters of great concern for the period – frstly, women and their behaviour and secondly the lower varna and their struggle. Similarly, for Mahābhārata, reference to the text as a ffth Veda meant for the Śūdras and women implies the subservient position women held by the time the text was compiled. While studying the epics as historical sources, one has to identify the multiple chronological layers and the contradictions. The composition of the Mahābhārata can be placed between c. 400 BCE and c. 400 CE. Śānti Parvan, Anuśāsana Parva, and the early part of the Ādi Parvan are additions of a later period. The Mahābhārata deals with a variety of themes. In its present form, it has around 1,00,000 verses. Initially, it was called the Jaya and had only 8,800 verses and then came to be known as the Bhārata, with 24,000 verses. The Mahābhārata, in its initial phase, refects Painted Grey Ware (PGW) culture and the Iron Age where the economy of people was mainly based on agriculture, cattle breeding, fshing, and hunting that led to the second Urbanisation in north-central India. The war mentioned in the Mahābhārata portrays a transitional phase of a patrilineal society. Mahābhārata refers to various clans which were outside the core of the Brahmanical system, including Gandhāra and the Madra clan located in Punjab. It also refers to the Yavanas, Śakas, and Hūṇas of the post-Mauryan period. The text also refects the transition from chiefdoms that can be dated around the frst millennium BCE to kingdoms. At the same time, various interpolations imply historical changes. The period from the Mauryas to the Guptas, when the present form of the epic was fnalised, witnessed many confrontations between gaṇa-saṅghas and kingdoms. Rāmāyaṇa was broadcasted in India during the lockdown period due to the COVID-19 crisis. It shows the popularity and infuences the narrative possesses to date. B.B. Lal subscribes that the historicity of the Rāmāyaṇa episode can be placed during the early phase of the NBPW period. Out of the seven kāṇḍas of the Rāmāyaṇa, the frst and the last (i.e. Bālakāṇḍa and the Uttarakāṇḍa) are later additions and even the other kāṇḍas might have been subjected to later interpolations. Robert P. Goldman has suggested that the part of the framing of the story in the text is a response of the Brahmins of the janapada period to the rise of śramaṇa movements in the Gangetic plain during the sixth and ffth centuries BCE He has, moreover, pointed out that though these movements rejected several Vedic beliefs, they also shared certain metaphysical beliefs. Events like the intrusion of other foreign forces like the Greeks, the Hunas, the Sakas, the Kushanas, the 3

INTRODUCTION

Persians, and ‘mleccha’ elements entered the subcontinent from the fourth century BCE and onwards had an impact on the textual representation.6 According to some historians, the events and characters involved with Mahābhārata refect a slightly earlier period than those of the Rāmāyaṇa – this is because the setting of the Mahābhārata is the Indo-Gangetic divide and the upper Ganga valley, while in the Rāmāyaṇa, the centre of political gravity shifted eastwards (to the middle Ganga valley).7 The Purāṇas The Purāṇas were to be recited in popular gatherings and considered the scriptures of the masses. The Purāṇas are important in tracing the origin and development of an ideal as they cover a broad period. In the Purāṇas, the Brāhmaṇas gave up their former elitist nature and recognised the substratum of the society. One of the major problems regarding the Purāṇas is that they were not necessarily composed by a single author or at any particular point in time but by multiple writers and over a period of centuries.8 R.C. Hazra talks of two main stages in the development of the Purāṇas. He also traces what led to such a change. For this purpose, he reviewed the early religious movements, foreign invasions, and their effects on Brahmanical society.9 Ancient India saw the rise of various religious movements, which he classifed, according to their relation to the Vedic (comprising Śrauta and Smārta), as anti-Vedic (Jainism, Buddhism, and Ajivakism), semiVedic (consisting of Vaiṣṇavism, Śaivism, and Brahmāism), and non-Vedic (Śāktism). Hazra points out that long before the time of Gautama Buddha, there were revolts against the Brahmanical doctrine.10 The Jains did not recognise the authority of the Vedas. Apart from Jainism, Buddhism, and the Ajvikas, Hazra also discusses other religious movements – Vaiṣṇavism and Śaivsim.11 He points out that the source for the ‘reconstruction’ of these sources is very ‘meagre’.12 The earliest records of Vaiṣṇavism and Śaivsim are contained in the Mahābhārata; but even then these systems do not seem to appear in their true character, because “the priests have preserved for us, not so much the opinions the people actually held, as the opinions the priests wished them to hold.”13 R.C. Hazra moreover stated that the nature of Vaiṣṇavism and Śaivism was mainly non-Brahmanical. But he enumerates that those who worshipped Visnu and Śiva were not necessarily all infuenced by non-Brahmanical ideas and practices.14 Besides the Vaiṣṇavas and the Śaivas, there grew up another sect that worshipped Brahmā.15 Different sects, systems of religions, the advent of the casteless foreigners, and the dominance of the non-Kṣatriyas or Śūdras under the Nandas, the Mauryas, and also the Āndhras created an atmosphere which was not necessarily Vedic or Brahmanical. The Purāṇas ascribe the ‘social disorder’ more to the heterodox sects.16 The Purāṇas give a gloomy picture of the Kali

4

INTRODUCTION

age on account of the propagation of Buddhism from the Aśokan period when the Śūdras were recognised as kings and also as high state offcers. During this period, the ‘casteless’ Śakas, Pahlavas and Abhiras also settled. On the other hand, the Jātakas portray a depressing picture of the position of the Brāhmaṇas. Buddha’s Dhamma appealed to both women and men. The liberty which Buddhism and Jainism allowed women was appealing. During the Gupta period, ‘Brahmanical Hinduism’ was restored to ‘popular favour’.17 But with the decline of the Guptas came the ‘irruption of the casteless and savage nomads’.18 The position of the Brāhmaṇas and Brahmanical culture was infuenced by these changes. From the beginning of the ffth century CE, the Vaiṣṇavas and the Śaivas were infuenced by Tantricism,19 while the Tantric cult did not prove ‘favourable’ for the Brāhmaṇas and the Kṣatriyas. Naturally, these developments infuenced the lives of women. Various stories and new ideals were woven to stop them from adopting other traditions that emerged with time. Women adopted other religious traditions that paved the way to attain salvation. The Brahmins, thus, felt it was necessary to re-establish the authority of the Vedas and their ‘moral’ rules among women, Śūdras, and those members of the upper castes, who were infuenced by other heterodox ideas. This intention can be found in the Smṛtimatter of the Mahābhārata and the Purāṇas.20 Non-Brahmanical Sources Uma Chakravarti very rightly points to the signifcance of both Brahmanical and non-Brahmanical sources. She asserts, the evidence of non-Brahmānical sources represents merely a deviant point of view and thus is less valuable as well as marginal to the dominant picture of stratifcation in India. This tilt has to be rectifed: a more meaningful understanding of social reality, both for the past and for the present, may then emerge.21 Thus a study of non-Brahmanical narratives would provide signifcant insight into the theme. The Sattasaī or Gathasattasaī Helmuth von Glasenapp, in his book Jainism: An Indian Religion of Salvation, points out, The seven hundred stanzas (Sattasaī) composed in accordance with the popular pattern going under the name of Hāla Śātavāhana or

5

INTRODUCTION

Sālivāhana, who as one of the Āndhrabhrtya – princes of the Deccan is considered by Jainas as their compatriot in faith, describe sufferings and pleasures of love in fascinating genre-imageries.22 The oldest anthology that has been preserved, the Sattasaī or Gathasattasaī, compiled by Hāla, marks one of the highest points reached by short poems. The volume contains about seven hundred poems by various authors in Māhārāṣțrī, the lyrical Prākrit. The poems are mostly about love which are not ‘simple’ and ‘unconventional’. They are said to be examples of ‘exceedingly sophisticated verbal art’.23 They were written by poets who did not belong to the masses but by mainly educated, urban, and aristocratic. It is also a rich source of information.24 One of the exclusive features of the text is that it is a female voice we hear. The Prākrit used for the text is ‘a stylized imitation of the language spoken by country people living south of the Vindhyas, an area that for long remained beyond the pale of North Indian Sanskrit literature’.25 Assigning an exact date for the text is diffcult. Hāla was a king of the South Indian Sātavāhana dynasty, whose reign is somewhere placed around the frst century AD. This date is considered too early for the text. It was most probably compiled sometime between the third century and the seventh century.26 The Jātakas or the Buddhist Birth Stories Uma Chakravarti, in her article ‘The Social Philosophy of Buddhism and the Problem of Inequality’, says that one should consider how women reacted to Buddhism.27 The Jātakas, or the Buddhist birth stories, are a collection of folklore that has been appropriated for the propagation of Buddhist ideas amongst the laity. The Jātakas were accepted as one of the classifed texts of Buddhism.28 While the stories themselves were written down in the form we know them today around the ffth century AD, the fact that the Jātakas are mentioned by name and represented through sculpture as early as the third century BC (from Bharhut, Central India) suggests that their compilation was a lengthy process.29 According to Uma Chakravarti, there was not any fxed text but, rather, one that provided a broad structure, leaving ample space for improvisations.30 The Jātakas describe life in both urban and rural settings.31 Jātakas are said to provide broad characteristics of the society.32 Regarding the authorship of the Jātakas, it is not possible to be the work of a particular set of people.33 The appropriation is said to take place at the hands of the Buddhist bhikku who worked as a mediator between the folk tale and the canonical Buddhist text.34 The constitution of the audience remains uncertain. In regard to women, the narratives in the Jātakas are said to ‘provide a valuable insight into the points of intersection and divergence 6

INTRODUCTION

between popular culture and culture of the higher classes, as well as the Buddhist and Brahmānical traditions’.35 One of the striking features of ancient Indian texts is that there are different versions of a story, which, in turn, not only helps in locating the changes the society went through but, at the same time, also contributes to the understanding of various perspectives. Each text provides an interesting twist, and thus it is crucial to study these texts of different genres to understand the concept of chastity in ancient India.

Notes 1 ‘Woman Forced to Prove “chastity” by Holding Red Hot Iron Rods’, The Times of India, https://timesofndia.indiatimes.com/city/indore/woman-forced -to-prove-chastity-by-holding-red-hot-iron-rods/articleshow/38967435.cms, accessed August 13, 2021. 2 ‘Onus on Woman to Protect Dignity: Himachal Pradesh HC’, Hindustan Times, https://www.hindustantimes.com/punjab/onus-on-woman-to-protect-dignity -himachal-pradesh-hc/story-mUSVJ9K7fPOeyI2bO2BllM.html, accessed August 13, 2021. 3 Thapar, Romila, ‘The Historian and the Epic’, Annals (B.O.R.I), Vol. LX, 1979, 199. 4 Gonda, Jan, (Edt.) Lienhard, Siegfried, A History of Classical Poetry Sanskrit – Pāli – Prākrit, Otto Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden, Classical Sanskrit Literature, Vol. III, 1984, 59. 5 Ibid., 200. 6 Goldman, Robert Palmer, The Spirit of Age: Social Vision and Historical Perspective in the Mbh and the Valmiki Ramayana, Pratibha Prakashan, New Delhi, 2016. 7 Singh,Upinder, A History of Ancient and Medieval India, From the Stone Age to the 12th Century, Pearson, Fifth Impression, India, 18–19. 8 Nath, Vijay, Purāṇas and Acculturation, Manohar, New Delhi, 2001, 5. 9 Hazra, R.C., Studies in the Puranic Records on Hindu Rites and Customs, Motilal Banarasidass, Delhi, 1987, Part II, Chapter I, ‘The Hindu Society Before 200 A.D., and the Purāṇic Rites and Customs in the First Stage of their Development’, 193. 10 Ibid. 11 Ibid., 197. 12 Ibid. 13 Ibid. 14 Ibid., 203. 15 Ibid., 204. 16 Ibid., 207–208. 17 Ibid., 217. 18 Ibid. 19 Ibid., 218. 20 Ibid., 213. 21 Chakravarti, Uma, Everyday Lives, Everyday Histories: Beyond the Kings and Brahmānas of ‘Ancient’ India, ‘Towards a Historical Sociology of Stratifcation in Ancient India, Evidence from Buddhist Sources’, Tulika Books, New Delhi, 2006, 68.

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INTRODUCTION

22 Glasenapp, von Helmuth, Jainism: An Indian Religion of Salvation, An English Translation of Der Jainismus, Eine Indishe ErlÖsungsreligion by Shridhar B. Shrotri, Motilal Banarasidass Publishers Pvt Ltd., Delhi, 1999, 144. 23 Gonda, (Edt.) Lienhard, A History of Classical Poetry Sanskrit, 84. 24 Ibid. 25 Khoroche, Peter (Tr.) and Tieken, Herman (Tr), Poems on Life and Love in Ancient India, Hāla’s Sattasaī, State University of New York Press, 2009, 2. 26 Ibid., 2. 27 Ibid., The Social Philosophy of Buddhism and the Problem of Inequality, 133. 28 Chakravarti, Everyday Lives, Everyday Histories, ‘Women, Men and Beasts’, Tulika Books, New Delhi, 2006, 200. 29 Roy, Kumkum, ‘Justice in the Jātakas’, Social Scientist, Vol. 24, Nos. 4–6, April– June 1996, 22. 30 Chakravarti, Everyday Lives, Everyday Histories, 201. 31 Gen’ichi, Yamazaki, The Structure of Ancient Indian Society, Theory and Reality of the Varṇa System, Published by the Toyo Bunko, Tokyo, 2005, xiv. 32 Chakravarti, Everyday Lives, Everyday Histories, 198–199. 33 Ibid., 200. 34 Ibid. 35 Ibid., 198–199.

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1 CONCEPTUALISING CHASTITY

The meaning and implications of chastity have not been monolithic in nature. Norms created for women refect the expectations society had for them, which, in turn, help in comprehending and constructing perspectives that existed in a given period. Various religious traditions framed women in a diabolical and deplorable manner with the purpose of controlling them and their sexuality. Not only Brahmanical tradition but also Buddhism considered the idea of male dominance essential (Kunala-Jātaka). We get references in the Purāṇas, the epics (the Rāmāyaṇa and the Mahābhārata), and the Jātakas (such as Kosiya Jātaka, Cula Paduma Jātaka, and Gahapati Jātaka) of punishments meted out to women for their ‘evil’ and adulterous behaviour. But such constraints had wider connotations, which will be discussed later. In defance of such restraints, we get references to women who deviated from the prescribed path. But what makes it problematic is that sometimes such deviance is not considered sinful. The concept was often mutated as per the situation, the need, and the characters involved. The curses, redemptions, and ordeals formed a major part of it. She is sometimes called a pativratā (pativratā literally means a wife who has made a vow. i.e. vrat to her husband, pati) even after performing a ‘sinful’ activity. It is important to study under what circumstances she deviated from the path of pātivratya (denotes the concept), whether she performed it willingly or forcibly, how did she respond under such a circumstance, and how society and her marital–parental household reacted when she transgressed. Men too were bounded by the concept of chastity, though it was not as regressive as it was for women. Thus, it will be interesting to observe what chastity meant for men and to what extent they conformed. We also get exceptional cases wherein even a veśya delineates how chaste she is. Society was not only trepidatious about these women but also apprehensive about the women who were promiscuous in nature as in various ancient Indian texts such as the Purāṇas, and in the epics, we fnd discussion of how degraded these women were considered and how they brought about fall not only for themselves but also for their family. DOI: 10.4324/9781003312949-2

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CONCEPTUALISING CHASTITY

In this chapter, we will see how the concept of chastity was conceptualised for different sections of society, which not only was a parameter for deciding the character, position, and status but also decided how their life should have been.

Understanding the Notion of Chastity Chastity as Conceptualised in the Brahmanical Texts – The Epics and the Purāṇas The Padma Purāṇa states that a chaste lady is most celebrated.1 A chaste woman’s life was more than maintaining devotion and loyalty towards her husband. She had to play multiple roles for her husband – a wife had to be intelligent enough to resolve his diffculties and physically endowed with beauty, meaning she had to be sexually active for satisfying her husband’s sexual desires. Moreover, a wife was expected to tolerate a co-wife/paramour. In the Brahmāvaivarta Purāṇa, wives are categorised into three types – virtuous (sādhvī), enjoyable (bhōgya), and wicked (kulta)2 – the ‘virtuous’ lady is said to serve her husband for glory and conjugal pleasure; the woman who is of the bhōgya stays with her husband for materialistic pleasures and does not serve her husband,3 and the ‘wicked’ woman destroys the race of the husband, who serves her husband not out of devotion and desires to be with others.4 The Brahmāvaivarta Purāṇa states that a woman proves her chastity by her devotion, loyalty, and service, even if it meant following her dead husband into his funeral pyre.5 The Bhāgavata Purāṇa, like the Skāṇḍa Purāṇa, refects the same inclination regarding the duties and role of a chaste woman. Various Purāṇas, e.g., the Bhāgavata Purāṇa, say that women should look upon their husbands as gods, rendering service to the husband, fulflling his wishes, taking care of his relatives, and maintaining vows for their husbands. A chaste woman was promised divine power and position if she served her husband righteously. Even the gods were said to be afraid of a chaste woman and came to her rescue while she was in crisis. A woman was discouraged from having any kind of social communication with a washerwoman or a woman in her menses; a rationalist, sceptic, or heretic; a Buddhist recluse woman; a woman of Kāpālika sect; or an unfortunate wretched woman.6 She was not allowed to speak to a woman who hated her husband.7 Thus, anyone who might infuence a chaste woman otherwise or make her deviate from existing customs was supposed to remain at a distance from her. Keeping contact with them made her ‘impure’ or ‘unchaste’, thus creating a dislike or contempt in her for them as a result of which she would willingly discard any communication with such a section of people. 10

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To conceive and become a mother held great signifcance for her. Motherhood has been exalted. She was also held responsible for the character of her progeny.8 A son is said to have possessed the same characteristics and habits as those of his mother. The Padma Purāṇa enunciates that a son was born only when a mother was of noble character. The wife was revered when she gave birth to a son, while if she did not, it meant sufferings at the hands of her husband and by other co-wives who are blessed with children.9 In order to procure a son, sexual union with another man was permitted by the scriptures. In regard to this, her consent did not exist. The Purāṇas and the epics contain many stories wherein a wife was sent to another man by her husband or mother-in-law for procuring progeny. The defnition of chastity was modifed according to various dynamics of society. Sometimes, when she was not able to bear a child from her husband, she was often sent to another man to achieve the desired result (Queen Sudeṣṇā10 was sent by her husband to a sage for a son). Though this meant breaking the dictum, nowhere was she accused of establishing sexual relations with another man. Here came the complexity in understanding and perceiving the meaning of chastity. The wife undoubtedly was very signifcant in the process of obtaining progeny. It was not possible without her. Thus, her sexuality had to be controlled. Her life came to an end when her husband died – a widow was not useful to her husband’s family, neither to hers nor to society. Widow remarriage was not encouraged. Instances of self-immolation are found in the Purāṇas. It was considered honourable for her to die on the funeral pyre of her husband and the only way for liberation and to rejoin her husband in heaven. In the Brahmāvaivarta Purāṇa, Kṛṣṇa enumerates how a widow should lead her life. He elucidated11 that as her husband has died, her desires should now cease to exist and she should embrace the sufferings till she dies. A widow was not allowed to adorn herself so that she remains sexually unattractive to other men. Her social participation was restricted. She was not allowed to look at a well-dressed man as her subdued desires might get aroused.12 A ‘good’ woman had to mourn the death of her husband throughout her life and lead a life devoted to certain prescribed gods only. Such injunctions were needed to be followed in order to maintain the honour of her dead husband, her in-laws, and her parental family. Even after her husband’s death, a woman continued to be in possession of her husband. A woman, thus, was required to maintain her ‘purity’ of mind and body throughout her life. Chastity, A Social Learning The Manu of the seventh Manvantārā, on account of the bad conduct of a ritual called Hotā, was said to have got a daughter named Ilā.13 He prayed to the gods to convert his daughter to a son. She was turned into a son named 11

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Sudyumna. Manu’s prayer for converting his daughter into a son indicates society’s unwanted desire for a daughter. A girl was not considered ft to be in control of herself. It was not an accepted norm that she would marry without the consent of her father as is evident from the story of Citrāṅgadā who was the ‘chaste’ (sādhvī) daughter of Viśvakarman.14 King Suratha felt attracted to her. When she decided to accept his proposal, her friends warned her and advised her to seek her father’s permission. The story conveys how improper it was for a girl to choose a man for herself without the permission of her father, and, at the same time, it was sinful of a father if he did not get his daughter married at the appropriate time. If a virgin girl had her frst menstruation in her father’s house without being married, her father was to be known as a Bhrūṇahā (destroyer of a foetus) and that girl would be known as Vṛṣalī (Śūdra girl).15 One who marries such a girl is known as the husband of a Śūdra. He is an Apāṅkteya, meaning one who is not suitable to sit with others during meals.16 To get married before her menstruation begins implies exclusive control over her virginity and thus her body. The Mahābhārata states that a girl who does not have any brother or father should not get married as the issue born of her would then be an heir to her father’s family, indicating that after marriage, her husband and his family is the sole owner of her and her children and the family of the bride is subservient that of the groom. Patriarchy’s obsession over virginity can be resurrected by the way a virgin girl has been categorised in different scriptures. There were several types of virgins – gaurī (a girl who is seven years old) is the best among the virgins; rohinī (who starts menstruating) is considered madhyama (middle); and rajasvalā (who is more than ten years old) is considered the lowest.17 The Brahmāṇḍa Purāṇa states that one should get their daughter married at the age of eight (i.e. of gaurī type). The Mahābhārata also prescribes the same. The Anuśāsana Parva of the text says that a man of 30 years of age should marry a girl of 10 years and a man of 21 years should marry a girl of 7.18 Such early marriage was practised in order to control her sexuality right before she attained puberty. This ensured virginity, and the husband could claim exclusive rights and privilege over her body. Of all dānas, kanyādāna (gift of a virgin) was considered the best. The father was supposed to give his daughter on an auspicious lagna and muhūrta. The Liṅga Purāṇa also states that kanyādāna is the best of all charities.19 The concept of virginity was construed in a manner that it would imply great respect and honour for a father to give his ‘virgin’ daughter’s hand in marriage. For men, it was prescribed that they should carefully examine the characteristics of a girl before marrying her. A man was advised to obtain a wife who would possess all auspicious marks and be free from any hereditary imperfections. The Padma Purāṇa envisages that a girl possessing moral 12

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values (as per the societal customs) nurtures her husband’s life while an evil one damages it. The Śiva Purāṇa narrates how Śiva tested Pārvatī’s devotion to him before getting married to her. When Pārvatī approached him with a marriage proposal, Śiva told her to render service to him.20 While she was performing penance for 3,000 years, Śiva tested her devotion and tried to divert her.21 Pārvatī served him – washed Śiva’s feet and drank that water and wiped his body. But then also he did not take her as his wife. It was only when she completely overcame her ego and performed penance that Śiva married her. A woman’s character was discerned by various factors. One was her inner beauty that advocated and ascertained the truthfulness, devotion, and purity of her character. Another was her physical beauty, where she had to meet the socially expounded beauty ideals. Any kind of deviation from the ideal feminine beauty caused obstruction in her marriage. The defnition of feminine beauty had sociocultural implications as well. Certain ancient Indian texts provide exhaustive guidance as to how a man should make his choice of bride. It is very astounding to see how a detailed analysis has been made of the intimate anatomy of a girl. The description indicates obsession over the physical beauty of a woman. Rituals to increase the beauty of different parts of the body, including breasts, navel, nails, mind, and speech of a woman, are also provided.22 The Viṣṇu Purāṇa and the Nārada Purāṇa divulge and give a description of such norms on the basis of which a man should choose a bride for himself.23 But the Nārada Purāṇa enumerates that if the marriage had taken place during childhood when the real nature had not been known and if her defective characteristics are realised after she gained maturity, she should be forsaken.24 Though the Nārada Purāṇa advises to forsake a girl who does not adhere to the socially construed beauty standards, the Agni Purāṇa and the Skāṇḍa Purāṇa25 state that a woman with all auspicious characteristics might be a woman of bad conduct and such a woman is even worse. The Agni Purāṇa enunciates that an ugly woman can be affectionate towards her husband and advises the husband to consider her as his life partner.26 Here one has to understand the context within which such obsession regarding physical beauty is validated. Her outer beauty would be a matter of great pride and honour for the husband, and any hereditary defect in her or in her appearance would cause the same rift in the lineage also. But at the same time the Purāṇa also ascribes to accepting a defected girl with proper conduct which demonstrates the importance her service held. It has been mentioned initially that the concept of chastity was cognate with other aspects as well, one of them being caste. Belonging to the lower order meant impurity of character and getting involved with them was equally sinful. It will be interesting to examine how intricately woven the concept of chastity and caste was. 13

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Caste and Chastity Intersectionality is important. Gender is not monolithic and intersects with caste, class, religion, region, race, and ethnicity. Caste played an important role in stratifying society’s attitude towards an individual. Within this social stratifcation exists gender discrimination. Women were considered to be the pivotal agent in maintaining the balance of stratifcation, on the basis of which various religious traditions survived. On one side, when a low-caste woman was being demeaned, a woman of higher and noble status was held in great esteem as her lineage was instrumental in maintaining purity. A woman’s body is meant to become a symbol of purity and honour of a community, meant to create a boundary. Women born in the lower class (kustrī) were considered to be immoral and unchaste.27 Wives from the lower caste or the Śūdra caste were to be kept only for enjoyment, and the practice of begetting children upon Śūdra women was condemned.28 The Garuḍa Purāṇa enunciates that a man who keeps a Śūdra woman as a concubine becomes a bull.29 The Bhāgavata Purāṇa narrates the story of a Brāhmaṇa called Ajamilā who desired a Śūdra woman. Under her infuence he did not perform his religious duties and abandoned his Brāhmaṇa wife.30 Ajamilā is later shown to be repenting for not being able to control his desires and procreating himself in the form of sons from a Śūdra woman. He admitted that by leading such a life, he has dishonoured his Brahminhood and repents for leaving his ‘virtuous’ young wife, who was a daughter of a Brahmin, for an ‘unchaste’ woman given to drinking.31 A sharp contrast is being drawn to the morals of a Brahmin woman and a Śūdra woman. A Śūdra woman is demeaned and termed an unchaste woman owing to her ‘low’ status. There is a difference in attitude towards Śūdra women in various ancient Indian texts. While texts like the Mahābhārata are ignoble and opprobrious towards Śūdra women, the Garuḍa Purāṇa shows a considerate attitude towards them. On the other hand, the Brahmāvaivarta Purāṇa expresses concern and anxiety regarding low-caste women. The lineage born from the Śūdra women becomes more degrading in the social organisation. The social position of the womb determined the virtue and position of the lineage as the Brahmāvaivarta Purāṇa proclaims that with the planting of seed in the ‘unchaste’ Śūdra woman, the attalikakar was born. Because of his birth from an unchaste woman, he fell from virtue.32 Though there has been an emphasis on the love between a man and a woman, women were inherently considered to be immoral. While Yudhiṣṭhira was grieving for the wives who lost their husbands and sons in the war, Kṛṣṇa, while consoling him, said that he should not worry about them as ‘Women are fond of pleasure and power. By this, they will shake off their sorrows and become happy’.33 That the society was anxious and apprehensive about the promiscuous nature of women gets refected in the conversation between Yudhiṣṭhira and Bhīṣma in the Anuśāsana Parva of 14

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the Mahābhārata.34 He narrated a story which implied that women desire sexual union for pleasure only and that is the only pleasure they derive from the opposite sex. He also mentions another story whereby a man gets converted to a woman and desires to remain so as a woman derives the maximum pleasure during sexual union.35 It is very crucial to understand the ‘other’ side of women. On the one hand, these Brahmanical texts articulate the importance of chastity regarding women, and at the same time, they hold conficting and pessimistic attitudes towards them. This apprehension implies that women were capable of posing threat to the existing norms of society. They tried averting this threat by portraying women as demeaning and low. Understanding the ‘Other’ Side of Women Men are warned against the atrocious and diabolical nature of women. A man is advised to marry only for lineage. In order to make it plausible, the authors often made a female articulate such a perspective regarding the character of women. A husband’s anxiety and suspicion regarding his wife’s sexuality are refected in various stories in the Purāṇas. Women were not considered trustworthy and, thus, were required to be under patriarchal control. Apart from narratives on virgins, wives, and mothers, we also get references to the apsarās and the veśyās in the Purāṇas. It will be interesting to observe how sexuality and its implication was conceptualised for them and how were they perceived by society. The existence of such women is interesting as they did not cater to the norms and, thus, were challenging the existing customs and traditions. It also depicts men’s desires and the privileges they possessed to satiate their wants.

The ‘Other’ Women The Apsarās An apsarā is the celestial damsel and is different from the veśyās. She was to entertain the celestial beings and help the gods in achieving their aims. While it was portrayed to be diffcult or rather impossible for wives to leave their husbands, it was never so for the celestial damsels. Urvaśī left Purūravas and returned to heaven after giving him his son, indicating that the celestial damsels were hardly attached to the husband and his household. The celestial damsels were greatly revered not only for their beauty but for other skills (e.g. dancing skills).36 The apsarās were beyond any limitations and directed their beauty towards different men, either out of their choice or as ordered by the gods. Their erotic beauty was not only a source of enjoyment for the gods but instrumental in achieving certain aims of the gods, and for this reason, they 15

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were often cursed by the sages. It was their beauty which made the sages lose their control, thus, making their exquisite beauty a curse for them, but the sages were not punished for their lustful behaviour. Viswamitra was infatuated by Rambhā who was sent by Indra to break his penance.37 By cursing her, he lost all the austerities that he gained. It was his anger that made him lose it and not his lust for a celestial nymph. Neither was Indra punished nor was Viswamitra for transgressing from the moral code of conduct. The interesting part lies in the fact that though the apsarās were cursed without any fault of theirs, they too cursed other gods and sages when they rejected her sexual approach. Due to the curse of Rambhā, a sage called Devala, who was born from the aṁsa of Śiva, became physically deformed and the tapas performed by him became fruitless.38 Brahmā too became ‘unadorable’ because of the curse of Mohinī.39 Though the apsarās were considered ‘wicked’, even Brahmā and a sage born from the part of Śiva suffered due to the curse of such a ‘wicked’ woman. Mohinī was infatuated seeing Brahmā. But ‘self-controlled’ Brahmā ignored Mohinī. Mohinī admitted to her physical desire for Brahmā.40 Brahmā, though felt attracted to her, controlled himself. When he called Mohinī his daughter, she got enraged by this and cursed him that Brahmā would become unapproachable. She was later shown to be regretting for cursing Brahmā. Narayana, on the other hand, gives a conficting statement that Brahmā, by ignoring the sexual approaches of Mohinī, has performed a sinful act, ‘an act which has been unheard in the universe’. He said women are part of Prakṛti, and by insulting a woman he has insulted Prakṛti, and on earth, a man incurs sin and goes to hell by disregarding the sexual approach of a woman.41 Apsarās are shown to be promiscuous by nature. It is said that those women who were born from the apsarās were ‘wicked’ and belong to low families.42 Their progeny from the sages, kings, and gods was of high esteem. The great sage Vasiṣṭha was born of Urvaśī from Mitra and Varuna.43 Purūravas who frst brought from the region of the Gandharvas the three kinds of fre (for sacrifcial purposes) begot upon Urvaśī six sons. Ahalyā, sage Gautama’s wife, had a son called Śatānanda from her husband.44 He had a son called Satyadhṛti, who seeing Urvaśī ejaculated his semen. Twins were born from his seed, a son called Kṛpa and a daughter called Kṛpī. Kṛpī got married to Droṇa.45 Drona, who was the royal guru to the Kurus and the Pandavas, was also born of an apsarā and two of the most revered characters of Mahābhārata, Śakuntalā and Satyavatī, were also born from the apsarās. Veśyās, Ganikās, and Their Origin Veśyās, the earthly counterpart of the celestial damsels, were independent. Their devotion, loyalty, and sexuality did not belong to one man. Her body 16

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had to be prized in the world, and her loyalty was said to be dependent on the riches of her lovers.46 That is the Purāṇas, the ganikās and veśyās are shown to be donors refects not only their economic status but their economic rights and freedom. ‘Public’ women played multiple roles. Their beauty not only provided pleasure but was also used for adorning. There are numerous references in the epics (The Mahābhārata and Rāmāyaṇa) that imply that the courtesans were an important adjunct of the army.47 They also formed an important element in urban life. These women played musical instruments in various celebrations and were ordered by victorious kings to come out of the city by adorning themselves for such occasions.48 They were a part of the crowd during the consecration ceremony of Rāma and also when he returned from his exile. The Garuḍa Purāṇa enumerates the role of a ganika. She is said to be dependent on others even for her sleep. The sole aim of her life was to satisfy those who come to her. Their origin can be traced to tensions within their family, their economic background pertaining to the caste system of the time, wars, and their social background. The Matsya Purāṇa also enumerates the practice and conduct of public women.49 According to one version in the text, 16,000 wives of Kṛṣṇa were cursed to be public women due to their disregard for Kṛṣṇa and Narayana. In another narrative, Sage Dulbhya enumerated a story of a war between the gods and the demons. Thousands of demons were killed in this war. Indra told their widows and those women who were forcibly seized to adopt the life of a public woman and to remain devoted to the kings and the Devas. They were to serve the kings and the Śūdra equally and satisfy those who would come to them with adequate money even if they were poor. They were to give gifts as a charity on the day of worshipping the Devas or the ancestors and follow what the Brāhmaṇas directed them to. Indra is said to have asked them to maintain a vrata. A Brāhmaṇa, well versed in Vedas and free from any ‘deformities’, was to be honoured and well-fed, served along with his wife, and should be treated as kamdeva for the sake of sexual enjoyment. He is to be then honoured along with his wife. If the Brāhmaṇa gives them permission and another man approaches them, they should perform all the observances that would lead to pregnancy. But the narrative is silent about the status of the progeny. Public women were stigmatised for their profession, which involved selling their bodies. Other women were discouraged from having any contact with a veśyā. In one of the stories mentioned in the Padma Purāṇa, a Brāhmaṇa widow attained the status of a veśyā by coming into contact with a veśyā.50 Thus, a woman of upper caste was to stay away from public women because by coming in contact with them they were also considered as befallen. Not only women of higher castes but men were also discouraged to have any kind of union with them. In the Bhāgavata Purāṇa, we get 17

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stories where a Brahmin marries a public woman and is shown to be suffering for such a deed. The children born of them are, thus, of mixed castes and are termed as the ‘unprivileged ones’.51 Though she had ample wealth and was self-dependent, she was sketched with an unhappy life. According to the Brahmins, such women earned through their beauty, which was temporary, and the wealth they earned did not help them in attaining heaven and salvation. These ‘unclean’ women were said to have met with distress due to restoring to many men. Even though the veśyās have been disregarded in such a manner, the Padma Purāṇa narrates a story about a devout veśyā who was always engaged in worshipping deities and went to heaven.52 A veśyā named Mohinī53 was endowed with riches, beauty, and youth. She was also skilled in dancing and singing. Being greedy for wealth, she committed many sins. When old age afficted her, neither did she have a longing for young men nor did young men desire her. But Mohinī performed some righteous acts – constructed gardens, tanks, wells, reservoirs of water, and temples. Even though Mohinī thought of distributing her wealth amongst the Brāhmaṇas, they were apprehensive of it and then she decided to distribute it to her maidservants. Mohinī also observed vows, and due to a hermit and water from a holy place she was reborn as a queen and became a wife ‘practising acts of a good family and of a very good character’.54 In Padma Purana, there is an interesting narrative wherein a veśyā claims that veśyās are also chaste. A veśyā claimed that for women of all castes being loyal to their husbands is a great duty, a veśyā, when in charge of a man, does not unite with any other man. She is then known as a ‘chaste’ woman.55 Again in the Padma Purāṇa, they are portrayed as devotees of Viṣṇu, who were said to have honoured the Brahmins.56 An ignominious attitude can be observed in society’s behaviour towards these ‘public’ women, whereas their celestial counterparts were held in a more esteemed position. Though they were used to meet certain patriarchal needs, women who were involved in such a profession were demeaned. The discussion on chastity remains incomplete without studying the social condition and position men held. But one has to keep in mind that not all men possessed the same power. Chastity, As Conceptualised for Men Mostly it was women (such as Sītā) who had to go through ordeals in order to prove their loyalty. But the Agni Purāṇa narrates a story wherein a man sets for an ordeal. Though such stories do not point towards gender parity, it implies that men were not excluded from the precept of chastity and the various ordeals involved. Even a royal ruler had to conform to the traditional conventions of the society. The Agni Purāṇa describes the rules of

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conduct a king should observe in the female apartments of the palace and the virtues he should inculcate.57 The king is advised to share his bed with his wedded wives only58 and visit the wife devoted to him.59 A man would lose his caste if he was dependent on a woman or was associated with those who despised women and practised adultery, etc.60 The Anuśāsana Parva of the Mahābhārata prescribes that people of any caste should not have sexual union with other people’s wives as it might lessen their longevity.61 A person wishing to enter the householder’s stage should marry an appropriate girl belonging to his own caste, with no defect in heredity, habits, or character. After marrying the girl of his own caste, if he is sexually unsatisfed, then he should take a girl from a class in the prescribed social order. Smŗiti allows the anuloma marriage: thus, a Brāhmaṇa can marry a girl from the Kṣatriya caste and Vaiśya and Śūdra classes; a Kṣatriya from Vaiśya and Śūdra classes; and a Śūdra from only a Śūdra girl.62 Ancient Indian scriptures like the Mahābhārata, Viṣṇu Purāṇa, and the Brahmāvaivarta Purāṇa discourage and warn men of cohabiting with another man’s wife. In the Viṣṇu Purāṇa, a man is warned that even if he thinks of another woman, he is said to be reborn as a lowly species.63 The Brahmāvaivarta Purāṇa enumerates that one who enjoys the wife of others is considered to be a ‘degraded’ one.64 Celibacy, penance, purity, contentment, and friendliness to all creatures represent the dharma of a householder who is prescribed to go to his wife on the days sanctioned by the scriptures.65 The Bhāgavata Purāṇa, Kūrma Purāṇa,66 Brahmāvaivarta Purāṇa, and Garuḍa Purāṇa discourage any contact with wife on days other than the days sanctioned by the scriptures. The scripture allows sexual contact with the wife only for creating progeny. The story of Jaratkāru, as narrated in Brahmāvaivarta Purāṇa and Mahābhārata, advocates such a practice and also entails at the same time that how sinful it would be for the yogis, Brahmācaris, Samnyasis, forest dwellers, and sages to accept the life of an ascetic without progeny.67 Men, thus, were not kept outside the domain of chastity. But the defnitions and their implications had a different meaning for them. Chastity as Conceptualised in the Non-Brahmanical Texts – Jātakas and the Hāla’s Sattasaī The Jātaka stories project that women can never be trusted as they are dangerous and only cause harm. She was objectifed, exchanged as gifts, and given as a donation. The Buddha is shown to have said that even when he was in an animal form he knew about the ‘immortality’ of women and kept them under control. Women are portrayed as beings who are ‘dangerous’ and ‘disloyal’.

