Butrint 6: Excavations on the Vrina Plain Volume 2: The Finds: 6.2 (Butrint Archaeological Monographs) 1789252172, 9781789252170

Table of contents :
Cover
Book Title
Copyright
Contents
Background to the site and excavations: Simon Greenslade
1 The medieval and post-medieval pottery findsfrom the Vrina Plain excavations: Joanita Vroom1
2 The ancient and early Byzantine coins fromVrina Plain: Sam Moorhead1
3 Byzantine and early modern coins (9th–17thcentury): Pagona Papadopoulou1
4 Lead seals1: Pagona Papadopoulou2
5 The human skeletons from the Vrina Plain: Angela Soler,1 Carolyn V. Isaac,2 Jared S. Beatrice3and Todd W. Fenton4
6 Small finds: John Mitchell1
1) Silver
2) Lead
3) Copper alloy
4) Iron
5) Metal slag
6) Glass
7) Ivory and bone
8) Amber
9) Ceramic
10) Lime stucco
11) Semi-precious stone
12) Stone
13) Mosaic
14) Inscriptions3
Appendix: The conservation of the VrinaPlain Small Finds
7 The vessel glass of the Vrina Plain: Karen Stark1
8 Glass cakes and glass tesserae fromthe Vrina Plain: Nadine Schibille1
9 Diet and economy: The faunal evidence: Richard Madgwick1
10 Aquatic resource exploitation at Vrina Plainfrom the 1st to the 13th century AD: Rena Veropoulidou1
11 Hand-collected shell: Matthew Law1 and Richard Madgwick2
12 The archaeobotanical evidence of the VrinaPlain settlement: Alexandra Livarda1
Bibliography
Index
Plate section
Back Cover

Citation preview

BUTRINT 6

EXCAVATIONS ON THE VRINA PLAIN

Volume 2 THE FINDS

Butrint Archaeological Monograph Series: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.



Byzantine Butrint: Excavations and Surveys 1994–1999 Richard Hodges, William Bowden and Kosta Lako Roman Butrint: An Assessment Inge Lyse Hansen and Richard Hodges Butrint 3: Excavations at the Triconch Palace William Bowden and Richard Hodges Butrint 4: The Archaeology and Histories of an Ionian Town Inge Lyse Hansen, Richard Hodges and Sarah Leppard Butrint 5: Life and Death at a Mediterranean Port. The Non-ceramic Finds from the Triconch Palace William Bowden Excavations on the Vrina Plain Volume 1: The Lost Roman and Byzantine Suburb Simon Greenslade Volume 2: The Finds Simon Greenslade Volume 3: The Roman and Late Antique Pottery from the Vrina Plain Excavations Paul Reynolds

Butrint Archaeological Monographs

BUTRINT 6

EXCAVATIONS ON THE VRINA PLAIN

Volume 2 THE FINDS

Edited by Simon Greenslade With contributions by Jared S. Beatrice, Todd W. Fenton, Carolyn V. Isaac, Matthew Law, Alexandra Livarda, Richard Madgwick, John Mitchell, Sam Moorhead, Pagona Papadopoulou, Pippa Pearce, Nadine Schibille, Angela Soler, Karen Stark, Rena Veropoulidou and Joanita Vroom

OXBOW BOOKS FOR THE BUTRINT FOUNDATION Oxford & Philadelphia

Published in the United Kingdom in 2019 by OXBOW BOOKS The Old Music Hall, 106–108 Cowley Road, Oxford, OX4 1JE and in the United States by OXBOW BOOKS 1950 Lawrence Road, Havertown, PA 19083 © Oxbow Books Simon Greenslade and the individual authors 2019 Hardcover Edition: ISBN 978-1-78925-217-0 Digital Edition: ISBN 978-1-78925-218-7 (epub) A CIP record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Control Number: 2019931256

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical including photocopying, recording or by any information storage and retrieval system, without permission from the publisher in writing. Printed in the United Kingdom by Cloc Ltd Typeset by Frabjous Books ~ www.frabjousbooks.com For a complete list of Oxbow titles, please contact: UNITED KINGDOM Oxbow Books Telephone (01865) 241249 Email: [email protected] www.oxbowbooks.com UNITED STATES OF AMERICA Oxbow Books Telephone (610) 853-9131, Fax (610) 853-9146 Email: [email protected] www.casemateacademic.com/oxbow Oxbow Books is part of the Casemate Group Front cover: Obverse of the 10th–century seal issued by Constantine, a eunuch courtier from Constantinople in charge of the imperial banquets (by Martin Smith) Back cover: Details of various finds from the Vrina Plain excavations: Brown and Green Painted Ware fragments dating to the second half of the 12th century (by Joanita Vroom); Buckle with ornate plate from a sword-belt; Ornate rectangular mount; Coin of Nero minted in Butrint AD 54-68 (by James Barclay-Brown)

Contents

Background to the site and excavations ....................................................................................................... vii Simon Greenslade 1. The medieval and post-medieval pottery finds from the Vrina Plain excavations ................................1 Joanita Vroom 2. The ancient and early Byzantine coins from Vrina Plain ....................................................................15 Sam Moorhead 3. Byzantine and early modern coins (9th–17th century) ........................................................................41 Pagona Papadopoulou 4. Lead seals ............................................................................................................................................. 55 Pagona Papadopoulou 5. The human skeletons from the Vrina Plain ..........................................................................................59 Angela Soler, Carolyn V. Isaac, Jared S. Beatrice and Todd W. Fenton 6. Small Finds ........................................................................................................................................... 77 John Mitchell 1) Silver ................................................................................................................................................ 80 2) Lead .................................................................................................................................................. 81 3) Copper alloy .....................................................................................................................................83 4) Iron ................................................................................................................................................. 127 5) Metal slag ....................................................................................................................................... 142 6) Glass ............................................................................................................................................... 143 7) Ivory and bone ...............................................................................................................................145 8) Amber ............................................................................................................................................. 152 9) Ceramic .......................................................................................................................................... 152 10) Lime stucco .................................................................................................................................. 155 11) Semi-precious stone .....................................................................................................................155 12) Stone ............................................................................................................................................ 156 13) Mosaic .......................................................................................................................................... 162 14) Inscriptions ...................................................................................................................................162 Appendix: The conservation of the Vrina Plain small finds ..............................................................167 Pippa Pearce

vi

Contents

7. The vessel glass of the Vrina Plain ....................................................................................................169 Karen Stark 8. Glass cakes and glass tesserae from the Vrina Plain .........................................................................199 Nadine Schibille 9. Diet and economy: The faunal evidence ............................................................................................209 Richard Madgwick 10. Aquatic resource exploitation at the Vrina Plain from the 1st to the 13th century AD ...................227 Rena Veropoulidou 11. Hand-collected shell...........................................................................................................................237 Matthew Law and Richard Madgwick 12. The archaeobotanical evidence of the Vrina Plain settlement ..........................................................245 Alexandra Livarda Bibliography ................................................................................................................................................ 251 Index ............................................................................................................................................................ 263 Plates ............................................................................................................................................................ 269

Background to the site and excavations Simon Greenslade

The Vrina Plain lies to the south of the city of Butrint, across the Vivari Channel which links Lake Butrint to the Ionian Sea (Fig. 0.1). The pastoral aspect of the low-lying area visible today is largely a result of the implementation of a state-run collective agricultural policy by the communist government of the 1960s and 1970s, based on a model developed by the Chinese, their ideological allies at the time. With the institution of state farms at the villages of Xarra and Vrina, woodland which had covered much of the plain was removed and a grid of large irrigation channels was dug across the plain in order to drain the marshy area, thereby creating a usable space for crops and animal grazing.

Up until recently, archaeological investigation of the plain had been limited. Luigi Maria Ugolini began excavations at Butrint in the 1920s and although he noted the presence of a number of Roman ruins on the Vrina Plain, due to the area being densely wooded and marshy no real attempt was made at investigating them in detail.1 Further work during the 1960s and the 1990s by the Albanian Institute of Archaeology was restricted to a number of investigations focused around the standing remains, along with some surface survey, small-scale excavation trenches and the recording of finds made during further land improvement.2 However, from 1995 the Butrint Foundation conducted an extensive field survey

Figure 0.1. Aerial view of Butrint with the Vrina Plain beyond

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Monument Temple Mausoleum

Suburb/Domus/Basilica/ Oikos

0

50 m

Figure 0.2. The Vrina Plain excavations programme across this area. Through a combination of field-walking and geophysical survey, extensive remains of destroyed masonry structures and associated ceramics were identified.3 This led to the conclusion that this may have been a suburb of Roman Butrint and if so, that it could be evidence of the colony created by Julius Caesar in 44 BC and re-established by Augustus after his victory at Actium in 31 BC. As a result, since 2002 a major archaeological assessment has been undertaken on the Vrina Plain in order to test this theory and to understand the extent and character of the archaeological remains.

The excavations Initially the excavations were centred on one of the large drainage ditches that criss-cross the plain. The course of the ditch chosen had been deliberately diverted around some upstanding remains, consisting of a number of buildings in varying states of preservation. In all, an area along roughly 250 m of the ditch was investigated. Following on from

these trial excavations, a number of areas were looked at in greater detail to gain a better understanding of the context for some of the partially exposed structures (Fig. 0.2).

The monuments One of these areas focused on what appears to be a series of honorific column monuments, which seem to have been built during the 2nd century AD (Fig. 0.3). By the beginning of the 5th century AD, the northern, southern and western sides of the monument were enclosed by a series rooms, with access to the monument now restricted to the eastern side. Only the southern room was fully exposed and was found to consist of a rectangular structure with annexed spaces to the east and west of it. This building appeared to have undergone a complex sequence of rebuilds and alterations over a very short period of time, including at one point the addition of nine internal masonry piers or buttresses along with an internal division wall to support a second floor. At the beginning of the 6th century AD

Roadway

Rectangular building

Figure 0.3. Plan of the monument area excavations

Chapel

0

Monument 1

10 m

Monument 2

Background to the site and excavations ix

x

Simon Greenslade

aqueduct piers

10 m

the area was altered again when a small apsidal-ended building was constructed to the northwest of the monument, built partially over the northern buildings.

service buildings

Figure 0.4. Plan of the Temple mausoleum excavations

road

early building

0

Temple mausoleum

The Temple mausoleum The second area investigated was a rect­ angular structure, located just to the southeast of the monuments (Fig. 0.4). Its proximity to the aqueduct had led initially to the interpretation of this structure being a bathhouse or cistern dating to the early Imperial period.4 However, cleaning and recording of the building revealed that the structure had been built upon a podium and had been accessed from the west, where the robbed-out impression of a staircase was found fronting the building. Internally, the impressions of five rectangular structures were found at its eastern end. Earlier excavations had recovered various sculptural pieces across the site that appeared funerary in nature. As fragments of human bones were also found within the backfill of the 1980s excav­ ations, the building was reinterpreted as a mausoleum that had been built to look like a raised temple.5 Subsequent excavations along the sides of the mausoleum revealed further traces of broken sculptural pieces as well as in situ fragments of the lower marble facing of the building, indicating that this would have been an imposing structure. New excavations were also carried out to the west of the building where part of an earlier north–south-aligned road fronting the steps of the mausoleum was exposed; on the opposite side of the road a pavement was found fronting the colonnade of a portico that would have faced the mausoleum. Over time this western area appears to have been gradually altered: a series of crudely built structures made of rough clay-bonded stone and tile walls was found built over the line of the proposed portico. Fragments of masonry from the Temple were found in some of the walls of these buildings.

Domus area The largest and most intense area of excav­ ation, however, was centred on the upstanding buildings (Fig. 0.5). Covering an area roughly 65 × 45 m, these excavations – carried out using modern stratigraphic techniques – produced over a thousand contexts and over six hundred small finds, including almost five

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Background to the site and excavations

0

20 m

Figure 0.5. Plan of the domus excavations

hundred coins. Large quantities of Roman and medieval pottery have also been collected from the excavations. Together, these results have enabled the creation of an important picture of a changing landscape from the 1st century AD to the 13th century AD.

The suburb: mid-1st-3rd century AD (Figs 0.6 and 0.7) The earliest evidence for occupation appears to date to the mid-1st century AD when a series of houses of varying sizes was constructed across the site, some of which fronted onto a series of roads which connected the

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Building 3

Building 5

Shops

Building 2

Building 1 roads 0

20 m

Shops

Building 4

Figure 0.6. The Vrina Plain settlement (mid-1st to early 2nd century AD) suburb to the main road from Butrint to Mursia, located to the east. Rather than being a haphazard expansion, the settlement was laid out from the start with the houses divided into separate plots. Shops fronted onto the roads with the residential part of the house set behind. During the 2nd century the occupation appears to have expanded. However, by the 3rd century, the nature of the occupation changed as the area seems to have come under the control of one individual, who constructed a large peristyle house across the site. To allow for the construction of this large structure the earlier buildings were either demolished, as in the case of the buildings found to the west of the site, or they were integrated into the new build.

The domus: mid-3rd to mid-5th century AD (Fig. 0.8) Central to this new complex was a large open courtyard. Measuring c. 26 m east to west by c. 16.50 m north to south, the courtyard contained an ornamental water feature comprising two pools, one built inside the other. The courtyard was surrounded on all four sides by a portico, originally floored with a series of mosaic pavements of geometric design. The northern part of the Vrina Plain domus seems to have been the public area, centred on a large apsidal structure. This appears to have been an audience chamber where the owner would have received his clients as well as his business associates. Measuring 25.30 × 13.50 m, the room was orientated east to west with the apse at the eastern end

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Background to the site and excavations

Building 7

Building 8

Cistern

Shops

Building 2

Building 1

0

20 m

Shops

Building 4

Figure 0.7. The Vrina Plain settlement (2nd to early-3rd century AD)

of the structure and the main doorway opposite it in the western wall. The eastern area of the building appears to have been the private part of the house, restricted to the owner’s most trusted friends and confidantes. The eastern portico gave access to a series of elaborately furnished rooms that utilised the earlier buildings located here. This seems to have involved blocking in a number of doorways as well as laying a sequence of new mosaic floors. The full extent of this domus is unclear. From the geophysical survey it would appear that it could potentially continue to the south where a further, much larger, courtyard has been identified, which was surrounded by a portico and various ranges of rooms, including what

appears to be another apsidal hall and a triple-apsed triclinium. The house seems to have been occupied until the middle of the 4th century, at which point it appears to have been abandoned. The reason for the abandonment is unclear though it is possible that it may have been as a result of an earthquake. By the beginning of the 5th century the site was reoccupied but only for a short period and by the mid-5th century the house was once more abandoned. However, this period of abandonment was only temporary as by the beginning of the 6th century the house was reoccupied. The basilica: 6th century AD (Fig. 0.9) The focus of the new occupation was religious rather

Simon Greenslade

xiv

Eastern bath-house Western bath-house

Octagonal tower

Courtyard

Apsidal hall Cistern

Marine entrance

Eastern entrance Eastern wing

Ornamental pool Service room Praefurnium Projected wall line 4th-century additions

Doors to the southern 0 area of the house

Raised heated rooms 20 m

Figure 0.8. The Vrina Plain settlement (mid-3rd to mid-5th century AD)

than residential, as indicated by the construction of a north–south-aligned apsidal basilica, floored with a series of highly intricate mosaics. The basilica, measuring c. 19.21 m by c. 15.85 m, was built out from the southern wall of the apsidal chamber, which necessitated the removal of part of this wall. Cut through a levelling deposit, which had been spread across the central area, the new structure was built partially over the northern and eastern porticoes of the late Roman house and extended into the courtyard, with the apse of this building built over the northern niche of the inner pool. Internally, the space was divided into a central area and two flanking aisles defined by a series of seven piers on either side of the central space. Covering the central

space was a mosaic pavement separated by a chancel screen. The foundation of the church does not seem to have been an isolated venture; rather, the entire area surrounding the basilica underwent a form of regeneration in this period including the construction of a small bath-house within the northern rooms of the Roman cistern. The site was occupied until the middle of the 6th century at which point it appears to have been abandoned. There are signs that the building may have been partially destroyed by fire. For the next three hundred years the site was deserted but in the mid-9th century the buildings were reoccupied, becoming the manor-house or aristocratic oikos of a Byzantine official, possibly the commander of Butrint.

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Background to the site and excavations

These rooms remain in use

Entrance

Two-storey building

Bath-house

These rooms remain in use

Basilica

0

20 m

Figure 0.9. The Vrina Plain settlement (early to mid-6th century AD)

The oikos: mid-9th to mid-10th century AD (Fig. 0.10) The focus of the new activity was centred once more on the area of the basilica and the surrounding buildings. The deposits that must have filled the abandoned building were cleaned out and the building repaired. The arcades of the southern extension, which had collapsed, were patched up and the openings in the nave-arcades were blocked in. The step in front of the main north entrance into the nave was extended over the mosaic and, due to an enduring weakness in the area of the sanctuary, the original chancel screen was replaced by a more robust barrier, which may have served as a diaphragm-wall to secure a weak point in the roof. In the narthex and the western chamber a number of blocking walls were also added.

The principal room of the new house was situated over the former narthex; this was supported on a series of posts, the holes for which were fire-blasted through the earlier flagstone floor. Meanwhile, the religious nature of the site became focused on the nave and sanctuary. As a result of the blocking-in of the arcades, the aisles were used for more practical activities. The eastern aisle appears to have been used as a workshop associated with a large pottery kiln, constructed in the small room that opened-off the aisle, while the western aisle seems to have become a storage space. Once more the surrounding rooms of the earlier domus were reoccupied, while the area of the infilled Roman pools became a cemetery, possibly for the community or retainers under the official’s jurisdiction.

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Simon Greenslade

Kiln

Bath-house reused Two-storey building remains in use Animal pen

Oven New buildings Well Hall Cistern reused Oven Kiln Domestic activity Chapel Kiln Cemetery

Projected wall line

Workshops

ruined walls still visible 0

20 m

Kiln

Figure 0.10. The Vrina Plain settlement (mid-9th to mid-10th century AD) The discovery of 51 Byzantine coins spanning the period c. AD 820–950, along with five lead seals and a ceramic assemblage showing a revival in trade with southern Italy, suggests that by the 10th century AD the household on the Vrina Plain had become a centre of regional, as well as international, administration, with an important local official, archon, living and working there. This role seems to have been maintained up to the mid-10th century AD, after which the building was abandoned, seemingly due to a rise in the water level. With the abandonment, much of the superstructure of the

building appears to have collapsed and any usable material was removed. Although there are indications of small-scale industrial activity continuing within some of the rooms, while the apse of the basilica possibly remained a focal point as a small chapel, generally this period of use was short-lived; from the later 11th century on the buildings appear to have been abandoned, with several layers of ‘black earth’ deposits building up over the remains. Knowledge of the site seems to have remained, however, as at least nine burials have been located cut through the ‘black earth’ deposits across the area as a whole.

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Background to the site and excavations

This volume Through the use of modern stratigraphic excavation and detailed interpretation of the archaeological sequences in relation to the structural remains, work so far undertaken on the Vrina Plain has identified 16 phases of activity covering the period from the mid-1st century AD up to the modern day (Table 0.1), an archaeological sequence as impressive and important as any recovered elsewhere in Butrint and in some aspects anywhere in the Mediterranean. The stratigraphic and structural sequence from the excavations has been detailed in Volume 6.1: Excavations on the Vrina Plain. The lost Roman and Byzantine suburb. The aim of this volume, together with Volume 6.3: Excavations on the Vrina Plain. The Roman and late Antique pottery

from the Vrina Plain excavations, by Paul Reynolds, is to further this study by presenting the work undertaken on the many finds which the excavations produced and provide a complementary resource to work in tandem with Volume 6.1, the archaeological interpretation of the site. The initial chapter by Joanita Vroom discusses the medieval and post-medieval ceramics from the excavations. Covering a period between the 7th/8th and 12th centuries AD, the majority of the material from a total of 2134 diagnostic sherds date to the middle Byzantine/Norman period in Butrint, approximately the 10th to 12th century AD. This is then followed by two reports on the coins recovered from the excavations. Sam Moorhead discusses the 511 ancient and early Byzantine

Table 0.1 Overview of the development of the Vrina Plain settlement: Phases 1–16 Phase 1

2

3a

3b

4

Date

Domus area

Monument area

Temple Mausoleum area

Mid-1st to early 2nd century AD 2nd to early 3rd century AD

Initial occupation: road system and number of large, wellappointed houses constructed, some incorporating shops fronting the roads. Development expands: large cistern and series of new houses built. Some of earlier buildings altered.

Roadway, building and smaller structure associated with early suburbs.

Aqueduct constructed, cut into deposit containing Late Republican pottery. Two-roomed building located to the west of it.

Mid- to late 3rd century AD Early to mid-4th century AD

Occupation changes: site taken over by a single residence, a large double peristyle domus. Encasing wall built behind the apse of hall and new bathhouse added to east. Octagonal tower added to western bath-house. Smallscale alterations to East wing and Southern Building. Villa abandoned as result of earthquake. Unusual double burial interred within courtyard fronting western entrance of apsidal

Late 4th century AD

Phase 2a: evidence of use in area in form of either a paved precinct or early monumental structure – Monument 2 – built into early to mid-2nd century layer. Phase 2b: Monument 1 built slightly over Monument 2. Monument 2 potentially used as pavement in conjunction with Monument 1. Monument 1 cut into a 2nd-century deposit with a late 2nd century related occupation layer. Two votive boxes built along southeastern side. Monument 2 eventually covered over within this period. Continued use of Monument 1 shown by occupation layers dated to early to mid-3rd century associated with the monument.

No dating for this period round Monument area

Road layout altered with the construction of domus across western suburb. Large Temple mausoleum constructed along eastern side of new road; new service building with portico built to west.

Temple mausoleum maintained but deteriorating. Rough wall built to east of it. Alterations made to service

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Simon Greenslade hall. 5

Early 5th century AD

Site reoccupied: apse of apsidal hall repaired and two buttress walls built either side of apse to support new build. Southern courtyard partially levelled over leaving only inner pool of central feature in use. Eastern cistern altered.

6

Mid- to late 5th century AD

7

Early 6th century AD

Abandonment possibly due to environmental changes; rising water table. Collapse of Xarra–Butrint aqueduct and lack of constant supply of fresh water may also have impacted upon use of villa. Site reoccupied: new religious focus to house with construction of basilica occupying eastern part of earlier house.

8

Mid-6th century

9

Late 6th century AD 7th to early 9th century AD

10

11

Mid-9th to mid10th century AD

Alterations undertaken due to instability of building as a result of changing environmental conditions. Site abandoned. Building partially destroyed by fire. Minimal occupation/activity.

Site reoccupied as residence of a Byzantine official. Possible industrial role as indicated by number of kilns.

