Patterns of Disengagement: The Practice and Portrayal of Reclusion in Early Medieval China 0804736030, 9780804736039

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Patterns of Disengagement: The Practice and Portrayal of Reclusion in Early Medieval China
 0804736030, 9780804736039

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CAMDEN DS 721 _B45





Patterns o f disengagement THE P R A C T IC E AND PORTRAYAL




Alan J. Berkowitz





Stanford University Press Stanford, California ◎2000 by the Board of Trustees of the Leland Stanford Junior University Printed in the United States of America Berkowitz, Alan J. Patterns of disengagement: the practice and portrayal of reclusion in early medieval China / Alan J. Berkowitz. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. i s b n 0-8047-3603.0 (alk. paper) 1. China— Intellectual life. 2. Recluses— China. 3. China~Politics and government~221 B.C. —960 a . d . I. Title: Practice and portrayal of reclusion in early medieval China. II. Title. DS721.B45


9 5 1 dc2i This book is printed on acid-free, archival-quality paper. Original printing 2000 Last figure below indicates year of this printing: 09 08 07 06 05 04 03 02 01 00 Designed and typeset in 10/12.5 Minion by John Fcneron


Per Titina Sentite: io mme so’ fatto, una vutata, *e ciert’antiche libbre sturiuso: ce piglio gusto e . . . ce passo *a nuttata

一 Salvatore Di Giacomo, “Ammore abbasato”


This study is about disengagement, but it is beholden to the engagement of many individuals. Here I wish to acknowledge above all my in­ debtedness to David R. Knechtges, who served as my mentor over many years, giving generously of his time, his expertise, his support; certainly any pro­ fessional discernment I may possess is derived from my days as the Sinologist’s apprentice. I also wish to express gratitude to the late Professor Paul L.-M. Serruys for years of tutelage in Classical Chinese language and epigraphy, and to Gerald W. Swanson, yinjunzi par excellence, who first quickened my interest in Classical Chinese language, literature, and thought. The scholarship of Richard B. Mather always has been as a beacon; here I acknowledge, too, a debt for the example he has set and for his encouragement and support, as well as for many inspirational moments “beckoning the recluse” together in old Jiankang and its environs. Likewise, the scholarship of Donald Holzman also has been for me both an invaluable resource and an inspiration; I also have benefited from his discerning comments and pleasant company. Professor Sun Shuqi greatly facil­ itated my research during two years I spent at Nanjing University, providing unstintingly of his assistance and expertise both at the university and, espe­ cially, during the many weeks we spent together well off the beaten path in search of the legacy of China’s men in reclusion; his energy was inexhaustible and his companionship not to be forgotten. To Titina Caporale, whose man­ ifold contributions have not waned over the years and over the continents: grazie per tutto. I also am appreciative of the support and kindnesses I have received from Paul Kroll, Madeline Spring, Chiu-Mi Lai, Randy Birk, and Charlotte Berkowitz, from my colleagues Li-ching Chang Mair and Hansjakob Werlen, and, in retrospect, from Boofer. I also wish to acknowledge John R_ Ziemer, whose close readings of an earlier version of this manuscript led to a number of improvements in the present one. Gratitude is also expressed to John Feneron and Martin Hanft of Stanford University Press for their expert and manifold contributions. All of the above persons, as well as many others who although unnamed nevertheless are not anonymous, are to be thanked for contributing in one way or another to what maybe noteworthy in the following pages. I myself apologize and welcome correction for the infelicities and out­ right mistakes of this study~surely my responsibility but, I hope, not my only contribution. Here I would also like to acknowledge the support of several institutions.

Work on this book was supported by a National Endowment for the Humani­ ties Summer Stipend and by research grants from Swarthmore College. Much of the research for this book was done in preparing a dissertation at the Univer­ sity of Washington; during that time I benefited from generous support for re­ search in China from the Committee on Scholarly Communication with the People’s Republic of China, and from a U.S. Department of Education Fulbright-Hays Research Abroad Fellowship. The American Council of Learned Societies more recently provided support for a separate project: some of that research has now been incorporated into the present work. Much work on this book was completed several years ago, but various mun­ dane circumstances (some banausic, some more disquieting) kept it from com­ pletion until now. In the meantime some portions of the work have appeared in articles, and I am grateful to the publishers of those articles for letting me re­ incorporate those materials into the present work. Part of the Introduction and a part of Chapter 1 have appeared in “The Moral Hero: A Pattern of Reclusion in Traditional China” (Monumenta Serica 40 [1992]: 1-32); other snippets of the present study have appeared in several issues of the Journal of the American Ori­

ental Society.


Preface Introduction 1. The Portrayal of Reclusion in Early China: Patterns and Thematic Archetypes 2. The Individualization of Reclusion during the Han 3. Substantive Reclusion in the Later Han 4. Reclusion in Early-Medieval China: Distinguishing Characteristics and the Delineation of Substantive Reclusion 5. The Nature and Portrayal o f Substantive Reclusion in the

Six Dynasties: Medieval Sources, Medieval Views, Part 1 6. The Nature and Portrayal of Substantive Reclusion in the Six Dynasties: Medieval Sources, Medieval Views, Part 2 7. Patterns and Singularities in the Portrayal of Reclusion during the Six Dynasties Conclusion: The Practice of Reclusion and the Portrayal of the Recluse

Bibliography Character List


In legendary antiquity, when the sage emperor Yao offered Xu You rule over the entire realm, Xu You felt besmirched just by having heard the offer; he rinsed out his ears and headed off to the mountains for the rest of his untrammeled days. The story of Xu You has remained poignant through the centuries, most always being evoked as an exuberant expression of individual­ istic endeavor and freedom from worldly taint and constraint, rather than as a negative epitome of flagrant egoism and irresponsibilitynot to speak of dis­ respect for authority. For in the end, as a paragon of extraordinary conduct, a champion of unbridled immaculacy, Xu You has come to epitomize a striking facet of reclusion in China, and reclusion has been a nuclear component of the traditional Chinese cultural tableau since time immemorial. Reclusion in traditional China encompassed a number of divergent ration­ ales and lifestyles, many of them largely antithetical to those evinced in the story of Xu You. At base, however, the touchstone of the man in reclusion was con­ duct and personal integrity manifested in the unflinching eschewal of official position. It was this outsider’s stance that constituted the cause for public ac­ claim: men in reclusion did not surrender their integrity, nor did they com­ promise their resolve, and for that they received approbation. Xu You declined Yao, s offer, saying, “Would I do it for a name? A name is the guest of reality.” As it turns out, there is a richjnomenclature for Xu You and his ilk, and the names indeed are in many ways a literary surrogate for the reality of reclusion in traditional China. While the names do reflect voluntary outsider status, imagistic or symbolic terminology is preponderant, in turn becoming the idiom of conventionalized iconography. (The situation is compounded in translation, for the word “reclusion” itself is somewhat misleading, carrying connotations not always appropriate to the Chinese context. I think that the word “recusancy** in some ways and in many situations might better represent the reality of reclusion in traditional China, where men in reclusion often were described as Krecusantsw一 i.e., persons exhibiting nonparticipant, dissentient, or nonconformist conduct~rather than as “recluses.” But that word, too, would carry much inappropriate linguistic baggage, especially these days, and moreover would ill reflect the rich figurative terminology, as well as the broad panorama, of reclusion in China.) Thus, the eminent personages of history, leg­ end, and literature who forwent opportunities for worldly success and a role in the central government of their time might be called by any number of descrip­

tive terms. Among others, these include Hidden Men (yinshi; i.e., men-inreclusion), Disengaged Persons (yzmm), Disengaged Scholars (yishi). Over­ looked Persons (yim in #2), Scholars-at-Home (chushi), H igh-m inded M en

(gaoshi), Lofty and Disengaged (gaoyi), Lofty Recluses (gaoyin)t Remote Ones {youren), Hidden Ones (yinzhe), Hidden Princely Men (jinjunzi), Men of the Cliffs and Caves (yanxue zhi shi)y Sojourners Who Prize Escape (jiadun ke), Scholars Who Fly to Withdrawal (feidun zhi shi)t or Summoned Scholars (zhengshi; i.e., men who receive an imperial summons to court but decline ap­ pointment). As many of the names for men in reclusion imply, an association was com­ monly made by analogy (if not in some cases in actuality) between disengage­ ment from worldly affairs and disengagement from the centers of those activi­ ties. This has been depicted ubiquitously over the centuries in literature and art in the topos of the recluse leading a peaceful and unfettered life in simple cir­ cumstances in a benign mountain wilderness. This aesthetic— and symbolic— vision of life in reclusion doubtless would have held a certain allure for the scholar-official caught up in the very real trials and tribulations of the court and the mundane world. (I, too, am greatly empathetic to the topos of reclusion, and continue to work on a literary study of that topic.) Yet the portrayal of most of those individuals in traditional China who actually practiced reclusion as their way of life describes neither recluses nor hermits, and the alluring imagery of reclusion in the abstract is, in a certain sense, a disembodied construction. The present study, then, looks primarily at the formulation and portrayal of actual reclusion, at individual practitioners and patterns of substantive reclu­ sion, at the views of medieval chroniclers of reclusion, and at the distinctive nature of the practice in early and early-medieval China. If some of the mys­ tique of reclusion in China may have been repositioned, mea culpa; wistful readers might appreciate, as I did, Bill Porter’s engaging and toothsome Road to Heaven, The present study explores the practice of reclusion in early-medieval China, although visitors to China will still discover what residents have always known: the passage of time and the vicissitudes of civilization notwithstanding, the legacy of traditional China’s men in reclusion is anything but hidden.




Introduction “O f all the millions of people, nine of ten hold no official position: how could all of them be High-minded Men?” Meng Lou, a practitioner of reclusion, quoted in Jin shu 94.2443 “Tales about this femous site long have been passed down: H alf of them contain some truth, half of them surmise/1 Stele inscription by Guo Moruo, visiting * Yan Ziling^ Angling Terrace in 1923

In a Chinese landscape painting one commonly sees a lone robed scholar sitting beneath a cypress tree, trudging a deserted footpath, or crossing a small bridge over a wilderness torrent. And in China’s best-known “nature” poetry, the poet often extols the simple life of the worthy hermit and the serene tranquillity of his chosen residence. These are some of the more common images of reclusion, whose beauty and poignancy have contributed to traditional China’s cultural identity. Other common images are the cavedwelling ascetic, the disheveled monk, the itinerant fortune-teller, the aloof fisherman, and the wise woodcutter. Yet paintings just as often portray only the traces of the recluse: his brushwood hut, his fishing nets, or his footprints in the snow. And the poet oftentimes goes off to seek out the hermit only to find no one home. These recurrent images may serve to remind us of the intangibility of our most familiar vision of reclusion in China. While there certainly have always been recluses, by the time the portrayal of reclusion in China begins to include information about the actual lives of his­ torical individuals, it is apparent that recluses were not the norm of reclusion. In fact, the descriptive terminology rarely indicates fanaticism; in most cases it describes a self-conscious, highly moral, well-educated elite that actively par­ ticipated in some of the most engaging activities of the times. We may instinc­ tively, perhaps romantically, look among the accounts of the “recluses” for the fantastic: for notices of blissful quietude or cave-dwelling asceticism; for ac­ counts of aberrant antisocial behavior or accounts of unfettered whim apart from, or on the fringes of, society; or for tales of wonderful psychic or spiritual skills and deeds. But these are not what distinguishes reclusion in China. There are, to be sure, a goodly number of excellent stories to be found among the ac­ counts, and these certainly are the most entertaining of the lot. However, as in

the parable of the blind men probing the elephant in order to discern its form, these stories, as well as the hermit in the landscape painting, reveal just one as­ pect of a more complex entity.1 For most civilizations reclusion has usually indicated withdrawal from the world into a life of seclusion, most often within a religious context. In tradi­ tional China that was not the case. While religious motives did begin to find ex­ pression with the growth of Buddhism and Daoism in the early part of the Six Dynasties (although not always explicitly so),2withdrawal usually meant with­ drawal from active participation in an official career in the state bureaucracy. Reclusion in Ghina was typically secular, and religious devotion was but one of any number ot avocations pursued by individuals who Kad renounced puHic service; trequently, those who withdrew still played active roles within the world. And renunciation in China did not necessarily imply ascetic self-denial: it meant the repudiation of a role in the service of local or state authority.3 Under traditional plastic rubrics, reclusion might be Confucian or Taoist in nature.4The Confucian withdrew as an ethical reaction against the political or 'This story about the blind men and the elephant is common to many traditions. For a Buddhist version from the Nirvana Sutra, see Ding Fubao, comp., Fo xue dacidianypp. 126768. For a Sufi version, see Idries Shah, Tales of the Dervishes) pp. 25-26. Sections of the Intro­ duction and Chapter 1 of the present study were published previously in my “Moral Hero: A Pattern of Reclusion in Traditional China.” ^The term “Six Dynasties” is used here as an intentional expedient, as a generic catchall intending the period in early-medieval China extending from the end of the Later Han to the beginning of the Tang, including all of the various dynasties of both the south and the north. 3See Frederick W. Mote, “Confucian Eremitism in the YUan Period,” pp. 253-55. Studies of reclusion that provide useful overviews include: Aat Vervoorn, Men of the Cliffs and Caves: The Development of the Chinese Eremitic Tradition to the End of the Han Dynasty; Nemoto Makoto, Sensei shakai ni okeru teiko sdshin: Chugokuteki in'itsu no kenkyu; Obi Koichi, Chugoku no inton shisd; Jiang Xingyu, Zhortgguo yinshi yu Zhongguo wenhua; A. R. Davis, ,cThe Narrow Lane: Some Observations on the Recluse in Traditional Chinese Society**; Wang Yao, “Lun xiqi yinyi zhi feng*, ; Li Chi, “The Changing Concept of the Recluse in Chinese Lit­ erature"; Wolfgang Bauer, “The Hidden Hero: Creation and Disintegration of the Ideal of Eremitism”;Kasahara Chuji, “Genjitsu no henkaku to inton shiso: Chugokuteki hyumanizumu to jikaku no mondai”; Hashimoto Jun, “In’itsu shiso no ryuhen ni tsuite”; Liu Jiyao, “Shi yu yin: chuantong Zhongguo zhengzhi wenhua de liang ji”; Wu Biyong, “Ren yu shehui: wenren shengming de erzhong zou: shi yu yin”; Liu Yeqiu, “Shilun Zhongguo gudai de yinshi”; Hong Anquan, “Liang Han rushi de shiyin taidu yu shehui fengqi”; Oyane Bunjiro, To Enmei kenkyut pp. 65-86; and Wang Wenliang, Zhongguo shengren lunt pp. 169-202. See also the several recent monographs that address the subject in a more popular vein: Fu Jin, Shi yin zhi si; Wang Debao, Shiyu yin; Leng Chengjin, Yinshi yu jietuo; Zhang Nan, Yinshi shengya; and Bill Porter, Road to Heaven: Encounters with Chinese Hermits. For a more extensive list of references, see my ^Reclusion in Traditional China: A Selected List ofReferences.,> ‘I retain the orthography “Taoist” (also Taoism) to refer to the general philosophical bent (often called “philosophical Taoism”) that has found expression in such texts as the

moral order of the times, thereby frustrating his personal commitment to pub­ lic service; the Taoist withdrew out of his disdain for worldly involvement, thereby fulfilling his ambition. The Confucian sought to transform the world through moral example, and in reclusion endeavored to implement this goal bystarting at the local level; the Taoist wished for the world to transform of itself, reverting to its ideal state without the interference of moral meddlers, and in re­ clusion he strove to cut all worldly ties. The Confucian bides his time: if he does not hold office it is only because his moral predilection for service is frustrated by matters of time and place— matters over which he has no control. The Taoist does not tarry: he voluntarily turns his back on both governmental and societal responsibilities, disburdening himself of the yoke of moral convention of his own free accord.5 Generalizations are founded on verisimilitude, and here there is no excep­ tion, especially if we limit consideration to the patterned portrayal of reclusion in early China and the formulation of abstract prescriptions for withdrawal. The artificial bifurcation has remained persistent for reasons more than just habit or shallow convenience: the very names Confucian and Taoist are so re­ plete with connotations that when conjured up in reference to words, actions, or philosophical stance, the appropriate panoply of implications is brought immediately to the informed reader’s attention, providing an implicit concep­ tual background to the presentation of the material at hand.6Nevertheless, tru­ Zhuangzi and the Laozi. The orthography “Daoist” (also Daoism) is used when referring to China's indigenous system of religious beliefs whose codification began in the second through fourth centuries of the Common Era. Although the latter in a number of ways is an out­ growth of the former, the distinction between the two has been clearly articulated by Nathan Sivin in his “On the Word ‘Taoist* as a Source of Perplexity, with Special Reference to the Relations of Science and Religion in Traditional China广pp. 303-30. See also the succinct but salient remarks of Erik Ztircher, The Buddhist Conquest of China: The Spread and Adaptation of Buddhism in Early Medieval China, pp. 288-90; and Michel Strickmann, “The Mao Shan Revelations: Taoism and the Aristocracy,wpp. 1-2. See also Strickmann, “On the Alchemy of T’ao Hung-ching,” pp. 165-67; and Kristofer Schipper, The Taoist Body,pp. 191-95. 5In addition to common parlance, modern studies that primarily follow the traditional division of reclusion into “Confiician” or “Taoist” include the articles noted above by: Fred­ erick W. Mote, Li Chi, Hong Anquan, Wolfgang Bauer, Oyane Bunjiro, Wu Biyong, and Liu Jiyao. Liu Jiyao adds a short-lived third category: “Legalist” based reclusion. See also Kaguraoka Masatoshi, KIn to itsu: Rongo o toshite,n and “H6bokushi ni okeru in’itsu shiso'*; Wolfgang Bauer, “The Hermit’s Temptation: Aspects ofEremitism in China and the West in the Third and Early Fourth Century A.D.”;Fuji Masaharu, Chugoku no inja: Ransei to chishikijin; Zeng Chunhai, “Cong Lun yu Kongzi yu yinzhe zhi yu guan Kongxue zhi jingshen yu zhiqu”; Lin Lizhen, “You Mengzi zhi chuchu jintui guan qi fengge yu renge,’; Kanaya Osamu, KMo Ka no tai’in”; Tateno Masami, KRoshi to Soshi: Shichu no inja to sanchu no inja.” 6A lucid exposition of what is behind the labels is found in the relevant chapters of the first volume of A History of Chinese Political Thought by Kung-chuan Hsiao (Xiao Gong-

isms notwithstanding, the anachronistic pastiche terms “Confiician” and “Taoist” generalize a consciously retrospective idealization of reclusion, and they belie the more complex reality of the lives of the individuals who, since the be­ ginning of Imperial China, have opted for reclusion as a way of life. Further, the overly simple categorizations tend to converge acts, actors, and scenarios onto a contrived framework that, although comfortably familiar, often imposes seem­ ing contradictions between accounts of persons and personages, fostering the perpetuation of infelicities and malapropisms. N^ s^^a Q iflilu stratio n of ov^riy'Slm^xsticlkbeling concerns Laozi, who in­ variably is accorded the distinction of being the exemplar of so-called Taoist re­ clusion, as well as the prototype for the intellectual/metaphysical abstraction of “reclusion within the court” (chao yin) — one who can hide away anywhere, even right under the eyes of the whole world. While this view is not without merit, Laozi was equally celebrated for being a “hidden Superior Man” (yin junzi)ynot because of his keeping to a low office but because, after serving for some time, he left office “when he perceived the decline of the Zhou” (jian Zhou zhi shuai).7The point is that as he retired and withdrew on account of a funda­ mentally moral decision, his act, in a sense, might properly be seen in terms of the classic “Confocian” withdrawal. When, with the proliferation of historical, literary, and religious materials that began in the Eastern Han and burgeoned in the Six Dynasties, it becomes possible to view practitioners of reclusion as historical personages rather than simply as one-dimensional role-players in someone else*s apologue, it becomes apparent that reclusion as practiced was neither solely the resolve of the frus­ trated protesting Confucian nor the ^pgujtenanc^of^e detached self-indul­ gent Taoist. As a group, those who opted for reclusion as a way of life eschewed or withdrew from office: they sought to remove themselves from temporal po­ litical intrigues, intent on cultivating their persons and transcending worldly trends and fashions, without compromise to their integrity. Yet as individuals they led diverse lives: there is not any one particular set of circumstances that represents the group categorically. These individuals were not mere practition­ ers of an exercise in form, as was the case for the mountebanks of redusion whose conventionally realized objective was, ultimately, career advancement and not withdrawal. In actuality, there were perhaps as many modes of reclu­ quan). See also the relevant sections in Benjamin Schwartz, The World of Thought in Ancient China; Joseph Needham, Science and Civilisation in China, vol. 2; and Fung Yu-lan, A History of Chinese Philosophy. See also Herrlee G. Creel, “What is Taoism?”;Tadokoro Yoshiynki, Shakaishijo kara mita Kandai no shiso to bungakuy pp. 197-207 (“Juka shiso no shakaisei”); and Uno Seiichi, “Chfigoku koten no gendaiteki igi: Juka shiso to Doka shiso,Mpp. 2-18. 7See Sima Qian (145-ca. 86 B.C.E.), comp., Shiji 63.2141-42.

sion as there were individual personalities. Reclusion was a human affair, and as such it was as complex as the humans involved. Were that not so, it would fail to do credit to the decorous legacy, or to the strength of character of those indi­ viduals. Still, accounts of reclusion often do tend to be formulaic, and the por­ trayal of character and circumstance often is a complex amalgam of aspects of a number of underlying patterns. Some of these patterns, which have contributed to the image of reclusion since early times, are archetypal in nature; others are symptomatic of the context of the writing wherein the account is found. Throughout all cultural contexts, if there is a trait universally shared by all who chose to practice reclusion as a way o f life, it is_f; trprip^h n f chararter. That they maintained their mettle, their resolve, dieir integrity— — tEeir"personal moral or religious values— in the face of adversity, threat, or temptation, was their distinction. In China that trait was commonly noted in the accounts of those who refused to accept offers for public employ, and it became a byword of approbation: “he exalted his personal ideals” (gao shangqi zhi); “he would not surrender his integrity” (bu qu qijie); “he did not let down his resolve” (bujiang qi zhi). Withdrawal was a measure of the individuars resolve; regardless of the dangers or of the attractions of service, and regardless of the motivations for avoiding it, he strove to maintain his autonomy and self-reliance. Whereas ac­ ceding to official position often brought reward, recriminations for a refusal to comply with a call to official service were not uncommon, and in those in­ stances in which reclusion was tolerated, or even officially sanctioned, con­ vincing the authorities still often took a certain amount of bravura. The very incorruptibility of those who eschewed ofBcegainedfer them re­ spect— and attention. Their utility in governance was explored in court discus­ sion; they were repeatedly recommended for high office within the central ad­ ministration as well as within the jurisdictions; and they were received or called upon socially by those commanding state or local power. As exemplars, they were often imitated by others— those who, in their zealous youth, sought role models for affirmation or justification of their own idealized views and con­ duct, or those who simply were seeking recognition through proven pathways. With the publicization of the private life of these exemplary individuals came the popularization of various outward aspects of reclusion and the integration of reclusion into society as a genteel option. Conduct that originally had been an inBividuaIT s response to a particular combination of external circumstances and personal ideals became depersonalized into an open set of venerable postures that could be temporarily assumed by others when expedient—•with or without the moral resolve that had characterized the precedent. Thus a separation came to ex­ ist between abstract nominal reclusion and reclusion as a way of life. The phenomenon of idealized abstract nominal reclusion— reclusion ab­

stracted from its most fundamental reality~pervaded the Six Dynasties. It played a noticeable role in virtually every facet of life during the period: in di­ vergent developing philosophical trends and organized religions; in the theory and practice of government; in literature; in art; in social relations; in the mounting appreciation of the natural world; etc. And in contradistinction to the individuals found noteworthy by their contemporaries and by posterity for embracing reclusion as a way of life, a far greater number would extol the pri­ vate life while either seeking entry into officialdom or lamenting being em­ ployed therein. A gentrified, diffuseoften de rigueur~temporary nominal reclusion was fashioned, which obversely tended to render more distinct the conviction that characterized reclusion as a way of life. Meanwhile, at the same time that some praised and imitated the exemplary conduct of those who withdrew, others out of envy or contempt condemned those who declined nominations to service. They debated the merits of and pronounced judgment on recluses and moral exemplars of bygone days, and openly discussed the men of their age and the place of reclusion within govern­ ment. Beginning in the Later Han, dialogues between artificial hermits and stereotypic officials were composed in attempts to “cure” the deficiencies in the attitudes of one or the other (commonly it was the hermit who needed to be cured). The cognoscenti of the bon mot grafted Zhuangzi’s philosophical Taoist worldly Buddhism) onto the Confucian trunk of propagating the Way through service, and thus obfuscated any intellectual distinctions between actualized disengagement and official employ: whatever action they took~they invariably chose official capacity— they were freed of any of the problematic ethos that is so apparent in the lives of those who actually opted for a life “in reclusion.” The logical paradox “hiding within the court” (chao yin) was for most an intellectual imposture and a metapnysical sophism; it wa^boTh construed and promulgated by persons other than the High-minded Men (gaoshi)、 the practi­ tioners of reclusion who eschewed office and lived instead truly disengaged. “Hiding within the court” in theory may have had some overt resemblance to the truly profound notion that all things of the phenomenal world are equal, but in practice it was a noetic rationalization fashioned out of casuistry and ^paralogism, and is properly outside the realm of reclusion. Instead of finding >Lii Shang (Taigong Wang) executes the two recluse brothers Kuangyu and Huashi, also of Qi, for having said: We do not serve the Son of Heaven, nor do we befriend feudal lords. We eat from the achievements of our plowing, we drink from the well we dig; we do not seek anything from others. We will have neither the name of a superior, nor the emolument of a lord; our business is not official service, our business is labor.114 The conduct of the Paragon is obviously in contrast with that of the pri­ marily service-oriented Moral Hero, being to some degree at variance with an underlying assumption of the “Confiician” tradition that, conditions permit­ ting, the individual ought properly to be engaged in worldly, state affairs. Not serving on account of an individual’s proclivity to remain disengaged, and the elevation of individualistic pursuits over a ruler’s expectations of obligation in general, might underscore the problematic nature of the relationship between individualism and the state, and might not always meet with approval. The Moral Hero and the Paragon of Extraordinary Conduct may be advo­ cates of diametrically opposed action, but both still are exponents of worldly conduct~whatever their acts or their rationale for' action, their affairs con­ cern the phenomenal world and man’s place within it. Where one is resilient and accords with external conditions, the other remains an unyielding pillar of virtue at any juncture. But their place is always in the world. A third archemZhuangzi 12/69, translated by Watson, trans., Complete Works of Chuang Tzu, p. 136. 1,3Mengzi 5A/4 (Legge, trans., Works ofMencius, p. 351). Han Feizi, Chen Qiyou, ed., Han Feizi jishi 13.722. This anecdote, if not new with Han Feizi, is of unknown origin. Note, however, that elsewhere Taigong Wang protects Bo Yi and Shu Qi when they refuse to cooperate with the Zhou; see Shiji 61.2123.

typal motif is described by Zhuangzi as those who “wander beyond the realm ■.. Idly they roam beyond the dust and dirt; they wander free and easy in the service of inaction.”丨丨5This describes the Perfect Man.