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Gender, Caste, and Religious Traditions Social class, gender, and other multiple factors contributed to determining the behaviours and ideals of society. Though the low castes and women were considered the ‘deprived’ ones in various traditions, an approach of inclusiveness can be observed. Buddhism is not an exception. Buddhism tried to provide society with an alternative path to a ‘better’ life. Buddhism originated as an alternative to the Brahmanical tradition. Thus, there was a deliberate attempt to degrade the Brahmins. The Mūla Pariyāya Jātaka68 shows how fve hundred Brahmins who mastered the three Vedas also studied the three Pitakas. Being overwhelmed with pride, they thought themselves to be equal to the Buddha. But they were made to realise their mistake by Buddha through his knowledge. In the Sonaka-Jātaka a brahmin has been described as a ‘low-born’ (hūna-jacco). Though Brahmins were revered, at the same, the rituals they followed were not appreciated by the Buddhists. The Satadhamma Jātaka69 narrates how an upper caste, a Brahmin, suffered when he accepted food from a man of low caste. In the Satadhamma Jātaka, Bodhisatta was born as the son of a low caste. That Bodhisatta was of low progeny is an attempt to bring in the subaltern group within the hegemonic power structure. But the portrayal of a Brahmin suffering due to taking food from the low caste implies that it did not totally ignore the Brahmanical hegemony. Once when a queen’s son was born in the vessa quarter, he named himself Vessantara, neither taking his name from his mother’s side nor his father’s.70 There are numerous stories in the Jātakas that narrate how a cāṇdāla woman or the daughter of a fruiterer became the queen-consort of a king. But in some instances wherein the son of a caṇḍāla queen fell in love with a low-caste woman, the king was shown to be unhappy about it. This shows how existing traditions created apprehensions in people’s minds, though Buddhism made an effort to make people come out of their inhibitions. Though in many of the Jātaka stories kings are portrayed to be marrying a woman of a caste lower than him, the caste of a woman was a matter of great concern. In one of the stories, Vāsabha-Khattiyā was the daughter of Mahānāma Sakka by a slave girl named Nāgamuṇḍā. She became the consort of the king of Kosala and conceived a son by the king. The king was apprehensive about her low origin. Nāgamuṇḍā and her son Viḍūḍabha were degraded from their rank. Bodhisatta convinced him otherwise by narrating the story of a king who in past days had a son by a wood-gatherer and gave that son his sovereignty.71 A male heir and the caste of the wife of a king were one of the main concerns of the sovereigns. In one of the birth stories of Buddha, when Brahmādatta was king in Benares, the Bodhisatta was his minister. Seeing a beautiful girl, he fell in love with her.72 When she conceived due to him, she said she would name 20

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the child after his grandfather’s name. But Bodhisatta thought that a name of such a noble family cannot be given to a slave girl’s child. It should be kept in mind that Bodhisatta neither married the slave girl nor wanted to give his child from her the name of his noble family. He gave her a seal ring saying that if it is a girl, she should use this to bring her up (the ring as a means of fnancial support) and if it is a boy, she should bring the boy to him (which implies the preference for a male child and the privileges he enjoyed). It was the male progeny who could receive his father’s name, recognition, and status. A similar storyline can be seen in Sakuntala’s narrative. The Jātakas stories not only bring to light the sufferings of the low caste but also the struggle within. In one of the birth stories, Buddha, named Mātaṅga, was born outside the city as a caṇḍāla’s son.73 One day when he went to the town, a daughter of a Benares merchant called Diṭṭha-maṅgalikā abused him by calling him ‘bad luck’ and washed her eyes with water. The people also cried out against him. He was beaten up by people, and he decided not to go away until he gets Diṭṭha-maṅgalikā. Mātaṅga stayed at the door of her father’s house, and Diṭṭha-maṅgalikā was given to him on the seventh day. He told her to carry him on her back as he has grown weak due to being beaten up by her people. She carried him on her back in front of the whole town and went to the caṇḍāla settlement. For a few days, Bodhisatta lived with her without transgressing the rules of caste. Bodhisatta, in order to show ‘highest honour’ to his wife, adopted asceticism. Subsequently, he was revered. Due to his blessings, Diṭṭha-maṅgalikā was worshipped in the city. Though Dittha-mangalika was born in a caste higher than Buddha, she was given to him in marriage for protecting the family’s honour. The Mātaṅga-Jātaka story suggests how the concepts of gender and caste were intertwined. She had to compromise for her family’s honour. That Buddha ordered her to carry him on her back indicates the submissive status of a wife. At the same time, he maintained the protocol of the caste system and gave her the highest honour by renouncing the world. It was through his spiritual status that the wife gained identity and fame, though she was of a status higher than him. The Jātaka stories clearly show the apprehension and fear that society possessed in regard to female sexuality and the intermixture of castes. A strong dichotomy prevailed even within the Buddhist tradition. Bodhisatta is said to express his fear (that in the days to come, the king who has sprung from a noble race will no longer trust old aristocracy and will honour the low-born and will also give their daughter to them) in the same way as the Brahmins did for the kaliyuga.74 His words refect the anxiety as to how the low-borns will be held in great regard and will gain infuence over the king. The myth of purity and impurity was of profound importance in Buddhism also. Women were instrumental in maintaining this socially construed concept of purity, and thus control over female sexuality and character continued to be a major concern. 21

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Caste too determined the purity of a woman’s character and thus her position in society. Numerous Jātaka stories evince that Buddhism did not totally annihilate the concept of caste. In the story, Buddha is shown to have demeaned the position of women as he said that ‘mother’s birth’ does not hold any value as women even of lower birth are raised to the position of queen-consort by kings. Women’s Nature, As Voiced Like the Purāṇas and the epics, the Jātakas also articulate that a woman is not capable enough to control her life. The husband was her ‘master’. Vessantārā, a king who retired into the forest with his wife and children, was ready to give away his children and wife when a Brahmin asked them as slaves,75 indicating that a woman did not own herself. Women were shown to be one of the primary causes for Buddhist Brothers to leave the Order. They were considered to be the main cause of destruction and damage to a man’s life. The Jātaka literature exhibit a man’s passionate feeling towards his wife that forces him to revert from the spiritual life.76 The Buddha mentions 25 different ways a wicked woman can be recognised.77 In the Jātaka, women are portrayed as ‘fckle’, ‘ungrateful’, ‘treacherous’, ‘insensible’, transgressing every law, shameless, and acting according to their desires. She is said to be after wealthy men and is the one who leaves her husband when he is in distress. They are called ‘pleasure-seekers’, ‘uncontrolled in lust’. Even if they are guarded by their husband, they are said to perform sinful activities.78 Men are repeatedly reminded to ignore attraction towards women as it can have fatal consequences. Portraying the ‘wicked’ nature of women often formed a part of teaching, as evident in the Asātamanta Jātaka. Being common to all, they are said to extend their service to all, and thus a man should learn to be indifferent to a woman.79 While most ancient scriptures deal with urban life, Hāla’s Sattasaī intricately describes rural life. The Hāla’s Sattasaī refers to the Vindhya Range and the Pulindas tribe, which is considered to be far away from the Brahmanicaldominated region. Brahmanical texts are more elite in nature. Thus, through this text, we get a glimpse of a life that is more grounded and realistic. In a village, a girl/woman is shown to be living a restricted life. Even though she was allowed to peep into the outer world, she was not permitted to live there. Her caged life did not bring her emotional satisfaction, and she fnds solace through another man who might be her lover. She is said to leave her body open like a door to show young men a sight of her breasts. Her husband, who is a farmer, is engaged in the feld all day long. As she is in the household for the whole day, leading a confned life has made her discontented not only emotionally but also physically. Discontented, she needs the attention of young male gazers who might make love to her. 22

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The Hāla’s Sattasaī, like the Purāṇas, also elucidates who is ‘the perfect wife’. It says that the ‘perfect’ wife knows what is good for the household.80 Such a woman is not critical about in-laws, neither expresses any grievance nor she quarrels or exhibits her grief. A ‘true’ woman is said to love her husband more when he becomes ‘poorer’ and ‘uglier’. The ‘perfect’ wife does not cause any discomfort to her in-laws even when she is pregnant. Such a woman, in order to protect the honour of her poor husband, insults her own relatives who visited her marital house with expensive gifts. Heterodox Religious Traditions: The Path to Women’s Liberation? A diversion can be observed in the Jātakas from that of the trend followed in most of the Brahmanical texts. Buddhism provided women with an alternative passage for liberation (though it might not have been a deliberate attempt). A daughter is shown to have an equal share in the property. Occasionally due to the support and help of the mother, a prince was said to regain his kingdom. Her path of salvation was opened, though with limitations. When there was a transgression, both the man and woman were punished. The Mahāsāra-Jātaka contemplates what women want, how they were treated and how Buddhism helped them to evolve out of certain crises, and also how antonymous views ran within the same order. Once when the wives of the king of Kosala desired to go to the monastery and hear ‘the truth’ from a Buddhist Brother.81 They decided to ask the king to send for a Brother to come and teach. The king gave his consent. Bodhisatta had a learned disciple called Chattapāṇi. He told him to teach them, but Chattapāṇi disapproved of it, saying that as per the rule of the Buddhist Order, a layman cannot teach the truth in a King’s harem. The king’s wife chose Ānanda, the Elder. Ānanda agreed to it. It was Ānanda who is said to have persuaded the reluctant Buddha into admitting women to the Order. Though Buddhism paved the way for women’s empowerment, the mistrust never washed away; none tried. Buddhism apprehended that in days to come, women will become lustful for men and will enjoy with their lovers; they will faunt themselves and ignore their household duties. Women will spend all the earnings of their husbands. Men too will become passionate and lustful, and they will be under the control of their youngest wives who will not pay any heed to them, implying the dominance of women.82 Thus a woman’s confnement, impositions, and apprehensions regarding their mind and body continued within and outside the household. The root of apprehension is said to be true for kustrī only and not from those who are pativratā. The husband is said to be the closest relative, the lord, and the god of her life (patibhartā devatām kulyayoshitam). Her life revolved around her husband. It was her eternal duty to serve her husband in every possible way. Any aspect that would make her deviate was defned as sinful. 23

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On the other hand, the courtesans, the celestial damsels (apsarās), were economically independent and also not bound to one man either. The courtesans are mostly rich and are also shown to make danās from their earned money to Brahmins. It is through these contributions that they were liberated, otherwise were mostly characterised as ‘impure’. But nowhere are they prescribed to be totally outcasted. But the lack of patriarchal control over their sexuality led to such accusations. Hierarchy existed within gender relations, in the varna-jati system, between the earthly world and that of the celestial world as well. Chastity was conceptualised according to a hierarchy that was construed by the patriarchs of the society.

Notes 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34

The Padma Purāṇa, Sṛṣţikhaṇḍa, Chapter 50, 48. The Brahamavaivarta Purāṇa, Brahmā-khaṇḍa, Chapter 23, 21. Ibid., 22–23. Ibid., 25–26. The Brahmāvaivarta Purāṇa, Ganpati-khaṇḍam, Chapter 28, 11–13. The Skāṇḍa Purāṇa, Book IV: Kāśī-Khaṇḍa, Section I: Pūrvārdha, Chapter 4, 26. Ibid., 27. The Brahmāṇḍa Purāṇa, 2.3.7.55. The Bhāgavata Purāṇa, Sixth Skaṇḍha, Chapter 14, 40. The Brahmāṇḍa Purāṇa, Upodghātapāda, Chapter 74, 70–82. The Brahmāvaivarta Purāṇa, Kṛṣṇa-Janma-Khaṇḍam, Chapter 83, 93. Ibid., 94–104. The Mārkaṇḍeya Purāṇa, Chapter 108, 7–14. The Vāmana Purāṇa, Chapter 37. The Skāṇḍa Purāṇa, Book IV: Kāśī-khaṇḍa, Section I: Pūrvādha, Chapter 40, 34. Ibid., 35. The Skāṇḍa Purāṇa, Book VII: Prabhāsa khaṇḍa, Chapter 205, 82. The Mahābhārata, Anuśāsana Parva, Chapter 44, 14–17. The Liṅga Purāṇa, Chapter 40, 1–7. The Śiva Purāṇa, Rudreśvarasaṁhitā: Pārvatikhaṇḍa, Section III, Chapter 13, 23. Ibid., Chapter 25. The Brahmāvaivarta Purāṇa, Ganpati-khaṇḍam, Chapter 4, 31. The Vishńu Purāṇa, Book III, Chapter 10, The Nārada-Purāṇa, Part I, Chapter 26, 5. The Nārada-Purāṇa, Part I, Chapter 26, 13. The Skāṇḍa Purāṇa, Book IV: Kāśī-Khaṇḍa, Section I: Pūrvārdha, Chapter 37, 143. The Agni Purāṇa, Chapter 244, 1–6. The Brahmāvaivarta Purāṇa, Brahmā-khaṇḍa, Chapter 6, 36–38. The Mahābhārata, Anuśāsana Parva, Chapter 44, 12–13. The Garuḍa Purāṇa, Dharma Khaṇḍa, Chapter 46, 25. The Bhāgavata Purāṇa, Sixth Skaṇḍha, Chapter 1, 58–66. Ibid., Chapter 2, 26–27. The Brahmāvaivarta Purāṇa, Brahmā-khaṇḍa, Chapter 10, 96–99. The Mahābhārata, Shanti Parva, Chapter 33, 45. The Mahābhārata, Anuśāsana Parva, Chapter 19, 6–7.

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35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 66 67 68 69 70 71 72 73 74 75 76 77 78 79 80 81 82

Ibid., Chapter 12. The Mārkaṇḍeya Purāṇa, Chapter 1, 36. The Ramayana, Balakanda, Chapter 64. The Brahmāvaivarta Purāṇa, Kṛṣṇa-Janma-Khaṇḍa, Chapter 30. Ibid., Chapter 30, 78. Ibid., Chapter 31, 50. Ibid., 49–53. The Brahmāvaivarta Purāṇa, Brahmā Khaṇḍa, Chapter 24, 12. The Bhāgavata Purāṇa, Ninth Skaṇḍha, Chapter 13, 6. Ibid., Chapter 21, 34. Ibid., 35–36. The Bhāgavata Purāṇa, Tenth Skaṇḍha, Chapter 47, 7. The Ramayana, Ayodhyakanda, Chapter 36, 3. The Mahabharata, Virata Parva, Chapter 34, 17, 18. The Matsya Purāṇa, Chapter 70. The Padma Purāṇa, Kriyayogasarakhaṇḍa, Chapter 20. The Garuḍa Purāṇa, Part I, Chapter 96. The Padma Purāṇa, Sṛṣṭikhaṇḍa, Chapter 59, 95. Ibid., Uttārākhaṇḍa, Chapter 220, 15–20. The Padma Purāṇa, Uttārākhaṇḍa, Chapter 221, 20–24. Ibid., Pātālakhaṇḍa, Chapter 110, 79–80. Ibid., Chapter 95, 125–144 The Agni Purāṇa, Chapter 224, 1. Ibid., 3–9. Ibid. Ibid., Chapter 168, 29. The Mahābhārata, Anuśāsana Parva, Chapter 104, 20. The Bhāgavata Purāṇa, Eleventh Skaṇḍha, Chapter 17, 39. The Viṣṇu Purāṇa, Part III, Chapter 12, 125. The Brahmāvaivarta Purāṇa, Kṛṣṇa-janma-khaṇḍam, Chapter 18. The Bhāgavata Purāṇa, Eleventh Skaṇḍha, Chapter 18, 43. The Kūrma Purāṇa, Part II, Chapter 15, 11. The Brahmāvaivarta Purāṇa, Prākriti-khaṇḍa, Chapter 46. Jātaka No. 245. Jātaka No. 179. Jātaka No. 547. Jātaka No. 7. Jātaka No. 487. Jātaka No. 497. Jātaka No. 77. Jātaka No. 547. Jātaka No. 191. Jātaka No. 536. Ibid. Jātaka No. 65. Hāla’s Sattasaī, 248–254. Jātaka No. 92. Jātaka No. 77.

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2 CONFORMITY IN THE GREAT EPICS (THE MAHĀBHĀRATA AND THE VĀLMĪKI’S RĀMĀYAṆA)

The epics are a great source to discern and explore the sociocultural norms, owing to their oral tradition. They are a culmination of the long bardic tradition. These texts are not only descriptive but also prescriptive, encapsulating various ideologies. They cover an extensive period; thus, the epics would be of great help in tracing the evolution of patriarchy as an institution, how various ideals branched out, and the conficts involved. Both the Mahābhārata and the Rāmāyaṇa will provide a useful insight into how chastity was conceptualised and the different issues encased. The protagonists of the epics mainly belong to the upper caste or are celestials. They are represented as the ideals of society. It is diffcult to comprehend the condition of the masses. But it was through these stories of the upper class that the ordinary people were taught the principles and conduct of the Brahmanical tradition. The purpose of this chapter is to draw upon some of the important stories in the epics in order to study the concepts and deviance related to chastity in early societies.

The Precept The Mahābhārata tried to bestow upon the audience circumstantial rationalism as to why such a precept originated that made women ‘the prisoners of patriarchy’. The Sabha Parva of the Mahābhārata discerns that women of higher class were confned to four walls,1 and the wife is always considered to be dependent and her possessions belonged to her ‘master’, i.e. her husband.2 But Pāṇḍu, the king of Hastinapur, the son of Ambalika and Vichitravirya, very clearly narrates the liberty women enjoyed in an earlier period. He said that women formerly were not penned in within houses and were not dependent on husbands and other relatives. Even though they did not then adhere to their husbands faithfully, they were not regarded as sinful. This was the sanctioned usage of the times. Such a practice was approved by the Ṛṣis and the ‘present’ practice, i.e. of women’s confnement to one husband for life, ‘had been established but lately’. Thus, parity existed between the two sexes in their general conduct. 26

DOI: 10.4324/9781003312949-3

CONFORMITY IN THE GREAT EPICS

Two narratives help us in understanding the origin of such misogynist ideas. In one of the stories in the Mahābhārata, the wife of Dirghatamas, son of a Ṛṣi, asserted that she would not want to support him as she did before.3 Dirghatamas in anger made the rule that every woman would belong to one husband only throughout her life, whether he is alive or dead, and she must not establish a connection with any other man. One who would do so would be considered ‘fallen’ and characterised ‘sinful’.4 Hearing this, his wife became extremely angry and ordered her sons to throw him into the Ganges.5 A wife’s remonstrance and a husband’s need impelled the Brahmin to pronounce such an imposition. It shows the man’s need for a wife’s support and his anxiety that she might approach another man out of discontentment. Another narrative in the Adī Parva infers that the ‘present virtuous practice’ (during the lifetime of Pāṇḍu) was established by Swetaketu, a ‘great’ Ṛṣi, out of anger. One day, in the presence of Swetaketu’s father, a Brāhmaṇa came and took Swetaketu’s mother away by force. When the son was infuriated, Uddalaka, his father, told him that this has been the practice sanctioned since ancient times and women of all orders are free and men did not object to such a practice. Swetaketu, however, disapproved of the usage and established in the world the practice6 that it is sinful for women not to adhere to their husbands, and men who have violated a chaste wife were guilty. The story also brings out other attributes. It was a practice even among the Brahmins to seize another man’s wife and establish relations with her. A woman and her sexuality were fettered to meet androcentric needs. The idea that a woman and her body belonged to one man, i.e. her husband, was already taking a concrete form. A woman’s body came to be seen as a valued possession that needs protection and as a site of contested identity. On the other hand, masculinity, perceived as a symbol of power, was to protect and control a woman and her body. The epics also depict the sanctity of the relationship between a husband and a wife of ‘Pure’ origin (Rāmā and Sītā). In the role of the husband, he had to protect his wife in any circumstance and fulfl his duties as a householder. Oghavati had to give her body for enjoyment to a guest so that her husband’s duty as a householder did not remain incomplete, as the Vedas have laid down that the life of a householder is superior to all other modes of life.7 Loyalty, love, and dedication of the soul and body towards the husband were the prerequisites for a woman to be chaste. In the Ayodhyakāṇḍa of Rāmāyaṇa, Sītā enunciated the life of a pativratā when she pleaded Rāmā to take her along with him to the forest. She said that a woman’s husband alone is the best recourse even after his death.8 Sītā, like Rāmā’s mother Kausalya, was adamant about going to the forest with Rāmā, as through this devotion towards her husband, she would be liberated from all guilt.9 She repeatedly calls herself pativratā, implying that she is wholly devoted and faithful to 27

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her husband, sharing not only her husband’s joy and happiness but also all the diffculties that would come into his path. Sītā, who was resolute enough to call Rāmā a ‘woman’ in the form of a man,10 rebuked her husband for leaving her, as she wanted to serve her husband in all circumstances be it a life of austerity, forest life, or a celestial one.11 She ensured that while leading the forest life with her husband, she would not be reminded of her parents, with whom she enjoyed every comfort.12 While Sītā was going for exile with Rāmā, Kausalya warned her about the ‘wicked’ nature of women who do not support her husbands13 and that women who are ‘virtuous’ follow injunctions and obey their elders. Another chaste woman, who practised austerities, Anasūyā, wife of a Ṛṣi named Atri, was known for her pious character. Her devotion and loyalty towards her husband gave her powers. She met Sītā while Rāmā and Sītā were in exile. Anasūyā while advising Sītā on pātivratya said that those women are ‘highly fortunate’ who are dedicated to their husbands, whether they live in a city or in a forest or are sinful or virtuous.14 The same tone was articulated by Kausalya as well while Sītā was leaving for the forest. Anasūyā called those women ‘evil’ whose hearts are ruled by their own desires and passion and dominate their husband (bhartrinaathaah) and do not follow him in the way she is supposed to.15 She advised that in order to avoid this degradation, one should remain devoted to the husband, who is the ‘lord’ for a wife, (anuvrataa satī) and maintain her devotion and loyalty towards him (pativratāanaam). Only if she follows societal convictions will she become saha-dharmachaarinī and obtain ‘merit’ and ‘fame’.16 Anasūyā in the Rāmāyaṇa has been described as virtuous and the one who has dedicated herself to austerities.17 She is called the ‘celebrated’ and a tapaswinī. Her old age and docile body have18 made her sexually unattractive denoting her wisdom. Such iconisation and portrayal of female characters made the precept and practice of chastity upright and righteous. A wife is termed as a ‘true’ wife when she gives birth to a son. The Mahābhārata (Adi Parva and Anuśāsana Parva) mentions sanctioned methods of obtaining sons – i.e. sons who are heirs and kinsmen, and it also includes those who are not heirs but kinsmen. They are19 Aurasha, the son begotten by one’s own self upon his wife; Pranita, the son begotten upon one’s wife by a profcient person out of kindness; Parikrita, the son begotten upon one’s wife by a person for monetary benefts; Paunarvara, the son begotten upon the wife after the husband’s death; Kanin, the maidenborn son; Kunda, the son born of a woman who had intercourse with four men; Dattya, the son given by another; Krita, the son bought from another; Upakrita, the son coming to one out of gratitude; Sayang upagata, the son coming himself to give him away; Shada, the son born of a pregnant bride; and Hina Jonidhrita, the son begotten upon a wife of lower caste.

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The son who is begotten upon one’s wife by a person, whom he has invited for it, is called Niruktaj. The son who is begotten upon one’s wife by somebody without his permission is called Prasritaja. The son begotten upon his own wife by a person degraded from his position is called Patitaja. There are two other sons – the son given and the son made. The son born of a maiden in her father’s house is called Kanina. Besides these, there are six kinds called Apadhwansaja and six others called Apasadas. There are more kinds mentioned in the scriptures.20 Pranita, Parikrita, Paunarvara, Krita, and Kunda are the types of sons born from a man who is not her husband. Issues of power and dominance are instrumental in the stigmatisation of the female body. Her code of conduct and husband were meant to protect her from the male gaze and lustful approaches. Rāmā instructed Sītā to consider his brothers as her own brothers or sons. It indicates his anxiety and suspicion for his wife as he will not have a physical presence in her life now. Sītā strongly reacted to Rāvaṇa’s lustful approach. While reproaching Rāvaṇa, Sītā warned him of the danger he is inviting by approaching her and tells him how ignoble he is in comparison to her husband.21 Bhīṣma in Mahābhārata patronised ‘chaste’ women.22 While lying on the bed of arrows, Bhīṣma said to Yudhiṣṭhira that there are regions invisible even to him, but those regions are seen by women who are ‘chaste.23 Yudhiṣṭhira asked him about the conduct of good and chaste women.24 While explaining to him about the conduct of chaste women, Bhīṣma explicated that a woman need not adopt asceticism to acquire a ‘celestial region’25 but has to be devoted and polite towards her husband, the celestials, the ancestors, and the Brāhmaṇas.26 During her husband’s absence, she was to remain sexually unattractive – she should not apply collyrium, wear any kind of ornaments, and never wash or adorn herself.27 Thus, in the absence of her husband, she had to be sexually unappealing lest she attract any other man. The Purāṇas also defne the conduct of a chaste woman but in a more meticulous manner. The portrayal and explanation of such a precept were often given a female voice to make it more compelling for the women. The ‘ideal’ female characters like Sītā, Anasūyā, and Draupadī were sketched for the same purpose. They are portrayed as celebrated characters that followed the path of pātivrtya with steadfastness. This is how narrative literature became instrumental in establishing misogynistic notions. Though such a code of conduct was framed for men, it meant more about controlling their senses and desires. The Mahābhārata text quite briefy discusses a man’s code of conduct, though it is doubtful as to what extent the prescribed rules were followed by men. The text quite clearly mentions that man of every caste should not have sexual union with other people’s wives.28 Men were expected to treat other people’s wives as their mothers or sisters.

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The Practice Conformity This section will discuss women who conformed to the path of chastity and accepted the various norms laid out for them. The ‘Chaste’ Women and Her Obligations Tradition maintained that nothing should stop a devoted woman from loving her husband and maintaining her loyalty, though sexual indulgence with another man was permitted for progeny and achieving the four Puruṣārthas. Oghavati, the daughter of a king named Oghavat, was given in marriage to a man named Sudarshana, ‘the learned’.29 He instructed his wife never to act against the wishes of the guests, even if it meant serving the guests by offering her own body.30 Thus, Oghavati, as a resolute woman in the path of pātivratya, gave her body to Dharma, who came to Sudarshana’s house in the disguise of a Brāhmaṇa. He asked her to offer her body ‘without any hesitation’.31 Sudarshana, like a true householder, did not feel any jealousy or anger and expressed his pleasure of honouring his guest by dedicating his life, wife, and all his possessions.32 Dharma, who came in the guise of the Brāhmaṇa, told him that he was pleased with him and praised Oghavati for her devotion to her husband.33 She was said to be saved from impurity by her ‘virtue’ and ‘chastity’.34 Dharma blessed Oghavati that half her body will be with her husband and half will be celebrated as the river Oghavati.35 The story is also mentioned in the Liṅga Mahāpurāṇa.36 In this version also, Dharma came in the form of a Brāhmaṇa and tested the virtue of Sudarshana’s wife. Dharma was said to have not enjoyed Sudarshana’s wife even mentally.37 In none of the versions there is any mention of a woman’s consent. Oghavati of Mahābhārata did not respond to her husband out of ‘shame’ and ‘devotion’ towards her husband implying her dilemma within. A pativratā not only had to bear the touch of another man but also had to bear the existence of a co-wife and redeem her husband’s wrongful deeds. Arjuna’s wife Ulupi, the co-wife with Chitrangada, was the one who found redemption for Arjuna’s sin. Ulupi was accused by Chitrangada of Arjuna’s death. But she was the one who by practising the Praya-vow revived Arjuna.38 Arjuna attested to what Ulupi did and said that she did everything to cleanse off his sins, as he killed Bhīṣma by improper means.39 A true pativratā was also expected to play the role of an effcient minister/advisor. Like Sītā, Tārā, stood by Vali, the ruler of Kiṣkindhā, in diffcult times. Vali abducted Ruma, his brother Sugriva’s wife. Tārā, as an advisor and a friend to her husband, warned Vali about not going into a war with his brother.40 While Vali was dying, Tārā wished for her death. He said to his brother Sugriva that Tārā is ‘extremely clever’ and ‘intelligent’ and her advice should be followed without being questioned as her 30

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opinion never turns out to be wrong.41 Tārā became the wife of Sugriva, the younger brother of her husband. Kiṣkindhā was the realm of the vānaras. It might have been a practice amongst the vānaras that a vānara could marry the wife of his deceased brother. Though Tārā wished for her death after her husband passed away, she and her son Angad were handed over to Sugriva, while the text is silent about Tārā’s consent. She continued to serve her second husband like a true pativratā (when Laksmana approached Sugriva to confront him, Sugriva sent Tārā to pacify him). In the Rāmāyaṇa, we get ample female characters sketched as the ‘perfect wife’ – Kausalya, Sumitra, Anasūyā, Tārā, and Sītā, who stood by their husbands even if they were dishonoured by their husbands. Kausalya is the ideal wife and mother who did not protest against her husband’s prejudiced behaviour towards her. After Kaikeyi conspired to send Rāmā into exile, Daśaratha praised Kausalya for taking care of him like a servant maid and a friend42 and showed remorse for mistreating Kausalya for Kaikeyi. Kausalya lamented that she did not get any happiness in the past through her husband, but she had hopes when her son Rāmā was born. She apprehended that if Rāmā goes to exile, she will hear spiteful words from her husband’s younger wives, though she is the eldest.43 Even though she had Rāmā by her side, she had to face abhorrent behaviour.44 But Rāmā accused Kausalya of showing more love and concern towards her son, rather than to her husband, which he says is against the prescribed law for women as she should consider her husband her god and love him more than her son or father. Kausalya’s outburst of her sufferings acquaints us of the pain that a wife had to go through due to a co-wife. The elder wife’s age implied that she was sexually unattractive. Her husband desired more for a younger wife as she could continue to satisfy her husband’s sexual desires, thus gaining more attention from him. But within the household, the younger wife was despised for being young and sexually attractive. The younger wife has been mostly depicted in a deleterious manner who uses her sexuality to meet her needs and demands. The same despise for a younger wife is articulated in Hāla’s Sattasaī, where the elder wife is shown to be responsible for her husband’s welfare, while the younger one is a distraction that leads to his downfall. It can also be seen in Rāmāyaṇa – Kausalya was praised by all, while Kaikeyi was insulted by her own son. Bharata described his mother, Kaikeyi, as the one who was in awe of herself, considering herself to be ‘good-looking’ and ‘covetous of power’45 while Kausalya is ‘merciful’, is ‘polite of speech’, is ‘glorious’, and ‘knows what is right’.46 Compliance and Suffering The Shanti Parva of the Mahābhārata enunciates that a woman who worships her husband obtains happiness. A husband is the one who gives her happiness 31

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and protection. A man was thus necessary for a woman to obtain happiness and salvation in her life. This male dominance was also the source of her grief and pain. A man’s protection was a means to marginalise women and restrict female mobility in order to control women’s reproductive capacity. Sītā is still celebrated as an ideal woman in present-day India. She is considered the symbol of ideal womanhood, a divine (devī) and pure-minded lady (manaswinī).47 Janaka, who obtained Sītā by ploughing the ritual feld, said ‘She, who is prosperous and husband-devout (pativratā), will always be abiding you like your own shadow’,48 while giving his daughter’s hand in marriage to Rāmā. As a true pativratā, Sītā insisted on Rāmā to take her with him while he was going to the forest for exile. Her argument was assertive enough to convince Rāmā to take her to the forest with him.49 Sītā scorned at him when Rāmā insisted that it would be proper for her to stay in the palace. The unpleasantness of the forest did not deter her from accompanying him and she called the forest exile to be pleasant. As a pativratā, she was contented that she was with her husband. Her words suggest that if a wife accompanies her husband, a diffcult place like a forest would be heavenly for her and nothing less than the luxuries of a palace. While in the forest when Sītā was abducted by Rāvaṇa, she thought herself useless and worthy of being dead as she was touched by another man. Though Rāmā rescued her from the clutches of Rāvaṇa, his mind was full of apprehensions due to social stigma. Sītā was brought amongst a huge crowd. Even though Vibhīsana tried to scatter them away, Rāmā was annoyed as he considered his army as his own people. He emphatically said that neither costumes nor a protective wall or royal honour can save a woman, but her own character – a woman thus should strive to achieve and maintain chastity. Rāmā ordered his wife to leave the palanquin and come to him on foot so that the monkeys can have a look at her. In presence of monkeys and demons, he mentioned that he rescued Sītā to wipe away the insult hurled at him. Proud of his lineage, Rāmā asserted that any nobleman born in a celebrated race will not take back such a woman who lived in another man’s house. Rāmā blamed it on Sītā’s alluring beauty, which made it impossible for Rāvaṇa to control his senses. His words refect his sexual tensions. Being apprehensive of society, he tried to discard his ‘true’ wife to maintain his image of uprightness. It aggrieved Sītā as Rāmā did not honour her ‘sacred’ birth, her sheelāam cha, and her devotion. Rāmā compelled Sītā for a fre ordeal, agniparīkṣā, to prove her purity of mind and character. After the agniparīkṣā, Rāmā upheld that it was her chastity that saved her from Rāvaṇa. As Sītā entered the fre, the fre-god appeared in person from the burning pyre, carrying Sītā in his arms and gave her back to Rāmā, testifying her purity.50 Rāmā accepted Sītā after the ordeal. She was not intimidated by Rāvaṇa and upholds her strength of character. On the other hand, when she 32

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was wronged by her husband who was defling her character, she did not oppose him. A woman’s purity of body and soul also encased the dignity and honour of her husband and family. Sītā, portrayed as a meek and weak character and in constant need of protection, emerges out strong when her dignity was harmed by the touch of another man. When Sītā was confronted by Rāvaṇa, she showed her aggressive side by condemning and threatening him that if he abducts another man’s wife, he has to meet with dire consequences. Instead of attacking the Rākṣasa, Rāmā was repenting while Laksmana wanted to kill him. Rāmā tried to kill the Rākṣasa when he was provoked by him. Sītā was previously abducted in the forest by a man-eating Rākṣasa named Viradha, who wanted Sītā as his wife and attacked Rāmā and Laksmana.51 When Rāmā saw Sītā on the lap of the Rākṣasa, he felt a pain which, according to him, ‘was more than the death of his father and loss of his kingdom, as his wife was touched by another man’.52 Sītā abused Rāvaṇa when she was abducted by him. She repeatedly said how her Rāmā would destroy him for abducting his consort and this will not only bring down his destruction but his own type and kingdom. Draupadī, another celebrated female character in the Mahābhārata referred to as ‘Devi’, is described as a ‘high-born’ and ‘chaste’ (satī) lady.53 Dhṛtarāstra called her a ‘chaste and devoted to virtue’ amongst all his daughters-in-law (vadhūnāṃ hi viśiṣṭā me tvaṃ dharmaparamā satī).54 The text does not talk about her choice and consent regarding her marriage to fve men. Like Sītā, Draupadī too did not have a natural birth. She rose from the centre of a sacrifcial altar (vedi madhyaat samutthitaa). While the Pāṇḍavas were in exile, Arjuna won Draupadī. When the Pāṇḍavas brought her to show their mother what they have acquired, Kuntī did not see her sons and told all of them to enjoy what they have acquired. The moment she saw Draupadī, she realised her mistake. It was then decided that Draupadī would be a common wife to all the fve Pāṇḍavas. The marriage with Draupadī was key to a strong alliance for the Pāṇḍavas. The Pañchála region was crucial as it acted as a midway area on the trade route between Taxila in the West and Tämralipti in the East. It also fnds a mention in the list of 16 Mahajanapadas. Drupada, Draupadī’s father, was not impressed by such a decision. He argued that law permits a man to have many wives, but it has never been heard that one woman can have more than one husband and such an act has not been allowed by the Vedas. Vyāsa opined that such a practice which was opposed by tradition and the Vedas has become obsolete.55 Vyāsa is one of the revered fgures in the Mahābhārata. He is also known as Veda Vyāsa i.e. ‘the one who classifed the Vedas’. Yudhiṣṭhira referred to the Purāṇa that narrates the story of a ‘virtuous’ woman called Jatila of the Gotama race who was married to seven Ṛṣis. So also an ascetic’s daughter, born of a tree, had formerly married ten brothers, the Prachetas. Vyāsa also narrated 33

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another anecdote wherein a Ṛṣi’s daughter, who was chaste, had fve husbands due to the blessing of Sankara. Vyāsa narrated two different stories to convince Drupada about Draupadī’s marriage to fve men. According to one version, Arjuna was a portion of Indra, while the other four Pāṇḍavas are none other than Indra himself. In the Mārkaṇḍeya Purāṇa,56 we fnd reference to a similar storyline wherein Draupadī and her story is constructed in a manner illustrating that she was not married to fve different men but one. The discussion on legitimising the marriage of Draupadī to fve men in the Purāṇas and Mahābhārata implies the shift in the position of women. But the question that arises is about a woman’s desire and consent to such a union – whether such a union was permitted when she desired it? An amalgamation of a divine purpose for the marriage of Draupadī to fve men indicates the fact that polyandry was not allowed even if a woman desired it, as Chitraganda, Arjuna’s wife, said that polyandry is not ordained for women.57 In the stories mentioned, the subordination of women and the role and duties of a pativratā woman is well woven. Arjuna won Draupadī. But when it was decided that she will be a common wife to all, Arjuna fulflled his dharma toward his brothers. Perceiving her as alms, Yudhiṣṭhira said that it was a general conduct amongst them to divide an acquired gem amongst them and by no means will he break the rule. It was only Drupada, her father, who opposed such a marriage. Pritha, out of affection, pronounced a blessing upon her daughter-in-law58 that she will be the mother of ‘longlived and heroic’ children. Kuntī advised her to remain devoted to her husbands.59 Kuntī, like Kausalya, was well aware of the hardships Draupadī might have to endure and it was through a male progeny Draupadī would be venerated by her husband and the royals. The emphasis lies on Draupadī’s devotion, loyalty, and service to her husbands, though we see later in the text that the Pāṇḍavas obtained wife/wives for themselves. Draupadī was objectifed when Yudhiṣṭhira had put Draupadī on the stake at the game of dice and described her credentials as a stake.60 Draupadī was always self-sacrifcing and thoughtful of her husbands. When the Pāṇḍavas lost the dice match to the Kauravas, she was dragged to the court while she was menstruating and was besmirched. Dhṛtarāstra, out of affection for Draupadī, gave her a boon which she used to save her husbands from slavery to the Kauravas.61 The Pāṇḍavas as a result of losing in the game of dice were sent to exile. Draupadī left Hastinapur in tears, ‘clad in one piece of cloth, stained with blood, and with hair dishevelled left’62 with a strong sense of vengeance. She cursed the wives of those who were responsible for her condition that on the fourteenth year those wives will be deprived of husbands, sons, relatives, and dear ones.63 Draupadī also blamed the Pāṇḍavas, her husbands, as they did not do anything when she was taken to an assembly of men, clad 34

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in a single cloth while menstruating, stained with blood, and the Kauravas laughed at her.64 Dhṛtarāstra was aware of the outcome of Draupadī’s insult, the vengeance of a pativratā. He feared for his sons’ lives. To fulfl her vengeance, Draupadī practised penances for Duryodhana’s fall and the success of her husbands. Practising severe austerities, she slept every day on the bare ground and intended to continue the same till the end of the war.65 Draupadī was one of those exceptional women who stood strong for her justice and burned like fre till her abusers were punished. But at the same time, like a true pativratā, she served her husbands. Yudhiṣṭhira, the eldest amongst the Pāṇḍavas, instructed Draupadī that while she would be disguised as a sairindhrī, she should conduct herself in such a way that ‘wicked’ and ‘sinful’ men might not have a chance of ‘deriving pleasure’ by looking at her as she has a noble lineage and is a ‘chaste’ woman.66 When the Pāṇḍavas were preparing for their last year in exile, they decided to go to the kingdom of Virata. Draupadī was to go as the sairindhrī (a class of maidservants employed in the service of others). Draupadī did not fnd it honourable to take up the role of sairindhrī as no ‘respectable’ woman was said to enter into such a profession. Though Draupadī entered the city clad in dirty cloth, the queen was hesitant in employing her because of her enthralling beauty.67 But Draupadī with pride retaliated that she had fve Gandharvas as her husbands and they always protect her and anyone who will desire her will be killed by them.68 This not only implies the vulnerable position of a woman but also how she was made to be dependent on her husbands for protection. Despite attempts to protect herself from the male gaze, Kichaka, the brother of Sudesna, was full of lust after seeing her. When he approached her, she warned him about her husbands. That she was married did not stop him and he continued physically assaulting her in front of Yudhiṣṭhira and Bhima. This episode is similar to the ordeal when she was disgraced at the game of dice in an assembly of men. She rebuked Kichaka in front of everyone and praised her husbands. Again, she strongly condemned her husbands who did not do anything even after witnessing such an assault happening to their wife.69 She rebuked king Virata and condemned his conduct ‘like that of a robber and not of a royal court’.70 But her husbands in order to keep their identity a secret did not do anything and instead told her that wives of heroes endure pain for the sake of their husbands. Draupadī tried convincing Bhima for taking revenge and condemned Yudhiṣṭhira for being submissive. But Bhima defended his elder brother. To make him fulfl her revenge, she said if a wife is protected, the progeny also remains protected and fnally convinced Bhima to kill Kichaka. Other Kichakas condemned her and called her an ‘unchaste woman’.71 After acquiring permission from the king, the Kichakas decided to burn her with Kichaka. She was saved by Bhima. The king ordered her to go 35

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anywhere. Like Sītā, Draupadī too was condemned when she became a victim of another man’s lust. Sītā and Draupadī faced abuse and dishonour in the public domain. In Sītā’s instance, it was her husband, but in both the stories, it was a king, the upholder of justice, who failed in being fair towards a woman. Sītā protected herself from the hands of Rāvaṇa through her purity. In the same manner, while Śakuntalā was fghting to prove her righteousness, she was saved by ‘a voice from the sky’. Like Rāmā, Duṣyanta feared public scandal. He said that though he believed that the boy was his son, if he would have accepted him only on the basis of Śakuntalā’s words, his people would have been suspicious and his son also would be regarded as ‘impure’, as their union had taken privately and people would perceive their union as lustful and not as husband and wife.72 The story of Śakuntalā and Duṣyanta is also mentioned in the Bhāgvata Purāṇa.73 But here Duṣyanta does not mention why he did not accept Śakuntalā as his wife in the royal court. Though Viṣṇu Purāṇa enumerates the same picture wherein a celestial voice tells Duṣyanta not to disrespect Śakuntalā and she has spoken the truth,74 in the Bhāgvata Purāṇa, the voice spoke in support of Śakuntalā as she had a male progeny.75 Rāmā and Duṣyanta both were suspicious and afraid of disrepute even after being aware of the truth. But both these women held on to the strength of their morality and character whenever the situation demanded. Sītā was unwavering about her decision of going to the forest even when her husband disagreed. She rebuked Rāvaṇa when her modesty was attacked and left Rāmā to maintain her honour and dignity. Śakuntalā too acted with all her strength. Chastity not only protected and rescued a ‘pure’ woman from crises but also gave her immense power which made her perform acts which men could not endeavour for, as Anasūyā did. Anasūyā, the wife of sage Atri, is said to be the epitome of virtue. Anasūyā is described as taam mahaabhaagam shithilaam pativrataa.76 Chastity was able to give immense power to Anasūyā that she was able to save the earth while the earth suffered famine for years.77 But this power did not come easily to her, and she had to live a life of penance. It was about self-control, compromises, and being selfess as Gāndhāri accepted the life of a blind for Dhṛtarāstra, the king of Hastinapur. Dhṛtarāstra was born to Vichitravirya’s frst wife Ambika and his real father was Veda Vyāsa. He was blind from birth. Gāndhāri, who was the daughter of king Suvala of Gandhara, is described as a beautiful, young, and well-behaved woman. Gāndhāri played an important role in the cultural transmission and spread of Buddhism. Bhīṣma was keen to make her the daughter-in-law when he came to know that Gāndhāri has received a boon of getting 100 sons by worshipping Śiva.78 Suvala hesitated to give his daughter on account of Dhṛtārāstra’s blindness,79 but due to his noble lineage, he gave his ‘virtuous’ daughter 36

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Gāndhāri to Dhṛtarāstra.80 Having heard of the blindness of Dhṛtarāstra and her parents’ decision, Gāndhāri covered her own eyes with a cloth so that she will not be able to see81 which pleased the Kurus.82 This is symbolic of acceptance of the pain she had to endure throughout her life. On the other hand, what convinced Gāndhāri’s father for marriage alliance was the lineage of Dhṛtarāstra. He did not think of the turmoil his daughter had to go through. Like an ideal daughter, Gāndhāri did not protest owing to her obedience to her parents. She sacrifced her vision in order to share the pain of her husband. Gāndhāri by the merit earned through chastity cursed Kṛṣṇa, as he was indifferent to the Kurus and the Pandavas while they were killing each other.83 Gāndhāri did not object when her marriage was arranged with a blind man. Similar was the story of Jaratkāru, wife of a Ṛṣi who was brought up by her brother for a Ṛṣi to liberate his ancestors.84 The Ṛṣi married her only on the condition that he will leave her when an offspring is born and will not maintain her, and she should also not do anything to displease him – if she does, he will leave her. She served her husband.85 Once, while the Sun was setting, the Ṛṣi was sleeping. The wife was in great dilemma whether to wake him up or not – if she does not wake him up, the time of prayer will pass by and he will lose his virtue. The wife being anxious woke him up. But the Ṛṣi took it as his insult86 and left her with her brother while his child was still in her womb. Though she knew that her husband will leave her after the purpose of the marriage is met, Jaratkāru continued performing her duties. This story from Mahābhārata enumerates the role of a pativratā. Analogous to this narrative, Bhima also left Hidimba, a Rakshasa woman, on the day she gave birth to a son during his exile. She agreed to the terms of Bhima that he will return back to his mother and brothers the day she will give birth to a son. Another queen who suffered due to her husband’s wrong deeds was Damayanti.87 Nala was the king of the Nishadha kingdom and Damayanti was the princess of Vidarbha. Damayanti chose him over the Gods who came to her swayamvara. But Kali who was the spirit of the ‘evil’ age desired to possess her even when she was married to Nala.88 Kali having found a weakness in Nala possessed him.89 Nala under the infuence of Kali played a game of dice and lost everything in the match. Nala and Damayanti had to leave the kingdom as Nala was not left with anything to put at stake. In the forest, Nala abandoned Damayanti as he was possessed by Kali. When he saw himself naked, he took away half of Damayanti’s cloth to cover himself up. He felt embarrassed seeing his wife’s condition.90 When Damayanti woke up, she saw that her husband was not by her side and started looking for him. She did not worry about herself, but, like Sītā, she was worried about her husband’s welfare as to how he was going to survive alone in the forest.91 While she was looking for her husband, she was consumed by a snake and was saved by a hunter. Seeing her dressed in half cloth, he felt lustful 37

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towards her. When Damayanti became aware of his intention, she cursed him. At that moment, the hunter died.92 Damayanti entered the city of Suvaha, the king of the Chedis. Damayanti, like Draupadī, introduced herself as a woman devoted to her husband and a female servant who belongs to a high caste.93 Damayanti agreed to stay with the queen on the condition that she would neither have to eat the leftovers nor have to speak to other men. The Queen called Damayanti her own daughter told her to live without any fear. Nala, on the other hand, helped the king of Nagas. The king of Nagas told him that he will fnd his wife, daughter, and sons and will also help regain his kingdom. Nala worked as the Superintendent of stables under king Rituparna. While living there, he always lamented for his wife and blamed himself responsible for his wife’s misery.94 In the meantime, King Bhima sent Brāhmaṇas looking for his daughter and son-in-law. Queenmother of the king of Chedi was informed of the true story of Damayanti. Damayanti was the queen-mother’s sister’s daughter. Brāhmaṇas were sent in all directions in search of Nala, who were to spread out Damayanti’s words for her husband. Damayanti came to know about her husband when she spread the word of her Swayamvara. Nala said he could not believe that she desired to choose a second husband.95 Damayanti was greatly afficted by the suspicion of Nala and asked for the gods’ help. It was then that the wind god came and testifed her purity.96 Like Jaratkāru and Damayanti, the fate of Ambā was also tied by chains of patriarchy. Jaratkāru and Damayanti out of their devotion and loyalty towards their husband suffered every tribulation and torment with silence. Ambā sacrifced her own life to acquire justice. It was a man’s insecurity regarding female sexuality that brought Ambā to such a destiny. Primarily, she was taken by force by another man (Bhīṣma) and when she stood against patriarchal conventions for her love, her lover, like Rāmā, rejected her for being touched by another man. But unlike Sītā, she did not get the opportunity to prove her purity. Once again when she returned to Bhīṣma, she was rejected by him. Ambā could not go back to her father’s place as she knew she would not be accepted there, as being disapproved by other men would bring shame to her family.97 Bhīṣma did injustice to Ambā on multiple standards. For his family and lineage and in order to maintain his vow of celibacy, he rejected Ambā. Ambā, like a loyal and devoted woman, went against the norms and standards of society for the man she loved. This whole episode also points to the fact that even in a swayamvara, where a girl could make her choice (though with certain limitations), she could be abducted by another man who is not present in the swayamvara. This was called the Rakshasa form of marriage, which was considered suitable for the Ksatriyas. The wedding day was fxed by Satyavatī for her sons. Bhīṣma abducted all the three daughters of Kashi. But the eldest of the daughters of Kashi, Ambā, 38