Phase 5a: Rectangular building constructed beside Monument 1. Some industrial activity and drain added. Phase 5b: Piers inserted in rectangular building, and possible second floor. Set of rooms built on northwest side of rectangular building, covering Monument 1. Possible portico added to building to southeast; drain covered by this time. Phase 5c: Main room divided into two. Threshold inserted into northeastern wall; building extended to northeast. Phase 5d: Central piers added to both main rooms giving extra support. Blocking walls built between portico piers. Further walls added to northwest creating possible store room containing large dolium. Possible abandonment due to environmental changes; rising water table.

Site reoccupied: small chapel built west of Monument 1, utilising walls of earlier buildings.

Possible small alterations, addition of walls cut through floor of chapel. Abandonment of whole area; all deposits covering buildings are demolition layers; no further occupation or use of this area seen in archaeology.

building; portico subdivided.

Road re-surfaced and new wall built along the western edge of it. Further deterioration of Temple mausoleum. Some tombs destroyed. Small-scale domestic activity within the cella. Alterations made to service building; small building built across former portico. Buildings abandoned and area in decline. Rubble and silts building up across area. Silting up of the road forms a hollow-way. Rough wall on western side of hollow-way may suggest some use of area. Demolition and robbing of Temple mausoleum. Arcade of aqueduct collapses due to demolition of mausoleum’s eastern wall.

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Background to the site and excavations 12

Late 10th to 11th century AD

Building abandoned and quarried for stone. Burials interred.

13

11th to 12th century AD

14

Late 12th to 13th century AD

15

13th century AD

16

Late 13th century AD onwards

Periodic re-use: small-scale industrial activity centred on eastern apse. Devotional use centred on southern apse. Post-built structure constructed in courtyard. Abandoned: wall of the southern apse collapses and the site plundered for any usable stone. Dark soils build up across the site. Series of burials interred within ruins. Rock pile accumulates at edge of field, dumped over ruins where land unworkable. Wetland conditions and virtual abandonment of area until reclamation of plain in 1960s.

coins ranging from the 3rd century BC to the 6th century AD, while Pagona Papadopoulou reports on the 59 coins covering the 9th to 17th centuries. Papadopoulou also reports on the five lead seals dating from the late 9th to the 10th century, which, as she notes, are not common finds in archaeological excavations, a fact that attributes special importance to the group presented here. The next contribution is by Angela Soler, Carolyn V. Isaac, Jared S. Beatrice and Todd W. Fenton who discuss the human skeletons. The skeletons cover two periods, with five individuals buried between the 4th to 6th century AD and a further 21 individuals interred between the 9th to 13th century AD. The two burial phases are looked at individually and then as a whole before being compared to nearby sites, in particular the 9th- to 13th-century AD burials from the Triconch Palace excavations in Butrint, to gain an enhanced perspective of life on the Vrina Plain through time. Following this is the study of the Vrina Plain small finds by John Mitchell. Comprising a range of materials, the small finds have been ordered by type; silver, lead, copper, iron, metal slag, glass, worked ivory and bone, amber, ceramic, stucco, semiprecious stone, stone, mosaics and inscriptions in stone and ceramic. All small finds have been listed with their context and individual small find numbers as well as a brief description of the context, its phasing and dating. This chapter is supplemented by a discussion by Pippa Pearce on the methods used to conserve the small finds, highlighting a number of important pieces. The

Thick silty clay deposits build up across the area. Small cappuccino burial inserted along south side of mausoleum. Abandonment of area. Silty clay deposits continue to form across area covering much of mausoleum with only southern wall remaining visible.

glass finds are discussed next: covering all periods, this work was initially undertaken by Sarah Jennings and subsequently, after Sarah’s untimely death, by Karen Stark. In all over 2000 pieces have been studied and catalogued. As well as glassware, the Vrina Plain produced a number of glass cakes – ingots of raw glass associated with glass working. These and a number of glass tesserae have been studied by Nadine Schibille, who has looked at the compositional relationship of the cakes with the tesserae and some of the glass vessels. The faunal finds are discussed by Richard Madgwick. Comprising an assemblage of 11,461 bone fragments from more than 300 contexts ranging in date from the mid-1st century AD to the 13th century and beyond, this contribution represents a summary of the dietary practice, husbandry regimes and human–animal relations during the Roman and late antique/medieval periods on the Vrina Plain. As part of the excavations, an environmental sampling strategy was undertaken, the results of which are presented in the final three chapters of the volume. Rena Veropoulidou discusses the archaeomalacological (mollusc) data recovered and explains how this initial study has the potential to provide a better understanding of everyday life, diet and craft production in a medieval community in southeastern Europe. In addition to the shells extracted from bulk sediment flotation samples, a number of mollusc shells were hand-collected during the course of the excavations. These have been looked at by Matthew Law and Richard Madgwick and confirm

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Simon Greenslade

Veropoulidou’s archaeomalacological results. Finally, the archaeobotanical evidence from the Vrina Plain settlement is discussed by Alexandra Livarda. Although the preservation of the remains was limited, making identification of species difficult, the data does provide an indication of the range of available food plants and allows an insight into the subsistence base of the inhabitants of the settlement.

Notes 1 2 3 4 5

Ugolini 1927. Budina 1971. Bescoby 2003; 2007, 95–118; Chroston and Hounslow 2004, 64–75; Hodges et al. 1997, 211–14; Pluciennik et al. 2004, 47–63. Çondi 1988. Crowson and Gilkes 2007, 126–31; Gilkes, Hysa and Çondi 2013.

1  The medieval and post-medieval pottery finds from the Vrina Plain excavations Joanita Vroom1

Introduction In this preliminary report I present a selection of medieval and post-medieval pottery finds from the 2004–08 excavations on the Vrina Plain in Butrint.2 In total c. 2070 contexts were excavated during the years 2002–08, of which approximately 90 contexts had mostly medieval pottery finds. The assemblage includes a number of wares that are described below, ranging from glazed fine wares to medieval amphorae, the study of which is still ongoing.

Some pottery quantifications The assemblage of medieval and post-medieval pottery fragments from the Vrina Plain excavations consists of a total of 2134 diagnostic sherds with a total weight of c. 87 kg. Of this total, handle fragments make up the largest part of the ceramic assemblage (37%), followed by body fragments (33%), rim fragments (19%), base fragments (8%) and, finally, lid fragments (3%) (Plate 1.1, Graph 1). Graphs 2 and 3 (Plate 1.1) show the relative quantities by count of various wares from the total assemblage. In Graph 2 one can notice, for instance, that coarse wares (‘CW’) represent 50% of the total (1014 fragments in total, of which 155 include wares of light utility),3 directly followed by amphorae (‘AMP’) with 45% of the total. It is interesting to see that table wares (‘TW’) represent only 2% of the total, while other vessels (‘OTH’) make up 1%, and finally special finds (‘SP’) 2%. It is clear from this graph that coarse wares represent the largest group from this period. The large numbers of coarse wares and amphorae can also be seen in the significant difference in the number of open and closed shapes. Closed vessels represent 98% of the total assemblage, whereas open vessels represent only 2% (Plate 1.1, Graph 3). Regarding the chronology of the material, pottery finds of the early medieval period (c. late 7th/8th to late 9th/ early 10th century) represent 16% of the total assemblage (in Graph 4 described as ‘EMED’), pottery finds of the

early medieval to middle Byzantine period represent 2% of the total (‘EMED-MBYZ’), pottery finds of the middle Byzantine/Norman period (c. 10th to 12th century) represent 78% of the total (‘MBYZ’), pottery finds that can be dated only in general to medieval times represent 2% of the total (‘MED’), pottery finds of the late medieval/ Angevin/late Byzantine period (c.13th to 14th century) represent 1% of the total (‘LMED’) and pottery finds of the Venetian period (c. late 14th to late 18th century) represent only 1% of the total (‘EVEN’) (Plate 1.1, Graph 4). In short, these numbers show that the majority of the medieval fragments excavated on the Vrina Plain can be dated to the middle Byzantine/Norman period of Butrint, and that ceramic finds of the post-medieval period are rare in this part of the city. In addition, a comparison of the frequency of local and imported wares is presented in Graph 5. The imported wares were clustered into four main groups: ‘Southern Italy’, ‘Northern Italy’, ‘the Aegean’ and ‘either Southern Italy or the Aegean’. Looking at the quantities of local and imported wares from the Vrina Plain excavations in Graph 5, it is clear that imported wares from Southern Italy were found in the largest quantity (49%), followed by locally produced wares (41%) and imported wares from Southern Italy or the Aegean (7%), whereas the imported wares from the Aegean (1%) and Northern Italy (0%) are almost negligible (Plate 1.1, Graph 5). In short, we can conclude from these graphs that the pottery assemblage consisted mainly of handle fragments of locally made coarse wares and undecorated amphorae imported from Southern Italy. The majority of these vessels can be dated in the middle Byzantine–Norman period of Butrint (c.10th–12th centuries). The predominance of this era is also shown in Graphs 6 and 7, where the totals of coarse wares and amphorae are presented by period. The numerical data in these graphs show that middle Byzantine coarse wares (58%) and middle Byzantine amphorae (66%) were the most numerous in the Vrina Plain pottery assemblage (Plate 1.1, Graphs 6 and 7).

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Figure 1.1. Profile of Glazed White Ware rim and stem fragments from contexts 3322 and 3333

The pottery finds Glazed fine wares The excavations on the Vrina Plain yielded approximately five sherds of so-called ‘Glazed White Wares’ (GWW). These include a rim fragment and a stem fragment of the same vessel, which could be either a small chalice or a lamp of Glazed White Ware I (-II?) (Fig. 1.1; Plate

1.2). The rim is impressed on the top and decorated with red staining. The shape of this vessel looks very similar to 8th/9th-century examples from excavations at the St. Polyeuktos church in the Saraçhane district in Istanbul.4 The two Vrina Plain pieces were found in different contexts (3322 and 3333), but both in association with coins of the 9th century (context 3333: one coin of AD 820–29; context 3322: two coins of AD 842–67).5

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Figure 1.2. Profiles of Monochrome Green Glazed Wares and Sgraffito Ware fragments from contexts 3044, 1006 and 3325

Furthermore, one body sherd and two small handle fragments of Glazed White Ware II were found (in contexts 3110, 3225 and 3325 respectively), the last handle being covered on either side by a yellow and green lead glaze and with a central groove on the exterior part (Plate 1.3). This piece is probably a handle fragment of a cup, and can be approximately dated to the 11th–12th century.6 Glazed White Wares are a group of lead-glazed ceramics

made in a whitish kaolin fabric. These wares were mostly produced at workshops in Constantinople between the 7th and 12th century.7 Glazed White Ware II was more widely distributed than its predecessor, Glazed White Ware I.8 To date, Glazed White Ware II has been found on various sites in the Aegean, Balkans, Turkey, Crimea, Albania, Italy, and even in Sweden.9 Apart from these finds of Glazed White Wares, a small

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Figure 1.3. Profiles of Polychrome Lead-glazed Ware type ‘RMR’ from contexts 1066, 3003, 3482 and 3488

body piece of Glazed Red Ware came from context 3225, a layer above the mosaic in the sanctuary of the basilica (Plate 1.4). The sherd is covered on both sides with a transparent lead glaze (in Italy this type of pottery is known as ceramica a vetrina pesante), and can be roughly dated to the 9th–10th century. Later types of imported fine wares from the Byzantine world were also recovered in the Vrina Plain complex. In the apse of the basilica, for instance, some sherds of glazed ware with a painted decoration were recovered in context

3217. These were four fragments of a dish made of a fine orange fabric covered with a white slip in the interior and painted motifs in green and brown under the lead glaze. The pieces are a type of painted tableware of the middle Byzantine/Norman period in Butrint, also known as ‘Brown and Green Painted Ware’ (Plates 1.5 and 1.6). The sherds can be dated in the second half of the 12th century. Both the shape and painted decoration of this dish have similarities with contemporary pottery finds from Central Greece, for example, from Corinth, Chalkis and rural sites in Boeotia.10

1  The medieval and post-medieval pottery finds from the Vrina Plain excavations A few small fragments of imported fine wares from the Aegean, which were found in the basilica on the Vrina Plain, can be dated in the same middle Byzantine/Norman period. They include a rim fragment of a Monochrome Pale Green Glazed dish (context 3322; Plate 1.7(A)), a base and two body fragments of Monochrome Green Sgraffito dishes (contexts 3044, 86 respectively: Fig. 1.2 and Plate 1.7(B)), as well as a base, a rim and a body fragment of Monochrome Yellow Sgraffito dishes with gouged lines on the interior (contexts 1006, 3325; Fig. 1.2 and Plate 1.7(C)). These last three fragments with gouged decoration could belong to the so-called ‘Incised Sgraffito Ware’ of the late 12th/early 13th century.11 A few sherds of fine wares from late medieval times were also recovered at the Vrina Plain excavations. Among these are three base fragments of bowls and a handle fragment of a closed vessel (probably a jug) of so-called Polychrome Lead-glazed Ware type ‘RMR’ (contexts 1066, 3003, 3482, 3488), the last one with brown stripes painted on the exterior (context 3003; Fig. 1.3).12 One of the three base fragments shows a painted central grid-iron medallion (in a brownish colour) on the interior of the bowl, imitating the grid-iron design of Proto-Maiolica of the Brindisi type group I (context 3488; Fig. 1.3). Similar lead-glazed imitations of this grid-iron motif have been found at excavations in Torre di Mare, the medieval site of Metaponte in Basilicata.13 In fact, the grid-iron medallion is one of the most common motifs in Southern Italy: not only in Proto-Maiolica but also in ‘RMR Ware’.14 All the fragments of Polychrome Lead-glazed Ware type ‘RMR’ from the Vrina Plain can be dated to the late 13th to mid14th century. Finally, one rim fragment from context 7308 has a white slip and a pale creamish- yellowish lead glaze (7.5 Y 8/1) on the inside of an open vessel. It is further decorated with four incised lines on top of the rim (Plate 1.8). This could be a piece of a so-called ‘Zeuxippus Ware Subtype’ or ‘Zeuxippus Ware Variant’. This is a type of incised glazed ware of the 13th–mid-14th centuries, which was widely distributed throughout the Eastern Mediterranean (and especially in northern and central Greece and on the western coast of Turkey).15

Unglazed fine wares Context 3469 yielded nine fragments of an unglazed vessel in a fine orange fabric (Plate 1.9). It is covered with a reddish slip (2.5 YR 6/8) on the exterior. In addition, its shoulder is decorated with fine straight and wavy incised lines. The shape is of a closed vessel with a spout on one side (probably a jug), which also includes a filter with holes pierced through on the inside. One can often find such filters on Islamic jugs used for the serving or pouring of liquids (mostly water). The filter is designed to keep impurities or insects out. A similar-looking jug with incised wavy lines, spout and filter has been identified from excavations in the city of

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Crotone, situated on the Ionian side of Calabria, although the shape is not exactly the same. This latter vessel comes from a ‘Late Roman and Proto Byzantine’ burial area on the north coast of Crotone; it is currently part of a private collection known as ‘Collezione E. Palopoli’. Due to its incised decoration and painted surface this jug has been roughly dated to the 7th century.16 Considering the combination of shape, fabric, incised decoration style and context, the vessel from the Vrina Plain can tentatively be dated in the second half of the 7th century, or perhaps early 8th century.

Unglazed coarse wares The Vrina Plain excavations yielded many fragments of unglazed coarse wares in orange gritty fabrics with numerous white quartz inclusions which were locally produced. The majority of these are wheel-made. Only two rim-neck fragments of small cooking pots from context 3408 appear to be irregular, handmade examples, but these are smoothed on the outside (Fig. 1.4). Two large pieces belonging to the same cooking pot made in one such gritty orange fabric (exterior: 5 YR 7/8; core: 7.5 YR 7/1) came from two different contexts (Fig. 1.5). The rim-handle fragment (from context 3718) has an everted rim of a wide diameter and rows of incised wavy lines on the rim and on the exterior upper body. The base fragment of this vessel (from context 3736) has a concave base with central button in the centre. The shape of this locally made cooking jar is similar to 7th/8th-century pots recovered in Southern Apulia, especially at Otranto. Its incised decoration, on the other hand, appears to be more analogous to similar early medieval decoration styles from the lower Danube region (or Dobroudja region) in northeastern Bulgaria, also known there as the ‘Dridu BalkanDanube Basin Culture’.17 A similarly decorated piece belongs to an open vessel (probably a dish) (Fig. 1.6 and Plate 1.10). It has an everted rim with finger-impressed sides, which is decorated with incised irregular dots on top. Furthermore, it has two incised wavy lines on the exterior upper part. Its fabric is finer than the previous decorated cooking pot, and its fracture is smoother. Its shape seems closer to earlier dishes (late 6th/7th century) from Canosa di Puglia.18 Some distinctive rim-handle fragments came from contexts 3361 and 3732 within the pottery kiln located in the small room off the eastern aisle of the basilica of the Vrina Plain complex (Fig. 1.7). They belonged to closed vessels, mostly wide-rimmed cooking pots with globular bodies and two plain oval handles. Their fabrics are primarily soft, medium-coarse and orange in colour (5 YR 7/6); some contain lime and mica as well as many angular white quartz inclusions. These sherds can be dated to the 9th and 10th centuries based on their contexts and by comparison with similar fabrics and shapes found at Butrint (e.g. Triconch Palace excavations) and in Saranda.19 In addition, similar versions of these medieval cooking pots can be found across the Adriatic Sea, on sites in the Salento region (e.g. Previtero

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Figure 1.4. Profiles of two unglazed coarse ware rim-neck fragments of small cooking pots from context 3408

at Otranto, Apigliano) and in Sicily (e.g. Catania), as well as on mainland Greece (e.g. Sparta).20 One piece of unknown coarse ware, which is definitely not locally manufactured, was found in context 3488 (Fig. 1.8). In fact, this handle-body fragment is made in a very red fabric (10 R 5/6) with many large golden mica flecks, suggesting it might come from southwestern Italy or Sicily. Furthermore, it has a peculiar handle tail; a similar flanged handle on a lid or clibanus/testo (a baking oven/lid) was noted from a context of the second half of the 10th/mid11th century at Santa Maria del Mare in Calabria.21 The locally made cooking pots of the middle Byzantine period (c. 10th–12th century), on the other hand, are smaller in shape than their early medieval predecessors, and have a smaller rim diameter (Fig. 1.9). Most of them come from contexts 3000 and 3003. They are grooved on the exterior surface and sometimes on the exterior rim, but they are not decorated with incisions. Their fabric is gritty orange, with many white and light-grey quartz inclusions. They can have traces of fire use on the exterior rim and body, and on the interior upper wall. Finally, one rim-handle fragment of a middle Byzantine local cooking pot from context 3218 can probably be dated slightly later (Fig. 1.10). This piece is related in shape to cooking pots from excavations in Nichoria (in the southwestern Peloponnese) which are dated to the late 12th/early 13th century.22

Amphorae As we have seen above, a large part of the medieval pottery assemblage from the Vrina Plain excavations consists of fragments of undecorated imported amphorae or transport

jars (45%). These include a few fragments of early Byzantine amphorae of a globular shape. Among them are two rim-handle fragments from contexts 3044 and 3469 which look quite analogous in shape to the so-called Tipo Mitello 1 amphora from excavations at the early medieval production centre of Mitello at Otranto (Fig. 1.11). This small globular amphora from Southern Apulia can be dated to the late 8th/early 9th century.23 In addition, two more examples of this imported amphora type were recovered in a late 8th/early 9th-century context in Tower 1 of the Western Defences in Butrint. These two specimens have a more complete profile and look very similar to a group of early Byzantine amphorae manufactured on the island of Lipsi in the eastern Aegean.24 Some amphora rim fragments from context 3003 can be dated a little later, between the 9th and 11th centuries (Fig. 1.12). Their shapes look very similar to large painted amphorae from southern Italy, and again to local/regional products from the Mitello kiln site at Otranto (also known as Tipo Mitello 2 amphora).25 Further analogous examples can be found on other excavated sites in the Salento region, among them Quattro Macine and Apigliano,26 as well as in Calabria, Campania and at the Crypta Balbi excavations in Rome.27 It is interesting to note that a similar-looking painted amphora from southern Italy has also been found at the site of Chersonesos, in the southwestern Crimea.28 In addition, from southern Italy came many fragments of medieval amphorae in a calcareous fabric (c. 371 pieces, or 23% of the total ceramic finds). Most of these were the so-called ‘Otranto amphorae 1 and 2’ (c. 202 fragments), described as such by Paul Arthur in his typology of amphorae found at Otranto.29 According to Arthur, both amphora types are of Apulian origin, probably from the Brindisi/Bari area, and can generally be dated between the 10th and 12th century.30 Nevertheless, the different fabrics and shapes of the amphora types found at Butrint and at Durrës suggest that probably more than one production centre was involved.31 Two rim-handle fragments are recognisable and good examples of the Otranto 1 amphora: one comes from context 3487,32 the other from context 3342.33 This last fragment has incised Greek graffito on the lower side of one handle (Fig. 1.13). Furthermore, another handle fragment of an Otranto 1 amphora from context 3329 is incised with a Greek graffito on top of the handle (Fig. 1.14). Most of these graffiti are initials or abbreviated names, perhaps of potters, owners or middlemen. The shape of these three pieces can be compared with previous amphora fragments found at the Triconch Palace excavations in Butrint.34 Otranto 1 amphorae have, in general, a short neck with an everted rim, two thick handles, and a ribbed body; they are roughly dated to the 10th and early 11th centuries. It is therefore interesting to see that two of the sherds from the Vrina Plain excavations are associated with coins of the 1st quarter and 1st half of the 10th century, which were found in the same contexts.35

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Figure 1.5. Profile of the unglazed coarse ware cooking pot from contexts 3718 and 3736

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Figure 1.6. Profile of the incised unglazed coarse ware rim from context 3337

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Figure 1.7. Profiles of unglazed coarse ware rim-handle fragments

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Apart from finds of Otranto 1 amphorae, one distinctive rim-handle fragment of an Otranto 2 amphora came from context 129 (Fig. 1.15).36 This type of amphora has an ovoid-shaped ribbed body with a short, conical neck and two high-slung ribbed handles.37 Typical for the handles is the organic tempering of the clay. In Otranto, this type of amphora is generally dated between the late 11th to 12th/ early 13th centuries.