According to Zhuangzi’s allegorical character Wang Ni,116 The Perfect Man [zhiren] is godlike. Though the great swamps blaze, they cannot burn

him; though the great rivers freeze, they cannot chill him; though swift lightning splits the hills and howling gales shake the sea, they cannot frighten him. A man like this rides the clouds and mist, straddles the sun and moon, and wanders beyond the four seas. Even life and death have no effect on him, much less the rules of profit and loss!117 The Perfect Man, simply put, is transcendent. He is above and beyond any and all human standards; he identifies himself with nothing less than the uni­ verse.118He may be the Great Man who can fly through the world without at­ tachments or preoccupations.119Or he may be a man who is content even with the progressive deformation of his body, seeing that as part of the great natu­ ral process of the Way.120 He neither serves nor withdraws: the question is moot since he transcends the world of human affairs. The transcendence of the Perfect Man on the one hand may lead to an extramundane existence; but on the other it may translate into a worldly exis­ tence that views all things as equal.121If there are no distinctions, then it is the n%Zhuangzi 6/66-70; translation according to Watson, trans., Complete Works of Chuang Tzu, pp. 86-87. Graham (Chuang-tzu, p. 89) translatesfang (the “realm”)as “guidelines.” Later in the same anecdote fang is explained metaphorically as what water is to a fish: what a being thrives on and in. U6On the allegorical nature of the characters in the Zhuangzi, see Jin Jiaxi, “Zhuangzi neiwaipian yuming zuojie,” pp. 205-38. and “Zhuangzi zapian yuming zuojie,” pp. 45-74. U7Zhuangzi 2/71-73; translation by Watson, trans” Complete Works of Chuang Tzu, p. 46. Cf. Graham, Chuang-tzu,p. 58. "'There are many descriptions of the Perfect Man in the anecdotes and parables ofthe Zhuangzi. Some are gathered together in Graham, Chuang-tzu, pp. 143-57. mFor perhaps the finest description ofthe Great Man, see Ruan Ji’s “Account of Master Great Man” ( “Daren xiansheng zhuan”),in Ruan Ji ji A.63-78; and Donald Holzman, ttUne Conception chinoise du h^ros.wSee also Holzman, s Poetry and Politics: The Life and Works ofJuan Chi (A.D. 210—63), PP. 185—226; and Hiraki Kohei, “Taijin no shiso: Gen Seki no sekai,” pp. 389-408. ,MSee Zhuangzi 6/47-53; Watson, trans., Complete Works of Chuang Tzu, p. 84; Graham, Chuang-tzu, p. 88. l2lThe concept of the equality of all things is expounded in various sections of the Zhuangzi, especially in Zhuangzi 2,6,17. On the concept, see Graham, ibid” pp. 20-22, 4861; and Gao Heng> “Shitan Zhuangzi de qiwu,” pp. 432-56. Note that Mencius* point of

same whether one does one thing or another. Whereas the Moral Hero aims at success, and the Paragon of Extraordinary Conduct aims at preserving his principles, the Perfect Man does not aim at anything: whatever his role within or beyond the world, it is no more and no less than the Way in flux. Life and death are the same to the Perfect Man;122nevertheless, just as the drunken man who falls from a speeding cart escapes injury by being in a state wherein he does not distinguish between riding and falling, the Perfect Man is removed from harm by dissolving distinctions between himself and existence.123 The transcendence of the Perfect Man also may come as the result of con­ scious attention. The Perfect Man possesses perfect virtue and is unaffected by fire or water, cold or heat, birds or beasts. This is not necessarily because he has no regard for these things; it may be because “he distinguishes between safety and danger, contents himself with fortune or misfortune, and is cau­ tious about his comings and goings. Therefore nothing can harm him.”124All things may be equal, but this aspect of the Perfect Man, the Attentive Tran­ scendent, stays out of harm’s way by perceiving the inner order of things and choosing whatever course maybe appropriate to that order. The Attentive Transcendent is like Cook Ding or the cicada catcher in the Zhuangzi: he is supremely attentive and responsive to the finest subtleties, yet when he takes action, his acts are impersonal and as natural as extensions of the Way.125Conscious and cautious attention to the workings of the world and one’s own nature dictate the responses of the Attentive Transcendent. He fol­ lows the natural order of things to fulfill his inborn nature, whether that be as a craftsman or as a king.126 view was that it was the nature of phenomenal reality for things not to be equal; seeMengzi 3A/4, Legge, trans., Works ofMencius, p. 256. ll:See, for example, Zhuangzi 6/7-8: “The Perfected Man (zhenren) of ancient times knew nothing of loving life, knew nothing of hating death”;translated by Watson, trans., Complete Works of Chuang Tzu, p. 78; cf. Graham, Chuang-tzu, p. 85. The passage occurs in a longer description of the “Perfected Man, ” where that epithet refers to the model here referred to as the Perfect Man. IUSee Zhuangzi 19/7-17; Watson, trans., Complete Works of Chuang Tzu, pp. 198-99; Graham, Chuang-tzu, pp. 137-38. lltZhuangzi 17/48-50; translated by Watson, trans., Complete Works of Chuang Tzut p. 182; cf. Graham, Chuang-tzu, p. 149. 1I5On Cook Ding, see Zhuangzi 3/2-12; Watson, trans., Complete Works of Chuang Tzu, pp. 50-51; Graham, Chuang-tzu, pp. 63-64. On the cicada catcher, see Zhuangzi 19/19-21; Watson, trans., Complete Works of Chuang Tzu, pp. 199-200. mAn allegorical anecdote in Zhuangzi 28/55-59 has Prince Mou, Duke of Zhongshan (Zhongshan gongzi Mou) trying to live apart from society, but not being able to overcome his inclinations, realizing that although his body was “out by the rivers and seas,” his mind was still “back by the palace towers of Wei.” He is told by the adept Zhanzi, “If you can't

The Perfect Man and the Attentive Transcendent serve as abstract intel­ lectual ideals rather than as concrete models for emulation (although actions attributed anecdotally to some historical personages indicate at least attempts at the contrary). If there is a literary model of the embodiment of these meta­ physical constructs, it is Zhuang Zhou, better known as Zhuangzi. Zhuangzi the man may have lived during the reigns of King Hui of Liang (Liang Hui wang, sometimes referred to as King Hui of Wei; reg. 369—319 B.C.E.) and King Xuan of Qi (Qi Xuan wang; reg. 319-301 B.C.E.); 127he may have retired from a minor post in his home district of Meng.128But the Zhuangzi that outlived the man, the legendary Zhuangzi known through anecdotes and through the col­ lection of writings bearing his name, transcended humanity and the world.129 The transcendence described above, and propounded primarily in the Zhuangzi, was the focus of much attention during the Wei and Western Jin, when there was a burgeoning interest in metaphysics.130At that time, however, when it was attempted to put the abstract ideals into concrete practice, they invariably degenerated into a kind of flagrant (and to all intents and purposes solipsistic) “transcendence,” as seen in the outrageously eccentric behavior of some of the personages.131 This behavior purports to demonstrate freedom from the restraints of convention, and, ostensibly for some, the expression of “naturalness”;nevertheless, the purposeful disregard for the ethical principles and social mores of the time instead evinced an artificial, construed transcen­ dence. Dai Kui (d_ 396),himself perhaps the most renowned practitioner of overcome your inclinations, then follow them!. .. If you can’t overcome your inclinations

and yet try to force yourself not to follow them, that is to do a double injury to yourself.w Translation follows Watson, ibid” pp. 317-88; cf. Graham, Chuang-tzu, pp. 229-30. n7See Graham, Chuang-tzu, pp. 3,116-18; and Qian Mu, Xian Qin zhuzi xinian, pp. 26971.

1MMengcheng xian in Anhui lays claim to being Zhuang Zhou's hometown; at the for­ mer local shrine to Zhuang one commemorative stele still remains. The “Lacquer Garden” (“Qi yuan”),where Zhuangzi may have at one time held a post, ostensibly also was in the immediate locale. See Zhongguo mingsheng cidiant pp. 460-61. IMSee especially the anecdote about Zhuangzi found in LU,shi chunqiu 14.828-29 and be­ ginning Zhuangzi 20,“Shan mu” (Watson, trans., Complete Works of Chuang Tzu, pp. 209™ 10; Graham, Chuang-tzu, p. 121). For the Zhuangzi portrayed in the Zhuangzi,see Graham, ibid., pp. 116-25. Note also the description of Zhuangzi and his beliefs in Zhuangzi 33/62-69; Watson, trans., Complete Works of Chuang Tzu, p. 373-74. li0See Kobayashi Noboru, “Gi Shin no seiji to Ro So ka no seikatsu taido,” pp. 273-306. u'Many examples of this sort of behavior can be found in the excellent studies by Wang Yao: “Wenren yu yao,” pp. 1-27, and “Wenren yu jiu , pp. 28-48. See also the pioneering lecture by Lu Xun, “Wei Jin fengdu ji wenxue yu yao ji jiu zhi guanxi,” pp. 501-29; Yu Yingshih,s comprehensive “Ming jiao sixiang yu Wei Jin shifeng de yanbian, ” pp. 401-40; and Richard B. Mather, “Individualistic Expressions of the Outsiders during the Six Dynasties/* pp, 199-214* esp. pp. 204-6.

reclusion of his time, quite aptly berates this type of behavioral artifice as be­ ing insubstantial. He writes: Now, it could be said of the men of the Yuankang era [291-99; a time famous for its libertines] that they were fond of [flaunting the appearance of] withdrawing from the world, without delving into its [i.e., reclusion's] rudimentary nature. Thus, “losing sight of the rudiment while pursuing its outgrowths” was their affliction, and “casting away substance while chasing after renown” was their conduct. This can be likened to considering X i Shi beautiful and copying her knitted brows, or admiring Youdao [i.e., Guo Tai] and bending the corner of one’s cap [for resemblance]. W hat is found to be worthy o f emulation in these cases is not their intrinsic basis for praiseworthiness: one but merely prizes outer appearances. .. . This being the case, the indulgence of [the Seven Worthies of] the Bamboo Grove was a case of “knitting the brows despite one’s deficiencies,” and the indulgence of [the men of] the Yuankang was a case of “bending

the corner of the cap without possessing Virtue.”132 A corollary motif of the construed transcendence of the Perfect Man is the Immortal, one able to effect the passage between the life of man and the life of the gods. Both seeking and eschewing service to the temporal ruler are irrele­ vant to this figure, for his goal is existence beyond that which mortal men could normally expect. This goal eventually is reached either by leaving the world behind and joining the empyreal ranks of the godlike, or by staying in the world and achieving the state in which the body also becomes divinely transcendent.133 Pengzu (who supposedly lived for more than eight hundred years) and Guangchengzi (whose body was still perfect at the age of twelve hundred years) are examples of the latter;134Chisongzi and Wangzi Qiao of the 132See Dai Kui*s treatise on “Unrestraint and Indulgence -Run Contrary to the Way” (KFangda wei fei dao lun”),in fin shu 94.2457. Xi Shi was a legendary beauty who apparently knitted her brows in a comely fashion when distressed; this outward aspect was copied by an ugly woman of her village, causing villagers to flee from the sight. See Zhuangzi 14/4244; and Giles, A Chinese Biographical Dictionary, p. 271, #679. The greatly admired Guo Tai (byname Linzong) once was caught in the rain, causing a corner of his cap to droop; when his contemporaries subsequently purposely bent a corner of their caps in imitation, the fashion came to be known as the Linzong Cap {Linzongjin). See Hou Han shu 68.2225-26.

,HAlthough approached in a slightly different context, these two results were distin­ guished as “otherworldly immortality*,and “worldly immortality,Mrespectively, by Yti Ying-shih (Yu Yingshi) in his “Life and Immortality in the Mind of Han China广 p. 89. See also Tang Junyi, Zhongguo zhexue yuan lun: yuan dao pian, pp. 234-59; and Michael Loewe, Ways to Paradise: The Chinese Questfor Immortality, pp. 1-16. IMPengzu, often called the Chinese Methuselah, has biographies in the Liexian zhuan attributed to Liu Xiang, the Shenxian zhuan attributed to Ge Hong (ca. 280-ca. 340), the Soushen ji of Gan Bao (fl. 317), etc. See also Zhao Daoyi (fl. 1297-1307), comp., Lishi zhenxian tidao tortgjian (TT 296), 3.3a-4a. The longest account is in Li Fang et al,, eds., Taiping guangji 2.8-11, ostensibly from the Shenxian zhuan. A long excerpt of this version is translated by Wolfgang Bauer, China and the Search for Happiness, pp. 105-7. See also Qian

former.135 How the Immortal achieves transcendence is neither a compelling question, nor is it well articulated, in the pre-Qin period.136One of the earliest images, if not the earliest image, of the Immortal again comes from Zhuangzi, where he is described as follows: living on Guye Mountain, with skin like ice or snow, and gentle and shy like a young girl. He doesn’t eat the five grains, but sucks the wind, drinks the dew, climbs up on the clouds and mist, rides a flying dragon, and wanders beyond the four seas. By con­ centrating his spirit, he can protect creatures from sickness and plague and make the harvest plentiful.137

In this description, the Immortal would seem virtually indistinguishable from the Perfect Man: he would merge the myriad things of the phenomenal world into one, and he is unharmed by flood or holocaust.138Yet the Immortal differs substantially from the Perfect Man. Where the Perfect Man is transcen­ dent by nature, the Immortal begins as a man of the world and attains his ul­ tramundane “transcendence” deliberately, through the diligent practice of ar­ cane arts.139But his “transcendence” also is unlike that of the Attentive Tran­ scendent: the Attentive Transcendent, like the Perfect Man, transcends the Zhongshu’s comments in Guanzhui bian, vol. 2, pp. 641-42; and Peng Zuozhen, “Pengzu zhi yanjiu,” appended to his Gujin tong xingming daddian 6.1218-20. See also the various essays in Zhu Haoxi, ed., Pengzu. Guangchengzi also has accounts in Liexian zhuan and Shenxian zhuan. See also Li Fang, ed., Taiping guangji 1.5-6; Zhuangzi 11/29-44 (Watson, trans., Complete Works of Chuang Tzu, pp. 118-20); Ji Kang*s Gaoshi zhuan, p. 398; Zhao Daoyi, Lishi zhenxian tidao tongjian 2.2a-b; and Zhang Junfang (fl. ca. 976-1022), comp., Yunji qiqian (TT 1026), 109.1497. References to the Dao zangt indicated by the notation “TT广are according to the number assigned in Hong Ye, chief ed., Harvard-Yenching Sino­ logical Index Series no. 25, Combined Indices to the Authors and Titles of Books in Two Col­ lections of Taoist Literature (Dao zang zimu yinde). l3SBoth Chisongzi and Wangzi Qiao, famous for attaining perfection, have accounts in Liexian zhuan and other places; see YU Ying-shih, “Life and Immortality*’ p. 92. See also Lishi zhenxian tidao tongjian 3.1a and 3.i2a-i2b, and Yunji qiqian 108.1486 and 111.1527; the last is from the Dongxian zhuan, attributed to a certain Jiansuzi of the late Six Dynasties. ,3 “Go Kan no tohi shis6” ; Shimomi Takao, “Go Kan matsuki no in’itsu” and “In’itsusha to senryokusha: Go Kan sho no in^tsu no Kaguraoka Masatoshi, "Go Kan no yitsumin**; Tsuzuki Akiko> “Yitsumin teki jinshi shoronw; Kawakatsu Yoshio, “Kan matsu no rejisutansu undo**; Fujita Shizen, aGo Kan sho itsumin den ni tsuite no ikk6satsu” ;Kaga Eiji, “ChOgoku no inja ni tsuite,Sho Sen no baai o tegakari to shite” ;Weng Lixue, “Dong Han jingshu yu shifeng,” pp. 118-79; Nemoto Makoto, Sensei shakai; Fuji Masaharu, pp. 69-91; and the articles by Kasahara Chuji, Oyane Bunjiro, Hong Anquan, and Bauer referred to in Chapter 1, above.

nine Later Han entries, only two are of the anonymous, imaginary type.2The rest doubtless concern historical personages. They do, however, have varying degrees of historical evidence, and a few are somewhat iconographic in depic­ tion or lack much tangible individuality.3 Nonproblematic historicity notwithstanding, the portrayal of substantive reclusion in the Later Han does not always accord individual practitioners a treatment of their lives that goes much beyond formulaic depiction of the char­ acteristics that distinguished those persons as practitioners of reclusion. Thus, portrayals of Later Han men-in-reclusion most often are anecdotal, and the protagonists often appear fairly one-dimensional. This would seem to be partly a function of the nature of their activities and the roles that these persons played: with a few obvious exceptions, these men ordinarily did not take on highly visible roles within the social framework of the tim e, 4and on the whole they did not leave behind a written legacy.5Still, a number of individuals do re­ tain in their portrayal some measure of their individuality. The people and events of the Later Han to be examined below constitute the most representa­ tive contributions from the period to the formulation and portrayal of sub­ stantive reclusion, and provide even greater evidence than had been the case in the Former Han for the differentiation of substantive reclusion from its abstract counterpart. Wang Mang had given explicit sanction to Xue Fang’s argument against serving: even during times when the virtue of a Yao or Shun is flourishing, there 3The Hidden One by the Eastern Sea (Donghai yinzhe) and the Old Man by the Banks of the Han (Hanbin laofu). The well-known example of the Two Elderly Ones from Yewang (Yewang er lao), which begins Hou Han shu accounts of men-in-reclusion, is not found in Huangfu Mi’s compilation. 3Iconographic accounts concern Niu Lao, Gao Hui, Tai Tong, and Qiu Xin. 4The most obvious exception is Guo Tai (128-69), who kept an exceedingly high profile within scholar-official circles and was both outspoken and prominent in defense of the lite­ rati during their infamous suppression by the eunuchs and the consort families toward the end of the Later Han. On Guo, see Hou Han shu 68.2225—27, and 67.2186-2217 on his role during the suppression of the literati. See also Gaoshi zhuan 0.7b—8a; the several anecdotes in Shishuo xinyu; and Ge Hong’s “Correcting Guo Tai” ( “Zheng Guo”)in Baopuzi waipian, 46.ia-3b. See also Okam ura Shigeru, KKaku Tai no shogai to sono hitotonari,” pp. 23-33* and “Kaku Tai Kyo Sho no jinbutsu hyoron,1* pp. 59-68; and Chu Wanfeng, “Guo Linzong shengzu nianyue kao,” pp. 111-18. 5Again, there are obvious exceptions. For example, Zheng Xuan, included in Huangfu Mi’s Gaoshi zhuan for having refused over ten solicitations from the central administration, was a prolific writer who has had an enormous impact on China’s intellectual and scholastic setting. For the most comprehensive treatment of Zheng Xuan, his life, his writings, and his legacy, see Wang Liqi, Zheng Kangcheng nianpu; the nianpu actually makes up only about half of the book. See also Mierczyslaw Jerzy Kunstler, “Deux biographies de Tcheng Hiuan»” pp. 23-64; and Sato Bunshiro, “Tei Gen betsuden shuko,wpp. 455-68.

still may be found worthy men holding lofty principles who, as did Xu You, de­ cline involvement in the administration of the state. Xue Fang’s rationale and Wang Mang’s endorsement were replicated over and over again throughout the centuries of Imperial China. When the rationale was put forth during a dynastic transition, as often was the case, endorsement ordinarily was granted to proven practitioners of reclusion as a measure of magnanimity, as well as patent testi­ mony to the legitimacy of the new reign. After Liu Xiu had taken his place as Emperor Guangwu (a posthumous ti­ tle) of the Later Han, balancing the need for worthy administrators with the urgency for demonstrating the stability of his rule, the emperor, like the dynastic founders before him, summoned to audience the great men of his day who had not held office under previous administrations (or who had left office under Wang Mang). Guangwu summoned men-in-reclusion to audience but did not find it troublesome if they declined appointments; instead he publicly and gra­ ciously honored their principled wish to remain disengaged, sometimes even rewarding them. This is readily seen in accounts of Wang Ba, Zhou Dang, and especially Yan Guang (Zhuang Guang), who were summoned to office in the central administration and then permitted to decline appointment; as might be expected, emperor and subject alike cite familiar precedents. Wang Ba (early first century C.E.) had left his office upon Wang Mang’s usurpation and was acclaimed for his lofty principles. When summoned for ap­ pointment under Guangwu, he voiced a familiar axiom: “There are those whom the Son of Heaven cannot make serve, whom feudal lords cannot befriend”; professing illness, he left for home. He declined all subsequent solicitations and led a simple life until his death from old age.6 Zhou Dang (early first century C.E.) dedicated himself to the cultivation of high-minded ideals after being severely wounded in a duel when young. When Wang Mang usurped the throne, he “closed his gate” (du men) under the pre­ text of illness; nevertheless, such was his renown that bandits left his town intact while destroying neighboring localities. When given the court post of gentle­ man consultant during the early years of Guangwu’s reign, he left the capital with his family. When recalled to the court, he presented himself in the dress of a farmer and did not perform the requisite courtesies in the presence of the em­ peror. Yet when he explained that he wished to hold to his ideals, the emperor granted his wish. When Dang was accused of an unwarranted reputation, the emperor defended him, issuing an edict that stated, “Since antiquity, under every enlightened king and sage ruler there were certain to be men who would not be the guest [of the court]. Bo Yi and Shu Qi w ould not eat the grain of 6See Hou Han shu 83.2762,84.2782; Huangfii Mi’s Gaoshi zhuan C.ia; and below.

Zhou, and Zhou Dang of Taiyuan will not accept Our emolument; resolve is demonstrated in each of these cases. He is to be granted forty bolts of silk.”7 Without question the most celebrated of all those who shunned Guangwu’s solicitations was Zhuang G uang (d. post 41 C.E., at eighty sui) from Yuyao in

Guiji, more commonly known as Yan Guang, or by his byname, Yan Ziling.8 Yan had refused several appointments under Wang Mang9 and had achieved renown where he lived in Guiji along with a number of men who had fled there during the turmoil in the north. When Ren Yan took up his position as com­ mander-in-chief of Guiji at age nineteen in 23 C.E. (having been newly ap­ pointed to that post by Liu Xuan during his short-lived reign as the Gengshi emperor), one of his first acts was to pay his respects to Yan Guang and others known for their high-minded conduct (gao xing).10 When Guangwu became emperor, Yan went* off into anonymous seclusion. Guangwu had studied along with Yan at the state academy in Chang’an during his youth,11and the emperor now sought him out, remembering his own per­ sonal impression of Yan’s worth. He had a description of him distributed throughout the empire, and when the state of Qi sent notice of a man “who wore a sheepskin cloak and fished among the marshes,” he suspected that this must be Yan Guang; Guangwu sent an emissary to seek him out bearing gifts of silk and a comfortable carriage in which to bring Yan to court. It took three tries before Yan finally went along to the capital.12There, Yan and the emperor inter­ 7Hou Han shu 83.2762. The question of unwarranted reputation is taken up below. 8As was the case with Zhuang Zun and others, the surname Yan replaced the tabooed personal name of Emperor Ming, as noted above. For the case of Zhuang Guang in particu­ lar, see also Hong Mai (1123-1202), Rongzhai suibi 6.84;and Ping Buqing (1832-96), Xiawai junxie 8A.565-66. For the sake of clarity, this study will refer to the man as Yan Guang, for as noted above, there sometimes was confusion between three men sharing the common name Zhuang/Yan Zun. 9See Sanguo zhi 57.1326 n. 2, citing the Guiji dianlu. The person is referred to as Yan Zun of Yuyao, clearly Yan Guang. ,0See Hou Han shu 66.2460-61. "This would have been ca. 14 C.E.,at which time the emperor would have been about twenty and Yan Guang at the very least twenty years his senior, and in all probability consid­ erably more; see Liu Lingyu, “Guangwu Liu Xiu de taixue tongxue, ” p. 30. Guangwu, who died in 57 C.E. at age sixty-four, was still living when Yan died at age eighty. Were Yan to have died as late as 57 C.E. (which is extremely improbable), he would have had to have passed at least his first twenty-two years in the first century B.C.E. More likely, Yan was about forty at the start of the Common Era. First, he had the opportunity of refusing a prestigious service appointment under Wang Mang. Second, according to one source he married the daughter of the famous Mei Fu; Mei Fu died (or, according to later Daoist sources, attained transcen­ dence) in late middle age during the second year of the Common Era. See Gujin tushu jichengy “Xuexing dian” 259.3.9b, quoting Chen Jiru (1558-1639). nA different slant to the popular story is found in Taiping yulan 5-7a-b, quoting a non­

acted as would the most intimate of friends; but when approached to assist in government, Yan replied: “O f old, Yao of Tang displayed great virtue, yet Nestdweller washed out his ears. Men for this reason may set their will. Why must you press me?,>13 A famous anecdote concerning Yan and the emperor illustrates the close, informal relationship between the two, but shows too that an emperor’s con­ duct is never merely casual. The anecdote became a common allusion in later literature: [The emperor] later invited Guang to enter [his private quarters]; discussion led to their former days, and they conversed with each other for days on end. The emperor freely asked Guang, “How do We compare with old times?” Guang replied, “Your Highness has put on a bit since the past.” Following that they lay down together, and Guang placed his foot upon the emperor’s belly. The next day the Grand Astrologer memorialized that a comet had transgressed the asterism Imperial Throne with great rapidity, at which the emperor laughed, saying, “That was only my old friend Yan Ziling sleeping together with me!”14