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informed Bhīṣma that she has already chosen the king of the Shalwas as her husband and she was selected by him as his future wife. Her father did not have any knowledge of it.98 Ambā said it will not be proper for him to make her his brother’s wife as she is ‘desirous’ of being united with another man. She was permitted to go to the king of Shalwa. But the king of Shalwa was suspicious of her character and told her to go back to Bhīṣma. Ambā told him that she was loyal to him and was taken by Bhīṣma forcefully99 and that Bhīṣma did not carry her away for himself but for his brothers and that she does not want any other husband than him.100 Though Ambā pleaded withhim to accept her, Shalwa did not accept her. Ambā’s grandfather advised her to seek the refuge of Parashurāmā. She requested him to kill Bhīṣma. He accused Bhīṣma of stripping her of ‘virtue’ as she has been touched by him and thus it is proper only for him to marry Ambā.101 Rāmā told him that because of him she will not choose any husband,102 but Bhīṣma rejected her on the basis that she accepted Shalwa as her husband.103 Bhīṣma and Rāmā entered into a ferce battle with one another. But Rāmā was unable to defeat him. Ambā then practised great austerity to fnd a way to defeat Bhīṣma. She was disgusted to possess a woman’s body as she felt that she was cut off from marital bliss due to Bhīṣma. Ambā accused Bhīṣma that he has brought her to a point where she is neither a man nor a woman.104 She thus wanted to be a man as being a woman she will not be able to slay Bhīṣma in the battle. Rudra blessed her so, but she was said to retain the form of both man and woman. Ambā thus entered into the fre for the destruction of Bhīṣma.105 In the next birth, though she was born as a woman, she was later converted into a male. The Ambā-Bhīṣma episode refects the sufferings a woman had to endure due to the patriarchal limitations imposed on her, while being a man her achievements could be limitless. One of them was asceticism. Asceticism for women meant devotion to their husbands. In the epics, there are references to women who achieved salvation without a husband, but a man was instrumental in her path to attaining salvation. The Female Ascetics In the Rāmāyaṇa, there is a reference to an unmarried female ascetic who attained heaven by rendering service to Rāmā, who came to her as a guest. There was a forest where Ṛṣis who were disciples of sage Matanga lived.106 The forest was called Mataṅgavana. They had a female attendant, ‘an ascetic’ called Sabari who was ‘long lived’ even after the sages died. She, who is described as ‘The woman, who is ever devoted to virtue’ was to attain heaven after seeing Rāmā.107 The place where Sabari was located was hidden from public view.108 When Rāmā and Laksmana reached the hermitage of Sabari, she embraced the feet of Rāmā and Laksmana and served them with due hospitality.109 Through Rāmā she received the boon and obtained the 39

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same realm the Ṛṣis achieved. Like Ahalyā, she was also emancipated after receiving Rāmā with due rituals of hospitality. The Bedas claim that Shabari of Rāmāyaṇa belonged to their community. Bedas are one of the largest tribes of Karnataka.110 Here Shabar refers to a jātī, a pre-Aryan section of people of South India which has come to mean ‘wild’ or ‘savage’. She was not debarred from practising esoteric knowledge and Rāmā too accepted her service without any hesitance. The Rāmāyaṇa also mentions a female ascetic called Swayamprabhā. The monkeys headed by Hanumān and other leaders while searching for Sītā came across a cave known as Ṛkṣakila. When they entered the cave, they came across an ascetic woman111 described as tapasim,112 dharmacāriṇī, and mahabhagam.113 When enquired about the cave, she told Hanumān that the cave was built by Maya.114 He was attracted to a celestial nymph called Hema, but he was killed by Indra. Swayamprabhā was the daughter of Merusāvarni and was a friend of Hema. She guards the cave on her behalf. The cave was bestowed on Hema by Brahmā.115 Being pleased with her service, Hanumān offered her service in return. But Swayamprabhā said as she practices ‘righteousness’, their service will not be required by her.116 Hanumān asked for her help to get out of the cave.117 Swayamprabhā said that it is impossible to leave the cave once they have entered it but by her ascetic power, she led them out of the cave. The Mahābhārata in the Shalya Parva narrates the story of an old virgin woman who is described as ‘faultless and amiable’ and is said to have practised severe penances. Though her father wanted to give her in marriage, she did not wish for it, as she saw no one worthy of her118 and emaciated her body with austerities and penances. At last when she became old, she decided to go to the other world. When she was about to renounce her body, Nārada said that she cannot attain the ‘blissful region’ as she did not purify herself by performing marriage rituals.119 The old woman went to an assembly of Ṛṣi and said she will give half of her penances to the man who will marry her.120 A Ṛṣi known by the name Shringavat married her on the condition that she will live with him for one night and she consequently went to heaven. Unlike in the Jātakas, a text that belongs to the Buddhist tradition where a woman could attain spiritualism without getting married, the epics belonging to Brahmanical tradition mostly portrayed that salvation for female ascetics was possible only through a man. But again, we do fnd a reference in the Mahābhārata wherein the daughter of a Brahmani121 practised penances diffcult for women to perform and attained heaven.122 Accepting female ascetics seem to be a later development within the Brahmanical tradition and the nature of the narratives also refects the struggle within Brahmanical tradition in maintaining its ascendancy. Unlike Sabari, Swayamprabhā is sketched as a stronger character. Though both of them were virtuous and were devoted to asceticism, Swayamprabhā’s spiritual journey was less bounded by patriarchy. A man was a medium in 40

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the completion of Sabari’s journey to attaining salvation. Swayamprabhā, on the other hand, did not accept Hanumān’s service, rather she helped him and his men. The difference in the treatment of these two characters might entail the reconstruction of attitude toward female ascetics indicating the changes and modulation the Brahmanical texts were going through in order to maintain their dominance. Within the celestial world, there were the apsarās mentioned in different ancient Indian literature. It will be interesting to locate the precept of chastity among them, which will help in understanding how chastity was practised amongst these celestial women and their earthly counterparts in the epics. The Apsarās and the Courtesans An apsarā was a celestial damsel. She was meant for the entertainment and enjoyment of the celestial beings. As narrated in the Rāmāyaṇa, an apsarā emerged from the churning of the Milky Ocean. All the gods and demons refused to accept them as their wives. Due to the denial by the gods and demons, they came to be known as ‘public’ women.123 There are various stories related to their origin. The Mahābhārata says that the apsarās were born of Kapila. Thus, unlike the veśyās, they were said to have a divine origin. Even though they were considered public women, an apsarā like the veśyās was apprehensive about maintaining her chastity. If any other man imposed himself on an apsarā while she was tied to a particular man, the other man was punished for such an act. Rāvaṇa forced himself on Rambha, the well-known apsarā. Rambha warned him that it is not proper for him to do so, as he is her elder and is the wife of his brother’s (Kubera) son, Nalakūbara. Thus, as she has been appointed for a certain period, Rāvaṇa should protect her. The same essence can be traced in the Padma Purāṇa wherein a veśyā postulated the same. But Rāvaṇa did not listen to her and said, ‘Celestial nymphs have no husband nor are gods committed to a single wife; such is the eternal law in the realm of gods’.124 Nalakūbara cursed Rāvaṇa since he violated her forcefully.125 While a wife was revered for her loyalty and devotion towards the husband, the apsarās were famous for their beauty. Their physical beauty formed their identity in the celestial world, but they too were chained by patriarchy. The apsarās became public women as they were denied marital status by the gods and the demons. It was not a self-induced decision but rather a denial that left them with no choice. The Patriarchs Though limitations for men were less regressive, we do come across certain male characters who conducted themselves within the moral boundaries set by society. Laksmana was one of them. 41

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Rāmā met Sugriva to make a deal with him, according to which Sugriva would help him to locate and get Sītā back from the clutches of the abductor. While looking for her, Laksmana recognised Sītā by her anklets.126 That Laksmana could not recognise Sītā’s earrings and armlets but could identify only her anklets due to bowing at her feet every day is a demonstration of Laksmana’s rectitude. He conducted himself like an ascetic when Tārā approached him. But one can sense a misogynistic attitude when he entered the inner apartment of Sugriva for confronting him and he was enraged by the presence of other women and the sound of their ornaments. In anger, he flled the space with the sound of his bow127 symbolising male dominance and power. The city of Ayodhya is sketched as a perfect city portraying Rāmā as a perfect king meting out justice.128 Emphasis is also laid on the just character of the people, the spies, and the ministers.129 Rāmā was sculpted to be an ideal character – an ideal human, a son, kind towards his stepmother, and a ruler, and Sītā’s character ran parallel to his. Rāmā’s character is in sharp contrast to that of Rāvaṇa. Sītā talks about three types of addiction. One of them is copulation with another man’s wife. Rāmā’s devotion and loyalty towards her are refected in her speech when she said that he cannot be desirous of another man’s wife as it destroys Dharma and that he would remain devoted to his wife.130 While Rāmā and Laksmana were mostly self-restrained in their behaviour towards women, their conduct towards Surpanakha, a Raksasi, is morally unacceptable. It refects how the Brahmin-dominated society became intolerant towards the region that did not follow their conventions. In the Mahābhārata, Bhīṣma for his father vowed that he would not throw his semen. Karṇa, though did not take any such vow, resisted the proposal made by Kṛṣṇa to him – Kṛṣṇa tried to convince Karṇa to take the side of the Pandavas by using Draupadī as bait to include Karṇa on their side. He said that during the sixth period, Draupadī will come to him ‘as to a husband’.131 Karṇa was born to Kuntī from the Sun god before her marriage. But Karṇa’s devotion and loyalty towards Duryodhana was not shaken. Resisting his proposal, Karṇa alleged how Kuntī who gave birth to him did not think about his welfare and abandoned him while a suta adopted him and performed all that was necessary. He also married according to his choice. But later in the Karṇa Parva, Kṛṣṇa questioned Karṇa’s righteousness when Draupadī was brought to the court at Dushasana’s order132 and she was dressed in one piece of cloth and was menstruating. The diffcult life of a chaste woman has been enumerated in the Mahābhārata. Yudhiṣṭhira agreed that a woman’s greatness is ‘too diffcult to be understood’.133 Yudhiṣṭhira accepted that he does not fnd anything more diffcult than the duties of chaste women towards their husbands. He praised such women who are attached to one man, speak the truth, carry life in their womb for full ten months, and endure great troubles and pains. 42

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Yudhiṣṭhira’s words express how diffcult it was for women to ft into society’s morals. Such praises were construed in a manner that would lead to the internalisation of gendered norms and thus women often subjugated themselves to the patriarchal ideas and practices. The epics help us to understand how the concept of chastity evolved. There are differences between the original texts and later interpolations which are evident in the manner various ideologies and practices have been enumerated. Through idolisation of characters, society was taught the ‘righteous’ code of conduct. The main aim behind the staging of ideal characters was to teach its audience a particular code of conduct, and any kind of deviation would be perceived as transgression. But various interpolations in the texts help in reconstructing the understanding of the idea of chastity and facilitate the understanding of the past and the changes that the society went through infuencing the scriptures of the time. Epics like Rāmāyaṇa and Mahābhārata show clear traits of a transition within Brahmanism by inculcating within them various other traditions, castes, and practices. One of the interesting parts lies in the fact that certain ideal characters and their code of conduct can be questioned like Laksmana and Rāmā’s behaviour towards Raksasi women. They were men of noble families, but their violent behaviour in such circumstances refects the other side of their character. Reciprocation of such high-born noblemen and their wives’ behaviour towards patriarchy echoes the contribution of men in the formation of precepts like chastity.

Notes 1 The Mahābhārata, Sabha Parva, Chapter 69, 5. Draupadī said: “She, who is never seen by even the wind and the sun in her house...” 2 Ibid., Chapter 71, 2. 3 The Mahābhārata, Ādi Parva, Chapter 104, 30. 4 Ibid., Chapter 104, 31–33. 5 Ibid., 33–35. 6 The Mahābhārata, Adī Parva, Chapter 122. 7 Ibid., Shanti Parva, Chapter 12, 6. 8 The Rāmāyaṇa, Ayodhyakāṇḍa, Chapter 27, 5. 9 Ibid., Chapter 29, 16. 10 Ibid., Chapter 30, 3. 11 Ibid., 10. 12 Ibid., 15–16. 13 Ibid., Chapter 39, 20. 14 Ibid., Chapter 117, 23. 15 Ibid., 25. 16 Ibid., 28–29. 17 Ibid., 9. 18 Ibid., 17–18. 19 The Mahabharata, Adi Parva, Chapter 120, 32–34.

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20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 66 67 68 69 70 71 72

Ibid., Anuśāsana Parva, Chapter 49, 3–5. The Rāmāyaṇa, Aranyakāṇḍa, Chapter 47. The Mahābhārata, Anuśāsana Parva, Chapter 60, 14. Ibid., Chapter 73, 2. Ibid., Chapter 123, 1. Ibid., 7. Ibid., 10. Ibid., 17. Ibid., Chapter 104, 20–22. Ibid., Chapter 2, 40. Ibid., 43. Ibid., 53. Ibid., 68–69. Ibid., Chapter 2, 81. Ibid., 82. Ibid., 84. The Liṅga Purāṇa, Chapter 29, 46–47. Ibid., 59–64. The Mahābhārata, Ashwamedha Parva, Chapter 80, 18. Ibid., Chapter 81, 8–10. The Rāmāyaṇa, Kiskindhakāṇḍa, Chapter 15, 20–22. Ibid., Chapter 22, 13–14. The Rāmāyaṇa, Ayodhyākāṇḍa, Chapter 12, 69. Ibid., Chapter 20, 39. Ibid., 40. Ibid., Chapter 92, 24–26. Ibid., Chapter 78, 15. The Rāmāyaṇa, Ayodhyākāṇḍa, Chapter 30, 47. The Rāmāyaṇa, Balakāṇḍa, Chapter 73, 27b–28a. The Rāmāyaṇa, Ayodhyākāṇḍa, Chapter 27. The Rāmāyaṇa, Yuddhākāṇḍa, Chapter 118. The Rāmāyaṇa, Aranyakāṇḍa, Chapter 2, 4–11. Ibid., 21. The Mahābhārata, Sabha Parva, Chapter 69, 9. Ibid., Chapter 71, 27. The Mahābhārata, Adi Parva, Chapter 198. The Mārkaṇḍeya Purāṇa, Chapter 5, 8–25. The Mahābhārata, Ashwamedha Parva, Chapter 79. The Mahābhārata, Ādi Parva, Chapter 201. Ibid. Ibid., Sabha Parva, Chapter 65, 35–37. Ibid., Chapter 71, 27, 36. The Mahābhārata, Sabha Parva, Chapter 69, 9. Ibid., Chapter 80, 19–21. The Mahābhārata, Vana Parva, Chapter 12, 61–65. Ibid., Shalya Parva, Chapter 5, 18. Ibid., Virata Parva, Chapter 3, 21–22. Ibid., Virata Parva, Chapter 9, 24. The Mahābhārata, Virata Parva, Chapter 9, 34. Ibid., Chapter 16, 28. Ibid., 30–31. Ibid., Chapter 23, 5. The Mahabharata, Adi Parva, Chapters 68–74.

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73 74 75 76 77 78 79 80 81 82 83 84 85 86 87 88 89 90 91 92 93 94 95 96 97 98 99 100 101 102 103 104 105 106 107 108 109 110 111 112 113 114 115 116 117 118 119 120 121 122 123 124

The Bhāgavata Purāṇa, Ninth Skaṇḍha, Chapter 20. The Viṣṇu Purāṇa, Section IV, Chapter 19, 12–13. The Bhāgavata Purāṇa, Ninth Skaṇḍha, Chapter 20, 22A–22B. The Rāmāyaṇa, Ayodhyākāṇḍa, Chapter 117, 17–18. Ibid., Chapter 117, 9–12. The Mahābhārata, Ādi Parva, Chapter 110, 9. Ibid., 11. Ibid., 12. Ibid., 13. Ibid., 18. Ibid., Stree Parva, Chapter 25, 42–45. Ibid., Ādi Parva, Chapter 47, 2. Ibid., 11. Ibid., 15–30. The Mahābhārata, Vana Parva, Chapter 55–76. Ibid., Chapter 58. Ibid., 3. Ibid., Chapter 62, 21. Ibid., Chapter 63, 11. Ibid., Chapter 63, 38–39. Ibid., Chapter 65, 55, 67–68. Ibid., Chapter 67. Ibid., Chapter 76, 21. Ibid., Chapter 76, 35–39. The Mahābhārata, Udyoga Parva, Chapter 178. Ibid., Chapter 174, 6. Ibid., Chapter 175, 11. Ibid., 16. Ibid., Chapter 180, 6. Ibid., 19. Ibid., 22. Ibid., Chapter 189, 4. Ibid., Chapter 189, 2–9. The Rāmāyaṇa, Aranyakāṇḍa, Chapter 73, 23b–25. Ibid., 27. Ibid., 28. Ibid., Chapter 74. Hanuma Nayaka, ‘Situating Tribals in the Early History of Karnataka’, Proceedings of Indian History Congress, Vol. 71, 2010–2011, 97–109. The Rāmāyaṇa, Kiṣkindhākāṇḍa, Chapter 50. Ibid., Chapter 51, 1. Ibid. Ibid., 11. Ibid., 12–18. Ibid., Chapter 52, 19b, 20a. Ibid., 24, 25a. The Mahābhārata, Shalya Parva, Chapters 51–52. Ibid., Chapter 52, 10. Ibid., 12. Ibid., Chapter 54, 7. Ibid., 8. The Rāmāyana, Bālakānda, Chapter 45, 35. The Rāmāyaṇa, Uttārākāṇḍa, Chapter 26, 38–39.

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125 126 127 128 129 130 131 132 133

Ibid., 42–44. The Rāmāyaṇa, Kiṣkindhākāṇḍa, Chapter 6, 22. Ibid., Chapter 33. Ibid., Bālakāṇḍa, Chapter 6. Ibid., Chapter 7. Ibid., Aranyakāṇḍa, Chapter 9, 5, 7. Ibid., Udyoga Parva, Chapter 140, 15. Ibid., Karṇa Parva, Chapter 91, 2, 7. The Mahābhārata, Vana Parva, Chapter 204, 1–12.

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Literature has a profound impact on different aspects of life. One of the main aims of ancient literature was to teach and pass down moral teachings, customs, and traditions. The epics, which are a culmination of the bardic tradition, have multiple chronological layers, implying multiple layers of social formations. Thus, the study of epics is crucial in understanding the inner realities of the society covering an extensive period.

The ‘Present’ and the ‘Past’ In Mahābhārata, we fnd mention of practices that were followed in the days earlier than that of the ‘present’ time of the text. Thus, we get a glimpse of traditions and norms that were followed in earlier days which helps in comprehending how with the evolution of patriarchy, new customs, laws, and morals evolved. The king of the Videhas, called Sukratu, the grandson of the Janaka talked of the ‘well-known’ sanction of the scriptures that women can enjoy freedom at any period of their life. He cited that such a practice has been defned as ‘virtuous’, or else it would not have been mentioned in the scriptures and thus one should not ‘condemn’ it.1 The narratives of Mahābhārata confrm that anxiety about female sexuality led to the formulation and crystallisation of the concept of chastity which aimed to restrict women and their mobility. Pāṇḍu, a king of the Kuru kingdom, in order to convince his wife Kuntī to produce offspring with another man recounted to her the practices of former days as sanctioned by Ṛṣis.2 According to earlier norms, women were neither confned within the boundaries of four walls nor were dependent on husbands and or their kin. They moved about freely and enjoyed themselves. They were not loyal to their husbands only, and such conduct was the ‘sanctioned’ custom, supported by the Ṛṣis too. The ‘present’ practice, i.e. of women’s confnement to various regulations and conventions that are devised to control women, is said to be a later development when the precept of chastity became more belligerent.

DOI: 10.4324/9781003312949-4

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In the ‘present’ time of the parva, women are inherently perceived as evil. In the Anuśāsana Parva of the Mahābhārata, a conversation between Yudhiṣṭhira and Bhīṣma focuses on the characteristics of women, their duties and the nature of relation with men. Bhīṣma gives an account of a story which implies that women desire sexual union for pleasure only and that is the only pleasure women derive from men.3 He recounted a story whereby a man gets converted to a woman, and he desired to remain so as a woman enjoys the most during a sexual union.4 In order to make Yudhiṣṭhira understand the deceitful and false behaviour of women, he narrated to him the conversation between Ashtavakra, who practised severe penance and a woman called Disa. Ashtavakra wanted to marry Ṛṣi Vadanya’s daughter, but the Ṛṣi instructed him to meet a female ascetic. Only when he would return after meeting her that he would give his daughter in marriage to him.5 When the Ṛṣi reached to meet the female ascetic, he saw a palace inhabited by Ṛṣis. He was received by seven maidens. Ashtavakra lost control after seeing them. But he fnally controlled himself. After entering the palace, he met an old lady in white robes adorned with ornaments. The old woman approached him for a sexual union and told him that union with her would give the same reward that one acquires after practising severe penances and proposed to him to become her ‘lord’.6 Ashtavakra reproached the old ascetic as it is not proper to approach another man’s wife, an act that has been condemned by scriptures and he desired sexual union with his own wife only to obtain offspring. The old ascetic insisted on having a sexual union, but Ashtavakra repudiating her said that no woman can be free and be her own master. The female ascetic since childhood adopted the vow of Brahmācharyya and was still a maiden. She told him to marry her if it is not possible for him to have a sexual union with a woman who is not his wife.7 But Astavakra did not surrender himself to the desires of the old woman as he was to marry Ṛṣi Vadanya’s daughter and maintained his self-control. Finally, the old woman informed him that all this was done to test the character of Ashtavakra. This ordeal of Ashtavakra enlightens us about the beliefs of the society – the devious nature of women remains the primary objective, as even old age does not stop women from possessing sexual desires and a woman should not be independent or else she will be a threat to the society owing to her sexuality. The story also outlines how chastity was perceived by men. Yudhiṣṭhira wondered and asked Bhīṣma if women are imbued with so many faults, then why men still attach themselves to women.8 He replied and explained how women are invincible to men.9 Bhīṣma repeatedly enumerated the adverse nature of women – her uncontrolled sexuality which primarily needs to be tamed and then protected. When human beings were attaining a status equivalent to that of the deities, Brahmā conferred upon women the desire for enjoyment and thus they started approaching other men.10 Only great men are said to be capable of protecting women. Men are 48

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advised to enjoy them without any attachment with the aim of acquiring progeny, and any other kind of involvement with them would be immoral. Stories in various ancient scriptures were instrumental in conveying to the audience that a woman, though married, can transgress and thus needs to be controlled through her mind and body. Though women have been portrayed as promiscuous, they played an important role in maintaining social order. Women, thus, were needed to be protected through social cohesiveness for meeting the patriarchal needs of the society.

Defning Promiscuity, Defance, and Redemption Yudhiṣṭhira, who once recognised the diffculties of a chaste woman, defned women ‘to be the root of all evil’.11 Bhīṣma reckoned the story of Panchachuda, an apsarā. She elucidated the characteristics of women who defed patriarchal norms within the institution of marriage, thus, exposing society’s apprehension and inability to control female sexuality. Even highborn women are said to be desirous of contravening the manacles imposed on them,12 even if they have husbands who are famous, rich, and obedient to them. Panchachuda continued to explain that only out of fear of being punished by men and relatives or being unable to attain any other man, women who tend to disregard all constraints do not transgress and remain loyal to their husbands. Women of respectable families are said to be resentful of women who are younger and lead an independent life. This explains the pain women had to endure due to patriarchal traditions, norms, and customs that were meant to restrict women’s access to various kinds of resources. The epics defne the behaviour of conformity and deviance. Defnition of deviance was often subverted. In this section, we will see how deviance has been defned for women and how other dynamics were intertwined. But interestingly a code of conduct has been prescribed for men, deviating which they were considered immoral and were to be punished according to the scriptures. Through the precept of chastity, the sexuality of a man or a woman was to be controlled and was to be directed towards the institution of marriage. Tradition and religion played an important role in defning gender roles. Deviation from this meant disturbing the ideal code of conduct. The condition, under which a man/woman deviated, varied. It also depended on the willingness of the character – if it was out of willingness, it implied that the character is not surrendering to the social conventions. One was liberated from sin by ordeal, punishment or performing rituals. Such ordeals were meant to purify the body and soul. Theoretically, men were supposed to go through the prescribed ordeal or punishment, but men had access to a greater set of entitlements and privileges; thus their act of philandering or virility was treated as a natural recourse. Women by no means were supposed to have any connection with any man other than their 49

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husbands. Polygamy (Yahubharyyata) was not considered a fault of men. It is said that only women incur fault by taking more than one husband (vahunam bharyyata).13 Ancient Indian texts enumerate the importance of the union between a husband and a wife, which is the beginning of a family, an offspring being a vital part of it. A man was summoned not to attach themselves to women out of love and that they should have union with them only for progeny. There are numerous stories in the ancient Indian scriptures which enumerate the importance of a son. The son is said to rescue ancestors from hell called Put, and therefore he is called Puttra (the rescuer from Put). By a son, one conquers the three worlds and enjoys eternity. It is the son who inherits and manages the property of the family14 and performs the Śrāddha, and through him, the ancestors of his family acquire deliverance. Different crises lead to the formulation of new customs and norms. The union between husband and wife always did not result in offspring. Manu has referred to fve kinds of sons: those begotten by one’s self upon his own wife, those obtained (as a gift) from others, those purchased for consideration, those reared with affection, and those begotten upon other women than upon wedded wives.15 It was a conscious effort to certify the birth of a son even though he was not born from the union between a wife and her husband. Mostly in such cases, she was sent off to another man, but nowhere male impotency has been emphasised upon. In such circumstances, being held by another man was not a sin, but if she performed such an act out of her own desire, it was considered catastrophic. It was a practice to homogenise those who transgressed or challenged as ‘evil’ or ‘bad’. Women underwent constant struggle striving to be labelled as ‘good’. When Parashurāmā deprived the earth of kṣatriyas, the kṣatriya women went to the Brāhmaṇas for begetting offspring. The Brāhmaṇas, who indulged in such a union, were said to have performed it not out of any kind of desire and had a connection with them only during the season. Thousands of kṣatriya women conceived through their connection with the Brāhmaṇas and thus kṣatriyas of great power were born.16 On the other hand, society has always been apprehensive about the intermixture of caste. Maintaining the purity of one’s caste formed an integral part of society. Caste was also legitimised by marriage, particularly through the endogamous form of marriage. Women formed the indispensable medium in the maintenance of caste identity. Thus, it was important to control women through various doctrines. Mixed castes represented the transgressed behaviour between a man and a woman belonging to different castes except that between a Brāhmaṇa and a kṣatriya. The concept of chastity was deeply engraved with the practice of intermixture of caste. It is said that though a man is learned, lust forms a vital part of human nature. Thus, women drag men into the wrong path and cause misery for them. It 50

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was through the concept of chastity that a vigorous attempt was made to stop women from forming any union with men of lower caste. The Shanti Parva of the Mahābhārata proclaims that if adharma increases, there would be confusion amongst castes and it is the primary duty of the king to maintain social order. The Rāmāyaṇa portrays a well-established societal system with stringent imposition over women, caste system, and kingship. The texts not only express apprehension regarding the intermixture of caste and behaviour and conduct of women but were also concerned about the emergence of other new religions, which had larger social consequences. Thus, the ‘rejection of one’s own religion and the following of other people’s religion was a forbidden act’.17

Transgression and Caste Certain sections of the texts portray a high level of social stratifcation. Caste confict and caste politics formed an integral part of it. The Rāmāyaṇa refects apprehension towards the intermixture of caste, especially in the Bālakāṇḍa and Uttārākāṇḍa, which were the later additions to the texts. An episode in the Bālakāṇḍa narrates how a king was cursed to transform into a caṇḍāla because he ignored the advice of his preceptor. The caste also implicated differences in physical appearances. The caṇḍāla were shown to be ‘black’ in appearance as the king’s complexion gets transformed to black when he becomes a caṇḍāla.18 While Rāmā was ruling over his kingdom, the son of a Brāhmaṇa died as non-Brāhmaṇas were practising austerities. The result of the death of the Brāhmaṇa boy was due to the fact that penance was practised by the low-born.19 Thus, when Rāmā found the Śūdra practising austerities, he killed him and revived the Brāhmaṇa boy.20 It was one of the primary duties of the king to keep a check that the order of the vārṇa system is not disturbed. While in the Ayodhyakāṇḍa of the Rāmāyana, Rāmā was said to meet his friend Guha, a Nishada, a forest dweller.21 Brāhmaṇas and the kṣatriyas’ primary concern was maintaining their purity of blood, as they were the dvija, the twice-born. Both struggled for predominance. This struggle is also echoed in the Mahābhārata in the story of Devjani and Yayati. Yayati, for his transgression, was cursed by a Ṛṣi. Devjani, a daughter of a Ṛṣi, proposed to Yayati, a kṣatriya for marriage. Yayati, who was apprehensive of the vārṇa order, declined her proposal as she was superior in status to him.22 The Anuśāsana Parva illustrates how caste and gender were intricately intertwined – if a person of a lower order begot a son upon a woman of a superior order, such a son was outside the domain of the four established orders.23 It was feared that such a son would transgress further by uniting with women belonging to the four vārṇas, and thus their progeny would degrade further. It is only from the sexual union of women with persons 51

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with whom they should not have such union resulted in the origination of mixed classes.24 Any kind of sexual contact that would lead to the intermixture of caste was a contravention of the prescribed path. Punishment and redemption for men have also been prescribed in the texts. Men of lower caste were warned against such a transgression through the mention of various forms of punishment. Certain norms and practices were prescribed – such as a Brāhmaṇa being forbidden to take food cooked by a woman who has neither husband nor children or by a public woman or either by a person who secretly allows unchastely behaviour of his wife or by an unchaste woman and by the one who lives on the income of dancing girls, by professional panegyrists and bards.25 Such prescriptions indicate how the concept of chastity, caste, and class was intricately dependent on each other to maintain social propriety. Theories and stories laid out in texts were means to control the mind and behaviour of the society to direct them to the prescribed righteous behaviour embedded within the framework of gender, caste, and divinity. Transgression was not socially acceptable. Such behaviour was mostly discrete in nature, though we fnd paradoxes. The justifcation for introducing the concept of chastity can be explained in a diversifed manner. It might have been laid out to prevent men/women from being in a relationship disapproved by the then established order of the society and to avert having intercourse outside the institution of marriage (before or after) or to prevent from becoming a victim of forceful sex or inhibiting from using sexuality, especially by women outside the institution of marriage. In the next section, we will discuss the concerned issues through various narratives. Transgression Transgression in the texts has been expressed through various forms of acts. The act of transgression not only helps in understanding the sociocultural boundaries, ideologies, and taboos but also refects the struggle within the society which helps in comprehending the limitations of the society and contributes to the deconstruction and construction of various ideals and concepts. Studying the purpose behind such conduct and the characters involved is crucial. Such an act had to be dealt with carefully by various authors of ancient Indian texts as it implies that various norms can be questioned and challenged, indicating that their boundaries can also be pushed. Satyavatī, who became the queen of Kuru king, Shantanu of Hastinapur, and the mother of Vyāsa, was the daughter of Chedi king and a cursed apsarā. She was adopted by a fsherman and was known as Matsyagandhā due to the smell that emanated from her body. In order to help her father, she plied a boat on the Yamuna. Parashara, a maharshi, while going for a pilgrimage saw her26 and desired to have her. When the Ṛṣi approached her, Satyavatī replied that as she is under the control of her father, it will 52

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be sinful for her to accept his proposal and at the same time by giving her consent her virginity will be sullied. Parashara assured her that she will retain her virginity even after being physically involved with him and told her to ask for a boon. Satyavatī asked that her body might be ‘sweet scented’ and the Ṛṣi granted her the wish. Satyavatī accepted the Ṛṣi’s approach. Though she was afraid of her father, she feared the Ṛṣi’s curse more. The Ṛṣi covered the place with a thick fog and told her to bring the child to the island of the river. After this incident, Satyavatī came to be known as Gandhavati and Yoyanagandha. On that very day, she conceived and gave birth to the child in an island. The child, with the permission of his mother, adopted asceticism and went away, saying that as soon as he will be remembered on any occasion by his mother he will appear.27 The story behind the birth and descent of Satyavatī gives her an elevated social position, or else it would not have been proper for a sage to get involved with the daughter of a fsherman. The frst deviance in this episode is from Parashara, a sage. A sage was supposed to be in full control of his desires. The Parashara–Satyavatī dialogue indicates that a girl before marriage was under full control of her father, and virginity was one of the criteria to be the ‘perfect’ wife. Satyavatī was in a dilemma as she feared a sage’s curse, on the one hand, while accepting his proposal would lead to losing her virginity. It was through such theories of curse and boon by the Brāhmaṇas that they controlled the society – a curse damaged their life while a boon emancipated it. The sexual indulgence of Parashara–Satyavatī was concealed from society until Satyavatī narrated it to Bhīṣma. The union made her sweet-scented which attracted her future husband Śāntanu, who was a king. The involvement of a sage did not make her ‘unchaste’ and ‘impure’, but she regained her virginity, was purifed (from fshy-smell to sweet-scented), married a king, and her wedlock son saved her marital household lineage. Neither was Satyavati accused, nor she had to go through an ordeal to prove her purity. It articulates the unquestioned righteousness of the sages. Physical and mental transgressions were equally sinful. Such was the case of Reṇukā. Reṇukā was the daughter of King Prasenajit and the wife of Jamadagni, a ‘pious’ sage. Reṇukā led a ‘pure and austere life’. Once, when she went to take a bath, while returning home, she saw the king of Martikavata, who was known by the name of Chitraratha. Seeing him Reṇukā was flled with desire and could not control this ‘prohibited’ desire. When she came back to the hermitage, her husband understood her condition and accused her of being unchaste.28 As a punishment, he ordered his son to kill his mother, which is an extreme manifestation of violence. We also come across stories wherein men were punished for transgressing. It is crucial to observe each and every character involved, as each character refects different social issues and stigma related to chastity. 53

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Devjani, who was the daughter of Sage Shukra, was married to King Yayati. Sarmishtha, a king’s daughter, due to certain circumstances, became her maid. When Sukra was giving his daughter Devjani in marriage to him, he warned that Sarmishtha, the daughter of King Vrishaparva, should be honoured, and he must never call her to bed.29 When Sarmishtha attained puberty, she became apprehensive about the fact that though she attained puberty, she has not chosen any man as her husband while Devjani had given birth to a son. It refects the anxiety of a girl attaining puberty and is still unmarried. She decided to choose that man as her husband whom Devjani has chosen and thus approached king Yayati. He reminded Sarmishtha of what Sage Shukra commanded, but he did not express his own sexual desire. King Yayati fulflled her wish. Sarmishtha conceived due to the connection with the king. Having felt wronged, Devjani went to her father. Yayati explained that according to men learned in the Vedas, one who does fulfl the wish of a woman in her season commits the sin of killing an embryo, and thus being afraid of committing a sin, Yayati went to Sarmishtha. But Sukra cursed him and he was then deprived of his youth. Sarmishtha was neither cursed nor punished. The offended in the story was the daughter of a sage, thus getting involved with the daughter of a kṣatriya who was her maid hurt the esteem of a Brāhmaṇa, who was socially superior, implying that the problem of caste confict was deeply ingrained within gender issues. Transgression by a man was an unrestricted socio-sexual behaviour. A man’s burden was less than that of a woman even if he deviated from the path of chastity. Dhṛtarāstra had a son from his maid outside the institution of marriage. The son attained a position in the court, though lowly in comparison to other sons of Dhṛtarāstra. Physical involvement with the low-caste women by the upper-caste men was considered a sin, but Vyāsa or Dhṛtarāstra was not condemned for the same. The Śūdra woman with whom Vyāsa was involved was liberated from her slavery. He blessed her that the son born from their union will be one of the most intelligent men on earth.30 He was named Vidura by him. Vidura was the god of Justice who was said to have been born on earth due to the curse of Ṛṣi Mandavya.31 In the Ayodhyākāṇḍa of the Rāmāyaṇa, Daśaratha postulated that a man is ‘virtuous’ in his code of conduct if he has taken the vow of marrying a single wife.32 But the question arises as to what extent this prescribed conduct was followed in practicality and whether they were condemned for such an act. Religious traditions had a signifcant impact as far as their implications were concerned. Ascetics and kings did not suffer for their non-compliance till they remained within the sphere of infuence of Brahmanism. But those who were outside the domain of Brahmanism were not only sketched as vile and of atrocious character but also faced adversities, sufferings, and deprivation. Rāvaṇa was the king of Lanka. Lanka did not fall within the sovereignty of Brahmanism. The Uttarakāṇḍa of Valmiki’s Rāmāyaṇa gives an account 54

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of the origin of Lanka. In Rāmāyaṇa, Rāvaṇa is shown to be a ferce, arrogant man possessing a powerful identity with an evil intention. He is portrayed as a man exhibiting iniquity towards women with no sense of morality towards his kin, kith, wives, or kingdom. He did not have control over his sexual desires after seeing Sītā.33 At the end of the text (the Rāmāyaṇa), Rāvaṇa was punished and killed for performing such a sinful act of laying his hand over another man’s consort. Sītā was not the only woman who suffered humility at the hands of Rāvaṇa, but all his past deeds contributed to his death. He felt lustful towards the daughter of a Brahmārsi who was born as an incarnation of the Vedas and was named Vedavati.34 The Rākṣasas, Gandharvas, Yaksas, and Nagas sought her hand in marriage. But her father refused all of them, as he wanted Viṣṇu to be his daughter’s husband. Her father was killed by a demon who approached her, and her mother entered the funeral pyre with her father. From that time onwards, she decided to marry Viṣṇu in order to fulfl her father’s wish and considered Viṣṇu as her husband. After Rāvaṇa approached her sinfully, she decided to end her life and proclaimed that if her penance was ‘righteous’ and ‘virtuous’, she would be born as Ayonijā (not born from the womb), the ‘pious’ daughter of a virtuous man. When she entered the fre, she appeared again from a lotus ‘with the radiance of a lotus’. She was taken away by Rāvaṇa from her birthplace. When Rāvaṇa showed her to his ministers, his ministers warned him that if she remained with him, she would become the cause of his destruction. Rāvaṇa threw her into the sea. She reached the middle of a sacrifcial ground and was dug out by the ploughshare of King Janaka. This takes us back to the story of Sītā, whose abduction fnally led to his death. In the palace of Rāvaṇa, there was a lovely house meant for sexual enjoyment.35 Rāvaṇa’s palace was flled with Rakhsasis, who were his wives and princesses who were carried forcefully by him.36 Unmarried daughters of royal sages, Brāhmaṇas, demons, Gandharvas, and Rakhsasis were made his wives without their consent. Many women were carried away by him due to war, some on their own, and none of them were low-born, neither devoid of beauty nor were abhorrent towards their husbands.37 Rāvaṇa once proceeded to the city of Bhagavati (the capital of the Nagas), annihilating the ruler of the Nagas and a leader of the Nagas. He took away the latter’s wife.38 Rāvaṇa also forced himself on Rambha, the apsarā.39 Nalakūbara, with whom Rambha was involved, cursed him that he would be dead the moment he approached a woman forcefully. He also used to carry away the virgin daughters of kings, Rsis, gods, and Danavas after killing the kin of women whom he liked.40 Their husbands were killed by Rāvaṇa. Thus, these abducted women wished for the annihilation of Rāvaṇa and cursed him that he would meet with his death through a woman only. It was his lustful behaviour that led to his doom as he forced himself on women multiple times without their consent. 55

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Rāvaṇa is described as the one who was in constant confict with the gods. He was portrayed with ferce physical features – he was said to have 20 arms and ten heads.41 Thus, Rāvaṇa, who did not belong to the Brahmanicaldominated region, was sketched as a ferce Rākṣasa, and thus none of his infringements went unpunished. Deviance Out of Compulsion: Inverting the Notion of Pātivrata Pāṇḍu, while trying to convince Kuntī to bear the touch of another man for the purpose of continuing his lineage, narrated the story of Madayanti. She was the wife of Saudasa, who was commanded by her husband to obtain offspring. She went to Ṛṣi Vasishtha and obtained a son named Asmaka. Even Pāṇḍu and his brothers were begotten by Kṛṣṇa-Dwaipayana, who was not their mother’s husband. Referring to the Vedas, he said that the Vedas declared that it is the duty of wives to do what their husbands tell them to do, even if it meant going to another man for progeny. Such practices raised questions about the ownership of the progeny. The Ādi Parva and Anuśāsana Parva of the Mahābhārata explicitly mention different kinds of sons. The Ādi Parva has referred to six kinds of sons mentioned by the religious scriptures who are heirs and belong to the kin and six other kinds who are not heirs but are kinsmen. The Anuśāsana Parva of the Mahābhārata discusses the ownership of a son even if he has not been begotten from the husband and has been conceived outside the institution of marriage. It states that the son belongs to that man from whose seed he is born, and the mother in whose womb he has been conceived does not have any right or claim over the son. The father has the societal proclaim over him. If, however, the owner of the seed disowns the son born of it, such son then becomes the person’s upon whose wife he has begotten.42 Thus, we get instances where a son or an offspring, though born outside the institution of marriage, had the proclamation of the scriptures. Even the son who has been conceived before marriage but took birth after the marriage of his mother to another man other than his real father gets the status of his mother’s husband and not of his real father. The Anuśāsana Parva, which seems to be a later addition to the Mahābhārata, prescribes various solutions which one might opt for during a crisis. When men fail to have legitimate offspring of their own, they either plead an offspring from their younger brothers or can obtain one begotten upon their wives by others. The virgin wife or widow whose marriage has not been consummated on account of the husband’s absence or death may be allowed to unite herself with her husband’s younger brother or any man from such relation. She is supposed to either adopt this practice or practice penances. The concept of chastity was inverted as per the need. A woman had to act according to the will and welfare of her husband and his family. Progeny 56

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was one of the issues. The sons of Śāntanu, who was the great grandfather of the Kauravas and Pandavas, died without leaving any lineage behind. In this crisis, Satyavatī asked Vyāsa (her son born out of wedlock) to beget progeny on his dead brother’s wives, Ambikā and Ambālika. She did so after consulting with Bhīṣma. But there is no mention of perceiving it as unconventional; rather Bhīṣma supported it. Like Ambikā and Ambālika, another queen named Sudesna was also told to get sexually involved with another man to beget progeny. Her husband, Vali, who was learned in the entire religious scriptures, saw a sage fowing along the stream.43 Vali saved the sage for obtaining offspring through him.44 The Ṛṣi accepted his proposal. After Sudesna came to know that he is blind, she did not go herself but sent her old nurse. He begot on the Śūdra woman 11 sons.45 But the sage, even after being aware of the fact that the woman who came to him was not the queen, begot 11 sons on her. Social convention proclaimed that it was sinful for a man of upper caste to get involved with a woman lower to him in status; moreover, she was a Śūdra woman. The story displays indiscrete behaviour on two levels – frst by the husband and also by the queen who treated her nurse like a mere object for her own needs. This shows how gender and caste played their role simultaneously. Being his wife, it was natural that the queen would follow what her husband summoned her, and in the same way, the maid, due to the existing social stratifcation, submitted to the orders of her mistress. In the Mahābhārata, we see a vicious cycle of transgression to obtain a progeny, thus inverting the notion of Pātivratya. Pāṇḍu could not get sexually involved with his wives, Kuntī and Mādri, due to a curse. Pāṇḍu, who was born from his father’s brother’s semen, tried convincing his wife Kuntī to do the same, as due to a curse, he was unable to get sexually involved with his wives. Kuntī too had a son out of wedlock. She looked after the Brāhmaṇas and guests in her father’s house. By her service, she impressed the Brāhmaṇa of rigid vows, known as Durvasha. The sage could envision her crisis in the future regarding progeny and taught her a mantra through which she could call any god to procure children. In order to test the mantra, she invoked the Sun-god. When he appeared before her, she told him that she only wanted to see if the mantra works or not. But god Arka told her that his approach cannot go fruitless and accepting him would not be a sin. Karṇa with ‘natural’ armour was born of their union. He restored to Pritha her virginity and went to heaven. But Pritha did not accept the child and concealed the fact that a son was born to her before marriage. Like Kuntī and Satyavatī, the mother of Hanuman faced similar circumstances. In her former birth, she was an apsarā known as Puňjikasthalā. A Ṛṣi cursed her, and she was born as the daughter of a monkey called Kuňjara and came to be known as Aňjanā. Kuňjara later became the wife of a monkey called Kesarī and could change her form at will.46 The wind-god seeing her in the human form got enamoured by her.47 After getting involved with 57