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Figure 1.8. Profile of the unglazed coarse ware handle-body fragment from context 3488

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In view of the evidence discussed here, we may conclude that the time-range of the medieval and post-medieval pottery finds from the 2004–08 Vrina Plain excavations is essentially between the 7th/8th and 12th century, with

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Figure 1.9. Profiles of unglazed coarse ware rims and rim-handle fragments from context 3003

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Figure 1.10. Profile of the rim-handle fragment of a local cooking pot from context 3218

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Figure 1.11. Profiles of early Byzantine amphorae from contexts 3044 and 3469

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Figure 1.12. Profiles of unglazed amphorae rims from context 3003

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Figure 1.13. Profiles of Otranto 1 amphorae rim-handle fragments from contexts 3487 and 3342

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Figure 1.14. Otranto amphora 1 handle fragment with incised graffito from context 3329

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Figure 1.15. Otranto amphora 2 rim-handle fragment from context 129

1  The medieval and post-medieval pottery finds from the Vrina Plain excavations only a few pieces from later times. The majority of the material can be dated in the middle Byzantine/Norman period in Butrint; that is between approximately the 10th and 12th century. The largest group of recovered pottery consists of unglazed coarse wares (50% of the total of excavated ceramics). These include predominantly closed vessels (such as cooking pots) which were locally manufactured, possibly even in the small production kiln that was found in the complex. Most of these pots are wheel-made in a local orange gritty fabric with many mineral inclusions (especially calcite).38 The coarseness of this gritty fabric is related to its thermal-shock resistance properties. As is wellknown from many types of cooking pots, the coarseness of the fabric causes the heat to spread quickly through the walls of the vessels, thus making them more resistant against thermal and physical stress. In fact, the coarser the fabric, the better cooking pots can survive firing (especially firing in an open pit), as well as the heat involved in any subsequent cooking process.39 The second largest group of ceramic finds in the Vrina Plain excavations consists of amphorae (45% of the total). These amphorae were mainly imported from southern Italy and originate from various (but still unknown) workshops in Apulia. From there they were probably exported through the ports of Otranto, Brindisi or Bari. Most of them can be dated between the 10th and 12th century, although a few fragments are a bit earlier. Due to their porous calcareous fabrics, these containers were most likely used for the transport of liquids (such as wine). They are sometimes incised on the exterior surface with Greek graffiti as markers of production centres and with the initials or abbreviated names of potters, owners or middlemen. Only a relatively small amount of the pottery from the Vrina Plain complex consists of glazed fine wares (5%). They are mostly from the early medieval and middle Byzantine/Norman period. A few small fragments of Glazed White Wares from Constantinople were recovered, among them three pieces of the 11th–12th century and two fragments belonging to one vessel (perhaps a chalice or a lamp) of the 8th or 9th century. These last two glazed pieces may be associated with the find of two coins of the 9th century. The fact that fragments of Glazed White Wares are rare in Butrint, as well as in other parts of the southern Adriatic, probably indicates that in this period table wares were either made of more prized materials (such as silver or gold) or of more perishable material (such as wood or leather), which would not easily survive in the archaeological record. Nevertheless, the pieces of Glazed White Ware show contact with the capital of the Byzantine Empire. The later glazed fine wares include a base fragment of a Green and Brown Painted Ware dish of the second half of the 12th century and a small piece of a ‘Zeuxippus Ware Variant’ bowl of the 13th century, both originating from more eastern parts of the Mediterranean. In addition, some fragments were found of ‘RMR Ware’ bowls of the late

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13th/mid-14th century which originate from the Basilicata region in southern Italy. It is obvious, though, that the quantity of later glazed fine wares within the total pottery assemblage of the Vrina Plain excavations is very limited. Both the imported fine wares and the imported amphorae originate from various parts of southern Italy (for example, from Apulia, Calabria and from the Basilicata region), as well as from the eastern Mediterranean.40 As these imported vessels were found in the Vrina Plain complex in relatively modest quantities, we may assume that the site was not a major medieval distribution centre used by merchants (such as a warehouse near a harbour). In fact, the finds may rather be explained as imports for a small or medium-sized household. Perhaps the vessels were part of mixed cargoes of small ships which occasionally passed by this part of the southern Adriatic. The find of five lead seals of the late 9th to 10th century (among them one seal of the imperial protospatharios and strategos of Sicily), 51 Byzantine coins ranging from c. AD 820 to c. AD 1030/5–1042, a silver-plate horse bit and a burial with a 9th- to early 10th-century ornamental bronze buckle, as well as various pottery finds of the same period in the Vrina Plain complex, is exceptional for the region.41 It seems to indicate that around the 9th to early 10th century this small household or centre was part of the administrative, or even the military, system of the Byzantine Empire in the area. This seemingly sudden appearance of an official in Butrint during the late 9th/ early 10th century happened at a time when Byzantium was operating in southern Italy in order to regain military control of its former territories (including Sicily).42 This may have prompted the Byzantines to try and establish a strong chain of administrative centres and military outposts on their western frontier, where goods, troops and information could move freely. This Byzantine administrative/military centre in Butrint’s suburb (perhaps a small office in combination with a customs house?) would not have had an enormous need for luxury goods or for conspicuous consumption with glazed table wares, nor for large quantities of ceramic wine containers, as it acted rather as a place with a specific purpose (such as a small office).43 There are, of course, other possible explanations for the limited amount of 9th/10th-century fine wares and amphorae in the Vrina Plain building. One, for instance, is that when the inhabitants moved out of the 9th/10th-century structures on the Vrina Plain, they took their most valuable goods and wine containers with them. The ceramic finds of the middle Byzantine/Norman period (c. 10th–12th century), on the other hand, seem to indicate quite dramatic changes in the use and spatial organisation of the church area in the Vrina Plain complex. Clearly, one of the aisles of the basilica now became an area with workshops, including three kilns and a large hearth. The larger quantities and the higher concentrations of the pottery finds (especially cooking pots and amphorae, as shown in the graphs) suggest that in this period a variety

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of activities and changes in function took place in the Vrina Plain complex. These activities seem to have been dramatically reduced towards the end of the period.44 The small quantity of later pottery finds (late medieval/Angevin/ late Byzantine/early Venetian wares) in this part of the Butrint area suggests that the Vrina Plain site was largely abandoned after the 12th century.

Notes 1 Leiden University (NL). 2 I would like to thank Richard Hodges for his encouragement in the study and publication of the medieval and postmedieval pottery finds from Butrint. In addition, I would like to thank Simon Greenslade, the excavators and my colleagues in Butrint for their collaboration. The pencil drawings of the ceramics were made by Patricia Caprino of the University of Lecce (IT) and were prepared for publication by Sarah Leppard; they are both gratefully thanked. The photographs of the pottery finds are my own. I also wish to thank Fotini Kondyli for helping me with the graphs. Finally, I am indebted to the Butrint Foundation in collaboration with Packard Humanities Institute for supporting my research in Albania, as well as to the Dutch Organisation of Scientific Research (NWO) for supporting my research in The Netherlands. 3 The designation ‘wares of light utility’ is used here for describing unglazed plain ceramics often used for the serving and pouring of liquids. 4 For a similar-looking rim see Hayes 1992, fig. 4, nos 16 and 23 (8th–9th C.); fig. 53, deposit 34, no. 6 (8th C.). 5 See P. Papadopoulou’s contribution in this volume. 6 See Hayes 1992, fig. 70, no. 30. 7 For finds of Glazed White Wares in the southern Adriatic region: Vroom 2011, 139, 145–6; 2012a, 379–380, fig. 2. 8 This wider distribution of Glazed White Ware II was perhaps due to a renewal of the Byzantine economy after AD 843, the end of Iconoclasm. See in general for Glazed White Ware II, Hayes 1992, 18–29; Vroom 2005, 74–7; Peschlow 1977–78, 381–402, figs 3–12, pls 127–39. 9 See e.g. Armstrong 2001, 57–68, fig. 6.1; Roslund 1997, 239–97; Böhlendorf-Arslan 2004, 99–103. 10 Cf. for a similar shape, Morgan 1942, fig. 56d, and for a similar painted decoration, ibid., pl. XXIIId; see also Vroom 2003, 151–2, figs 6.19–21 and 6.41, W10.1–17; Vroom 2005, 82–3. Another find of Green and Brown Painted Ware in Butrint was published in Vroom 2004, figs 15.6–7. 11 For this type of pottery in general, see Vroom 2005, 90–1. 12 See Vroom 2005, 128–9 for a more detailed description of ‘RMR Ware’; and for its distribution in the Peloponnese and northwestern Greece, Vroom 2011, figs 10–11, tables 6–7. 13 See De Crescenzo 2002, fig. 120, pl. 8, no. 38; fig. 123, pl. 12, no. 50. 14 The grid-iron motif in ‘RMR Ware’ has been found at various sites in southern Italy. See, for instance, Dufournier, Flambard and Noyé 1986, 272–5 and fig. 8 for an overview; De Crescenzo 2002, 185 and notes 94–5 (Torre di Mare); Tinelli 2006, fig. 9, no. 7 (Cerceto, Masseria Torcito). 15 Cf. in general for this type of pottery, Vroom 2005, 110–11.

16 I noticed this vessel on a poster by Francesco Antonio Cuteri on ‘Pottery from Late Roman and Proto Byzantine funerary contexts in Calabria (Italy): Functional and morphologic typology’ presented at the LRCW 4 conference in Thessaloniki (7–10 April 2011). 17 See Janković 1974, figs I–III (Taliata and Prahova Village, Eastern Serbia). 18 Turchiano 2010, fig. 4, no. 4. 19 Vroom forthcoming a. 20 Cf. Arthur 1997, fig. 7, nos 28–32 (Previtero at Otranto, 8th–10th century); Arthur 1999, fig. 9, no. 2 (Apigliano, before mid-10th century); Imperiale 2004, fig. 4, no. 12 (Otranto, 8th century); Sanders 1995, fig. 6, no. 8 (Sparta, early to mid-9th century); Arcifa 2010, fig. 10a (Catania, 8th century). 21 Raimondo 2006, fig. 16, no. 1. For more information on a clibanus/testo, see Vroom 2008, 303–5. 22 For shape, see Rosser 1983, 395, fig. 10.68 (Nichoria). 23 Imperiale 2004, fig. 3, nos 1–2. 24 Papavassiliou, Sarantidis and Papanikolaou 2014, 167, fig. 9; see also Vroom 2012a, 372, fig. 17; Vroom 2012b, 292–3, fig. 8 left; Vroom 2017, 292-5, figs 5-7; Vroom forthcoming b, with further parallels. 25 Imperiale 2004, fig. 3, no. 3. 26 For general shape, see Arthur 2004, fig. 7, nos 19–20. 27 See, in general, Imperiale 2004, 333, note 23; Arthur 2004, fig. 7, nos 19–20 for similar finds in Apigliano. 28 Romançuk, Sazanov and Sedikova 1995, pl. 27, no. 121. 29 Arthur 1992, 206–7, nos 818–24, figs 7.2–3; see also Vroom 2005, 102–3. 30 Arthur 1992, 206–7. 31 Cf. Reynolds 2004; see also Gilkes et al. 2002, 349; Vroom 2006, fig. 2F; Hodges and Vroom 2007, figs 8.1–2. 32 Cf. for shape, Reynolds 2004, fig. 14.64, MED 1.1. 33 Cf. for shape, Arthur 1992, fig. 7:2, no. 818; 1997, fig. 8, no. 45; Reynolds 2004, fig. 13.336g. 34 Cf. Reynolds 2004, fig. 14.64, MED 1.2. 35 See P. Papadopoulou’s contribution on the coin finds in this volume (Chapter 3). 36 Cf. for shape, Arthur 1992, fig. 7:3, no. 825; Reynolds 2004, fig. 14.64, MED 4.1. 37 See in general, Arthur 1992, fig. 7.3, nos 825–31; Reynolds 2004, fig. 14; Vroom 2005, 102–3. 38 Exceptions to this wheel-made repertoire are two handmade rim fragments (fig. 1.4). 39 Woods 1986, 169. 40 See Vroom 2013, fig. 9. 41 Cf. P. Papadopoulou’s and John Mitchell’s articles on the 9th/10th-century coins, seals and metal finds in this volume (Chapters 3, 4 and 6). See also for the seals, Papadopoulou 2012a, 127; and for the buckle, Schulze-Dörlamm 2009, 200–4, type G1, referring to the military character and the distribution of similar Byzantine bronze buckles in Bulgaria, Hungary, Greece, Turkey, Ukraine and Russia. 42 See P. Papadopoulou’s article on the 9th/10th-century coin and seal finds in this volume (Chapters 3 and 4) and Papadopoulou 2012a, 134; Vroom 2013, 95–7. 43 This could be seat or residence of a local Byzantine official, see Vroom 2018. 44 See, for instance, Vroom 2013, fig. 8.

2  The ancient and early Byzantine coins from Vrina Plain Sam Moorhead1

The following report covers the 511 ancient and early Byzantine coins found in the excavations on the Vrina Plain between 2002 and 2009.2 The coins range from the 3rd century BC to the 6th century AD. The later Byzantine and medieval coins are covered in the report by Pagona Papadopoulou (see Chapter 3).

General summary Table 2.1 provides a summary of the coins found on the Vrina Plain. There is a small number of Greek coins from the 3rd to 1st centuries BC (Cat. 1–13), but there is a more significant number of Roman Provincial and Imperial pieces (74) from 27 BC until the end of the 3rd century AD (Cat. 14–87). The largest proportion of coins comes from

the late Roman period, c. AD 294/6–498, with 234 pieces (Cat. 88–321). This predominance is even more accentuated when one considers the uncertain coins which mostly fall into this time frame (Cat. 330–504). There appears to be a significant decline in coin loss in the 6th century, with only a handful of early Byzantine coins (Cat. 322–9). No coins can be dated to the 7th century and one can assume that there was a lacuna in coin supply until the 8th century when later Byzantine coins start to arrive.3

The Greek coins Five Hellenistic coins can be identified with certainty, although there are a number of other pieces which might also be Greek.4 The silver drachm from Apollonia appears

Table 2.1. Breakdown of the Vrina Plain coins by broad periods Period

Frequency

Catalogue Nos

5 8 18 1 38 2 15 152 52(+30) 5(+3) 329

1–5 6–13 14–31 32 33–70 71–2 73–87 88–239 240–321 322–9

Uncertain: Probably c. AD 260–400 Probably 4th century AD Probably 4th–5th century AD Probably 5th–6th century AD Probably 4th–6th century AD Miscellaneous uncertain, ancient or medieval

13 13 42 78 29 7

330–42 343–55 356–97 398–475 476–504 505–11

Total uncertain Grand Total

182 511

Greek/Hellenistic Uncertain Greek/Hellenistic or Roman Provincial Roman Provincial, 27 BC – c. AD 192 Roman Provincial or Roman Imperial Roman Imperial, 27 BC – c. AD 250 Uncertain Roman Republican to Early Imperial Roman Imperial, c. AD 250–94/6 Roman Imperial, AD 294/6–402 Roman Imperial, AD 402–98 Early Byzantine, AD 498–c. 602 Total

Table 2.1  

16

Sam Moorhead Table 2.2. Breakdown of Greek/Hellenistic and Roman Provincial coins by Mint

Period / City Hellenistic Roman Provincial Total

Apollonia

Corcrya

Epirote Republic

Akarnanian Confederacy

Maroneia

1 1

1

1

1?

1

2

1

1

1?

1

Buthrotum

Nicopolis

Patras

Sinope

Total

8(2?)

3(1?)

(1?)

1

4(1?) 13(4?)

8(2?)

3(1?)

(1?)

1

17(5?)

Table 2.2

Figure 2.1. Silver drachm from Apollonia to be an unpublished variety (Cat. 1) (Fig. 2.1). On the other hand, the two coins of Corcyra (Cat. 2) and the Epirote Republic (Cat. 3) are very common and numerous examples have been found in the Butrint Forum excavations.5 To cite the presence of these Hellenistic coins on the Vrina Plain as evidence for pre-Roman occupation is certainly unwise. Richard Abdy has shown from context analysis of coin finds in the Forum that Hellenistic base metal coins were still circulating in quantity well into the Roman period.6

Roman provincial coins Roman provincial coins range in date from c. 44–27 BC probably up until the reign of Elagabalus (AD 218–22). The largest group of coins comes from the mint of Buthrotum, with eight to ten specimens (Cat. 14–23) (Fig. 2.2). There is one piece of the duoviri T. Pompeius and A. Cocceius (c. 44–27 BC; Cat. 14) and one of the duoviri P. Pomponius Graecinus and M. Pullienus (c. 30s–20s BC; Cat. 15). In addition, there are two pieces of Claudius (Cat. 16–17) and four of Nero (Cat. 18–21), two of which appear to be new varieties (Cat. 19 and 21). The piece of Nero is of particular interest (Cat. 19) because it appears to show the aqueduct of Butrint running across the bridge with a cascade of water falling into the city (Fig. 2.3).7 Six other coins come from cities in close proximity to Butrint. There is a single piece from Apollonia (Cat. 24), four pieces from Nicopolis to the south (Cat. 25–8), and a further coin might be from Patras (Cat. 29).

However, one coin has travelled from further afield. It is an unpublished type of Antoninus Pius from the city of Sinope in Paphlagonia, struck in AD 142 (Cat. 30). It is interesting that there was a provincial coin of Julia Domna from Themisonium, in Phrygia, found in the Butrint Triconch excavations.8

Roman Imperial coins, 27 BC–AD 294/6 The majority of early Roman coins found on the Vrina Plain are Roman provincial issues. There are only two preFlavian imperial issues: two poorly preserved asses of the Julio-Claudian period (Cat. 33–4). Furthermore, there are only three Flavian pieces from the period AD 69–96 (Cat. 35–7). It is in the 2nd century that imperial coins begin to become numerous with 21 coins from the reign of Trajan through to Commodus (AD 98–192; Cat. 38–58). After a brief lacuna in the early Severan period (AD 193–222), the coin record picks up again with 12 coins coming from the period AD 222–51 (Cat. 59–70). It is interesting to note that until the presence of silver radiates in the middle of the 3rd century (Cat. 65–6 and 69), all of the imperial coins are base metal: asses and dupondii are dominant in the 1st century, increasingly give way to sestertii in the 2nd century, until the sestertius is dominant in the 3rd century. All of these imperial pieces were struck at Rome. One wonders if Butrint, being a considerable distance from the Danube Frontier, was not receiving large quantities of silver denarii, the preferred pay of the army. Was Butrint

1

1

1

1

Arles

2

2

Ticinum

51(6?)

6(6?)

38 7

Rome

1 1

Carth

3

3

Aquileia

8

3 5

Siscia

10(2?)

10(1?) 1?

Thess

Table 2.3

* Account has been made of a few coins for whom there are two possible mints (Cat. 272, 275 and 292)

27 BC–AD 253 AD 253–96 AD 296–402 AD 402–91* AD 491–565 Total

Lyons

2(1?)

1 1(1?)

Her

5(1?) 2(1?) 1? 7(3?)

Const

2(2?)

2 (2?)

Nico

Table 2.3. Breakdown of Roman Imperial and Byzantine coins by Mint

1 6

1 4

Cyz

3

3

Ant

1

1

Alex .

1

1

East

4?

4?

Egypt 38 14 37(3?) 8(14?) 2(1?) 99(18?)

Total

2  The ancient and early Byzantine coins from Vrina Plain 17

Figure 2.2. Neronian coin issues from the mint of Buthrotum

Figure 2.3. Neronian coin (Cat. 19) from the mint of Buthrotum, appearing to show the aqueduct of Butrint running across the bridge with water cascading from it

18

Sam Moorhead

in a zone where the imperial authorities paid their debts mainly in base metal? The coin record continues in the later 3rd century with 15 radiates from the reign of Valerian to Galerius (AD 253–96; Cat. 73–87). It is now that the debased silver radiate becomes the only denomination in circulation, the denarius and the less valuable base-metal denominations becoming obsolete. In this period, there is also a major increase in the number of mints issuing imperial coins. Although Rome provides almost half of the coins, three pieces come from the nearby mint of Siscia (Sisak in Croatia; Cat. 78 and 82–3)) and three pieces come from Eastern mints (Heraclea, Cyzicus and an uncertain Eastern mint; Cat. 73 and 86–7).

Roman Imperial coins, AD 294/6–402 In the years AD 294–96, Diocletian enacted a major coinage reform which resulted in the introduction of a new silver-washed bronze coin which is now often called the nummus. Nummi continued to be struck until the reforms of Anastasius in AD 498, but their size, weight and silver content was to vary enormously, normally as a result of inflationary pressures.9 From AD 364, the nummus had no silver content, becoming a token bronze coin. Nummi were struck in vast quantities and are found in large numbers on sites across the Roman Empire. On the Vrina Plain, the period AD 294/6–402 has the highest number of coins for any period with 152 pieces (Cat. 88–239). The significance of this can be noted when we compare Vrina Plain’s coin profile with other excavation sites at Butrint (see below). In this period coins come from a wide range of mints. Rome is no longer dominant; in fact there are no recorded coins from Rome at Vrina Plain in the 4th century. Table 2.3 shows that the Balkan and Marmara mints of Siscia, Thessalonica, Constantinople and Cyzicus provide the bulk of the coins, although a few pieces come from Western mints at Arles and Ticinum, and a few come from Eastern mints at Antioch and Alexandria. This Balkan dominance of the 4th century is entirely to be expected. However, as is the case at the Triconch, the Vrina Plain has a much higher proportion of SALVS REI PVBLICAE coins of AD 388–402 (Cat. 217–32) than the larger module VIRTVS EXERCITI coins of AD 395–401 (Cat. 236–7). This accords well with the pattern from other Greek sites, as opposed to Eastern sites where the two types are found in equal numbers.10

Roman Imperial coins, AD 402–98 In the 5th century, the nummus continues to dominate the currency pool, but the coins become increasingly small and light. Furthermore, they are often very poorly struck which makes identification increasingly difficult. Traditionally, site catalogues tend to list only the well-preserved pieces, consigning the majority of coins into miscellaneous ‘uncertain’ categories. However, it is possible to date

many of the coins to broader periods in the 5th century. Many uncertain ‘Victory’ types can be assigned to the period AD 402–35, and most uncertain ‘monogram’ types to the period AD 445–98. Some 46 of the 5th-century coins can be assigned with absolute confidence to these periods, and a further 36 coins most likely fall into these two periods. This provides a 78% increase in material for statistical analysis, thus strengthening the representation of 5th-century coinage on the site.11 In the early 5th century, Rome is the dominant mint, many Victory-type nummi being found in large numbers. However, after the 430s, Balkan and Eastern mints begin to have the lion’s share of the coins. This reflects not only a decline in the output of Rome but also illustrates how, after the vicissitudes in Italy in the later 5th century, Butrint is now part of the Eastern Empire being ruled from Constantinople. The city, therefore, receives most of its coinage from Balkan and Eastern mints, although a few Vandal and Ostrogothic coins arrive from Africa and Italy.12 Amongst the 5th-century nummi might be four cast pieces which emanated from Egypt c. AD 450–75 (Cat. 318–21). Similar pieces were found in the Triconch excavations.13 Also, a number of Vandalic and Ostrogothic coins of the late 5th and 6th centuries were found in the Forum, Triconch, and Diaporit excavations.14 These coins do suggest that Butrint was locked into a wider Eastern Mediterranean trading or monetary economy in the second half of the 5th century.