The lasting implications of this anecdote can be seen in a reprimand by Yuan Yan to Emperor Huan (reg. 147-67). In the year 159,a comet had trans­ gressed the asterism Emperor’s Throne, and the emperor asked Yuan Yan’s opinion. Yuan’s reply was a remonstrance; it contains the following among its reasoning: “O f old, Emperor Guangwu slept together with Yan Guang, and that very night an aberrant phenomenon was seen in the heavens above. Now if even with Guangwu’s sage virtue and Yan Guang’s lofty probity, ruler and subject joined in the Way, there still should be sent down this type of aberration, then how much more so with those now endeared and favored by Your Highness, when the lowly are considered esteemed and the base revered?”15 Needless to say, Yan refused an appointment to grandee remonstrant, as well as a subsequent exceptional summons, preferring instead to farm on a knoll by the Fuchun River (Fuchun jiang, actually a section of the Qiantang Ji­ ang, Zhejiang). When Ziling died at home at eighty swf, Emperor Guangwu was grieved and ordered Yan’s commandeiy to grant a million in cash and a thou­ specified Hou Han shu (the passage is not found in any of the collated editions of extant remnants of the various Hou Han shu): “Yan Guang, byname Ziling, was a friend of Guangwu’s. Later, when Guangwu ascended the throne, he neglected Guang, and Guang harbored re­ sentment toward the emperor. At this time the Grand Astrologer said that in the heavens a comet had transgressed the asterism ‘Emperor., The Emperor said, *Could this not be my old friend Yan Ziling?* Thereupon he ordered an appointment for him.” l3HouHan shu 83.2763, Gaoshi zhuan C.ib. uHou Han shu 83.2764. 15See Hou Han shu 48.1619. The year 159 for the appearance of this comet is according to Sima Guang (1019-86), comp” Zizhi tongjian 54.1754.

sand hu of grain to Yan’s estate.16The example of Yan Ziling has been evoked in poetry and discourse for nearly twenty centuries as epitomizing the lofty renun­ ciation of officialdom in favor of the life of an Untroubled Idler in obscure rural circumstances, and Yan’s “Fishing Terrace” high above the section of the Fuchun River known as Seven Li Rapids (Qili lai, also called Qili long) contin­ ues even today to be frequented by pilgrims and tourists.17 Liang Hong (pre 24-post 80 C.E.) is another Later Han Worthy who has been celebrated continuously for his total eschewal of an official career; but his is the image of a forthright man of moral character, not that of a carefree fish­ erman. Hong’s father had been ennobled by Wang Mang but died when Hong was still young. Although the family was not well off, Hong nevertheless at­ tended the Imperial Academy. He is said to have vowed with Xiao Youshan, his friend in the capital, never to serve as a subordinate official, and to have up­ braided his young friend when Xiao accepted a job as a lowly commandery functionary.18 When his studies were finished, Liang Hong went to herd swine within the imperial hunting preserve. When a fire left unattended burned down another s hut and Liang Hong’s swine were insufficient payment for the other’s losses, Hong worked assiduously for the man in order to repay his debt. Soon Hong was discovered for the worthy man he was, and he left for his hometown. There he refused marriage offers from powerful families, until he heard of a robust, unattractive woman of thirty, powerful enough to lift a stone mortar. She also had been waiting for the right match, and Liang Hong asked for her hand: The woman endeavored to make cloth garments and hemp sandals [for her trous16See Hou Han shu 83.2764*

•The lore of Yan Ziling will be explored in a separate paper. Some of the early literature pertaining to Yan and his place of residence was collected in the Song compilation Yan Lingji (pref. dated 1139) by Dong Fen. I was fortunate enough to visit Yan>s Fishing Terrace in No­ vember of 1984. Located fifteen kilometers west of Tonglu xian, Zhejiang, a few kilometers upstream from the Fuchun River Hydroelectric Station, the only approach now is by boat due to the damming of the river and the consequent change in the water level. The memorial shrine has been repaired, several pavilions have been constructed (including a hostel), and there is a corridor of twenty-one stelae, the oldest dating from the Song; two more stelae are found flanking the entry to the memorial shrine. The so-called Fishing Terrace is an impres­ sive vantage some seventy meters above the river upon a flattened knoll; here is found an in­ scription of the poem by Guo Moruo that begins this study. Before the water level rose dras­ tically owing to construction of the dam in 1968, there were shoals and rapids at this section of the river, and Yan, s Fishing Terrace must have been at a truly towering height. 19Dongguan H anji 18.829. Note that the vow was not against official service so much as against accepting a minor, subsidiary post unworthy of a talented person. Vervoorn has written a good account of Liang Hong, using much of the same information related in my portrayal; seeMen ofthe Cliffs and Caves, pp. 196-201.

seau], and for weaving prepared a chest and utensils for spinning and reeling. At the

nuptials she entered his gates adorned for the first time with cosmetics. For seven days Hong gave no response, and his wife then knelt next to the bed and implored, “This humble person has heard that her master was one of lofty principles who straightaway

dismissed numerous prospective brides; she also has rebuffed numerous men. Now that she has been selected, dare she not ask what she has done wrong?” Hong replied, “I sought someone who dressed in a greatcoat of fur and coarse attire, one together with whom I could seclude myself deep in the mountains. But now your clothes are of

fine silk damask, and you’ve applied cosmetic powder and kohl; how could this be what I wished for?” His wife answered, “It was simply to observe my master’s will; of course I have the attire for dwelling in seclusion.” She then changed her coiffure to a

coiled bun, put on homespun clothing, and presented herself ready for manual labor. Hong was greatly pleased and said, “This truly is the wife of Liang Hong, one capable of attending to me!”19 Soon, at the reminder ofMeng Guang, this famous wife of Liang Hong, they removed to the hills east of the capital, and made their living farming and weaving.20Hong recited the Odes and Documents、and amused himself with the zither. “Admiring the High-minded Gentlemen of former ages, he composed eulogies for twenty-four men beginning with the Four Hoaryheads.”21 When passing east through the capital, he composed a “Song with Five Ai!s” ( “W u yi ge”) : I climb Beimang Hill, Ai! And gaze back on the capital, Ai! • The palace lodges loom loftily, Ai! The weary toil of the people, Ai!

On and on, forever lasting, Ai!22 l9Hou Han shu 83.2765-68, Gaoshi zhuan C.2b-3a. 20The account of Liang Hong's wife in the Lienii zhuan says that when they left for the mountains, “the time was just after the fall of Wang Mang's Xin [dynasty] ” ; see Lienii zhuan 8.10a. This is improbably early, for we know that Liang Hong was very young when his father died during Wang Mang*s reign, and that he later went to study in the capital. 2lHou Han shu 83.2766; Gaoshi zhuan C_3a. Only a fragment of his “Eulogy for Anqiu [Wangzhi] and Yan [JunJping'1(“Anqiu Yan Ping song*1) has been handed down; see Quan Hou Han wen 32.9a. nHou Han shu 83.2766-67; see also the popular sketch by Zhao Rongxiang, “Liang Hong pen shu *Wu yi ge,’ ” p. 58. Collation notes to the song are found in Lu Qinli, p. 166. Bai Juyi (772-846), when commenting on the poetry of the Jin and Song, said: “Now as for examples like Liang Hong’s 'Five Ai!s/ there are not even one or two in a hundred. His point was that

The song came to the attention of the emperor (probably Emperor Zhang, reg. 76-89), who tried unsuccessfully to have Liang Hong brought to court.23 Liang Hong changed his name to Yunqi Yao and moved his family first to the vicinity of Q i and Lu (modern Shandong), and then to W u in the southeast. About to leave for Wu, he composed the following poem: Leaving my old state, on a distant journey, I am off to settle yonder, in the southeast. My heart is sad and heavy, pained and grieved; My resolve flits and flutters, up and down. I wish for carriage and whip, to set off free; Hating my vulgarity, they slander me. They strive to promote the crooked, repress the upright, And uniformly advance sycophants, so glib and facile. Resolute, without shame, I stand alone, Hoping that another province, esteems Worthies. Now I will amble freely, roaming and sporting, Taking after Confucius, widely traveling. Should what I see, please me, Leaving behind my carriage, I will go afloat.24 I shall pass by Ji Zha, at Yanling, And look for Lu Lian, at sea’s edge.25 songs no longer were being written with a solid moral didactic backbone; see “Yu Yuan jiu shu,” Bai Juyiji 45.961; and Guo Shaoyu, “‘Liu yi* shuo kaobian,” p. 356. ^Xuanpin lu 2.30 says the emperor was Xianzong (Emperor Ming, reg. 58-76). However, the Gaoshi zhuan, Hou Han shu, and Hou H anji all say it was Emperor Zhang (Suzong reg. 76-89); in Hou H anji 11.322, Yuan Hong (328-76) includes the poem in the entry for the fifth month of 80 C.E. The Hou Han shu and Hou H anji texts both write “censured him》(fei zhi), but as pointed out by Hui Dong (1697-1758), there are several Song texts that write “felt re­ morse for him” (bei zhi); see Wang Xianqian, ed., Hou Han shu jijie 83.9a. Neither variant holds absolute textual authority (Gaoshi zhuan C.3a simply writes “Suzong [Emperor Zhang] sought out Hong unsuccessfully”), and either might conceivably make sense, although it would seem pertinent for Liang Hong to be sought after for his talent rather than to be pur­ sued for his forthright expression of sympathy for the common man. Cf. Vervoorn, Men of the Cliffs and Cavest pp. 302-3 n. 162. 24Liang Hong is saying here that he has been neglected and is prepared to withdraw from the world: the allusion is to Lun yu 5/6, where Confucius feels unappreciated and proposes to

float to seaon araft. 15Prince Jizi of Wu, personal name Zha (ca. 560-514 B.C.E.), was enfeoffed in Yanling (modern Wujin xian, Jiangsu). He declined to accept the rule of Wu on several occasions, and later left Wu never to return again. See Zuo zhuan, Xiang 14/2 (p. 1007); Shiji 31.1449-65; Ji Kang*s Gaoshi zhuan, p. 407. Lu Zhonglian (ca. 305-ca. 245 B.C.E.) once said he would tread out on the Eastern Sea to his death rather than dwell in a place under the rule of Qin. Later he refused entitlement under General Tian Dan of Qi, withdrawing into seclusion by the sea; see Shiji 83.2461,2469. See also Frank A. Kierman, Jr., “Lu Chung-lien and the Lu Lien Tzu,” pp. 269-74.

Though I will not discern, their shining visage, I will rejoice in their spiritual power, share in their grace. Being the end of spring, all is in bloom, The wheat burgeons full, ears just formed.26 I lament that this time of luxuriance, will pass away, And bewail the sweet fragrance, decaying daily. Grieved is my heart, I can’t contain it, Forever full of remorse, when to end? Mouths chitter-chatter’ in slander of me; Aiee, so so afraid, who would tarry?27

Liang Hong’s poem is in the “Chu song” ( “Chu ge” )tradition, and bears some affinity to poems in the Chu ci anthology; and it contains many of the at­ tributes of a frustration/u. Structurally, it has perfect “sao-style” prosody, in­ corporating the thematic elements of the frustrated neglected Worthy who has been wronged at court, and his resolve to set out for new lands. Liang Hong clearly expresses the credo of the Moral Hero: if I am unappreciated here, then I will go somewhere else where they appreciate Worthies. Yet at the same time he says that owing to his having been neglected he is prepared to withdraw from the world and “float to sea on a raft,” as a frustrated Confucius had once pro­ posed, leaving behind the road to public service and communing instead with kindred souls; besides, the times are in decline. Nevertheless, it is painful to be rejected and unsuccessful, and resolve is needed to leave one’s home for parts unknown. But for Liang Hong it is all an adopted persona: Liang Hong never himself served. Unless our knowledge of Liang Hong’s life is totally skewed, he never sought out, nor was he sought out for, public office, with the possible exception of Emperor Zhang’s reaction to Hong’s “Song with Five Ai!s.” Thus Liang Hong is a unique example of someone who endeavored to remain disengaged in rela­ tion to the state yet who nevertheless adopts the persona of the Worthy whose will to service has been frustrated. Commonly the persona of the Ill-Fated Wretch is adopted by the man who truly has found his utility to the state denied and consequently bemoans his fate; thus, Liang Hong as exception, generally it MVervoorn (Men of the Cliffs and Caves,p. 200, esp. nn. 162,167) believes that “spring” here is important in dating the event; however, this is more likely purely a literary allusion, with no implication of a specific temporal reference. One is told by a common allusion that the poet feels that the state is lost: Jizi (the viscount of Ji) composed the “Song of Sprouting Wheat Ears" (“Mai xiu ge”)upon seeing grains flourishing amongst the ruins of the Yin pal­ ace; see Shiji 38.1620-21; and Zhu Ziqing, “Gu yi geyao jishuo,” pp. 30-32. 27Or: “for whom do I tarry?” See Hou Han shu 83.2767. The commas within each line of the translation reflect the consistent major caesura, indicated in the poem by the character xi. Cf. Vervoorn’s translation of the poem in Men ofthe Cliffs and Caves, pp. 199-200.

is the case that persons who do not practice reclusion as a way of life adopt the persona of one who does, and not the reverse. Liang Hong did not need to possess an official position for his virtue to be manifest. In Wu, the wealthy landowner for whom he worked hulling grain es­ pied the respect with which Meng Guang treated her husband, which was de­ scribed as follows: “She did not venture to lift her gaze in the presence of Hong, and raised his food tray to the level of her eyebrows [while kneeling in re­ spect] .,,2S Alerted that Hong was no ordinary man, from then on Hong’s em­ ployer lodged Hong within his own mansion; Liang Hong spent the rest of his days writing.29 Liang Hong’s renown did not end with his death, and his legacy has lasted to the present. He was buried in a place of honor next to the grave of the local hero Yaoli, just south of the temple to Taibo, the legendary founder ofW u.30He was paid homage by sacrifices at his grave, as he was in December of the year 400 by Zhou Zhi, with the traditional offering of hornwort.31 And at least since the Tang, the name Liang Waterway (Liang xi) in what now is Wuxi has been said to be commemorative of Liang Hong’s residence.32 Liang Hong did not seek renown, but his virtue inevitably was perceived by those with whom he came into contact, and he has been lauded through the cen­ turies for his exemplary ways.33He never took office, preferring instead a humble 19Hou Han shu 83.2768; see also Gaoshi zhuan C_3a and below.

29Ibid. The bibliographic section of the Sui shu notes that there had been recorded during the Liang Dynasty (502-57) a two-juan collection of Liang Hong*s works that was no longer extant; see Wei Zheng (580-643), Linghu Defen (583-661), et al., comps., Sui shu, “Jingji zhi” 35.1057. However, the bibliographical sections of both the Jiu Tang shu and the Xin Tang shu record the work; see Liu Xu (887-946),comp., Jiu Tang shu 47 .2054; and Ouyang Xiu et al., comps., Xin Tang shu 60.1577. Nothing remains today of Liang Hong’s writings besides the eulogy mentioned above and three poems included in Hong*s biography in the Hou Han shu. MSee Lu Guangwei (fl. late ninth century), comp., Wu diji, p. 87; Fan Chengda, Wu jun zhi 39.550-51; and Zhu Changwen (1039-98), Wujun tujing xuji C.46. The grave is on Liang shan (Liang's Mountain) at Mei shan, northeast of modern Wuxi. 3ISee Zhou’s “Sacrifice to Liang Hong)> (ttJi Liang Hong wen”),Quan Jin wen 142.2b. “Homwort from the channeled pools” (wen zao xing lao) was used in sacrifices at least since the early Zhou, as in Mao shi #15, “Cai pin.” See also “Instruction on Repairing the Temple to Zhang Liang for the Lord of Song” ( “Wei Song gong xiu Zhang Liang miao jia o . Wen xuan 36.6a) of Fu Liang (374-426). Hornwort (juzao or shuiwen) is a kind of Ceratophyllum; see Li Shizhen (1518-93), comp., Bencao gangmu 19.15b (shuizao). 32Liang Waterway is a principal watercourse that goes through Wuxi and leads into Lake Tai; it often is used as an alternative name for Wuxi. See Xu Wu et al., eds” Wuxi fengwu zhi, pp. 11-12. 3JAmong the many who expressed particular admiration for Liang Hong was Jiang Yan (444-505); see his “Personal Recounting” (KZi xuM), in Hu Zhiji (fl. ca. 1598), ed., Jiang Wentongji huizhu, p. 378.

life of farming or milling. His eloquent expression of his contradiction of whether to serve the state and lower his ideals, or whether to remove himself from such corruptive influences, shows that he was an adherent to typically Confucian val­ ues. Still, as was the case for a good number of Han practitioners of reclusion, he was incorporated into the hierarchy of saints in Daoism's Shangqing sect.34 The story of Liang Hong and Meng Guang passed quickly into cultural idiom. Less than a hundred years after their deaths they were evoked as an unam­ biguous allusion to the resolute selection of simplicity as a mode of life. An ex­ ample of this is a statement attributed to the daughter of Grand Tutor Yuan Wei (d. 190), who was given in marriage to the model of lofty conduct Zhang Feng. She had been sent to Zhang along with a splendid silk-clad train of a hun­ dred slaves but was paid no attention for her first several years of marriage. Re­ alizing the root of the problem, she implored her husband, “If milord should wish to hold to the lofty principles of a Liang Hong, then this humble person would wish to harbor the proven will of a Meng Guang.”35 The mirror version of this story is told about the wife of Yuan Wei. She was the daughter of the prestigious and affluent Ma Rong (79-166), but she brought to her marriage only a winnowing basket and a broom. When asked about it by her husband, she replied, “My beloved parents showered me with affection, and I dared not defy my upbringing. Should milord desire to emulate the loftiness of Bao Xuan or Liang Hong, then this humble person would seek to imitate the acts of Shaojun and Meng Guang•” Shaojun, nee Huan, like the daughter of Yuan Wei, brought to her marriage with Bao Xuan more gifts than her husband cared for; she later had them all returned.36 Meng Guang’s deferential treatment of her husband became immortalized in the imagistic portrayal of respect accorded to a worthy spouse. “Raising the tray level w ith the eyebrows” {ju an qi mei) became a com m on literary allusion and has remained as a set idiom atic expression (chengyu) o f the language into

modern times. In addition, it was the subject of a Yuan dynasty lyrical drama by that name,37and also has been the subject of a number of paintings— the most 34See Ishii Masako, Dokyogaku no kenkyu, p. 254; and Yunji qiqian, p. 404, from the Tiandigongfu tu. iSTaipingyulan 502.3a, quoting the Hou Han shu ofXie Shen. MSee Hou Han shu 84.2781—82, 2796; see also Taiping yulan 517.2b—3a, quoting the Hou Hart shu ofXie Cheng (fl. early third century). 37See Zhu Quan (1378-1448),comp., Taihe zhengyin pw,p. 153. See also the anonymous Ming supplement Lu gui bu xubian (p. 114), which lists another theatrical performance called KMeng Guang Raises her Tray” ( “Meng Guang ju an”). The performance, for which there still exist Yuan and Ming texts (cf., for instance, Yuan qu xuan)、includes also scenes of Meng Guanfs father protesting her marriage to the impoverished Liang Hong, and encouraging Liang to seek office; see Zhongguo xiqu quyi cidian’ p. 461.

famous is the authentic “Gaoshi tun ofWei Xian (fl. ca.937-75)>which is held in the Palace Museum in Beijing.38 Liang Hong, swife, Meng Guang, also has been celebrated for her lofty char­ acter and virtue. While her role may be subservient to that of her husband, nev­ ertheless it is an example of an overlooked aspect of reclusion in China. Women in early and Imperial China could not normally hold governmental office and thus did not have the opportunity to eschew it; consequently they were not or­ dinarily viewed within the compass of “reclusion.” But they could of course es­ pouse the same values as men and hold to the same views about questions of service to the state and manner of life. Some apparently held even stronger con­ victions than their famous reclusive husbands, and many are portrayed as the motive force behind their spouses* famous acts. As mentioned above, Meng Guang dressed herself in the manner of an elegant lady of means in order to test her husband’s will; and it was at her prompting that the two of them left their comfortable, leisurely existence to live in the hills. Perhaps the most staunchly uncompromising of all women-in-reclusion was the legendary wife of Laolaizi. The couple had been leading a rustic exis­ tence when one day the determined woman returned from gathering wood and heard that Laolaizi had agreed to the King of Chu s request for assistance in governance. She told him, “I have heard that ones who can offer meals of meat and wine can follow up with the flogging whip; ones who can offer proposals of office and emolument can follow up with the executioner’s ax. I am not one who is able to be the wife o f someone under the control o f another•” Laolaizi

followed behind her as she fled, and the two left for a simple life in Jiangnan.39 Another legendary example is the wife of Jieyu, the Madman of Chu. The King of Chu had sent an emissary in a double quadriga carrying an enormous quantity of gold to offer Jieyu the administration of the area south of the [Yangzi] River. Jieyu laughed and gave no reply. His wife returned from the market just after the visit and said, My master endeavored to be principled when young; why has he gone against this when old? How deep are the carriage tracks outside the gate! I have heard that a right­ eous man will not act unless it is according to proper etiquette. In serving my master I have personally tilled for our self-sufficiency, and have personally woven our clothing. As our food is plenty and our clothing warm, we are able to fulfill our pleasures on our own. It would be best to leave. MThe best reproduction of the painting, including a folio-size particular of Meng Guang holding up the tray before Liang Hong, is in Gugong bowuyuan canghua jit vol. 1 (Zhongguo lidai huihua)y pp. 94 ~95 产, . r , ^Gaoshi zhuan A.7a. Cf. the slightly different version of the story in Ltenu zhuan 2.9b10a, translated in Albert CVHara, S.J” The Position ofWoman in Early China, pp. 71一乃.

This was enough to bring resolve back to Jieyu; the two changed their names and went off to live in the mountains.40 There are occasional notices about women of integrity in Imperial China who exhort their men to maintain their mettle and eschew office; but often we know only the names of their husbands and not their own, and ordinarily their portrayal is simply of the manner in which these virtuous persons aided their husbands in the pursuit of a principled life, or how they reflect the worthy val­ ues of their husbands or parents. An example is the wife of Wang Ba, whose name and lineage are unknown. When Wang was visited by the well-dressed and well-mannered son of his friend Linghu Zibo, chancellor of Chu, Wang’s own son stood embarrassed because of his own rustic appearance and lack of proper etiquette. This greatly discouraged Wang Ba, bringing on self-doubts about his refusal of official appointments. But his wife set him straight, telling him, “When milord was young he endeavored to be pure and principled, with­ out paying heed to glory or emolument. At present, how could the noble posi­ tion of Zibo compare with milord’s high-mindedness? What good would it do to forget your long-standing ambitions, and in that way shame your sons and daughters?”41 A final example is that o f the five daughters o f the haughty retired gentle­ m an D ai Liang (fl. m id first century C.E.). D ai was from a fam ily wealthy

enough to support a coterie of three or four hundred guests, yet he taught his daughters the value of simplicity. We read in Dai’s biography that “all of Liang’s five daughters were virtuous. Each time there was an offer of marriage, after a time the betrothal was permitted and the brides were sent off with only a loose tunic and cloth cloak, a bamboo hamper and wooden clogs. The five daughters were able to respect his instructions, and all were imbued with ‘the manner of one in reclusion,(yinzhe zhifeng).,H2 Model conduct was at the heart of what Aat Vervoorn has termed Mexemplary eremitism.”43 Evolving during the Han dynasties, “exemplary eremitism” basically was a public demonstration of primarily Confucian moral precepts of reclusion and personal detachment from worldly concerns of wealth, status, and power, without judgments on political or social iniquity. “Exemplary eremitism” was fostered by public and official recognition of the high moral con*°Gaoshi zhuan A.9b_ Cf. Lienii zhuan 2.9a (O’Hara, The Position of Woman, pp. 70-71) for a slightly expanded version. See also the story of the wife of Chen Zhongzi of Wuling ad­ vising her husband against accepting the solicitations of the King of Chu, in Gaoshi zhuan B.5b and Lienu zhuan 2.ioa-b (O’Hara, The Position ofWoman, pp. 73-74). tlHou Han shu 84.2782-83. i2Hou Han shu 83.2773. wSee his Men ofthe Cliffs and Caves, pp. 116-25,139-40,194-95,233.

duct of “men-in-reclusion” and became a part of the prevailing scholarly ethos; as such, it was evidenced in the ideals of much of the community of the edu­ cated. But this is not to say that the number of practitioners of reclusion greatly multiplied, for in effect it was the topos of reclusion in the abstract that was diffuse, and not the practice. By and large, “exemplary eremitism” concerned the scholar-official community, not individual practitioners of reclusion, for as argued persuasively by Vervoorn, “exemplary eremitism” was incorporated into the imperial recommendation system during the Han as a means of as­ sessing potential talent for recruitment. Thus it was functional as well as ab­ stract, for along with the recognition of values and conduct fitting the scholarly ethos came recommendation to office. Men who were perceived as being virtuous and worthy were sought out for service to the state. They were nominated during the Han for admission to the central government under various categories in the process o f yearly or spo­ radic selection. Former H an categories included Worthy and Excellent (xian

Hang), Straightforward and Upright {fang zheng)} Flourishing Talent (xiu cai)} Prolific Talent (mao cai), and Filial and Incorrupt (xiao lian). In addition to these, during the Later Han there were added the specific categories of Sincere and Honest (d u n p u )yPossessing the Way (you dao), Worthy and Capable (xian neng), Straightforward in Speech (zhi yan), Singular in Conduct (du xing)t High-minded and Principled (gao jie)y Upright and Straightforward (zhi zhi), Unsullied and Pure (qing bai),and Sincere and Generous (dun hou),u Or they were recommended directly for a particular office, or recommended generally by their friends, relatives, or sponsors as worthy of appointment.45 An illustrative example of recommendation as the recognition of virtue is that of the joint recommendation in the year 159 of five exemplars of model conduct: Xu Zhi ofYuzhang, Jiang Gong ofPengcheng, Yuan Hong ofR ^nan, Wei Zhu of Jingzhao, and Li Tan of Yingchuan.46 The memorialized recom­ mendation by Chen Fan, Hu Guang, and other ranking officials stated, “In both 利 See Hou Han shu 61.2042. Cf. also Fengsu tongyijiaozhu, p. 13n. 6. Note that as of 13 De­ cember 132, for a time only men over forty years of age were eligible for some of the recom­ mendations; see Hou Han shu 6.261. ^See Rafe de Crespigny, “The Recruitment System of the Imperial Bureaucracy of Later Han,” pp. 67-78; and Hans Bielenstein, The Bureaucracy ofHan Times, pp. 132-42. Fukui Shigemasa provides several examples where refusal of one nomination ultimately led to another of greater prestige; see “Go Kan no senkyo ni okeru suikyo no jita i, pp. 1-15. 46The date is according to Hou Han shu 53.1746. Hou Han ji 22.598—99 records the memo­ rial under the eighth month of the fifth year of the Yanxi reign, which would be 162 (no sepa­ rate heading, but obvious with relation to other events). On the question of the date, see Zizhi tongjian 54.1748, comm. O f these five men recommended together in 195, only Wei Zhu later took office; see Vervoorn, Men ofthe Cliffs and Caves, p. 295 n. 77.