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her, he said she is not despoiled as he has entered into her with his mind and a powerful son would be born to her.48 Hanuman is called the son of Kesarī, who was begotten through his wife by another.49 Princesses not only acted as political mediators for saving her father’s kingdom but were also used to maintain the king’s honour. The story of Madhavi is a heart-wrenching one that exhibits the extreme violation of a woman’s body within the sanctioned norms of society. Her story occurs in the Udyoga parva of the Mahābhārata. Vishwamitra, one of the venerated sages, asked for 800 white horses, each having one ear black like dakshina from Galava, his disciple. But Galava did not have the required wealth to get the horses. So he decided to go to his friend, who was a king of the lunar dynasty, to obtain these horses. He went to Yayati, but he did not have the required wealth and gave his daughter Mādhavī to him but not in marriage and told him that rulers would even give their kingdom as dowry for her. The only boon that he asked for was a grandson by her. Galava went to Haryyashwa of the Ikshaku race. He asked him to accept Mādhavī, who would give birth to his children by offering a dowry. Galava told him to give 800 white horses, each with one black ear. He said he got only 200 of them and would beget one child on her. Hearing this, Mādhavī told Galava of a boon that was granted to her that after giving birth to each child, she would regain her virginity. She advised Galava to offer her to the king, and by going to four other kings he can fulfl his purpose and she will have four sons. Mādhavī told him to do so in order to fulfl the promise he had made to his preceptor. Then they went to the king of Kasi and to the city of Bhojas in order to acquire the required number of horses. When Vishwamitra saw her, he told Galava that he should have presented her before, and then all the four sons would have been his. After a son was born, Vishwamitra returned her to Galava. Galava, after accomplishing his aim, permitted Mādhavī to go back to her father, and he himself went to the forest. King Yayati wanted to give his daughter Mādhavī in marriage and thus held a swayamvara. She chose forest as her husband and practised austerities, reduced her body, and adopted the life of a deer and survived on grass. Her father, Yayati, when fell from heaven due to his demerit; it was through his daughter’s merits that he again went back to heaven. Inclusion of the gods and the Ṛṣis in order to acquire progeny outside the institution of marriage was a legitimate affair. The belief behind their inclusion might have been that it increased the purity of the lineage. Mādhavī was treated as an object devoid of any emotions or feelings. It was not for progeny or physical desire, but Galava used Mādhavī as an object only to fulfl the desire of his preceptor – a Brāhmaṇa. Even the preceptor at last, like other kings, used Mādhavī for procuring sons. Neither the kings nor Galava or his preceptor desired to marry her. From the beginning, 58

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her consent has been absent. Nobody understood her silence and the trauma she went through when different men imposed themselves on her. The text is silent about her sufferings, even the man for whom she suffered did not marry her. At the end, when her father arranged her swayamvara, she silently protested and retired to the forest. It was her pain that refected how demeaning the social norms and impositions could have been for a woman. The episode of Mādhavī leads us to structural and cultural violence. Violence can be both visible and invisible. Certain practices, norms, and laws can perpetuate violence. Pāṇḍu, in order to convince his wife Kuntī to beget children from another man, particularly a Ṛṣi, narrated stories to validate that there is no sin in indulging with a god or a Ṛṣi for progeny. Kuntī, to convince her husband otherwise, told the story of Bhadra wherein she copulated with her deceased husband’s body through divine power, thus focussing on the fact that a wife should unite with her husband only.50 But the fact that Kuntī disapproved of such a proposal shows how women felt when they were sent to another man for progeny. Similarly, queens Sudesna, Ambikā, and Ambālika sent their maids in order to escape from such a situation, but they fnally had to surrender to the patriarchal needs. Kuntī’s discourse reveals how uncomfortable and diffcult it could have been for a woman to tolerate the touch of another man who was neither her husband nor her lover. Life on earth was a refection of the divine realm. In the story of Kārtikeya and Umā, narrated in the Bālakāṇḍa of Rāmāyaṇa, Śiva, in his marriage with Uma, was involved with her for a long time but no son or daughter was born to her.51 The god feared that the offspring of Śiva and Uma would bring about the extinction of the world. Śiva discharged his fuid on earth as told by the gods. As Pārvatī cursed the gods that they would not have progeny from their wives, subsequently it was decided that Lord Śiva by placing his seed in Ganga through the god of fre the commander of the army will be born. It is said that Ganga, the eldest daughter of Himavat and sister of Umā, will regard him as his own son.52 But Ganga was unable to bear it and deposited it on earth.53 Here, Ganga bore the son of her sister’s husband, while in the Mahābhārata, she gave birth to the sons of Shantanu to redeem celestial beings from the curse. The above narration implies that compromises for progeny not only existed amongst the earthly beings but also in the celestial world. This shows the similarity and contrast between these two worlds. It is interesting to observe how such precepts were shown to be perceived in the celestial realm as well. Deviance by Deception It was not just the patriarchal needs of the society that women had to deal with, but lustful behaviour also led to the attack on their modesty through deception. 59

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Brahmā created a woman named Ahalyā. Brahmā decided to give her to sage Gautama. But Indra too desired her. Having been refused, he got angry and violated her through deception.54 Ahalyā was cheated on by Indra, who took the form of her husband and approached her. But we get various versions of the story and her reference can be found in the Purāṅa also. The story in the Rāmāyaṇa has been narrated below. In the Rāmāyaṇa,55 Vishvamitra narrates the legend of Ahalyā to Rāmā. Ahalyā was the wife of sage Gautama. On knowing the absence of Gautama, Indra disguised himself as sage Gautama and approached Ahalyā. In the version narrated in the Rāmāyaṇa, Ahalyā copulated with Indra even after knowing that it was not her husband but Indra in the guise of her husband, Gautama. This behaviour by Ahalyā connotes the sexual crisis the wives of such sages might have struggled with. When Gautama came to know about this, he cursed Ahalyā and addressed her as duṣṭa chaarineem.56 He cursed her and said, You will stay here for many thousands of years without food or drink, living on air alone, and remain lying on ashes full of remorse. You shall dwell in this hermitage unperceived by all created beings.57 Describing her as durvṛtti, i.e. an ill-behaved woman, he said that after being purifed by the touch of Rāmā, she would get rid of her impurity and then only she could be with him.58 He cursed Indra that his testicles would fall down,59 but with the help of other gods, Indra got back his testicles.60 After narrating the story, Vishwamitra asked Rāmā to enter the hermitage and redeem the curse on ‘mahaabhaagaam’ Ahalyā.61 Rāmā nowhere accused Ahalyā but rather praised her. He described Ahalyā as mahaabhaagaam62(highly fortunate) and tapasaa dyotita prabhaam (brightened with asceticism).63 Rāmā was impressed by the penance of Ahalyā as she practised asceticism by subsisting on air alone, which made her as resplendent as fre.64 On ending the curse of Ahalyā, Rāmā and Laksmana also touched the feet of Ahalyā in reverence.65 The gods also paid respect to Ahalyā, ‘a devotee of Gautama’.66 Even Gautama, her husband, who cursed and abused her felt affectionate when he reunited with Ahalyā.67 Ahalyā gained asceticism and was praised by Rāmā. Ahalyā continued practising asceticism along with her husband. Ahalyā’s accusation and the curse were a means to display to the society how the righteousness of the sage was, and when he accepted his wife, she was purifed by the touch of Viṣṇu, the Supreme Being. In the case of Ahalyā, Rāmā did not denounce her but he accused Sītā, his wife, when she was abducted by Rāvaṇa. He was also not ready to accept her for fear of public suspicion. The stories refect paradoxical situations. But it is through such narratives that certain issues come to the surface: women’s subordination; confning them to the patriarchal boundaries; and the confict between the gods and 60

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sages, caste confict (which had a great impact on the concept of chastity). The involvement of gods and sages made deviance unadulterated. Another categorisation embedded in the treatment that was meted out to women of different classes/castes indicated that the meaning and implications of chastity differed from one caste/class to another. In many of the stories, we fnd that queens send their maids when the king or the matriarchal head tells them to beget offspring on another man. The maid sent to Vyāsa was upgraded from the status of the maid. Men played a major role in framing the ideology of chastity and maintaining it. But they never had to conform to this path as strictly as women had to. It is interesting to observe the different dimensions of the concept being framed through various narrations and their characters. But the concept of chastity did prevail not just according to caste and gender but also according to region. A region had a signifcant role. The geographical, social, and cultural background determined its nature and implications. Each region had its own distinct norms and traditions that might or might not have conformed to the Brahmanical traditions. This aspect gets refected in the Brahmanical texts and their treatment of particular regions that did not fall within their realm. On the other hand, interpolations in various ancient Indian texts show how Brahmins attempted to follow a policy of inclusion, but their treatment of people outside their realm also refects their dilemma. As in the Rāmāyaṇa, we see how Rāvaṇa and his kingdom were portrayed which did not follow Brahmanical tradition. This also refects how a text was infuenced by a region and how different precepts were perceived according to regions. Imposition of Deviance According to Region Lived experiences of women cannot be monolithic in nature. It is different based on the religion, caste, class, race, or the region they belong to. With time, the dominance and social impositions determined by caste became stronger. But in the Karṇa Parva, we see when Shalya denied being Karṇa’s charioteer on the basis of caste, Karṇa told him about stories that he heard from Brāhmaṇas who came to his house. These stories which Karṇa heard from the Brāhmaṇas indicate that the people of the fve rivers were not only derogatory, but even women of these regions were ‘unchaste’. This verdict was pronounced not only on the basis of caste but according to region, indicating that the region and the people belonging to it who did not conform to the Brahmanical norms and ordinances were considered degraded and sinful. In one of the stories narrated by Karṇa, one aged and leading Brāhmaṇa condemned the Valhikas and Madrakas. Thus, one is advised to avoid the ‘impure’ and ‘impious’ Valhikas who lived away from Himavat and Ganga, Saraswati, Yamuna, Kurukshetra, and the Sindhu with its fve tributaries.68 Amongst the Madrakas, all those who are related to each other, including 61

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slaves, intermingle. The Madraka women being lustful freely mix with men, whether they are known or strangers and practised free speeches. These women, having consumed liquor, throw off their robes and dance and do not follow any control in intercourse and do whatever they like. The Madraka maidens are said to be shameless, lowly, and impure for having excessive hairs. Thus, these women did not only conform to the norms of the Brahmanical tradition and precepts but, at the same time, did not ft into the socially construed ideal concept of physical beauty as well. Karṇa continues his description of various regions. He mentioned a town of the name of Shakala, a river by the name of Apaga, and a clan of the Valhikas known as Jartikkas. Their conduct is considered to be unacceptable – their women drink and are nude, laugh and dance outside the walls of the houses, sing obscene songs, and freely mix and have sexual union with all. In another story, Karṇa mentions a Brāhmaṇa who came to Karṇa’s house as a guest and expressed his discontent with the Vahikas. The Vahikas did not conform to the Brahmanical varna system and modifed it according to their will. Such descriptions reveal how a region could infuence people, tradition, and customs which, in turn, infuenced the texts. This helps in perceiving the social, economic, and cultural conditions of the regions that were not dominated by the Brahmins, implying that there were other existing traditions that the Brahmins were apprehensive of and thus condemned them. It warned its listeners of such regions so that they did not get infuenced by such existing alternative customs. Karṇa, on the other hand, describes other regions and the traditions they followed. The Panchālas are said to observe the duties laid down in the Vedas; the Kauravas observe truth; the Matsyas, Surasena, perform Yajnas, but the people of the east follow the conduct of the Śūdras; those of the south are fallen; the Vahikas are thieves; and the Saurashtras are fallen.69 The Panchālas, the Kauravas, the Naimishas, the Matsyas, the old people of the North, and the Angas and the Magadhas are said to follow the practice of the pious, while Madras is called the impious and thus, the women of this region is also disgraced. The dialogue between Shalya and Karṇa indicated that if the Brahmanical practices were not followed in a particular region, the character and life of those people were sketched in a deprecatory manner. The narration also implies the fact that how the independent behaviour of a woman was condemned and was considered ‘unchaste’ and ‘impure’. Transgression and deviation is a social construction. Religious institutions, being one of the vital parts, play a major role in the formation of social precepts and practices and also determine how a gender or gender role should be perceived. Different social issues are intricately intertwined. Precepts, practices, and perceptions evolve with time. The change in the position of women and female gender role and their perception too underwent 62

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changes along with their male counterparts, e.g., the portrayal of women in the Mahābhārata as strong characters talks of an earlier period when the position of women was less subservient. Though women are considered a vice, their importance in every social process could not be ignored; thus, it became important to control them in order to regulate other social aspects. If deeply observed, the presence of women is strong and signifcant like their male counterparts, and the only difference lies in gender roles. If she deviated out of social compulsions like progeny, it was not considered sinful as it meant that she complied with social norms but, if she transgressed from the prescribed path, she was called wicked and promiscuous, as it meant challenging the existing social norms and traditions. A transgression depended on other facets too, like social status and the caste of the characters involved. There were some instances where women were not punished for the adultery they performed, while in some though they did not have any fault of theirs had to suffer and go through ordeals. The Brahmins exhibited a ‘liberal’ attitude when there was a question of progeny and of upper caste.

Notes 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29

The Mahābhārata, Anuśāsana Parva, Chapter 45, 7. Ibid., Ādi Parva, Chapter 122. The Mahābhārata, Anuśāsana Parva, Chapter 19, 80. Ibid., Chapters 19–20. Ibid., Anuśāsana Parva, Chapter 19. Ibid., 80. Ibid. Ibid., Chapter 39, 3. Ibid. Ibid., Chapter 40, 5–10. Ibid., Chapter 38, 1. The Mahābhārata, Anuśāsana Parva, Chapter 30. Ibid., Ashwamedha Parva, Chapter 80, 14. The Mahābhārata, Ādi Parva, Chapter 13. Ibid., Ādi Parva, Chapters 69–74. The Mahābhārata, Ādi Parva, Chapter 64, 4–7. Ibid., Shanti Parva, Chapter 35, 10. The Rāmāyaṇa, Uttārākāṇḍa, Chapter 63. Ibid., Uttārākāṇḍa, Chapters 74–76, 25–30. Ibid., Chapter 76, 1–5. The Rāmāyaṇa, Ayodhyakāṇḍa, Chapter 50. The Mahābhārata, Ādi Parva, Chapter 78. Ibid., Anuśāsana Parva, Chapter 48. The Mahābhārata, Anuśāsana Parva, Chapter 48. Ibid., Santi Parva, Chapter 37, 28–29. The Mahābhārata, Ādi Parva, Chapter 63, 69–80. Ibid., Chapter 105, 17. The Mahābhārata, Vana Parva, Chapter 116. The Mahābhārata, Ādi Parva, Chapter 81, 35.

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30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 66 67 68 69

Ibid., Chapter 106, 27. Ibid., 28. The Rāmāyaṇa, Ayodhyakāṇḍa, Chapter 64, 44–45. The Rāmāyaṇa, Aranyakāṇḍa, Chapter 47. The Rāmāyaṇa, Uttārākāṇḍa, Chapter 17. Ibid., Sundarakāṇḍa, Chapter 6, 36–39. Ibid., Chapter 9, 6. Ibid., 71. The Rāmāyaṇa, Aranyakāṇḍa, Chapter 32, 13. The Rāmāyaṇa, Uttārākāṇḍa, Chapter 26, 38–39. Ibid., Chapter 24. Ibid., Aranyakāṇḍa, Chapter 32, 7–8. The Mahābhārata, Anuśāsana Parva, Chapter 49, 13. The Mahābhārata, Ādi Parva, Chapter 104, 37. Ibid., 38. Ibid., 42. The Rāmāyaṇa, Kiṣkindhākāṇḍa, Chapter 66, 8–11. Ibid., 14. Ibid., 17–18. Ibid., 29. The Mahābhārata, Adī Parva, Chapter 121. The Rāmāyaṇa, Bālakāṇḍa, Chapter 36. Ibid., Chapter 37. Ibid., 22. Ibid., Uttārākāṇḍa, Chapter 30, 19–45. The Rāmāyaṇa, Bālakāṇḍa, Chapters 48–50. Ibid., Chapter 48, 33. Ibid., 29, 30. Ibid., 31–32. Ibid., 28. Ibid., Chapter 49, 10. Ibid., 11. Ibid., 13. Ibid. Ibid., 15. Ibid., 16c, 17a. Ibid., 20. Ibid., 21. The Mahābhārata, Karṇa Parva, Chapters 44–45. Ibid., Chapter 45.

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A ‘chaste’ woman held the highest stratum amongst the women. The Brahmāvaivarta Purāṇa narrates how Pārvatī, in order to attain Śiva as her husband, practised severe austerities for a year.1 Marriage for women was a social obligation wherein a husband is acquired through hard penance and austerities. Through marriage, a woman gained identity, honour, and salvation. Her life and identity were totally submerged within the institution of marriage, patriarchal norms, and restraints of society. The Padma Purāṇa articulates that devotion to the husband and service to him is a woman’s ornament. Their constant purity within and out is called their ‘full ornament’. Good character, truthfulness, religious merit, patience, and affection are the other ornaments of a woman.2 Those related to her were said to enjoy the pleasures of heaven as a result of the merit of the chaste woman, whereas by losing her modesty and chastity, ‘a woman of evil deeds’ causes the fall of three families of her father, mother, and husband, and she is said to become miserable.3 The signifcance of the togetherness of a man and a woman in the form of husband and wife has been enumerated in different MahāPurāṇas. One cannot ignore the misogynist nature of the institution of marriage refected in the ancient Indian texts. The Śiva Purāṇa mentions the story of Pārvatī. She was taken by her father to Śiva for marriage. Śiva did not accept the proposal and said that one should not get attached to women. A conversation commenced between Pārvatī and Śiva, implying the interdependence between a man and a woman. Pārvatī emphasised the fact that without Prakṛti he cannot exist.4 The Brahmāvaivarta Purāṇa also enumerates the importance of Prakṛti.5 In this Purāṇa, Śiva elucidated the importance of Prakṛti. But Śiva’s reply in the Śiva Purāṇa to Pārvatī indicates male dominance.6 In the Śiva Purāṇa, Śiva emphasised the irrefutable nature of Puruṣa and said that he was performing penance to destroy Prakṛti. Though we come across the concept of balance that originated from the union of a man and a woman, social norms, obligations, and restraints were directed more concretely and stringently towards women, thus establishing

DOI: 10.4324/9781003312949-5

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control over them. Through certain ideas, the authors of Purāṇas institutionalised their norms. The wife is called Jāya because the husband is reborn in her.7 She is remembered as Bhāryā because she has to be maintained. She herself only is said to be Gṛha and thus is called Gṛhiņī. Being the saviour from the sins of worldly existence, she is called Kalatra.8 The wife is also called a sādhvī;9 a devoted, faithful, and loyal wife is the life of her husband and is adored by gods and sages.10 A woman who does not mentally think of another man is said to enjoy the same position as that of Umā and, through her merit, earns fame in the world.11 Hari is portrayed to have illustrated the defnition of a pativratā woman. He said, pativratā ca yā nāri patyurnityaṃ hite ratā12 putrācchataguṇaṃ snehādrājānaṃ ca bhayādatha … ārādhayetpatiṃ śauriṃ yā paśyetsā pativratā kārye dāsī ratau veśyā bhojane jananīsamā.13 It means that a pativratā is the one who always thinks and is interested in the welfare of her husband and worships the valour of her husband. But this worship and welfare was no ordinary task. She had to play multiple roles for her husband – kārye dāsī ratau veśyā bhojane jananīsamā, meaning a pativratā in performing duty is like a maidservant (dāsī), in giving pleasure she is like a prostitute (veśya), in serving a meal she is like a mother (janani), and she performs the duty of a good minister in his diffcult times, vipatsu maṃtriṇī bhartuḥ sā ca bhāryā pativratā.14 Her role as a veśyā implies that she needs to satisfy her husband sexually. Here comes the issue of sexuality. Sexually she had to be attractive to her husband; if it was diverted towards any other man, it was considered a ‘sin’. It also implies that she had to be aware of the art of making love. A woman is said to have nourishing qualities. When a child is born to her, she focuses on the newborn. But a wife became a pativratā if she adored and feared her husband more than her son. At the same time, it was also important for her to give birth to a son, as the son liberated not only the parents but also his ancestors. As a mother to her husband, she had to be affectionate towards him and care for him as a mother does for her child. The role of a sumantrini indicates that she has to be wise enough to guide him in every step and support him in diffcult situations. The welfare of the husband was supposed to be the sole purpose of her life. Maintaining virginity before marriage became one of her compulsions. Early marriage was encouraged in order to control her sexuality right before she attained puberty and became aware of it. Right from her childhood, she was taught about her marital life and duties. A daughter who was self-dependent was condemned.15 A woman belonging to the Brahmanical 66

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tradition was not allowed to keep in contact with women following any other heterodox traditions. The entire concept of pativratā is spun around the institution of marriage, which was patriarchal in nature. For men, it was prescribed that they should carefully examine the characteristics of a girl, as a woman of good conduct enhances the longevity of her husband, while due to a corrupt wife, the man and his family would perish. It was through the chaste wife that a man became a true householder and thus upholding the other Asrāmās and accomplishing the three Puruṣarthas (mokśa, kāma, and artha).16 Without Dharma, artha, and kāma, a man’s life did not have any value. Thus, it was her responsibility to maintain the harmony of the family. There were different forms of marriages prescribed for each varna – the brahma, the daiva, the ārṣa, and the prājāpatya were prescribed for the Brāhmaṇa, Rākṣasa was prescribed for the kṣatriya, and the āsura for the vaiśya and the śūdra. The Brāhmaṇa could adopt āsura and gāndharva forms of marriage while a kṣatriya could practise āsura, gāndharva, and paiśāca; the same is applied for vaiśya and the śūdra. The hierarchical structure of the society was maintained through women, and thus maintaining the purity of the frst three varnas was a matter of great concern within the Brahmanical tradition. A man was warned not to marry a girl of a low family as by marrying such a girl; one makes the progeny low and base. In order to maintain the purity of the lineage, a virgin with certain qualities was a requirement. A twice-born was prescribed to marry a virgin possessing socially construed beauty standards born in a good family, possessing good qualities and conduct, and who performed righteous activities.17 Within the institution of marriage, a woman’s choice and consent rarely existed. A princess could sometimes exercise her choice in a svayamvara, where she could choose her husband and sometimes, she was to get married to the man who completed the task provided which would prove his merit. But even in a svayamvara, princesses were often abducted and taken by force, as was the case of Amba, Ambika, and Ambalika. Vaiśālini, the daughter of Viśāla, was abducted by the son of a king called Karandhama named Avikṣita as he was not selected by her.18 He fought with other kings and took her by force. There was a battle between king Karandhama and other kings, in which king Karandhama was victorious. But Avikṣita rejected her as she was seen by other kings. But as the princess desired to be his wife only, she carried on penances so that she obtains him as her husband not only in the present birth but in other births too. In another story in the Mārkaṇḍeya Purāṇa, Sumanā, daughter of King of Daśarna, accepted King Nariṣyanta’s son Dama19 as her husband. But many kings wanted to possess her and take her away by force. A muni said that as her marriage has already been celebrated with Dama, he rightly possesses her. He moreover said that the Rākṣasa form of marriage is proper for a kṣatriya but not when she has accepted someone else as her husband. 67

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The concept of chastity was more than a social construction. It was made a social responsibility for a woman to be ‘pure’ and ‘chaste’. The defnition of chastity and its implications is complex in nature rather than being a direct proposition.

Different Nuances of Chastity and Chaste Women Various ancient Indian texts epitomise the importance of a wife. These texts also mention the duties of a chaste wife.20A house without a wife is said to be deprived of everything.21 She is said to be the owner of the stage of the householder.22 The religious practices of a man were not successful without his wife, and without her, a man becomes Ardhadehadhara (half-bodied).23 It was important for a woman to be ‘chaste’ and follow the impositions laid down for her. At the same time, it was also the duty of a man to protect a woman because if she was not protected, the intermixture of caste would take place.24 The Purāṇas not only mention the importance of a chaste wife but also emphasise the consequences that may commence with being devoid of a wife. Pro-creation was one of the most important aspects of a marriage. The yogis, Brahmācaris, Samnyasis, forest dwellers, and sages are said to become recluses only after bearing out a child from their wives. In case he disowns his wife without a child, all his austerities disappear.25 The Skāṇḍa Purāṇa clearly mentions that the wife is for progeny,26 ‘for chaste women a child is an excellence’ and thus by providing with progeny she becomes the giver of the sixth part of the produce and thus the law is maintained.27 While there was immense social and ritual pressure on the woman to conceive and give birth to a son, once she gave birth to the child she was relegated to the background – at the time of a birth of a son, one expects the death of the wife, and if she survives, the husband loses his happiness as the vulva becomes impure and would be impossible to have a union with her as his body gets covered with milk that comes out of her breasts and if the child falls into the couple during their union, there is loss of joy.28 The verse testifes to the abhorrent attitude towards women. It was her duty to give birth to a son. Apart from being a mother to her newborn, she also had to continue satisfying her husband’s sexual desires. The pivotal issue here is that her motherhood ironically becomes a curse for her. The feelings that originate in a woman from being a mother become an obstacle for her in providing conjugal pleasure to her husband. The Hāla’s Sattasaī also talks about a similar situation wherein a pregnant woman has to get involved in such a union. This indicates the varied dilemmas a woman underwent. On one side was her motherhood and compulsion to provide a son to her husband and nourish the newborn, and on the other was her husband and his sexual demands. 68

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Devotion, Loyalty, and Service The Purāṇas emphasise the importance of the service rendered by a wife. It is said that no one can give as much service as a wife, even if a man devoted his entire lifetime to pious activities.29 Such was the profoundness of the service provided by the wife. In most of the stories in the Purāṇas, chastity formed the basis of a woman’s identity and existence. It was her loyalty, devotion, and service to her husband that she was recognised. A wife too was shown to be desirous to be born as a ‘virtuous wife’.30 Wherever I am born again with a brilliant body whether I am not born (of a womb) or whether I am righteous person, I should necessarily attain the status of the virtuous wife of the self-possessed three-eyed lord alone.31 The above words were spoken by Satī. Satī was the wife of Śiva, and she spoke these words before she entered the fre as she could not tolerate the insult meted out to her husband by her father. Dakșa, Satī’s father, disliked Śiva and did not invite Satī but invited his other daughters for a ceremonial sacrifce. On knowing that all her sisters had arrived at her father’s house, she too went there. Dakșa praised all his sons-in-law while he insulted Śiva. Satī could not tolerate the insult to her husband and decided to abandon the body born of her father as it was her husband who held the highest position in her life. But in the version mentioned in the Vāmana Purāṇa, when Satī heard that her husband was not invited to the sacrifce ceremony by her father, she did not burn herself but died due to grief.32 A woman was taught to conduct in a certain manner right from her childhood. She had to maintain the sanctity of her body and soul for her future husband as Aśokasundarī, daughter of Pārvatī, did for her future husband.33 She was not conceived from the semen of Śiva, but she was perceived by Pārvatī from a divine tree. Aśokasundarī, as decided by Pārvatī, was to get married to Nahuṣa, who was not yet born. A demon called Huṇḍa was attracted to her and wanted to possess her. Aśokasundarī denied his proposal and said that when she was born, goddess Pārvatī also produced her husband who would be born in the lunar dynasty and she would obtain a son through him. Huṇḍa ridiculed her for marrying a man younger than her and who was not yet born. When Huṇḍa by trick kidnapped her, Aśokasundarī cursed Huṇḍa that he would be killed by her future husband, Nahuṣa. Huṇḍa tried every possible way to kill him before he was born. But he failed and Nahuṣa killed him. All these years, Aśokasundarī waited for her husband, maintaining her devotion and loyalty to her future husband. Anasūyā is considered to be one of the ideal chaste wives. Her story is narrated in the Śiva Purāṇa. She, along with her husband, Atri, lived in a forest called Kāmada. Anasūyā proved her loyalty by remaining devoted to her husband when all his disciples deserted him during a famine.34 Anasūyā 69

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practised penances along with her husband, but she took a step back so that Atri, her ‘lord’, remains ‘the great’. The gods considered Anasūyā’s penance better than her husband Atri’s. Even Gańgā could not deny her greatness.35 Discussion on understanding the nuances of chastity remains incomplete without mentioning the story of Sītā. Her story has also been narrated in numerous Purāṇas. The frst 68 chapters of the Pātālakhaṇda of the Padma Purāṇa narrates the Rāmāyaṇa story, which indicates the spread of Vaishnavism as Rāmā was said to be an incarnation of Viṣṇu. It was a tragic moment when she was abandoned by her husband even after she proved her purity through the fre ordeal. The gods testifed to her purity. Sītā is said to be superior to Anasūyā in chastity.36 She is described as the one who is at the head of chaste ladies endowed with beauty and good character having brave sons. Her purifying behaviour is always before her. Those who refect upon Sītā’s feet instantly attain perfection; by the mere thought about her, these divine functions of the worlds, like origin, maintenance and destruction, take place. None else but Sītā alone creates Brahmā, Śiva and other gods like me.37 But Rāmā, due to public suspicion, abandoned her though he knew her to be pure. Vālmīki even warned Rāmā that everyone praises his deeds except in the case of his abandoning Sītā.38 Even though Rāmā abandoned her, Sītā remained devoted to him.39 Later when Rāmā wanted Sītā back, Sītā decided not to go back and told Lakṣmaņa to take his two sons back.40 She decided to stay back in the forest to appease Rāmā by means of her penance. When Rāmā came to know of this, he was so inficted that he became unconscious. After he regained his consciousness, he said Sītā should come back to him as the husband is the only recourse.41 When Lakṣmaņa met Sītā for taking her back, he said, ‘A chaste wife does not bring to her mind the fault committed by her husband’.42 Sītā, being convinced by his words, went with Lakṣmaņa.43 When two sons of Sītā destroyed the whole army of Rāmā, she prayed to the Sungod to revive his army. Sītā thought about the infamy she had caused to Rāmā though she knew she was not at fault. In the next story of Kāntimatī and king Vīrabāhu, the wife, Kāntimatī, does not leave her husband even when everyone left him for his misdeeds.44 There was a king in the city of Kāmpilya called Vīrabāhu. His wife Kāntimatī was ‘a highly chaste wife and faithful lady and was a great devotee’ of her husband.45 The king asked a sage called Bhāradvāja what great merit he had earned that he got such an ‘amiable and beautiful’ wife. The sage told about his previous birth. The sage narrated that in his previous birth, he was a Śūdra, who was an ‘atheist of vicious conduct’ and used to violate the chastity of other men’s wives.46 He had the same wife in his previous 70

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birth too. Though he was of such bad nature, she remained devoted to him. When everyone abandoned him, he went to the forest and survived by killing animals there. Even in such a condition, she did not leave him. Such intense devotion was shown not only by the earthly women but also by the goddesses, as Lakṣmī maintained her devotion and loyalty to her husband Viṣṇu, even when Viṣṇu was not attached to her.47 There were also said to be many celestial nymphs and 500 women with him. A chaste wife’s dedication, solicitation, and endurance could even bring her dead husband back to life. The story of Sāvitri is known to all. Sāvitri’s story is found in Matsya Purāṇa.48 After her marriage, she served her husband and in-laws with devotion. Through her devotion and loyalty, Sāvitri stopped Dharmaraja from taking her husband away. She not only brought her husband back from death, but through Dharmaraja cured her husband’s ailment and asked him for a boon so that a hundred sons are born to her from Satyavāna. On the other hand, Sukanyā’s devotion not only cured her husband but made her husband young and handsome. King Śaryāti’s daughter Sukanyā, being unaware, offended the sage Cyavana by bursting his eyes. The sage told the king to give his daughter to him in marriage. The king, though anxious, gave his young daughter to the old blind sage. She served her husband properly. Once when two physician gods, i.e. the two Aśvins, visited them, she honoured and worshipped them. Being pleased by her service and observing her chastity,49 they told her to ask for a boon. Knowing what Cyavana wanted, she told them to give back his sight. They not only gave him his sight back but also his youth. Cyavana, impressed by her, blessed her.50 In Bhāgvata Purāṇa, the same story is narrated. In the version mentioned in the Bhāgvata Purāṇa, when the Aśvins came, it was Cyavana who asked them to restore his youth.51 Her father being unaware of this transformation criticised her daughter for being ‘unchaste’ and accused her of bringing shame on her father and husband. The Bhāgvata Purāṇa supposedly belongs to the sixth century CE, while chapters 1–68 of Pātālakhaṇda of the Padma Purāṇa were written later than the end of the sixth century CE. The time gap between the texts implies how chastity has evolved with time, and at the same time, both versions refect various anxieties related to a woman – a woman, by her loyalty and devotion towards her husband, not only beneftted her husband’s family but alternatively her ‘unconventional’ behaviour could let her paternal and marital family face social stigma.

Co-Wife and the ‘Other’ Women The Nārada Purāṇa enumerates the misery caused due to a co-wife and the ‘other’ women.52 But in the Mārkaṇḍeya MahāPurāṇa, we do get an instance wherein a man is criticised for having many wives – implying a lack of devotion in such a relationship. The text moreover appreciates those unions 71

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whose hearts are fxed on one person only53 and rebukes those who have more than one wife as they perform such activities out of lust and neglect their sacrifcial duties.54 A chaste wife had to perform as to what was benefcial to the husband. Thus, she had to do what was favourable to the lady-love of her husband. Even if his lady-love was of a lower caste, by rendering service to her, the wife was said to have attained heaven and a place in her husband’s mind. Various stories discussed below would clearly demonstrate to what extent the wife had to compromise for her husband when he brought in another wife. Brahmā mentally created a daughter called Mohinī,55 and seeing her he was completely overcome by lust. Brahmā told Mohinī to go to king Rukmāńgada and approach him for marriage. King Rukmāńgada already had a wife who looked upon him as superior. But that did not stop him from marrying Mohinī, and he told her that she would be above all his wives.56 This indicates the hierarchy that existed between the co-wives. By the advice of Rukmāńgada’s son, his wife, Sandhyavali served Mohinī.57 Sandhyavali also bowed down to Mohinī for her husband’s happiness and, at the order of her husband, observed a vow. The king’s eldest wife came to Mohinī and bowed down to her for her husband’s happiness though Mohinī was the youngest.58 She told Mohinī that she would do whatever she said if that was for the welfare of her husband. She would not be afraid even if she or her son died.59 It was the husband’s happiness that made Sandhyavali not only accept another younger co-wife but also made her serve and beg the younger wife as she knew that her husband’s happiness lay in his younger wife. It was not only the co-wives that a wife had to tolerate, but she had to accept the existence of the ‘other’ women in her husband’s life. In a story mentioned in the Nārada-Purāṇa, a woman had a ‘wicked’ husband belonging to the Śūdra caste.60 He had a lover – a veśyā whom he kept in his house along with his wife. The wife, who wanted to please her husband, served him as well as the prostitute. As both of them slept on the bed, the wife used to lie down on the bare ground. When he was affected by a disease, the veśyā left him with his wealth and went to a younger man. To support her husband, his wife brought the money from her father. Considering him as her lord, she served him. When he died, she sold all her bangles to arrange for his funeral pyre and burned herself along with her husband. It was due to the wife’s merits that the husband attained heaven. The story valorises the aspect of devotion and service a wife should render to her husband. The wife, in the form of her devotion, served not only her husband but also his mistress. Accepting his relationship with another woman, it was she who slept on the foor, indicating how much a woman was expected to be tolerant, thus justifying the marital infdelity of a man. When he died, she burned herself in his funeral pyre and it was through her auspicious acts that he attained heaven. Self-immolation not only indicates a higher level of 72

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devotion but also implies that a woman did not have any existence without her husband and she should support her husband in his afterlife journey. In another similar narrative in the Padma Purāṇa, a Brāhmaṇa ‘chaste’ wife not only served her husband, who is a leper, but also fulflled his wish of having sexual dalliance with a veśyā to whom he is attracted. In order to fulfl her husband’s desire, she went to the house of the veśyā and cleaned her courtyard for three days. The husband not only attained heaven due to his wife, but even the veśyā satisfed his sexual feelings as she was impressed by the wife’s service.61 The above two stories involve certain common elements – the involvement of a veśyā, a husband’s lust for them and a wife fulflling her husband’s lustful desire and serving her husband in crisis. In the frst story, the husband is a Śūdra, while in the second one, the husband is a Brāhmaṇa. Thus, whether a man belonged to a higher or lower caste, it was pivotal for men to possess a pativratā woman. The stories also exhibit that a chaste wife is honoured by society. Even gods honour her. On the other side of the threshold were the veśyās. While a wife followed the conduct and restraints imposed on her, a veśyā, a self-dependent woman, was rather challenging the norms, making it unacceptable for the patriarchal society that a woman can have more than one sexual relationship out of her own choice. Such a woman could live without her husband and was not dependent on any male counterpart. The Purāṇas discouraged society from having any contact with them. They also attempt to teach their audience that public women like veśyās do not have the same qualities as those of a chaste woman, and veśyās are interested in their economic gains only. Such women were independent and challenged the norms of society, and thus degrading and demeaning their character was the only way to control them.

Compromise for Progeny A chaste wife also had to accept the touch of another man for the sake of progeny. She was sent by her husband to another man for an issue, as Sudeṣṇā was sent to a sage by her husband for getting a son for himself. The Pāņḍavas, sons of Kuntī and Mādrī, were not born from their husband Pāņḍu but from fve different gods. The Garuḍa Purāṇa says that the younger brother can go to the childless wife of his elder brother with the aim of begetting a progeny or after obtaining permission from the elders.62 There are numerous stories in the Purāṇas that narrate how a woman compromised herself for her husband’s lineage. Self-Immolation Satī did not necessarily mean self-immolation, a connotation that it earned later. Pārvatī did not perform self-immolation out of any compulsion; 73

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primarily it was her choice. But later, the concept of self-immolation gained precedence, and a woman who burned herself at the funeral pyre of her husband was held in a highly esteemed position. If a woman did not have any existence without her husband, it meant that her life came to an end when her husband died, and if she survived her husband then she would become an object of pity.63 A household is related to various factors of production, thus self-immolation and remaining widow throughout her life had economic implications – for maintaining property relationships. There are stories narrated in the Purāṇas, such as the Skāṇḍa Purāṇa64 and Vāmana Purāṇa where women self-immolated themselves willingly. In the Vāmana Purāṇa, a queen kills herself at the death of her husband even when she was carrying his child in her womb.65 The authors of the Padma Purāṇa can be seen having a liberal attitude towards Brahmin women: a brāhmaṇa woman should not die by going to the cremation ground with the dead body of her husband. She becomes a killer of herself by dying with her husband. So she should not die like this and should rather become a recluse.66 Even if a widow remained alive after her husband’s death, her life was miserable and she was nothing less than being dead. The life of a widow was not easy as we see Rati leading the life of a widow. When Kamdeva was burned by Śiva, Rati, the wife of Kamadeva, abandoned all her ornaments, covered herself with tears, and was in a miserable state. The marriage of a widowed woman was not encouraged, but different texts have different views in regard to this. The Agni MahāPurāṇa talks about fve conditions under which a widow could remarry. The widow of a man could remarry the brother of his husband (dewar) if he is living and willing to do so, or else she has the option of marrying whomsoever she wanted.67 On the other hand, the Garuḍa Purāṇa appreciates a woman who does not take a second husband after the death of her frst husband and that such a woman is said to acquire the same region as that of Umā.68 The painful life of a widow and that she is not meant to have any existence without her husband are refected through various narratives in the Purāṇas. A remarried widow did not have any social prestige and honour. A remarried widow has the same position as that of a Vṛṣalī and Śūdrī. She was regarded as inauspicious, and those who had any relation with her were treated as an ‘outcaste’. A widow was supposed to lead a life that was miserable and dedicated to her husband only. She was not allowed to live a life of pleasure. The Skāṇḍa Purāṇa69 prescribes a certain lifestyle for widows. The Skāṇḍa Purāṇa prescribes a widow not to speak or listen about sexual matters or to look at a man with impious intention. She was not allowed to touch a man unless it was urgent to do so or he was a close relative. Widows were not allowed to put on fne clothes and ornaments and apply oil or 74

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fragrance and collyrium in order to make them physically unattractive to other men.70 They were made to realise that their life came to an end after their husbands’ death, and thus their only means of salvation was to remain devoted to him even after his death.