Early Byzantine coins, AD 498–602 Although Anastasius reformed the coinage in AD 498, the late Roman currency system ran neatly into the early Byzantine one. In fact, the nummus economy appears to have continued well into the 6th century, although there might have been a separation of use between nummi and large denominations.15 On the Vrina Plain, there are two folles (Cat. 322 and 326) and a half-follis (Cat. 324). There is also at least one Justinianic nummus from Carthage (Cat. 325), attesting to the continuation of the nummus economy, and there are possibly three other 6th-century nummi (Cat. 327–9). The last dated coin is AD 548–49 (Cat. 326). Although one might expect one or two pieces from the second half of the 6th century, sites in the region tend to have very few coins from the early 7th century. There is a definite lacuna on the Vrina Plain before later Byzantine coins start arriving again in the 8th century.

A comparison of Vrina Plain with the three other main excavations at Butrint: Forum, Diaporit and Triconch16 It is useful to compare the assemblage at Vrina Plain with those excavated by the Butrint Foundation in the Forum, the Diaporit villa and church, and the Triconch Palace. Table 2.4 presents a statistical comparison using standard

19

2  The ancient and early Byzantine coins from Vrina Plain

Table 2.4. Breakdown of the coins found on excavations at Butrint: Forum; Vrina Plain; Diaporit; Triconch. Totals per period are provided with percent totals Date code 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12

Site/ Date

Forum freq.

Forum %

Vrina Plain freq.

Vrina Plain %

Diaporit freq.

Diaporit %

Triconch freq.

Triconch %

3rd cent–27 BC 27 BC–AD 69 69–96 96–192 192–253 253–96 296–348 348–402 402–45 445–98 498–565 565–602 Total

58 15 3 16 3 2 4 17 4 2 2 0 126*

46 11.9 2.38 12.7 2.38 1.59 3.17 13.49 3.17 1.59 1.59 0 100

5 13 4 25 13 15 42 110 33 49 8 0 317

1.58 4.1 1.26 7.89 4.1 4.73 13.25 34.65 10.4 15.46 2.52 0 100

16 7 0 11 1 2 8 56 41 39 5 0 186**

8.6 3.76 0 5.91 0.54 1.08 4.3 30.12 22.04 20.97 2.69 0 100

1 1 0 3 2 1 21 284 146 212 28 9 708***

0.14 0.14 0 0.42 0.28 0.14 2.96 40.16 20.62 29.94 3.95 1.27 100

* Figures are based on excavations until 2008 (see Abdy 2013); excavation in the Forum resumed in 2011 and the final report will have extra coins. ** See Moorhead forthcoming b. *** See Moorhead 2007; Moorhead forthcoming a.

50 45

Table 2.4

40 Percentage

35 30

Forum

25

Vrina Plain

20

Diaporit

15

Triconch

10 5 0

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10 11 12

Date code

Figure 2.4. A comparison of the coin profiles from four of the excavations at Butrint: Forum; Vrina Plain; Diaporit; Triconch. For periods and data, see Table 2.4 numismatic periods. These data are shown graphically in Figure 2.4. It is generally assumed that occupation on the Vrina Plain started in the Roman period, in the mid-1st century AD. As I have stated above, the presence of a few Greek coins in the assemblage is not evidence for Greek settlement; Richard Abdy has shown from an analysis of the Forum assemblage that many Hellenistic basemetal coins continued to circulate in the Roman period.17 Furthermore, the Forum assemblage has a very high number of Hellenistic coins (46%) compared to 1.5% on the Vrina Plain. The Forum has well over double the proportion of coins in the period 27 BC–AD 96 (14.28% to 5.30%). This

does support the notion that the Forum was established well before settlement started on the Vrina Plain, but it would be unwise to suggest a date for the start of activity based solely on the coins. However, a date in the early to mid1st century AD would be entirely plausible. One should also note the coin record at Diaporit, where there was a settlement in the 1st century BC. As a result, here there is a much higher proportion of coins from the Hellenistic and Republican period than on the Vrina Plain. By the 2nd century, the Vrina Plain’s coin-loss picks up significantly, overtaking the Forum in the 3rd century. This fits well with the known urban expansion on the Plain in the imperial period.

20

Sam Moorhead

It does seem that in the mid-3rd century there was a hiatus in the Forum, with only two ‘radiate’ coins from the period AD 253–96. However, the Vrina Plain has a much larger number of ‘radiates’. For the 4th century, Vrina Plain has the highest coin-loss (47.90%), followed by the Triconch (43.12%), Diaporit (34.42%) and the Forum (16.66%). For the period AD 294/6–348, the Vrina Plain is well ahead, with 13.25% compared with 3.70% at the Forum, 4.30% at the Triconch, and 2.96% at Diaporit. From this evidence and that of the 3rd century, it is possible to argue that the monetary economy on the Vrina Plain was the strongest of the group in the years from AD 192 to 348. In the second half of the 4th century, the Vrina Plain (34.65%) falls behind the Triconch in coin-loss (40.16%) but stays ahead of Diaporit (30.12%). This might be a direct result of the destruction and abandonment of the domus. Context analysis shows that a number of contexts do have their latest coins from the period AD 348–402 and it might be that some of these relate to the abandonment.18 However, there are a number of contexts which have coins of the period AD 348–402 along with later, 5th- or 6th-century pieces.19 This latter group provides further evidence to support the argument that many 4th-century coins continued to circulate into the 5th and even the 6th century.20 Therefore, their presence is quite possibly a result of later arrival in the 5th century when the site regenerated. In the 5th century, there is little coin-loss in the Forum (4.76%).21 However, there is significant coin-loss on the Vrina Plain (25.86%), although it is not as great as at Diaporit (43.01%) and the Triconch (50.56%). This can largely be explained by the fact that Diaporit and the Triconch were sites which saw significant expansion and activity in the 5th century, hence one would expect a higher proportion of 5th-century coins. This being the case, there is no reason, using coin evidence, to suggest a down-turn in economic activity on the Vrina Plain in this period. Although the archaeological evidence might suggest a hiatus in the middle of the century, numismatic data cannot be used to support this hypothesis. In the period AD 498–565, the Vrina Plain (2.52%), Diaporit (2.69%), the Triconch (3.95%), and even the Forum (1.95%) have a very similar proportion of coin-loss. The last dated coin on the Vrina Plain is AD 548–49 (Cat. 326); whether this can be linked to the fire in the church in the mid-6th century is a question for archaeologists to answer. After AD 565, of the Butrint sites, only the Triconch has coins, but even here there is none from the 7th century.22 It is possible that the economic activity on the Vrina Plain was seriously affected, in terms of a cut-off of supply or a reduction in demand for new coinage, by the Slavic invasion of AD 580 which apparently destroyed Nemea and Kenchreai. There was contraction at other major cities in the region, for example Nicopolis. The evidence from all of the sites, therefore, is that Butrint had slipped out of the Byzantine (or late antique)

monetary economy in the early 7th century. It was to be over 150 years before the site started to receive Byzantine coins again, but by this time the Vrina Plain was part of a later Byzantine (or medieval) monetary economy.

Coins of numismatic interest The silver drachm from Apollonia (Cat. 1) appears to have an unpublished reverse legend, although this coin comes from an issue with numerous varieties. Two coins from the Vrina Plain excavations appear to be new varieties, one seemingly showing water flowing from the aqueduct (Cat. 19) and the other a reverse legend variety (Cat. 21). The discovery of new varieties of coins from Butrint should not surprise us as the excavations have now recovered 24, possibly 26, pieces from the Buthrotum mint – this is almost certainly the largest group of such coins ever recovered.23 No. 38, a sestertius of Trajan, appears to be a mule with an obverse of AD 114–17 and a reverse of AD 103–11. One coin of Gallienus from Rome has an unrecorded ‘Γ’ officina mark (Cat. 76). Two coins of Crispus have unpublished obverse types (Cat. 90 and 93), whilst another piece of Valens has an obverse legend variety (Cat. 190). Mintmark varieties are recorded on coins of Valens from Thessalonica (Cat. 169) and Theodosius I from Thessalonica (Cat. 214). As the material used in the Roman Imperial Coinage and the Late Roman Bronze Coinage catalogues largely comes from Western museums, it is of no surprise that new varieties of 4th-century coins from Balkan and Eastern mints have turned up on this excavation.

Notes 1 Portable Antiquities and Treasure, The British Museum. I would like to thank Richard Abdy and Simon Greenslade for all their assistance in working at Butrint and on this report. I would also like to acknowledge the work of Shpresa Gjongecaj, Pagona Papadopoulou, Oliver Gilkes and Andrew Crowson. Finally, without the conservation work of Pippa Pearce (British Museum) many of these coins would never have been identified. 2 The last coins to be included in this report come from the Training Excavations on Vrina Plain in 2009. Some of the coins have already been published in Moorhead, Gjongecaj and Abdy 2007. For a more detailed discussion of the general monetary economy of the region in the 4th to 6th century AD, see Moorhead 2007 and 2013. 3 See Papadopoulou in this volume. 4 See Cat. nos 6–13. 5 Abdy 2013: 11 pieces of Corcyra and 13 of the Epirote Republic had been recorded from the Forum. 6 Abdy 2012. 7 For more about the coins of Butrint, see Moorhead, Gjongecaj and Abdy 2007, 78–9, 83–4; Abdy 2012; Abdy 2013. 8 Moorhead forthcoming a, Cat. no. 6 (1557/819) 9 Some nummi continued to be struck after the reforms of Anastasius in AD 498, although larger denomination coins now made up the majority of official issues.

2  The ancient and early Byzantine coins from Vrina Plain 10 Moorhead 2007, 294. 11 For a much more detailed discussion on 5th-century nummi, see Moorhead 2007, 288–9. 12 The Triconch has three Vandalic and two Ostrogothic coins (Moorhead forthcoming a; 2007, 304, Cat. nos 419–422b); Diaporit has one Vandalic and one Ostrogothic piece (Moorhead forthcoming b, Cat. nos 138–9). No barbarian pieces have been found on the Vrina Plain. 13 These coins quite possibly belong to a class of thin cast pieces which were first identified as coming from Egypt (Milne 1926) and have subsequently been found in Palestine (Moorhead 1983, iia, 151–4) and Beirut (Butcher 2001–2, 101). Up to 23 similar pieces were found in the Triconch excavations (Moorhead 2007, 296–7, Cat. nos 426–47a). Stratigraphic analysis has suggested a date of c. AD 450–75 for the coins (Butcher 2001–2, 101). 14 Forum: Archive Spreadsheet 2008, Cat. no. 155; Triconch: Moorhead forthcoming a, 2007, 304, Cat. nos 419–22b; Diaporit: Moorhead forthcoming b, Cat. nos 138–9. 15 For more discussion of the relationship between larger denominations and nummi, see Moorhead 2007, 300; Moorhead 2012. 16 Although it is possible to compare the four sites, it is important to note that archaeological work has almost certainly skewed the numismatic data. It is possible that many later Roman coins were found in earlier excavations

17 18

19 20

21 22 23

21

in the 20th century in the Forum which would have removed the upper levels. For the Triconch, the high water level precluded the excavation of earlier levels of occupation, hence probably reducing the number of Greek, Roman Provincial and early Imperial coins. Abdy 2013. Contexts with latest coin dating from AD 348–402: 7, 12, 16, 108, 1514, 3300, 3330, 3494, 3714, 3729, 3782, 3804, 3823, 3878, 3945, 3948, 3954, 3956, 3962, 3970, 3973, 3975, 5004, 5025, 7034, 7084, 7096, 7097, 7142, 7273, 7707 and 7822. Contexts with AD 348–402 coins alongside later 5th- or 6th-century coins: 4, 2026, 3200, 3322, 3337, 3345, 3350, 3478, 3545, 3724, 3828, 3925 and 7053. Analysis of the Triconch coins has shown that most of the 4th-century coins survived until at least the second half of the 5th century. For a more detailed discussion, see Moorhead 2007, 290–1, 297. It is probably impossible to tell if the lack of late Roman coins in the Forum is a result of earlier excavations or a genuine reduction of coin use/loss at the site. At the Triconch site, six coins date from the period AD 578–602. Moorhead forthcoming a (Cat. nos 412–18). Ten coins of Buthrotum have been found in the Forum excavations (Abdy 2013), six from Diaporit (Moorhead forthcoming b) and eight to ten from Vrina Plain (Cat. nos 14–23).

AE 21

AE 17/9 AE 17

AE 11/12

2

3 43

5

c. 400–300

238–168 229–128

229–48

c. 200–80 BC

Maroneia, Thrace

Epirote Republic ?Akarnanian League

Corcyra

Apollonia

City State / Authority

6–135

Cat. No.

AE various

Denom

Uncertain Greek/Hellenistic or Roman Provincial 4

AR Drachm (2.55g)

Denom

12

Cat. No.

Date

House of Constantine House of Valentinian House of Theodosius Caesar

Greek/Hellenistic

H of C H of V H of T (C)

Catalogue abbreviations:

Horse prancing right; monogram beneath

Bust of Artemis right Unclear bust right, poss. Herakles, or man-bull

APIΣTHN; cow standing left with calf; no symbols visible Illegible

Obverse

Catalogue of the coins from the Vrina Plain1

Cert

8

Unc

8

Total

AΠOΛ / ΛENA / Σ? / A; around double floral pattern within square KORKY / [P]AIΩN; prow right [ ]; spearhead [ ]; Artemis advancing right with torch in both hands [MAPΩNITΩN] around three sides of linear square containing a vine

Reverse

1

1 1

1

1

Unc

1

1 1

1

1

Total

Context/Site-Find

Cert

7053/6329

3948/6245 3932/6214

4001/3374

5000/5195

Context/SF No.

5064/6595; 4002/3381; Room L/6019; 7221/6416; 1095/2666; 3954/6272; 3002/3364; 128/2913

BMCG cf. 65ff.

BMCG cf. 9; SNG Cop cf. 379ff BMCG cf. 482ff BMCG cf. 61ff BMCG cf. 13

Ref

22 Sam Moorhead

Denom

AE 19

AE 17/19

AE 24/25

AE 16

AE 25

AE 18/19

AE 25

AE 20

AE 19

AE 17

Cat. No.

14

156

167

17

18

198

20

2110

22

2311

Roman Provincial

?c. 44 BC –AD14

54–68

54–68

54–68

54–68

54–68

41–54

AD 41– 54

c. 30s– 20s BC

c. 44–27 BC

Date

?Buthrotum / ?Magistrates or Augustus

?Buthrotum/?Nero

Buthrotum / Nero

Buthrotum / Nero

Buthrotum / Nero

Buthrotum / Nero

Buthrotum / Claudius

Buthrotum / T. Pompeius and A Cocceius Buthrotum / P. Pomponius Graecinus and M. Pullienus Buthrotum / Claudius

City State and Magistrate/Ruler

[?NERO CLAVDIVS CAESAR]; radiate head r. [ ]; ?Laureate head of Nero right [ ]; Veiled bust right (double-struck)

(TI CLAV)D CAE – [SAR AVG GER]; Laureate head right [TI CLA GER CAES]; Laureate head right [NERO CLAVDIVS CAESAR AVG]; Laureate head of Nero right (B.AV countermark on neck) …O CL …; Radiate head r; B.AV countermark) …]DIVS[… head, radiate, right

BUTHR (line above TH); crossed cornucopia [SALVTIS]; [head of Salus right]

Obverse

Illegible

[ ]; ?rump of quadruped (bull?)

[EX CON?] C C I B; palm-tree

[D] E[X C]ON / (C)[CIB]; Bridge with aqueduct; cascade of water left end of aqueduct9 [ ]; bull right

•D•/[EX CONSE]N//[CCIB]; bull right

(C C I B D D); either side of palmtree

?[PVBL C C I] (B?); figure standing left (holding cornucopia) and patera?

GRAECIN.P[VL]LIEN.II(.VIR.)Q; snake

(T.POMPONIVS.A.COCCEIVS) (II)VIR ITE(line above) / (EX) D D

Reverse

RPC cf. 1401 RPC cf. 1379 7 1387

RPC 1412(var?)

RPC cf. 1406ff

RPC 1404var

RPC cf. 1401

RPC 1398

RPC cf. 1397

RPC 1389

RPC 1382

Ref

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

Cert

1

1

Unc

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

Total

5004/5027

1059/2478

7335/6445

5007/5203

5041/6543

2143/2877

105/43

7075/6360

3936/6227

7802/6307

Context/SiteFind

2  The ancient and early Byzantine coins from Vrina Plain 23

AE 31

AE 17

AE 17

AE 14

AE 16

AE 22/24

AE 27/28

AE 16/19 AE 22/24

24

25

26

2712

28

2913

3015

31

c. 27 BC – AD 200

98–138

142

After 28 BC 81–96

?180–92

138–61

117–38

218–222

Date

Roman Provincial or Imperial

? / Trajan or Hadrian

Sinope / Antoninus Pius

?Nicopolis / Autonomous ?Patras / Domitian

Nicopolis / Antoninus Pius Nicopolis / ?Commodus

Nicopolis / Hadrian

Apollonia / Elagabalus

City State and Magistrate/Ruler

[ ]; ?Laureate bust left

AKMAYANTΩNEINOC CE; Beardless bust, laureate, draped and cuirassed right, seen from rear ADPIANOC KAICAP; Laureate and draped bust right [ ]IΛIOC A[ ]; Laureate head right [ ]; laureate and bearded head right N…; ?Turreted bust of Nicopolis right …DOM AV(lig.)G GER[ ]; Laureate head right … (A?)Δ – AN…; Laureate head right; beaded border [ ]; bust right

Obverse

Denom

As

As Dup/As Dup

Cat. No.

33

34 35 36

c. AD 22/23 ? 41–54 ?69–81 81–96

Date

?Claudius ?Flavian Domitian

Tiberius

Ruler

Reverse

Illegible Illegible Illegible

PROVIDENT, S C; Altar

Illegible

… (up right side); (C)LXXXVI (down right side); draped bust of Serapis right with modius; beaded border Illegible

[ ]; ?Artemis standing with dog and altar14

?Nike advancing right, holding wreath

[ ]; boar’s head right

NEIKOΠOΛEΩC; Asclepius standing facing, head right, holding serpent staff A within wreath

DIVVS AVGVSTVS PATER; radiate head left [ ]; head left [ ]; head right [ ] GERM COS [ ]; radiate head right

Obverse

Reverse AΠOΛΛΩN-IA-TAN; Emperor on horseback right; under horse, two kneeling prisoners

Roman Imperial, 27 BC – AD 253 (all are aes, except when noted; all are mint of Rome)

32

Denom

Cat. No.

Ref

– – –

RIC I, 81

–

–

–

Oec. cf. 16–22 Oec. cf. 17–9 Oec. cf. 62–3 RPC II, cf. 227–33

BMCG 17

Ceka 168; Gjoncecaj and Picard 144–5

Ref

1

1

Cert

1

1

1

1

Cert

1 1

Unc

1

1

1

1

1

Unc

1 1 1

1

Total

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

Total

Cleaning/6003 1502/2857 128/2915

5052/6517

Context / SiteFind

5066/6606

5112/6629

5041/6546

3712/6128

1502/2860

3468/6556

108/2745

2102/2873

3002/3370

Context/SiteFind

24 Sam Moorhead

Denom

As Sest

Sest

Dup

Sest

Sest

Sest

Dup/As

Sest

Dup

As

Sest

Dup/As

Dup/As Sest

Sest

Cat. No.

37 3816

39

40

41

42

43

44

45

46

47

48

49

5017 51

52

161–80

?145–61 168–69

141–61

141–61

158/9

138–61

145–61

?117–38

c. 124–28

118–21

c. 124–28

103–11

98–117

81–96 103–117

Date

Marcus Aurelius

Faustina II Marcus Aurelius

Diva Faustina

Diva Faustina

Antoninus Pius

Antoninus Pius

Antoninus Pius

?Hadrian

Hadrian

Hadrian

Hadrian

Trajan

Trajan

Domitian Trajan

Ruler

[ ]INVS AVG [ ]; Laureate head right

[ ]; Draped bust right M ANTONINVS AVG [ ]; Laureate head right

[DIV]A FA[VSTINA]; Draped bust right [ ]VST[ ]; Bust right

ANTONINVS AVG PI – VS P P TR P COS IIII; Laureate head right ANTONIN[VS …]; Radiate head right [ANTO]NINVS AVG PIVS P P TR P XXII; Laureate head right

(IMP CAES NERVAE TRAIANO AVG GERM DAC P M TR P COS V P P); Radiate head right [HADRIANVS] AVGVSTVS; laureate head right, traces of drapery on left shoulder IMP CAESAR TRAIANVS HADRIANVS AVG; Laureate head right HADRIANVS [ ]; laureate head right [ ]; ?bearded bust right

[ ]G GER[ ]; laureate bust right

[ ]; head right …OPTIMO AVG GER…; laureate and draped bust right (seen from behind)

Obverse

[ ], [S] C; Illegible standing figure [ ]; unclear standing figure [?TR POT …], S C; Aequitas seated left with scales and cornucopia [ ]; unclear standing figure

[F]ORT[VNA OBSEQVENS COS IIII] S C; Fortuna standing left, holding rudder on prow and cornucopia [ ]; unclear standing figure

[ ], [S] C; standing figure and ?altar to left SALVS AVG S C; Salus standing left, feeding snake at altar [ ] S C; unclear standing figure

Illegible

[COS] III, S C; Roma seated left, holding Victory and cornucopia Illegible

Illegible [ ]; Annona or Abundantia standing left (modius to left at feet), holding cornucopia and corn ears [ ], [S] C; unclear figure standing left Illegible

Reverse

–

– RIC III cf. 960/969

–

–

RIC III 1023

–

RIC III 784

–

–

–

RIC II, 636

–

–

– RIC II, cf. 492

Ref

1

1 1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1 1

Cert

Unc

1

1 1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1 1

Total

1502/2854

5041/6547 5007/5098

Monument Spoil/2502 1050/2503

4002/3390

1065/2079

5007/5199

3498/6562

4002/3380

1536/2924

3936/6243

57/2661

7163/6413

3374/6069 3369/6383

Context / SiteFind

2  The ancient and early Byzantine coins from Vrina Plain 25

Denom

Dup/As

Dup/As

Dup/As

Sest

Sest Dup/As

Sest

Sest

Sest

Sest

Sest

Sest

AR Rad

AR Rad

Cat. No.