virtue and in conduct they are accomplished, and are more illustrious yet than what has been heard of them. Were they to be promoted to the highest of ranks, to aid and further Heaven’s works, then it is certain they would be able to assist and propagate [the emperor’s] consummate excellence, increasing its radiance over that of the sun and moon.”47All five received an imperial summons and were accorded the traditional honors of fall ceremony, comfortable carriage, and black pecuniary silks; none of them, however, went to the capital in re­ sponse to the summons. O f the Five Scholars-at-Home (Wu chushi), as they came to be known,48Xu Zhi (d. 168) has been granted the most repute. He was from a poor family, and often personally tilled and harvested. He was a student of the classics, but he was also thoroughly proficient in the arcane fangshi arts of wind angles (fengp ^o )yastrological configurations (xingguan)ycomputational and calendric arts (suan li)) Yellow River charts (He fu), the seven apocrypha (qi wei), astral infer­ ences (tu i bu), and perm utating the Changes (bian Y i)*9 He was repeatedly se­ lected w ithin the official recommendatory system as his locale’s designated

Prolific Talent (mao cai), Possessor ofthe Way (you dao), etc., and was granted appointments one after another; but he declined all. When he and the others did not appear when summoned in 159,in answer to the emperor’s query Chen Fan ranked Xu the highest of them: “He hails from the lowly and poor region of Jiangnan, yet he stands out as prominently as a horn [on an animal]; it is ap­ propriate and fitting that he be ranked first.”50 Xu the Budding Lad, as Xu Zhi was called,51 was honored and respected during his life, and stories abound concerning his humility and the respect he was accorded by his contemporaries. Two celebrated anecdotes concern the deference paid to Xu by Chen Fan himself. The first relates that when Chen Fan took up his post as grand administrator ofYuzhang, the first thing he wished to do was to pay respects to the famous local Worthy Xu Zhi.52The second goes as i7Hou Han shu 53-1747; slight differences in Hou H anji 22.598-99. wSee Shengxian qurifu lu (Tao Yuan mingjijiaojian 9.352; Pan Zhonggui, p. 22). pp. 111-14; and excerpted in Mather, “Shen Yueh's Poems of Reclusion,” p. 55. Mather aptly notes that there is no expression of mystical transcendence, despite Kamitsuka's attempts to find it.

reclusion corresponds in great measure to the reclusion of the Moral Hero. In Shen’s section there are in fact no notices on recluses, rustics, or idlers, although one would be hard pressed to find the Moral Hero in each and every one of Shen’s entries/1 Shen Yue narrowly defined the commendable aspects of substantive reclu­ sion to include just one of its facets. In doing so he disapproved of Yuan Shu’s equally narrow but entirely different emphasis. Yuan Shu, ten years junior to Fan Ye but more than thirty years older than Shen Yue, also had sought, in a way, a definition for reclusion. His friend He Shangzhi (382-460) had com­ posed a “Rhapsody on Living in Retirement” when he (Shangzhi) moved briefly to the countryside in 451 and announced that he wished to retire from high of­ fice. Shangzhi’s trothless retirement (at age seventy-one!) was without resolve or success. Moreover, it gained for him the emperor’s increased respect, and Yuan Shu compiled a Traditions of Genuine Reclusion to chide him. This work was a record of “men-in-reclusion since antiquity who had left their traces without leaving behind their names.”42Yuan’s compilation included only ac­ counts of “recluses” who literally did not leave behind their names: they were all renowned for their acts or their writings, but they have remained anonymous except for a sobriquet such as “Master of Ghost Valley,M or “Master from Sumen Mountains., , 43 Shen Yue sums up his section on reclusion with his “comments of the historian.”44He tells us that the men were strong-willed, and one could neither break “The individuals Shen includes all eschewed office but held the respect of their age. The only exception is Ruan Wanling (377-448; Song shu 93.2283),who had withdrawn at one point only later to hold a number of posts: his notice is found in this section not as a practi­ tioner of reclusion but as an addendum to the account of his friend Wang Hongzhi. Ruan, s account was appended presumably because of some remarks in Wang*s account that associ­ ate Ruan with reclusion; the remarks would have been made during Ruan’s brief period of withdrawal. In the Nan shi Ruan’s notice is not placed within the section on reclusion: it again is appended to that of Wang (Nan shi 24.656), which in turn is appended to the account ofWangfs elder brother Zhenzhi. Taipingyulan 505.3a-b preserves a vignette about a fisher­ man from an unspecified Song shu. While it is possible that the vignette originally was from Shen Yue*s section on reclusion (it now is found in the Nan shi section on reclusion; see the Conclusion, below), it is equally possible that it once formed part of the account of Sun Mian (fl. 458-72), the man who encounters the fisherman. Alternatively, it might have been taken from another Song shu (there were at least three works of that name by different authors). *2Nan shi 30.784. ^Taiping yulan 5io.4a-5b has preserved ten of the accounts. In addition to the two men­ tioned above, there are brief notices on the Elder from Zheng; the Venerable One from the South; Pheasant-Cap Master; the Rural Oldster; the Man who Offered the King of Chu a Fish; the Adept at the River’s Bank; the Master ofHuqiu; and the Man Watching Confucius. AiSong shu 93.2297. These comments are taken verbatim for the closing discussion of the Nan shi section on reclusion, 76.1908.

their will nor gain their collaboration. However, had they met their time, would they have remained in reclusion? He writes: Now, as for these men who departed on their own, all were endowed with a staunchly one-sided disposition. One could neither break their determination nor humble their inner principle. Nor could one hope for their collaboration by resorting to praise. But had they encountered a ruler who could perceive their loyalty, and had they met with a fate that brought them their time, then would they have given reign to their sentiments by the rivers and seas and chosen disengagement in the hills and brush-forests? The reason for it, in all likelihood, is that it was so because they had no choice.

Clearly, according to Shen, worthy men are found in reclusion only because of unpropitious circumstances. Shen Yue further appreciated that even though the reclusion of the worthy man is the imposition of fate, still, the worthy man is not idle; he devotes his efforts to the natural environment in which he has been forced to live: Moreover, the cliffs and ravines are tranquil and distant, and the waters and stones are pure and splendid. For even with towering [mountain] portals eight stories high,and immense [natural] ramparts of a thousand cubits, each and every one [of those W or­ thies in reclusion] tended the earth and opened up the springs, dimly obscured in the forests and marshes. Thus we know that the pine-covered mountains and sweet-olive bedecked islets have not simply always been pleasurable, and that prase-colored brooks and clear pools have become beautiful sights through extensive efforts. To merely “hang one’s hat at the capital’s Eastern Gate” [and take to the hills]— what’s so difficult about that?45

Shen*s final statement refers to Pang Meng, who left office under Wang Mang. Pang withdrew when the times were in turmoil, as did many other wor­ thy men, but he did not reemerge when times allowed. To Shen, then, Pang Meng was one who chose disengagement, and was not the worthy man-inreclusion of ShenJs ideal.46 Shen Yue effectually recognized the distinct reality of substantive reclusion; but he had rather precise and unique ideas about its constitution. He was not well disposed to the hackneyed notion about the utility of men-in-reclusion, for true Worthies in reclusion do not need to temper their integrity and will on base customs. Further, regardless of his own ultimate personal resolution, ac^Song shu 93.2297; nearly identical in Nan shi 76.1908. ""When Wang Mang murdered his own son, Pang Meng exclaimed, “The Three Bonds [between ruler and servitor, father and son, husband and wife] have been severed! If one does not get out, then calamity is sure to befall him.” He then hung up his official’s cap on the main gate of the capital for all to see and fled with his family to the far northeast. Later, he continually refused to assume office under Guangwu and died in old age. See Hou Han shu 83.2759-60; and above.

cording to Shen reclusion is not a state of transcendency in which antithetical courses of action can be reconciled into a mystical, philosophical, or religious unity. Nor is it the transitory expedient of bogus Lofty Gentlemen on their way to fame and fortune. And finally, it is more than mere withdrawal from the so­ ciopolitical arena, or haughty aloofness. According to Shen Yue the rubric “genuine reclusion” is appropriate only for those worthy men who have hidden their inner principles because of the workings of fate. Not many years after Shen、introductory discussion, Ruan Xiaoxu (479536), himself a practitioner of reclusion, compiled his own collection of ac­ counts of men-in-reclusion, in which he offered yet another system for classi­ fying reclusion. Called the Accounts of Lofty Reclusion (Gaoyin zhuan), Ruan’s compilation initially included 137 individuals from the time of Yan di (the D i­ vine Husbandman Shennong) down to the close of the Liang dynasty*s Tianjian reign (502-19).47 The work was arranged in three divisions. In the first were those “whose words and conduct were unrivaled and preeminent, but whose personal and family names were not passed down.” In the second were those “whose [fame] had not dissipated throughout the ages, and who had names that could be recorded.” The third division contained those who “hung up their caps [and withdrew from] the world of men, perching their hearts beyond the worldly dust.”48This is all we know of the composition of the work, for Ruan’s com­ pilation no longer is extant. We do, however, know a bit more about Ruan’s own conception of fundamental dichotomies in the Way of Man, and the philosophical basis for reclusion. Ruan^ views are clearly expressed in a dis­ quisition he wrote about overt traces, apparently composed in conjunction with his Traditions and likely written as a response to Shen Yue’s conceptions of “reclusion” and “traces.” The disquisition is excerpted in the Liang shu, as follows:49 47When Ruan*s friends Liu Xu and Liu Xiao died in 518 and 519 at ages thirty-one and thirty-two, respectively, Ruan added their accounts to his compilation. When Ruan himself passed away, Liu Xu’s older brother Xie appended an account of Ruan, bringing the total to 140 accounts. See Nan shi 76.1896. 4SNan shi 76.1894-96. *9Liangshu 51.741; Quan Liang wen (Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen) 66.i7a-b. Context and content would seem to indicate that the disquisition might have formed a part of his Traditions; indeed, Yan Kejun titles it aGaoyin zhuan lun.” Actually, it is more likely that the essay constituted part of the “prefatorial guidelines” listed as a one-juan supplement to Ruan's Traditions in the catalogue of Ruan’s own bibliographical treatise Qi lu. See Daoxuan (596-667), ed., Guang Hongmingji 3.12a; and Quan Liang wen 66.17a. For an exposition of Ruan*s disquisition and its relationship to Shen Yue’s remarks on reclusion, see my “Hidden Spoor: Ruan Xiaoxu and His Treatise on Reclusion,” JAOS 111.4 (1991): 7 ° 4-11*

Now as for the root [ben] of the ne plus ultra Way [zhi dao]t what is most estimable subsists in Non-Action [wu wei]. The traceable acts [ji] of the Sage, however, are found in the reformation of corrupt practices. That corrupt practices are reformed is due to there being overt traces [ji]; that overt traces are brought to bear goes counter

to the root. Whereas the root is Non-Action, this constitutes the extreme of counter­ ing the Way [fei dao zhi zhi]. Nevertheless, if they (the Sages) did not pass down their overt traces, the world would lack the wherewithal for achieving peace. And yet if one

does not delve to the root, then the Way and itsK[worldly] reality” [shi] are lost one to the other.50 For Confucius and Dan [the duke of Zhou] to preserve their overt traces, it was thus appropriate to expediently obscure “the root.” Laozi and Zhuangzi simply illumined “the root,” and similarly it was appropriate to profoundly suppress their overt traces. Where overt traces can be suppressed, therein lies the forte of these several fel­ lows (Laozi and Zhuangzi). On the other hand, where “the root” becomes obscured, therein lies the deficiency of [Confucius of] N i Hill. If not a man who has attained Kcomplete oneness,,,M then one needs lack truly perspicacious wisdom. Yet only one who can embody the dichotomy [of “the root” and overt traces]52 will possess penetrating discernment. Accordingly, whereas the Sage has been thoroughly brought into evidence, it is because of his having forged overt traces; as the Worthy has yet to reside in the place of eminence, then we must even more so speak of “the root•” Truly this is because overt traces should reform corrupt practices, but it is only

the Sage who is able to do so. The lucid principle of “the root” and K[worldly] reality,” however, can be evidenced in the Worthy. If one were able to embody [the dichotomy of] “the root” and “overt traces,” and were able to fully apprehend [the nature of| “suppressing1,[yi] and “promoting” [yang], then that is more than half of the purport of Confucius and Zhuangzi.53 MCf. Zhuangzi 16/11-15 (cf. also Watson, trans., Complete Works of Chuang Tzu, p. 173; and Chapter 1, above): “To look at it from this standpoint, then the age has lost the Way, the Way has lost the age, and the age and the Way are lost one to another. What means do men of the Way have to flourish in the age? And likewise, what means does the age have to flourish in the Way? When the Way hai not the means to flourish in the age, and the age has not the

means to flourish in the Way, then even though the Sage be not enclosed by the mountain forests, his virtue is hidden nonetheless. As it is hidden, he therefore does not hide himself. . . . When one meets the right fate of the times, and accomplishes great acts in the world, then in returning to oneness one leaves no overt traces. When one does not meet the right fete of the times, and is greatly constrained in the world, then one roots himself firmly .. ■and waits.” slCf. Laozi 39: “As for those of old attaining complete oneness: Heaven attained oneness and thereby became pure; / Earth attained oneness, becoming tranquil; / spirits attained oneness and thus became numinous; / the Valley in attaining oneness became full; / the myriad things attained oneness and came to life; / lords and kings attained oneness and thus were exemplars for the world.” ^Reading ti er for the ti zhi of Quart Liang wen 66.17b; cf. Liang shu 51.754 n. 10. 53Liang shu $1.741.

We next turn to the section on “Lofty Disengagement” [“Gao yi”] in the

Nan Qi shu, composed by Ruan Xiaoxu’s younger contemporary Xiao Zixian (489-537).5,1In Xiao’s introduction to the section, he begins by reaffirming clas­ sical justification for the perennial coexistence of those who enter service and those who do not; he also allows that there are various forms of reclusion and motivations for undertaking such a life: In the [Book of] Changes it is written that the Way of the Superior Man is fourfold, re­ ferring to either speaking out or keeping silent.55Thus there are those who enter the temple hall [in service to the state] never to emerge, and those who follow along the rivers and lakes, coming to their eternal rest. Reclusion and withdrawal take on m ulti­ ple forms, and the sentiments involved and outward signs [of reclusion] are manifold in kind.

Xiao then elaborates a graded scale of reclusion. For the highest sort, “inner principle and purport sufficed within them.” Although they hid themselves in obscurity, they offered a valid instructive example apart from that of the Doctrine of Names (mingjiao), the basically Confucian ethical code whose proponents al­ most universally were found in the ranks of government. For this reason, those honored by the legendary sage emperor Yao included such men as Xu You, and a number of men-in-reclusion are found featured in classical Confiician writings. If inner principle and purport sufficed within them, and they could avoid both renown and entanglement,56hiding their traces in the remote cliffs and obscuring their names in Fool’s Valley,57 freeing themselves of being fettered and shackled by “humanity^ and “justice,” perpetuating their body and spirit amid [the vastness of] heaven and earth,58 then, in that case, apart from the Moral Teaching [mingjiao] they had their own separate manner of instruction. Thus of those whom Yao would ennoble, some were non-Sages; and a disciple of Confucius was beguiled by one who served chicken and millet.59 51Nan Qi shuyjuan 54. Xiao’s introduction also was incorporated into that of the Nan shi section on reclusion {juan 75-76), on which see below. 5SCf. Zhou yu KXi ci zhuan,” A/6: “The Way of the Superior Man is such that sometimes he will emerge, sometimes he will stay put; sometimes he will keep silent, sometimes he will speak out.” See also ibid. A/9: “The Master said, (In the Changes, the Way ofthe Sage is fourfold.* ” 沾A more literal translation of xi wei liang wang might be: “Possessing the qualities of ‘being faint, and ‘being subtle/ they could vanish on both accounts.” Cf. Laozi 14: “Look at it but see it not: it is called minute. Listen to it but hear it not: it is called faint. Grasp at it but get it not: it is called subtle.:’ 57Foors Valley (yu gu), standing here for any obscure locale, was the residence ofYugong, the sagacious fool of the Liezi who wished to move a mountain. SeeLiezijishi 5.159-61. 5juan 88),Li Yanshou tells us that he has merged the sections on reclusion from both the Wei shu and the Sui shu (“Yin83Yao Cha actually had been involved in compiling the Liang state history during the Liang, the Chen, and the Sui; see Chen shu 27.348-52. See also Nan shi 69.1690-92. “Zhuge Qu (d. 508) when young had studied under Guan Kangzhi and Zang Rongxu; both were esteemed practitioners of reclusion who had received imperial summonses, and Zhuge himself later refused several recommendations. Zhuge was renowned for his erudi­ tion, and when his students overfilled the capacity of his residence, the governor had a special lecture hall and residence built for his use. Zhuge’s writings amounted to 20 juan. See Liang shu 51.744; and Nan shi 76.1901-2. ;this means that he never has changed his constancy.” IJ0See Lun yu 14/39; Lord Kong (Kong gong), of course, is Confucius. I3ISeeXunzi 2.19; Master Sun is Xunzi. I3ISee Laozi 76: “Resiliency and weakness are the companions of life.. • • The powerful and great hold low stature, resiliency and weakness hold high stature.” Cf. also Laozi 22,36, 40; 43, and 78; and Chapter 1, above. ,33See, for example, Zhou yi #15 “H um ilit/’ ( “Lian”),“Commentary on the Decision” : “The Way of Heaven is such that while that which is in surfeit is reduced, that which is hum­ ble is augmented. The Way of Earth is such that while what is in surfeit is transformed, what is humble is carried forward. Ghosts and spirits, while inflicting harm on what is in surfeit, bring prosperity to what is humble. The Way of Man is to despise surfeit and love humility.” 1340 n “the Way of Consummate Joy,” seeZhuangzi,esp.juan 18, “Consummate Joy.” On “blessings without limit,” see the spurious Shang shu chapter “Tai jia” (James Legge, trans., Shoo kingy206): “This is indeed a blessing that wili extend without limit to ten thousand generations•” Presumably, by utilizing the vehicle of familiar classical phraseology, all that was intended by Fang Xuanling was that the great men of old ensured for themselves a decorous

though far distant they did not look back. Content with the disposition of things, though beyond sight they were without remorse. Cultivating their persons, they sus­ tained themselves; regret and misgivings did not arise. The poet’s song “Kao pan,” moreover, is concerned with this.135 When it happened that a dynastic founder [lit.: embodier of Heaven] finished formulating his policy, a time when litigations had ceased and punishments had been pardoned, [the new emperor] then would treat with respect the withdrawn and the inviolable in order to broaden his spiritually transforming influence.136Ceremonies of imperial summonses and invitations ornamented their cliffside caves, and gifts of jade and silk were sent to their wickets and huts.137Thus, the “Monthly Ordinances” says: “During the final month of spring, extend invitations to renowned gentlemen and pay ceremony to worthy ones.”138Is this not what is referred to? Since the epoch of the Sima clan began, 139 the seclusive and disengaged were widely sought out. When Qiao Yuanyan would shut himself off from the affairs of men,140 and Jiang Siquan would whistle and intone in the forests and marshes,141 they made prominent their pure and pristine course, and established their path, which went beyond the [worldly] dust. Although they did not respond to honorable sum­ monses, they nevertheless were capable of quelling avarice and rivalry. To laud now the lofty and estimable virtue [of men such as these], [accounts of] their lives have been collected and compiled here into a section.142 legacy, despite the poignant context from which the expression was taken. In context, the passage is part of a congratulatory pronouncement by the staunchly uncompromising and virtuous minister Yi Yin to the young repentant king, upon the king's return from more than two years of confinement at Yi Yin's insistence. Yi Yin's point was that the king’s manifesta­ tion of sincere virtue would have lasting beneficial effects. Thus, in a sense, through his own superlative virtue, the realized Moral Hero Yi Yin ensured blessings without limit. mMao shi #56 “Kao pan” has traditionally been interpreted as being descriptive of the W orth/s withdrawal from a corrupt rule, the Great Man (shuo ren) going off alone, away from the urban capital. See Mao shi zhushu 3B.321-22; Legge, trans., The She Kingt pp. 93-94 J and Bernhard Karlgren, “Glosses on the Kuo-Feng Odes,” pp. 148-50. 136On treating retired Worthies with respect by sitting on the side of the mat rather than sitting directly facing them, see Fan Ye’s “Discussion,” above. 137See Zhou yi #22 6/5, “Ornament in the hills and gardens: bundles of silk in pro­ fuse abundance.” The symbology of this passage is explained in Chapter i, above. ,MSee Liji zhengyi 15.1363; and Chapter 1, above. 139This means the Western Jin. Dianwu was a common cryptogram for Sima; see Sanguo zhi 42.1032. 140Qiao Xiu (zf Yuanyan, ca. 270-ca. 360; grandson of Qiao Zhou) ofBaxi (northeastern Sichuan) cut himself off from even dose relatives when young and refused various invita­ tions to the capital. He died at over ninety. See Jin shu 94.2444; and Jin yangqiut quoted in Sanguo zhi 42.1033-34 n. 3. H1Jiang Dun (zi Siquan, 305-53, son of Jiang Tong) was erudite in both the Confucian and esoteric traditions, but he refused numerous appointments. See Jin shu 56.1539. There does not appear to be any further information about Jiang Dun’swhistling. ulJin shu 94.2425-26. Jiang Dun*s biography is not in this section; it is appended to that ofhis father (Jin shu 56.1539).

Fang Xuanling’s “comments of the historian” at the close of the section are another example of elegant prose. Fang reiterates that either one goes out and serves, and in that manner aids the times, or one stays at home for detached personal cultivation. Fang then summarizes the conduct of some of the people in the section, and ends telling us why they were exalted: in not bending their will, they set an example of purity for the generations to come. The activities of the Superior Man may take different paths: these are what are referred to by prominence and obscurity. When he goes forth [into the world], then earnestly does he manage the various functionaries, using the Way to benefit the times.143When he remains at home, then he extricates himself from the din and dust, tending to himself with humility. If we seek to specify the reasons, the origins reach far back. Gonghe’s residence was a grotto chamber, his tunic was pleated grass. Yet in ad­ monishing Shuye he focused a marvelous appraisal.144 Weinian’s quarters were an overgrown shrine, and his clothing was all of silk rags. Yet in responding to Zijing he set forth an uncompromising model.145 Each blotted out his traces without a backward glance, verily the likes of Liu Qin and Shang Ping!146Xia Tong was praised from 143See Shang shu zhengyi (in Shisanjing zhushu) 2.120: “If you earnestly (regulate = ) con­ trol ail the functionaries, the achievements will be resplendent” ;Bernhard Karlgren, trans., The Book ofDocumentsyp. 3. ,44When Ji Kang (zi Shuye) was about to leave Sun Deng (zi Gonghe) and return home after three years as his disciple, Sun gave the following appraisal of his student: “Do you know fire? When fire arises there is brightness; yet not to put to use this brightness is, after all, a necessary part of using this brightness. When man is born, he is endowed with talent; yet not to put to use this talent is, after all> a necessary part of putting this talent to use. Thus, the crux of using brightness is obtaining firewood, which is what preserves fire’s brightness. The crux of putting to use one’s talent is in understanding things, which is what grants one a M span of years. Now in your case, your talent is abundant yet your understanding wanting. Hard will it be for you to avoid the world of today! Do not ask me anything more.” See Wenshi zhuan, quoted in the commentary to Shishuo xinyu 18/2; see alsoJin shu 94.2426 for a nearly identical version, as well asXuan pin lu 2.48; and Lishi zhenxian tidao tongjian 34.4a-b. Other translations are in Mather, A New Account, p. 333; and Donald Holzman, La Vie et la pens^e de H i K^ng, p. 43. Quoted in the same sources are references to Sun’s cave-dwelling and natural apparel. See also the “Conclusion,” below, and Donald Holzman, “Songs for the Gods,” pp. 3-5. ,45Dong Jing (zi Weinian, fl_ ca. 265-74) “often lodged in a plain shrine. At times he would beg in the [Luoyang] market, and when he obtained ripped and torn silk remnants, he would knot them together to cover himself; he would not deign to accept whole silks or comely brocades” (Jin shu 94.2427). Sun Chu (zi Zijing, ca, 218-93) went to speak with Dong on several occasions to try to convince him to emerge into the world of affairs. Dong's re­ sponse was a long poem expressing his conviction that disengagement was the only choice for himself, as well as for the Man of Understanding (daren; see ibid.). Parts of Dongfs story, and his poems, appear in a host of period sources. lwLiu Qin is Liuxia Hui; see Chapter 1. Shang Ping (Shang Ziping) is Xiang Zhang; see Chapter 2. It is assumed that mention of these two legendary characters was meant merely to evoke the image of truly actualizing the ideals of reclusion. It would be inappropriate to sug-

far and near for being a filial companion, and his clansmen esteemed his sincerity and integrity.147When he sang the tune “Little Sea,” then it was as if W u Xu was still present; when he stolidly held fast his inviolable will of granite, then Gonglti was overcome with shame. The onlookers who at that time were taking pleasure on the banks of the Luo would find these words to be true.148 Song Xian when young har­ bored a deportment of aloofness, and his pure example was considered exemplary and outstanding. Yang Xuan eulogized a portrait of him, and Ma ; i sighed that he was a human dragon; the appellation “Profound and Ethereal” truly was most excel­ lent.149 As for the several remaining entries, some proclaimed illness and renounced of­ fice; some composed writings and so rectified common ways. Some sat unceremoni­ ously and faced off with the men of the day. Some hunted and fished, lolling by their huts and freshets.150 Suffused with harmony, they concealed their unaffected nature; gest any correspondences between the lives of Liuxia Hui and Xiang Zhang, and those of Sun Deng and Dong Jing. H7Examples of the filial actions of Xia Tong (mid third century) are in Jin shu 94.2428-29. On one occasion Xia Tong returned home with medicines for his ill mother, only to find his relatives enraptured by the wild performance of two beautiful shamankas his uncle had in­ vited as part of an expression of worship to his ancestors when his own illness had grown worse. When Xia Tong saw what was going on, he immediately tore away. Later he returned to rebuke his relatives, who then sent away the two ladies and themselves went on their way (ibid.). See also the Conclusion, below. 14aWhen Xia Tong went to sell his simples in Luoyang, he gave a stunning aquatic per­ formance for the grand commander, Jia Chong (217-82; zi Gonglii). Then he gave an awe­ inspiring singing performance that included a tune about the people’s sympathies for Wu 2ixu (d. 415 B.C.E., A Chinese Biographical Dictionary #2358); Wu, according to one account, had committed suicide and subsequently was mutilated by his ruler and thrown in the river on account of his virtuous remonstrances. The spectators said to each other, “Had we not come to sport on the Luo River, how could we have seen this man (Xia Tong)?.. • Listening to ‘Little Sea/ 1 would say that Zixu and Qu Ping (Qu Yuan) were standing on either side of me.” SeeJin shu 94.2429—30. 149Song Xian (prob. d_ 354,at age eighty-two) of Jiuquan (Gansu) was aloof when young. An expert on the classics and apocrypha, he soon had more than three thousand disciples; he refused recommendations for service. Grand Administrator Yang Xuan painted Song’s portrait over his own entryway so that he would see Song each time he entered or left, and he composed the following eulogy: “Which is the stone he takes for his pillow; which is the watercourse from which he drinks? As his physical presence can­ not be espied, renown cannot be his goal.” When another grand administrator of Jiuquan, Ma Ji, attempted to visit Song’s retreat with full pomp and ceremony, Song refused to see him. Ma sighed, “One can hear of his name, yet cannot see him in person; his virtue can be extolled, yet the man himself cannot be viewed. As for myself, only today have I fully realized that this Master is a dragon among men•” After he had starved himself to death at age eighty-two to avoid further attempts by the usurper Zhang Zuo (d. 357) to get him to serve, Song Xian was conferred the posthumous epithet Sr. Profound and Ethereal (Xuanxu xiansheng). See Jin shu 94.2453. 1S0Cf. Mao shi #138 “Heng men”: “Below the latticed gate, one can find rest and leisure. / With the freshens ample flow, one can alleviate one^ hunger.”

riding along with the Way, they hid their splendor. They did not bend their will, and were ones who wafted a zephyr of purity to the generations to come.151

Fang Xuanling closes his section on reclusion in the Jin shu with a rhymed “Encomium ”: A generous salary beckons encumbrances; To cultivate a reputation is to indulge in desire. Steadfast indeed, these several gentlemen;152

Transcendent, they outstripped the common. They nourished their immaculacy in cliffside crannies, And muffled their renown in the forest recesses. Quelling avarice and halting contention, They bequeathed forever a venerable legacy.153

The introductory and closing discussions to the Jin shu section on Reclusion and Disengagement” are of little value to understanding reclusion. The accounts included in the section, however, reveal the diversity of conduct and the rationales of some forty individuals who practiced reclusion as their way of life. All of them habitually eschewed official careers throughout their lives, and their stories provide us with a valuable window onto substantive re­ clusion during the period.155 mJin shu 94.2463. SeeZhou yij Wen yan comm, to #1 Qian 9/1, translated in Chapter 1, above. '53Jin shu 94.2463. l5‘There is one quasi-exception: Fan Can (202-85). Fan is an example of unbending will, demonstrated in determined (and drastic) withdrawal. Fan had begun a career, holding a number of prestigious posts during the early years of the Wei, only to cut it short, never to serve again; he never served the Jin. He left office, feigning madness and taking to live in his carriage, and from 249 until his death thirty-six years later, he neither spoke nor set his feet o? the ground. After being strongly recommended to the founder ofthe Jin, he was provided with an emolument and medicine for life, but he never changed his conduct. See Jin shu 94.2431-32. 15SSee Murakami Yoshimi, “In’itsu: To Shin jidai.”