Power and Appreciation for a ‘Chaste’ Woman The stories in Purāṇas concentrate on the chastity of a woman quite regressively. While various Purāṇas enumerate that the husband is the god and the wife should do everything to make him happy and continue to do so even after his death, in exchange she was promised not only heaven but also power and status that of the gods and sages. The Padma Purāṇa mentions a story wherein a Brāhmaṇa, out of lust, forcibly enjoyed his Brāhmaṇa friend’s wife. The chaste wife killed herself by drinking poison. He ran away and was captured by the king’s offcers, who thought him to be a thief and killed him. Then the servants of Yama tormented him and threw him into the Raurava hell. Having experienced severe torture for 60,000 years, he became a demon for forcing violating a chaste woman. Indra also lost his testicles when he deceptively broke the chastity of Ahalyā. Chastity endowed her with such immense power that she could even cause an imbalance in the universe. While a loyal wife called Sevyā took her husband, a leper, on her back to a veśyā’s place to satisfy her husband’s sexual desires, a sage who was wrongly punished by the king’s people was suffering excruciating pain. When he came into contact with the leper, his odour disturbed the sage’s meditation and he became aware of the pain and cursed that whoever caused him the pain would turn into ashes before the sun rose.71 When the leper fell to the ground, the wife, in order to save her husband, decreed that the sun would not rise.72 The sun did not rise for three days. In distress, Indra, along with other gods, went to Brahmā. Brahmā went to Sevyā and told her that after the sun rises, though her husband’s body will be reduced to ashes, her husband will become handsome. It was only when she was assured of her husband’s life that the sun rose. The same story is mentioned in the Mārkaṇḍeya Mahāpurāṇa, narrated in a different manner.73 In this version of the Mārkaṇḍeya Purāṇa, the gods sought the help of Atri’s chaste wife Anasūyā. Anasūyā honoured this sadhvi lady, as she knew about the power of a chaste woman. Anasūyā assured her that she would make her husband youthful. While Anasūyā practised penance, the sun rose and the leper died, but he was revived. In the version mentioned in the Mārkaṇḍeya Purāṇa, instead of going to Brahmā, like in Padma Purāṇa, the gods went to Anasūyā, one of the celebrated chaste ladies. She herself recognised the power of a chaste woman and helped the gods in reviving the balance of the universe. It is important to observe the boon Anasūyā asked for – she desired that the Trinity be born 75

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as her sons. Thus, pressing the idea upon the audience that a chaste wife can procure the three gods – Brahmā, Viṣṇu, and Śiva as her sons. For society, obtaining these three gods as their sons surely had a divine signifcance! Like the chaste wives mentioned in the above two stories, a queen called Malavati saved her husband Upabarhana by challenging the gods. Upabarhana had 50 wives, and Malavati was one of his queens. Seeing her husband dead, she threatened all the gods that she would curse them if her husband was not brought back to life. Brahmā and Dharma sought refuge in Viṣṇu as they were afraid of the power of a chaste woman. They were also apprehensive about the fact that their austerities would be negated if they were cursed by her. She assertively said to Viṣṇu that the curse of a chaste woman could never be fruitless and it could never be redeemed.74 She even questioned Dharma and said that it was improper for him to take her husband. At last, Viṣṇu, after seeking the advice of other gods, brought Upabarhana back to life.75 If a woman practised austerities, she was said to attain a god as her husband and acquire powers that helped protect her modesty. Once Laksmi, in the form of a daughter of a king on earth who was a Vaisnava devotee, acquired a boon that she would attain Hari as her husband.76 She was named Vṛndā. Dharma, in order to test Vṛndā’s chastity, came to her in the form of a Brāhmaṇa boy and approached her lustfully.77 Vṛndā was infuriated and warned him by saying that it is not proper for a Brāhmaṇa to cohabit with other men’s wives because if a man forcibly imposes himself on a woman, he is considered as the one who has cohabited with his mother and earns the sin of 100 Brahmāhatyas.78 If he attempts to rape her, then all the gods, the lokapalas, dharma, lord Kṛṣṇa, Mahesvara, Durga, and Brahmā would arrive to protect her.79 Vṛndā threatened that she is also capable enough to reduce him to ashes, a merit that she has earned by performing austerities for 108 yugas.80 Despite her warning, Dharma, who was in the guise of a Brāhmaṇa, advanced towards her; she then pronounced a curse on him that he would be destroyed. When she was about to pronounce another curse on him, Brahmā, Viṣṇu, Śiva, and other gods appeared to stop her and told her the truth about Dharma.81 Though a chaste woman was said to have possessed powers that helped her in keeping intact the purity of her character, it was not an easy task for her. Maintaining Chastity Even though the power of a chaste woman was considered matchless, that did not make her life less vulnerable. Various stories mentioned in the Purāṇas refect that even though a woman was married, it did not deter a man from approaching her. The Rākṣasas were not the only ones to violate the chastity of a woman. Even the gods committed such abhorred acts, either to test their purity or to satisfy their lust or to achieve larger political 76

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consequences. We have seen innumerable times Indra sinfully approaching other men’s wives. Once, when he approached a ‘wise and chaste’ woman called Sukalā, he wanted to test her chastity.82 He said: ‘Having gone there, I shall destroy her self-respect, power, strength, courage, truthfulness and loyalty to her husband.’83 Kamadeva warned him of the power of Sukalā as a chaste woman, but Indra was not ready to listen to him. He was confdent as he had destroyed the power of sages and deities. But Sukalā was not affected by his ‘glory and lustre’.84 Indra was also formerly cursed by the sage Gautama for violating his wife. He became a man who forever would have the scrotum of a ram. Recognising the power of a chaste woman, he said that the power of the lustre of chaste women is matchless. But not always did divine powers rescue a chaste woman. The Kūrma Purāṇa and the Brahmāvaivarta Purāṇa introduce us to the story of illusory Sītā. Rāvaṇa desired Sītā, the wife of Rāmā. He disguised himself as an ascetic and was determined to abduct her. She realised his intentions, and remembering her husband she sought refuge in the Āvasathya (household) fre. Then out of the fre Maheśvara showed himself and desirous of getting Rāvaṇa killed, he created an illusory Sītā. Taking the real Sītā, the fre-god vanished. Rāvaṇa took the illusory Sītā with himself in the ocean. When Rāmā killed Rāvaṇa and came to know of the illusory Sītā, Rāmā was delighted.85 Sītā’s previous birth has been mentioned in the Brahmāvaivarta Purāṇa, when she was known as Vedavati, ‘who had the ray of Laksmi’ in her.86 She proceeded to the forest despite the fact that the people of her country opposed it. While she was performing austerities, a voice from the sky said she would have Viṣṇu as her husband.87 While she was practising austerities, Rāvaṇa, seeing her, got passionate and behaved inappropriately towards her.88 Vedavatī89 cursed him that he would be destroyed because of her since he had ‘touched me with evil intentions’.90 Vedavati was born in the house of Janaka and was named Sītā.91 In the Brahmāvaivarta Purāṇa, when Rāmā rescued Sītā, the real Sītā was given back to Rāmā when Sītā was made to perform the fre-ordeal. The shadow-Sītā was told to perform austerities, and she went to heaven. She emerged from the fre-altar of Drupada and was known as Draupadī.92 Sītā has been highly revered in ancient Indian texts and was said to be present in all three yugas. Thus, she was known as Trihayani. In the krtayuga, Vedavati became the daughter of Kusadhvaja, in the tretayuga, she was the daughter of Janaka and wife of Rāmā, and in the Dvapara the shadow Sītā emerged as Draupadī.93 She was called Vedavati because all the four Vedas were at the tip of her tongue.94 Though she was held in such a venerated position, in all the three yugas, she was sexually molested by other men. Both Draupadī and Sītā were humiliated publicly by their husbands. This implies that despite various restraints and impositions, the position of a woman was prone to be maligned. 77

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If she followed the path imposed upon her with the shackles of patriarchy binding her, then she was considered pure and upright, but if one challenged the norms, then she was dishonoured. In the Purāṇas, we fnd narrations wherein certain sections of the society initially were treated with disrespect and excluded from the nucleus of the society. But with time, they were included within the threshold of the Brahmanical tradition, suggesting the realisation Brahmanism went through in order to maintain its foothold. The veśyās were one of them.

‘Exceptional’ Chastity The Padma Purāṇa refers to a veśyā wherein she articulates that a veśyā is chaste like a pativratā95 – in the same way as a pativratā woman remains devoted to one man, a veśyā while she is serving a man does not unite with any other man, and attending any other man would be a deviation for her. It indicates that they were affected by the perception the society had of them and thus longed to be a chaste woman. In some narrations, they are shown to be devotees of Viṣṇu, while in another, a veśyā called Rupavati is said to have remained in the path of righteousness. She is described as a diligent, beautiful (sundari), dharmvatī veśyā who respectfully and devoutly paid respect and gave gifts to Brāhmaṇas (danmduttvati).96 Different Purāṇas were devoted to different gods; thus, each text propagates accordingly. While in the Padma Purāṇa a veśyā was shown to be a devotee of Viṣṇu, in the Skāṇḍa Purāṇa (devoted to Śiva), a veśyā is said to have attained salvation due to Śiva.97 In the story, the veśyā98 is portrayed to be wealthy who owned hundreds of cows and buffaloes and slaves. She did as she pleased and was devoted to Śiva.99 Once when a Vaiśya came to her house wearing a Lińga bracelet, she wanted to have it. In return, she promised to be his wife for three days. She said they are self-willed veśyās ‘and not chaste ladies; promiscuous sexual activity is a duty beftting our families. If you give me this gem set bangle, I shall be your wife for three nights’.100 But the Vaiśya told her that his life is embedded in the Lińga bangle and that if anything happens to it, he will die. One day, the bangle got burnt. Seeing that bangle burnt, the Vaiśya wanted to die. He told the veśyā to make a funeral pyre for him. But as she promised to be his wife for three nights, she, being his wife, wanted to die on the funeral pyre of her husband. When she was about to enter the fre, Śiva came there and told her that everything was done by him to test her devotion as veśyās are adulterous.101 She, as a boon, asked Śiva to take her and all her slaves and servants to save them from the ‘terrible fear of taking another birth’.102 A veśyā thus proved her loyalty and devotion to a man who was her husband for three nights. Such stories also indicate the attempt by various religious traditions, whether Vaiṣṇavism or Śaivism, to include the veśyas

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and grant them social recognition. But there seems to be a purpose behind it – the veśyās were wealthy, as mentioned in the stories, and thus donated and gave gifts to Brāhmaṇas, in return for which they were promised prestige, recognition, and salvation. On the other hand, a man was perceived as impure if he was overpowered by a woman, even if he performed his sacred rites. In Garuḍa Purāṇa, a man has been advised to be loyal to his wife by Yājñavalkya.103 A man who regarded another man’s wife as his mother is said to be a wise man.104 But there are one or two instances wherein we see that a husband also goes through distress when they lost their wife and did not take any other woman as his wife, as Rāmā did. The Mārkaṇdeya Purāṇa speaks about a ‘grief-stricken’ man who was the son of a king who took a vow not to remarry or enjoy woman companionship after his wife’s death.105 The Agni Purāṇa refers to a man who sets for an ordeal. Such vows and observances by a man are exceptional instances in the Purāṇas. The concept of pativratā functioned through multiple layers. Nowhere in the Purāṇas have we come across any reference wherein there is mention of a woman’s desire or any regard as to whether her desires have been satiated or not. She was to remain passive and follow the patriarchal rules. Repudiation was allowed if it beneftted her husband, family, and society, thus making patriarchal dominance more frm and rooted. A chaste woman devoted to piety (dharma) was said to attain welfare and happiness. No man could humiliate her. This was what a pativratā was promised in return for her devotion and loyalty. It was important for women of all caste to maintain their chastity. Only chastity was supposed to give them salvation.106 Through the propagation of such practices, the authors of Purāṇas made it compulsory for women to lead a ‘chaste’ life. Along with invincible power, she was projected with purity, and wherever she kept her foot, the place became holy.107 All such appreciations and consolations made women surrender themselves to patriarchal norms. The Bhāgvata Purāṇa asserts that whatsoever a superior person does is emulated by other common people – what he sets up as a standard or regards as an authority, the masses (ordinary people) follow it.108 The beings of earth were said to yearn for the glory of the celestial world.109 This explains why Purāṇas are full of stories about chaste women. The stories are mainly about Brahmin women or queens or goddesses. A goddess was never questioned about their loyalty or had to go through any ordeal, whereas their earthly counterpart was under constant scrutiny and the veśyās being degraded. An epitome was set through the stories for the ordinary people as to how they should live their life for maintaining the purity of certain political communities. But with time, the concept of chastity percolated to the lower stratum as well – we have come across a story wherein a Śūdra woman fulfls her husband’s desire for a veśyā.

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Notes 1 The Brahmāvaivarta Purāṇa, Kṛşṇa-janma-Khaṇḍa, Chapter 40, 14–16. She used to raise fre around her during the summer season and remained inside it for the whole day and night, practising tapas. During the rainy season, she used to seat on the cremation ground and stared at the stone of Śiva getting wet in the rain water. In the winter season, she used to enter the cold water. During the night time, when there used to be snow, she did not consume any food and performed the ‘hard’ tapas. 2 The Padma Purāṇa, Pātālakhaṇḍa, Chapter 90, 27b–33a. 3 The Brahmāvaivarta Purāṇa, Brāhma-Khaṇda, Section II: DharmāraṇyaKhaṇda, Chapter 7, 58–59. 4 The Śiva Purāṇa, Rudreśvara Samhitā: Pārvatikhaṇda, Section III, Chapter 13. 5 The Brahmāvaivarta Purāṇa, Brāhma-Khaṇda, Chapter 30, 11–21. 6 The Śiva Purāṇa, Rudreśvara Samhitā: Pārvatikhaṇda, Section III, Chapter 13. 7 The Skāṇḍa Purāṇa, Book I: Māheśvarakhaṇḍa, Section II: Kaumāikakhaṇḍa, Chapter 6, 89–90. 8 Ibid., Chapter 15, 7–8. 9 The Mārkaṇdeya Purāṇa, Chapter 16, 18. 10 The Padma Purāṇa, Sṛṣṭikhaṇda, Chapter 50, 5b–7a. 11 The Skāṇḍa Purāṇa, Book IV: Kāśī-khaṇḍa, Section I: Pūrvādha, Chapter 40, 49. 12 The Padma Purāṇa, Sṛṣṭikhaṇda, Chapter 50, 50a. 13 Ibid., 54b–55. 14 Ibid., 56a. 15 The Padma Purāṇa, Uttārākhaṇḍa, Chapter 126, 19–25. 16 The Bhāgavata Purāṇa, Third Skaṇḍha, Chapter 14, 7–20. 17 The Nārada-Purāṇa, Part I, Chapter 26, 3. 18 The Mārkaṇḍeya Purāṇa, Chapter 119. 19 Ibid., Chapter 130. 20 In the Brahmāvaivarta Purāṇa, Kṛṣṇa enumerated the duties of a chaste (pativratā) woman and how a wife should worship her husband considering him to be her ‘lord’. (The Brahmāvaivarta Purāṇa, Kṛṣṇa-janma-Khaṇḍa, Chapter 83, 128–133). 21 The Bhāgavata Purāṇa, Fourth Skaṇḍha, Chapter 26, 15. 22 The Padma Purāṇa, Bhūmikhaṇḍa, Chapter 59, 8–34. 23 The Mārkaṇdeya Purāṇa, Chapter 19, 73. 24 Ibid., Chapter 66, 37. 25 The Brahmāvaivarta Purāṇa, Prākriti Khaṇḍa, Chapter 46, 58–59. 26 Ibid., Book III: Brāhma-Khaṇda, Section II: Dharmāraṇya-Khaṇḍa, Chapter 7, 64. 27 The Mārkaṇdeya Purāṇa, Chapter 66, 44. 28 The Padma Purāṇa, Patala Khaṇda, Chapter 110.10b–21a. 29 The Brahmāṇda Purāņa, 1.2.13.59–60a. 30 Ibid., 1.2.13.59–60a. 31 Ibid. 32 The Vāmana Purāṇa, Chapter 4, 10. 33 The Padma Purāṇa, Bhūmikhaṇḍa, Chapter 103–116. 34 The Śiva Purāṇa, Koṭirudrasamhitā, Chapters 3–4. 35 Ibid. 36 The Garuḍa Purāṇa, Part I, Chapter 142, 29. 37 The Padma Purāṇa, Pātālakhaṇda, Chapter 66, 28b–36. 38 Ibid., 44–51. 39 Ibid., 101–104.

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40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 66 67 68 69 70 71 72 73 74 75 76 77 78 79 80 81 82 83 84 85 86 87 88 89

Ibid., 105. Ibid., 112–120. Ibid., Chapter 67, 5. Ibid., 6. The Skāṇḍa Purāṇa, Book II: Vaiṣṇavakhaṇḍa, Section V: Mārgaśīrṣa-Māhātmya, Chapter 11. Ibid., 5b–8. Ibid., 53. The Bhāgavata Purāṇa, Fourth Skaṇḍha, Chapter 31, 22. The Matsya Purāṇa, Chapter 208–209. The Padma Purāṇa, Pātālakhaṇda, Chapter 15, 10–16a. Ibid., 21–24. The Bhāgavata Purāṇa, Ninth Skandha, Chapter 3. The Nārada-Purāṇa, Uttārā Bhāga, Chapter 18, 23–25a. The Mārkaṇḍeya Purāṇa, Chapter 65. Ibid. The Nārada-Purāṇa, Uttārā Bhāga, Chapter 7. Ibid., Chapter 13, 22. Ibid., Chapter 17, 1. Ibid., Chapter 27. Ibid., 38. Ibid., Chapter 16, 59–89. The Padma Purāṇa, Ṣṛṣṭikhaṇḍa, Chapter 51. The Garuḍa Purāṇa, Chapter 95, 16. The Mārkaṇdeya Purāṇa, Chapter 20, 32–33. The Skāṇḍa Purāṇa, Book V: Āvantya-Khaṇḍa, Section I: AvantīkṣetraMāhātmya, Chapter 53, 36–41. The Vāmana Purāṇa, Chapter 46, 53. The Padma Purāṇa, Ṣṛṣṭikhaṇḍa, Chapter 52, 70b–71a. The Agni Purāṇa, Chapter 154, 4–7. The Garuḍa Purāṇa, Book I, Chapter 95, 22–23. The Skāṇḍa Purāṇa, Book III: Brāhma-Khaṇḍa, Section II: DharmāraṇyaKhaṇḍa, Chapter 7, 67–79. The Skāṇḍa Purāṇa, Book IV: Kāśī-Khaṇḍa, Section I: Pūrvārdha, Chapter 4. The Padma Purāṇa, Ṣṛṣṭikhaṇḍa, Chapter 51. Ibid. The Mārkaṇdeya Purāṇa, Chapter 16. The Brahmāvaivarta Purāṇa, Brahmā-Khaṇḍa, Chapter 14, 24. Ibid., Chapter 18. The Brahmāvaivarta Purāṇa, Kṛṣṇa-janma-Khaṇḍa, Chapter 86, 6–8, 21–25. Ibid., 26–81. Ibid., 83–88. Ibid., 91–98. Ibid., 99–103. Ibid., 107–111. The Padma Purāṇa, Bhūmikhaṇḍa, Chapter 54. Ibid., 6–7. Ibid., Chapter 58. The Kūrma Purāṇa, Section II, Chapter 34, 112–139. The Brahmāvaivarta Purāṇa, Prākriti Khaṇḍa, Chapter 14, 3. Ibid., 9. Ibid., 14–15. Ibid., 16.

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90 91 92 93 94 95 96 97 98 99 100 101 102 103 104 105 106 107 108 109

Ibid., 18. Ibid., 22. Ibid., 81–82. Ibid., 83–84. Ibid., 64. The Padma Purāṇa, Pātālakhaṇda, Chapter 110, 79–80. Ibid., Chapter 95, 125–144. The Skāṇḍa Purāṇa, Book III: Brāhma-Khaṇḍa, Section III: BrāhmottaraKhaṇḍa, Chapter 20. Ibid., 29. Ibid., 34–36. Ibid., 48–49. Ibid., 79. Ibid., 84. The Garuḍa Purāṇa, Part I, Chapter 95, 27. Ibid., Part I, Chapter 111, 12. The Mārkaṇdeya Purāṇa, Chapter 21. The Padma Purāṇa, Pātālakhaṇda, Chapter 110, 79–80. The Skāṇḍa Purāṇa, Book III: Brāhma-khaṇḍa, Section II: DharmāraṇyaKhaṇḍa, Chapter 7, 60–62. The Bhāgvata Purāṇa, Sixth Skaṇḍha, Chapter 2, 4. The Bhāgvata Purāṇa, Seventh Skaṇḍha, Chapter 9, 23.

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The Skāṇḍa Purāṇa says that a chaste wife promises her husband heaven. Even if a husband is righteous, he will fall from heaven, which he has acquired with great diffculty, if the wife breaks her chastity. Hence chastity has to be preserved by women1 and should be guarded against the touch of another man even if it is pleasurable.2 It was not only her devotion and loyalty towards her husband that made her chaste, but there were other nuances involved. It was believed that a woman without her husband behaves unpleasantly and that if she is not controlled, an intermixture of caste takes place. Even after such impositions, we get references to stories where she slips from her loyalty either deceptively or by her own choice. But the attitude towards the notion of chastity by the authors of the Purāṇas is inverted according to the situation and characters involved. The treatment meted out to ‘unchaste’ women, whether she committed it willingly or was forced, is equally interesting. Balance, fre, water, poison, and holy water were the divine ordeals to test one’s purity. These ordeals were to be instituted in case of great offences when the accuser agreed to undergo punishment.

Understanding ‘Unchaste’ Women The woman having one husband is called pativratā, if a woman was married to more than one man she was termed as kulaṭā, the one having three of them is called dharṣiṇī, and the one having four of them is called puṅścalī. The woman who enjoys the company of fve men is called a veśyā, and if she enjoys six of them, she is called yugmī, and if she enjoys more than six men, she is called maha veśyā and she is untouchable for all castes.3 Those men who accompany them also are sinners and go to hell. All these women who challenged the precepts of society are said to have gone to hell, where she is inficted with several types of pains.4 Each Purāṇa defnes chastity very vividly. Yājñavalkya is said to have considered abortion and hatred of the husbands as ‘great sins’ in women DOI: 10.4324/9781003312949-6

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and advised that such women should be ignored.5 The Bhāgavata Purāṇa recommends a wise person not to maintain an unchaste woman or else he would ‘fall both in this world and after’.6 The Garuḍa Purāṇa adds that a woman who drinks an intoxicating drink is also called ‘unchaste’.7 The Garuḍa Purāṇa also mentions Yājñavalkya who prescribed that a wife who was found guilty of adultery was to be compelled to wear dirty garments and to lie on the ground and a small piece of food was supposed to be the only source of sustenance for her.8 The concept of chastity involved the purity of not only the mind but also the body and behaviour. She was considered impure when she was in menstruation. The Skāṇḍa Purāṇa states that women are always pure and do not get corrupted by anything. The monthly menstruation purifes her from sins.9 Numerous ancient Indian texts mention how a daughter’s body is enjoyed by different gods at different phases of her life, which imparts divinity and purity before any mortal being enjoys her.10 But such precepts did not stop the preceptors of the society from imposing stringencies on her. Social repute has been a matter of great concern for social beings. A deviation from the social constructs made her reputation vulnerable. Morality was attached to one’s caste. She was assigned an abominable social position and was termed as Mahiṣī11 and Vṛṣalī. She was given the status of a Śūdra.12 A cāṇḍāla woman, a courtesan, and a virgin in her monthly course all come into the category of a Vṛṣalī.13 A Śūdra woman was also called Vṛṣalī, and the one who came into contact with her was considered ‘fallen’. The caste and class of a woman formed a parameter for determining chastity. In the Brahmāvaivarta Purāṇa, we see that there is an attempt to sketch a woman as an obstruction in the path of a man’s devotion towards Hari. The Purāṇa alludes that it is not true for those women who come from noble families and follow family values and serves a husband like a ‘good son’; for them the husband is like the ‘lord’ and the ‘god’ of her life (patibharta devatam kulyayoshitam).14 But those women who are born in the lower class (Kustrī) and whose parents are not of good nature and are immoral are not chaste.15 The girl who was born in a high family and dependent upon her husband was perceived as ‘noble’ while the woman who was independent was called duṣṭa (wicked). These wicked women who denounce their husbands and take an interest in others are said to belong to the lower caste.16 Any contact of the high-caste women with that of lower caste was sinful. This prominently implies the ignoble status of a lower caste and their sufferings. The mythical ideologies of ‘hell’, ‘punishment’, and ‘rebirth’ in the low caste were the means to control the conduct and practices of society. Each religious tradition had its set of precepts. Not only did sexuality and the sexual behaviour of a man and a woman determine purity, but there were other societal codes of conduct involved. A woman who spoke rudely to her son was considered sinful, while the woman who did not consider her 84

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husband equivalent to Kṛṣṇa incurred the sin of Gohatyā.17 A woman was warned to have any type of contact with low and wicked people, being away from the husband for a long time, and living in another man’s house as that would lead to the destruction of chastity and good demeanour in women.18 A hierarchy was applied not only in relation to caste and gender but also for defning character and conduct. An act of digression as narrated in ancient Indian texts involved various complex nuances. Even if a woman complied with the precepts, she was held under suspicion. The most tragic episode was that of Sītā who, though left the pleasures of palace life and followed her husband to lead the diffcult forest life to support her husband, was abandoned by her husband, Rāmā. She was abandoned by him while she was pregnant due to suspicion of his subjects. Sītā was told to go through an ordeal not once but twice. The next section will deal with conditions under which a woman was made to digress wherein it was not consensual.

Digression There were situations when a woman was made to digress from the path of chastity either to satisfy the lust of a man or to meet certain patriarchal needs. Even when she was not at fault, she had to bear the brunt of the social preceptors as it was considered to be the inherent nature of women to be lustful and sinful. By Force Sītā is one of the celebrated pativratā women. We fnd her mentioned in various scriptures other than the Rāmāyaṇa with various modifcations. Her story is told in different MahāPurāṇas such as the Kūrma Purāṇa, the Padma Purāṇa, the Agni Purāṇa, and the Bhāgavata Purāṇa, all of which have sections dedicated to Viṣṇu. Rāmā is one of the incarnations of Viṣṇu. The Kūrma Purāṇa and the Padma Purāṇa incorporate a new twist to the story of Sītā mentioned in Rāmāyaṇa – Agni created an illusory Sītā and took the real Sītā with him, and it was the illusory Sītā that Rāvaṇa abducted. After killing Rāvaṇa, Rāmā took with him the illusory Sītā but his mind was flled with suspicion.19 In the Padma Purāṇa, the abduction of Sītā is portrayed as a divine purpose. Rāvaṇa and Kumbhakarṇa were Śiva’s former highly devoted servants. Due to a curse, they were born on the earth. For their liberation, Sītā was seized by Rāvaṇa in the Daṇdaka forest. Only after the gods convinced Rāmā of the chastity and purity of Sītā that he accepted her. But this was not the end to his suspicion. It was not just his suspicion but his fame and quest to become an ‘ideal’ and ‘just’ king that led to the abandonment of Sītā by Rāmā. Initially, when the gods attested to the purity of Sītā he accepted her. But when his subjects continued suspecting his judgement 85

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as biased, he fnally abandoned Sītā. Though Rāmā knew that Sītā was purifed by fre and was chaste, due to the fear of public scandal, he decided to abandon her, thus maintaining an ideal image – he admitted that he could abandon everyone for maintaining the honour of his lineage and thus he would not question the washerman.20 Sītā defending herself questioned Rāmā’s decision as to how Rāmā, who rescued her from the clutches of Ravana, abandoned her even after being aware that she was pregnant. But accepting his decision, she said that by his remembrance, she would live in the forest and even if he did such an injustice to her, she was ready to have him as her husband at every birth. The Padma Purāṇa continues to explicitly illustrate the ordeal of Sītā. While she was told to testify her purity of character for the second time, she asserted in front of the assembly of people that if she was truthful in her conduct towards her husband, Dharaṇī (i.e. the Earth) would come to her daughter and would take her back. Then goddess Dharaṇī took Sītā along with her. Seeing her entering the earth, not only the gods praised her but also the men in the assembly shouted: ‘Well done, well done. This is Sītā’. This metaphorically illustrates the pain of Sītā in her failure to convince Rāmā despite her truthfulness. On the other hand, the Bhāgavata Purāṇa poignantly details how Rāmā leads a strict and virtuous life by maintaining the vow of having only one wife throughout his life. The story of Sītā is a famous illustration in the Brahmanical tradition whereby a pativratā is abandoned by her husband without any fault of hers. She came under suspicion as she was abducted by another man. Even when she was abducted by Rāvaṇa, she was frm enough and did not allow Rāvaṇa to strip off her modesty. When for the frst time Sītā was asked to go through the fre ordeal, she did it for her husband, knowing that his honour was at stake. Even after she passed the ordeal and was purifed by the fre then, also Rāmā abandoned her. He only desired to become an ideal for society; on the contrary, he wrongly abandoned his truthful wife. Sītā’s character has been portrayed in a manner that would even convince ordinary women to accept the impositions laid down for women. Interpolations in the narrative of Sītā help in comprehending developments in different periods and in constructing the evolution of chastity. The story of Sītā is narrated in Pātālakhaṇḍa and Uttārākhaṇḍa of Padma Purāṇa, which relatively belongs to a late period. The text chronicles how religious developments modifed the position of women. The existence and impact of tantrism cannot be totally ignored. As mentioned earlier that the Purāṇas incorporated changes imply Brahmanism’s constant struggle for survival. The Pātālakhaṇḍa mentions Rāmā and Kṛṣṇa as the incarnation of Viṣṇu. Sītā was abandoned by Rāmā as she was touched by another man. The Kurma Purāṇa and Padma Purāṇa add that an illusory Sītā was created by Agni, and Rāvaṇa abducted the illusory one. Sītā is considered an incarnation of Laksmi, the consort of Viṣṇu. The propagators of Vaisnavism did 86

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not fnd it proper that the incarnation of Laksmi be portrayed to be touched by another man. The Padma Purāṇa in Uttārākhaṇḍa assimilates another addition. The abduction of Sītā by Rāvaṇa had a divine purpose. Rāvaṇa and Kumbhakarṇa were devoted servants in the celestial world and, due to a curse, were born on earth. It was for their liberation that Sītā was abducted. The Padma Purāṇa, though mainly consists of sections attributed to Viṣṇu, praises Śiva as well. It is a well-known fact that Rāvaṇa was a follower of Śiva. While Brahmanism amalgamated Saivism into it, Rāvaṇa was then characterised as a celestial being belonging to the Brahmanical tradition and not a villain. Thus, the characters were puppets to the ever-changing social and political conditions. An ordeal was supposed to purify the sin, but in reality, it was a public display for making them believe that one is accepting a pure soul. But when Rāmā told his wife to give an ordeal for the second time, she did not accept it. Even the washerman who belonged to the lower stratum of the society was concerned about his wife’s purity and chastity. His wife stayed in another man’s house, causing infamy for him. Though his mother told him to accept her, who did not have any fault, he did not do it. This is implicit in the fact that the concept of chastity has percolated to the lower stratum of society, and this stands in sharp contrast to the belief that such women were relatively independent of societal impositions. But there is a profound difference in the treatment of Sita and the washerman’s wife. For the washerman’s wife, there were no gods who could convince her of her innocence to her husband – there was no ordeal set for her to prove her innocence. Ancient Indian narratives rim with stories of the abduction of wives by celestial beings. The wife of Brihaspati, a notable Rishi in ancient Indian scriptures, Tārā was abducted by Moon. Tārā became pregnant due to him.21 Despite knowing the fact that Tārā was married, he approached her. Candāmā argued that she should get physically involved with him as her husband is involved in his devotion towards Lord Kṛṣṇa. But like any devoted wife, he reproached him. Tārā even warned him that whatever he had earned by his Rajasuya sacrifce would perish if he approached the wife of a Brāhmaṇa as it was improper for a man to get attracted to another man’s wife. If he did so he would be termed as ‘unchaste’. He did not pay any heed to her warning and took her away by force and involved in a sexual union with her. As Candāmā violated the purity of a chaste woman, he acquired a black spot on him.22 In the later part of the story, both Candāmā and Tārā were purifed. Candāmā was purifed after he paid his devotion to Viṣṇu. Tārā was not refuted as a sinful woman as she did not get involved with another man willingly though her husband was unwilling to accept her on account of his penance (as mentioned in the Brahmāvaivarta Purāṇa). The story of Tārā is mentioned in the Brahmāvaivarta Purāṇa, Vāmana Purāṇa, Skāṇḍa Purāṇa, Matsya Purāṇa, Bhāgavata Purāṇa, and Viṣṇu Purāṇa as well. The mention of Tārā’s story in numerous Purāṇa indicates 87

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its importance. But each Purāṇa has given its own twist to the story depending on the god the text has been attributed to. This also refects the struggle within the Trinity and its effect on the construction of precepts and the portrayal of a woman. In the version mentioned in the Brahmāvaivarta Purāṇa, Vāmana Purāṇa, Skāṇḍa Purāṇa, Bhāgavata Purāṇa, and Viṣṇu Purāṇa, Tārā was forcibly abducted by Soma. But the one mentioned in the Matsya Purāṇa clearly indicates that she was desirous of Soma. While studying different versions of the story narrated in different MahāPurāṇas mentioned above, it is important to observe and analyse the husband’s conduct towards his wife. Only in the version mentioned in the Vāmana Purāṇa, Tārā was deserted by her husband. This reminds us of the treatment meted out to Ahalyā. In the Brahmāvaivarta Purāṇa and Bhāgavata Purāṇa, Brihaspati was not very keen on accepting Tārā. The version in the Bhāgavata Purāṇa portrays how a husband could have reciprocated while the wife was forcibly abducted by another man. Tārā, like Sītā, was abducted by another man forcibly. Tārā was impregnated by her abductor. In the Bhāgavata Purāṇa, Brihaspati, like Rāmā, accused Tārā and called her a ‘wicked’ woman ordered her to abort the child as the ‘feld’ belonged to him, while Soma, on account of him being a vīryaja son, claimed to be his, as he was born from his ‘seed’. This illustration portrays the real ownership of a woman and her womb. Brihaspati claimed over the son even though he knew that the son was conceived through the ‘seed’ of another man on the basis of his ownership of the ‘feld’. Tārā’s voice has been silenced; she was a puppet at the hands of the patriarchs. In the Viṣṇu Purāṇa too, her husband instructed her the same. Here her son called her dushtam (wicked) and asked her who the father was by threatening her that if she does not tell him the truth, he will punish her. The same behaviour has been demonstrated in the Bhāgavata Purāṇa and threatened her in the same manner for concealing a ‘sinful’ act. A question that arises here is why the authors of Matsya Purāṇa attempt to portray Tārā as desirous of Soma? The tales of Tārā and Sītā help in understanding the horizontal and vertical social stratifcation. The binary division does not hold true. There are multiple hierarchies that exist. Sītā was the wife of Rāmā and incarnation of Laksmi, while Tārā was the wife of a profound Rishi. The author/authors of the Purāṇa were Brahmins and thus, through their writings, portrayed their power and authority even over the gods. Tārā, unlike Sītā, did not have to go through any ordeal, indicating that multiple factors were responsible for the conduct towards a woman. Even though, in some versions, Tārā was rebuked by her husband and son, she was not insulted publicly like Sītā. But rebukes by her husband and son poignantly point out patriarchal control throughout her life. It implies the susceptible position a woman held in society. Such vulnerability mainly originated due to the patriarchal norms that changed its attitude according to its need. 88

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A woman not only faced threats from outside but also within the household. Mamatā, the wife of Rishi Uśija, was forced into a sexual union by her husband’s younger brother, Bṛhaspati. When Bṛhaspati wanted to enjoy Mamatā, she told him not to have any such desires for her as she was bearing his brother’s child in her womb that would get angry, and his elder brother Uśija would never allow Bṛhaspati’s seed to enter into her womb. She told him to enjoy her after she had delivered. In spite of her remonstrance, Bṛhaspati did not listen to her and ‘forcibly carried out his intention’. What is striking here is that Mamatā did not deny Bṛhaspati’s approach on the ground of impropriety but told him to enjoy it afterwards. In the version narrated in the Bhāgavata Purāṇa, Bṛhaspati was punished by the son in Mamatā’s womb. Bṛhaspati cursed the child in her womb and also tried to deposit his semen which was prevented by the son in her womb. Mamatā’s story not only hints at a woman’s helplessness within the household. By Deception Men took not only force but also deception to enjoy a woman. The stories of Ahalyā and Tārā are one of the most celebrated ones. The signifcant fact is the variations in the treatment of the women and how the accused is being punished. One should keep in mind that the female characters involved belong mainly to the Brāhmaṇa or the kṣatriya caste and the perpetrators are mostly gods or demons. The gods or demons by deception made the woman lose her chastity either for their pleasure or for their other selfmotivated needs or a divine purpose. Through the characters of these stories, sermons are laid out, which helps in understanding chastity implicitly. Like Sītā, Ahalyā too had to suffer without any fault of hers (in the version mentioned in Brahmāvaivarta Purāṇa). Here, her husband also recognises the fact that his wife though did not lose her chastity willingly, as she was touched by another man that she had to suffer in order to purify herself.23 Indra was also cursed by Gautama. The curse was a landmark of his sinful act. The story of Ahalyā and Indra is also mentioned in the Padma Purāṇa but with certain modifcations. Ahalyā was the mind-born daughter of the Creator. In Padma Purāṇa also Indra takes the disguise of her husband and violates her. Gautama, the husband of Ahalyā, cursed Indra. He also cursed his wife that she would stay alone for a long time pervading only with bones as she was approached and touched by another man. This condition of hers was said to be visible to other men and women. Thus, like Sītā, Ahalyā also went through a public redemption. Describing her as satī pativratā and feeling sympathetic towards her, he told her the providence of purifcation – that by the touch of Rāmā she will get purifed, and then only she will be accepted by him. Indra, on the other hand, had vaginal marks on his body because of having violated Ahalyā,24 and due to the favour of Goddess 89

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Inndrākṣī, he redeemed himself and came to be known as Sahasrākṣa (one having 1,000 eyes).25 Men, in most cases, were kept out from ordeal and punishment. Gods like Brahmā and Viṣṇu were neither abused nor punished when they performed such acts. Even their earthly counterparts enjoyed such privileges. Sedition by Touch Brāhmaṇa women who were the wives of Saptarsis were ‘beautiful, virtuous, meek, religious-minded and chaste’,26 and the god of fre, by trick, touched them as he was infatuated by them. The women being devoted to their husband was not aware of the trick. The sage being aware of the feelings of the god of fre cursed him as well as his wives. Ahalyā and these Brāhmaṇa women were forsaken by their husbands even when they knew they were not at fault. Like Rāmā, they had to maintain their ‘righteous’ image. It was of primary importance that the male characters appear upright in the scriptures. The demons who were supposedly the ‘wicked’ and ‘degraded’ section of the society were not the only ones to lay lustful eyes on women, but the gods to whom the society looked upon and worshipped did the same for fulflling their own particular needs, either political or sexual. But there was a profound difference in the nature of the treatment being meted out to them. Infringement for a Purpose Jalandhara, who was a part of Rudra, commenced a battle against the Devas as he was infatuated by listening to the description of Pārvatī.27 His wife Vṛndā, like a true pativrata, advised him to turn away his mind from Pārvatī. But he did not listen to her and continued his fght with Śiva. He even took the form of Śiva and went to her, but Pārvatī, through her power, came to know about it. Viṣṇu knew that Jalandhara was protected by the chastity of his wife. When Vṛndā came to know about this, she cursed Viṣṇu that his two gate-keepers would be born as Rākṣasas and would abduct his wife. As a consequence, he will wander in the forest due to the separation from his wife. After pronouncing the curse, Vṛndā immolated herself. In the Padma Purāṇa,28 the story has been re-told in a different manner – when Viṣṇu heard from Garuḍa about the beauty of Jalandhara’s wife, Vṛndā, he ‘lost all his longing for Lakṣmī’. Viṣṇu took the form of her husband. Only after the sexual union that she realised it was Viṣṇu in the form of her husband and cursed him that since he had deceived her in the form of an ascetic, his wife would be abducted by someone who would take the form of an ascetic.

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Thus, in the frst version of the story (i.e. in the Skāṇḍa Purāṇa), we see that Viṣṇu took the form of Vṛndā’s husband to violate the chastity of Jalandhara’s wife, as his life was protected by her chastity. Thus, Viṣṇu violated dharma, for which he was cursed by the ‘chaste’ lady, Vṛndā. In another version, Viṣṇu, not due to any crisis but rather being desirous of another man’s wife, took the form of an ascetic in the form of her husband and performed sexual union with her. Again, one can locate a form of stratifcation – while Jalandhara, a demon, was killed, Viṣṇu’s redemption was given a touch of divine purpose. The story of Vṛndā conveys the power of a chaste woman. Even the gods could not escape her rage. In Mahābhārata also, Gāndhāri cursed Kṛṣṇa, an avatar of Viṣṇu, on account of her merit earned through chastity. ‘Righteous’ children were said to have been born out of ‘righteous’ marriage.29 The term ‘righteous’ is paradoxical when a woman could not obtain a progeny from her husband and, for the same purpose, was made to tolerate the touch of another man. We come across numerous stories in the ancient Indian texts when a wife was sent to another man for begetting progeny. For Lineage Garuḍa Purāṇa mentions that men are said to have permission to have sexual intercourse with their deceased brother’s wife till she conceives of producing a son. The son born from such a union was a legitimate one.30 The term niyoga is used in the Garuḍa Purāṇa to denote the legally permitted union of a married woman to obtain a son with a man other than her husband, generally her brother-in-law, i.e. her husband’s younger brother.31 The Pandavas and their ancestral history are witnesses to the complexities and compromises that were performed for obtaining a progeny. Śantanu, who was the second born of Satyavatī, was a parivetteṛ (one who had married before his elder brother) and married twice. Vyāsa, the classifer of the Vedas, was born out of wedlock. His mother was Satyavatī. He is called a kānīna, the son of an unmarried girl. The story of the Pandavas mentioned in the Mahābhārata is known to all. Numerous Purāṇas also refer to the story of the Pandavas. It was a chain of compromises that followed generation after generation to continue the lineage of the family. As we come across numerous stories wherein a queen was sent mostly to Brahmins for obtaining a son, one may infer that it was a practice sanctioned by the scriptures. Queen Sudesna, like Ambikā and Ambālika, was sent to a sage by her husband for begetting progeny. Another issue that emerges is that though the inability of a woman to conceive was portrayed as a primary concern, the importance of a man is well concealed. While we see that the involvement of the gods and sages gave a touch of divinity, a story mentioned in the Brahmāvaivarta Purāṇa

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provides an interesting twist wherein a cowherdess (gopī) woman, despite having a husband, approaches a man who is a Brāhmaṇa, higher than her caste for progeny.32 The woman named Kalavati was the wife of a king named Drumila in the region of Kankyabhoja, who was childless due to some defect of his. She approached the sage after taking permission from her husband. Seeing the sage, she felt passionate towards him and requested him to grant his semen. When the sage came to know about her proposal, he was enraged. At that moment Menaka passed by. Seeing her he dropped his semen. Kalavati consumed the semen. After she returned to her husband, he called her a ‘chaste’ and ‘fortunate’ woman. He distributed many riches amongst the Brāhmaṇas and gave animals and articles in charity to them. The son born of her was said to be auspicious. When he died, Kalavati tried to kill herself on the pyre of her husband, but a Brāhmaṇa saved her. In this story, there is a violation of traditional and orthodox Brahmanical ideals at multiple levels. A woman approached a sage to whom she gets attracted and requested him to grant his semen. In most of the stories, the husband sends his wife to a Brahmin who is willing to perform such an act. But in this story, the woman herself fnds a man to procure a progeny. It might be the case that such a twist has been incorporated intentionally to exhibit the difference between the women of the upper caste and that of the lower. The story, at the same time, displays how there was an attempt to include the lower caste within the domain of the Brahmanical tradition. Another transgression that very prominently points out social stratifcation that continued to exist – the sage who did not accept the sexual approach of a Śūdra woman could not control his senses seeing an apsarā. It implies how assertive the Brahmins were in maintaining their ‘elitist’ attitude. A Śūdra woman is depicted as one who did not possess the social status and beauty to impress a sage. But the manner in which she managed to collect his semen not only indicates their subjugated position but, at the same time, suggests that by submitting to the dominance of the Brāhmaṇas, they will be blessed.