53

54

55

56

57 58

59

60

61

62

63

64

65

66

247

246

241–43

241–43

235–38

231–35

231

180–92 ?c. 138– 92 227

190–91

161–76

161–76

c. 164–71

Date

Philip I

Philip I

Gordian III

Gordian III

Maximus

Severus Alexander

Severus Alexander

Severus Alexander

Commodus ?Antonine

Commodus

Faustina II

Faustina II

Marcus Aurelius

Ruler

IMP GORDIANVS PIVS FEL AVG; Laureate, draped and cuirassed right IMP M IVL PHILIPPVS AVG; Radiate, draped and cuirassed right IMP M IVL PHILIPPVS AVG; Radiate, draped and cuirassed right

[ ]; laureate bust right

[IMP [CAES M] AVR SEV ALEXANDER AVG; Laureate and cuirassed right IMP SEV ALEXANDER AVG; Laureate head right, drapery on right shoulder IMP ALEXANDER P[IV]S AVG; Laureate head right MAXIMVS CAES GERM; draped head right

[ ]; Laureate head right [ ]; Head/bust right

[M COMMODO ANT P FELIX AVG BRIT P P]; Laureate head right

[FAVSTINA AVGVSTA]; Draped bust right

[FAV]STINA [AVGVSTA]; Draped bust right

[ ]; unclear head right (with wreath ties)

Obverse

SPES PVBLICA S C; Spes walking left, holding flower PRINCIPI IVVENTVTIS S C; Prince standing left, with two standards behind [AETER]NIT[ATI AVG] S C; Sol standing, holding globe LAETITIA AVG [N] S C; Laetitia standing left, holding wreath and anchor P M TR P III COS P P; Felicitas standing left with caduceus and cornucopia P M TR P IIII COS II P P; Felicitas standing left with caduceus and cornucopia

P M TR P X COS S C; Sol standing holding whip

[P M] TR P VI COS II P P S C; Mars advancing right

[VENERI VICTRICI S C]; Venus standing right with Mars [ ?VENVS S C]; Venus standing left holding apple and ?sceptre [ROM FEL P M TR P XVI COS VI S C]; Roma seated left on chair by shield, holding Victory and spear [ ]; unclear figure seated left Illegible

[ ]; Mars advancing right

Reverse

RIC IV, pt 3, 4

RIC IV, pt 3, 3

RIC IV, pt 3, 297a RIC IV, pt 3, 300

RIC IV, pt 2, 648 RIC IV, pt 2, 13

RIC IV, pt 2, 511

RIC IV, pt 2, 456

– –

RIC III cf. 583

RIC III cf. 1683

RIC III 895/993– 4 RIC III cf. 1680

Ref

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

Cert

1

Unc

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1 1

1

1

1

1

Total

4003/3386

4001/3371

1050/2504

1006/2477

5002/5067

7021/6288

1013/2365

1503/2871

1502/2859 4002–3991

3861/6205

5042/6542

4002/3425

4002/3438

Context / SiteFind

26 Sam Moorhead

Sest

Sest

AR Rad

Sest

Sest or similar

Dup/As

67

68

69

70

71

72

Late Republican or Roman Imperial

1st BC – c. AD 250 c. 27 BC – AD 96

Julio-Claudian or Flavian

Trajan Decius

Otacilia Severa

Philip I

Philip I

Ruler

249–51

248

245–49

247

Date

Date

253–60

253–60

260–68

260–68

Cat. No.

73

74

75

7618

Gallienus (sole reign)

Gallienus (sole reign)

Diva Mariniana

Valerian I

Ruler

Rome

Rome

Rome

Second Eastern

Mint

Roman Imperial, AD 253–96 (all coins are ‘radiates’)

Denom

Cat. No.

GALLIENVS AVG; Radiate and cuirassed right

DIVAE MARINIANAE; Veiled bust of Mariniana r., crescent below GALLIENVS AVG; Radiate head right

IMP (C P) LIC VALERIANVS P F AVG; Radiate, draped and cuirassed right

Obverse

Julio-Claudian or Flavian head right

Illegible

M IVL PHILIPPVS AVG; Laureate and draped right, seen from behind OTACIL SEVERA AVG; Diademed bust right, on crescent [IMP C M Q T]RAIANVS DECIVS AVG; Laureate (head?) right

M IVL PHILIPPVS AVG; Laureate and draped right

Obverse

Reverse

IOVI STATORI; Jupiter standing right; Γ -//-

AETERNITAS AVG; Sol standing left; Γ -//-

RESTITVTIT ORIENTIS; Turreted figure of Oriens on left, presenting wreath to Valerian on right, who holds sceptre CONSECRATIO; Peacock standing facing, head left

Illegible

[PA]NN[ONIAE] S C; Two Pannoniae standing, holding standards and facing away from each other Illegible

SAECVLARES AVG, IIII; Hippo right

P M TR P IIII COS II P P S C; Felicitas standing left, holding caduceus and cornucopia FIDES EXERCITVS S C; Four standards

Reverse

RIC V, pt 1, 3; Cunetio 646 RIC V, pt 1, 260; Cunetio 1169 RIC V, pt 1, cf. 219

RIC V, pt 1, 286; Cunetio 844

Reference

–

–

RIC IV, pt 3, cf. 142a

RIC IV, pt 3, 116b

RIC IV, pt 3, 171

RIC IV, pt 3, 150a

Ref

1

1

1

1

Cert

1

1

1

1

Cert

Unc

1

1

Unc

Total

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

Total

3002/3392

4001/3377

4002/3417

3825/6146

Context/SiteFind

1019/2476

2093/6632

3714/6079

1001/2362

3492/6575

1503/2870

Context / SiteFind

2  The ancient and early Byzantine coins from Vrina Plain 27

Date

260–68

268–70

270–75

276–82

276–82

276–82

276–82

282–83

282–83

c. 284– 86

c. 293– 96

Cat. No.

77

78

79

80

81

82

83

84

85

86

87

Galerius

Diocletian

Carus

Carus

Probus

Probus

Probus

Probus

Aurelian

Claudius II

Gallienus (sole reign)

Ruler

Cyzicus

Heraclea

Rome

Rome

Siscia

Siscia

Rome

Lugdunum

Unclear

Siscia

Rome

Mint

IMP C M AVR KARVS P F AVG; Radiate, draped and cuirassed right IMP C C VAL DIOCLETIANVS P F AVG; Radiate, draped and cuirassed right GAL VAL MAXIMIANVS NOB CAES; Radiate, draped and cuirassed right

IMP C PROBVS AVG; Radiate and cuirassed bust right IMP C M AVR PROBVS P F AVG; Radiate bust left, wearing consular robes and holding sceptre IMP CARVS P F AVG; Radiate and cuirassed right

IMP PROBVS AVG; Radiate and cuirassed right

IMP C M AVR PROBVS P F AVG; Radiate and cuirassed right

IMP C AVRELIANVS AVG; Radiate and cuirassed right

IMP CLAVD[ ]; Radiate and (cuirassed?) right

GALLIENVS AVG; Radiate head right

Obverse

CONCORDIA MILITVM; Emperor standing right, receiving Victory on globe from Jupiter

CONCORDIA MILITVM; Emperor receiving Victory on globe from Jupiter; HE//-

AETERNITI IMPERII; Sol advancing left; -//(AKA or KAA?) VICTORIA AVG; Victory advancing left; -//PXXI

PAX [AV]G; Pax standing left, holding branch and transverse sceptre [CONCOR]DIA MILITVM; Emperor standing right, shaking hands with Concordia standing left; ?//? TEMPO[R?] – FELICIT; Felicitas standing right, holding caduceus and cornucopia(?); -//unclear letter ROMAE AETER; Roma seated in Hexastyle temple; //R crescent and dot (Γ) PROVIDENT AVG; Providentia standing left; T//[ ] SOLI INVICTO; Sol in quadriga left; -//XXIV

LIBERO P CONS AVG; Tigress left; -//B

Reverse

RIC V, pt 2, 717

RIC V, pt 2, 84

RIC V, pt 2, 85

RIC V, pt 2, 35

RIC V, pt 2, 767

RIC V, pt 2, 721

RIC V, pt 2, 185

RIC V, pt 2, cf. 103

–

RIC V, pt 1, 230; Cunetio 1341 RIC V, pt 1, cf. 186

Reference

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

Cert

Unc

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

Total

2000/2737

7057/6342

2002/2775

5002/5031

2026/2781

57/2663

3712/6090

5002/5072

2029/2864

3/18

3322/6006

Context/SiteFind

28 Sam Moorhead

As above

VRBS ROMA / Wolf and twins CONSTANTINOPOLIS / Victory on prow As above GLORIA EXERCITVS Two soldiers and one standard As above As above

318–20

320

320

320–21

324 c. 320–25 320–21

322–25

325–26 324–30 c. 330–35

330–35 332–35

330–35

331–34

336–37

330–35 337–40

337–40 337–40

89

9019

91

92

9320 94 95

96

97 98 99

100 101

102– 3 104

105

106 107

108 109

SOLI INVICTO COMITI; Sol standing left VICTORIAE LAETAE PRINC PERP; Two Victories holding wreath inscribed VOT P R VIRTVS EXERCIT; Standard and two captives CAESARVM NOSTRORVM, VOT V CAESARVM NOSTRORVM, VOT X As above As above DOMINORVM NOSTRORVM CAESS, VOT V DOMINOR NOSTROR CAESS, VOT V PROVIDENTIAE AVGG [ ]; Camp-Gate GLORIA EXERCITVS Two soldiers and two standards As above As above

c. 310–15

88

Reverse Type

Date

Cat. No.

Thessalonica Thessalonica

Constantinople Aquileia

Thessalonica

Cyzicus

Unclear

Nicomedia Cyzicus

Cyzicus – ?Heraclea

Ticinum

Thessalonica Unclear Ticinum

Siscia

Siscia

Thessalonica

Unclear

Unclear

Mint

Roman Imperial, AD 294/6–498 (all coins are base-metal nummi)

Constantine II Constantine II

H of C Constantine II

H of C

H of C

Constantine I Constantius II (C) H of C

Constantine I ?Constantine I ?Constantine I

Crispus

Crispus H of C Constantine II (C)

Crispus

Crispus

Crispus

Constantine I

Constantine I

Ruler

RIC VIII 55 RIC VIII cf. 55

RIC VII 63 RIC VIII cf. 11

RIC VII 230

RIC VII 91

–

RIC VII 188 RIC VII 100

RIC VII 34 – –

RIC VII 170

RIC VII 125var – RIC VII 152

RIC VII 163

RIC VII 153

RIC VII, ?78var

–

–

Ref

1 1

1 1

1

1

2

1 1

1 1 1

1

1 1 1

1

1

1

1

1

Cert

Unc

1 1

1 1

1

1

2

1 1

1 1 1

1

1 1 1

1

1

1

1

1

Total

7054/6336 7059/6338

3026/5029 3854/6247

3200/6314

3954/6251

97/27; 3002/3365

3200/6313 7100/6376

3350/6134 4001/3434 7901/6298

4001/3373

3028/5073 1502/2858 5095/6622

3855/6167

3374/6399

5002/5065

3017/3394

7053/6318

Context / SF No.

2  The ancient and early Byzantine coins from Vrina Plain 29

As above As above

Constantine I riding to Heaven in quadriga ?VIRTVS AVGVSTI or VIRTVS AVGG NN; Emperor standing holding spear and shield VN – MR; Constantine standing, veiled As above VICTORIAE DD AVGGQ NN; Two Victories holding wreaths As above As above

VOT XX MVLT XXX As above

As above As above As above

FEL TEMP REPARATIO; Soldier advancing left, spearing fallen horseman As above

337–40 335–41

337–40

337–40

347–48

347–48 347–48

347–48 347–48

347–48 347–48

347–48 347–48 347–48

351–54

111 112– 13 114– 1521 116

117

118 11922

120 121– 2 123 124– 5 126 127 128– 9 13023

As above ?As above

As above, but possibly contemporary copies

355–61

355–61 355–61

355–61

131– 40

141 142– 3 144– 7

As above

335–41

110

Reverse Type

Date

Cat. No.

Unclear

Unclear Unclear

Unclear

Heraclea

Unclear Unclear Unclear

Constantinople Nicomedia

Unclear Unclear

Unclear Thessalonica

Antioch

Unclear

Unclear

Antioch Unclear

Constantinople

Mint

Constantius II

?Constantius II ?H of C

Constantius II

Constantius Gallus

Constantius II ?Constans H of C

H of C Constantius II

Constans H of C

Constantine I H of C

Constantine I

H of C

Constantine I

Constantius II H of C

H of C

Ruler

–

– –

–

RIC VIII 84

– – –

RIC VIII 69–70 RIC VIII 49

– –

– RIC VIII cf 103

RIC VIII 112

–

–

RIC VII cf. 589–90; VIII pp. 449–50 RIC VII 54 –

Ref

4

1

10

1

1 1 2

1 2

1 2

1 1

1

2

1 2

1

Cert

2

1

Unc

4

1 2

10

1

1 1 2

1 2

1 2

1 1

1

1

2

1 2

1

Total

2026/2723; 3946/6262; 7084/6358; 2026/2724

2002/2763; 2026/2720; 2026/2727; 2026/2783; 3478/6518; 3823/6143; 7707/6305; 7822/6309; 3330/6093; 2002/2733 3878/6186 3973/6267; 4/2359

7034/6335

4/1 3767/6121 7701/6296; 7700/6297

1006/2360 3928/6271; 7020/6281

2026/2717 59/24; 7100/6379

3712/6155 109/2754

5000/5021

3337/6188

2026/2777; 3427/5106

7701/6299 3337/6198; 105/45

3337/6290

Context / SF No.

30 Sam Moorhead

As above As above As above ?As above

Unclear reverse GLORIA ROMANORVM; Emperor adv right, dragging captive and holding standard As above

As above As above

As above

As above

As above

355–61 355–61 355–61

355–61

355–61 355–61 355–61 355–61

?355–61 367–75

364–75

364–75 364–78

364–78

367–78

364–78

157 158 15925

160– 2 163 164 165 166– 7 16826 16927

170

171 172– 3 174– 5 176– 7 178– 86

364–78

?As above

As above

355–61

187

?FEL TEMP REPARATIO, fallen horseman type SPES REI PVBLICE: Emperor standing with spear and globe As above As above As above

?355–61

355–61

As above, but contemporary copies As above

355–61

148– 5024 151– 2 153– 5 156

Reverse Type

Date

Cat. No.

Unclear

Unclear

Unclear

Unclear

Unclear Unclear

Thessalonica

Unclear Thessalonica

Unclear Unclear Unclear Unclear

Unclear

Siscia Siscia ?Thessalonica

Arles

Unclear

Unclear

Unclear

Mint

?H of V

H of V

Gratian

?Valens

Valentinian I Valens

Valens

?Constantius II Valens

?Constantius II ?Julian (C) H of C ?Constantius II

Constantius II

Constantius II H of C Constantius II

H of C

H of C

H of C

Constantius II

Ruler

–

–

–

–

LRBC cf. 1711 passim – –

– LRBC cf. 1786

– – – –

RIC VIII 398 RIC VIII 398–9 RIC VIII cf. 215 –

RIC VIII 277–9

–

–

–

Ref

9

2

2

1 2

1

1

1 1 1

3

1 1 1

1

2

3

Cert

1

1

2

3

Unc

1

9

2

2

1 2

1

1 1

1 1 1 2

3

1 1 1

1

3

2

3

Total

4/2999; 2002/2729; 2026/2731; 3712/6092; Us/2912; 3478/6520; 3970/6265; 29/2706; 7142/6375 1006/2375

1514/2872; 3804/6181

3026/5037; 3882/6216

3954/6248 2026/2780; 3975/6270

3962/6263

5025/5186 5047/6094

2008/3314 3882/6220 3337/6182 2171/3316; 3494/6578

5004/5028; 3954/6165; 7273/6430

3712/6151 3782/6133 3800/6253

3364/6148

3337/6184; 3469/6514; 108/2896

3714/6081; 3002/3366

3369/6070; 3873/6180; 1006/2377

Context / SF No.

2  The ancient and early Byzantine coins from Vrina Plain 31

As above

As above

367–75 364–67 364–78 364–75

364–78

367–78

189 19028 191 192

193– 5 196– 204

Illegible REPARATIO REI PVB; Emperor raising female figure VOT X MVLT XX VOT X MVLT XX Unclear Vota type

?367–78 379–83

379–83 379–88 c. 379–83

c. 379–83

c. 383–88

383–8

383–88

388–402

210 21132 21233

21334

21435

215

216

217

GLORIA ROMANORVM; Emperor adv right with captive and standard GLORIA REI PVBLICE; Camp-gate VICTORIA AVGGG; Two Victories standing holding wreaths SALVS REI PVBLICAE; Victory adv left with trophy and captive

As above

?As above

?364–78

205– 729 20830 20931

SECVRITAS REI PVBLICAE; Victory adv left holding wreath and palm As above As above As above As above

367–75

188

Reverse Type

Date

Cat. No.

Aquileia

Thessalonica

Thessalonica

Thessalonica

Unclear

Unclear Unclear Cyzicus

Unclear Unclear

Unclear

Unclear

Unclear

Siscia Constantinople ?Constantinople Cyzicus

Siscia

Mint

Arcadius

?Arcadius

H of T

?Theodosius or Arcadius Theodosius I

Theodosius I ?Valentinian II Theodosius I

Gratian Theodosius I

?H of V

H of V

Valens

Gratian Valens Valens Valens

Valentinian I

Ruler

LRBC cf. 1107, 1110 and 1112

LRBC cf. 1858– 60 and 1864–6 LRBC see 1872

LRBC 1851var; RIC IX 60bvar

– – LRBC cf. 2533– 4; 2557 and 2561 –

– LRBC cf. 152, 753 and 1067

–

–

LRBC cf. 1310 LRBC 2077var – LRBC cf. 2520/2530 –

LRBC 1327/1331

Ref

1

1

1

1

1

1 1 1

1

9

3

1 1 1 1

1

Cert

1

3

Unc

1

1

1

1

1

1 1 1

1 1

3

9

3

1 1 1 1

1

Total

7/25

3300/6004

12/46

3823/6238

4/8

3545/6604a 2008/2772 4/2

7053/6324 7097/6371

3026/5038; 3026/5040; 3782/6140; 5007/5035; 5007/5082; 3200/6039; 3804/6194; 2828/6162; 3962/6259 2026/2726; 3956/6252; 29/2714

2026/2778; 3026/5041; 7076/6355

16/2351 3724/6096 108/3313 3330/6065

3753/6177

Context / SF No.

32 Sam Moorhead

As above

388–95

388–92 388–95

388–402

220

221 222– 3 224

VICTORIA AVGGG; Victory adv left with wreath and palm left [ ]; unclear Victory type

c. 388–95

?404–06 ?404–08

?c. 406– 08 410–23

24136 24237

24338

244– 5

404–06

c. 388– 402 ?388–95

CONCORDIA AVG/AVGGG; Cross ?As above ?VRBS ROMA FELIX; Roma standing GLORIA ROMANORVM; Three emperors standing VICTORIA AVGGG; Victory adv left with wreath and palm

Illegible

VIRTVS EXERCITI; Victory crowning emperor Illegible

?As above ?As above

?388–395 ?388–402

c. 388– 402 395–401

As above

As above

As above

388–402

240

239

234– 5 236– 7 238

225– 9 230 231– 2 233

As above As above

388–95

219

As above

388–402

218

Reverse Type

Date

Cat. No.

Rome

Unclear

Unclear Unclear

Unclear

Unclear

Unclear

Unclear

Unclear

Unclear

Unclear Unclear

Unclear

Unclear

Alexandria Unclear

Antioch

Constantinople

Aquileia

Mint

Honorius

H of T

?H of T H of T

?Arcadius or Honorius H of T

Arcadius or Honorius Arcadius

H of T

H of T

Theodosius I H of T

Arcadius or Honorius H of T

Valentinian II Theodosius I

Arcadius or Honorius Arcadius or (Honorius) H of T

Ruler

RIC X, 1357

–

–

–

– –

–

–

LRBC 2768–71 and 2776–8 LRBC 2901 –

LRBC 1109– 1113 LRBC cf. 2185

Ref

2

1

1

1

2

2

1

5

1

1 2

1

1

1

Cert

1

1 1

1 2

Unc

2

1

1 1

1

1

1

2

2

1

1 2

5

1

1 2

1

1

1

Total

15/2355; 3360/6060

3925/6231

2350/6132 3028/5070

3325/6025

3010/3400

Us/2352

3302/5047; 3945/6254

3521/6605; 3223/5152

3345/6078

3322/6041; 3954/6274; 3782/6136; 3345/6156; 3302/5013 3350/6159 3026/2722; 3364/6149

3724/6091a

4/9 3729/6158; 3328/6058

3882/6233

2026/2721

7096/6368

Context / SF No.

2  The ancient and early Byzantine coins from Vrina Plain 33

c. 425–35

c. 423–35

c. 388– 435 c. 388– 435

c. 410–35. c. 388– 435 c. 388– 450 c. 410–35

249

250– 140

252

254 255– 5941 260

270

266 267– 842 269

265

264

261– 2 263

?c. 425– 35

c. 425–35

?c. 410– 35 c. 410–35 or later c. 410–35 or later c. 425–35 c. 425–35

c. 410–35

246– 839

253

Date

Cat. No.

Unclear

As above

?SALVS REI PVBLICE; Cross Unclear Vota type

Cross in wreath As above

As above

As above

As above

As above

Rome Unclear

Unclear

?Rome

Unclear Unclear

Unclear

?Rome

?Rome

Rome

Unclear

Unclear

Rome

Rome

Rome

Mint

?SALVS REI PVBLICE; Victory adv left with trophy and captive SALVS REI PVBLICE or VICTORIA AVGGG; Victory adv left with trophy and captive [ ]; Victory adv left with trophy and captive VICTORIA AVGG or SALVS REI PVBLICE; Victory adv left with wreath and palm As above [ ]; Uncertain Victory type

As above, but unclear types

Reverse Type

?Theodosius II or Valentinian III

?Valentinian III

Theodosius II ?Theodosius II

H of T

H of T

H of T

H of T

H of T

H of T H of T

H of T

H of T

Johannes or Valentinian III

?Valentinian III

Honorius to Valentinian III

Ruler

RIC X, cf. 2110ff RIC X, cf. 456/7, 2129/30 and 2140/1

– –

–

–

–

–

–

– –

–

–

See RIC X, 1357, 1909–10 and 2118–22 RIC X, cf. 1912ff and 2106ff RIC X, cf. 1922–3, 2106 and 2137–9

Ref

1 2

1

1

1

2

1

1 2

1

1

2

1

3

Cert

1

1

3

Unc

1

1

1 2

1

1

1

2

1

1 5

1

1

2

1

3

Total

3882/6195

3478/6524

7082/6364 3478/6538; 3910/6209

3413/6504

3478/6526

3753/6089

3999/6283; 3478/6531

3478/6521 3925/6226; 3783/6276; 3882/6192; 2000/2861; 2026/2718 24/2347

3925/6237

3828/6157

3337/6166

3882/6191

3882/6190; 3478/6532c; 3792/6179

Context / SF No.