Patterns and Singularities in the Portrayal of Reclusion during the Six Dynasties

The overt record of substantive reclusion in early-medieval China might be seen as the collectivity of the traces left by the period’s practi­ tioners of reclusion. Following these traces takes us well beyond the dynastic histories, to be sure, but even while there are a wide variety of writings con­ cerning reclusion in the Six Dynasties, the study of substantive reclusion in early-medieval China must begin with and focus primarily on the dynastic his­ tories. In addition to the wealth of data about individuals and their times, as we have seen there are also biographical sections reserved for practitioners of re­ clusion in the histories of the Later Han, Jin, Song, Qi, Liang, and Southern Dy­ nasties, as well as in the histories of the Wei, Sui, and Northern Dynasties. (It is to be reemphasized that in these sections those who found “reclusion” within the court are not represented.) The compilers of these sections brought to­ gether accounts of those practitioners of reclusion whom, one would expect, they believed most representative of the practice of reclusion during the period treated; and they provide comments to support their choices. Yet there are no stringent principles of colligation: prefatorial remarks are provided by the compilers of these sections, but they are not sufficiently detailed or cogent, can be mutually contradictory, or sometimes are at variance even with their own entries. In addition, there is a discernible conventionality in their composition.1 Statements by others who lived during the Six Dynasties, and especially those by persons who themselves compiled biographical collections of men-inreclusion, while being informative still confirm the lack of unanimity in terms of delimiting grouping criteria. In other words, there are no unassailable boundaries for identifying and grouping practitioners of reclusion. The grouping itself is an undefined or ill-defined amorphous (or, perhaps, poly­ morphous) hodgepodge of individuals who might not even have agreed that they shared common ground. It would seem an artificial catchall that can be and has been stretched, squeezed, or otherwise manipulated according to the designs of the person doing the grouping. Who, then, can be said to have been a practitioner of reclusion? In looking at the pooled groupings of individuals who practiced reclusion as a way of life, we see that the characteristics of the group go beyond those of 'Shen Yue’s preface is the exception.

any one individual. No one individual exhibits all of the traits of the group, nor do all persons within the group exhibit the same trait or combination of traits. And exhibiting one or more of the traits does not in itself suffice as a gauge for inclusion. It has been assumed that within the special sections established in the dynastic histories for men-in-reclusion, and within the separate compilations of biographical notices of practitioners of reclusion, the individuals treated were generally considered to have practiced reclusion as a way of life. But the fact that one s biography does not appear in one of these grouped accounts is not an argument ex silentio that he should be excluded from consideration.2 There are examples in which the person’s biographical notice appears elsewhere in the received standard dynastic histories but had been included in the section on reclusion within an earlier (or sometimes later) tradition.3Alternatively, his biography might have merited a large portion of a separate section,4was ap­ pended to the notice of an associate or relative,5or was not included at all, even though the individual clearly was thought of by his contemporaries and byposterity as a practitioner of reclusion.6Thus, while the group is defined by its 2Yang Shen (1488-1559) made a similar observation in his notes on reclusion; see his “Yinyi kao, ” in Zongzuan Sheng'an heji 22i.ib-2a. 3The most obvious examples are the Gaoshi zhuan accounts of the Lofty Gentlemen Min Gong, Niu Lao, Qiu Xin, Ren Tang, Zhi Xun, Xu Zhi, Guo Tai, Shentu Pan, Yuan Hong, Jiang Gong, Zheng Xuan, Ren An, Jiang Qi, and Xun Jing, whose accounts in the Hou Han 細 are not in the section on reclusion. The account of Liu Zhao is found in the “Forest of Literati” ( “Ru lin”)section of the Jin shu (91.2349-50), but it had been included in the Gaoshi zhuan of Yu Panzuo (see Taipingyulan 510.3b). Xin Puming’s account is in the “Filial and Fidel ( Xiao yi ) section of the Nan Qi shu (55*961) but is included in the section on reclusion in the Nan shit 75.1871-72. ‘Three obvious examples are the accounts of Huangfu Mi (Jin shu 51.1409-18),Guo Tai

(^ou Han shu 68.2225-31), and Zheng Xuan (Hou Han shu 35.1207-12). See also the accounts in Nan shi 50, several of which had been included in the sections on reclusion of other histories. While Huangfu Mi’s account is not in the Jin shu section on reclusion, the “Historian、 Comments” to his account emphatically remark, “Was he not most certainly one of the High-minded Men (gaoren) of the Jin?” In fact, Huangfu Mi had an account in the Gaoshi zhuan ofYu Panzuo {Taipingyulan 51.3a). The account of Shen Yi is appended to that of his uncle, Shen Yanzhi, in Nan shi 36.937-38; however, it was included in the section on reclusion in the Liang shu (51.745). See also Shen、 mention in the section on reclusion in the Nan Qi shu (54.944). Li Yanshou (Bei shi 33.2908) spates explicitly that he has removed the accounts of Li Mi and his son Li Shiqian from the sections on reclusion in the Wei shu (90.1932—39) and the shu (77.1752—54), respectively, and has appended both ofthem to the section devoted to their clan in the Bei shi (33.1225-35). 6One blatant example is the eminent High-minded Gentleman Xu Xun: he receives little more than a mention in the Jin shuyyet he was one of the prominent men of his age. There are many anecdotes about Xu in Shishuo xinyu and elsewhere. Xu’s fullest accounts, however,are found in Jiankang shilu 8.216-17 (see also the editors preface, pp. 9-10); and Gao Sisun (ca. 1160-1220), ed., Shan lu^.49. See also Ishikawa Tadahisa, KKyo Jun ni tsuite.”

members, at the same time membership is determined by the parameters of the group. With this seeming petitio principii, an assessment of reclusion during the Six Dynasties begins with a number of individuals known through the earliest accounts of their lives to have practiced reclusion as a way of life; with the char­ acteristics displayed by this group, it goes on to identify others who can be as­ similated into the group. The individual traits thus brought to the group in turn amplify the overall parameters and characteristics of reclusion. A picture of substantive reclusion during the Six Dynasties then can be gained through both the communal attributes displayed by the individuals and the divergent, often opposing modi vivendi of individual practitioners. And while the breadth of particular information concerning the practice of reclusion is assessed from the assemblage of accounts, epitomes also can be utilized as a sort of ampliative in­ ference wherein conclusions can be reached concerning all members of the group— and thus of reclusion in general_ through observation of some of the more representative examples among them. Certain of the individuals typify certain modes or facets of reclusion, and their lives may serve as representative illustrative models. Others were so dis­ tinctive that their very diversity helps display the breadth of the parameters of reclusion. Others yet, owing in part to the synthetic associative hindsight of their biographers, either fit or were molded to biographical stereotypes, and in that way have been stripped of much of their one-time individuality by the forces of historiography or chance. Thus the portrayal of the lives of practitio­ ners of reclusion may be typical, distinctive, or stereotypic, but the aggregation of the accounts delimits substantive reclusion in early-medieval China. In de­ scribing reclusion, these accounts furnish a wealth of particular information; we also can observe patterns in the portrayal of substantive reclusion. Some of these patterns reflect Six Dynasties developments in the practice of reclusion, as we shall see. In others we observe the reiteration of the thematic archetypes and patterns that can be traced through centuries of axiom, legend, and formula, giving evidence to the cultural poignancy of these formulations. The portrayal of reclusion in early-medieval China indeed evinces the pat­ terns established in preimperial China, but with a difference. In earlier times the patterns (and their role in the formulation of philosophical, ethical, and cul­ tural values) were rather iconographic in nature and generally of greater import than the persons through whom they were portrayed; literary allusion to the persons who exemplified these patterns, then and now, normally has been a ref­ erence to the “message” and not to the “message bearer.” While these patterns have lived on, especially in the ever-present one-sided descriptions of one-sided characters, in Six Dynasties portrayals the patterns more often have been sub­

limated, as it were, and most often are visible either as a backdrop to a more ample, more complex, and more individual treatment of a particular person, or simply as a stock descriptive, employed in conjunction with any number of other tropes— and facts— within the accounting of the dynamic life of the indi­ vidual. Certain other characteristic patterns in the portrayal of reclusion during the period reflect developments in the intellectual, cultural, societal, and religious milieus of the times, and thus are new contributions to the enduring nature of reclusion and its portrayal— that to all intents and purposes becomes set during the Six Dynasties. These patterns, which also contribute directly to topoi in the portrayal of reclusion in the abstract, are unlike the thematic archetypes characteristic of the formative stage of reclusion, which deal primarily with philosophical orientation or culturally appropriate responses to recurrent situations. Instead, they are descriptive of individual lives and the discretionary pursuits of real people; they are drawn from certain commonalities in the lives of practitioners of reclusion and some general tendencies in the portrayal of re­ clusion. The pattern of the Autonomous Preceptor might be used nominally to describe the commonly portrayed lifestyle of men who were dedicated to schol­ arship and teaching in the classical tradition. These men were publicly recognized for their erudition and were frequently recommended for positions at court (to which they did not accede). They might be private teachers having either a few disciples or great numbers of followers, or they might, in a case or two, be affiliated with institutions of learning endorsed by the state or by a locality. The pursuits of these men were typically described as “Confhcian,” but that of course by no means precluded them from being active devotees of the Buddhist or Daoist religions as well. The Autonomous Preceptor represents a sort of mainstream substantive reclusion that was common in the Six Dynasties. There had been men in earlier times who would have fit this pattern, to be sure, but from the Six Dynasties onward the avocation of teaching (including the pursuit of traditional scholarship) was pursued by any number of men-inreclusion; the portrayal of many of these men does not go far beyond representation of the pattern. This pattern maybe visible in the portrayal of the lives of such renowned men as Fan Xuan, Yang Ke, Guo Yu, Song Xian, Huangfu Mi, Lei Cizong, Zang Rongxu, Ruan Xiaoxu, and Zhuge Qu. The tag Gentlemen of the Private Persuasion, on the other hand, might be used to describe the patterned portrayal of certain eminent individuals of inde­ pendent means, and often of prominent families, whose vocation was the avocation of genteel retirement. While not accepting public service, they nonetheless led a socially active life of retirement, maintaining dose relations and inter­

acting freely with the official elite. They were epitomes of the image of the “retired gentleman,” and these individuals often were prestigious men of the arts. Gentlemen of the Private Persuasion came into their own, so to speak, during the Six Dynasties, and the pattern has remained visible as a poignant and ubiquitous (though often stereotypic and hackneyed) image of reclusion down to the present. Examples are Xu Xun, Dai Kui and his son Yong, He Dian, and Zhang Xiaoxiu. The categorical description “Buddhist-imbued reclusion” might be useful to characterize the eschewal of public service in favor of a life devoted to Bud­ dhism. While persons fitting this pattern perhaps practiced reclusion on ac­ count of their religious beliefs, this pattern is not indicative of religious reclu­ sion. A study of Buddhist reclusion might seek to view reclusion as one facet of religious vocation, and it might treat the eschewal of service to the state as part of the renunciation of worldly pursuit. Alternatively, it might treat ostensible convergences such as religious observance in a monastic, anchoritic, or ascetic mode. Yet whether it was religious conviction or “reclusion” per se (as a politi­ cal, cultural, or other recourse) that was the motive force behind a man’s acts, or was the key to his portrayal, these men were above all “men-in-reclusion” in the sources (including religious tracts and hagiographies), as well as in the broader cultural significance of reclusion in Chinese culture, the secular overlay of historiographical hindsight notwithstanding. The study of the practice of re­ clusion views individuals within the framework of the actualization of reclusion as a way of life; thus the observance of any particular religion is itself in some measure ancillary within the portrayal of the individual’s life, being more or less equivalent in significance to other avocations pursued by the individual while living a life apart from service to the state.7Just as “reclusion” might be one of various subtopics in a broader discussion of practicing religion, religious con­ victions and pursuits are an adjuvant topic in a discussion of the practice of re­ clusion. Due to the nature of the Buddhist religion and its adherents, the pat­ tern of “Buddhist-imbijed reclusion” might best be divided into two parts: lay practitioners and ordained priests. Representative of the first are Xie Fu and Ming Sengshao; ofthe latter, Bo Daoyou, Zhi Dun, Huiyuan, and Baozhi. A category of “Daoist-imbued reclusion” would be analogous to “Buddhistimbued reclusion,” but with devotion to the Daoist religion. As above, DaoistW e may remember too that the central government had the discretional authority, en­ acted especially during periodic proscriptions of particular religious institutions, to mandate that a religious man return to lay life. Under those conditions, one might then be faced with deciding whether to respond to the call to office. The case of Tang Huixiu mentioned in the “Introduction” is an example of a religious man’s being made to leave the priesthood on im­ perial command, and subsequently serving as a high official.

imbued reclusion would not describe religious reclusion per se, even though the men-in-reclusion may have dedicated their pursuits to the religious beliefs and observances of the Daoist church(es), and even though some of them may have ■chosen to practice reclusion as their way of life for religious reasons. Daoistimbued reclusion would be indicative of individual pursuit while in reclusion, and not reclusion as one ofthe possible ways of conducting one’s life in devotion to the Daoist religion. For Daoist-imbued reclusion the lay/clerical division is not relevant, of course, as it was not requisite that a Daoist priest renounce all worldly functions. Representative examples of Daoist-imbued reclusion are Dong Jing, Zhang Zhong, Chu Boyu, Gu Huan, and Lu Xiujing. Patrimonial retirement” might be a suitable catchall term for the phe­ nomenon of a seeming heritage of reclusion, wherein a tradition of private life is traced inter vivos through generations of individuals who chose reclusion as their way of life. While this grouping actually should not constitute a pattern in itself— the individuals themselves properly might fit other patternsduring the Six Dynasties the phenomenon is widespread enough to be noticeable. In­ cluded would be members of the Zhai, Zong, Gong, and Guo families. Patterns evident in the accounts of Six Dynasties practitioners of reclusion help to characterize the nature of reclusion and contextualize its portrayal. Yet individuals are individual, of course, and the legacy of Six Dynasties men-inreclusion ordinarily will contribute in a particular way to the sum total of the traces of reclusion. The lives of two men, Tao Hongjing and Tao Qian, were singularities during their times, and thus cannot be said to have characterized the practice of reclusion during the Six Dynasties. But both contributed in a special way to the practice and, especially, the portrayal of reclusion in tradi­ tional China, leaving a marked imprint on traditional Chinese culture. As will be apparent, Tao Hongjing is important because of who he was; Tao Qian is important because of who he told us he was. Tao Hongjing (456-536) was a great polymath ofhis age: historian, expert on medicine and especially pharmacology, adept of both the practical and occult arts, and prodigious man of religion.8Although he held a number of posts in the central administration during the late Song and the early Qi, he retired permanently •Standard accounts, secular and religious, ofthe life of Tao Hongjing include: Liang shu 51.742-43; Nan shi 76.1897-1900; the several biographies in Yunji qiqian 107.1477-85; Xuan pin /w3.81-84; and Lishi zhenxian Hdao tongjian 24.i2b-23b. See also Michel Strickmann*s most eloquent discussions of Tao Hongjing and his life, esp. in “On the Alchemy of Tao Hungching广Le Tao'isme du Mao chan: Chronique d'une relation,and “The Mao shan Revela­ tions. See also Mugitani Kunio, “T6 Kokei nempo koryakuM; as well as Ishii Masako’s examination of the sources for reconstructing Tao, s life, KTo Kokei denki ko,n and her ltDdkydgaku no kenkyu: To Kokei 0 chushin m_.”

from government service in 492 at thirty-five years of age.9The accomplishments of Tao Hongjing were manifold and significant, especially his contributions to the Daoist religion, virtually all of which were made after his retirement The reclu­ sion of Tao Hongjing~at least the portrayal of such— also was singular. When Tao retired from his last appointment at court he was given a sendoff banquet that, according to all accounts, was unique in recent history, both for its grandeur and for the host of high ministers in attendance as well-wishers. After having “gone into reclusion” in the Mao shan locale in Jurong,10 some forty kilometers southeast of the capital, Tao took to referring to himself, even in correspondence and public writings, by the appellation Dweller-in-Reclusion at Huayang (Huayangyinju );11but while he was in reclusion, he was not re­ clusive. Not only was he surrounded by disciples for most of his retirement, but he also had close and frequent contact with the highest officials at court, in­ cluding Shen Yue.12He was also confidant and advisor to Xiao Yan (464-549), founder of the Liang dynasty and known posthumously as the Martial Em­ peror, Wu di (reg. 502-49). Tao had come to Xiao’s notice during the Song; later, when Xiao, recently appointed king of Liang, was just about to take over the rule of the empire, Tao was quick to provide prophetic “verifications” of dynastic change that through glyphomancy formed the character Hang (lit.: “bridge,” being the name of Xiao’s kingdom), the name Xiao would choose for his new dynasty. After Xiao Yan was established as emperor, “letters and queries were [exchanged] without pause; [official] caps and baldachins passed one by another [in succession on trips between the court and Tao’s residence].”13Further, “Each time there was any great affair of state, either something that might lead to auspicious or baleThe date of Tao’s memorial to the throne requesting permission to retire is given as 493 (the fifth month of the eleventh year of the Yongming reign, renshen year) in the account of Tao’s life by his nephew Tao Yi; see Yunji qiqian 107.1480. However, the year renshen (and most certainly the fifth month of that year) would correspond to the tenth year of the Yong­ ming reign, 492. IDThe Tao clan came south to the Danyang area at the close of the Han, and had had personal and financial interests in Jurong since the time of Tao Hongjing*sancestor Jun, who had been marquis of Jurong before surrendering to the Jin in 280. nHuayang was the name for the “grotto heaven” located at Maoshan in Jurong. See Tao YVs account in Yunji qiqian 107.1481; see also Liang shu 51.742 and Nan shi 76.1897. According to Sima Chengzhen’s Tiandi gongfu tut the eighth of the ten major “grotto heavens” was at the mountain in Juqu (i.e., Mao shan), and was called the Golden Altar, Huayang*s Grotto Heaven; it was presided over by the transcendent Ziyang (in life known as Zhou Yishan, fl. first century B.C.E.); see Yunji qiqian 27.402. l2At the very least, the two exchanged a number of poems and discussed in correspon­ dence the entry of Buddhism into China; see Mather, The Poet Shen Yueht pp. 115-20,138-40. i3Liang shu 51.743; Nan shi 76.1899.

fill [consequences], or something concerning a [military] campaign, the emperor would always first consult with him. In the space of a month there often were a number of missives exchanged, and people of the time referred to him as Grand Councilor Mid the Mountains’ {shanzhongzaixiang)*HA When Tao Hongjing had withdrawn from officialdom with imperial consent in 492, he was bequeathedthe bundled silks customarily given to retiring officials. His local jurisdiction was ordered to provide him monthly with five jirt (at that time about one and a half kilograms) of the tuberous fir tree root fungus fuling (pachyma cocos) and two sheng (about six liters) of white honey to accommodate his macrobiotic ingestions.15Tao maintained close ties to the court throughout his life, and the sponsorship of his life in reclusion spanned two dynasties and lasted over forty years, from his retirement in 492 until his death in 536. Tao’s support for more than thirty of those years came from his special association with the Liang emperor Wu, including sponsorship of a four-year religious (and specifically al­ chemical) pilgrimage to the southeast (508—12), and the construction in 514—15of a “state-sponsored hermitage” (gongguan) for him to live and work in. The latter donation, at least, was to aid Tao in effecting an alchemical elixir for the emperor himself, a project begun in 504 and perhaps realized in 525.16 The degree and nature of sponsorship evidenced in Tao Hongjing’s reclusion was unprecedented in the history of reclusion.17 Imperial sanction and support for worthy men-in-reclusion had been part of the dynastic enterprise at least since Han Fu was publicly acclaimed by the emperor in 80 B.C.E. and sent home to edify, and receive yearly support from, his local district. And support for reclusion might come from the local rich and powerful, as seen above, especially in the anecdotes concerning Xi Chao’s support of Dai Kui and others in the mid fourth century. But Tao Hongjing’s engagement with the court while in reclusion, and in particular the portrayal of his association with Liang Wu di, draws an image of a “titled” retirement wherein, at least figuratively, the “recluse” has hegemony over the official. Tao Hongjing’s retirement is the greatest example of imperial bequeathal of the wherewithal for the pursuit of a vocation in retirement, and of the sponsorship of reclusion in general. But while it may uNan shi 76.1899; Xuan pin /1/3.83. l5Tao Yi’s account writes two dou of honey (one dou was equal to five sheng at the time, sp that would be about thirty liters); see Yunji qiqian 107.1481. Whatever the specific quanti­ ses* one assumes that the implication is that the amounts were considerable. ■ 6See Strickmann, “On the Alchemy of Tao Hung-ching, ” pp. 143, 151-59,163. HThere certainly were earlier tales of support, although in most cases the historicity of the accounts may be problematic at best. For instance, King Mu of the Zhou is said to have constructed a tiered pavilion “in order to host men possessing the Way,” including such personages as Yin Gui, Du Chong, and “five recondite disengaged persons who arrived from afar.” See Xuan pin lu 1,2; and my “Record ofOccultists; ' pp. 449-50.

be singular in its magnitude, it reflects a pattern of support for reclusion (as well as the portrayal of such) that became increasingly visible during the Six Dynas­ ties, and became increasingly prevalent during the centuries that followed. Tao Hongjing was by any measure an extraordinary individual, and he is portrayed as such in both secular and religious sources. Secular sources gener­ ously supply anecdote and imagery to amplify the facts of his existence, secur­ ing his legacy as one of the eminent men of his time; Daoist materials chronicle his life, his contributions to the faith, and his own religious achievements, and literally elevate him to the status of a god. The account of Tao Hongjing in the Xuan pin lu of Zhang Yu (ca. 1280-ca. 1350),a Daoist priest and literatus who himself lived at Mao shan, provides a discreet and characteristic treatment of the man and his life that by and large bridges secular biography and religious hagiography. It is an exemplary account of an exemplary practitioner of reclu­ sion, and is translated here in full.18 Tao Hongjing, styled Tongming [Penetrating and Perspicacious], was a man of Mo­ ling [just outside the capital Jinling, modern Nanjing, Jiangsu]. At age ten, when he obtained Ge Hong’s Lives of Divine Transcendents [Shenxian zhuan] and read it, he said to someone, “When I look up at the blue-backed clouds and gaze at the white sun, I don’t feel that they are distant.wHis expression and bearing were radiant and refined, with bright eyes and wide brow, slender body, long forehead, and high ears. On his right knee there were several tens of black spots forming a design of the seven

stars [of the Dipper]. He read more than ten thousand rolls of books, and if there was a single thing about which he was not knowledgeable, he considered it a deep shame. He was skilled at the zither and chess, and practiced in cursive and official script. He had not yet been capped [at age twenty] when [the future] Emperor Gao of the Qi [Xiao Daocheng, 427-82],then acting as grand councilor, brought him in as reader-in-waiting; he was selected as master audience attendant, and he often was re­ lied on for age-old matters [i.e., historical and canonical precedents]. As his family was poor, he sought appointment as his district’s magistrate, but he did not get his wish. In the tenth year of the Yongming reign [492] he shed his court attire, hanging it on the Shenwu Gate, and submitted a memorial resigning from his emolument; it was decreed that he be so allowed. He was bestowed bundled silks, and it was ordered that

the jurisdiction where he resided monthly provide him five jirt of fuling fungus and two sheng of white honey to accommodate his macrobiotic ingestions. When he was to '"During the Yuan and the Ming, the Xuan pin lu provided conventional hagiographical accounts of exemplary adepts in the Dao for both Daoist and secular readership. It circulated independently for a time, but for the last century or so was available only in the Dao zang until published in a limited, collated edition by Yan Yiping in 1974 (in Daojiao yanjiu ziliao diyiji). It is a Daoist hagiography, to be sure, but in this case it is an esoteric source only in the sense of not being widely available, for the bulk of the account of Tao Hongjing reiterates (and in places abbreviates) material from other more widely available ustandardMsources, especially the Nan shi.