Defance In the previous section, we have discussed those women who without any fault of theirs were perceived as ‘unchaste’. But in this section, we would discuss women who did not choose to convene to the prescribed notion but followed their own minds and desires though they were aware of the fact that such behaviour was not acceptable. The Padma Purāṇa explains why a woman should never resort to another man other than her husband.33 The women who belonged to the defant group were viewed as a threat to society as their acts of transgression challenged patriarchal norms and pushed normative boundaries. Thus, in an attempt to control them, the preceptors of the Brahmanical tradition tried 92

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establishing a belief that such women who resorted to another man other than their own husband went to a fearful hell. The concept of transgression involves implicit and explicit nuances. One has to keep in mind that a woman defying social norms, despite being under the pressure of social norms, does not perform such an act out of compulsion but to satisfy her desires, be it emotional or sexual. What makes the stories in the Purāṇas and other ancient Indian texts complex is that in some circumstances even if a woman is transgressing from the path of chastity she is not deemed as ‘impure’ or ‘unchaste’; rather she becomes a celebrated character. Certain issues need to be examined while dealing with transgression as to whether a man/woman is transgressing within or outside the institution of marriage, how he/she is being treated by society, how is it affecting the later part of their life, and also how their partner is being affected by it? Other than these, it is also signifcant to consider the background of the third party they are getting involved with and his/her behaviour towards the offender. The reason and nature of the act of transgression are equally important – whether she is performing it out of being unsatisfed emotionally or physically within the institution of marriage. An unsatisfed sexual life might have led women to go out of their marriage and defy the norms of society. In the Brahmāvaivarta Purāṇa, we come across a story where Dharma took the form of a human man and then approached the ‘chaste’ wife of another with the purpose of sexual dalliance on the basis that she can be unsatisfed sexually as her husband is a sage and is not well-versed in the art of making love. The deliberate act of defance indicates a failure on the part of the preceptors to control her sexuality. At the same time, it also explains why impositions on her were stringent in nature. The nature of the treatment meted out to these women was not homogeneous. In the stories, we would see the celebrated characters of the ancient Indian myths breaking the norms were not under any compulsion but were rather self-induced. Contravention An act of transgression is a deliberate one and thus is a threat to societal codes. The defnition of transgression differed according to the various developments of the period, thus making it heterogeneous in nature. For example, it would be interesting to observe how the involvement of the Brahmanical deities and sages inverted the notion of chastity for earthly beings, which might be considered an attempt to propagate its various ideals and practices. The MahāPurāṇas are helpful in discerning and understanding the developments of different time periods and how they infuenced various religious traditions and their practices. The Skāṇḍa Purāṇa narrates the story of a married woman who was involved in an illegitimate relationship outside the institution of marriage and was reprimanded by her husband. 93

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She testifed her purity by giving a fre ordeal34 Divyagraha (ordeal through fre) in front of the deities and Brāhmaṇas. She came out of the fre, though she was guilty. The fre-god explained to him that the place where his wife spent with her paramour is a place where Brahmā with Rudra on his head is placed. After spending time with her lover, she used to see the deity and wash her limbs in the holy pit placed there. As a result of this, such activities started taking place there. The same thing happened with a king who came there. The king destroyed the place, but the queen murdered him. In another story enumerated in the Skāṇḍa Purāṇa, a widow called Śāradā, who was the wife of a Brāhmaṇa became pregnant due to the boon of a sage after seeking blessings from Pārvatī, wife of Śiva. With the blessings of Pārvatī, the widow sexually united with her husband in dreams and became pregnant. But when she became pregnant, her kinsmen and relatives abused her. A voice from the sky said that no sin has been committed by her and that she is not an adulteress as ‘By the boons of deities or curses of great sages, even improper things become proper undoubtedly’.35 This explains why queens were mostly sent to sages and gods for progeny. Various norms were created in the expectation that society would conform to them. A punishment acted as a psychological force to restore balance within society. Women have been repressed through these codes to meet patriarchal needs. Thus, there was a regressive social reaction when a woman defed such precepts to satisfy their needs. Different MahāPurāṇas have chronicled acts of transgression by women, but later developments incorporated the idea that her redemption or punishment depended on her conduct towards a particular religious tradition – a vaiśya man married a woman called Citrā who was unchaste, but her sin washed away when she served a Brāhmaṇa even though they were engaged in sexual union.36 It was the Brāhmaṇa who told her the way of expiation. It was important for the authors of the Purāṇas to convey to their audience the possible outcome of such an act of transgression. The Uttārākhaṇḍa of Padma Purāṇa narrates the story of a married woman belonging to a mean family.37 She was involved with other men. In order to earn her livelihood, she went out of the city and got sexually involved with a cāṇdāla. If adulterous, the woman was treated as an outcaste by the people. Though both the stories talk about a woman’s deviant behaviour, there is a salient difference between them. In the previous one, an unchaste woman was involved with a Brāhmaṇa in an infdel relation, a relation not sanctioned by the Brahmanical scriptures, but then also she was liberated from her sins as she was indulged with a Brāhmaṇa. In the other story, the woman was involved with men of lower caste. It was expected of a wife that she would serve her husband, whether he is ugly or handsome, of good or bad character, whether rich or poor. But she did not perform the same and was disloyal to her husband. Her act which can be termed as ‘subversive’ challenged Brahmanical norms at multiple levels. It implies that the caste 94

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of the partner with whom a woman is involved in the ‘illicit’ relationship determined the code of conduct towards the offender. The Padma Purāṇa goes to the extent of narrating that due to such a deviant act of a woman, she can get devoured by a tiger too.38 In this story, the unchaste woman was married to a Brāhmaṇa. The woman was not loyal to her Brāhmaṇa husband and dawdled with her lovers. Once when she went to the forest, she was devoured by a tiger that did not ‘eat sages and good men and chaste women’.39 She was made to suffer even after her death and then was to be reborn as a cāṇdāla.40 The summoning of such a treatment represents excruciating agony in the society that existed for women who broke the chains that were meant for stifing a woman’s erotic feelings. The stories discussed above imply how gender, caste, and the precept of chastity interplayed and infuenced each other. A woman’s erotic desires and choices were termed as profane. A transgression is a deliberate act, and thus such women, even after being acquainted with the existing norms, attempted to defy social conventions. Such an act of transgression and the treatment given to her as a result of such a defying action helps not only in understanding society’s apprehension but also in tracing her history of repression. A woman’s act of defance disturbed the balance within the society which the misogynist preceptors of the society aimed to establish. A narration about an ‘unchaste’ wife who dared to have a son41 from her paramour is a witness as to how a woman who defed social norms was perceived as. The regressive treatment meted out to her by society not only refects the tension regarding a woman’s sexuality but also indicates that such an act of defance was not uncommon. It was due to the unchaste wife that the husband killed himself. But she did not feel ashamed, and after her husband’s death, she continued to enjoy herself with her lovers. But her lovers left her when she was old. She became a leper and started begging. After her death cāṇdālas dragged her seizing her hair and took her out of the city. The main purpose of such stories was to make the listeners understand that the life of an unchaste woman was flled with miseries, not only when she was alive but even after her death. After her rebirth, it was through her son that she was emancipated.42 Men were encouraged to abandon such an ‘unchaste’ wife or else it would be the husbands who would suffer. Such ‘profane’ women were promised expiation if they had a son or worshipped a god belonging to a particular religious tradition! Some stories in Purāṇas narrate how ‘chaste’ and ‘pious’ women transgressed from the path of chastity after her husband’s death. Most of the time, there was an attempt to maintain the monogamous status of a widow. Such narrations demonstrate the need for a man’s control over a woman’s sexuality, mind, and body throughout her life. The Śiva Purāṇa recount a story of a woman who, due to her acts of previous birth, was reborn as an ‘outcaste’ woman.43 The outcaste woman was a Brahmin girl in previous birth. She was named Sauminī and was said to be endowed with all good 95

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characteristics. While Sauminī was married to a young Brahmin, she got indulged in a sexual relationship with him. When her husband died, she was grief-stricken and maintained her purity. Though she was a widow, she possessed passionate feelings as she was still young and transgressed from the normative behaviour.44 Her family abandoned her. A Śūdra married her and they then became fond of sexual dalliance. While she was drunk, she killed a calf. Considering her previous pious deeds, Yama sent her back to hell to be born as an ‘outcaste’. Sauminī was then born as a cāṇdāla. In this birth as a cāṇdāla, she was blind, had leprosy, and was not married to anyone. She attained salvation when by mistake Bilva leaves had fallen from her hand on the Śivā’s phallic image and unconsciously observed a vow. In the Skāṇḍa Purāṇa, we come across a story where an unchaste woman attains salvation through Viṣṇu despite her unpious deeds.45 Unlike Sauminī the wife of the Brāhmana mentioned here lived with her paramours of all caste and creeds along with her husband. The Brāhmana was not enamoured of her though she possessed beauty and youth. She tried to win him over through a medicinal portion from a Yoginī. Due to such sinful activities, she had a painful death. In her next birth when she was born in the category of ‘lower animal’ she was made to realise that if a wife acts improperly towards her husband a woman cannot attain happiness and is then born hundred times among the lower animals and worms. By the blessings of Hari, she was then born on the earth from Nara and Nārāyaṇa and was called Urvaśī, a celestial damsel. The stories in the Purāṇas not only portray the sufferings of an ‘unchaste’ woman but also illustrate that if she worships and serves a god belonging to the Brahmanical tradition and a Brahmin, she gets emancipated despite her sinful activities. Mostly, the narrations involve female characters belonging to the upper caste. The narrations demonstrate not only the need for patriarchal control over her throughout her life but also how signifcant it was for a man to ‘love’ and ‘control’ her; otherwise she would defy all moral barriers to satisfy her needs. The Brahmin preceptors were petrifed of the intermixture of caste. Social conditions were undergoing changes due to various foreign invasions. Thus, consorts of the celestial beings and the upper-caste women (the queens and wives of Brahmins) were of great importance to the preceptors of the Brahmanical tradition not only to portray their authority but also to maintain the same. An illicit relationship was prohibited for high-ranking people as it was said to bring disgrace to both men and women. Their treatment and conduct towards the upper stratum of society held great importance. It was through their control over the celestial world and upper-caste men and women that they demonstrated their dominance. Though such women who were treated as an ‘outcaste’ and punished severely for defying Brahmanical norms were promised expiation and heaven. It was through their portrayal of control over the celestial

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world (which was out of reach of other earthly beings) and upper caste that the Brahmins continued their legacy. We get stories in the Purāṇas where a woman’s appreciation offended the husband and thus disturbed patriarchal conventions. Out of Appreciation Jamadagni, a sage married Reṇukā who was the daughter of King Prasenjit. Reṇukā lived with her husband in a hermitage and was a part of his ascetic life. She performed her duties accurately. Once when she went to take bath, on her way she saw King Chitraratha with a garland of lotuses on his neck with his queens. When she returned to the hermitage, her husband understood her state of mind and considered her to be fallen from ‘virtue’ and ordered his sons to kill Reṇukā. Reṇukā tried to self-immolate when her husband died out of pain and misery. None took into account the injustice and trauma Reṇukā had to go through as an individual. Parasurāmā, her son killed her at the command of his father. But he was punished because he killed his own mother, which was considered a heinous act.46 Reṇukā, like Sītā, left her palace life for her husband and was living in the forest. Though both were unquestionably devoted to their husbands, they were punished by them instead of being praised for their devotion. It was through another man, who was her son, that she was revived. Reṇukā’s longing posits a crisis that might have originated in the life of a princess while she lived in a hermitage in the forest with her husband. The Rishis, who were busy practising penance, felt apprehensive and might have been aware of such a crisis. Thus, through such narrations, the male preceptors of the society tried to curb any kind of desires that might originate in their wife’s minds, who originally belonged to the royal family and led a luxurious life. We fnd another version of the story in the Skāṇḍa Purāṇa where the son was also ordered to kill his mother for such an act, but he did not. Moreover, even the husband was shown to be regretful of his decision. Like Reṇukā, she was the wife of a Brāhmaṇa and lived in a hermitage. She was called an immoral woman as she was pleased to see another man and came late for her household work. The story recounts the importance of a wife within the household – it is through his wife that a man maintains the purity of the family, and if he does not control his wife all purity is lost. The reason behind this stringent behaviour lies in maintaining the purity of the lineage. The story refects the need for a woman and her irreplaceable power. Though she was considered impure, they were accepted by their husbands for maintaining balance within their family and meeting their own needs, either mental, physical, or household duties.

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The Paradox One of the striking features of the Purāṇas is that they are paradoxical in nature. It contradicts its own defnition and norms. Now we would discuss when, why, and for whom such mutation took place. As mentioned earlier discrimination was not homogenous in nature and there was horizontal and vertical stratifcation. The celestial world that included the gods, goddesses, and other celestial beings ran parallel to life on earth. The Brahmins were the medium through which earthly beings whether a royal or any ‘ordinary’ being could connect to various deities. Thus, the portrayal of the celestial beings was of utmost importance to them. The ‘Divine’ Trinity: Brahmā, Śiva, Viṣṇu The divine trinity consisted of Brahmā, Śiva, and Viṣṇu. This also represents the reconciliation of various sectarian beliefs. There are numerous stories about Brahmā, Śiva, and Viṣṇu in the Purāṇas. Different Purāṇas enumerate how Brahma felt desirous of his own female creation. Brahmā was inficted with passion after invoking goddess Gāyatrī who was known by different names such as Śatarūpā, Sāvitrī, Sarasvatī, etc. She appeared in the form of a girl from the half portion of Brahmā’s body. The author of the Matsya Purāṇa mentions how Brahmā at frst ‘mistakenly’ took her to be his daughter and felt lustful towards her.47 The mānasa putras who were also created by Brahmā scorned their father for such an act as they considered Sāvitrī as their sister. Brahmā lost all the powers which he gained through his asceticism as he could not control his mind and he cursed the god of love for feeling passionate about Sāvitrī.48 Brahmā married Śatarūpā and lived with her inside a lotus, and Manu was born to them. Brahmā was not considered sinful for marrying Sāvitrī. The offspring of Brahmā were allowed to marry within the paternal line.49 Viṣṇu, in the form of matsya-avatara, explains that as devas and celestials have originated in a different manner and do not have ‘supersensuous’ form, they begot progeny in a different manner which is diffcult for a human to understand as they have sensuous bodies.50 Such conduct was not considered ‘sinful’ as Brahmā is the lord of the Vedas and Gāyatrī of the Brāhmaṇas, and being the master of Savitri, Brahmā did not commit any sin.51 In the same manner, another Purāṇa narrates Brahma’s desire for his mind-born daughter named Sandhyā, who in her next birth was called Arundhatī, one of the celebrated chaste women mentioned in ancient Indian texts. Sandhyā, after admitting her own desires for her father and brothers, decided to cast off her body to the fre as it is her body from which lustful desires originated. Sandhyā then practised penance and worshipped Śiva. It was through Śiva that she was purifed. Śiva blessed her that she would acquire the status that has not been attained by any woman in three 98

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worlds.52 It is said that those who listen to her story along with auspicious rites attain all cherished desires. Arundhatī in her previous birth behaved in an unconventional way and thought lustfully not only of her father but of her brothers as well. The same was the case with Brahmā who got sexually attracted to her own daughter. Arundhatī practised penance and entered the fre. There are numerous accounts of Brahmā’s infringement in various Purāṇas. Enamoured by the beauty of Pārvatī, wife of Śiva,53 and Rati, wife of Kamadeva,54 Brahmā ejaculated his semen after seeing Kali. While his semen dropped, from it originated Bālakhilya hermits.55 Śiva, Pārvatī’s husband, said one should not kill Brāhmaṇas and thus the Bālakhilya hermits were born. Brahmā also felt lustful towards the damsels who emerged out of the body of Laksmi. When his semen fell, he threw it in the ocean – a ‘divine lustre’ emerged and sat on his lap56 and he was Agni.57 While in another story narrated in the Padma Purāṇa, Brahmā58 seeing Amoghā, the wife of the sage Śantanu, ejaculated. When her husband saw it, he told her to preserve his semen as a son will be born to her. The wife did accordingly. Like Brahmā, Śiva felt enamoured of the beauty of another woman, a female illusion created by Viṣṇu in front of his wife, Pārvatī. Viṣṇu appreciated Śiva as he was able to revert himself to the normal state though he could not control his semen.59 While running after her, his semen fell on various places on earth. Those places turned into ‘areas of silver and gold ores’. Śiva under the infuence of such beauty expressed his feeling of submission for another woman to Pārvatī, his wife. But he was not punished for the same. Viṣṇu was also involved in sexual dalliances with many women including the Earth.60 The Legend of Kṛṣṇa Kṛṣṇa was an incarnation of Viṣṇu. The love between Rādhā and Kṛṣṇa is well celebrated and many consider it an ideal form of love and devotion. But when we plunge deep into their relationship, we fnd how many mutations of the prescribed norms took place to portray it as ‘divine’. Different Purāṇas narrate the ‘eternal’ love between Kṛṣṇa, Rādhā, and gopīs. With the spread of Vaisnavism, there was a change in the story and the relationships embedded within it. The ‘divine’ love between the gopīs and Kṛṣṇa has been beautifully enumerated in the Bhāgavata Purāṇa (Tenth Skaṇḍha) and is exquisite in its description. The festive dance between the gopīs and Kṛṣṇa is called Rāsa Krīḍā.61 In this form, gopīs formed a circle with their arms interlocked with that of Kṛṣṇa who assumed many forms as there were many gopīs. The gopīs are shown to meditate on Kṛṣṇa in an act of devotion. Though prohibited by their brothers and husband, they went out at night to sport with Kṛṣṇa. The gopīs were enamoured of Kṛṣṇa. As the gopīs used to hear about Kṛṣṇa’s 99

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coming, they could not be prevented by their husbands, fathers, brothers, and relatives from going to their ‘lord’ Kṛṣṇa. When the gopīs came out of their household to meet Kṛṣṇa at night, he reminded them of their duties as ‘ideal’ wives62 and also that devotion to him can be attained by hearing, looking, and meditating upon him and not just by physical proximity. The gopīs were disappointed and replied that it behoves him to say so as he is the origin of such precepts (of ideal wives) and called their husbands, sons, and relatives a source of trouble. But Kṛṣṇa is said to have dwelled in their husbands as well. The male inhabitants of Vraja spellbound by the ‘lord’ always felt the presence of their wife by their side and did not feel jealousy towards him.63 In some Purāṇas, like the Padma Purāṇa and the Brahmāvaivarta Purāṇa, Rukmiṇī, his wedded wife, is relegated to the background, while the Bhāgavata Purāṇa is silent about Rādhā. But the Bhāgavata Purāṇa mentions a woman whom Kṛṣṇa sported as being aloof from other gopīs.64 The Viṣṇu Purāṇa and the Bhāgavata Purāṇa mentions Kṛṣṇa’s marriage to Rukmiṇī. In the Viṣṇu Purāṇa, Kṛṣṇa who fell in love with Rukmiṇī65 married her in the Rākṣasa ritual. She gave birth to his son called Pradyumna. Rukmiṇī bore to him other sons too and one daughter. Kṛṣṇa had other seven ‘beautiful’ wives – Kālindī, Mitravindā, satya Nagnajiti, devi Jambāvatī, kamrupini Rohinī, Mādrī, and Lakṣmanā. Besides them, he had 16,000 other wives. Each of them bore ten sons.66 As Kṛṣṇa enjoyed the company of gopīs, Kṛṣṇa sported with Rādhā and other gopīs in Vṛndāvana. The Padma Purāṇa enumerates their ‘sacred’ love story. At Vṛndāvana, Rādhā was the chief goddess.67 They are said to have obtained great joy due to their proximity and Rādhā used to tremble due to the infuence of passion for Kṛṣṇa.68 She is desirous to see her ‘lover’69 used to go to the forest after deceiving her elders. Moreover, Rādhā’s mother-in-law used to allow her to go to Yaśodā’s home to cook for Kṛṣṇa when Yaśodā invited her to do so. Even though Rādhā transcended the said norms of the society, she is described as ‘affectionate, of pure heart and the one who drinks the nectar of Kṛṣṇa’70 and as ‘the one who stands above any other woman and that there is no woman resembling Rādhikā’.71 The Brahmāvaivarta Purāṇa (Brahmā-Khaṇḍa) talks about the divine status of the gopīs and Rādhā72 – the gopīs resided in the initial creation and they merged with Kṛṣṇa at the time of dissolution and Rādhā is said to emerge from the left side of Kṛṣṇa. Rādhā became ‘dearest’ to him as she emerged from his own body. The gopīs who emerged from the body of Rādhā were said to be as ‘beautiful’ as Rādhā. They were crores in number and were ‘youthful’. The Brahmāvaivarta Purāṇa also mentions how the Vaiśeṣika doctrine, Sāṁkhya and Mīmāṅsā philosophers, Vedānta philosophy, Yogaśāstra of Pātañjali, and Purāṇas admire Kṛṣṇa and hold him in great estimation. Rādhā too is eulogised in the Purāṇas. She is said to be a part of the celebrated chaste women mentioned in texts belonging to the Brahmanical tradition. Durga, 100

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Narayani, Pārvatī, Savitri, Sarasvati, and all other goddesses are said to be the rays of Rādhā. The Brahmāvaivarta Purāṇa not only acclaims the ‘sacred’ story of Kṛṣṇa and Rādhā but also upholds that the love Kṛṣṇa has for Rādhā cannot be the same for Rukmini73 as Rādhā is the incarnation of Laksmi and ‘represents the entire prowess of Kṛṣṇa’. Rādhā is described as the most ‘virtuous’ and ‘auspicious’ of all the chaste ladies. Like Sītā, an illusory image was also made for Rādhā when she was to get married to Rayana, a trader by profession, when she was to take birth on earth. It was due to a curse in the goloka that Rādhā was born on earth as a gopī. Rādhā was born in the village of Gokula in the family of Vaiśya cowherd. She was born without any human contact (like Sītā and Draupadi). The shadow of Rādhā was said to be married to Rayana while the real one disappeared. After 14 years went by Kṛṣṇa took birth as an infant. Rayana was the real brother of Yaśodā, the mother of Kṛṣṇa on earth and thus was Kṛṣṇa’s maternal uncle in Vṛndāvana.74 The myth of creating an illusory image or being born out of the amsa of Rādhā or Kṛṣṇa was used to show that the divinity and purity of the gods and goddesses were beyond the understanding of the ordinary people. The nature of the legend of Kṛṣṇa and Rādhā in the Padma and Brahmāvaivarta Purāṇas is sacred and passionate. Rādhā is shown to be the greatest goddess from whom all other goddesses have emerged. In the text, she is the wife of Kṛṣṇa. But due to the curse of Kṛṣṇa, she did not bear any child to him though Kṛṣṇa implanted his seed into Rādhā.75 But Rukmini and his other wives on earth bore children to him. Rādhā at the same time had to bear Kṛṣṇa’s love and indulgences with other women. Kṛṣṇa’s involvement with the gopīs infuriated Rādhā. Kṛṣṇa used to trick Rādhā by taking any other form to be with other gopīs. On discovering such an act of Kṛṣṇa, Rādhā being infuriated cursed the women involved. The Brahmāvaivarta Purāṇa poignantly describes the pain and anger of Rādhā which she felt because of Kṛṣṇa’s amorous act with other women. Rādhā expressed her disappointment regarding his relationship with other women when she discovered Kṛṣṇa’s relation with Ganga. Embracing her,76 he planted his semen into her. Ganga sought the protection of Kṛṣṇa due to the rage of Rādhā. There is even a reference to a mantra bestowed by Brahma through which another woman would liberate herself from the fear of Rādhā and Rādhā will grant her the permission to ornament herself in seclusion and become the ‘beloved’ of Kṛṣṇa as Rādhāika herself.77 Other women who were caught with Kṛṣṇa in the goloka were said to have turned into a virtue by him. It was through their love, passion, and devotion towards Kṛṣṇa that they were promised Viṣṇu as their husband in their next birth. The love of Rādhā, though have been idealised, at the same time, refects the confict and inner struggle she had to go through to accept the inappropriate behaviour of Kṛṣṇa. 101

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In the Brahmāvaivarta Purāṇa, we do fnd criticism of Kṛṣṇa’s character and conduct. But it is given a touch of sacredness. Kṛṣṇa who was the kṣatriya of Mathura was the son of a vaiśya in Gokula known by the name of Nanda is described as a wicked person who was the lover of the cowherdesses. He killed Pūtanā, a woman during his childhood, and thus he is the killer of a woman. In Mathura, he killed Kubjā after enjoying conjugal pleasure with her.78 Kṛṣṇa is called ‘heartless’ and ‘greedy’ as he killed Naraka and took away the group of ladies in his house.79 The wife of his brother, Draupadī, was married to fve persons. His elder brother Baladeva is said to remain drunk and beckons Yamunā, the wife of his brother at his will.80 Other Deities and the Preceptors Goddesses in most ancient Indian texts have been portrayed as consorts and as a separate source of power themselves. The composer of these texts is mostly men indicating that the patriarchal society recognised the immense society women possessed but as long as it remained within the boundaries set by the male preceptors of the society. One also has to remember that the ‘divine’ celestial world ran parallel to that of the earth, who were supposed to look up to them. Thus, it was important to represent the female divinities as subservient to their male counterparts. But there are deities like Ganga who are not tied to a male divinity. The celestial realm was different from that of the earth where a goddess could express her erotic desire without being rebuked by her husband. But the author renders it a touch of devotion. Pārvatī, who is known for her devotion towards Śiva, whom she acquired as her husband after practising austerities became desirous of Viṣṇu.81 Her feelings were understood by Śiva and he told Pārvatī to have conjugal union with Viṣṇu as ‘the gods are without differentiation’. Though Pārvatī did not unite with Viṣṇu as she has achieved Śiva after performing tapas,82 she expressed her desire to attain Viṣṇu in her next birth when she will be known by the name of ‘chaste’ (satī) Jambāvati.83 In the Kṛta age, Pārvatī (wife of Śiva) Śacī (wife of Indra), Śyāmalā (wife of Yama), and Uṣā (wife of Asvins) went to the region of Brahmā84 and expressed their passionate feeling towards Brahmā. Though they were cursed by Brahmā, through other deities, their suffering was less. On the other hand, male divinities like Indra desired another man’s wife Ahalyā, who was the wife of sage Gautama. Though Indra was punished, his redemption again had a touch of divinity. The preceptors of the society possessed prerogative powers. Thus, when sage Viswamitra was infatuated by the beauty of the celestial damsel, Menaka while he was practising austerities, he was not punished for the same. At the same time, we come across accounts where wives of the sages enjoyed certain entitlements. Śiva was once punished by the Ṛṣis (Bhārgavas 102

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and Angirasas) as their wives felt desirous seeing him.85 Their wives followed him wherever he went. The Ṛṣis being enraged cursed Śiva that his liṅga might fall on earth. But the wives of the Ṛṣis neither had to undergo any form of punishment nor any ordeal but Śiva gets punished, being the source of passion and lust for their wives. The curse on Śiva has a different implication – the Ṛṣis possessed the authority to punish the gods. Such portrayal helped convincing the earthly beings of the ascendancy of the Brahmins over other existing traditions. While Kaṃsa was explaining his wrath for his relatives, he mentioned that the Gandharva who deceptively enjoyed his mother said that there is a lot of difference between men who are subject to birth, death, and other physical and mental ailments while celestials remain unaffected. Thus, the difference between the celestial and earthly beings has been explained in the MahāPurāṇa. Erotic and sexual descriptions have often been used as metaphors to indicate love for the Supreme Being. Thus, the types of union that have been mentioned in this section (that deals with celestial beings and their relationship outside the institution of marriage) are treated differently. It is not considered sensuous but pure devotion and involves ecstatic joy. Here mysticism is used to defne the devotion of female devotees. A feminine dimension has been added to the religious experience. The receptive group who here are women did not belong to the mendicant group. The mysticism is different from the existing orthodox traditions as it is not infuenced by any gender, caste, or class. The receptive group not only included the rural and urban class but the deities as well. Interpretation of the Kṛṣṇa-Radha-gopī’s story of love and devotion is complex and can be explained through various perspectives. The author/s of the Purāṇa claims that one who recites and listens to it will be purifed, thus indicating that the imageries used are an expression of devotion and not of lust. Though the story emits a feeling of eroticism, at the same time, it claims to be divine. The episode of this ‘sacred’ love story resonates that Vaisnavism brought about a different way of expressing devotion. A question that arises here is whether such practice was limited to certain regions as the centre stage of this whole saga is Vraja which is a rural area. Kṛṣṇa who was a descendant of the Yadu clan states that the Yadu clan is forever forest dwellers who live in the jungle and mountains. The Pulinda women are also said to have attained peace through him.86 It also refects an effort to bring devotion and attainment of Brahmanical gods within the reach of common people and being pertinent to divergent needs. The wives of Brāhmaṇa took food for Kṛṣṇa even they were prohibited by their husbands, brothers, and relatives.87 The Brāhmaṇas were shown to have realised their futileness and were amazed how their wives who have not undergone ceremony rite, neither do they have stayed in a preceptor’s 103

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house for Sastric learning, were so much devoted to Kṛṣṇa. Here arises the question as to whether Vaisnavism changed the nature of salvation for women? The change that Vaisnavism brought about is indicated through Kṛṣṇa. When Nanda explained to Kṛṣṇa the importance of worshipping Indra, Kṛṣṇa explained the futility of such a practice and focuses on the importance of karma but at the same time does not defy the varna system. It also indicates the ascendance of women outside the household and is antithetical to the traditional belief that the husband was a woman’s only ‘lord’. The involvement of married women in a quest to search for salvation outside their household also refects a crisis within the institution of marriage. Her needs and desires were thwarted under social conditions and expectations – that the gopīs did not adhere to the moral obligations of their married life is an expression of their voices that was suppressed. But in the end, the incorporation of all these sectarian beliefs was centripetal to Brahmanism.

A Man’s Infringement, His Ordeal, and Punishment There was a general disdain for women who did not adhere to the existing gender roles and norms. These women who are maladaptive were termed ‘dangerous’ as they posed challenges to society. A woman’s infringement was treated more harshly than that of a man. It is important to understand the underlining nature of cultural politics that defned transgression. Theoretically, men were supposed to be punished if they diverged from the path of chastity. The Padma Purāṇa in the Brahma Khanda prescribes purifcation rituals for a Brāhmaṇa for having illegitimate intercourse.88 In the Srstikhanda, the Padma Purāṇa prescribes punishment for a man who has approached a cāṇḍāla woman, a Mleccha, or a Pulkasa woman. It mentions that there is no compensation if a man has cohabited with his sister, his son’s wife, sister- or daughter-in-law, paternal uncle’s wife, a Brāhmaṇa woman, or a woman who is married to a superior person or a queen, the sister of his father or mother, or any other woman than his wife.89 A man was perceived as wise if he married for progeny while one who approached his wife while she was in her menses was said to go to hell. If a man kidnapped a woman, he was said to be born as a cāṇḍāla. He suffered the same if he abandoned his wife.90 If a man raped a woman sleeping in her bed, his penis and scrotum were prescribed to be cut off.91 One was also prohibited to have sexual intercourse with an ‘immoral’ widow. He was to be fned 100 paṇas for such an act.92 It was an act of defance if a man had a union with his deceased brother’s wife after begetting an issue with her93 though Yājñavalkya prescribes the method of redemption for such behaviour.94 When a man lustfully got involved with the wife of his dead brother, even though she is a niyuktā, he is to be known as didhiṣūpati.95 104

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Caste and class played a major role in determining the defnition and redemption for such behaviour. A twice-born was supposed to observe strict celibacy and not voluntarily allow his semen to escape. While, approaching another man’s wife was an obstacle in the path to heaven for a householder,96 the varna of the man and that of the female partner he gets involved with outside the institution of marriage decided his redemption. Maintaining the purity of the higher castes was a matter of great concern for the Brāhmaṇas, and thus the punishment was decided accordingly. Though born in a higher caste, those who kept contact with low-caste women were to be treated with great contempt.97 The Agni Purāṇa prescribes that if a man of the higher caste commits adultery on women of the lower caste he was to be levied half the fne and a man of the lower caste committing adultery on women of the higher caste should pay double the fne.98 It also mentions that if the woman belonged to a higher caste than the adulterer, the man should be killed and the ears of the woman should be cut off.99 Banishment was prescribed if a man mated with the woman of the last caste and a woman who is a mendicant. It has been discussed earlier that caste played a consequential role in determining the expiation – easy expiation was prescribed for a man if he belonged to the higher caste, while the punishment was harsh if the woman belonged to a higher caste. The punishment for a man who had sexual intercourse with the king’s wife was to be burnt by fre, while the person who mated with a slave girl or a maid-servant was prescribed to be fned 50 paṇas.100 The fne was doubled if one mated with a slave girl forcibly. The Padma Purāṇa narrates a story about a Brāhmaṇa who did not escape his sin by an easy expiation but had to suffer before and after death for violating a woman who was the wife of a Brāhmaṇa.101 Here a Brāhmaṇa woman was being violated. Thus, another Brāhmaṇa gets punished on account of such a deed. The vital question that originates is whether such a punishment would have been carried out in practice if a woman of lower caste would have been violated? There is one exceptional story (discussed below) about a man who goes through a fre ordeal in order to prove his innocence. Unlike Sītā, the man’s loyalty was not doubted by his wife but was under social suspicion. This is the only story found in the Purāṇas, where a man goes through a fre ordeal. The Padma Purāṇa, which talks about the devotion and loyalty of a veśyā, also narrates a story wherein a Brāhmaṇa enters into the fre to prove his purity. A prince had a noble wife, named Sundari. As he would be away for some work, the prince wanted to keep his wife in a protected place. He kept his wife with a Brāhmaṇa named Adrohoka who was said to have controlled his senses. The wife of the prince was to sleep near him with his wife on his bed. Adrohoka slept between them and looked upon Sundari as his own daughter. When the prince came back and inquired about his wife’s conduct, there were some who had a suspicion. When Adrohoka came to 105

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know about such rumours, in order to prove his ‘purity’. he decided to enter the fre. The fre did not burn him but various kinds of leprosy fell on the people who suspected them. He was worshipped by gods with fowers and honoured by various sages and men.102 Unlike the fre ordeal episode of the celebrated Sītā, the victim here is a Brāhmaṇa. Thus, it would have been sinful for the wife to doubt her husband but he could not escape the clutches of society. So, in order to prove his purity of character, he went through a fre ordeal to negate all rumours and those who doubted him were affected with leprosy. This indicates the dominance of the Brāhmaṇa within the society and a warning that one would face dire consequences if a Brāhmaṇa’s character is frowned upon. Other issues that emerge are how vulnerable the position of women was within the household and the need to control a woman mentally and sexually. The defnition of dissent was dependent on various complex issues – religious traditions, gender, and caste. One has to keep in mind that men and women were not a uniform group, and as they belonged to different social classes and castes, they had different predetermined social functions and roles. It is important to study how a particular tradition concealed its transgression. Not only sexual and mental abstinence made a woman ‘unchaste’ but also a virgin in her monthly course belonged to this category. A woman from the lower caste was also termed as ‘unchaste’. Caste and region also played an important role in determining the character of a woman. Women belonging to different social classes and castes had different social functions and roles. It was signifcant for upper-caste women to maintain their purity; in a later period, chastity became a matter of concern for lower-caste women and women belonging to Brahmanic ‘peripheral’ regions. We have seen earlier the nature of the description of regions belonging to Rākṣasas in Rāmāyaṇa. The Puranas also include narrations of Sudra women surrendering to the lustful desires of her husband to become a true pativrata. When a woman fell from chastity, she gained the status of a Śūdra. Thus, it was the low caste and their status that upper-caste people were apprehensive of. One of the pertinent questions that arise here is whether any rights existed for her? If she was ‘unchaste’, she had to be kept dirty so that she becomes unattractive and food was provided for sustenance only. This implies that an unchaste woman did not have any right to live and it was on the basis of pity that she was kept alive. Even though she was not guilty, she had to prove her innocence. Sītā was abandoned by Rāmā who was an incarnation of Viṣṇu and was told to give ordeal twice. It was through such portrayal that ‘ordinary’ people were made to believe that a ‘perfect’ wife follows her husband without questioning him. In the same episode, we fnd that chastity was a concern for the lower castes as well, though they were despised. The washer man’s words clearly refect the multiple hierarchies that existed. A king was the one to whom people looked upon. Rāmā in order to portray 106

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himself as an ideal for society sacrifced his wife. In the same way, Reṇukā was punished as she was longing for a particular lifestyle that she grew up in. Despite being a princess, she married a sage, lived in a hermitage, and was always regular in her duties towards her husband. Though she was never recognised for the same, just a slip made her husband punish her, which implies that a woman was always at the mercy of a man. The norms in the Purāṇas were constructed in a manner that it was made mandatory for men to maintain chaste wives – if she lost her chastity then both her parental and marital house was doomed. The stories demonstrate the need for control over her throughout her life; otherwise, she would defy all moral barriers to satisfy her needs. Women who defed norms earned the status of an ‘outcaste’ and were severely punished. But the irony lies in the fact that defance was not considered sinful if the deities were involved.

Notes 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30

The Skāṇḍa Purāṇa, Book IV: Kāśī-Khaṇda, Section I: Pūrvārdha, Chapter 30, 33. Ibid., 36. The Brahmāvaivarta Purāṇa, Prākriti-Khaṇḍa, Chapter 31, 3–5. Ibid., 27–29. The Brahmāvaivarta Purāṇa, Brahma-Khaṇḍa, Chapter 105, 48. The Bhāgavata Purāṇa, Tenth Skaṇḍha, Chapter 60, 48. The Garuḍa Purāṇa, Part I, Chapter 114, 21. Ibid., Chapter 95, 18. The Skāṇḍa Purāṇa, Book IV: Kāśī-khaṇḍa, Section I: Pūrvādha, Chapter 40, 37. Ibid., 40, The Skāṇḍa Purāṇa, Book IV: Kāśī-khaṇḍa, Section I: Pūrvādha, Chapter 40, 38. The Skāṇḍa Purāṇa, Book IV: Kāśī-khaṇḍa, Section I: Pūrvādha, Chapter 40, 92. Ibid., 92–93. The Skāṇḍa Purāṇa, Book VII: Prabhāsa khaṇḍa, Chapter 205, 79. The Brahmāvaivarta Purāṇa, Brahma-khaṇḍa, Chapter 6, 36–40. Ibid. Ibid., Chapter 15, 16–17. The Brahmāvaivarta Purāṇa, Prākriti-khaṇḍa, Chapter 30, 180. The Garuḍa Purāṇa, Part I, Chapter 109, 16. The Kūrma Purāṇa, Section II, Chapter 34, 112–139. The Padma Purāṇa, Pātālakhaṇḍa, Chapter 58, 35–41. The Brahmāvaivarta Purāṇa, Prākriti-Khaṇḍa, Chapter 58, 31. Ibid., 44–45. The Brahmāvaivarta Purāṇa, Kṛṣṇa-janma-khaṇḍa, Chapter 47, 19–25. The Padma Purāṇa Ṣṛṣṭikhaṇḍa, Chapter 54. Ibid., 4–5a. The Brahmāvaivarta Purāṇa, Kṛṣṇa-janma-khaṇḍa, Chapter 18, 77. The Skāṇḍa Purāṇa, Book II: Vaiṣṇavakhaṇḍa, Kārrttikamāsa- Māhātmya, Chapter 17. The Padma Purāṇa, Uttarakhanda, Chapters 14–15. The Skāṇḍa Purāṇa, Book IV: Kāśī-khaṇḍa, Section I: Pūrvādha, Chapter, 38, 10–11. The Garuḍa Purāṇa, Part I, Chapter 95, 16–17.

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31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 66 67 68 69 70 71 72 73 74 75 76 77 78 79 80 81

Ibid., Chapter 107, 26. The Brahmāvaivarta Purāṇa, Brahmā-khaṇḍa, Chapter 20. The Padma Purāṇa, Uttārākhaṇḍa, Chapter 206, 34–40. The Skāṇḍa Purāṇa, Book VI: Nāgarakhaṇḍa, Chapter 78. The Skāṇḍa Purāṇa, Book III: Brāhma-Khaṇḍa, Section III: BrāhmottārāKhaṇḍa, Chapter 18–19. The Padma Purāṇa, Pātālakhaṇḍa, Chapter 92. The Padma Purāṇa, Uttārākhaṇḍa, Chapter 176, 19b–38. Ibid., Chapter 187. Ibid., 50–61. Ibid. The Padma Purāṇa, Uttārākhaṇḍa, Chapter 187, 34–45. Ibid. The Śiva Purāṇa, Koţirudrasmhitā, Chapter 9. Ibid. The Skāṇḍa Purāṇa, Book II: Vaiṣṇavakhaṇḍa, Section VII: VaisākhamāsaMāhātmya, Chapter 24. Ibid. The Matsya Purāṇa, Chapter 3. Ibid., Chapter 4, 11–12. Ibid., 1–2. Ibid., 3–4. Ibid., 9–10. The Siva Purana, Rudra Samhita, Narrative of Sati (Section II), Chapters 6–7. The Vāmana Purāṇa, Chapter 27, 56–57. The Brahmāvaivarta Purāṇa, Brahmā-Khaṇḍa, 13, Chapter 4. The Vāmana Purāṇa, Chapter 27, 57–59. The Brahmāvaivarta Purāṇa, Kṛṣṇa-janma-khaṇḍa, Chapter 131, 11–17. Ibid., 30. The Padma Purāṇa, Ṣṛṣțikhaṇda, Chapter 55. The Bhāgavata Purāṇa, Eighth Skaṇḍha, Chapter 12, 18–43. The Brahmāvaivarta Purāṇa, Brahmā Khaṇḍa, Chapter 9. The Bhāgavata Purāṇa, Tenth Skaṇḍha, Chapter 33. Ibid., Chapter 29, 24. Ibid., Chapter 33, 38. Ibid., Chapter 30, 28. The Viṣṇu Purāṇa, Part V, Chapter 26. Ibid., Chapter 28. The Padma Purāṇa, Patalakhanda, Chapter 70. Ibid., 18. Ibid., Chapter 83, 44–52. Ibid., 19–21. Ibid., 48b–55. The Brahmāvaivarta Purāṇa, Brahmā-Khaṇḍa, Chapter 5, 1. The Brahmāvaivarta Purāṇa, Kṛṣṇa-Janma-Khaṇḍa, Chapter 109, 19. The Brahmāvaivarta Purāṇa, Prākriti-Khaṇḍa, Chapter 49, 30–42. Ibid., Prākriti-khaṇḍa, Chapter 2, 40. The Brahmāvaivarta Purāṇa, Prākriti-khaṇḍa, Chapter 11, 52. Ibid., 43–44. The Brahmāvaivarta Purāṇa, Kṛṣṇa-Janma-khaṇḍa, Chapter 115, 58–62. Ibid., 63. Ibid., 72–75. Ibid., Kṛṣṇa-Janma-Khaṇḍa, Chapter 6, 154–156.

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82 83 84 85 86 87 88 89 90 91 92 93 94 95 96 97 98 99 100 101 102

Ibid., 168–169. Ibid., 170–172. The Garuḍa Purāṇa, Brahma(Moksa)Khanda, Chapter 17, 4–5. The Vāmana Purāṇa, Chapter 6, 58. The Bhagvata Purana, Tenth Skandha, Chapter 21, 17. Ibid., Chapter 23, 14. The Padma Purana, BrahmaKhanda, Chapter 18, 2–8a. The Padma Purana, Srstikhanda, Chapter 52, 41b–44. Ibid., 33–34, 36. The Garuḍa Purāṇa, Part I, Chapter 105, 28–29. The Agni Purāṇa, Part III, Chapter 258, 29. The Garuḍa Purāṇa, Part I, Chapter 95, 17. Ibid., Chapter 105, 42. The Skāṇḍa Purāṇa, Book VII: Prabhāsakhaṇḍa, Chapter 207, 49. The Skāṇḍa Purāṇa, Book IV: Kāśī-khaṇḍa, Section I: Pūrvādha, Chapter 40, 75b. The Bhāgvata Purāṇa, Fifth Skaṇḍha, Chapter 26, 23. The Agni Purāṇa, Part III, Chapter 258, 3. Ibid., Chapter 258, 67–69a. Ibid., 72. The Padma Purāṇa, Uttārākhaṇḍa, Chapter 204, 87–100. The Padma Purāṇa, Srstikhanḍa, Chapter 50, 97–133.

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6 COMPARATIVE EVALUATION OF CONFORMITY AND DEVIANCE IN HĀLA’S SATTASAĪ AND THE JĀTAKAS

The Jātakas and Hāla’s Sattasaī bring into focus the populace, thus providing the readers with an alternative perspective. This variant attitude helps in understanding the impositions and customs that were followed within the Brahmanical tradition and how they were perceived by that section of the society who did not conform and belong to it. Observing the perspective, nature, and intentions of the texts helps in a better understanding of the theme of the work and its various adjuncts. The Jātakas or the Buddhist stories, which are a collection of folklore, were used for the propagation of Buddhist thoughts and ideas. The Jātakas help us to discern the social conditions and the beliefs within the sphere of Buddhism. The Jātakas include people of different social positions and statuses. That the Buddha was also born of low status in his previous births shows how Buddhism was attempting to negate the concept of caste boundaries. In order to have a complete understanding of a tradition, it is also important to understand how a particular gender and gender roles were perceived by it, especially its attitude towards women, situating it within the social, economic, and political structure. Another dominating feature of the Jātakas was to warn men of the ‘vile’ nature of women and was advised to stay away from them to obtain a good life, as women were considered the origin of all problems. But at the same time, their social, economic, and political roles are also recognised. While in the Brahmanical tradition we see that a woman gained salvation either due to her husband or through other male agents, in the Jātakas, we fnd that women were admitted to the Buddhist Order and through asceticism attained salvation, though with certain limitations. Women could walk out of a marriage and remarry when she was not recognised by their husbands. In many stories, we fnd women talking about earning their livelihood in order to support their sons. There are references to men and women who transgressed, but in the Jātaka, both men and women were punished for such an act of defance.