34 Sam Moorhead

?As above

Monogram of Libius Severus or Marcian

445–50

?445–50 450–57

450–57

450–57

?450–57

461–65 or 450–57

272

273 274

275

276

277– 79 280

?As above

?457–74

457–74

457–74

457–74

?457–74 474–91

?457–74 or earlier ?c. 450– 60

288

289

290

291 292

293

29444

B – E; Verina standing As above

457–74 457–74

Unclear Victory left

Unclear figure

Emperor standing with long cross and captive ?As above Monogram of Zeno (RIC 1)

As above

Lion standing left

?Monogram of Leo I

?457–74

281– 343 284 285– 6 287

As above (RIC 1 or 2)

?As above Monogram of Marcian (RIC 1) As above (RIC 5?)

Monogram of Theodosius

[ ]; ?Gateway

c. 425–35

271

Reverse Type

Date

Cat. No.

?Rome

Unclear Thessalonica or Nicomedia Unclear

Unclear

Unclear

Constantinople

Unclear

Constantinople Unclear

Unclear

?Rome

Unclear

Constantinople or Nicomedia Unclear

Constantinople or Nicomedia Unclear ?Thessalonica

?Rome

Mint

?Valentinian III or anonymous

?Leo, or earlier

?Leo I Zeno

Leo I

Leo I

Leo I

?Leo I

Leo I Leo I

?Leo I

Libius Severus of Marcian

?Marcian

Marcian

Marcian

?Theodosius II Marcian

Theodosius II

?Valentinian III

Ruler

RIC X, cf. 2167

–

– RIC X 958/964

RIC X cf. 713– 18 RIC X cf. 667– 8 RIC X cf. 666– 70 RIC X 700ff

RIC X 714 RIC X 713–18

RIC X cf. 2715–17 and pp. 282–3 RIC X p. 293

RIC X cf. 541– 2 or 547–8 RIC X pp. 283– 4 –

? RIC X cf. 535

RIC X, cf. 2123–8; 2135 and 2159–64 RIC X, 462–5

Ref

1

1

1

1

1 2

1

1

1

1

Cert

1

1

1

1

3

1

3

1

1

Unc

1

1

1 1

1

1

1

1

1 2

3

1

3

1

1

1 1

1

1

Total

3921/6212

3413/6506

3345/6062 3200/6315

3325/6139

3270/5165

3517/6596

3545/6604b

3925/6217 3925/6222; 3350/6106

Room N/6600; 3718/6163; 3549/6608

3270/5163

3350/6135; 3828/6152; 3482/6539

7054/6341

2026/2773

3724/6091b 3478/6527

3478/6530

3873/6196

Context / SF No.

2  The ancient and early Byzantine coins from Vrina Plain 35

Possible monogram type Unclear monogram type

?Monogram types

c. 445–98 c. 445–98

c. 445–98

?c. 450– 75

Date

?518–27

?491–528

c. 512–37

533–34

Cat. No.

322

32349

324

325

Nummus

HalfFollis

Nummus

Follis

Denom

Carthage

Unclear

Unclear; poss a contemporary copy

?Constantinople

Mint

Unclear monogram, cross or linear types ?Cast nummi

Early Byzantine coins, AD 498–565

314– 317 318– 2148

?5th cent

Unclear Victory

296– 745 29846 299– 30347 304– 13

Unclear Victory left

?c. 435– 91 c. 410–91

295

Reverse Type

Date

Cat. No.

Justinian I

Anastasius to Justin I

Prob Anastasius

?Justin I

Ruler

?Egypt

Unclear

Unclear

Unclear Unclear

Unclear

Unclear

Mint

Illegible

[ ]; Bust right

[ ]NVS [ ]; Diademed bust right Illegible

Obverse

–

–

– –

–

–

Ruler

Reverse

Part of a monogram of Anastasius or Justin I Large K; to right, ?cross; to left and above, unclear Large A

Large M with (cross) above

–

–

– –

–

–

Ref

4

10

2

1

Unc

–

–

–

[ ] *//[ ]

Mintmark

1 5

Cert

MIBE I 193

MIBE I cf. 40 and NN67 –

MIBE I cf. 11

Ref

4

10

1 5

2

1

Total

1

1

1

1

Cert

Unc

1

1

1

1

Total

7052/6317

3322/6275

59/54

4/2353

Context / Site-Find

3346/6086 3539/6598; 2026/2730; 3041/3408; 3337/6161; 3350/6137 Us /2667; Us /2705; 3346/6083; 7060/6353; 7053/6327; 7047/6294; 3724/6122; 3590/6613; 3303/5151; 3350/6072 3925/6225; 3478/6537; 3928/6282; 3521/6597 5042/6540; 7053/6328; 7066/6346; 7814/6311

3963/6258; 3873/6187

3920/6211

Context / SF No.

36 Sam Moorhead

548–49

?c. 518– 65

c. 445– 600 c. 445– 600

326

32750

328

Nummus

Nummus

?2 Nummi

Follis

Denom

Unclear

Unclear

Unclear

Cyzicus

Mint

–

–

–

Justinian I

Ruler

[ ]Λ[ ]; ?Bust right

[ ]; ?Bust

D N IVSTINI – ANVS P P AVI; Helmeted and cuirassed facing bust, holding cross on globe; to right, cross Illegible

Obverse

?Monogram or Christian Symbol Illegible

??Large B

Large M, between ANNO and XXII

Reverse

–

–

–

B//KYZ

Mintmark

–

MIBE I cf. 75, 175 and 190 –

MIBE I, 1210a

Ref 1

Cert

1

1

1

Unc

1

1

1

1

Total

7321/6443

3322/6008

7100/6378

3200/6250

Context / Site-Find

343–55

Cat. No.

Context / SF No.

84/32; 29/2719; 1006/2361; 1502/2853; 2026/2725; 2026/2728; 3002/3056; 3041/6566; 3469/6511; 3792/6175; 5007/5193; 5007/5080; 7066/6345; 7814/6310

Context / SF No.

1503/2887; 1514/2888; 2001/2767; 2026/2774; 2026/2779; 2026/2719; 3002/3353; 3201/5003; 3345/6056; 4001/3376; 4002/3384; 4002/3387; 4003/3420

Miscellaneous coins, probably 4th-century AD nummi

330–42

Cat. No.

Miscellaneous coins, probably c. AD 260 to 4th century: ‘radiates’ or nummi

The following coins are all probably ‘radiates’ or nummi which date from the late 3rd century to the 6th century. Most are probably 4th- and 5th-century nummi. Some of these coins have traces of details which are noted on the spreadsheet catalogues, but providing more details here would probably be misleading.

Miscellaneous Uncertain

32951

Date

Cat. No.

2  The ancient and early Byzantine coins from Vrina Plain 37

24/2347; 24/2349; 1006/2376; 2171/3325; 3028/5071; 3107/3467; 3223/5159; 3302/5052; 3322/6002; 3322/6292; 3325/6033; 3337/6017; 3337/6199; 3339/6016; 3345/6061; 3346/6053; 3364/6150; 3369/6067; 3468/6558; 3478/6528; 3478/6534; 3478/6532aii; 3478/6532d; 3498/6583; 3724/6185; 3908/6204; 3910/6208; 3910/6213; 3928/6268; 5002/5030; 5006/5032; 5013/5077; 7053/6321; 7053/6322; 7053/6326; 7053/6330; 7061/6344; 7076/6356; 7076/6366; 7814/6308; Room L /Cleaning; Us.

Context / SF No.

Context / SF No.

29/2713; 1006/2373; 1006/2374; 3302/5015; 3026/5026; 3047/3411; 3200/6040; 3302/5051; 3303/5058; 3303/5060; 3310/5162; 3322/6001; 3322/6042; 3322/6043; 3322/6044; 3322/6045; 3323/6009; 3323/6010; 3323/6013; 3329/6048; 3336/6028; 3340/6015; 3340/6018; 3340/6020; 3340/6022; 3345/6246; 3346/6047; 3346/6052; 3346/6084; 3346/6099; 3346/6101; 3346/6102; 3350/6075; 3350/6138; 3350/6160; 3364/6066; 3413/6502; 3454/6573; 3469/6507; 3469/6509; 3469/6512; 3469/6515; 3478/6519; 3478/6522; 3478/6523; 3478/6525; 3478/6535; 3530/6616; 3712/6131; 3724/6154; 3739/6172; 3739/6176; 3758/6124; 3800/6164; 3828/6242; 3921/6223; 4001/3435; 4002/3382; 5000/5063; 5007/5084; 5015/5085; 5017/5204; 5040/6508; 5047/6095; 5047/6503; 7007/6280; 7047/6293; 7053/6320; 7066/6348; 7066/6349; 7066/6350; 7116/6384; 7175/6415; 1006/2363; Room XX/6513; 4/10; 5/6; 5/7

505–11

Cat. No.

3026/5024; 3223/5153; 3325/603652; 3/1253; 2092/285554; 29/271655; 3111/346856

Context / SF No.

4/2354; 29/2711; 29/2715; 2883/2171; 3002/3356; 3026/5025; 3026/5039; 3037/3457; 3041/3406; 3200/5001; 3200/5002; 3270/5164; 3302/5006; 3346/6054; 3346/6085; 3468/6557; 3469/6510; 3478/6516; 3478/6529; 3478/6523ai; 3478/6532b; 3502/6587; 3707/6076; 3707/6077; 5007/5093; 7053/6333; 7066/6351; Us/2665; Us/2743

476–504

Miscellaneous coins, probably mostly ancient

Context / SF No.

Cat. No.

Miscellaneous coins, probably 4th–6th-century nummi

398–475

Cat. No.

Miscellaneous coins, probably 5th- or 6th-century AD nummi (The majority of these coins are probably 5th century, 6th-century nummi being much scarcer.)

356–97

Cat. No.

Miscellaneous coins, probably 4th- to 5th-century AD nummi

38 Sam Moorhead

2

Note that there is a more complete version of this Catalogue and also a spreadsheet for the coins in the Butrint Foundation Archive. 1: This reverse inscription appears not to be published. 3 4: Obv. Unclear bust right, possibly Herakles, or man-bull; Rev. [ ]; Artemis advancing right with torch in both hands. This type is only recorded for a silver drachm. The identification remains very tentative; it is possible that the piece is a core for a plated copy. 4 6–13: These coins are poorly preserved and the attributions tentative. 5 More details of these unclear coins are available in the archive catalogue. 6 15: Possibly the same reverse die as RPC 1389. 7 16: This coin is larger than RPC 1397(1397: 23mm/6.68g/DA 12). Also, there does not seem to be a cornucopia. 8 19: There appears to be a cascade of water from the left end of the aqueduct on this coin, making it an important piece of evidence supporting claims that the aqueduct ran across the bridge. No coin has previously been identified with this cascade of water. 9 The identification of the water seems very plausible. 10 21: There appears to be no EX-CON either side of the palm-tree; it is probably off the flan to the left of the palm tree, running into C C I B on the right-hand side of the flan. 11 23: The reverse might be a legend in a wreath which is not a Butrint type. This identification remains highly tentative. 12 27: The module (14mm) of the coin suggests that this is Commodus rather than Hadrian (for whom the coins are around 18mm in diameter). 13 29: The reverse description from the field originally suggested Victory crowning a figure. However, the obverse inscription, with the ligatured AV, and the potential similarity of reverse type does suggest that this is a coin of Patras. 14 The reverse description from the field originally suggested Victory crowning a figure. However, the obverse inscription, with the ligatured AV, and the potential similarity of reverse type does suggest that this is a coin of Patras. 15 30: This coin is unpublished – there is a piece of Sinope with a bust of Serapis left (Casey 2010, 31, no. 340). Also, this coin is an unrecorded date (CLXXXVI; AD 142) (Casey 2010, 128). I am grateful to Richard Ashton and Volker Heuchert in assisting in the identification of this coin. 16 38: The obverse legend dates to AD 114–17, the reverse type to AD 103–11. 17 50: The hairstyle suggests this coin of Faustina II was struck under Antoninus Pius, rather than Marcus Aurelius. 18 76: The mintmark Γ -//- is not recorded for this type in RIC. There are traces of silvering. 19 90: The obverse type – (CRISP)VS NOB CAES; Cuirassed and laureate left – is not recorded in RIC for Crispus, although it is used in the same issue for Constantine II (RIC 81). This coin is also from officina B which is only recorded in this issue for Constantine II (RIC 82–3). 20 93: This coin has an unpublished obverse type – laureate and cuirassed bust left. RIC 125 has a laureate, draped and cuirassed bust left. 21 115: This commemorative coin, showing Constantine riding in a quadriga to the hand of God, was found in Tomb 2. It is possible, given the depiction of resurrection / Christian afterlife on the piece, that this was an intentional inclusion in the burial. 22 119: The obverse type of this coin is only recorded for Constantius II. 23 130–53: There are numerous small varieties of the ‘fallen horseman’ type. 24 149: This coin is probably a contemporary copy. There are three ties on the diadem. 25 159: Although this piece is likely to be from Thessalonica, it is possible that it was struck at Arles (see RIC VIII, 300–1). 26 168: The style of bust with hair at neck suggests a coin of this date; the reverse is effaced, but the module suggests of the SPES REI PVBLICE type. 27 169: Mintmark Q? E/- *//TES. LRBC 1786 has an O instead of a Q. 28 190: This coin has the obverse legend D N VALEN – S P F AVG; LRBC 2077 has the obverse D N VALENS – P F AVG. 29 205–6 are probably SECVRITAS REI PVBLICAE types; 207 probably dates between 355 and 383 and is possibly of SECVRITAS REI PVBLICAE type. 30 207 is for Gratian, and is included here because it is more likely to date from 367–78 than 378–83. 31 The mintmark suggests Trier, Rome or Aquileia. 32 It is possible that Vota issues continued to be struck after the death of Theodosius I in 383. 33 VOT V or VOT… MVLT? in wreath. 34 VOT /[ ] in wreath. This is most likely a VOT V piece for Arcadius. 35 This coin has officina letter Γ which is only recorded for Arcadius. 36 This coin is very poorly preserved but it is most likely to be of this type, an attribution supported by the fabric of the piece. 37 This is a very tentative attribution, although the coin is certainly of this general period. 38 This is a very tentative identification. 39 All of these types are probably of this general type but could have been struck between c. 410 and c. 435 for Honorius, Theodosius II, Johannes or Valentinian III.

1

2  The ancient and early Byzantine coins from Vrina Plain 39

41

The majority of pieces with Victory and captive have the legend SALVS REI PVBLICE. 256: cross to left of Victory; 258–60: it is not certain that the reverse shows Victory. 42 The vast majority of cross in wreath coins were struck for Theodosius II, although a few were struck for Valentinian III. 43 284 might also be of Basiliscus or Zeno. 44 This coin is very unclear. 45 See also no. 255, which might belong to the second half of the 5th century. 46 The obverse (VS P…; bust right) places this coin firmly in the period 445–98. 47 Although a few monogram pieces were struck after 498, it is most likely that these coins are 5th century. 48 These coins quite possibly belong to a class of thin cast pieces which were first identified as coming from Egypt (Milne 1926) and have subsequently been found in Palestine (Moorhead 1983, iia and 151–4) and Beirut (Butcher 2001–02, 101). Up to 23 similar pieces were found in the Triconch excavations (Moorhead 2007, 296–7, Cat. nos 426–47a). Stratigraphic analysis has suggested a date of c. 450–75 for the coins (Butcher 2001–02, 101). 49 Monogram nummi of Anastasius are very common; pieces of Justin I extremely rare. 50 This type was struck for Justin I and Justinian I at Thessalonica, and for Justinian I at Carthage. 51 The obverse, module (8mm) and weight (0.45g) of this coin suggests that it is a 6th-century nummus. 52 Possibly pre-AD 400. 53 Ancient or medieval. 54 Just possibly an AE Picciolo of Francesco Maria I della Rovere (1506–16; 1521–38) (one specimen found in the Triconch: 5301/3020) 55 Fragment of bronze, 4mm in diameter. 56 No coin in bag.

40

40 Sam Moorhead

3  Byzantine and early modern coins (9th–17th century) Pagona Papadopoulou1

The excavations on the Vrina Plain yielded 56 middle and late Byzantine coins, as well as three Venetian coins of the 16th and 17th centuries (Plate 3.1). The period from the 9th to the 11th century presents a vivid circulation, which is followed by sporadic finds extending to the mid-13th century. The absence of coin finds characterising the next three centuries is terminated by Venetian copper coins which represent the last recorded numismatic finds from the site.

Byzantine coins After a long absence of numismatic finds from the reign of Justinian I (AD 527–65) onwards, coin circulation in the Vrina Plain resumes at the beginning of the 9th century.2 The earliest coin finds from the site in this period are four copper coins of the Amorian dynasty (Cat. 1–4; Fig. 3.1), which were minted in Sicily. These finds also represent the earliest coins from the site of Butrint after the so-called grande brèche – that is the total absence of monetary finds observed in most Byzantine sites from the late 7th to the early 9th century.3 The exclusively Sicilian provenance of these coins is not surprising. There is sufficient evidence, both literary and archaeological, to indicate that during the 8th and 9th centuries people and goods were circulating between Sicily and Constantinople; Butrint must have formed part of this route. Indeed, the Vrina Plain folles offer the missing link between Sicily and the Peloponnese, where Sicilian coin finds have already been recorded.4 Moreover, they differentiate southern Albania from the rest of the Balkan façade of the Adriatic rim, where coin evidence suggests a shift away from Byzantine Italy already by AD 775.5 It must be underlined, however, that the Sicilian coins do not necessarily indicate direct contact between the island and Bouthrotos. From the second half of the 8th to approximately the second half of the 9th century, monetary finds from Calabria and Apulia originate exclusively from the mint of Sicily.6 Thus the Sicilian folles from the Vrina Plain

could represent evidence for contact between Bouthrotos and the south Italian coast. In any case, along with the seal of the strategos of Sicily also found in the Vrina Plain, and relevant textual references, they offer invaluable evidence regarding contact between the two shores of the southern Adriatic during the middle Byzantine period.7 The late 9th and 10th centuries represent a peak in the monetary circulation of the Vrina Plain. The folles of Leo VI (AD 886–912) are the commonest finds, amounting to more than 30% of all Byzantine coin finds (Fig. 3.2).8 It is particularly interesting that several of Leo VI’s folles are in mint condition. This indicates a quick and systematic provisioning of this area with coinage, almost certainly as part of the general effort that led to the reinforcement of coin circulation in most areas of the empire after the monetary recession of the previous centuries. It is perhaps not a coincidence that the only precious metal coin found at the site, a silver miliaresion (Cat. 7; Fig. 3.3), was issued under Leo VI. It is also interesting to note the presence of one of Leo VI’s folles in the burial of a man aged between 40 and 50 at the time of his death (Cat. 24; Fig. 3.4).9 Coins, and especially low-value coins, are common finds in Byzantine graves. Although they have traditionally been connected with the pagan custom of Charon’s fee, a recent review of the available material has led to the conclusion that these coins served either as apotropaic objects or as indicators of the status of the deceased. In the former, the religious iconography of the coin would serve the purpose, whereas in the latter precious metal coins would have been preferred.10 In the Vrina Plain burial, the coin is made of copper and bears the imperial effigy on the obverse and an inscription referring to the emperor on the reverse (Leo in God emperor of the Romans). Nevertheless, its presence in this particular burial distinguishes it from neighboring burials of the same period, as does also the deceased’s older age and better health.11 This evidence could be interpreted as an indication of the elevated status enjoyed by the deceased in the local community during his lifetime, a status that gave him the right to distinct burial rites.

42

Pagona Papadopoulou

Figure 3.1. Copper coins of the Amorian dynasty: (A) Michael II, AD 820–29: Cat. 1; (B) Theophilos, AD 829–42: Cat. 2; (C) Michael III, AD 842–67: Cat. 4

3  Byzantine and early modern coins (9th–17th century)

Figure 3.2. Copper folles of Leo VI, AD 886–912: (A) Cat. 10; (B) Cat. 12; (C) Cat. 19

43

44

Pagona Papadopoulou

Figure 3.3. Silver miliaresion of Leo VI, AD 886–912: Cat. 7

Figure 3.4. Follis of Leo VI (AD 886–912) found in a burial: Cat. 24

Figure 3.5. Overstruck follis of Romanos I, AD 920–41: Cat. 32

3  Byzantine and early modern coins (9th–17th century)

45

0.5 0.45 0.4 0.35 0.3 0.25 0.2 0.15 0.1 0.05 0

Triconch Palace

1 -1

26

04

04

12

11 4

3-

12

3

1

-1 14

08

81 10

-1

35 10

35

10

9 96

9-

96

6

6-

88

88

86

82

0-

86

7

Vrina Plain

7-

Annual loss rate

Figure 3.6. Stamenon of Manuel I, AD 1143–80: Cat. 54

Date Figure 3.7. Annual loss rates in the sites of the Vrina Plain and the Triconch Palace (9th–13th century)

The vivid circulation of the late 9th century continues throughout the 10th century, with numerous folles of Constantine VII and his associates – several among them overstruck (Fig. 3.5) – and of later Macedonian emperors. Although the anonymous folles, especially of Class A (c. AD 970–1030/5) are commonly found in other areas of Butrint and elsewhere, they have a limited presence in the Vrina Plain (Cat. 45–9). Later finds of Byzantine coins (Cat. 52-6; Fig. 3.6), ending at the mid-13th century, must be associated with the periodic use of the site.12

Venetian coins After a complete absence of coin finds for about three centuries, the period of Venetian rule is represented in the Vrina Plain by three copper coins. Two of them are anonymous bagatini (Cat. 57–8), a denomination commonly found in other areas of Butrint,13 and the

third one a colonial issue (Cat. 59) minted specially for circulation in Albania and Dalmatia, as revealed by its inscription (DALMA ET ALBAN). These finds must be interpreted as accidental losses, since they are not accompanied by other contemporary finds.