set off, dukes and ministers sent him off [with a banquet and ceremony invoking luck on his journey] at the Zhenglu Pavilion; it was said by all, “Through the Song and the

Qi dynasties, never has there been anything like this.” Thereupon he went to stay atjuqu Mountain in Jurong [i.e., Mao Shan], where he established a center for learning in the mountains. He gave himself the appellation Dweller-in-Reclusion at Huayang, and used “Dweller-in-Reclusion” instead of his name on correspondence in the mortal world. Earlier, he had received instruction on [Daoist] talismans, charts, and scriptures from [the Daoist master] Sun Youyue of Dongyang, and had traveled extensively throughout the various famous mountains south of the [Yangzi] River, searching after the various traces of perfection of Yang

[Yang Xi, 330-?] and the Xus [Xu Mi, 303-73, and his son Hui, 341-ca. 370]. Once he told someone, “I have seen the vermilion gates and vast edifices [of the imperial palace], yet even though I know their resplendence and pleasures, I have no wish in my heart to go. Yet after gazing at the high cliffs and viewing the great lowlands, knowing these it is hard to stay put, and straightaway I constantly wish to go to them. Moreover,during the Yongming reign [483-93] I sought after emolument and promptly knew I was mistaken; if not so, then how could I be doing what I’m doing now?” As a person, the Master was flexible and accommodating, modest and respectful; he understood intuitively when to issue forth [into the public world] and when to stay put. His mind was like a shiny mirror, and he comprehended things as soon as he en­ countered them. His words were never tedious or confused, and what he did say was invariably illuminating. At the beginning of the Yongyuan reign [499], he further constructed a threetiered pavilion, his disciples and guests living below him, and forthwith severed rela­ tions with the mundane. He especially loved the wind in the pines, and listened to its reverberations with pleasure. At times he would tramp alone the stream-laden ridges, and those who saw him from afar thought he was a transcendent. By nature he was fond of composition and exegesis, and esteemed the peculiar and exceptional. He was

particularly proficient in yinyang and the Five Phases; in augury according to the winds; in astrological reckoning; in the topology of mountains and waters; in the pro­ duction of things of all types; in medical arts and pharmacology; in the consecution of rulers and the succession of the years. He once fashioned an armillary sphere some three feet tall in which the Earth was at the center and the heavens rotated while the Earth stood still; it was operated by a mechanism and completely corresponded with the heavens. He said that it was something necessary for cultivation in the Daoist way. He deeply respected how Zhang Liang had conducted himself, saying that he was peerless among the Worthies of the past At the end of the Q i [ca. early 502],he

prophesied: “Water, sword-blade, and wood form the character Xiang [bridge].” When the armies of [Xiao Yan, the future] Emperor W u of the Liang reached Xincheng [just outside of the capital], he [Tao Hongjing] sent his disciple Dai Mingzhi to use the quickest route to memorialize [the prophesy] • When he heard of deliberations about the succession to the throne, the Master solicited a number o f specialists in diagram prognostication; they all formulated the character Mang, and he had his disciple present these [to the court]. The emperor earlier had had associations with Tao, and when he took the throne his grace and courtesy were all the more generous.

The "Master had already obtained sacred talismans and secret formularies; each time his marvelous elixirs were suspended [due to lack of ingredients] after repeated compounding, the emperor provided him pharmacological substances. Moreover, as there were confirmatory verifications when he [the emperor] ingested the Sublimated Elixir that Tao had concocted, he increasingly honored and respected him. When he obtained writings submitted by Tao, he burned incense and received them with rever­ ence. When the emperor had him compile a chronology, he [Tao] added a vermilion mark by the year yisi) which in truth was the third year of the Taiqing reign [549; the year in which the emperor would die] _

The emperor summoned him by handwritten decree, and bestowed on him a deerskin head covering [as befitting a man-in-reclusion]. In response Tao but painted two bovines: one bovine was loosed free among the water plants, one wore a gold bri­ dle and had a person holding its halter, driving it along with a staff. The emperor laughed, saying, “There is nothing this man will not do. As he wishes to imitate a tor­ toise dragging his tail [in the mud, as in the example Zhuangzi had used for freedom from engagement in the government], how could there be reason for presuming he could be brought in [to serve]?” On great affairs of state, the emperor always first con­ sulted with him, and in the space of a month there often were a number of letters ex­ changed; people of the time referred to him as Grand Councilor M id the Mountains. In the fourth year of the Tianjian reign [505],he moved his residence to the stream on the east of Accumulated Gold [Ridge] [Jijin shan, between the Greater and the Middle of the three Mao Shan “peaks”],in order to practice the highest Daoist arts. After living in reclusion some forty-odd years, when his years had passed eighty he still had a robust appearance. Books about transcendents say, “Those whose eyes are square have a thou­ sand years of longevity.” In the Master’s later years, one eye at times was square. As he was profoundly versed in arcane arts, he had foreknowledge that the imperial sovereignty of the Liang was soon to be overturned; he composed a prophetic poem, which went: Yifu gave reign to his unrestrained behavior; Pingshu but sat discoursing on the Void. How would they answer at Zhaoyang Hall, When it transformed into a Shanyu's palace?19 He secreted the poem in a trunk, and only after his departure due to transforma­ tion [i.e” his death] did his disciples take it out. At the end of the Datong reign [ca. 544-46], scholars in office vied in discussion of arcane reasoning and did not prepare in military affairs. When Hou Jing usurped power [at the end of 551; n.b_: Hou was not an ethnic Chinese], he indeed situated himself in the Zhaoyang Hall. Foretelling the date, Tao knew in advance the day of his own demise, and com­ l9Yifu is Wang Yan (256-311), a free soul and participant in arcane repartee who paid more attention to self-interest than the common good when in office; as noted above, he was captured and put to death by a conquering chieftain. Pingshu is He Yan (ca. 190-249), a dandy given to dissipation, also known for his arcane discourse; when in office he placed his cohorts, all devotees of “pure conversation,” in positions of power. He was executed when the clique to which he belonged fell. Shanyu refers to a non-Chinese chieftain.

posed a “Composition Announcing My Departure.” He died in the second year of the Datong reign [536] at eighty-one years of age [eighty by Western reckoning]. He was granted [posthumously] the rank of Palace Attendant Grandee, and was conferred the posthumous title Master Undefiled and Unsullied [Zhenbai xiansheng]. A book he wrote, Document on the Mountain World [i.e., monasteries; Shanshi shu], amounted to several hundreds of rolls; disciples and those who received his instruction numbered more than three thousand. His nephew Tao Yi wrote a Record of the Essential Activities of Master Tao,Dwellerin-Retirement at Huayang [Huayangyinju Tao xiansheng benqi lu]. [In the year 492] Xie Yue of Wuxing wrote a Concise Life of Master Tao [Tao xiansheng xiaozhuan]. Li Bo [of the Tang] wrote a Life ofMao Shan's Master Undefiled and Unsullied of the Liang {Liang Maoshan Zhenbai xiansheng zhuan). Jia Song [of the Tang] wrote a Privied Bi-

ography of Tao the Perfected One, Supervisor of Waterways at Penglai [the Blessed Isles] [Penglai dushuijian Tao zhenren neizhuan].20 And during the Xuanhe reign [of the Song] [on 12 September 1124],21there was the “[Imperial] Declaration Granting [Post­ humous] Entitlement as the Perfected One Who Reverences the Mystery and Furthers the Teachings” [“Feng zongyuan (i.e., zongxuan) yijiao zhenren gao”].22

About a century prior to Tao Hongjing, Tao Qian (365-427; n.b.: the men were not related) left a provincial posting to live out his life in reclusion. He had not earned a reputation in office before his retirement, nor was he notable to his contemporaries for his worthiness, his mettle, his erudition, or for any particu­ lar skills. He did not receive imperial favor in reclusion, as would Tao Hongjing, and his living circumstances were in most ways antithetical to those of Tao Hongjing. Yet Tao Qian is probably the most familiar and the most renowned practitioner of reclusion in China.23 20These first three biographies are found in Yunji qtqian 107.1477-85. Jia Song’s account is also known as Privied Biography of Dweller-in~Retirement Tao of Huayang (Huayang Tao Yinju neizhuan; TT300). 21See Mao shan zhi 4.10b for the date of this “Declaration.” 22Xuan pin lu 3.81-83; cf. Nan shi 76.1897-1900. The translation for the most part follows my Record of Occultists,” pp. 461-64, but omits the twelfth-century imperial declaration of posthumous entitlement. 23For the primary sources for Tao Qian’s life, and the principal collections and studies of his writings, see: Yan Yanzhi (384-456), “Tao zhengshi lei,15in Wen xuan 57.i5a-2oa; Song shu 93.2286-90; Xiao Tong, “Tao Yuanming zhuan,Min Tao Yuanmingji (Sbck); Nan shi 75.185660; Jin shu 9 4 -24 ^o—63;the anonymous Lian she gaoxian zhuan; Tao Yuanming juan; Xu yimin>Tao Yuanming nianpu; YangYong, Tao Yuanmingjijiaojian; Lu Qinli, Tao Yuanming P'y Oyane Bunjiro, To Enmei kenkyu; Donald Holzman, “A Dialogue with the Ancients: Tao pian’s Interrogation of ConfUcius” ; James Robert Hightower, The Poetry ofVao ChHen, and The Fu of T ao Ch ien ; A. R. Davis, T}ao Yuan-ming: His Works and Their Meaning; Kang-i Sun Chang, Six Dynasties Poetry,pp. 3-46; Charles Yim-tze Kwong, Tao Qian and the Chinese Poetic Truditioni and Obi Koichi, Chugoku no inton shisd, pp. 123—66. See also Fuji Masaharu*s insightful treatment of Tao Qian in his Chugoku no injat pp. 149-215; at the end of his treatment of Tao Qian, Fuji reproduces the account of an encounter in the year 1900 be-

Tao Qian held on and off several undistinguished positions, all outside the capital, before permanently retiring in December of 405 at the age of forty from his job as magistrate of Pengze (a regional center close to his native home in Ji­ angxi). He retired from that post after only some eighty days on the job, dis­ tressed at having “made my mind my bod/s slave.”24His reasons for retiring, he writes, ostensibly concerned compromising his personal ideals and innate na­ ture. According to the traditional portrayal, Tao supposedly quit his office after being told by a functionary that he ought to straighten up his clothing and pay his respects to a visiting inspector. He is reputed to have said, “How could I, for the sake of five pecks of rice, bend at the waist before some country bumpkin?”25 As he tells it in his preface to “The Return,” the poetical tour de force he wrote upon retirement, he quit “because my instinct is all for freedom, and will not brook discipline or restraint. Hunger and cold may be sharp, but this going against myself really sickens me. Whenever I have been involved in official life I was mortgaging myself to my mouth and belly, and the realization of this greatly upset me. I was deeply ashamed that I had so compromised my princi­ ples.1,26Tao complements this reasoning in the opening lines of a poem proba­ bly written during the summer of 406, shortly after his retirement: From early days I have been at odds with the world; My instinctive love is hills and mountains. By mischance I fell into the dusty net And was thirteen years away from home.27

tween the Japanese Sinologist Kano Naoki and a direct descendant of Tao Qian who was anything but retired. I myselfmet a rural gentleman named Tao Zhugui in 1986 during a visit to the principal shrine to Tao Qian near his one-time residence; the man told me he was the fifty-eighth generation descendent of Tao Qian. “See Tao,s “The Return” ( “Guiqulai xi ci”)in Wen xuan 45.19a; and Tao Yuanmingji jiaojian, p. 267 (as well as in his various biographies). The translation is by Hightower in The Poetry of Tao Ch, ient p. 268. 35See the various versions of this famous excuse in Song shu 93.2287; Jin shu 94.2461; Nan shi 75.1857; and Xiao Tong’s biography of Tao. (Xiao’sbiography of Tao Qian can be found in many editions of Tao’s works; the earliest source for it was a Song edition of Tao’s works, re­ printed in Sbck.) The earliest source may have been the/in zhongxing shu of He Fasheng (fifth century); see Beitang shuchao 78.9a. See the discussion of the anecdote by Davis in Tao Yuan-ming, vol. 2, pp. 179-80, which also points to various interpretations ofthe significance of “five pecks of rice” ; my rendering of Tao*s words owes to Davis's translation on p. 171. 2fiSee Tao*s “The Return, Tao Yuanmingjijiaojian, p. 266; trans. by Hightower in The Poetry ofVao Ch’ien,p. 268. 27From “Returning to the Farm to Dwell,” no. 1 (“Gui yuantian ju,MTao Yuanmingji jiaojian, p. 56); the translation is by Hightower, The Poetry df Tao Ch’ien, p. 50. Hightower has emended the text from “thirty years” (sanshi nian) to “thirteen years” (shisan nian) fol­ lowing a commentary (see p. 51). A. R. Davis follows another suggested emendation; on the

Thus, according to these literary portrayals of Tao Qian by Tao Qian, he chose life in reclusion because of his nature and personal ideals.28 Much of what Tao Qian writes describes Tao Qian in reclusion, and that, as will be seen, is what has made him so renowned. In one widely read piece of writing he depicts an anonymous recluse he calls Master Five Willows, a thinly veiled Tao Qian surrogate constructed in a patchwork masterpiece of “autofictography” (that is, a contrived self-portrayal, a Active account in biographical format with himself as the protagonist, without being so named). Even while being unabashedly iconographic, according to Tao’s biographers “people of the time said it was a true account.”29The account goes as follows (minus the cul­ minating appraisal): I don’t know where this gentleman was bom and I am not sure of his name, but be­ side his house were five willow trees, from which he took his nickname. He was of placid disposition and rarely spoke. He had no envy of fame or fortune. He was fond of reading, without puzzling greatly over difficult passages. When he came across something to his liking he would be so delighted he would forget his meals. By nature various suggestions, see his remarks in Tao Yuan-mingy vol. 2,pp. 38-39. More important than the emendation and import of this line are the implications of line two: here we should do well to take note of Donald Holzman, s remarks, incontrovertible to my mind, that in these lines “we should understand the words ‘hills and mountains' to be equivalent to ‘rivers and l a k e s , ' t h a t is to say, ‘the country, far from the court and political life., MSee “A Dialogue with the Ancients: Tao Qian’s Interrogation of ConfUcius广pp. 27-28. Tao Qian did not live in the mountains, and his writings do not indicate that he was a lover of moun­ tains or landscape, even while asserting his love for his own rural locus. 280 r, in the words of Donald Holzman, “All Tao Qian tells us about his reasons for leav­ ing government service is that he is unsuited to it and that he yearns to return home and live retired with his family in peace.” See “A Dialogue with the Ancients,wp. 15. At least since Shen Yue, many have maintained throughout ^ie centuries that Tao Qian refused to serve under the Song as an act of protest and a demonstration of loyalty to the fallen Jin. (This view of course seeks to mitigate the seeming inconsistency that Tao had withdrawn under the Jin and had been in retirement already for fifteen years when Liu Yu, under whom Tao once briefly served, founded the Song.) Evidence is largely by innuendo, reading deeply behind the lines of Tao*s poems and constructing a chronological matrix for interpretation (and, often, applying a bit of historical hindsight). Davis (Tao Yuan-ming) is not convinced that Tao、reclusion was a political stance, and he addresses the issues in his commentary to the great majority of Tao、poems. Holzman, however, does see evidence in Tao’s poetry that would indicate him to have been a “Jin loyalist," although he comments, “My belief cannot of course be proved, but this way of looking at Tao Qian*s biography seems the most satisfy­ ing to me”; see “A Dialogue with the Ancients/* pp. 14-15. . I9This statement, and the accompanying biography, are found in nearly all standard ac­ counts of Tao Qian. A Daoist tradition also equated Tao Qian and Master Five Willows; see Sandong qunxian lu 6.1b. According to Sima Chengzhen’s Dongtian fudi, Master Five W il­ lows lived in reclusion at the forty-seventh of the Blessed Lands, Huxi Mountain in the juris­ diction ofPengze; see Yunji qiqian 27, p. 410.

he liked wine, but being poor could not always come by it. Knowing the circum­ stances, his friends and relatives would invite him over when they had wine. He could not drink without emptying his cup, and always ended up drunk, after which he would retire, unconcerned about what might come. He lived alone in a bare little hut which gave no adequate shelter against rain and sun. His short coat was torn and patched, his cooking pots were frequently empty, but he was unperturbed. He used to write poems for his own amusement, and in them can be seen something of what he thought. He had no concern for worldly success, and so he ended his days.30 Tao’s self-projection as the quintessential recluse informs much of his writing about Tao Qian. This includes what might have served as his own final assessment of his life, “In Sacrifice for Myself* (“Zi ji wen”),written the final year of his life; a portion pf the rhymed text of this piece follows: From the time that I became a man, I have met with poverty of fortune. My “basket and gourd” were often empty; Linen clothes were put out for winter.31 Yet full ofjoy I drew water from the valley; Walking with a song, I bore firewood on my back. Secluded is my rustic home, Which has occupied my nights and days. Spring and autumn alternate; There was always work in the garden. Now I weeded; now I hoed; So crops grew, so they flourished. I delighted myselfwith books; I sang to my seven-string lute. In winter I basked in the sun; In summer bathed in the spring. My labours were without excessive toil; My mind had constant leisure. I rejoiced in my destiny, accepted my lot; And so lived out my “hundred years.”32 This may well have been Tao Qian to Tao Qian, but that we cannot know; at the least, it is Tao Qian to his readers by Tao Qian. But what Tao Qian writes 30“Wuliu xiansheng zhuan,Min Tao Yuanming ji jiaojiant p. 287; the translation is by Hightower, The Poetry of Tao Ch’ierh p. 4- See also the full and annotated translation by Davis, Tao Yiian-ming, vol. i, pp. 208-9; vol. 2, pp. 146-47. And cf. Kwong, Tao Qiant pp. 7881. ■ 3lHere, as pointed out by the translator and by commentaries, “linen clothes” would have been coarse and thin for summer wear. 32Tao Yuanmingji jiaojian, p. 310; the translation is by Davis, Tao Yiian-mingy vol. 1, p. 241. Cf. Hightower, The Poetry ofVao Ch’ien,p. 6.

about Tao Qian goes well beyond simple iconography, as any reader will know, for Tao Qian portrays himself with a fullness and complexity that is both un­ precedented in Chinese poetry before him and so seemingly candid and unassuming that it appears utterly convincing. An epitome is the following poem, written to match the rhymes of another’s poem, now lost: The trees before the house grow thick, thick In midsummer they store refreshing shade. The gentle southern breeze arrives on time, It soothes my heart as it blows and whirls my gown. I have renounced the world to have my leisure And occupy myselfwith lute and books. The garden produce is more than plentiful—

Of last year’s grain some is left today. What one can do oneself has its limits; More than enough is not what I desire. I crush the grain to brew a first-rate wine And when it is ripe I pour myselfa cup. My little son, who is playing by my side, Has begun to talk, but cannot yet pronounce. Here is truly something to rejoice in It helps me to forget the badge of rank. The white clouds I watch are ever so far away—

How deep my yearning is for ages past.33 The poem’s content exudes contentment— at least with the particular life being described— but it also goes far beyond simple appreciation of the simple life of a simple person in simple circumstances. (The final couplet sees to it that no one misses this point, for in providing closure it also reopens the previous lines to reconsideration.) 4This may well be the essential Tao Qian as portrayed Reply to Secretary Guo” ( “He Guo zhubu” ),no. 1, in Tao Yuanmingji jiaojian, pp. 92-93; the translation is by Hightower, from The Poetry of Tao CWien, p. 79. Cf. Davis, Tao Yuan-mingj vol. 1’ pp. 67-68.

Commentators invariably find the closing couplet difficult to interpret, especially the apparent disquiet of the final line about longing for the past. See, for example, the discussions by Hightower (pp. 80-81); Davis, Vao Yuan-mingy vol. 1,pp. 67-68; Burton Watson, Chinese Lyricism, pp. 77-79;and Kwong, Tao Qianypp. 140-41. Perhaps the implication is

that in the distant past of great peace all men lived contented as described in the bulk ofthe poem, whereas at present Tao Qian feels alone on his farmstead. (He tells us in the fifth line

that he has severed relations with others, even though the poem is in reply to another, most likely a friend; the content and wording of the poem to which Tao is responding are unknown.) Or, quite the opposite, and to my mind more compelling, the final line may signal the protagonist s unresolved discontentment, and may be a direct reply to the situation pre-

sented in the preceding couplet, which might more literally be rendered: “As these things [just related] are genuine (zhen) and joyous (le)y/ For a time Vii use them to forget about

by Tao Qian, for much of Tao Qian’s poetry about Tao Qian balances simplicity with complexity, equanimity with disquiet. Most of what we understand about Tao’s life in reclusion— his lyrical musings on how and why, as well as his descriptions of what— is through the filter of his poetry and other literary pieces. Tao*s self-portrayal in The Return, in the pieces iminediately above, and in a good number of other poems, casts an im ­ age ofthe man, his outlook, and his circumstances that is, by and large, Tao Qian for posterity; it is this aspect of Tao Qian’swritings that has overspread the way in which he has come to be appreciated. Writing about drinking and farming, of freedom and the natural world, of simplicity in life and needs (as well as of “accepting his lot” and finding his peace in the Way, all the while tem­ pered and enlivened by a touch of longing and a good dose of introspection), Tao Qian describes a humble and rustic life far from the madding crowd of court and marketplace. This description, for the most part in a magnificent po­ etic diction that is correspondingly unembellished and unaffected, although often quite uplifting or even exuberant, is in effect the main ingredient in a lit­ erary persona that may have outstripped much of the reality of Tao Qian’s ac­ tual existence.35Yet while many of the factual circumstances of Tao Qian’s life fancy hairpins/1Fancy hairpins of course are metonymy for officialdom (and thus, too, the attendant perquisites of office). Perhaps the beauty and naturalness of rural life can mo­ mentarily replace fulfillment of aspiration and duty as found through holding office; but oh! were the past the present, then maybe I would choose otherwise and not forsake my fancy hairpins, or in any case maybe I wouldn’t have this nagging longing. • •. Note that in tlie first of these lines just retranslated, it would go against linguistic normalcy for zhenfu le to mean, as others have translated, “true happiness, ” “truly delightful," or even "truly happy again.” The second of these lines owes greatly to the final line of Zuo Si’s best known and commonly echoed “Beckoning the Recluse” poem (“Zhao yin shi”)in Wen xuan 22.3a,and may carry with it more than mere linguistic affinity: reclusion is alluring, and it seems a good haven on the iife-path ofthe scholar-official, at least until one decides to move on. See my “Courting Disengagement.” 3SMost accounts of Tao’s life portray him much in the manner that Tao has portrayed himself. This includes the earliest account of Tao Qian, by his younger contemporary Yan Yanzhi (who actually knew Tao), as well as the accounts by Shen Yue and Xiao Tong a few generations later. On Tao Yuanming’s literary persona, see Stephen Owen’s assertive discus­ sion in “The Selfs Perfect Mirror: Poetry as Autobiography,” pp. 76-88; Davis, Tao Yuanming, vol. i, pp. 3-4; and the criticisms of these views by Kwong, Tao Qian and the Chinese Poetic Tradition, pp. 77-82. See also Kang-i Sun Chang, Six Dynasties Poetry, pp. 16-28. I personally am satisfied that by and large Tao Qian’s lyricism indeed does portray Tao Qian the man in a largely unaffected, if not guileless, manner, even while adroitly embellishing the ■ portrayal with seemly literary flourish. But as to whether Tao was purposefully constructing a particular literary persona (a kind of projected self, adopted and portrayed in writing), or whether he was sincerely attempting to depict his actual circumstances, or, for that matter, whether he was mindful to the issues of self and representation at all (and if so, to what de­ gree): Tao Qian’s intentions are not to be known. What can be judged is how Tao Qian and

may have been lost, or at least may have been conflated with literary garnish, Tao Qian’s description of Tao Qian nevertheless has fostered a potent virtual vitality for Tao Qian through the centuries; this is due, perhaps, to its fullness and to its largely universal appeal. Tao Qian spent some thirteen years as a practicing (and likely conflicted) “scholar-official》 ” and twenty-two years as a practicing (and likely conflicted) man-in-reclusion. Tao was unsuccessful as an official, but he has left a great and indelible contribution to the scholar-official class nonetheless, as well as to the general cultural ethos of traditional China— and abroad. He was largely re­ sponsible for both a new and appealing mien for the scholar-official in retirement, and for a new and enduring formulation of the topos of reclusion. Around a half-millennium before Tao Qian, the portrayal of the Four Hoaryheads had headlined a new direction in the formulation of reclusion, wedding the aspect of withdrawal into a benign wilderness to the topos of re­ tirement on account of a basically Confucian^ disapproval of the prevailing government and times. In the portrayal of this formulation, however, attention is focused only on the worthiness of the individual and the circumstances pre­ cipitating withdrawal. The locale to which one withdraws and the life that one leads in retirement are important only in terms of demonstrating distance from the court and the maintenance of one’s virtue: there is little attention given to the dimensionality of life in reclusion through description of environment, habitation, or individual pursuits. Other practitioners of redusion, too, opted for the unsullied environs away from the centers of civilization, but again we know little of their lives in reclusion.36W ith Tao Qian, the case is different: Tao Qian opts for reclusion because of personal predilection, we are told, but, most important, we are provided with a great deal of information concerning the man5s immediate locale, his pursuits, and his thoughts and feelings while in re­ clusion. To an unprecedented extent, we feel that we “knov/’ the man.37 works came to be viewed through time, and how others made use of the legacy of Tao Qian and his writings. ^Zhuangzi preferred the wilderness, of course, but we know only his motivations, not his doings (except for his fishing • • •), and the wilderness is generic, not elaborated upon. Yan Ziling and Wang Ba of the Later Han also are said to have withdrawn to the wilderness, the former to a fishing spot, the latter to a rural existence; but neither has left any writings de­ scribing his life in reclusion. 37In a sense the historical development beginning in the Han toward a greater degree of individualization and away from stock (or at least largely imagistic) portrayal is reversed with Tao Qian: as had happened with the Four Hoaryheads before him, the image of the man quickly eroded much of the historical evidence for viewing the objective reality of his life. But this image of Tao Qian by Tao Qian himselfwas so powerfully poignant (and so appealing to belief) that soon there seemed little separation between the historical Tao Qian and Tao