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DOI: 10.4324/9781003312949-7

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The Jātaka stories mostly portray how vicious women are, and men should stay away from them in order to attain heaven. The stories also show how men admitted to the Order tried to revert from the Order either out of affection for their wives or out of attraction for another woman. It was by explaining the nature of women and how they proved to be harmful to a man in his previous birth that he was made to stay back. Hāla’s Sattasaī, on the other hand, mainly depicts the life of the village in very sharp contrast to that of the town. The anthology starts with a direct reference to the author, King Hāla, who is said to have selected 700 ‘elegant poems’ for the concerned text. In the beginning, it condemns those who cannot appreciate this work in Prākrit, indicating its contempt for the Sanskritic culture. Mostly it is a female orator who narrates her situation and the struggles she is going through. In the very beginning of the text, women are said to be impudent as women in the countryside were generally considered unruly. But they are not degraded for being so; rather men are condemned for not appreciating them with poems, songs, and the sound of the lute. The stories in the Jātakas and Hāla’s Sattasaī included people of different social hierarchies, indicating that they were meant for heterogeneous audiences. At the same time, it should be kept in mind that though these texts represent different traditions, they did not wholly deviate from the existing traditions or the Brahmanical tradition. As in the previous chapters (which dealt with the Purāṇas and the epics), in this chapter too the concept of chastity will be dealt with in relation to other issues related to it.

The Adherents The Virgin Daughter and Her Ordeal Bodhisatta was once born in a Brahmin family. When his parents told him to look for a wife, even though he did not desire married life, being pursued by them, he made a golden image and told them if they could fnd a wife like the golden image, he would take her to be his wife.1 The golden image rhetorically implies a man’s desire for a beautiful wife who would be as pure as gold. Alternatively, the Hāla’s Sattasaī describes how futile physical beauty can be and that marital bliss should be about love and emotions which give birth to memories.2 On the other hand, a woman expressing her desire was condemned. In the Hāla’s Sattasaī, a girl speaks her heart out to her aunt, showing her desperation to get a glance at her lover. This desperation originated due to societal clauses. She calls the villagers ‘cursed’ as their constant vigilance is a threat to her who will raise a fnger on her character even if she sets her eyes on her lover.3 Her conversation refects the societal pressure imposed on a man-woman relationship before marriage. This pressure causes her grief,

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and by various means, she tries to acquire a glimpse of her lover. The girl is said to be the village headman’s daughter.4 Being the village headman’s daughter, it was her moral responsibility to show herself as morally upright and that in no way she is indiscreet. Thus, she does it in a manner that no one becomes aware of her feelings and looks at everyone in the same manner and with the same emotion as she looks at her lover.5 The only thing she achieves through this is mental satisfaction.6 At the same time, she is very much aware of her growing sexuality, which she uses to attract her lover amidst the crowd.7 Her self-conscious physicality helps bind her relationship with her lover. The text also talks about the wrong choices a girl makes due to her innocence and inexperience in life, which brings about great pain for her having ignored the warning of her friends.8The man for whom she disregarded all conventions treats her like any other girl.9 The author warns of such a man. Such men are said to act innocent, but once they gain control of innocent girls, they turn their back on them.10 The author does not accuse her or term her ‘impure’ but tells the man not to neglect her, who has taken all risks and did not care about society and its laws in order to have his love.11 On the other hand, in the Jatakas, a man is prescribed to accept a woman as his wife after testing her character, as Bodhisatta did in one of his previous births.12 A woman’s life was full of ordeals, and her character held great importance. Bodhisatta expressed his concern and said, ‘It is impossible to keep women from going after their desires. In older days, even wise men could not guard their own daughters; while they stood holding their father’s hand, without their father’s knowing, they went away wrongdoing with a paramour’.13 Such was the fear of uncontrolled female sexuality. We notice a striking similarity with a verse mentioned in the Padma Purāṇa about the different roles or duties a woman was supposed to play or fulfl for her husband. In some stories, we fnd that a father, in order to be certain about his daughter’s purity of character, approaches her in an unsuitable manner before giving her in marriage.14 Conveying that it was a necessity to test the character of a girl before marriage in Buddha’s time, the previous one, and the present time of the text indicates a tradition that has been followed through ages. In the Hāla’s Sattasaī, the author beautifully portrays not only the anxiety of a bride-to-be or a newly wedded bride but also the amorous love involved. The author also tells us how the young girl feels tensed regarding her husband’s approach; at the same time, she wants her husband to love her. All these mark the beginning of a new phase in her life. It all starts with the search for the bridegroom. The groom is mainly her parents’ choice; her decision or choice hardly matters. When the groom is selected for the girl, he becomes the obsession of the whole family.15 After she gets married, the young and naïve bride feels shy at the touch of her husband. This refects the 112

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sexual tension in an inexperienced girl’s mind. She does not allow her husband to touch her face.16 Moreover, when her husband calls her to bed, she turns away and holds on to her skirt tightly.17 All these expressions show that she has been unknown to a man’s approach and touch. But at the same time, though she shies away from her husband, she knows everything about sexual life, which surprises her husband. The girl is aware of what a mature woman ought to know.18 It suggests that such moves may have been taught by the elderly women in her family or by her friends for her marriage. But she knows it all in theory, but in practicality, she is inexperienced, implying the control of the family and society over her. One of the verses also mentions a practice of looking at the blood-stained sheet of the bride, acknowledging that she has been a virgin and that her virgin-knot has been broken by her husband only.19 Thus, it was crucial for a girl to conform to the morals of society. When her relatives had a look at the sheet, her husband is said to have a ‘glint’ in his eyes, refecting the patriarchal control.20 He has a profound proud feeling that he is the one who has broken his wife’s virginity and thus has exclusive control over her body. The husband speaks of her dual character – when she is away from him, she is like a ‘deadly poison’, and when together she is ‘sweeter than nectar’.21 The text, in an alluring manner, narrates the struggle of a new bride in satisfying her husband physically and in household chores as well. Though the ancient Indian texts talk about the sanctity of marriage, maintaining the purity of marriage and the family depended on women and their chastity. Their sacrifces and compromises made them the ‘perfect’ wives. The Faithful Wife Her Duties In the Sujāta Jātaka,22 Buddha mentioned about seven kinds of wives. The vadhakā is the one who loves others but hates and destroys her husband’s wealth. Then there is the wife who steals from whatever the husband gets for her by doing trade or in any other skilled profession or from farming. She is called the corī. The ayya-type is not sincere towards her duty – she is greedy, bad-mouthed, and full of anger and hatred. On the other hand, there is the mātā-type who compassionately looks after her husband and tends to her husband like a mother would. She also guards her husband’s wealth. The bhaginī wife respects her husband and obeys her husband. The one who is glad to see her husband after he has been long absent is ‘virtuous’ and can give up her life for her husband is the sakhī wife. ‘Calm when abused’, apprehensive of violence, does not have any passion, has patience, ‘true-hearted’, and bows down to her husband’s will are called the dāsī wife. The vadhakā, ayya, and corī go to hell, while the one who is mātā, bhaginī, dāsī, and sakhī-type on account of their virtue goes to heaven. 113

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In the Jātakas, we fnd many stories wherein Buddha makes a king realise the importance of the wife who stood by him in diffcult times. She was ignored by her husband during his prosperous times. Buddhism, though paved the way for liberation for women, had certain limitations. The MahaUmmagga Jātaka23 narrates how a king was ready to give away his wife to a water demon. While doing so, he described the perceived dual nature of a woman – though he called her virtuous, at the same time, sensual attractions made her ‘evil’. Though a woman adhered to the ideals imposed on her to become the ‘perfect’ wife, she was recognised with the same kind of antagonism that is refected in the Brahmanical ancient Indian texts. A woman was supposed to fulfl all the duties as a wife without expecting the respect and recognition she was worthy of. King Vessantārā, when informed his wife that he has to go away to the forest for exile, he told her that if no man wishes to be her husband, she should look for a husband and not suffer living as a lonely wife. Like a ‘perfect wife,’ Maddi replied that she would accompany her husband. She would burn herself and die rather living without him. Maddi, his wife, like Sītā, also went with him to the forest. Her in-laws tried to stop her, but she said that one who wants the welfare of her husband should observe her duties properly.24 A woman was defned by her conduct towards her parental house, husband, and in-laws. It was through this fulflment of duties that she earned the honour of society. Her happiness was bound within the shackles of society’s ideals and pressure. Her main purpose was to follow these ideals, thus keeping her wants and desires chained to shackles. She did not own herself. The Hāla’s Sattasaī quite explicitly refects how important it was for a woman to be sexually active with her husband and be aware of the intricate art of making love for the consummation of her marriage. The husband is said to be dissatisfed when his wife makes love in a monotonous way, but when she rejuvenates their sex with different ways, the husband wonders where she has learned it from. This refects the fear a wife had that if she gets her move wrong her unsatisfed husband might opt for another woman. A woman had to fulfl her husband’s sexual needs even when she is pregnant25 though it is physically diffcult for her to perform such an act. But the wife, even in such a condition, feels disappointed for not being able to accomplish his desires. A man could go against the norms of society to satisfy his sexual needs. Though society condemns making love to a woman when she is in her menses as it is considered to be ‘highly inauspicious’ and ‘improper’ for seeing a woman in her period, her husband does not care about what society says. Other than satisfying the sexual needs of her husband, it was a woman’s duty to provide her husband and his family with male progeny. In the epics and the Purāṇas, we get numerous stories wherein a wife was sent to another man for a progeny, specifcally for a male child. A male progeny held great signifcance for a king, his kingdom, and prestige. In order to maintain his 114

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honour, he not only was ready to accept a male issue, irrespective of the caste he was born to but could also send his wife to the streets for the same. But male impotency has never been focused upon in the narratives. Her Sacrifce for Progeny The Kusa-Jātaka and the Mūga-Pakkha Jātaka narrates how king Okkāka and King Kāsirāja was able to obtain sons through Sakka due to their chaste wife. The stories imply that a form of categorisation was followed based on the social status of a woman. A man had other alternatives to procure a son – he could remarry. Prince Suruci’s son brought in another wife even though it was an agreement before marriage that he would not bring in another woman as his wife. His subjects raised their concern as his lineage would not continue. But he told them about his vow of not marrying any other woman and even refused to have any relation with the concubines for maintaining his vow. When Sumedha, his wife, came to know about it, she decided to bring other wives for him. Thus, like a pativrata who was supposed to play the role of a mother and a partner for her husband, she chose a multitude of women for him for a male progeny. Her Devotion Even after fulflling the social requirements of being a ‘perfect’ wife, she had to prove her unadulterated character. The Canda-Kinnara Jātaka is the story about Rāhula’s mother and Buddha’s wife, which describes the qualities of Buddha’s wife – how she remained loyal and devoted when Buddha adopted the religious life. While in Kapilavastu, Buddha went to his wife’s palace to praise her ‘noble qualities’. When Rahula’s mother heard that Bodhisatta wore yellow robes, she also dressed in the same attire. As Buddha entered the religious life, she led the life of a widow and refused gifts other kings sent her. Even in her previous birth, when she was born in a fairy form, she loved him and was faithful. While being born as a fairy, she did not succumb to the lust of another man, and in order to save her husband (Buddha), she challenged the gods. Sakka, being challenged by a ‘chaste’ woman, came in the form of a Brahmin and brought her husband back to life. Thus, it was the unprecedented power and devotion of a chaste woman that made her challenge the gods to save her husband. When her husband was away, being sexually unattractive, she deprived herself of all desires and wants. The same essence can be found in the Purāṇas as well. Buddha and his wife (like Rāmā and Sītā) were made the epitome of an ideal man and a woman. Often her position was vulnerable even within the household. A household included a number of unmarried younger brothers, and there are 115

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instances wherein they approached the younger wife with sexual implications. In order to avoid a split in the family, she is said to not have informed her husband of his younger brother’s behaviour and continues to bear the pain of it alone.26 The popularity of the epics can be seen in Hala’s Sattasaī. Even though her brother-in-law tries to kiss her in the dark kitchen and she trembles with fear,27 the ‘good’ wife tries to teach her brother-in-law the morals and limitations that should exist between them through the paintings on the walls of their houses, depicting the journey of Lakṣmaṇa, the ideal brother and the ideal brother-in-law. Lakṣmaṇa was said to have identifed Sītā by her feet as he never viewed her face.28 The adversities of a wife did not end here.

The Co-Wives and the Other Women (Outside the Institution of Marriage) Ancient Indian texts like the Rāmāyaṇa, Mahābhārata, and the Purāṇas elucidate the pain of having co-wives and how the elderly wives are ignored by their husbands after the arrival of the younger wife. It echoes the feeling of the elder wives towards the younger ones. The Hala’s Sattasaī describes how the elder wives shed tears when they see their husband’s intimacy with the younger one and see the marks of red dye on their husband’s shoulder.29 On the wedding night, making love is the only thing in a man’s mind, but when he satiates his desires with his frst wife, the pleasures he enjoyed with her no longer matter to him. It is the youthful beauty and frm breasts of the young wife that attract the husband. Though her body is the source of enjoyment for her husband, it causes grief for the other elder wives.30 The text attempts to construe how the young wife and the attraction towards her can cause harm, while on the other side the elder wife is shown to be wise and sexually unattractive – it was during her (elder wife) companionship that the husband is said to do well in his life. The Hāla’s Sattasaī refers to the Pulindas tribe who live in the Vindhya hills and, in a plaintive manner, describes the pain amongst the co-wives.31 Even though the husband belonging to the Pulindas tribe is exhausted by making love to his young wife and is unable to bend the bow, he goes into the forest so that he does not hurt his elder wife’s feelings.32 His other wives become lean out of jealousy.33 He does this in order to show his happy married life unlike the village headmen and the wrestlers.34 It is said that the younger wife has turned her hunter husband into such a condition that he needs a quiver to kill an elephant, whereas earlier, he needed just one arrow to kill an elephant.35 Thus, his work gets affected on account of his younger wife and her beauty. The same essence can be observed in the Rāmāyaṇa when Daśaratha, Rāmā’s father, is shown to be suffering due to his attraction towards his younger wife, Kaikeyi. While, on the other hand, Kausalya, who is older, is shown to be wise and thus sexually unattractive. 116

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The Jātakas refer to the animal world, which is used as a metaphor for representing the social and cultural thinking of the time. In the Chaddanta Jātaka, a female elephant takes revenge against her husband when he favoured his other wives. Though she took revenge while she was born in a human form and her husband was still an elephant, she regretted doing so. The male elephant was the Bodhisatta. The story illustrates the agony of a wife that turned into vengeance, and she killed her husband for being favourable and affectionate towards other wives. In the story, she is condemned for killing her husband. But, nowhere the Buddhist text makes any attempt to criticise the husband for such an act. A man could have relations outside the institution of marriage in order to satisfy his needs. The androcentric society made it easier and legitimate for men to have multiple relationships. A woman from her childhood was taught to be devoted and loyal to one man unto her death. Within the private domain, in addition to the co-wives, a wife had to tolerate ‘the other women’ in her husband’s life. She comforts herself by saying that only if her husband gets involved with other women that he would value her.36 She degrades herself and calls the ‘other’ women ‘virtuous’ and ‘beautiful’.37 The wife calls those women ‘loose’ with whom her husband is involved outside the institution of marriage and with whom her husband is ‘nice’. She blames herself for her husband’s behaviour towards her.38 The ‘other’ women are said to be the source of temporary enjoyment for him. The wife mortifes these women by terming them to be ‘starved of love’. The wife does not accuse or confront her husband for his infdelity but abuses the other women in her husband’s life. Though she is not directly connected to the other woman, her presence is very much felt in her life. The wife searches for her place in the husband’s heart, and her body gets thinner due to the pain of the existence of another woman apart from the co-wives.39 The wife grows suspicious of her husband40 as he never looks at her and is ‘indifferent’ towards her.41 Her need for attention goes to the extent that she blesses the disease, because when she is affected by it, her husband attends to her.42 But the husband is said to do so out of courtesy. To the wife, he does not seem to be happy in performing this duty done out of compulsion.43 Even though the husband spends his night somewhere else, his wives bow to him ‘humbly’.44 But his wife curses him for his infdelity.45 Even the ‘other’ woman holds a grudge against his wife/wives. The husband gets confused not only with the woman lying beside him but also by names amongst his wives and mistresses. The wife is unable to express her feeling even if the husband calls her by the name of his mistress. It is her craving for her husband’s attention that the distressed wife accepts being called by the name of the mistress.46 Extracts in various ancient Indian texts denote that the society was aware of the struggles a woman went through due to the socially construed 117

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impositions, but such crisis was never acknowledged. The sufferings and pain that she tolerated were a part of her identity. Inclination towards the younger wife degrades women to the position of nothing more than mere objects. As she became old, she was of no use to the husband, and her existence in the household meant fulflling her duties either as a mother or as a daughter-in-law. The Divine Power of a Chaste Woman Like in the Purāṇas and the epics, the Jātakas portray that chaste women earned divine power. Bodhisatta was once born as the son of a householder who lived in a village. He was married off to a beautiful woman.47 She performed her duties towards her husband and his parents. She was ‘very dear and precious’ to Bodhisatta. One day, she decided to meet her parents. As they entered the city, the king of Benares saw Sujata and fell in love with her.48 Even after being aware that she was married, he tried to get her. By deceitfully proving that Bodhisatta is a thief, he tried executing him. When Sujata saw this, she thought upon her own ‘virtue’ and ‘own goodness’ and challenged the gods. As Sujata challenged Sakka, his throne became so hot that he could not sit on it. So, when he descended on the earth, he made Bodhisatta the new king of Benares and made the wicked king of Benares executed.49 A chaste woman was not only capable of saving her husband’s life but also possessed the power to bring her dead husband back to life50 as Savitri did. In the Mārkaṇdeya Purāṇa, we come across a woman who stopped the Sun from rising to bring her husband back to life. The gods surrendered themselves to her and gave back life to her husband. The Jātakas have the same implications – even Buddhism could not deny the importance attached to chastity. This shows how deeply embedded the concept of chastity was even within other traditions. A Mother’s Love and a Father’s Odium It was a matter of great honour when a woman gave birth to a son.51 Even when she did, her adversities did not end. She had to maintain a balance between her son and husband. The Hāla’s Sattasaī accounts for her emotional strife between her husband and son – i.e. how the young mother gets angry when her son comes to her while she is making love to her husband.52 It also illustrates the dilemma of the young wife when she is torn between her infant and husband – her one breast oozes milk and the other is covered with nail marks.53 Apart from fulflling her duties as an affectionate mother, she had to satisfy her husband’s physical desires while she was at an advanced stage of pregnancy. 118

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The dilemma that a woman goes through when she becomes a mother is also refected in the Mūgapakkha Jātaka. When a child is born to her, out of affection for her newborn, her life takes a new turn. Her devotion, love, and affection are diverted towards her child. Before the child is born, the husband is the only focus of her life. This phase too is an ordeal for her. One of the Purāṇas states that when a woman gives birth, she is useless to her husband as they cannot get sexually involved. In the Culladhammapāla Jātaka,54 we see how a father (a king) reacts when the wife ignores him, diverting her attention towards her son only. He killed his son. The king was punished and went to hell for the same. The texts mostly portray that though a woman can be adulterous, she cannot lose her love for her son. The Mahā-UmmaggaJātaka narrates a story about a queen who committed adultery with a priest. The queen poisoned her husband. The priest wanted to kill her son from her husband. But she deceived the Brahmin and saved her son. Apart from being a saviour, the Catu-dvāra Jātaka55 depicts how a mother also acts as an adviser to her son and protects the property in the absence of her husband. Widowhood For a woman, death was preferred over being a widow. In the Vessantara Jātaka, a queen describes how painful it can be for women to lead the life of a widow as men knock them down in the dust, pull them by the hair, pull their sons, and beat them up. Even in a prosperous household, ‘unkindly’ words are spoken to them. The epics and the Purāṇas condemn such women and do not encourage widow remarriage. Though most of the stories in the Jātakas are silent about widow remarriage, we fnd mention of widow remarriage in the Naga world. In the Bhūridatta-Jātaka, Buddha was born from the man her mother married after she was widowed. His mother, a young Nāga female, being desirous to remarry, was wandering for a husband. She approached a prince who was driven away by his father for marriage. Even though she told him that she was a widow, they got married and lived together. When the king died, the prince was summoned back to the kingdom. He told her that he would make her the chief queen consort amongst his 16,000 wives. Her act of remarrying has not been described as ignominious. Moreover, she approaches and takes the initiative in her marriage. Her husband, who was a prince from the earthly world, also did not have any apprehensions about marrying a widow. The Mediators Daughters and wives were often instrumental in resolving a crisis – whether personal, social, fnancial, or political. This section will discuss how women were used as mediators. The modesty of a woman was often compromised for the sake of duty towards the king and kingdom. Once, when Bodhisatta was born as the 119

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son of Sivi, the king of the Sivis, he came under the infuence of the beauty of his commander-in-chief’s son Ahipāraka’s wife. He wished to enjoy her. Ahipāraka was ready to give his wife to the king as he knew if the king would not have her, he would die, and it was his responsibility to save the king. He told the king that he could give his wife back to him when his desires were satiated and that no one else but he (Ahipāraka) would know about it. Ahipāraka’s conduct shows that his duty to the king held more importance than his wife.56 The princesses and the queens often acted as political mediators. It was their duty to sacrifce their ‘modesty’ for the beneft of the kingdom. Their beauty was used as bait for a greater cause. It formed a part of their recognition within the political forum. Once in the kingdom of Kāsi, there was a scarcity of rainfall due to Sakka. The king’s daughter played an effective role. With the intention to mediate and protect his kingdom, the father spoke ‘improper’ things to his daughter.57 The royal women were barely seen opposing it. Even after her compromises, she was perceived as a sexual beast whose lust was diffcult to satiate. A queen was scarcely in charge of the kingdom. In the Telapatta Jātaka, an ogress, after winning over a king, demanded his kingdom. But she succeeded in gaining control over the palace only. A woman with such desire was often projected as dangerous. The security of the princesses and queens was often in a vulnerable position. When there were battles between kingdoms, the queens were either carried away by the victorious kings or made the queen of the victorious king. Sometimes, they managed to save themselves or surrendered themselves to the king who had conquered her husband’s kingdom, as Tārā did in Rāmayāna. The Jātaka stories show the susceptible position of royal women. It was a fght to save her dignity and children. Saving her own modesty and ‘virtue’ meant she had saved her husband’s prestige and honour. The Mahā-Ummagga Jātaka58 points towards the obstacles a queen had to go through in order to save herself from the clutches of another king when her husband had lost the war to him. When a king was killed by his own brother to claim his right to the throne, the dead king’s chief queen dressed in dirty clothes and went out of the palace. But her ordeal did not end even after she had escaped. The queen had the ‘Great Being’ in her womb. A Brahmin saved her, and her son was also born in the Brahmin’s house. The Brahmin considered the queen as her sister. Her Ordeal An ordeal meant divine proof of the purity of one’s character. Such ordeals were obligatory for women. The Hāla’s Sattasaī succinctly describes the pain of a wife when her husband is away on business.59 While the husband was away, a pativrata woman was to maintain herself in a way that would 120

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make her sexually unattractive. The number of ordeals narrated in various ancient Indian texts indicates consternation regarding a woman’s character. To follow a husband to his funeral pyre was considered to be an honour for the wife. Such practice became prevalent in rural areas as the Hāla’s Sattasaī mentions that the village headman’s wives were dressed to follow him on the pyre. It seems that the ‘good’ wife can bring her husband to life as she gets ready to join him on the pyre, and thus her widowhood turns into marital bliss.60 A woman burning herself on the funeral pyre of her husband was often valorised as the body can be a medium of protest and contestation and thus of power. But to say that she joined the funeral pyre of her husband willingly is problematic as this willingness of hers has been conditioned since her childhood. A girl child has been taught to develop feminine qualities and behaviour, which shaped her code of conduct. King Brahmādatta had a son named Sotthisena. His wife Sambulā was ‘extremely beautiful’.61 When Sotthisena was afficted with leprosy, he left his palace life for the forest. Though he tried to stop his wife Sambulā from following him, he failed. In the forest, a goblin fell in love with her, and when he tried to carry her away, Sakka rescued her. As she returned late to her husband, he grew suspicious of her and wanted to test her character owing to the distrust regarding a woman’s character. As an ordeal to prove the purity of her character, she said that if she is true and has followed the moral conventions then his disease will be warded off by her purity and truthfulness. As she said so, she sprinkled water on him and he recovered.62 The purity of a woman’s character decided the fate of her marital and paternal family. Such an ideology of purity was meant to ‘discipline’ and control women in order to make them conform to religious norms. It was instrumental in restricting their freedom and enjoying their own body. Even after death, Bodhisatta, who was born as the King of Kasi in one of his births, visited his past wife and tested her character.63 He was married to his sister. But during his lifetime, they led a life of chastity (Brahmā cariyavāsam) as he was chaste by nature (jātiBrahmācārī). It was not desirable that another man would approach a widow. The Bodhisatta became the Sakka of heaven. When he remembered his past, he decided to meet his wife and test her morality. While she was ‘meditating upon her own virtue’,64 Sakka took a golden dish flled with golden coins and approached her. But she negated him. She said as her husband is dead, and she does not desire any other man. He again approached her with a silver dish and then an iron bowl. He said as she is ageing, he is approaching each time with a metal value lesser than the previous one, implying that as a woman ages, her worth in society deprecates. An aged body is weak and thus ‘disabled’ according to the androcentric defnition. An ordeal was a tool to trace any kind of impurity or contamination in the body, mind, and behaviour of a woman. The righteousness of a married woman was measured on the basis of her conduct towards her husband in 121

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words and deeds. A queen named Sumedha once fasted and meditated on her virtues in order to procure a son for her husband. Her penance made Sakka’s place tremble and blessed her with a son. But when Sakka met Sumedha, he asked about her virtuous deeds. Sumedha told him that she served her in-laws and husband with extreme care and compassion. Though 16,000 women have been her co-wives, she never felt any jealousy or anger towards them, and on the contrary, they are dear to her. Sumedha challenged that if she is lying about her virtues, then her head would burst into seven pieces. Sakka said that gods come to bless women who are ‘virtuous’, ‘wise’, ’good’, ‘true’, ‘kind towards husband’s mother’, and ‘duty-bound’ (sassudevā-patibbatā). Thus, an ordeal in a woman’s life had different layers to it. Unlike the epics and the Purāṇas, the Jatakas point to the mendacious nature of an ordeal. In the Culla-Paduma-jātaka, when a husband confronted his wife, she said that she would give a fre ordeal in order to prove that no man had ever touched her husband who was a Brahmin. The woman by trick escaped the ordeal. Bodhisatta then explained how wicked women make false pledges to perform ordeals, and in broad daylight they could perform such sinful activities.65

The ‘Fallen’ and ‘Impure’ The concept of ‘purity’ and ‘impurity’ was construed as per the social, economic, and political conditions of the time. Gender roles too were perceived accordingly. The stringent control that was laid down for women shows the pivotal position she held in maintaining these ideals. The connotation of being ‘pure’ and ‘impure’ varied according to gender, caste, and social position. A woman transgressing out of her own desire was unacceptable, as it meant challenging and breaking the shackles that controlled them. Women were considered to be inherently disloyal, selfsh, and dangerous. A woman was perceived as too weak to control her sexual desires. It was the societal impositions that were said to make her chaste; as voiced by an unfaithful wife, the reason behind the loyalty of a wife is the scarcity of a suitable young man. She does not lose any opportunity to be with another man in order to satiate her boundless desires. We get the same essence in the Brahmanical texts as well as in the Buddhist Jātaka stories. The Hāla’s Sattasaī narrates how an ‘unfaithful’ wife deceits to be with her lover – trains the dog with food and water to keep silent when her lover comes and bark when her husband arrives; if her husband has arrived unexpectedly, she introduces her husband as one who needs a shelter.66 Even her friends help her in this illicit extramarital affair.67 She has to be cautious because of her ‘angry’ mother-in-law and ‘clever’ sisters-in-law.68 The wife can be with her lover when she is not under any kind of surveillance.69

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The husband owing to distrust towards women does not allow his wife to gather sweet wood fowers at night; instead, he goes and gathers them. The young wife is said to have many options to make him incline towards them and satisfy her desires. The village is full of young men, and youth plays an important role in making her deviate from the path of morality. That she has an aged husband and the poet is talking about the different options she may avail refects the unsatiated desire of a young wife that might be mental or sexual. It is said that the only way to avoid this transgression is to die, indicating how dangerous it might prove for the woman to deviate and succumb to her desires.70 Such an immoral, ‘false’ wife is said to have moaned her husband’s death in such a way that even her lover thought that she might join her husband on his funeral pyre.71 In one of the previous births, when Brahmādatta was reigning in Benares, Bodhisatta was born as the child of the Queen-consort. At his father’s death, he became the king and also proved to be a righteous king. He used to play dice with his priest and, as he fung the golden dice upon the silver table, he would sing a catch for luck. The catch always made the king win the game, and the chaplain used to lose every penny of his. In order to save himself, he decided to search for a ‘little maid’ who had never seen another man and then keep her locked in his house. He decided to bring a newborn who will grow under his guard and restrictions and thus will never see any other man and will be true to one man. And in this way, he will win against the king. He paid a poor pregnant woman to come and be confned in his house and sent her away after her confnement with a present. This indicates that it might have been a practice amongst women to sell their wombs or babies in order to acquire some kind of property or gifts or any other kind of earnings. The infant was brought up entirely by women, and no men, other than the priest, could visit her. She was well guarded, and no one was ever allowed to set eyes on her. When she was grown up and was under his own control, he challenged the king to a game. The king accepted his challenge. But, when in throwing the dice the king sang his lucky catch, the priest added to it – ‘always excepting my girl’.72 And then fate changed and it was now the priest who won, while the king lost. The Bodhisatta found out about the ‘virtuous’73 girl. He called for a man in order to make the girl fall from ‘virtue’. When he was successful, he informed the king. The king then challenged the Brahmin. It was due to the wife’s impurity that the Brahmin was defeated in the game. The Andabhūta Jātaka throws light on the perception of dominant discourses. The Jātakas repeatedly illustrate that even though women were locked within the boundaries of the four walls, given a chance, they would do anything to satisfy their lust. Even the Purāṇas convey the same precept that a woman remains chaste only out of compulsion. The story also brings

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out a signifcant issue of how women of the upper two castes self-regulate themselves to conform to the norms as defned by patriarchy. The king was responsible for maintaining fdelity in his kingdom and administration of justice whenever a situation demanded so. A queen was punished by her husband in front of the royal court when she was involved in an infdel relationship. Such an act not only showed the importance of a woman’s virtuous character but also the role of a king in maintaining so. We can compare such a situation with that of Draupadī’s story in Mahābhārata, wherein her modesty was threatened by another man, who was the brotherin-law of a king while she and her husbands were in exile. In the story, the king failed to give justice to her. While in the Jātakas, we see that women are publicly demeaned by the king along with their lovers (in some cases), thus propounding the importance of a chaste woman in spite of despising her innate nature to be disloyal. The notion that a woman to satiate her lust could approach an ugly humpbacked man, even if she had a loving and handsome husband, prevails not only in the Jātakas but also in the epics and the Purāṇas. The Kuṇāla-Jātaka narrates the story of the daughter of the king of Kasi, who wanted a swayamvara to be held for her. In that swayamvara, she chose fve husbands for herself out of lust – Arjuna, Nakula, Bhīmasena, Yudhiṭṭila, and Sahadeva, who were the sons of king Pāṇḍu. Through her deceitful trick, she impressed each man by making them believe that she loved him more than the other. She had a humpbacked slave, with whom she got ‘sinfully involved’. In order to convince the slave of her love, she would smear his feet with the blood of her husbands. But her husbands discovered her deceitful act and how she cheated on them for the humpbacked slave. They left her and retired to the forest.74 It is quite striking that given the sociocultural structure of the period of the Jātakas, a woman was allowed to choose fve husbands willingly. The narrative has a similar storyline to Draupadī in Mahābhārata, wherein she was also married to fve men, but not out of choice. She took great care of her fve husbands, the Pandavas, and never deceived them. Draupadī never forgave a man who tried to sexually assault her. On the other hand, the female protagonist in the Kuṇāla-Jātaka chose fve husbands out of lust, thus challenging the androcentric norms of society. She was ready to kill her husbands for a humpbacked slave. In such stories, there is a deliberate attempt to show that whether a woman is married or an ascetic, she is ‘fallen’ and ‘immoral’ and gets sexually involved with crippled, ugly men and men who are lower in status and position. It is often portrayed that it is easy to lure a woman owing to her inherent infdel nature. There are numerous Jātaka stories wherein an adulterous woman is punished and humiliated publicly, even though she was a queen. Though the Jātakas stories show how Buddhism brought about caste liberation, it did not deviate from societal prejudices against women. 124

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Neither impositions nor old age was said to lessen a woman’s desires. In one of the Buddha’s birth stories, Buddha’s mother succumbed to her sexual needs and did not feel shame to cater to her needs. Bodhisatta, in order to make his disciple teach the wickedness of women, told him to bathe his mother and praise her beauty while doing so. The disciple did so. Bodhisatta’s mother, in order to satisfy her lust, was ready to kill her own son.75 It was not only an adulterous relationship that made a woman ‘unchaste’. Her behaviour within the household also determined her character. Sujāta Jātaka76 is a story about Sujātā, a daughter-in-law of Anāthapinḍika, daughter of a great merchant Dhananjaya, and younger sister of Visākhā. She was perceived improper as Sujāta did not treat her husband or in-laws properly and did not give any alms. In order to teach a lesson, the punishment meted out to adulterous women was often harsh in nature. Once when Bodhisatta was born as the son of a householder, his wife was involved in an illicit relationship with the village headman. When he caught them, he took the village headman by the neck and threw him out of the house. He pulled his wife by the hair, knocked her down, and threatened her. From that day onwards, the woman did not dare to ‘transgress even in thought’.77 In the same manner, when a Brahmin’s wife was involved in an adulterous relationship, he punished them both and taught them a lesson that they did not dare to do it again.78 In numerous Jātaka stories, adulterous women, mostly queens owing to their ‘inherent’ nature, were not punished. Queens were portrayed to have illicit relationships with royal servants and slaves, but owing to Buddha’s advice, they were forgiven.79

The Courtesans, Dancing Girls, and the Dāsīs This section involves a discussion about women who traded themselves in exchange for some kind of support, mostly fnancial. In the Purāṇas, such women were mostly looked down upon but later were recognised and donations were accepted from them. In the Jātakas, they are not humiliated and their occupation is recognised. The author of the Sattasaī praises public women for the enamoured attention they get and for administering to their sexual needs with their charm.80 Even though they were fnancially independent, they were shown to be desirous of having a married life.81 A kind of hierarchy existed amongst them. In the Jātakas, these women were portrayed to be wise, as Buddha narrated the story of a courtesan to show that women possess wisdom. There is mention of dancing women in the Jātakas. Dancing girls were called upon by the royals to acquire progeny. The Gandhāra Jātaka mentions the nāṭakitthī, while the Kummāsapiṇḍa Jātaka mentions nāṭakīgaṇ. The dancing girls, apart from being a source of amusement, were also instrumental in binding back princes to worldly affairs and sexual passion 125

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for the welfare of the royal lineage and kingdom. Queens often tried using concubines to allure their husbands and prevent them from adopting the ascetic life. Though within the Buddhist tradition ‘dancing girls’ were given recognition, they were portrayed as disloyal and immoral. Once when the king of Benares was childless, the king and queen offered a prayer for a son, and Bodhisatta was born to them. But he was not involved in any kind of pleasure, which made the king anxious. When a dancing girl claimed to allure the prince to the world of pleasure, the king promised her the position of chief consort for his son, provided that she would be successful in doing so. The prince was impressed by her and resolved that he would not let another man have this woman and took his sword and ran through the street, chasing people. The king banished him along with the girl. But later she got involved with a hermit while she was still with Bodhisatta.82 Courtesans were often shown to be wealthy. Senaka, a royal priest, killed a harlot to get her ornaments.83 Bodhisatta, in one of his births became a robber. A courtesan in Benares named Sāmā fell in love with her and saved him when he was caught by the king’s men, who ordered his men to cut off his head. The price of Sāmā was a thousand pieces of money. She was a favourite of the king and owned 500 female slaves. When she saw the robber, she fell in love with him and wanted to secure him as her husband.84 She deceived a rich merchant who was ‘enamoured’ by her to rescue her lover. It was due to Sāmā’s deception that the merchant was executed in place of the robber. Even though she acquired the robber, he left her. He perceived her as ‘vile’ and ‘deceptive’. While running away he decided to take some ornaments from the courtesan. To recover her lover, she gave money to actors (who visited every town, village, and city) and taught them to sing a song, and told them if her ‘husband’ would be there, he would speak to them. When the robber met the actors, the robber expressed his mistrust for Sāmā. When she came to know about it, she began her old course of life as a courtesan.85 In the same manner, another wealthy courtesan named Sulasā fell for a robber. She left her ‘bad’86 life and lived with him. But the robber tried to kill her and rob her of her ornaments. The Takkāriya Jātaka narrates a story about a nagarasobhanī in Benares called Kālī who earned a thousand pieces of money in a day. She had a brother named Tuṇḍila. He did not earn and wasted his life. She supported him. The courtesans are shown to be rich and prosperous, who had servants of their own and also had full control of the men who visited them. Though the courtesans were economically independent, they often faced fnancial crises. In the Gāmaṇī Caṇḍa Jātaka,87 we fnd mention of a gāṇika facing an economic crisis. She sent a message to the king conveying her diffcult situation. The king, in response, said that as she does not serve men who pay her but instead serves others, she is facing such a crisis. Thus, the king was aware of the type of catastrophes that such women faced. There might

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have been a customary law which she transgressed and thus met with such diffculty in her profession. The Kurudhamma Jātaka88 narrates the story of a ‘virtuous’ vannadāsī. Sakka, the king of the gods, in order to test her ‘goodness’ disguised himself as a youth and gave her a thousand pieces, saying, ‘I will come by’.89 He returned to heaven and did not meet her for three years. In order to maintain her honour, for the next three years, she did not accept anything from any other man. She got poorer. The vannadāsī decided to go to the Chief Justices so that she would get her wage as before. She went to the court and narrated the whole incident to him. He said, If he does not come for three years, what can you do? Earn your wage as before’.90 As soon as she left the court, a man approached her and offered her a thousand. As she was about to receive it, she held out her hands to take it, and Sakka showed himself. But she withdrew her hand. Then Sakka took his real form and everyone in the city gathered there. Sakka, in the midst of the crowd, said, ‘To test her goodness I gave her a thousand pieces three years ago. Be like her, and like her keep your honour’.91 He then flled her with jewels of seven kinds. The Kurudhamma Jātaka elaborates how virtue transcends gender, caste, and class.

Embodying the Patriarchal World It is said that even wise men, who did not commit any sin for 700 years, transgressed by hearing a woman’s voice.92 It was the female voice that was demeaned, controlled, and subdued, and men were never held responsible for such an act. The concept of ‘chastity’ was gender-specifc. Though infdelity was not encouraged for both men and women, in such cases, women were more stigmatised. In Hāla’s Sattasaī and the Jātakas, men were shown to have maintained more than one wife and even have multiple relationships outside the institution of marriage. In the Jātakas, the number of wives exceeded even 300 and 16,000 also (in the case of royal male members). The Jātakas portray women as an obstacle to a man’s journey to asceticism.93 In one of his births, Bodhisatta got ‘sinfully’ involved with a queen. Bodhisatta was born in a Brahmin family. After his parents’ death and donating his wealth, he adopted a religious mode of life. In Benares, he stayed in the king’s palace. When he saw the queen naked, he felt lustful towards her and got sexually involved. The king punished neither Bodhisatta nor the unfaithful queen. He helped Bodhisatta in coming out of the ‘sinful passion’ he was involved in.94 Again in one of his previous births when Bodhisatta was born into a rich brahmin family in Kāsi and adopted ascetic life he felt lustful towards the queen after seeing her naked. After dressing up the queen for Bodhisatta, the king sent her to him.95 He also told her to serve him

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properly. When the queen questioned him on his conduct as an ascetic and a Brahmin, he realised he was overpowered by lust.96 In Jātaka stories, a king was shown to have a minimum of sixteen thousand wives. It was his chief consort who fnds recognition in the Jātaka stories; she supports her husband in his diffcult times. But at the same time, these stories refect how the husband does not recognise his wife’s devotion and services and in good times turns his attention towards other women. Even royal servants were punished for transgressing from the path of morality. A minister was once sinfully involved in the royal harem of the king of Benares. The king banished him from the kingdom.97 On the other hand, when a certain courtier got sinfully involved in the royal harem, the king told the Buddha about it. The Buddha advised that one should not harm a servant when he is useful, and the woman is dear.98 In the next section, we will discuss how gender parity was maintained within the spiritual world as well.