Discussion Although restricted in number, the coin finds from the Vrina Plain are of particular interest. First, they offer invaluable evidence of contact between the two southern Adriatic rims.14 Second, the recovery of freshly minted coins, as well as a silver miliaresion, the only precious metal coin of the site, along with the presence of lead seals belonging to military officials and members of the civil administration, demonstrate the special role of the building in which they were found, a fact supported by the nature of other finds.15 More specifically, coins, seals and valuable artifacts dated

46

Pagona Papadopoulou

in the 9th and 10th centuries, indicate the administrative function of this building.16 Moreover, the picture offered by the numismatic material of the Vrina Plain is in stark contrast to that of the Triconch Palace, excavated on the other side of the Vivari Channel, thus reflecting changes in the use of different areas of the site through time.17 As can be seen on the graph (Fig. 3.7), in the case of the Triconch Palace, circulation after the grande brèche resumes later, under Basil I (AD 867–86). The annual loss levels remain more or less unchanged until the 11th century, when an increase can be detected that lasts throughout the century. In contrast, a sharp reduction is observed for the next century. It should be noted, however, that for the creation of this graph only Byzantine isolated finds were taken into account. This means that three Western coins and the Butrint/2002 hoard, containing 94 12th-century coins were not considered. In the case of the Triconch Palace, circulation becomes more vivid in the following centuries, first with Byzantine and then with Frankish and Venetian issues. Circulation in the Vrina Plain resumes earlier, under Michael II (AD 820–29); a sharp increase is seen in the late 9th and 10th centuries, but dwindles thereafter. Both Frankish and early Venetian specimens are absent from the site, although they are common finds in the Triconch Palace, the Butrint area, and southern Albania more generally.18 These changes in numismatic circulation concord with the rest of the archaeological evidence from the Vrina Plain and the Triconch Palace.19 They clearly demonstrate a shift of the centre of activities – whether administrative or commercial – from the Vrina Plain on the southern shore of the Vivari Channel to the Triconch Palace site on the northern shore around the 11th century.20

Notes 1. Department of History and Archaeology, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki. 2. The last recorded early Byzantine find from the Vrina Plain is a follis of Justinian I dated AD 548–49 (see Chapter 2, Cat. 326). 3. On this phenomenon in general, see Morrisson 2002, 954–8.

4. On the maritime route linking Italy with the Aegean, see McCormick 2001, 502–8, 542–3; on the coin finds, see Morrisson 1998, 321. 5. From that period onwards, the mint of Constantinople becomes the main provider of the circulating medium in the eastern shore of the Adriatic (McCormick 2001, 367–9). 6. Morrisson 1998, 313, 322–6. This picture is confirmed also by the Byzantine coins kept in the Museum of Catanzaro in Calabria (Arslan 2000). Only Otranto diverts from this pattern, either due to the Lombard presence there, or more likely, to the nature of the excavated site. 7. Chapter 4; Papadopoulou 2012a, 138–40; Papadopoulou 2012b, 312–15. 8. Leo’s folles are a common find in Byzantine excavations. As Sear notes it ‘appears to have been issued in greater quantities than almost any other individual type in the Byzantine series’ (Sears 1987, 1730 with regard to type B (DOC 3, 8). 9. Greenslade 2013, 151–2, 153, figs 8.41 (the burial) and 8.42 (the coin). See also Volume 6.1, Chapter 7. 10. Ivison 1993, vol. I, 216–21. 11. Greenslade 2013, 151–2. See also Volume 6.1, Chapter 7. 12. Greenslade 2013, 156. 13. With eight specimens, these anonymous bagatini represent almost 50% of the Venetian coins found in the Triconch Palace (Papadopoulou forthcoming a). 14. For a presentation of the available evidence and an assess­ ment of the value of numismatic evidence as an indicator of contact in the southern Adriatic region, see Papadopoulou 2012b. 15. See Papadopoulou 2012a, 141–2; Greenslade and Hodges 2013, 10–11; Greenslade 2013, 150–3. 16. It has been suggested that the middle Byzantine building from which these finds derived was the oikos of the local archon (Greenslade and Hodges 2013. See also Greenslade and Hodges Volume 6.1, Chapter 14). 17. The coin finds from the Triconch Palace are presented and discussed in Papadopoulou forthcoming a. Byzantine and medieval coin finds from other areas of Butrint (Diaporit, Well of Junia Rufina, and Western Defences) are restricted in number and cannot be used for comparison. 18. Papadopoulou forthcoming b. 19. Greenslade 2013, 146–57; Bowden and Hodges 2012, 223–30. 20. Bowden and Hodges 2012, 230–7.

AE Follis 3.07; 17

AE Follis 2.45; 19

AE Half-follis (?) 1.05; 15

4*

AE Follis 6.47; 26

Constantinople

Sicily

Sicily

Sicily

Sicily

868–70

842–67

842–67

830/1–42

821–29

DOC 3, 9

DOC 3, 13

DOC 3, 13

DOC 3, 29a

DOC 3, 21

3810/6141

3325/6032

3322/6012

3302/5043

3333/6014

AE Follis Constantinople 870–79 DOC 3, 10 (a?) 3424/5103 Corroded. Traces of understriking (?) 4.88; 26 __________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

6

5

Basil I (AD 867–86)

AE Half-follis (?) 1.46; 16

3

Michael III (AD 842–67)

2*

Theophilus (AD 829–42)

1*

Byzantine coins ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ No. Denomination Mint Date Reference Context/SF no. Comment Weight/Diameter ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ Michael II (AD 820–29)

Weight is expressed in grams, diameter in millimetres. The die axis is always at 6 o’clock, unless otherwise indicated. Illustrated specimens are marked with an asterisk.

Catalogue of coins from the Vrina Plain at Butrint, 9th–17th century

3  Byzantine and early modern coins (9th–17th century) 47

AE Follis 7.70; 27

AE Follis 5.33; 26

AE Follis 3.04; 24

AE Follis 7.78; 26

AE Follis 5.43; 25

AE Follis 5.66; 24

AE Follis 7.10; 24

9

10*

11

12*

13

14

15

Constantinople

Constantinople

Constantinople

Constantinople

Constantinople

Constantinople

Constantinople

Constantinople

Constantinople

886–912

886–912

886–912

886–912

886–912

886–912

886–912

886–912

886–908

DOC 3, 8

DOC 3, 8

DOC 3, 8

DOC 3, 8

DOC 3, 8

DOC 3, 8

DOC 3, 6

DOC 3, 5

DOC 3, 3

3037/3407

3033/6448

3005/3479

3004/3355

86/2895

07/2357

3200/5004

3035/3401

3704/6103

Corroded

Broken

AE Follis Constantinople 886–912 DOC 3, 8 3037/3410 Broken, corroded 3.27; 25 ___________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

AE Follis 5.94; 26; 7

8

16

AR Miliaresion 2.29; 23; 2

7*

____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ No. Denomination Mint Date Reference Context/SF no. Comment Weight/Diameter ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ Leo VI (AD 886–912)

48 Pagona Papadopoulou

AE Follis 3.88; 25; 7

AE Follis 6.61; 25; 5

AE Follis 5.20; 24

AE Follis 6.31; 24

AE Follis 4.18; 25; 7

AE Follis 4.78; 24; 5

AE Follis 4.49; 26

19*

20

21

22

23

24*

25

Constantinople

Constantinople

Constantinople

Constantinople

Constantinople

Constantinople

Constantinople

Constantinople

886–912

886–912

886–912

886–912

886–912

886–912

886–912

886–912

DOC 3, 8

DOC 3, 8

DOC 3, 8

DOC 3, 8

DOC 3, 8

DOC 3, 8

DOC 3, 8

DOC 3, 8

7902/6303

3720/6100

3708/6104

–/6007

3401/5100

3331/6050

3325/6011

3303/5059

Corroded

Corroded

____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

AE Follis 4.97; 26; 7

18

____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ No. Denomination Mint Date Reference Context/SF no. Comment Weight/Diameter ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ 17 AE Follis Constantinople 886–912 DOC 3, 8 3094/3481 3.60; 25

3  Byzantine and early modern coins (9th–17th century) 49

AE Follis 5.38; 19; 5

AE Follis 3.78; 23

AE Follis 4.73; 29

AE Follis 5.13; 25

AE Follis 4.92; 22

AE Follis 6.67; 25

AE Follis 7.40; 24

AE Follis 4.22; 26

AE Follis 6.24; 26

27

28

29

30

31

32*

33

34

35

Constantinople

Constantinople

Constantinople

Constantinople

Constantinople

Constantinople

Constantinople

Constantinople

Constantinople

Constantinople

945– c. 950

945– c. 950

931–44

931–44

931–44

931–44

931–44

914–19

914–19

914–19

DOC 3, 26

DOC 3, 26

DOC 3, 25c

DOC 3, 25c

DOC 3, 25c

DOC 3, 25c

DOC 3, 25c

DOC 3, 22

DOC 3, 22

DOC 3, 22

3033/3464

3033/3403

–/3000

3324/6005

3200/5000

3033/3412

022/2346

3342/6169

3302/5044

002/2345

Constantine VII alone. Overstruck on Romanos I (DOC 3, 25)

Constantine VII alone. Overstruck on Romanos I (DOC 3, 25)

Romanos I alone

Romanos I alone. Traces of understriking

Romanos I alone

Romanos I alone

Romanos I alone

Constantine VII and Zoe

Constantine VII and Zoe

Constantine VII and Zoe. Very corroded

_____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

AE Follis 3.46; 23

26

____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ No. Denomination Mint Date Reference Context/SF no. Comment Weight/Diameter ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ Constantine VII (AD 913–59)

50 Pagona Papadopoulou

AE Follis 8.27; 26

AE Follis 6.24; 27

AE Follis 6.06; 23

AE Follis 4.52; 25

AE Follis 4.71; 24

38

39

40

41

42

Constantinople

Constantinople

Constantinople

Constantinople

Constantinople

Constantinople

AE Follis 5.08; 28

Constantinople

963–69

945– c. 950

945– c. 950

945– c. 950

945– c. 950

945– c. 950

945– c. 950

DOC 3, 7

DOC 3, 27

DOC 3, 26

DOC 3, 26

DOC 3, 26

DOC 3, 26

DOC 3, 26

Very corroded

Constantine VII and Romanos II. Overstruck, worn out by use

Constantine VII alone. Very corroded

Constantine VII alone

Constantine VII alone. Overstruck on Romanos I (DOC 3, 25)

Constantine VII alone. Overstruck on Romanos I (DOC 3, 25)

Constantine VII alone. Overstruck on Leo VI (DOC 3, 8)

3004/3358

3322/6000

–/–

7051/6312

3828/6230

3218/5042

3037/3404

AE Follis Constantinople 963–69 DOC 3, 8 3200/6038 Very worn out by use 3.00; 23 ___________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

44

43

Nicephorus II (AD 963–69)

AE Follis 5.80; 25; 7

37

____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ No. Denomination Mint Date Reference Context/SF no. Comment Weight/Diameter ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ 36 AE Follis Constantinople 945– c. 950 DOC 3, 26 3033/3477 Constantine VII alone. Traces of understriking 6.62; 27

3  Byzantine and early modern coins (9th–17th century) 51

AE Follis 4.41; 23

Constantinople

AE Follis 13.22; 29

AE Follis 14.23; 32

AE Follis 15.06; 31

47

48

49

Constantinople

Constantinople

Constantinople

Constantinople

AE Follis 9.34; 30; ?

Constantinople

1030/5–1042

976–1030/5

976–1030/5

976–1030/5

976–1030/5

970–76

DOC 3, B

DOC 3, A2.1-29

DOC 3, A2

DOC 3, A2

DOC 3, A2

DOC 3, A1

3033/ 3465

3302/5010

3216/5050

3012/3395

3000/3352

3000/3463

Obverse illegible

Worn out by use

Corroded

Corroded

Worn out by use

AE Follis Constantinople 10th C (?) 3218/ 5016 Fragment; illegible 3.20; 14; ? ___________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

51

Unidentified follis

50

Class B (AD 1030/5–1042)

AE Follis 8.46; 26

46

Class A2 (AD 976–1030/5)

45

Class A1 (AD 970–76)

____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ No. Denomination Mint Date Reference Context/SF no. Comment Weight/Diameter ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ Anonymous folles

52 Pagona Papadopoulou

Bil Stamenon 3.07; 27

Bil Stamenon 3.45; 28

53

54*

Bil Stamenon 1.88; 25

Constantinople

Constantinople

Constantinople

3325/6037

7195/6396

3401/5101

3488/6559

Corroded

Traces of silver wash on the reverse

Bil Stamenon Thessalonica 1246–48/9 (?) DOC 4, 3 3200/5008 2.48; 27 ___________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

56

DOC 4, 13d

DOC 4, 13b

DOC 4, 10b

Early 13th C (?) DOC 4, 3

1143–80

1143–80

1143–80

John III Vatatzes as emperor of Thessalonica (1246–54)

55

Bulgarian Imitative Type C

Bil Stamenon 2.71; 31

52

Manuel I (1143–1180)

____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ No. Denomination Mint Date Reference Context/SF no. Comment Weight/Diameter ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

3  Byzantine and early modern coins (9th–17th century) 53

AE Bagattino 0.88; 17; 2

AE Bagattino 1.55; 10; ?

Venice

Venice

16th–17th C (?)

17th C (?)

Papadopoli 2, p. 516, nos 96–7 (?), Pl. XLVI, 11 (?)

3218/5017

2092/2855

Extremely corroded

Very corroded

AE Soldo Zadar Late 17th C Papadopoli 3, p. 933–7, nos 3200/5007 Corroded. In the exergue 3.43; 27; 9 52–82, Pl. CXLVIII, 8–11 of the obverse II ___________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

59

Soldo for Dalmatia and Albania

58

Unidentified bagattino(?)

57

____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ No. Denomination Mint Date Reference Context/SF no. Comment Weight/Diameter ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ Anonymous bagattino

Venetian coins

54 Pagona Papadopoulou

4  Lead seals1 Pagona Papadopoulou2

The Vrina Plain excavations yielded five Byzantine lead seals dating from the late 9th to the 10th century (Plate 4.1). Lead seals are not common finds in archaeological excavations, a fact that attributes special importance to the group presented here.3 Moreover, their secure provenance from present-day southern Albania offers an insight into the administrative interaction of this area with the rest of the Byzantine world and complements already published sigillographic material from Old Epirus and the southern Adriatic more generally.4 The seals came from different contexts, but were concentrated in a particular part of the site, namely in the narthex of the early Byzantine basilica (see Chapter 3, Plate 3.1). By the late 9th century this area corresponded to the main room of a residential building, identified by the excavators as the oikos of the local archon.5 Τhe presence of the seals, as well as a large number of contemporaneous coin finds, reveals the special character of the residence (see Volume 6.1, Chapter 7). Chronologically, the seals range from the late 9th to the 10th century. They thus closely correspond to the numismatic finds from the same area, which are characterised by a chronological concentration during the same period (see Chapter 3). Geographically, the place of

issue can be securely identified in only two cases. Seal no. 3 belongs to the strategos of Sicily, but given its date in the 10th century, it must have been issued in Calabria, where the strategoi of Sicily had their seat after the fall of Taormina in AD 902.6 Seal no. 4 was issued in the early 9th century by the strategos of Dyrrachium, the theme lying north of the theme of Nicopolis, to which Bouthrotos belonged. The location of the officials mentioned on the rest of the seals cannot be determined. Although they do not belong to the higher ranks of the imperial hierarchy, they all serve the central administration.

Catalogue 1. Kallonas, imperial protospatharios and epi ton oikeiakon (late 9th century) (Fig. 4.1; Pl. 4.1) BUT 2004/Vrina Plain 2. Context 3111; SF 3468 Diam: 20 mm. Weight: 8.25 g. Obv: Patriarchal cross on three steps. Along the circum­ ference, between two concentric circles of dots, inscription. ...Ο̣ΗΘΗΤΩΣΩΔ... +[Κ(ύρι) ε βο]ήθη τῷ σῷ δ[ούλ](ῳ)

Figure 4.1. Seal of Kallonas (late 9th century)

56

Pagona Papadopoulou

Rev: Inscription in five lines preceded and followed by cross flanked by pellets; border of dots. [·]·|ΚΑΛΛΩ|ΝΑΑΣΗΛ|ΑΣΠΑΘΑΡ|S.ΠΙΤΟΝΟ|... ΑΚΟΝ|[·]· +Καλλωνᾷ βασηλ(ικῷ) (πρωτο)σπαθαρ(ίῳ) (καὶ) [ἐ]πὶ τὸν ο[ἰκι]ακόν. Lord help thy servant Kallonas imperial protospatharios and epi ton oikeiakon. Kallonas holds the titles of imperial protospatharios and epi ton oikeiakon. The exact meaning and responsibilities of the epi ton oikeiakon at this date are obscure. In the first half of the 9th century, the epi ton oikeiakon were high dignitaries in the personal service of the emperor, residing in Constantinople except if they held an administrative position in the provinces.7 In the 10th century, however, a special sekreton of the epi ton oikeiakon was created, while after AD1030 the epi ton oikeiakon exercised financial duties related to state land.8 In the late 9th century, when the seal of Kallonas is dated, the epi ton oikeiakon may still have had responsibilities relevant to the imperial domains, but it is highly unlikely that all occurrences of the epi ton oikeiakon in seals of the 9th and 10th century refer to dignitaries attached to the imperial court.9 2. Constantine, imperial spatharokoubikoularios and epi tes oikeiakes trapezes (10th century) (Fig. 4.2; Pl. 4.1) BUT 2006/Vrina Plain. Context 3753; SF 6088. Diam: 21mm. Weight: 8.06 g. Corroded.

Obv: Peacock in profile holding tendril in its beak. Along the circumference, on the lower right side, short circular inscription. Border of dots. ΣΦΡΑΓ/ Σφραγ(ὶς) Rev: Inscription in six lines. Border of dots. ΚΩΝ|ΣΤΑΝΤ·R·|ΣΠΑΘΚΟΥR|ΙΚΟΥΛ·⸊ΕΠ.|ΤΟΙΚΙΑΚ.|Τ ΡΑΠΕ Κωνσταντ(ίνου) β(ασιλικοῦ) σπαθ(αρο)κουβικουλ(αρίου) (καὶ) ἐπ[ὶ] τ(ῆς) οἰκιακ[ῆ](ς) τραπέ(ζης). Seal of Constantine imperial spatharokoubikoularios and epi tes oikiakes trapezes. Constantine is also a member of the central administration. The iconography of his seal differs from the rest of the group, since it bears an animal device on the obverse, namely a peacock holding a tendril in its beak. Instead of the usual invocation, the circular inscription on the obverse identifies the object as Σφραγ(ὶς) [= seal]. Although depictions of peacocks are quite common on lead seals and seals bearing the identification σφραγὶς or σφράγισμα [= sealing] are not unknown, to this author’s knowledge there is no parallel for the present iconographical pattern and arrangement. It is interesting to note that according to the Book of Ceremonies, on the feast of Nativity the koubikoularioi wore mantles ornamented with peacocks in front of conches (ταῶνας κογχευτοὺς).10

Figure 4.2. Seal of Constantine (10th century)

Figure 4.3. Seal of John (first half of the 10th century)

4  Lead seals Could the iconography of the seal be interpreted as a visual reference to the owner’s title, written on the reverse? Since peacocks are commonly represented on lead seals and in conjunction with different titles, this cannot be certain, but a connection between prestigious iconographic motifs of courtly ornaments related to specific titles and seal iconography should not be ruled out. 3. John, patrikios, imperial protospatharios and strategos of Sicily (first half of the 10th century) (Fig. 4.3; Pl. 4.1) BUT 2005/Vrina Plain 2. Context 3302; SF 5020. Diam: 24 mm. Weight: 11.48 g. Obv: Ornamented patriarchal cross on three steps. Along the circumference, inscription. Border of dots. ΚΕRΟΗΘΙΤΩΣΩΔΟΥΛΩ Κ(ύρι)ε βοήθι τῷ σῷ δούλῳ Rev: Inscription in six lines preceded by a tendril (?). Border of dots. ΙΩΑΝΝ|ΗΠΑΤΡΗΚΗ|ΩΒ·Α·ΣΠΑΘΑ|ΡΗΩ⸊:ΣΤΡΑ|ΤΗΓΩ ΣΗ|ΚΗΛΙΑΣ Ἰωάννῃ πατρηκήῳ β(ασιλικῷ) (πρωτο)σπαθαρήῳ (καὶ) στρατηγῷ Σηκηλίας. Lord help thy servant John, patrikios, imperial proto­ spatharios and strategos of Sicily. Although the owner of the seal bears the title of strategos of Sicily, given the seal’s date, as already mentioned, he must have had his seat in Calabria, where the strategoi of Sicily resided after the fall of Taormina in AD 902. Unfortunately, the owner’s name is too common to allow any identification. The seal in question is of particular interest since it associates the sigillographic and numismatic material from Butrint with literary evidence about the medieval town. More specifically, it offers crucial information regarding the connection between southern Italy and this part of the Illyrian coast and confirms previous sporadic indications. Four copper folles of emperors Michael II (AD 820–29), Theophilus (AD 829–42) and Michael III (AD 842–67)

57

were also found in the same area as the lead seals (see Chapter 3, Cat. 1–4). They were minted in Sicily and represent Butrint’s earliest coin finds after the grande brèche – that is the total absence of monetary finds observed in most Byzantine sites between c. AD 668 and 820.11 It is no coincidence that the coins come from the mint of Sicily, which was particularly active during the 8th century and supplied the areas of Apulia and Calabria exclusively from the second half of the 8th to the late 9th century (see Chapter 3).12 Thus, the numismatic evidence indicates that there was already a connection between Bouthrotos and southern Italy in the early 9th century – but not necessarily Sicily, since the products of its mint circulated widely outside the island. Literary evidence from the 10th century referring to events that took place in the late 9th century confirms this. According to the Vita of the Sicilian saint Elias the Younger, around AD 880–84 the saint and his disciple Daniel travelled from Sparta in southern Greece to Bouthrotos. Upon their arrival there, they were accused of being Muslims and spies and were imprisoned by a man ‘whose rank is lower than that of the stratelates’. Their pleas towards the archon himself did not help them either and it was only thanks to divine intervention that the two companions were liberated. In AD 904, the relics of Saint Elias, who had died in Thessalonica, were brought to Bouthrotos via Thessaly, Hellas and Thesprotia, to be taken from there to Calabria.13 The combination of the numismatic evidence, referring to the period AD 820–67, the documentary evidence dating from the late 9th century and the sigillographic evidence covering the first half of the 9th century, point to a direct, albeit sporadic, connection between southern Italy and Bouthrotos from the early 9th to the mid-10th century. Moreover, Elias the Younger’s Vita suggests the existence of an administrative centre in Bouthrotos, if only a small one. 4. Constantine, imperial protospatharios and strategos of Dyrrachium (early 10th century) (Fig. 4.4; Pl. 4.1) BUT 2005/Vrina Plain 4. Context 3200; SF 5005. Diam: 24 mm. Weight: 10.20 g.