We feel that we know Tao Qian, even while we know that what we know of him is largely a literary portrayal. And in most cases readers have found Tao Qian a sympathetic and appealing character. The portrayal of Tao Qian has much intrinsic allure, as well as a certain universality with which men of the scholar-official class could, in modern parlance, identify. To be sure, Tao Qian was not a simple man, and his writings clearly evince the complex nature and preoccupations of a thinking and feeling man who, at least in these writings, explores with uncommon sensitivity a broad panorama of the often conflicting intellectual and emotional schemas of early-medieval Chinese men of the scholar-official class. Thus the scholar-official (as well as the man-in-reclusion) might see aspects of himself reflected in Tao Qian, might live vicariously through the writings and depictions of Tao Qian, and might even at an appro­ priate juncture envision himself as “Tao Qian, ” taking up brush and ink to portray himselfwith a “Tao Qian” hue.38 Tao Qian’s life and writings provided men of the scholar-official class in traditional China with a new vision of life in reclusion. Literati could bring into play a “Tao Qian” topos in their writings; officials could occasionally adopt a “Tao Qian” mien; and practitioners of reclusion could live and depict a Tao Qian" lifestyle. According to Donald Holzman, Tao Qian effectively earmarks a change in medieval Chinese culture. He writes that Tao is attempting to broaden the criteria for what is and what is not suitable for a man of the ruling class; he is responding to the tremendous changes in thought and in social structure that have brought about a new, Medieval* era in Chinese history to allow a man faithful to traditional Chinese morality (what we call (Confucianism1in the West) to find legitimate pleasure outside of the narrow range of ac­ tivities permitted to the men of Antiquity in ‘the work itself,* jfs/ii, in our private lives.”39 Qian*s Tao Qian. Thus, in effect, the portrayal of Tao Qian does affirm the historical pattern of increased attention paid to the development of individuality in the portrayal of practitio­ ners of reclusion. ^Tao Qian’s tremendous presence in Chinese literature and Chinese culture has been occasioned much more through his literary persona(s) than through his life: his selfportrayal(s) now may seem blatantly iconographic, and his poetic descriptions of an idyllic state of hermitage now may seem overly abstracted, but if so that would be because their very potency and poignancy have occasioned their archetypal iteration and reiteration in tradi­ tional Chinese material and mental culture. As pointed out by A. R. Davis, “Because his selfimage was so perfect a literary creation, it was easy for others to identify themselves with it. T'ao Yuan-ming can be seen as a man who effectively created his own legend during his own lifetime” ; see his Vao Yuan-ming, vol.i, p. 3. See also Kang-i Sun Chang, Six Dynasties Poetry, p. 16. 39“A Dialogue with the Ancients,” pp. 20-21. Holzman elsewhere credits Tao Qian with “a much more complex, original attitude towards life and towards the world in general, an

Tao Qian, s expressions of attitude and lifestyle forever changed the por­ trayal of reclusion in traditional China; likewise, his phrases on field and gar­ den, on chrysanthemum and mulberry, neighbors and friends, and, especially, “the thing in the cup,” in great measure would become fixed as an indelible backdrop in the imagistic and linguistic vocabulary of Chinese poetics in gen­ eral, and especially that concerning the portrayal of the private life. Tao Qian was deemed the “patriarch of the poets of hermitage, past and present” (gujin yinyi shiren zhi zong) by Zhong Rong (468-518) in his evaluation of poets from the Han into the Liang.401would go so far as to call him the patriarch of “retirement as toposwbecause of his influence on the image and portrayal of reclusion in traditional Chinese culture. To a great extent, Tao Qian's retirement and life in reclusion would seem to have been the reconciliation of anima and persona; in any case, Tao’s writings established an idiom for the expression of the retired life in later literature. And while Tao Qian is a class unto himself in the Six Dynasties, he is the progenitor and model of a classic persona of retirement in China that was adopted by countless persons at one time or another during their lives and in their writings. The writings of literati in traditional China clearly reveal the important and pervasive role of the topos of reclusion within the scholar-official cultyre, and this topos owes much to the life and writings of Tao Qian. When he chose to, any writer might adopt a “Tao Qian” style persona and the topos of “life outside the world of public affairs,” expressing himself in the koine, as it were, of reclu­ sion. Examples are plentiful— most everyone left at least a poem, a turn of phrase, a pose. “Tao Qian” seems to have been especially present in the Song; readers probably will recognize him here and there in the writings, if not also the conduct, of such well-known practitioners of reclusion as Lin Bu (9671028)41and Shao Yong (1012—77X42and such well-known scholar-officials as Su attitude that enabled him to remain faithful to traditional values of loyalty and respect for the social order while realizing, thanks to his poetic imagination, a new land of fulfillment of his ambitions in retirement.” See his review of Six Dynasties Poetry, p. 246. 40This was Zhon^s assessment of Tao in his Shipinypointing out that in his estimation Tao*s poetry was by no means merely a simple description of rural life; see Xiao Huarong, ed., Shi pin zhushi B.116. While Tao Qian is placed in the middle rank in Zhongfs Shi pin> it is possible that originally he had been in the top rank (this possibility is founded on a quotation of the Shi pin in Taiping yulan 586.3a-b); for a brief discussion and reference to relevant scholarship, see Knechtges, trans., Wen xuant vol. 1, p. 512n. 247. "Lin Bu lived a simple life in reclusion in the hills not far from modern Hangzhou. He never took office (nor did he take a wife) and did not seek recognition or gain. He was given the posthumous appellation Hejing (Harmonious and Tranquil) by the emperor. See his collected poems in Hejing shiji (Sbby); and Max Perleberg, trans., Lin Ho-ching. °Shao Yong lived in reclusion at home in Luoyang for some fifty years, respected during his lifetime as one ofthe most learned men of his time, revered by officials and commoners alike for

Shi (1037-1101),43 Fan Chengda (1126-93),44 and Lu You (1125—1210),45 among many others. I began this study with these words: “In a Chinese landscape painting one commonly sees a lone robed scholar sitting beneath a cypress tree, trudging a deserted footpath, or crossing a small bridge over a wilderness torrent. And in his humility. He was intimate with such notables as Sima Guang and Fu Bi (1004-83), who pur­ chased for him the small cottage and garden Shao fondly called “Nest of Peace and Joy** (“Anle wo”). Shao was an accomplished poet and a profound thinker; Zhu Xi acknowledged Shao as one of the five founders of the (northern) Song school of philosophy. Like Tao Qian, Shao de­ scribed himself throughout his poetry, as well as in ei deligjitfiil piece of “autofictograph/,generically reminiscent ofTao*s “Biography of Mr. Five Willows.” As had been the case with Tao’s self-characterization, much of Shao Yong*s “Biography of the Gentleman with No Name” (“Wuming jun zhuan”)was adapted by historians in their official biographies of Shao; see my translation of this piece in Victor Mair, ed., The Columbia Anthology of Traditional Chinese Lit­ erature, pp. 751-56. On Shao’s year of birth, see my “On Shao Yong*s Dates (21 January 1012-27 July 1077).HShao’scollected poems are entitled/tran^ji. 43Among other literary affinities between Su and Tao, Su Shi composed mor夂than one hundred poems matching Tao*s rhymes. These were composed over several occasions late in his life, beginning in 1097, many of them in turn matched by his younger brother Su Che (1039-1112); the first set matched Tao’s “Having Drunk Wine, Twenty Poems•” Su Shi wrote to his brother, “I only am fond of Yuanming*s poetry.. •. Over time I have written matching compositions for 109 ofhis pieces, and I would say that in terms of purport I’m not too em­ barrassed before Yuanming. At the present Vm bringing them together as a record, to pass on to future “Princely Men” (junzi) so that they will remember me for them. Yet as for my own affinities for Yuanming, how could it be that I merely admired his poems? I truly have been affected by the way he conducted himself as a person.” See the letter quoted in Tao Yuanming juan, vol. 1, p. 35; see also the contextuaiized full version of the letter and discussion about the matched poems in Su Shi shiji 35.1881-83 (Su, s poems matching Tao’s rhymes can be found interspersed in juan 35-43,47 of this collection). See also Chen Yingji, “Zhongguo shiren shi yu yin de yanjiu: yi Tao Yuanming shiwen yu Su Dongpo zhi *He Tao shi* wei zhu•” “See his poetry in Shihujushi shiji (Sbck), especially his series of sixty “bucolic” poems of the four seasons, “Sishi tianyuan zaxing.” Fan also compiled a catalogue of chrysanthemums (Ju pu)t where he recognizes Tao Qian’s contributions to the appreciation of the flower. He writes in his preface, “Some unencumbered (lit.: of the mountain forests) connoisseurs compare the chrysanthemum to the Princely Man (junzi)-- Thus, of men unsurpassed in renown, not a one has not loved the chrysanthemum. Coming to Tao Yuanming, since he particularly loved them deeply the fame of the chrysanthemum has become increasingly heightened” See Fan's Jupu in Baichuan xuehai, “Bing ji.” 45Lu You wrote in a poem dated autumn 1193: My poems do reverence to Tao Yuanming~ But I hate not meeting his subtlety— A thousand years now without his match一 With whom might I feel at home? See Qian Zhonglian, ed., Jiannan shigaojiaozhu 27.1903. In truth, when he sought to, Lu You could sound a lot like Tao Qian, especially later in his years and more so after wine, and he has a great many poems to that effect, as can be readily seen in his collected works.

China’s best known ‘nature,poetry, the poet often extols the simple life ofthe worthy hermit and the serene tranquillity of his chosen residence.” This por­ trayal in poetry and painting, with which we are all familiar, of peaceful retreat in idyllic surroundings, of a timeless moment beyond the dust and din of the mundane world, is owed in great measure to Tao Qian. As I have said, I believe that Tao Qian is the most familiar and the most re­ nowned practitioner of reclusion in China. That is because of his writings about Tao Qian and Tao Qian's life in reclusion, and because of the reiteration of aspects of this legacy in traditional Chinese portrayals of retirement and the private life. Tao Qian also is famous, and justly so, for his “Peach Blossom Spring,Mperhaps the single best known and most widely influential work of Chinese literature. It is, of course, a portrayal of utopia that through the years has been interpreted either as actual or allegory, or in terms of its political, philosophical, religious, historical, sociological, economic, or literary and artistic origins and significance. The con­ tribution of Tao’s “Peach Blossom Spring*, to the image and portrayal of reclusion in literature and art is self-evident.46But as pointed out by James R. Hightower, Tao Qian^ description of utopia “differs in nearly every detail from the world of T’ao Ch’ien’s own experience.”47The same would be true as well for all men of all times. While many have expressed a wistfulness for such a time and such a place, and have depicted it in words or pictures throughout the centuries of traditional China, they are more likely to turn to Tao Qian's writings about Tao Qian in their real-world aspirations and lives, and in their portrayals of the topos of reclusion. This is perhaps due to the universal appeal of Tao Qian as portrayed in his writings,for the Tao Qian portrayed by Tao Qian has a bit of everyman in him, and thus anyman can be Tao Qian anywhere. Perhaps Tao’s appeal also is due to a certain je ne sais quoi, as Tao himself has expressed it in what is probably his best known, best loved, and most often cited poem: I built my hut beside a traveled road48 Yet hear no noise of passing carts and horses. Where are a vast body of writings on Tao Qian’s “Peach Blossom Spring"’ ( “Taohua yuan ji 广 Tao Yuanmingji jiaojian, pp. 275-76). For translation and some commentary, see, for example, Hightower, ThePoetry ofVao ChHen, pp. 254-58; Davis, Vao YUan-ming,vol. 1, pp. 195—201; and Kang-i Sun Chang, Six Dynasties Poetryypp. 16-22. 47Hightower, ThePoetry ofTao Ch’kn’ p. 256. 48This line unmistakably echoes the opening lines of two popular Western Jin poems that would have been known to any educated man of the day, wherein the poets pointedly de­ scribe setting up house distant from the world of men in the alluring wilderness locale of their own self-projections as “the recluse.” Tao Qian, equally pointedly, portrays himself as “the recluse” quite literally “within the confines of man.” Whereas Zuo Si (ca. 250-ca. 305) and Zhang Xie (d. 307) describe withdrawal_ in persona_ from officialdom in terms of go­ ing away, Tao Qian describes withdrawal—in person— in terms of going home. See Zuo SVs

You would like to know how it is done? W ith the mind detached, one's place becomes remote. Picking chrysanthemums by the eastern hedge I catch sight of the distant southern hills: The mountain air is lovely as the sun sets And flocks of flying birds return together. In these things there is a fundamental truth I would like to tell, but lack the words.49

second “Beckoning the Recluse” poem (Wen xuan 22.3a): “I build my hut in the eastern mountains” ; and the ninth of Zhang Xie*s “Ten Miscellaneous Poems” (Wen xuan 29.28a): “I set up camp in the crook of a distant peak.” See also my “Courting Disengagement•” w“Drinking Wine” ( “Yin jiu”),no. 5,Tao Yuanming ji jiaojian、pp. 144-45; also in Wen xuan 30.3a-b (entitled “Miscellaneous Poem,” “Za shi”) . The translation is by Hightower, ThePoetry of Tao Ch'ietiy p. 130. For a concise and truly cogent (as well as refreshing) analysis of this poem, see Holzman, “A Dialogue with the Ancients, ” p. 31. Holzman believes that “the *fiindamental truth* not the ‘truth’ (usually called li by the Metaphysicians) sought for by the Metaphysical Poets;... Tao Qian’s ‘truth’ is in this terrestrial life, in our relations with others and especially with our families, but he knows that simple words cannot express what he feels and his quotation of Zhuangzi’s ‘forget the words/ wangyarty in the last line is his way of expressing that his thoughts are deep and important to him, too deep to be put into words.” Cf. Hightower’s “T’ao Ch’ien’s ‘Drinking Wine* Poems,” pp. 12-14; Davis, Vao Yilan-mingy p. 96; and Kwong, Tao Qianypp. 184-87.

Conclusion The Practice of Reclusion and the Portrayal of the Recluse

In the preceding chapters we have looked at historical and literary materials bearing on the nature and portrayal of the practice of reclusion in early and early-medieval China. We have seen that since the early centu­ ries of the Common Era, individuals who practiced reclusion as a way of life have been clearly distinguished by historians and others as a unique and recog­ nizable group, and that the practice of reclusion was an acknowledged facet of early-medieval Chinese society. Since Huangfu Mi, compilers of collective bio­ graphical accounts of men-in-reclusion have demonstrated this in deed, if not always in word, by showing little confusion or overlap between abstract reclu­ sion and substantive reclusion, between idealized hermitage and an actualized way of life. This has been the case even while topoi of reclusion played an in­ creasingly visible role in the scholar-official ethos, and in the cultural (and po­ litical) panorama.1 Further, we have seen that through the years the portrayal of reclusion re­ flected developments in the practice of reclusion and, especially, changes in the culture of medieval China. Going from isolated anecdote to nuanced treat­ ment, the portrayal of reclusion mirrored the evolution of the practice of reclu­ sion from extraordinary phenomenon to integration into ethos and society. That is, in the most general terms, reclusion had gone beyond the realm of di­ dactic pronouncement and literary archetype, to the individual resolve of a few staunch exemplars, and then to the personal predilection of men of the scholarofficial class. While reclusion once had been considered essentially an excep­ tional act by an exceptional individual perhaps under exceptional circum­ stances, by the Six Dynasties it had become an integral facet of medieval society and was portrayed as such. While there was considerable discussion about the nature of reclusion, it was the general consensus in medieval China that practitioners of reclusion ex­ hibited exemplary conduct and had a salutary effect on their times; thus the deeds and writings of these individuals were passed down to posterity, and the 'See my “Topos and Entelechy” and my comments about the nature of reclusion in KReclusion and *The Chinese Eremitic Tradition/ n

men had their place in the histories of their times. There they were viewed as having left laudable traces and as being worthy of the respect of their contem­ poraries and the praise of an enduring legacy. Biographical portrayals of practi­ tioners of reclusion for the most part recount the particular traits and actions that made them memorable. But the accounts also point the way to a synoptic understanding of the practice of reclusion during the period: in describing the lives and circumstances of a large number of men-in-reclusion, they reveal a number of discernible patterns that help characterize both practice and por­ trayal; and they help structurally in identifying practitioners of reclusion and thus parameters of the practice of reclusion. We can observe for the group a broad range of recurrent or conspicuous traits, conduct, or circumstances, of which the antitheses illustrate the breadth of reclusion. For instance, we observe both prominence and obscurity; wealth and privation; conservative behavior and eccentricity; secular pursuits and re­ ligious devotion; sociality and solitude; state support and self-sufficiency; and manorial estates and homes in caves. Further, we can observe three common and general characteristics: (1) the individuals deliberately and habitually shunned a life of service to the state;2 (2) they did not compromise their principles; and (3) they displayed commendable conduct. These three traits are visible in virtually all of the accounts, even if not al­ ways expressly stated,3 which affirms the generalized views expressed by the chroniclers of the lives of these men, as seen earlier in this study. These traits unite the diversity of specific acts of particular individuals, even while it is the portrayal of individual circumstance and personal endeavor that provides the illustrative examples and epitomized motifs for intellectual discussion, literary allusion, or artistic depiction. Again— reclusion during the period is described in both the universality and the diversity of the accounts. Usually this means that, as far as can be known, the individual never held an official posi­ tion. Exceptions are those men who are known to have held a minor (usually local) post at one time or another, usually when young; a few men who permanently withdrew from an office they once held in the central administration (but not retiring career officials); and one or two special cases, such as Tao Hongjing, who, due to his close relationship with the emperor (which in­ cluded his trust and generous support), was known as “grand councilor mid the mountains.” 3That is, these traits may be implied. For instance, esteem might be indicated by visits by worthy men of virtue, officials, or dignitaries, or by the pride of a locality for the legacy of a one-time resident. Eschewal of official position and unwillingness to compromise one’s principles might be indicated most simply by choice of lifestyle, etc. There are exceptions to be found, of course, such as the account of a certain Mr. Cai, on which see below.

Further, beyond these fundamental common traits— and beneath the over­ lay of individual characteristics, rationales, conduct, achievements, and ex­ ploits— a number of recurrent underlying patterns are discernible in the por­ trayal of the lives of practitioners of reclusion, and thus in the portrayal of substantive reclusion in general. These patterns, some old, some new, are the topoi that articulate the commonalities between distinct individuals and are steppingstones to a synoptic understanding of the phenomenon of reclusion in early-medieval China; these patterns also put into context the individuals por­ trayed as having embodied these topoi in their personal conduct In sum, then, the portrayal of reclusion in early-medieval China draws on long-established patterns, on lifestyles and rationales new with the Six Dynasties, and on the lives and legacies of a large number of individuals. The development of the practice of reclusion in China, and its portrayal, might be silhouetted by a number of the most prominent men-in-reclusion, es-' pecially including Xu You, Bo.Yi, Zhuangzi, the Four Hoaryheads, Yan Ziling, Liang Hong, Huangfu Mi, Sun Deng, Tao Qian, and Tao Hongjing. The legacy of these men and their portrayal is twofold. One part, of course, is a salient pres­ ence in the formulation of the practice of reclusion itself. The other is a trenchant conspicuousness behind topoi of reclusion that have been so prominent and so poignant in the occasional conduct of the scholar-official in traditional China, and so ubiquitous in literary and artistic expression in traditional Chi­ nese culture. Substantive reclusion in traditional China assumed its enduring character during the Six Dynasties, and during that period, too, the image of re­ clusion was for the most part fixed, broadly speaking, in Chinese ethos and culture. This is the image that informs topoi of reclusion that soon become ubiquitous in literature and art, as well as in the attitudes of the scholar-official class, topoi that are as remarkable for their poignancy as they are for their stock nature. While recluses may not have been the norm of reclusion, probably the most ubiquitous image of reclusion in traditional Chinese culture is that of “the recluse.” Leaving aside the occasional conduct of individuals, the topos of the recluse is seen generically in literature and art. It may be seen either as a compos­ ite image of various formulations, or as one of any number of separate and dis­ parate depictions of men-in-reclusion, real or fanciful. During the Western Jin “the recluse” was already a common topic of literary composition, most nota­ bly in fu, in pieces built around hypothetical dialogue, and in poetry. These portrayals drew from the long-standing iconographic patterns described earlier in this study, and from descriptions of the lives of practitioners of reclusion from the earliest times through the Han. Portrayals of “the recluse” in subse­ quent centuries drew upon these well-known Western Jin descriptions, to be

sure, but above all they were resonant with and redolent of the recluses of the Six Dynasties. The topos of “the recluse” in traditional China borrows from Tao Qian’s descriptions of Tao Qian’s life in reclusion; from the image of Tao Hongjing as master of the arcane and lover of the mountains; from portrayals of Buddhist- and Daoist-imbued reclusion; from the patterned image of Gentle­ men of the Private Persuasion; from picturesque representations of the wilder­ ness home of the recluse, especially of mountains and rivers; and from the par­ ticular circumstances and portrayals of a number of well-known men-in-reclusion. In a sense, then, the brocaded image of “the recluse” in traditional China has taken the recluses of the Six Dynasties as its warp. The portrayal of Six Dynasties recluses itself evinces many of the literary ar­ chetypes and patterns that characterized the description of reclusion in preHan China, yet this portrayal is not merely epigonic. For the description of re­ cluses shows a range of development in terms of character and conduct that parallels the development of the practice of reclusion and its portrayal, going from icon to individual, from fanciful or didactic notion to unique human be­ ing. That is, we can differentiate between what may nominally be referred to as uarchetypal recluses,M“legendary recluses,” and “historical recluses.” uArchetypal recluses” would be those men whose depictions are representa­ tions of the mythic recluses, accounts ofwhom are found as leitmotifs throughout all of China’s history. They are more personifications of thematic patterns and lit­ erary tropes than they are living persons. They draw directly on the models illus­ trated earlier in this study, especially the Wise Rustic. Examples from the Six Dy­ nasties, to be detailed below, are a fisherman, a learned anonymous rustic, and a cave-dwelling ascetic. “Legendary recluses” would represent a transition from personification to persons, but wherein the historicity of the individuals is rarely more than apparent, their stories having been amplified into legend. This type of recluse also appears in literature throughout all periods. Six Dynasties examples (see below) include Sun Deng, Shi Yuan (sometimes written Shi Tan), a man named Cai, and the Daoist Deng Yu. “Historical recluses,” finally, would be those extremists who shunned “normal” social roles to live an outsider’s existence, often in radical circumstances. The historicity of these persons usually is less problem­ atical, although a certain amount of picturesque embellishment is evident in their stories. Recluses of this category quite often also are portrayed as adepts of eso­ teric, arcane arts. Famous examples of this category from the Six Dynasties (see below) include Xia Tong, Tao Dan, Lu Du, the Buddhist thaumaturge Baozhi, and Guo Wen. As will be seen in the descriptions of these Six Dynasties recluses, the recluse has withdrawn from conventional society, as one might expect, and certainly does not abide the conventional expectations of men of the scholar-official

class. Nevertheless, “the recluse” has a strong presence in the world of men. The topos of “the recluse” is foremost by far in scholar-official depictions of reclusion in traditional China, and this topos is, by and large, an abstracted repre­ sentation of the portrayal of Six Dynasties recluses. The Six Dynasties “recluse” is not the norm of reclusion,to be sure, but its portrayal does reflect the devel­ opment of the practice of reclusion as a whole; it demarcates the transition from timeless pattern into substantive practice, from topos to individual. That being the case, the portrayal of a number of representative Six Dynasties recluses also may epitomize and serve as a coda to this study.



A. The Fisherman The fisherman is encountered in a vignette concerning Sun Mian (known to have held various high offices, 458-72). He answers with a laugh Sun, s question as to whether he had any fish to sell: “My fishing is not fishing per se; would you prefer a seller of fish?” Sun, of course, then remarks, “I see that you, sir, are one who possesses the Way (you dao zheye),n When asked why he was obscuring his talents, the fisherman answers, “Your servant is a crazy of the mountains and seas who does not understand the affairs of the world, who does not recognize his low station and poverty, let alone fame and wealth.” Then after singing the following song, he rows away: The bamboo pole is long and tapered,4 The river’s waters onward flowing.5 Forgetting all else, one is happy; Covet the bait and you'll swallow the hook. Not Yi, not Hui,6 For now I’ll just forget worry.7

B. The Learned Anonymous Rustic The account of the learned anonymous rustic is particularly interesting, as he appears as a foil to the great scholar Liu Zhao (zi Yanshi, fl. mid to late third ( f . Mao shi 59. “Zhu gan”:“Long and tapered the bamboo pole, / Fishirfg with it in the River Qi.” 5Cf. Chu ci 10.217, ‘Da zhao” :“To the east is the great sea, the abyssal waters onward flowing.M ^That is, Bo Yi and Liuxia Hui. 7See Nan shi 75.1872—73, corroborated in Taiping yulan 505-3a-b. The vignette originally had been included in one version of a Song shu (it is not in the received version of Shen Yue, s work by that name), whence the Nan shi source; see Taipingyulan 834.2b.