Benedictions and the Religious Populace The Asitābhū-Jātaka narrates how the disappointment in a woman’s life encouraged her to join the Buddhist Order. At Sāvatthi, a servant of the Master’s two chief disciples had a daughter. She was married into a ‘good’ family even though the husband used to enjoy elsewhere. But she ignored his behaviour and listened to the preaching of the two chief disciples of the Buddha. When she realised that her husband did not want her and there was no need to remain in the household, she adopted the religious mode of life, informed her parents, and became a saint.99 Within the Buddhist tradition, even a woman has been shown to be not desirous of married life. In the Ananusociya-Jātaka, a woman expressed her desire of becoming an ascetic after the death of her parents and dwells in a life of purity without possessing any erotic desires with her husband.100 A woman as a female ascetic was able to carve out a place for herself within the Buddhist Order. Once a religious woman described as ‘wise’ and ‘learned’ in the city of Kampilla was appointed by the Buddha in order to fnd out the truth about a king.101 The Suvaṇṇamiga-Jātaka102 is a story about a girl called Sāvatthi. She was the daughter in the household of an attendant of the two chief disciples at Sāvitthi. Sāvatthi was attached to the Buddha and devoted to almsgiving and performed deeds of piety. Another family in Sāvitthi of equal rank but heretical in nature chose her in marriage. Even though they were aware of her inclination, they agreed that she could continue what she had been doing. She proved ‘faithful in the charge of her duties, and as a devoted wife served her in-laws’.103 One day she told her husband that she wanted to give alms to their family priests. Her husband permitted her to do so. She asked the family priests to stay back as long as the heretical views of her marital house 128

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were not warded off. Consequently, her husband, in-laws, and their servants became devoted to the Buddha. When she told her husband that she desired to adopt the ascetic mode of life, her husband decided to follow her. The Jātaka stories also imply that the decision of many women to join the Buddhist Order as an ascetic was bounded within the patriarchal boundaries. In one of the births when Bodhisatta’s parents died, he decided to adopt asceticism. He told his wife to take his property and enter into household life. But she did not forsake her husband. Her decision was based upon the morals and boundaries of the institution of marriage.104 Even Buddha’s wife’s decision to join the Order was primarily not out of her own desire, but as both her husband and her son, the very pillars of a woman’s life, were absent, she decided to join the Order.105 A woman’s ordeal was not limited to the boundaries of her marital house. Even after joining the Sangha, her struggle continued. She had to go through ordeals to prove the chastity and purity of her mind and body. The Jātaka stories help us to comprehend how chastity was perceived within the sanctuary. The Nigrodhamiga-Jātaka narrates the story of a woman who was born to a wealthy merchant of Rājagaha. She was deeply religious and was not attached to worldly affairs. She tried to convince her parents to take up the doctrine of Buddha, but she failed. After her marriage, she convinced her husband to join the Order but she was not aware of the fact that she has conceived. Other Sisters observed the change in her body due to pregnancy and interrogated her. Devadatta expelled her without any proper investigation. She did not accept his order as she was admitted to the Order not under Devadatta but under Buddha and that she would go to Jetavana to Buddha for justice. Buddha thought that as the child was conceived while she was a laywoman, it would give the heretics an opportunity to say that the ascetic Gotama had taken a Sister expelled by Devadatta. Therefore, he decided that this case must be heard in the presence of the king and his court. He sent for Pasenadi king of Kosala, the elder and the younger Anātha-piṇḍika, the lady Visākhā the great lay-disciple, and other wellknown people. He told Visākhā to ascertain the date of her conception, whether she had conceived before joining the laity or after. It was concluded that she had conceived before she joined the Order, and thus her innocence was proved and she returned to her monastery. When she gave birth to a boy, the king decided to rear the child as he might prove an obstacle in the path of a Sister. The narrative portrays the kind of obstacles a woman had to face to adopt asceticism and also the interference of the king within the sanctuary. The Tipallattha-Miga-Jātaka ascribes to the fact how diffcult it was for women to adopt the religious life and maintain it. The female disciples of Buddha were also engaged in social welfare. Visākhā was the most distinguished among the female disciples of Buddha.106 In the Kāliṅga bodhi Jātaka,107 Visākhā along with Anāthapiṇḍaka planted 129

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trees. Stories of women who followed other sectarian traditions are also narrated in the Jātakas.108 Even within the Buddhist religious order, gender disparity and distrust regarding a woman’s character can be observed. The benedictions varied according to gender. In some cases (the Mahāsupina Jātaka and the Lohakumbhi Jātaka), especially a queen sent her husband to seek the advice of the Buddha. In the Mahāsāra Jātaka, when the queens were unable to hear the teachings of the Buddha, it was Ānanda who fnally preached to them. While a female ascetic had to prove her purity of body and mind within the sanctuary, the same did not apply when Bodhisatta himself was involved in an illegitimate affair. There was a similarity in attitude towards women within and outside the sanctuary. The Jātaka stories put into the limelight how the process of alms-giving posed threat and made the position of the monks vulnerable. In the Vātamiga Jātaka, a slave girl brings a son back to his parents after he renunciated. In the Mandhātu Jātaka, the Buddha warned a Brother about such lust, where the monk gets sexually attracted towards a woman while asking for alms. The poem Hāla’s Sattasaī also mentions begging nuns and the female kāpālikas who covered their bodies with ashes.109 The poem narrates that the saints are inficted by sexual passion, but they are said to have total control over their senses.110 Buddhism provided an alternative path to emancipation, liberating women and men from the existing pain and suffering that originated due to the existing social conditions. It was not necessarily a gender-focused movement that aimed to bring about parity or liberating the subservient sex. That women inclined towards a spiritual life implied their dissatisfaction with life, domestic and societal control, and their inner desire to break free. She realised that she had a life outside the domain of marriage, of patriarchal needs and control of the society. But Buddhism could not free itself from the existing misogynist attitude. The Jātakas and the Hāla’s Sattasaī quite emphatically bring out the experience a woman goes through within and outside the institution of marriage. Both the texts dealt with in this chapter do not talk about gender parity or a total deviation from the existing traditions and customs. When Buddha left his wife and son, he praised his wife for maintaining her loyalty towards him even when other men approached her, thus implying the importance of chastity held by other religious traditions. Buddhism did come out with a certain level of relief for women in comparison to the existing conditions of the time. It provided women with an option of obtaining salvation outside the domain of marriage. Even though Buddhism opened an alternative path for women, men were encouraged to have no attachment to them. They are projected as beings possessing low and degrading qualities. Ānanda, who stood for women’s participation in the religious path, also elucidated the faults in women.111 130

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Notes 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51

Jātaka No. 328. Hāla’s Sattasaī, 690. Ibid., 15. Ibid., 19. Ibid., 22. Ibid., 26. Ibid., 30. Ibid., 86. Ibid., 87. Ibid., 88. Ibid., 89. Jātaka No. 546. Jātaka No. 262. Jātaka No. 217. Hāla’s Sattasaī, 145. Ibid., 146. Ibid., 148. Ibid., 155. Ibid., 156. Ibid. Ibid., 167. Jātaka No. 269. Jātaka No. 546 Jātaka No. 547. Hāla’s Sattasaī, 204. Hāla’s Sattasaī, 257. Ibid., 258–259. Ibid., 260. Hāla’s Sattasaī, 217. Ibid., 572–573. Ibid., 574. Ibid., 575. Hāla’s Sattasaī, 579. Ibid., 576. Ibid., 580. Hāla’s Sattasaī, 277. Ibid., 279. Ibid., 281. Ibid., 282–288. Ibid., 289. Ibid., 290. Ibid., 294. Hāla’s Sattasaī, 297. Ibid., 302. Ibid., 301. Ibid., 305–309. Jātaka No. 194. Ibid. Ibid. Jātaka No. 485. Jātaka No. 538.

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52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 66 67 68 69 70 71 72 73 74 75 76 77 78 79 80 81 82 83 84 85 86 87 88 89 90 91 92 93 94 95 96 97 98 99 100 101 102 103 104

Hāla’s Sattasaī, 194. Ibid., 227. Jātaka No. 358. Jātaka No. 439. Ibid. Jātaka No. 526. Jātaka No. 546. Hāla’s Sattasaī, 429–433. Ibid., 570. Jātaka No. 519. Ibid. Jātaka No. 458. Ibid. Jātaka No. 62. Ibid., 400–401. Ibid., 402. Ibid., 410. Hāla’s Sattasaī, 412–414. Ibid., 419. Ibid., 421. Jātaka No. 62. Ibid. Jātaka No. 536. Jātaka No. 61. Jātaka No. 269. Jātaka No. 199. Jātaka No. 212. Jātaka No. 195, Jātaka No. 536. Hāla’s Sattasaī, 203. Jātaka No. 318, 419. Jātaka No. 263. Jātaka No. 546. Jātaka No. 318. Ibid. Jātaka No. 419. Jātaka No. 257. Jātaka No. 276. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Jātaka No. 159. Jātaka No. 310. Jātaka No. 431. Jātaka No. 66. Ibid. Jātaka No. 303. Jātaka No. 195. Ibid. Jātaka No. 328. Jātaka No. 546. Jātaka No. 359. Ibid. Jātaka No. 328.

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105 106 107 108 109 110 111

Jātaka No. 281. Jātaka No. 489. Jātaka No. 479. Jātaka No. 301. Hāla’s Sattasaī, 595, 597. Ibid., 596. Jātaka No. 536.

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Ideals and concepts framed over centuries have shaped human history. They have come down to us in various forms such as through different forms of literature. Such ideals and concepts not only shape the society but also the human mind, morals, and way of living. Every ideal and concept has a social, cultural, economic, and political background to it. They not only help in resolving various crises and tensions not only within the society but also in the organisation and reorganisation of the society. It is through these ideals and concepts that society is comprehended. But ideals and concepts are not static, and they undergo constant changes as time demands. When one talks about ideals, one should keep in mind that religious traditions are an integral part of it. Religion undeniably has a great impact on various processes that take place within society. It infuences different patterns, aspects, and institutions of society. But in the history of human civilisations, we do see that there have been clashes between various ideals leading to the evolution of norms and practices. This, in turn, also led to the development of various other religious traditions indicating multiculturalism and the variations in human thinking and philosophy. In the epics, the Purāṇas, and the Jātakas, we do observe this constant clash between various traditions. Demeaning other traditions was one of the major objectives; e.g., the Purāṇas refer to Buddhism and Jainism, and the stories clearly discourage people from having any contact with them. The origin of other heterodox traditions mentioned in the Purāṇas is mortifying – the story goes that the demons once won over the gods. The gods, being helpless, went to Viṣṇu, who produced an illusory image of himself. That illusory image would make the demons deviate by disrespecting the Vedas.1 He took the guise of a naked mendicant and made them deviate from the religious path. He taught them to contempt the Vedas and also prohibit animal sacrifce. The Asuras imparted those doctrines and taught people. The same story is narrated in the Agni Purāṇa.2 Visnu, in the form of Buddha, made the Daityas abandon Veda and follow Buddha. He became Arhatas. Abandoning Vedas, they became Pāsaṇdinas and thus at the end

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CONCLUSION

of Kali yuga, there was the origin of mixed castes, and thus the Veda of Vājasaneya came into existence. The rituals and ceremonies of the Brāhmaṇas were condemned and termed useless. That Buddhism came as redemption for society is clearly refected in the stories both for men and women. At the same time, the apprehension of Brahmanism is refected in the texts whereby they forecast the fearful future, the Kali yuga. The Kali yuga is enumerated as a period when marriages would not be performed according to the norms.3 In this yuga, it was feared that wives would leave their husbands when they lost all their wealth and men who were rich would be considered as husbands by women4 and merit by birth would no longer be valid.5 Women will follow their own desire and focus on satisfying their pleasure6 and will not pay any attention to their husbands or parents7 and will be immoral.8 Śūdras will become religious ascetics and follow ‘impious’ and ‘heretical’ doctrines.9 Vyāsa enumerates that Kali yuga is good because the region which is obtained by the twice-born after so much penance would be acquired by the Śūdra only by serving and a woman only has to honour their husband by mind and speech and thus does not have to go through such penances as done by the twice-born.10 He expressed his appreciation of their happiness and the other yugas (except Kali yuga) were full of austerities of the twiceborn. But behind this appreciation lie the disappointment and the constant confict within Brahmanism to maintain its foothold. Vālmīki’s Rāmāyāṇa attempts to portray a perfect society which follows Brahmanical norms.11 The struggle is evident throughout the text. The city of Ayodhyā resembles a perfect Brahmanical society whereby men and women are virtuous in nature, all perform sacrifces, no one is of impure origin, twice-born are not devoid of the knowledge of scriptures, and the varna system is maintained.12 The above description not only refects a society that conformed to the Brahmanical norms but at the same time, expresses its trepidation that originated with the coming of different races and traditions. The Rākṣasa world, which is shown as opposing and a threat to the Brahmanical world of Vālmīki, is categorised as a villainous one. They were considered culturally improper. There is a reason behind every construction of characters by the author/ authors that not only serve the text but is also used to voice the concept or the ideal the author/authors follows and wishes to propagate. The Lanka world shows deviation from the Brahmanical tradition. The concept of propagation held a signifcant position in the narratives taking within its threshold other concepts like gender and caste and the earthly and the divine realm. Various stories dedicated to a particular cult were woven not only to propagate but also to impress the mind of the people with fear, tension, and confict. The Hāla’s Sattasaī shows how the region affected the structure and style of the text. Unlike other texts, Hāla’s Sattasaī has a female voice to it and

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concentrates more on female emotions and feelings. But again, this text conforms to the impositions of society. The text shows how immodest it was for a woman to have a relationship with a man before marriage. It is for love that she compromises with the societal customs and jurisdiction. But what makes the Hāla’s Sattasaī different from others is that it explicitly expresses the pain of a woman and her constant struggle. Texts like Purāṇas construe that the main reason behind a woman’s loyalty is the scarcity of suitable suitors, and the unfaithful woman mentioned in the Hāla’s Sattasaī adheres to such a view. The loose women rebuke the virtuous wife and accuse her that she can be after the barber who has a status lower than her. All such ideals and concepts were formed to regulate social life, moral beliefs, patterns, and behaviours. The cultural patterns contribute to forming norms that provide direction to society. Sometimes, such norms do not conform to a particular set of people. There is an interdependence of religious and cultural norms, social stratifcation, social change, social behaviour, and reactions. Such behaviour differs according to various hierarchies based on caste and gender. Different norms were formulated according to such concepts of gender and caste. Gender problems refect the culture and social system of civilisation. Social concepts lead to the development of different patterns of behaviours based on gender. Different norms are formulated to control gender behaviour to meet the different needs of society. Such norms are embedded into the minds of society through different forms of literature. Gender parity has never been an aim of any culture or tradition. One remains subordinated to beneft the other. If we observe the social status as refected in various religious literature, we would see it has been women who have remained subservient. She is a tool in maintaining the infuence of power not only in politics but also in social, economic, and cultural aspects. History is witness to the fact that there has always been an attempt to subordinate the less ‘powerful’ to the more ‘powerful’ ones. This subordination was mainly done for fulflling certain needs of society. As mentioned earlier, such processes were made to work through various means, one of them being literature. Narratives were one of them. The narration of various stories portrayed to have taken place in the past convinced people to follow various ordinances. These narrations were meant to conquer the minds of the listeners, making them follow what the authority of various traditions wanted the society to pursue. Such a scenario goes true for ancient India. Some of the narrative texts include a normative part too. The normative part in the narrative texts tell the audience about the laws and customs of the society that should be followed, and, on the other hand, the narrations convey to the audience how various people or characters have abided by them, their role, and what has happened to those who did not abide by them. They are not shown to be fctional characters, thus striking the mind of the audience much more convincingly. 136

CONCLUSION

The narrative texts dealt with were written in a different time and genre, and naturally such texts were not penned by a single author. Dealing with texts of different traditions helps to open up different dimensions that existed simultaneously in society. It also helps in understanding the various conficts and tensions that existed. For example, in the Jātakas, the background provided while the Buddha intervenes in resolving domestic issues refects various tensions that existed within a household and the conficts a wife had to face on a regular basis. The texts did not belong to a particular period and region and suffered from various interpolations. Amendments were made to them. The narrative texts not only were a representation of the society’s beliefs and practices but also exhibited the perspective of the author, the tradition, and his beliefs. Such texts that suffered from interpolations help in tracing the transition and relating the present to the past, which helps in constructing the past and analysing the changes that the society underwent. The Matsya Purāṇa conforms to this. It says that there have been interpolations in the Vedas, of the Brāhmaṇa, of the Kalpa Sūtras, of the Bhāṣyas, and of other things too.13 It is said that in the Dvapara Yuga, people adopted various customs and rites and thus had different opinions.14 Śāstras too underwent changes.15 Maintaining the purity of caste formed one of the concerns. Though men were a part of it, primarily it was the women. A woman’s body was used as a symbol of family, caste, and community honour. By imposing restrictions, a woman’s sexuality was regulated – if a woman was not protected, an intermixture of caste takes place. Various stories in the narrative texts repeatedly imply how a woman can turn infdel if she is not controlled by a man either through marriage or through other patriarchal norms. Though her fertility was considered auspicious, her sexuality was perceived as a threat. As a courtesan’s sexuality could not be controlled, she was considered a threat and a challenge to the norms of society. Both within Brahmanism and Buddhism, women gained a social status, and their economic power might have been one of the major reasons. In Jātakas and Purāṇas, their desire to obtain a married life can be observed. The same essence can be traced to the apsarās. Caste was legitimised by marriage. Marriage was one of the ways that could signifcantly control a woman’s mind, body, and soul. It was through a woman that a man acquired progeny, thus continuing his lineage. Draupadī stated that progeny could not be protected if a wife is not protected. It was just not any other woman but a pativratā who proved to be benefcial not only for her husband but for both her paternal and marital household. Through a chaste wife, the husband obtained the three purusarthas, i.e., dharma, artha, and kama. Without obtaining them, his life would not have any meaning. It was through this devotion that she gained salvation. But in the Jātakas, a text that belongs to the Buddhist tradition, salvation is allowed to women through asceticism. In Rāmāyāṇa and Mahābhārata, though we 137

CONCLUSION

fnd references to female ascetics, their salvation was bound mostly within the patriarchal norms. A pativratā woman was considered to be the best amongst women. As a girl, she had to be a virgin in order to be pure. It was prescribed for a father that he should get his daughter married before menstruation started, or else, he was alleged as a killer of a foetus. Prescribing marriage before she attained puberty meant controlling her sexuality before she became aware of it. Her husband had exclusive control over her mind, body, and soul. This exclusivity was one of the major concerns of society. Apprehension regarding maintaining virginity is refected in the stories of Satyavatī and Kuntī. That the focus on maintaining virginity increased with time is refected in difference in reciprocation of Bhīṣma and Yudhiṣṭhira. A man was advised not to get totally attached to a woman. The Bhāgavata Purāṇa prescribes that when his need will be over, he should get detached from her. The need was to obtain progeny only, and any other kind of union was considered to be inappropriate. This concept of attachment and detachment is found in the Jātakas as well. Narrative texts that articulate incidents of the past help in tracing the origin of various precepts. Chastity and the need for controlling women were one of them. The story of Ashvatakra and the old ascetic in the Mahābhārata exhibits proper and improper societal conduct at multiple levels. The female character involved here is an aged woman, but then also she approaches a young man for sexual union and at the same time does not talk of marriage. She also claims to be her own master. This is the transgression behaviour that challenges the norms of society. It also indicates that a woman without any patriarchal control behaves sinfully. At the same time, Ashtavakra’s reply explains how chastity for men was perceived. After seeing the maidens in the palace of the old ascetic, he controlled his senses and did not submit to the proposal of the old woman – he said a man should be involved with his own wife and such a union is pure only if it is for begetting progeny. It is proper for a man if he restrains himself from such a union after begetting progeny. In the Anuśāsana Parva, Bhīṣma illuminates the characteristics of women. He says in earlier times, as everyone was righteous and attaining a status equal to that of the deities, Brahmā created women with sinful characteristics. Due to their sinful nature, they approached other men. This implies that in order to make earthly men distinct from the celestial ones, such sinful women were created to maintain the balance between the two worlds, or else the world of the celestials would be under threat. It is due to the women that such earthly beings fell from such a position. These women were so vicious that no scripture or sacred text could control them. Sinful women were shown to meet with fatal outcomes. Companionship with such women was discouraged, and if she followed such a path, she would be treated as an outcaste by society. 138

CONCLUSION

Maintaining chastity was never an easy task for her. The texts are full of enumeration regarding the duties of a chaste woman. It also meant compromising her body and accepting the touch of another man for continuing the lineage of her husband. Her inner struggle was never a concern. Mostly, a queen was sent to a sage for begetting progeny on her. The inclusion of a god or sage was said to make it divine. We get instances wherein women were sent by their either husbands or mother-in-law to another man for securing progeny for their lineage. In some of these stories, the queens sent their maids instead. Thus, there was indiscretion not only by men, but even women participated and acted as a medium. The gender and caste of the maid make her more susceptible to exploitation. The implications of transgression were dependent on sociocultural factors as well. Both Kuntī and Satyavatī surrendered themselves to men who held authoritative positions. In both the stories, the female characters were apprehensive about social stigma. Owing to their vulnerable position as females in society they had to accept the approach of such men. While such indiscrete behaviour is studied, it should be observed whether the characters involved behave so willingly or not. But again, the caste and social position determined the purity and impurity of such characters. Kuntī and Satyavatī held an esteemed position, and thus condemning them would have been offensive. The concept of chastity held so much importance that the king’s interference was necessary. Within the texts, it is very important to observe the nature of the king’s jurisprudence in relation to gender issues such as infdelity, etc. In the Jātakas, the king’s interference is quite clear and signifcant. In the Brahmanical texts, like the Purāṇas and the epics, the infuence is also visible. The study of the life of Draupadī and Sītā is important here. They suffered at the hands of kings and princes and faced injustice in front of the public, the king, and the royal court. Thus, the royal space had a signifcant role to play in controlling the character of women. The abandoning of Sītā by Rāmā has a subjective element to it. For Rāmā, being an upright king held more importance than being an ideal husband. The same was with Yudhiṣṭhira. Even he was more concerned about his social image like Rāmā. To Yudhiṣṭhira, social concerns held much more importance than providing justice and protection to his wife. Characters such as Anasūyā and Savitri were the ideals of Sītā. Iconisations of such characters impressed of the literature/works mentioned, its audience and listeners and moreover convinced its audience to follow the path of chastity and impressed them with the idea that following such characters would make them esteemed and celebrated characters. Both Draupadī and Sītā had to suffer abuse and molestations. Though Sītā was not molested within the household, her character was maligned and she was disrespected by her own husband who was supposed to protect her. On the other hand, Draupadī had to face humiliation both within 139

CONCLUSION

and outside her household. It was her husband who had put her at stake in order to save himself from slavery. Her husbands did not protect her when she was being molested by other men in front of them. Draupadī expressed her humiliation and oppression at the hands of men within the patriarchal boundaries. She abused her husbands in front of everyone to seek justice. Every time she was harassed at the hands of other men, it was she who initiated the process of taking revenge. Draupadī’s aggressive behaviour shows the repression and abuses a woman had to go through. Like Draupadī, Sītā expressed her grief and protest by abiding by the patriarchal norms. Sītā’s return to earth shows a woman’s life that was meant to be full of ordeals. Even complete devotion could not satisfy a man’s mind. Not only Sītā but also, in Galav’s episode, Madhavi accepts the forest life succumbing to the disappointments that life brought to them even after fulflling each and every custom of the society. Though they are celebrated for their devotion and loyalty, such a celebration could not take away their pain, dissatisfaction, and disappointments. But their tragedy was considered to be a part of their pativratā life. At the same time, their acceptance and adoption of nature show their protest and unacceptance of the patriarchal world. In the Jātakas also there is a refection of such a disappointment where women adopt the life of the Sangha. Women moved out of the inner household spaces to vent out their pain and grief. The Sangha did not exist in an isolated manner. The condition within the Sangha was a refection of the civic society. Hierarchy and gender disparity were also maintained within it. Damayanti and Sītā were both grief-stricken by their husband’s behaviour towards them. Both of them took refuge in a hermitage, which leads to another question – whether such a hermitage acted as a refuge for women who were abandoned by their husbands? It leads to the observance that the abandonment of queens by their husbands might have been a common practice. The existence of a woman gained its meaning within the patriarchal norms and boundaries. Reṇukā, Sītā, and Draupadī left their palace life for the sake of their husband. But each of them suffered injustice at the hands of their husbands. Kuntī had to compromise herself for maintaining her husband’s lineage. She was given to another king by her own father. Gāndhāri sacrifced her vision when she came to know that her husband was blind. It was for the boon bestowed upon her that she was chosen by Bhīṣma as a daughter-in-law. Rādhā had to bear Kṛṣṇa’s indulgence with other women as he was her ‘lord’. The same tradition was maintained in the mortal realm. On the other hand, the story of Reṇukā shows how a simple appreciation by a woman can turn fatal for her. Reṇukā’s murderer was punished because she was a mother to her son. She enjoyed the privileges of motherhood within the guidelines of the patriarchy created by the society and did not earn justice on account of being a woman, an individual possessing a mind, body, and soul of her own. 140

CONCLUSION

That a woman was not allowed to remarry had some major connotations – one, economic and the other, being sexual. The economic connotation implies that if a widow remarried, she might have taken the wealth with her which she obtained from her father’s house. Due to her second marriage, she might have also taken her son (if she had any) to her second husband’s home, thus shifting the ownership. The sexual connotation meant the ownership over her body, which only her frst husband could have claimed. Such a claim gave him immense pride and honour. Thus, it was not a favourable decision to be disposed of. Chastity gave her immense power that not only saved her husband but was also supposed to save her from other men’s gaze. Like Rāmā and Yudhiṣṭhira, Nala (Damayanti’s husband) believed in his wife’s chastity to protect herself from another man’s gaze. But in many of the MahaPurāṇas, women are revered in a position wherein she not only is worshipped but fghts against powerful demons, which even gods could not fght against, e.g. the Devī created from the Devas, who was also called Bhadra-Kali. But such reverence existed in the divine realm, while in the mortal realm, the life of a woman was full of suffering and pain. Not only as wives but as daughters too they had to compromise themselves and their self-respect in order to maintain the dignity and honour of their fathers. For the father, his dharma as a king held more importance than his duty towards his daughter. In the mortal realm, there were other precepts that depended on chastity, thus making it more complicated. The stories quite clearly refect how intricately the concept of gender and caste were woven together. They also exhibit the claim of the dominance of the Brāhmaṇas over those regions too that did not follow Brahmanical customs strictly and it was through the support of the Brāhmaṇas only that they could overcome any crisis. The stories also display the confict and crisis within Brahmanism with other existing traditions. Thus, they refected different traditions, their customs and the changes that the society was undergoing which, in turn, led to the revision and transformation of various customs and laws that invariably affected the scriptures. In order to keep a woman away from reasoning, she was not allowed socialising or speaking to a rationalist, a Buddhist nun, etc. We fnd references to Buddhism in the epics and the Purāṇas and condemning them. The reason is quite clear. In the Jātakas, we fnd a reference wherein a woman talks about earning for herself, walking out of marriage, and salvation that were not totally bounded within the patriarchal norms and customs. The reference to legitimising the marriage of Draupadī to fve men is not only found in the Mahābhārata but also in the Purāṇa, which points to the changes the society was undergoing that helps in the reconstruction and understanding of the position of women. In the Mahābhārata, we get an account of a story that explicitly describes an ancient practice where women were portrayed as independent and that any man could approach her even 141

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if she was married. The story that refects such an ancient practice does not refer to the consent of the woman, neither the stories mentioned in the Mahābhārata that refer to polyandrous marriage is silent about the consent of a woman. It is questionable whether she performed such an act out of her own desire or was surrendering to the patriarchal norms. With time, courtesans were being accepted not only by Buddhism but also by Brahmanism. In the Jātakas and in the Purāṇas as well, courtesans are portrayed as rich and wealthy people. In the Purāṇas, their acceptance began when Brahmanism beneftted from their wealth in the form of donations. The nature of the portrayal of courtesans in the Jātakas refects a different perspective on the social and sexual variants. Mostly, she is shown to have female servants, thus the dominance of a female fgure. Not only are they portrayed as wise, beautiful, and wealthy, but their desire to have a marital life is also voiced. But both the Jātakas and texts belonging to the Brahmanical tradition portray courtesans as an object of ornamentation. Buddhism opened its door for women to adopt asceticism. We get many references wherein women adopt the life of an ascetic. The Culla-Kalinga Jātaka16 refers to female ascetics belonging to other traditions like Jainism. This, in turn, shows the disappointments a woman had to face. At the same time, they are shown to be wise too. But their path to asceticism was bounded by patriarchal chains. They needed their husband’s permission to join the Sangha. We get references to female ascetics in the epics as well. Here, the dominance of patriarchy is seen to be greater. We get references to female ascetics of other traditions as well. Brahmanism underwent changes in its acceptance and adoption of female ascetics within its realm. Even within the realm of asceticism, male interference was needed for salvation. But the story of Sabari in Rāmāyaṇa, who is without any male control, shows how Brahmanical tradition inverted its customs and laws to meet the changing needs of the society and bring into its realm the salvation of women, which could be attained without a husband. This also indicates how Vaisnavism helped Brahmanical customs and tradition regain their dominance. Despite such developments, the stereotypical thinking regarding women never faded away. Behind the silence maintained in the narratives, one can read the conficts that formed the part of a woman’s life. The theory of illusion can be found in the story of Sītā and Samjñā. That Samjñā took the form of a mare shows her inner desire to be independent. But fnally, her husband brings her back, indicating that women ultimately had to bow down to men. Unlike Sītā, Samjñā created an illusion not to protect herself from another male fgure but from her own husband. That the shadow Sītā protected the real one shows how the inner purity of a woman was supposed to protect her. Moreover, the creation of the illusory Sītā shows that it was a necessity

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to protect women, especially the royal ones. Vedavati is said to be the past life of Sītā. When Rāvaṇa tried to abduct her, she did not create any illusion like Sītā. This shows the growing insecure position of royal women. This creation of an illusory fgure refracts a woman’s inner desires, emotions, conficts, and struggles. Though women were seen to be such dangerous creatures that needed to be tamed and never trusted, their signifcance in society could never be ignored by the patriarchs. Femininity and female sexuality were misunderstood, but their importance could never be ignored. Visnu’s transformation into a female, Śiva being anxious to see Visnu’s female form, Amba’s transformation and the case of Sikhandi, and Ila’s transformation and Urvaśī’s curse on Arjuna not only imply the equal signifcance of women but at the same time show that gender was a social construction affecting the mind, body, and soul. Such gendered constructions led to the adoption of various ideals. For example, infdelity had different meanings and repercussions for men and women. The stories narrated in different texts had different learnings and perspectives for men and women. One has to understand the underlying silent voice of women bound by the loud patriarchal voice. We have to determine a woman’s identity and position within society. Women were categorised into various types, and Brahmā is said to have created krtya woman. He divided the race of krtya woman into three parts: the frst among them was known as uttama, the second was called madhyama, and the third was known as adhama. The uttama was extremely religious and always devoted to her husband, does not accept the company of any other man, adores the Brāhmaṇas and the guests like her husband, and performs fasting and vratas. The madhyama type of krtya woman does not fall into the company of other men because of the protection of the teachers. Because of the non-availability of men, their desire and chastity remain intact. The women who are born in degraded families are known as adhama – they are devoid of dharma and try to kill their husbands with the help of other men.17 The wicked woman does not serve her husband and thinks only about her lover.18 Even the kings are unable to set her on the right path.19 Such women are not interested in performing vratas, tapas, religious acts, household chores, and serving the elders or the gods.20 The uttama type of women was the chaste women who followed the path of laws and customs imposed upon them, while the society was intimidated by women belonging to the madhyama and adhama category. Such valorisation and condemnation have shaped women’s behaviour for ages now. Mostly, it has been women who have been on trial, as in the recent case of State vs. Tarun Tejpal, Sessions Case No. 10 of 2014 wherein the behaviour of the woman (complainant) was questioned, which refects that the fght against gender stereotyping is far from over.

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Notes 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20

The Viṣṇu Purāṇa, Part III, Chapter 17, 42–43. The Agni Purāṇa, Chapter 16, 1–7. The Viṣṇu Purāṇa, Part VI, Chapter I, 10–12. Ibid., 18. Ibid., 19. Ibid., 21. Ibid., 28. Ibid., 30–31. Ibid., 36–37. Ibid., Chapter 2. The Rāmāyaṇa, Bālakaṇḍa, Chapters 6–7. Ibid. The Matsya Purāṇa, Chapter 144, 12–13. Ibid., 14. Ibid., 15. Jātaka No. 301. The Brahmāvaivarta Purāṇa, Kṛşṇa-Janma-Khaṇḍam, Chapter 84, 25–34. Ibid., 36. Ibid., 37–38. Ibid., 39–40.

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INDEX

A Abhiras 5 Ādi Parvan 4 Adrohoka 105 adulterous relationship 125 Agni Purāṇa 13, 18, 79, 85, 134 Ahalyā 16, 40, 60, 75, 90, 102 Ajamilā 14 Ajvikas 4 Ambā 38–39 Ambalika 26, 67, 91 Ananusociya-Jātaka 4, 12, 19, 28, 48, 51, 56, 128, 138 Anasūyā 28–31, 36, 69, 70, 75, 139 Andabhūta Jātaka 123 androcentric society 117 anti-Vedic 4 Apasadas 29 apsarā 14–16, 24, 41, 49, 52, 55, 57, 92, 137 Ardhadehadhara (half-bodied) 68 Arjuna 30, 33, 34, 124, 143 Arundhatī 98, 99 Asātamanta Jātaka 22 Aśokasundarī 69 Aurasha 28 Ayodhyakāṇḍa of Rāmāyaṇa 27, 51 B Bhāgvata Purāṇa 2, 10, 14, 17, 19, 84–86, 88, 89, 99, 100, 138 Bharata 31 Bhaviṣya Purāṇa 2 Bhima 35, 37, 38

Bhīṣma 14, 29, 30, 36, 38, 39, 42, 48, 49, 53, 57, 138, 140 Bodhisatta 20, 21, 23, 111, 112, 115, 117–119, 121–123, 125–127, 130 Brahmā 2, 3, 16, 40, 48, 60, 70, 72, 75, 76, 90, 94, 98, 99, 102, 121, 138,  143 Brahmādatta 20 Brahmanical Hinduism 5 Brahmanical norms 135 Brahmanical society 4 Brahmanical sources: epic literature 2–3; Jātakas 6–7; Purāṇas 2–4; Sattasaī/Gathasattasaī 5–6 Brahmanical tradition 26, 96 Brahmāvaivarta Purāṇa 10, 11, 14, 19, 65, 77, 84, 87–89, 91, 93, 100–102 Brahmins 4, 18, 21, 23, 27, 42, 61–63, 74, 79, 88, 92, 95, 96, 98, 103, 111, 115, 119, 120, 123, 125, 127–128; of janapada period 5; ‘liberal’ attitude 63; public woman 4, 18; policy of inclusion 61 Buddha 20–23, 110, 112–115, 119, 125, 128–130, 134, 137; against Brahmanical doctrine 4; Dhamma 5 Buddhism 4, 6, 9, 20, 22, 23, 36, 110, 114, 118, 124, 134, 135, 137, 141, 142 Buddhist bhikku 6 C Canda-Kinnara Jātaka 115 caste 13, 20–22; and chastity 14–15; and class 105; gender and caste

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of maid 139; and region 106; transgression and 51–52 caste liberation 124 Catu-dvāra Jātaka 119 celestial damsels 15, 16 Chakravarti, Uma 6 chastity: caste and 14–15; defned 1; different nuances of 68; ‘exceptional’ chastity 78–79; meaning and implications of 9; power and appreciation for ‘chaste’ woman 75–78; social learning 11–13 Chattapāni 23 Citrāṅgadā 12 conjugal pleasure 68 courtesans 125–127 COVID-19 crisis 5 co-wives 116–118 Culla-Kalinga Jātaka 142 Culla-Paduma-jātaka 122 cultural patterns 136 D Dakșa 69 Dama 67 dancing girls 125–127 Daśaratha 31, 54, 116 Dāsīs 125–127 Dattya 28 defance: contravention 93–97; out of appreciation 97 deformities 17 detachment 137 Devas 17, 90, 98 deviance 1 deviation 62 dharma 19, 30, 34, 42, 67, 76, 79, 91, 93, 137, 141, 143 Dhṛtarāstra 33, 34, 36, 37, 54 digression: by deception 89–90; by force 85–89; infringement for purpose 90–91; for lineage 91– 92; sedition by touch 90 Dirghatamas 27 Divyagraha 94 Draupadī 29, 33–37, 42, 77, 102, 124, 137, 139–141 Drupada 33, 34, 77 E epic literature 2–3

F faithful wife: chaste woman, divine power of 118; co-wives and other women 116–118; devotion 115–116; duties 113–115; mediators 119–120; mother’s love and father’s odium 118–119; ordeals 120–122; ‘purity’ and ‘impurity’ 122–125; sacrifce for progeny 115; widowhood 119 female sexuality 21, 38, 47, 49, 112, 143 foreign invasions 4 freedom of sexual expression 1 G Gāmaṇī Caṇḍa Jātaka 126 gaṇa-saṅghas 5 Gandhāra 3 Gandhāra Jātaka 125 Gāndhāri 36, 37, 91, 140 Gandharvas 16, 35, 55 ganikās 16 Garuḍa Purāṇa 14, 17, 19, 73, 74, 79, 84, 91 gender discrimination 14 gender disparity 140 gender-focused movement 130 gender parity 18, 136 gender problems 136 gender relations 1 Goldman, Robert P. 5 Greeks 5 H Hāla’s Sattasaī 2, 19, 22, 31, 68, 108–130, 135, 136 Hanumān 40, 41 Hazra, R.C. 3 hierarchy and gender disparity 140 Hina Jonidhrita 28 Hunas 5 husband’s sexual desires 10, 31, 68, 75 I ideals and concepts 134 inclination 118 Indra 16, 17, 34, 40, 60, 75, 76, 89, 102, 104 interpolations 2 intersectionality 14

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J Jainism 4, 5, 134, 142 Janaka 32, 47, 77 Jātakas 2, 6–7, 9, 19–23, 40, 110, 111, 114, 117–119, 123–125, 127, 130, 134, 137–142 K Kaikeyi 31, 116 Kālinga bodhi Jātaka 129 Kali yuga 135 kamdeva 17, 74 Kanin 28 Kanina 29 Kāntimatī 70 Karṇa 42, 57, 61, 62 Kauravas 34, 35, 57, 62 Kausalya 27, 28, 30, 31, 34, 116 Kichaka 35 King Brahmādatta 121 King Hāla 111 King Prasenjit 97 King Rukmāńgada 72 King Vessantārā 114 Krita 28, 29 Kṛpa 16 Kṛpī 16 Kṛṣṇa 11, 14, 17, 37, 38, 42, 56, 76, 85, 87, 91, 99–104, 140 krtya woman 143 kṣatriya19 50, 51, 54, 67, 89, 102 Kunala-Jātaka 124 Kunda 28, 29 Kuntī 33, 34, 42, 47, 56–59, 73, 139, 140 Kurudhamma Jātaka 127 Kushana 3 L Laksmana 31, 33, 39, 41–43, 60 Lakṣmī 71, 90 Lal, B.B. 5 Liṅga Purāṇa 12 M Madra 4 Madrakas 61 Madraka women 62 Mahābhārata 2–5, 9, 12, 14–17, 19, 26–43, 47, 48, 51, 56–59, 91, 116, 124, 137, 138, 141, 142; Anuśāsana Parva of 12, 14, 19, 48, 56; Sabha Parva of 26

MahāPurāṇas 2, 88 Mahāsāra Jātaka 130 Mahāsāra-Jātaka 23 Mahā-Ummagga Jātaka 114, 119, 120 male dominance 32 Mandhātu Jātaka 130 man’s infringement 104–107 masculinity 27 Mātaṅga-Jātaka 23 Matsya Purāṇa 17, 71, 87, 88, 137 Mauryas 3 Menaka 92, 102 men’s desires 15 mental satisfaction 112 Mohinī 16, 18, 72 moral responsibility 112 moral values 12–13 Mūga-Pakkha Jātaka 115, 119 multiculturalism 134 N Nāgamuṇḍā 20 Naga world 119 Nandas 4 Nārada-Purāṇa 13, 71, 72 Narayana 16, 17 narratives 2, 136 Nigrodhamiga-Jātaka 129 Niruktaj 29 non-Brahmanical sources 5–7 non-Vedic 3 O Oghavati 27, 30 P Padma Purāṇa 10, 12, 17, 18, 41, 65, 70, 71, 74, 75, 78, 85–87, 89, 90, 92, 94, 95, 100, 104, 105, 112 Pahlavas 5 Pandavas 16, 37, 42, 57, 91 Pāṇḍu 26, 27, 47, 56, 57, 59 paradoxes: deities and preceptors 102– 104; ‘divine’ trinity 98–99; legend of Kṛṣṇa 99–102 Parikrita 28, 29 Pārvatī 13, 59, 65, 69, 73, 90, 94, 99, 101, 102 pativratā 9, 23, 27, 28, 30–32, 34, 35, 37, 66, 67, 73, 78, 79, 83, 85, 86, 89, 137, 138, 140

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Paunarvara 28, 29 ‘pleasure-seekers’ 22 Prākrti 16, 65, 111 Pranita 28, 29 Prasritaja 29 Prince Suruci 115 progeny: sacrifce for 115; selfimmolation 73–75 ‘public’ women 4, 17; society’s behaviour towards 18 Purānas 2–4, 9–13, 15, 17, 22, 23, 29, 34, 66, 68–70, 73–76, 78, 79, 83, 86, 91, 93–97, 99–101, 107, 114–116, 118, 119, 122–125, 134, 136, 139, 141, 142 R Rādhā 99–101, 140 Rākṣasas 33, 56, 67, 100, 135 Rāmā 27, 28, 32, 33, 38, 39, 42, 43, 51, 60, 70, 77, 79, 85–89, 106, 115, 116, 139, 141 Rāmāyaṇa 2, 4, 5, 9, 17, 26–43, 51, 54, 55, 59–61, 70, 85, 106, 116, 142, 143 Rambhā 16 Rāvaṇa 29, 32, 33, 36, 41, 42, 55, 56, 61, 77, 85–87 religious institutions 62 religious movements 3 religious woman 128 Rishi 87, 89, 97 Ṛṣis 26, 33, 39, 40, 47, 48, 58, 102, 103 S Śaivism 3, 78 Śakas 4, 5 Sakuntala 16, 36 Sandhyavali 72 Śānti Parvan 4 Satadhamma Jātaka 20 Śatānanda 16 Sati 69, 89, 102 Sattasaī/Gathasattasa 5–6 Satyavatī 16, 38, 52, 53, 56, 57, 91, 138, 139 Sāvatthi 128 Sāvitri 71 Sayang upagata 28 self-conscious physicality 112 self-dependent woman 73

self-immolation 11, 72 semi-Vedic 3 sexual approach 16 sexual connotation 141 sexual dalliance 73, 93 sexual demands 68 sexual desires 31 sexual feelings 73 sexual indulgence 30 sexual intercourse 91 sexuality 1, 11, 16, 66, 137, 138 sexuality right 66 sexual needs 114 sexual relations 11 sexual relationship 73 sexual union 11, 15, 19, 137 Shada 28 Shalwas 39 sinful 9, 12, 13, 16, 19, 22, 26–28, 35, 53, 55, 61, 84, 87–89, 96, 98, 106, 122, 127, 138 Sītā 4, 18, 27, 29–33, 35, 37, 38, 40, 42, 55, 70, 77, 85, 86, 88, 89, 97, 101, 106, 115, 116, 139, 140, 142, 143 Śiva 3, 13, 59, 65, 70, 74, 76, 78, 85, 87, 90, 95, 98, 99, 103 Śiva Purāṇa 13, 65, 69, 95 Skāṇḍa Purāṇa 10, 13, 68, 74, 78, 83, 84, 87, 88, 91, 93, 94, 96, 97 Smriti 19 social behaviour 136 social beings 84 social change 136 social compulsions 63 social construction 62, 143 social disorder 4 social formations 3 social institutions and practices 1 social interaction 2 social issues 62 social learning 1 social obligation 65 social order 1 social repute 84 social stratifcation 14, 88, 136 societal clauses 111 societal codes of conduct 84 societal pressure 111 society 9 sociocultural implications 13 sramana movements 5 Sudarshana 30

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Vedic 3 veśyā 15–18, 41, 66, 72, 73, 75, 78, 79, 83, 105 Vibhīsana 32 Vichitravirya 26, 36 Vīrabāhu 70 virginity 12, 53, 57, 58, 66, 113, 138 Visākhā 129 Viṣṇu 18, 19, 36, 55, 60, 71, 90, 102, 106, 134 Viṣṇu Purāṇa 19, 36, 87, 88, 100 Viswamitra 16, 102 vrata 17 Vyāsa 2, 33, 34, 36, 52, 54, 57, 60, 91, 135

Śūdra 3, 4, 12, 17, 19, 51, 54, 57, 62, 67, 70, 72, 73, 79, 84, 92, 96, 106, 136 Sugriva 30, 31, 42 Sujāta Jātaka 113, 125 sumantrini 66 Sumedha 115, 122 Supreme Being 103 Surpanakha 42 Suvannamiga-Jātaka 128 svayamvara 67 Swayamprabhā 40, 41 Swetaketu 27 T Takkāriya Jātaka 126 Tantricism 5 Tārā 30, 31, 42, 87–89, 120 transgression 1, 62, 92, 93, 123, 137 U Uddalaka 27 Ulupi 30 Upakrita 28 Urvaśī 15, 16, 96, 143 V vadhakā 113 Vaisnavism 4, 70, 78, 86, 99, 103, 104, 142 Valhikas 61 Vali 30, 57 Vālmīki 70, 135 Vāmana Purāṇa 69, 74, 87–88 vānaras 30 vannadāsī 127 varna-jati system 24 Vāsabha-Khattiyā 20 Vātamiga Jātaka 130 Vedas 4 Vedavati 143

W widowhood 119 widow remarriage 11, 141 woman’s desire 34 women: asceticism for 39; confnement of 26; co-wife and the ‘‘other’’ women 71–73; erotic desires and choices 95; ‘immortality’ of 19; inner beauty 13; krtya woman 143; liberation 23–24; marriage for 65; participation in religious path 130; power and appreciation for ‘chaste’ woman 75–78; ‘public’ women 17; righteousness of married woman 121; salvation 110; sexual and mental abstinence 106; social and reproductive rights of 1; social participation 11; truthfulness, devotion, and purity 13; ‘unchaste’ women 83–84; see also faithful wife Y Yavanas 3 Yudhiṣṭhira 14, 29, 33–35, 42, 49, 138, 139, 141

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