Figure 4.4. Seal of Constantine (early 10th century)

58

Pagona Papadopoulou

Figure 4.5. Seal of Peter (?) (10th century) Obv: Ornamented patriarchal cross on three steps. Along the circumference, between two concentric circles of dots, inscription. ΚΕRΟΗΘΗΤΩΣΩΔΟ.../ Κ(ύρι)ε βοήθη τῷ σῷ δο[ύλ](ῳ) Rev: Inscription in five lines. Border of dots. |ΚΩΝΣ|ΤΑΝΤΙΝ·R·|Α·ΣΠΑΘΑΡ|..Τ̣ΡΑΤΗ|..ΔΥΡΡΑΧ·|..... Κωνσταντίν(ῳ) β(ασιλικῷ) (πρωτο)σπαθαρ(ίῳ) [καὶ σ] τρατη[γῷ] Δυρραχ(ίου). Lord help thy servant Constantine, imperial protospatharios and strategos of Dyrrachium. This is the only seal from Butrint that refers to an official who can be located with certainty on the Illyrian coast and in present-day Albania. The theme of Dyrrachium was created in the first half of the 9th century and extended to the south as far as the port of Aulona (present day Vlorë), thus leaving Bouthrotos to the theme of Nicopolis.14 5. Peter (?), imperial protospatharios and strategos (10th century) (Fig. 4.5; Pl. 4.1) BUT 2006/Vrina Plain. Context 3325; SF 6030. Diam: 18 mm. Weight: 7.08 g. The seal is badly struck and part of it is missing. Obv: Ornamented patriarchal cross. Along the circum­ ference, inscription. Border of dots. ΤΩΣΩΔΟΥΛ [Κ(ύρι)ε βοήθη] τῷ σῷ δούλ(ῳ) Rev: Inscription in four (?) lines. Border of dots. ΠΕ[Τ]|ΡΟR·Α·|...Θ·⸊ΣΤΡ Lord help thy servant Peter (?) imperial protospatharios and strategos…

The seal’s condition only allows a brief description. On the reverse, a cross and the letter P can be clearly discerned on the first line, followed probably by an E. Combining these letters with the R and O of the next line, the name of the owner is read as Peter (PeTRO), but with a question mark. The owner’s titles – imperial protospatharios and strategos – can be discerned, but it is impossible to determine his area of jurisdiction.

Notes 1. Department of History and Archaeology, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki. 2. The main conclusions of this chapter have been already published in Papadopoulou 2012a and Papadopoulou 2012b. 3. Cheynet and Morrisson 1990, 106. 4. For a list of seals with known provenance from Greek Epirus, see Koltsida-Makri 2011, 248–9; on the southern Adriatic, see Papadopoulou (forthcoming c). 5. Greenslade and Hodges 2013. 6. Nesbitt and Oikonomides 1991, 19. 7. Oikonomides 1994, 486–9. 8. Oikonomides 1979, 136–7. 9. Wassiliou and Seibt 2004, 59, no. 31. 10. Vogt 1935, 119, l. 7–9 (chapter 32). The interpretation of the phrase ταῶνας κογχευτοὺς is ambiguous, since, besides ‘peacocks in front of conches’, it could also mean ‘peacocks with opened tails’, referring to the visual effect of a niche created by the peacock’s tail. In this case, the term would refer to a completely different iconographic motif than the one on the seal in question. I thank Michael Featherstone for discussing the term’s significance with me. 11 . On this phenomenon in general, see Morrisson 2002, 954–8. 12. Papadopoulou 2012b, 313 and note 56. 13. Rossi Taibbi 1962, 42–4 (§ 28), 116 (§ 73). 14. Nesbitt and Oikonomides 1991, 40; Ducellier 1981, 92–3.

5  The human skeletons from the Vrina Plain Angela Soler,1 Carolyn V. Isaac,2 Jared S. Beatrice3 and Todd W. Fenton4

Introduction Bioarchaeology and the study of human skeletal remains can provide an abundance of information about the life experience of peoples from the past. The adaptable nature of the human skeleton allows it to record a number of health and nutritional variables experienced by an individual over a lifetime. Skeletal analyses of diet and nutrition, nonspecific indicators of stress, infectious diseases, and growth and development are commonly used to interpret health in past populations. The osteological study of the skeletal sample from the Vrina Plain can greatly contribute to an archaeological understanding of the lives of the inhabitants of this suburb on the outskirts of Butrint. Although archaeological excavations have identified that human occupation of the Vrina Plain ranged from at least the 1st to the 13th century AD, this osteological analysis will focus on the recovered human remains buried during the 4th to 6th centuries AD and the 9th to 13th centuries AD. The burials and human skeletons were dated according to the archaeological context provided in this publication by Greenslade (see Volume 6.1), as well as by radiocarbon dates sampled from five individuals buried at the Vrina Plain. The 4th- to 6th-century skeletal sample consists of the remains of five individuals and the 9th- to 13th-century skeletal sample consists of the remains of 21 individuals (Plate 5.1). It is important to note that due to the small sample sizes, the analysis and discussion of these individuals is meant to describe the life history for these particular samples, but may not necessarily be extrapolated for the entire Vrina Plain population. Furthermore, these skeletal samples were excavated from the remains of important administrative and religious structures at the Vrina Plain and may not adequately reflect a randomised sample of the larger population. In bioarchaeological studies, it is impossible to know how well the skeletal sample truly represents the total living population of the site.5 Furthermore, osteological analyses cannot assume that the mortality and morbidity rates of the skeletal sample accurately reflect the frequencies of individuals living

with certain pathologies and conditions.6 Therefore, the following chapter is meant to present our analyses and interpretations based on the mortuary sample, and to discuss the implications it may have for the greater population living on the Vrina Plain. The main goals of this osteological analysis are to: (1) describe the demographic profile of the skeletal samples in order to understand the age and sex distribution of individuals buried at the Vrina Plain; (2) describe and diagnose skeletal pathologies to reconstruct living conditions at the Vrina Plain; and (3) conduct a regional comparison with nearby sites, including neighbouring Butrint, to gain an enhanced perspective on life at the Vrina Plain through time.

Demographic profile and skeletal palaeopathology The first goal of the osteological analysis was to establish a demographic profile of the skeletal sample in each of the time phases at the Vrina Plain. The demographic profile is an analysis of the age-at-death and sex structure of the population and an understanding of the mortality rates among these groups. For this research all individuals were organised into the standardised age-at-death ranges recommended by Buikstra and Ubelaker, which include the following: Foetal (< birth), Infants (birth–3 years), Children (3–12 years), Adolescents (12–20 years), Young Adults (20–35 years), Middle Adults (35–50 years), and Old Adults (50+ years).7 These age categories are the accepted standard in bioarchaeological research and are ideal for the purposes of regional comparisons and future analyses. However, smaller age ranges could be estimated for many of the individuals at Vrina Plain and often these more specific age estimations did not fall within a single standardised age-at-death cohort. Individuals that bridged two separate age cohorts (i.e. ‘Adolescents’ and ‘Young Adults’) were placed into the most appropriate age group based on skeletal growth indicators. The following demographic profile of the Vrina Plain skeletal

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Angela Soler, Carolyn V. Isaac, Jared S. Beatrice and Todd W. Fenton

sample reports the most appropriate age-at-death category as recommended by Buikstra and Ubelaker, as well as the more specific age-at-death estimations for each individual (Table 5.1). The second goal of the osteological analysis was to describe and diagnose skeletal pathologies of the sample from the Vrina Plain. The analysis of palaeopathology is an important bioarchaeological endeavour, because it can provide an indication of the living conditions at the Vrina Plain throughout its occupation. Although this is a very limited mortality sample, representative of only a small portion of the total number of individuals who lived and died at the Vrina Plain, a palaeopathological analysis of the skeletal remains can still provide a sense of life and death at the site. The osteological assessment of palaeopathology in­ cludes a general macroscopic survey of the cortical surfaces of the skeletal remains for abnormal bony reactions indicative of disease. Palaeopathological changes can result from a number of conditions including: metabolic and endocrine disorders, infectious disease, joint disease, neoplastic anomalies (cancers), congenital anomalies (birth defects), dental disease, and trauma. Once the type and area of bony reaction is identified, differential diagnoses can be attempted to discern the most likely cause for the specified reaction. This process is complicated by the fact that bone reacts to a variety of insults in a restricted number of ways. Thus, many disease processes and nutritional deficiencies exhibit similar bony reactions that are difficult to distinguish. However, the distribution and morphology of the skeletal lesions can give clues as to the disease type, and with a contextual understanding of the archaeological and historical factors affecting the population, a differential diagnosis may be attempted. In this study, skeletal data was collected on a number of indicators of disease and stress, including cribra orbitalia, porotic hyperostosis, scorbutic lesions, linear enamel hypoplasias, periostitis, and infectious disease processes.

Cranial lesions Non-specific indicators of stress, such as porotic hyper­ ostosis and cribra orbitalia, have traditionally been associated with an acquired anaemic reaction induced by iron deficiency. Typically, the marrow of the cranium expands to accommodate an increase in red blood cell production, thinning the outer table of the skull and causing the appearance of small porosities on the outer surface of the skull and the orbital roofs. The irondeficiency hypothesis for the cause of porotic hyperostosis and cribra orbitalia has led to the assumption that many bioarchaeological populations either consumed diets low in iron or diets containing foods that block iron absorption. While correlations have been found between diets deficient in iron and the incidence of porotic hyperostosis,8 further research has suggested that the relationship is more complicated than originally thought. An alternative model

proposes that a high degree of parasitism and/or diarrhoeal infection causes nutrient loss leading to chronic anaemia with associated bony reaction through marrow expansion.9 Further, it has been recognised that at some life stages, such as infancy when diet consists of iron-poor breast milk, or childhood and adolescence when growth demands are high, individuals are more susceptible to anaemia.10 It has also been suggested that diet, pathogen load, and physiology can all act synergistically, exacerbating an individual’s low iron stores and ultimately causing anaemia.11 Walker further investigated these hypotheses using clinical haematological research.12 The results of his study indicate that porotic hyperostosis is most likely caused by haemolytic anaemias (i.e. sickle-cell or thalassaemia) or megaloblastic anaemia (vitamin B12 or folic acid deficiency). To complicate matters further, cranial lesions are not limited to anaemic reactions. Porotic lesions appearing on the vaults and orbits can also be caused by a number of other pathological conditions. Each of these conditions, however, can be differentially diagnosed based upon close inspection of the afflicted bone and a determination of the extent and pattern of skeletal lesions. Scurvy, for instance, is a prolonged vitamin C or ascorbic acid deficiency that weakens blood vessels leaving them vulnerable to rupture and subperiosteal haematoma.13 The haematoma prompts an inflammatory response that can lead to skeletal reactions in the form of increased porosity and proliferative bone reaction.14 In addition to the orbits and cranial vault, scorbutic lesions are common in areas with overlying blood vessels that can easily be ruptured by muscle activity or minor trauma, including: the greater wing of the sphenoid, mandibular ramus, temporal fossa, posterior hard palate, posterior maxilla, scapula, and long bone shafts.15 Such scorbutic lesions are usually more pronounced in subadults due to rapid proliferation of defective blood vessels and periosteum that is not firmly attached to the cortical surfaces.16 Data on cranial lesions was collected for this skeletal sample to assess frequencies of porotic hyperostosis, cribra orbitalia, and scorbutic lesions. Each individual with an available cranium was assessed for the presence of lesions on the cranial vault, specifically the orbits, frontal, parietals, and the occipital. Each lesion was classified as either active or healed, and scored on a scale of severity. Stage 1: scattered fine foramina; Stage 2: large and small isolated foramina; Stage 3: foramina that have linked into a trabecular structure; and Stage 4: outgrowth in trabecular form from the outer table surface.17 Individuals with either porotic hyperostosis or cribra orbitalia were then assessed for the presence of scorbutic lesions on the greater wings of the sphenoid, mandibular rami, temporal fosse, posterior hard palate, and the posterior maxilla.

Linear enamel hypoplasias While anaemia, rickets, and scurvy are indicative of chronic pathologies, the presence of a linear enamel hypoplasia (LEH) suggests an acute systemic metabolic disruption

5  The human skeletons from the Vrina Plain during tooth formation from which the individual recovered and proper enamel deposition resumed.18 These defects remain visible into adulthood and provide a record of nonspecific childhood stress events, including starvation, fever, parasites, congenital infection, or any combination of these factors.19 Certain teeth are more susceptible to hypoplastic defects thus, in accordance with Goodman and Rose, data was collected on the permanent maxillary central incisors and mandibular canines.20 In addition, data was collected on the maxillary canines since these teeth were more often affected by LEH than the central incisors in this sample. Teeth were macroscopically assessed using directed light to detect any enamel defects running horizontally across the crown surface. All visible LEHs were recorded and measured according to their location on the tooth.

Periosteal reactions Periostitis is an inflammation of the periosteum that can be caused by trauma, localised or widespread infection, physiological stress, and disease. This inflammation leads to a bony response, a periosteal reaction, where the inner surface of the periosteum deposits woven bone on the cortical surface. This contrasts with osteomyelitis, a bacterial infection of the bone and medullary cavity. The bony reaction in osteomyelitis is similar to periostitis with new bone deposition on the cortical surface. Since osteomyelitis also involves the medullary cavity, there is often a sequestrum, a portion of dead bone isolated from the healthy tissue, with a fissure connecting to the external bony surface to allow for pus drainage.21 While there are no qualitative or quantitative characteristics that can link either periostitis or osteomyelitis to a specific disease,22 their presence indicates a chronic physiological stress or infection that may have had a negative impact on quality of life and life expectancy.23 In the Vrina Plain osteological analysis, all long bone surfaces were assessed for evidence of bony deposition to the cortical surfaces or infection of the medullary cavity, indicative of a periosteal reaction or osteomyletis.

Vertebral lesions and infectious disease Another common area for skeletal lesions is the vertebral column. Two infectious diseases with vertebral involvement are tuberculosis and brucellosis. Despite this common area of affliction, the skeletal manifestation is distinctive. Tuberculosis is a chronic disease caused by a species of the Mycobacterium tuberculosis complex that can be contracted from inhalation of infected aerosols into the lungs or ingestion of infected animal products.24 The tuberculosis bacteria tend to migrate to areas of haemopoietic (redblood-cell-producing) bone marrow, thus vertebrae, ribs, and the sternum are prime targets for infection.25 Skeletal tuberculosis usually results in the destruction of the bone by resorptive lesions, but the ribs may also display an osteoblastic response with new bone deposition on their

61

internal surfaces.26 The spine is the most common site of infection where it usually develops between the vertebral body and the anterior longitudinal ligament.27 Substantial architectural damage can compromise the structural integrity of the vertebra and collapse of the anterior aspect of the body may result. This causes a characteristic spinal angulation known as Pott’s Disease that may give an individual a stooped or hunched-back appearance.28 Brucellosis is an infection by the Brucella species that may be acquired through direct transmission from close contact with infected goats or sheep and via respiratory, conjunctival, and cutaneous routes.29 Alternatively, indirect transmission occurs through the ingestion of unpasteurised goat’s milk or cheese.30 The spine is the most common area of involvement but the sacroiliac joint and other major joints may also be affected. Initially, the brucellosis bacterium causes an intervertebral disc infection, most often in the lumbosacral and thoracic regions. The genetic confirmation of brucellosis infection in two skeletons from Butrint has demonstrated the pathological skeletal changes that may be expected, including the pathognomonic feature of cavitating lytic lesions of the vertebral bodies. Vertebral bodies were carefully analysed for signs of infection, and, if present, a differential diagnosis between tuberculosis and brucellosis was attempted.

Skeletal remains of the 4th–6th centuries AD Only five individuals dating to the 4th to 6th centuries AD were recovered from the Vrina Plain (Table 5.1; see Plate 5.1): three adult males and two subadults. The three adult males are represented by two young adults (SK 101 and SK 2148) and one old adult (SK 2149), while there is an adolescent (SK 90) and a child (SK 120) in the subadult cohort. Among the 4th- to 6th-century individuals, there is very little evidence of skeletal palaeopathology. Of the individuals with available orbits or cranial vaults, none display any cranial lesions. However, the cranial sample is quite small; only two adult males have available orbits and the remaining three individuals have only fragmentary cranial vaults. In agreement with the lack of cranial lesions, there are no visible signs of a periosteal reaction or other disease indicators in the postcranial skeleton. The only discernible pathological condition within the sample is a patch of reactive bone on the mandibular labial surface of a young adult male (SK 2148), suggestive of a localised infection. The prevalence of linear enamel hypoplasias (LEH) is also low in the sample, with only two young adult males (SK 2148 and SK 101) of the five individuals displaying any hypoplasias. Of the three individuals with available maxillary canines, only one exhibits a hypoplasia. No hypoplasias were found on any maxillary central incisors among the three individuals with these teeth available. Only two of the four individuals with an available mandibular canine exhibit an LEH. Furthermore, only one individual

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Angela Soler, Carolyn V. Isaac, Jared S. Beatrice and Todd W. Fenton

Table 5.1. Age-at-death for individuals in the Vrina Plain sample Burial

Sex

Age

Age cohort (Buikstra and Ubelaker 1994)

4th–6th century AD 2148 M 25–35 2149 M 45+ 90 – 12–18 101 M 20–25 121 – 4–5

Young Adult (20–35 years) Old Adult (50 + years) Adolescent (12–20 years) Young Adult (20–35 years) Child (3–12 years)

9th–13th century AD 3114 M 30–40 3230 – 7–9 3234 – Neonate 3239 M 20–30 3244 F 25–35 3252 – Infant 3308 M 35–40 3309 M 20–30 3356 – 4–5 3414 M 25–30 3428 M 30–40 3715 M 25–30 3721 M 40–50 3786 M 13–15 3787 M 20–24 3854 F 17–24 3877 M 25–30 3880 M 16–24 3958 F 17–22 7080 – 7.5–12 7156 M 20–25

Middle Adult (35–50 years) Child (3–12 years) Neonate Young Adult (20–35 years) Young Adult (20–35 years) Infant (birth–3 years) Middle Adult (35–50 years) Young Adult (20–35 years) Child (3–12 years) Young Adult (20–35 years) Middle Adult (35–50 years) Young Adult (20–35 years) Middle Adult (35–50 years) Adolescent (12–20 years) Young Adult (20–35 years) Adolescent (12–20 years) Young Adult (20–35 years) Adolescent (12–20 years) Adolescent (12–20 years) Child (3–12 years) Young Adult (20–35 years)

exhibits more than one LEH on any available teeth – a mandibular canine of SK 2148 exhibiting two hypoplasias.

Skeletal remains of the 9th–13th centuries AD A total of 21 individuals from the 9th to 13th century AD were excavated from the Vrina Plain (Tables 5.1 and 5.2). The age-at-death estimates range from ‘Late Foetal’ through ‘40–50 years’. Adults comprise 57% (n=12) of the total sample, with 11 of the 12 (92%) individuals assessed as male and only one individual estimated to be a young adult female (Fig. 5.1). Of the 11 males, 64% (n=7) are categorised as young adults and 36% (n=4) as middle adults. In addition, 43% (n=9) of the sample are subadults, with two (22%) falling into the ‘late foetal’ to ‘infant’ categories, three (33%) into the ‘children’ cohort, and the remaining four (44%) into the adolescent cohort. Of the adolescents, 50% (n=2) are male and 50% (n=2) are female. Among the 9th–13th-century burials at the Vrina Plain, at least 70% (14/20) of the total skeletal sample with available crania exhibit cranial lesions. Lesions associated with porotic hyperostosis and affecting the outer surface of the skull account for 50% (10/20) of individuals, with 20% (2/10) of those displaying active lesions and 80% (8/10)

Table 5.2. Vrina Plain 9th–13th-century demographic profile Subadult

n

%

Late Foetal–Infant Child Adolescent Total Subadult

2 3 4 9

22 33 44 100

Male Female

2 2

50 50

Adult

n

%

Young Adult Middle Adult Old Adult Total Adult

8 4 0 12

67 33 0 100

Male Female

11 1

92 8

% of total skeletal sample

43

% of total skeletal sample

57

displaying healed lesions (Table 5.3). Only three of the nine subadults in the sample exhibit porotic hyperostosis. An adolescent male, with an estimated age of 13–15 years, displays active porotic hyperostosis at the time of death, and an 8–12-year-old child and a 17–22-year-old adolescent female exhibit healed porotic lesions. The incidence of cribra orbitalia for this sample mirrors that of porotic hyperostosis, with 50% (9/18) of individuals with at least one scorable orbit exhibiting lesions. Of those individuals, 67% (6/9) have active lesions and 33% (3/9) healed lesions (Table 5.3). Of the nine individuals with cribra orbitalia, 78% (n=7) are children or adolescents, of which 71% (n=5) display active lesions. Only 28% (5/18) of the sample with orbits and cranial vaults exhibit both cribra orbitalia and porotic hyperostosis. At least four individuals buried at Vrina Plain in the 9th to 13th centuries exhibit additional cranial lesions consistent in location and morphology with scurvy. Porosities on the greater wings of the sphenoid, vault, orbits, frontal bone, mandibular rami, hard palate, and maxilla were all investigated as possible scorbutic indicators. Unsurprisingly, all the individuals displaying likely signs of scurvy are subadults: three children with an age-at-death of 4–5, 7–9, and 8–12 years and one adolescent with an estimated age of 13–15 years (Table 5.3). Skeleton 7080, the 8–12-yearold child, exhibits healed orbital lesions and active porotic hyperostosis of the frontal, minor porosities of the greater wing of the sphenoid and the adjacent portion of the temporal, as well as parietal bossing. Skeleton 3356, the 4–5-year-old child displays active orbital lesions with large and small isolated foramina. In addition, the child also displays minor porosities of the greater wing of the sphenoid, a common indicator of scurvy. The other two subadults showing evidence of scurvy also exhibit further indicators of non-specific stress or infectious disease. Skeleton 3230, the

5  The human skeletons from the Vrina Plain

63

Female Male Subadult 3309

3114

3308

7080

3880 3356

3239 7156

3244 3715 3230

3234 3877

3252

3786

3428 3787 3854

0

3958

3414

20 m

3721

Figure 5.1 Plan showing the sex of the 9th–13th-century burials from the Vrina Plain excavations

7–9-year-old child, exhibits fairly severe orbital lesions and porosity of the greater wing of the sphenoid and the interior aspect of the mandibular ramus, both indicative of scurvy. In addition, the child also exhibits periosteal reactions on the shafts of the left and right tibiae that may have resulted from the lifting of the periosteum following a subperiosteal haematoma. Skeleton 3786, the 13–15-year-old adolescent, has active and healed porotic hyperostosis on the frontal and occipital bones, active orbital lesions, as well as porosities near the temporal line of the frontal and the greater wing of the sphenoid. In addition to these possible scorbutic lesions,

this adolescent also exhibits lytic lesions associated with probable tuberculosis or brucellosis, which will be described later in further detail. Periosteal lesions, another non-specific indicator of stress, have also been observed within the 9th–13th-century sample. Of the 20 skeletal remains with lower limbs available for analysis, 50% (10/20) of individuals exhibit periosteal reactions on the shafts of either the femora (3/10), tibiae (6/10) or the fibulae (2/10). Three of the ten individuals (30%) display periosteal reactions on multiple lower limb bones. Of the ten affected individuals, 80%

64

Angela Soler, Carolyn V. Isaac, Jared S. Beatrice and Todd W. Fenton Table 5.3. Prevalence of cranial lesions among the Vrina Plain skeletal sample Burial

Sex

4th–6th century AD 2148 Male 2149 Male 90 – 101 Male 121 –

Age

Porotic hyperostosis

Cribra orbitalia

25–35 45+