Once there was a man wearing riding boots and riding a donkey who came to Zhao’s gate and said, “I want to see Liu Yanshi.” As Zhao held to the orthodox way of Confu­ cian precepts, and in Qingzhou [the province to which Liu was native and where he resided] there was not a single person who called him by his byname [zi], the gate­ keeper was greatly angered. But Zhao said, KAllow him to come forward.” When he had entered, he squatted on the divan and asked Zhao, “I have heard that you, sir, are greatly learned; what, for example, are your accomplishments?” Zhao responded with the works listed above [in his biographical account], and when finished said, “There still are many arguable points.” The visitor asked about them, and when Zhao had finished telling of the problematic points the visitor said, “Those are easy enough to explain.” He then proceeded to discuss and explain the true and false of the points of doubt. Zhao then put forward further opinions, but the visitor needed to counter but once and Zhao was unable to respond. The visitor left, and had already gone out of the gate when Zhao, who did not wish for him to leave, sent someone calling repeat­ edly for him to return. The guest said, “My relatives are preparing a burial in the area, and it would be best to hasten there; I’ll be sure to come back later.” When he had left, Zhao had someone reconnoiter the family performing the burial, but he did not see the visitor. In the end his name was not to be known.8

C. The Cave-Dwelling Ascetic The portrayal of the cave-dwelling ascetic also is totally iconographic: Master Lance-Honer's [Quxing xianshengJs] name is unknown, as are his origins.9At the end of the Taihe reign [366-70], he often stayed in the Wenji Mountains of Xuancheng Commandery [Anhui],10 where there was a sharpening stone for lances, whence his name. Commander-in-Chief Huan Wen [312-73] once went to visit him, and when he arrived he saw the Master covered with a deer pelt, sitting in a stone cav­ ern with the air of complete complacency. O f Wen and his several tens of aides, not a one was able to fathom him, so Wen ordered Fu Tao to compose an inscription and encomium for the man. The Master came to his end in the mountains.11 *Jin shu 91.2350. According to a Taicangzhou zhi, the man was from Guangchuan (east of Zaoqiang xian, * Hebei), and his byname was Quezi; see Chang Chi-yun (Zhang Qiyun), chief ed., Zhongwen dacidian #24301.41. 10The Master purportedly lived in one of the great caves of the area, later the site of a temple; see Zhongguo mingsheng cidian, p. 439. "Jin shu 94.2456. Master Lance-Honer’s account earlier had been included in the section on reclusion in the Jin shu of Wang Yin, as well as in the Jin zhongxing shu; see Wu Shijian (1873-1933) and Liu Chenggan (fl. early twentieth century), cds.Jin shujiaozhu 94.42a.


A. Sun Deng Stories concerning Sun Deng (zi Gonghe, fl. mid third century) are well known. He perhaps is most renowned for his prowess at “whistling” {xiao), the reverberations of which overwhelmed Ruan Ji.12Another famous story concerns Ji Kang, who supposedly served Sun Deng as disciple for three years. When Ji Kang was about to leave Sun and return home, Sun pointedly gave an appraisal of his student using an analogy between the brightness of fire and a man’s talent, and the importance of understanding how they should be used~or not.13Ji Kang, as rightly assessed by Sun Deng, ran afoul of the world of his day and was executed. The historicity of Sun Deng is now totally obscured by the large number of legends that have grown around him, many of these locally trans­ mitted as a part of the lore of Sun’s famous locale of reclusion at Sumen Mountain, Baiquan, not far from Xinxiang City, Henan.14

B. Shi Yuan The account of Shi Yuan (late fourth century) goes as follows: Shi Yuan, zi Hongsun, said himself that he was from Ju in Beihai [near present Changle xiariy Shandong]. He had no fixed residence, did not marry or keep consorts, and did not work at agriculture or manufacturing. For eating he sought no delicacies, and his clothing was always coarse and rustic. Once when someone gave him a full set of clothing, after accepting the clothes he passed them on to someone else. When some­ one had a funeral or burial, he would take up his walking stick and go mourn him. Be the road far or near, the season cold or hot, he would be sure to be among [the mourners]. Even on the occasions when there were coincidences of day and time, he would be seen at each and every one. In addition, he was able to find things in the dark, no different than during the daylight. After the disruption caused by Yao Chang 12See Mather, trans. Shih-shuo Hsin-yii, pp. 331-32; and Donald Holzman, Poetry and Politics: The Life and Works ofJuan Chi, a .d . 210-26^ pp. 51-52. Information about Sun Deng is most completely analyzed in Kobayashi Noboru, “Son To no ten ni tsuite.” On the mysticai whistling” technique xiao}see Li Fengmao, “Daojiao xiao de chuanshuo ji qi dui wenxue de yingxiang.” 13Sun, s appraisal of Ji Kang is translated in Chapter 6. MSee, for instance, Feng Yunxiao, Zhang Chunhai, et al” eds., Baiquan de quanshuot esp. pp. 120-26. Sumen Mountain is actually a bare hill less than three hundred meters high, sepa­ rated from other hills that lead to the Taihang Mountains by dry plains. Toward the top is the Xiao tai, Whistler’s Belvedere, and several stelae commemorating Sun Deng, some dating from the Ming. A nice vista overlooks the famous Baiquan pool, which, despite the centuries-old reputation of being an uninterruptible eternal font, was completely dry during my visit in late July 1986. *

[i.e., 386-93, when Yao reigned as emperor of the so-called Later Q in at Chang, an], no one knows how he ended.15

C. A Certain Mr, Cai


O f Mr. Cai, we have only the following short notice: During the Yongming reign [483—93], at Zhongshan in Guiji there was a man whose family name was Cai, but whose personal name is unknown. [Hiding] in the moun­ tains he raised several tens of rats; when he would call them to come they came, when

he sent them away they went away. His words and speech were wild and uncompli­ cated, and [the people of] the times called him a “banished transcendent” [zhe xian]. It is not known what became of him .16

D. Deng Yu According to the Nan shiyDeng Yu (d. 515) lived in seclusion at Heng shan, the southern sacred peak, in a two-room hut. He abstained from eating grains for more than thirty years, ingesting only mica flakes mixed in freshet water, chanting day and night the Scripture ofthe Great Cavern. 17 He prepared a cinna­ bar elixir for Emperor Wu of the Liang (reg. 502-49) that the emperor dared not ingest. Deng was visited in broad day by the goddess Lady Wei and her en­ tourage of thirty girls in their late teens, who told him that his lot was to become a transcendent. Deng died without illness in the year 515, a few days after the sudden appearance of two black birds as large as cranes; upon his death (i.e., apotheosis), in the mountains an otherworldly air of sweetness was noticed. Emperor W u subsequently had an official biography written for Master Deng,18 15SeeJin shu 94.2452; and Lishi zhenxian tidao tongjian 7.10a. See also Dongxian zhuan (in Yunji qiqian 110.1518; and in Yan Yiping, Daojiao yanjiu ziliao 1.17): “He peregrinated the fa­

mous mountains of Zhao and Wei [i.e., north-central China]. He ‘obtained the Way* and could split himself up so that at the same time he could visit ten or more households. In each

household there was a separate Tan [i.e., Shi Yuan], and what he said was different in each instance.” l6Nan Qi shu 54.9431Nan shi 75.1882. The first bracketed addition is from the Nan shiythe second from the Nan Qi shu.

l7On this scripture see Isabelle Robinet, La Relation du Shangqing dans Vhistoire du

taoismey vol. 2,pp. 27-39,and “Le Ta-tung chen-ching: Son authenticity et sa place dans les

textes du Shang-chHng ching.” I8See Nan shi 76.1896. The account of Deng Yu is atypical of Nan shi biographies, and most certainly has been incorporated directly from a Daoist hagiographical source. Extant Daoist sources, however, do not correspond directly to the Nan shi account, and concern personages named either Deng Yuzhi (#1) or Deng Yuzhi (#2). The Nan shi account in part resembles the abridged account of Deng #1 (see, for example, Lishi zhenxian tidao tongjian

33.5a), but also borrows from Daoist accounts concerning Deng #2’ which are rather more elaborate (as in ibid. 33.6b~7a); this latter recluse-cum-divinity was a prominent figure in a local Daoist cult centered at Heng shan.

RECLU SES A. X ia Tong

Xia Tong of Guiji was incorruptible and uncompromising, forthright and filial. He could not tolerate the wild performance of two ravishing shamankas brought to his family residence, yet he himself evidently was practiced in certain esoteric arts. Rather than take office, Xia gathered food by the seacoast or sold simples in Luoyang. Once when his clansmen exhorted him to give up his re­ cluse ways and serve, he broke off contact with them, saying, “Has the way you, my brethren, treat me come to this? Were I to be a part of a time of great peace, then along with the legendary Eight Chiefs and Eight Good-hearted, 191 would be sure to appraise and discuss coming forth and staying put. And were I to meet a turbid age, then believe that I would join along with Master Qu [Yuan] in the same muck and mire. Now, as for a time somewhere in between befouled and glorious, I would be sure to be the plowing mate of Jieni. How could there be any room to disgrace my body or twist my volition among the commandery departments? Listening to your talk, without realizing it the fine hairs of my skin have all stood up, cold sweat has broken out all over, my face has turned a deep scarlet, my heart is hot like a coal, my tongue is wagging and my mouth agape, my two ears blocked and clogged.”20

B. Tao Dan Tao Dan (fl. late fourth century), a distant older relative of Tao Qian, prac­ ticed macrobiotic arts and specialized in divination. He believed that “the Way to Immortality can be achieved,” and from age fifteen or sixteen ingested drugs and abstained from grains. Never marrying, he built a hut in the mountains near Changsha and raised a white deer as his companion. When nominated as the circuit’s Flourishing Talent, he moved off further into the wilderness and no one knows what became of him.21 C_ Lu Du Lu Du (d. ca. 493) of Shixing (northwest of modern Shixing, Guangdong) also was proficient in esoteric arts. When young he joined an unsuccessful ,9On theseworthy officers of antiquity, seeZuo zhuan 18/7 (pp. 636-38). 20See Jin shu 94.2428-30. Further information, including excerpts from a lost “Separate Account of Xia Tong” and other accounts, is found in Jin shu jiaozhu 94.5b-9a. See also the note on Xia Tong in Chapter 6, above. ”SeeJin shu 94.2460; seealsoXuan pin lu 3.68. Further information on Tao Dan is found in Taipingyulan 906.3a, quoting the Jin zhongxing shu.

military campaign, and he was fleeing homeward with his pursuers close behind when his way was blocked by a river. Du swore a private oath: “Should I be successful in avoiding death, from today I will not again do harm to anything living.” A moment later he saw two pieces of railing floating by, and putting them together he managed to cross. Later he lived in seclusion at Sangu shan in Xichang [near Taihe in Jiangxi], where he went accompanied by birds and ani­ mals. One night when a deer butted his wall, Du said, “You are breaking my wall”;22in response to Lu’s voice the deer left. In front of his room he had a pool where he raised fish; he called them all by name, and coming in order they took food and left. Having foreknowledge of the year and month of his death, he took leave of his family and friends, dying in longevity at the close o f the Yongming reign [483-93].23

D. Baozhi

According to the Nan shi, Baozhi (d. 514,perhaps at age ninety-seven) was of unknown origin, however his biography in the sixth-century Guoseng zhuan records him as being a native of the Capital (Jiankang) but hailing from the Zhu clan of Jincheng, near modern Lanzhou, Gansu.24He became a Buddhist monk at a young age and in 466 or 467 suddenly became extremely eccentric, going about the capital district around Jiankang with scissors, a mirror, and a few strips of silk dangling from the long staff he carried over his shoulder,25letting 22Taipingyulan 906.3b, quoting the Jin zhongxing shu, writes, “Don’t you break my w all, 2iNan Qi shu 54.935-36; Nan shi 75.1880; Sandongqunxian lu 10.16a.

MSee Nan shi 76.1900; and Huijiao (497—554),comp., Gaoseng zhuan 11.17b. See my “Account of the Buddhist Thaumaturge Baozhi” for a Mler treatment of Baozhi, including a

translation ofthe Gaosengzhuan account. According to some sources, Baozhi was found in a falcon’s nest by the wife of one of the members of the Zhu clan of the Dongyang (i.e., Zhongshan) section of the capital, Jiankang. See Zhang Dunyi {jinshi 1160), comp., Liuchao shiji bianlei B.194; and Wu deng huiyuant compiled in 1252 by the monk Puji, 2.117. Li Yanshou’s Nan shi biography of Baozhi comes from an account of the monk that has dropped

out ofthe Liang shu; see Taipingyulan 655.7b, which quotes enough ofthe Liang shu account to show that it must have been incorporated into the Nan shi verbatim. On Baozhi’s age, see below. See also Makita Tairyo, wHoshi wajo den k6■ ” 25Portraits of Baozhi always picture him with this staff and its various accoutrements, sym­ bols of his prescience; see my “Account of the Buddhist Thaumaturge Baozhi,Hp. 580. Baozhi had been the subject of portraits at least since being captured on silk by his younger contempo­ rary Zhang Sengyao (ca. 480-post 549), the artist for whom there is the famous story and saying

about adding the final vital touches to the eyes of a painted dragon; see Wu Shichu, Zhang SengyaOyp. 26. Baozhi's image was immortalized not long after by Wu Daozi (Wu Daoxuan, ca. 685-758), whose depiction of Baozhi appeared on a stele along with a poem about the monk by Li Bai (701-62), done in the calligraphy ofYan Zhenqing (709-85). This stele came to be known as the “Stele of Three Incomparables,” depicting together works of the greatest in portraiture, poetry, and calligraphy. The original stele is no longer to be found, but there is a Ming replica in the garden of the Yangzhou historical museum and a Qing facsimile at Baozhi*s shrine at the Linggu Temple (see below) in Nanjing. A rubbing of the latter is reproduced in Louis Gaillard,

his hair grow out, eating irregularly, and never staying long in one place. In fact, it was believed that he could be in many places at the same time. He spoke in conundrums or poems that events proved to have been prophetic.26When both scholars and commoners alike of the capital began to worship him, the Qi em­ peror W u jailed him for confounding the masses, until he too was convinced of the thaumaturge’s powers. Zhigong, as he was often called, was frequently found at court during the Qi, and during the Liang he was given free access even to the emperor’s private quarters. Emperor W u of the Liang, who put thorough credence in ZhigongJs powers, issued an edict saying, Zhigong’s tangible traces are constrained to the dust and dirt [of the mortal world], but his spirit roams in the Profound Stillness. Water and fire cannot wet or burn him; snakes and tigers cannot harass or scare him. In speaking of his Buddhist principles, then what one hears from him is unparalleled; when we mention the way he is seclusive and submerged, then he is a withdrawn transcendent, one of lofty ways. How could one ever hope to constrain and restrict him with the common sentiments of an ordinary man? How could one’s vulgarity and narrowness coalesce to such a point [as to accuse him of such human foibles]? From the present onward, he shall enter and leave according to his will. He is not again to be prevented.27 Baozhi worked miracles for the emperor and offered cryptic auguries to the elite; his fame even attracted an emissary from Korea.28But Baozhi remained always an eccentric. According to one account of him, after more than forty years of renown he had uncountable followers, both male and female. Nevertheless, he was fond of using urine to wash his hair, and someone among the common monks secretly jeered and scoffed. Now Zhi equally knew that many of the monks had not forsaken wine and meat, and that the one who had ridiculed him drank wine and ate pork intestines. Zhi of a sudden said to him, “You scoff at me for using piss to wash my head, but why is it that you eat bags full of shit?”29 Baozhi foresaw his own death, and he passed away without illness near the end of 514; a purported relative estimated that he was ninety-seven at death.30 S-J-) Nankin d'alors et d'aujourd'hui: Aper^u historique et giographique, plate XXVII (see also transcription and partial translation of the stele on pp. 294-98). 26Several of these poetic auguries are gathered in Lu Qinli, ed., Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shit “Liang shi,” 30.2188-89. 17Gaosengzhuan 11.19a; slightly different in Taipingguangji 90.595. MSee Nan shi 76.1901. One tradition associates Baozhi with the founding of a temple during the Liang at Tianzhu shan in Anhui, on lands (once their own residence) that were donated by three prominent Worthies of the He clan. The three Hes, Qiu, Dian, and Yin, were known locally as the Three High-minded Ones, san gao. See Wu Yifeng, comp., Tian­ zhu shan zhiy pp. 65,155. 29Taipingguangji 90.596. wIbid. 9 0 .597. One source writes that Baozhi was buried in 506, but that assertion is

The emperor gave him a sumptuous burial at the foot of Zhongshan in modern Nanjing, including founding a temple in his honor at the burial spot.31 E. Guo Wen

Guo Wen, zi Wenju (d. 333 or 334),32by all accounts was a recluse par excel­ lence, and it perhaps is fitting for his account to conclude this study: he is por­ trayed as an imperturbable and guileless untamed mountain man, an upright trader, a Wise Rustic, a vegetarian and natural-liver, an adept of the arcane and the occult, and a man of religion. Guo Wen has an interesting biographical no­ tice in the Jin shu section on reclusion, and there also exists a considerable amount of additional information on his life and his influence on his own time, as well as his legacy.33Briefly, Guo Wen was from Zhi in Henei, purportedly the locale of the Four Hoaryheads, but when Luoyang fell in 311 to Liu Cong of the Former Zhao (reg. 310-18), he went south to the Dabi (also known as Dadi) without basis; see Chen Zuolin, comp., Nanchao fosi zhi A.6sa. There was another Baogong who lived in the north at the dose of the Northern Wei and during the early years of the Northern Qi (and perhaps was the same as another Baogong of the Sui?), accounts of whom

sometimes are mistakenly appended to (or conflated with) die notices of our Baozhi. An ex­ ample is Taipingguangji 90.597, where the account ofthe northern monk follows the account of our Baozhi without a new heading; the appended account has been taken from the Luo­ yang qielan ji of Yang Xuanzhi (fl. ca. 528-47); see Zhou Zumo, ed., Luoyang qielan ji jiaoshi 4.151-52. 31This temple, first called Kaishan si and known as Baogong yuan during the Tang, is the most important of the several that Liang Wudi had founded in honor of Baozhi. It is the predecessor of the grand Linggu si at Zhongshan park in Nanjing. Its original site, and the site of Baozhi, s grave, were the location of the tomb of the first emperor of the Ming; that emperor rebuilt the temple at its present location in 1381 so that he could avail himself of the

geomanticallyperfect location for his own burial spot. See Chen Zuolin, comp., Nanchaofosi zhi B.36b-39a. Monuments to Baozhi are still to be found at the temple, including a shrine and a commemorative stele. “Songs of the Twelve Temporal Divisions [of the Day] ” (“Shi’er shi ge”)usually are attributed to Baozhi, adorning portraits of him; the stelae mentioned above display these poems engraved by the famous calligrapher Zhao Mengfu (1254-1322). Some consider these poems to be by the northern Baogong; see Luoyang qielanji jiaoshi 4.152. The bibliographic sections of the Tang histories also record a Wenzi shixun in 30 juan by a monk named Baozhi (Jiu Tang shu 46.1984; Xin Tang shu 57.1448).

^According to Jiankang shilu 7.183, Guo Wen was offered ceremonial bundles of silk in May of 333. And we know that a commemorative stele was erected in his honor beside his grave in Lin*an, Zhejiang (northwest of Hangzhou), during the Xianhe reign, which ended in

334. On the latter, see the Baoke congbian of Chen Si (ca. uoo-post 1259), quoted in Jin shu

jiaozhu 94.25a.

J3See Jin shu 94.2440-41; and the many sources brought together in Jin shu jiaozhu 94.22a-25b. The latter include the Gao Wenju biezhuan, the Gaoshi zhuan of Yu Panzuo, lost

passages from the Baopuziyand the Jin zhongxing shu. Some additional sources are men­ tioned below.

Mountains of Zhejiang, not far from modern Hangzhou.34There he lived in an open-air tree house for more than ten years and dressed in buckskin. Once the district prefect had a set of winter leather clothes delivered to Guo, but they ended up rotting by his gate. Guo Wen abstained from both wine and flesh, planting peas and wheat and gathering fruits and such from the forest. He also traded salt for a living, often accepting less value than the worth of his commodity. One time Guo Wen was offered a share of the profits from the sale of a buck Guo himself had given to the sellers after it had been killed near Guo, s residence by a wild beast. Guo re­ plied, “If I had needed the money, then I would have sold it myself. The reason I told you about the buck’s carcass was precisely that I didn’t need the money.” Another story tells of his relationship to the beasts of his locale: “Once a wild beast suddenly opened up its mouth in front of Wen. Wen noticed that there was a bone stuck crosswise in its mouth and used his own arm to feel around and expel it. The next morning the beast left a deer at the front of his residence. According to one tradition, this beast was a tiger that became Guo’s con­ stant companion and servant, following him even into town, always on good behavior and even carrying things on his back for his master. Hearing of this, the emperor gave Guo an audience and asked about his tiger-training skills. Guo Wen answered, It is so naturally. If a man does not do harm to a beast’s heart, the beast will not do injus­ tice to the man’s will; why should there be any skill involved? “Coddle me and FI1 follov/1: tigers can be just as people. “Maltreat me and I’ll be your foe”:people can be just like tigers. After all, what difference is there between managing people and taming tigers?

The emperor offered Guo an official appointment, but Guo declined.35 When Wang Dao (276-339), advisor to the emperor and arguably the most powerful man of the day, invited Guo Wen to his residence at the capital in or about 318,36Guo refused both carriage and boat, and walked the whole way carrying his own baggage. He was lodged in a pavilion built just for him in West Garden, W an^s extensive residence, which housed a considerable orchard as well as avian and animal wildlife.37All the important men of the capital came to MWhile his place of residence almost certainly was at Tianmu shan, the thirty-fourth Grotto Heaven of the Daoists, traditions often associate Guo Wen with Mogan shan, the fa­ mous resort northwest of Hangzhou. See, for example, Ye Kangxian et al., eds., Mogan shan, p. 3; and Zhejiangfengwu zhi, p. 192. 35SeeXian zhuan shiyi 2.27; and Taipingguangji 14.97. MOn the date, seeJiankang shilu 10.319; and Jin shujiaozhu 94.23b. 37Wang Dao*s residence was at the site of the present temple/park Chaotian gong in Nanjing. The residence was next to the former site of Yecheng (Foundry City), which Wang had had displaced when Dai Yang, a man of arcane talents, told him that his chronic illness

gawk at Guo Wen, but Guo remained unperturbed. Once when asked whether he would come to the aid of the disturbed times, Guo answered, “How could a man of the mountain jungles assist the age?” Guo Wen lived in Wang’s West Garden for seven years without once going out, until one day he suddenly asked to return to his mountain. When Wang Dao wouldn’t listen, Guo escaped back to Lin’an’ where he built himself a hut in the mountains, but he soon was given lodging in town by the prefect. After the burning of nearby Yuhang in 328 during the aftermath of the rebellion of Su Jun (d. 328),Guo Wen stopped speaking, using only gestures for communica­ tion. When he became ill and wished to return to the mountains to die, he was prevented by his host the prefect, so he stopped eating. After twenty or so days the prefect asked him how long he could last, and Guo lifted his hand three times; he died exactly fifteen days later. He was buried in Lin’an, where a com­ memorative stele was erected in his honor, and biographical accounts were written for him by Ge Hong and Yu Chan; Ge, it is recorded, had visited Guo in the years before Guo moved to Wang Dao’s West Garden. When Guo Wen was lodged at West Garden, the Jin had barely reestab­ lished its rule in the south, and many men understandably had pangs about having left their ancestral home in the north. When asked if there remained anything to take pleasure in now, having left his family in the north (even though Guo actually had been orphaned when young), Guo replied, “From the outset I have proceeded in the study of the Way; do not think that I came here because I encountered a disordered time and though I wished to return home was without recourse.” In fact, according to Daoist hagiographical sources, Guo Wen supposedly was prescient, having had the arts of “infiising oneself with purity” (chong zhen zhi dao) bestowed on him by the god Taihe zhenren;38he had command of certain “registers” (lu ), and was deified as Lingyao zhenjun in 911 or 912.39After his demise, two prophetic writings on bamboo leaves (or wood) were found under his mat.40 was due to the unpropitious location of Foundry City. Wang’s residence was taken over in 404 by Huan Xuan for his private gardens. See Shishuo xinyu 26/4, quoting Wang Yin*s Jin shu; Jin shu 95.2470; znd Jiankang shilu 10.319. MSeeXian zhuan shiyi 2.26-27; and Taipingguangji 14.96-97. wSee Xuan pin lu 2.49.

^According to some sources, these writings were known as the “Jinxiong shi” and the “Jinci jiHi seeXian zhuan shiyi 2.27 (also Taipingguangji 14.97 ); Lishi zhenxian tidao tongjian 28.11a; and Dongxian zhuan (in Yan Yiping, Dao jiao yanjiu ziliao)y1.27 (also Yunji qiqian 110.1523). However, Jiankang shilu 7.183 records the writings (on pieces of wood, not bam­ boo) as “Jinxiong ji” and “Jinci shi, ” and says that while the poetic section was totally un­ recognizable, having been written on a portion that rotted, many of the predictions from the record were proven out. It appears that the titles as given in the Jiankang shilu are

Guo Wen was officially incorporated into the Daoist pantheon, however there is evidence that he also left his influence in the Buddhist tradition. At least he was believed to have been a Buddhist about one hundred years after his de­ mise. Guo Wen is mentioned along with others of the faithful in an exhortation to the Song emperor Wen of the superior merit of Buddhism, personally deliv­ ered in 435 by He Shangzhi (382-460).41Further, Zong Bing (375-443), writing a year or so earlier than He, stated specifically in his “Ming Fo lun” that “Guo Wenju was expansive, profound, and sincere, and it was only Buddha that he served.”42 Finally, a monk called Sengquan (d. b efo re 440),43 who was a close friend of the practitioner of reclusion Dai Yong (378-441), was buried next to Guo Wen as a kindred spirit.44As a recluse par excellence, Guo Wen would have innumerable kindred spirits throughout the centuries. correct. Shen Yue has recorded two excerpts from the uJinci shi” in Songshu 27.785-86, while excerpts of the “Jinxiongji” are recorded in Nan Qi shu 18.351and Nan shi 4.115. The Nan shi specifically attributes its quotation to Guo Wen. The examples in the Nan Qi shu use glyphomancy in auguring a future emperor named Xiao (the clan name of the Qi emperors) • 41See Gaosengzhuan 7.13a. 42See Zong*s “Ming Fo lun》in Hongmingji 2.11b.

43This Sengquan is not to be confused with the monk ofthe same name who was a major proponent of the Sanlun School and who flourished ca. 512.

^See Gaosengzhuan 7.21a.

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